Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 1 March 1810
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

Sirs,
Quincy, March 1, 1810.

AMSTERDAM, August 25, 1781—wrote to Dr. Franklin: “Last evening I received your excellency’s letter of the 16th of this month, accompanied with a letter from the president of congress containing the commission you mention. (That is, the commission of the 15th of June, printed in my last letter.)
You desire to know what steps have already been taken in this business. There has been no step taken by me, in pursuance of my former commission, until my late journey to Paris at the invitation of the comte de Vergennes, who communicated to me certain articles, proposed by the mediating courts, and desired me to make such observations upon them, as should occur to me. Accordingly I wrote a number of letters to his excellency, of the following dates: July 13th, inclosing an answer to the articles: 16, 18, 19, and 21st. I would readily send you copies of the articles and of those letters; but there are matters in them which had better not be trusted to go so long a journey, especially as there is no necessity for it. The comte de Vergennes will readily give you copies of the articles, and of my letters, which will prevent all risque.
I am very apprehensive that our new commission will be as useless as my old one.—If we had no other business, congress might, very safely, I believe, permit us all to go home and remain there some years: at least until every British Soldier in the United States is killed or captivated. Till then, Britain will never offer peace, but for the purposes of chicanery.
I see, in the public papers, that the British ambassador at St. Petersburg, has received  from his court an answer to the articles. What this answer is, we may conjecture from the king’s speech. Yet the empress of Russia, has made an insinuation to their high mightinesses, which deserves attention. Perhaps you may have seen it: but lest you should not, I will add a translation of it, which I sent to congress in the time of it, not having the original at hand. As this insinuation, has been printed before in my letter to congress, of August 16th, 1781, it is unnecessary to repeat it here.
I must beg the favor of your excellency to communicate to me, whatever you may learn, which has any connection with this negotiation, particularly the French, Spanish and British answers to the articles, as soon as you can obtain them. In my situation it is not likely that I shall obtain any information of consequence, but from the French court. Whatever may come to my knowledge, I will communicate to you without delay.
If Britain persists in her two preliminaries, as I presume she does, what will be the consequence? Will the two imperial courts permit this great plan of a congress at Vienna, which is public, and made the common talk of Europe, to become another sublime bubble like the armed neutrality? In what a light will these mediating courts appear after having listened to a proposition of England, so far as to make propositions themselves, and to refer to them in many public acts, if Britain refuses to agree to them? and insists upon such preliminaries, as are at least an insult to France and America, and a kind of contempt to the common Sense of all Europe? Upon my word I am weary of such round about and endless negotiations as that of the armed neutrality, and this of the congress at Vienna. I think the Dutch have at last discovered the only effectual method of negotiation; that is by fighting the British fleets, until every ship is obliged to answer the signal for renewing the battle, by the signal of distress. There is no room for British chicanery in this. If I ever did any good since I was born it was in stirring up the pure minds of the Dutchmen, and setting the old Batavian spirit in motion after having slept so long.
Our dear country, I fear, will go fast to sleep, in full assurance of having news of peace by winter, if not by the first vessel. Alas! what a disappointment they will meet!  congress have done well to join others in the commission for Peace. But the grand seignor will finish the Proces des trois Rois, sooner than the congress at Vienna will make peace, unless the two imperial courts acting with dignity and consistency upon the occasion, acknowledge American independency at once, upon Britain’s insisting on her two insolent preliminaries.
From the 25th of August to the 19th of September, no letters were written by me or my order, for I was sick in bed.
Amsterdam, 19th of September, 1781—to his excellency Joseph Reed, esq. governor of Pennsylvania: “I have the honor to acquaint your excellency that Mr. Adams has for some time past been confined to his bed with afever; and though at present upon his recovery, yet is still too feeble to write. He has therefore directed me to acknowledge the receipt of your excellency’s two letters of 14th and 21st July, to the Hon. Mr. Searle, who sailed about a month since in the South-Carolina, commodore Gillon. Mr. Adams has requested me to present his respects to your excellency, and to assure you, sir, that he is very sensible of the confidence which you have reposed in him, and that the utmost care shall be taken of those letters and papers. Mr. Adams is the more particularly obliged to your excellency in addressing them to him, as they contain more clear and satisfactory accounts of the state of public affairs, than any letters or papers he has as yet seen from America. He hopes Mr. Searle, who left no reasonable measure unessayed to accomplish the purpose of his mission, will soon be with your excellency, to explain in person the reasons why he has not succeeded.
Signed, as I suppose, by Mr. Thaxter.
Amsterdam, 24th, September, 1781—to Dr. Franklin: “I have the honor to advise you that I have this day drawn in favor of Messrs. Fizeaux, Grand and Co. the following bills of exchange to enable them to discharge as they become due, bills of congress accepted by me to the amount of fourteen thousand crowns of sixty sols each at two usances.
Amsterdam, October 4, 1781—wrote to Dr. Franklin: “Since the 25th of August, when I had the honor to write you, this is the first time that I have taken a pen into my hand to write to any body; having been confined, and reduced too low to do any kind of business by a nervous fever.
The new commission for peace, has been a great consolation to me; because it removed from the public all danger of suffering any inconvenience, at a time when for many days together, there were many chances to one, that I should have nothing more to do with commissions of any sort. It is still a great satisfaction to me, because I think it a measure essentially right, both as it is a greater demonstration of respect to the powers whose ministers may assemble to make peace: and as it is better calculated to give satisfaction to the people of America in all parts; as the commissioners are chosen from the most considerable places in that country.
It is probable that the French court is already informed of the alteration. Nevertheless I should think it proper, that it should be officially notified to M. the comte de Vergennes; and if you are of the same opinion, as you are near, I should be obliged to you if you would communicate to his excellency, an authentic copy of the new commission.
I should think too, that it would be proper, to give some intimation of it to the public, in the Gazette, or Mercure de France, the two papers that are published with the consent of the court; and if you are of the same opinion, upon consulting the comte de Vergennes, I should be glad to see it done.
Have you any information concerning Mr. Jefferson? Whether he has accepted the trust? Whether he has embarked? or proposes soon to embark? I saw a paragraph in a Maryland paper, which expressed an apprehension that he was taken prisoner, by a party of horse in Virginia.
I feel a strong curiosity to know the answer of the British Court to the articles to serve as a basis &c. Should be much obliged to your Excellency for a copy of it, if to be procured, and for your opinion whether there will be a Congress or not.”
Amsterdam, October 4, 1781, afterwards altered to October 26, 1781; wrote to Dr. Franklin—“I duly received your Excellency’s letter of August 6th, but have been prevented by sickness from answering it sooner.
My accounts have never been mixed with Mr. Dana’s, any further than this:—Mr Dana was here last December, I believe, and was going to Paris. In order to avoid opening an account here, he desired me to lend him some money, for the expences of his journey. I accordingly lent him about an hundred pounds, which, upon his arrival at Paris, he requested Mr. Grand to repay me. Your Excellency, therefore, has only to consider this one hundred pounds, which is to be paid to me by Mr. Grand, as so much paid by you to Mr. Dana, as part of his salary, and all is right.
Your excellency observes, that “you do not think we can depend on receiving any more money there, applicable to the support of Congress ministers.”
I have no salary, nor subsistence allowed me, but in the character of minister for peace.
The measure of appointing a minister to reside in Europe, for this purpose, was recommended to Congress by the French minister Mr. Gerard, in the name of his Court. The measure was never suggested or advised by me; and the choice fell upon me, without my solicitation. Mr. Gerard, the Chevalier De La Luzerne, and Mr. Marbois united in their letters to me, advising me to embark by that opportunity. I do not, therefore, think that I am punishable or blameworthy, either for the measure or the choice. According to this history, if the French Court furnish any money to Congress for any purpose, this seems as necessary as any; at least, until I can find means to return home. If you refuse to pay my subsistence, I shall have no resource but to return to America; for it is most certain that Congress will not be able to remit me the money, and there is no probability of my obtaining any here in a public capacity. If the court, therefore, refuse to enable you to obey the orders of congress, to pay me my salary, I hope they will grant me a passage in one of the first frigates or vessels of war they send to America, and not leave me to the necessity of shipping myself on board a merchant vessel, to be taken by the first privateer she may meet—And accordingly I have the honor to request the favor of your excellency, the moment you take the resolution to refuse payment of my salary, to apply to his excellency the Marquis De Castries, and ask the favor of a passage for me, on board the first king’s ship that is sent to America: And if the favor of a passage on board a ship of war should be refused me too, I must, in that case, take my chance on board the first merchant vessel that sails.
It would be a gloomy lot to me, to be taken prisoner by the English. They would treat me with a contempt and insolence, beyond any which they have yet marked to any of their prisoners. They have ancient as well as modern grudges against me, which every body in the world does not know or suspect, as yet. And among the rest, there is none that irritates them more, than my having it in my power to prove, that for a long course of years before this war broke out, I held all their arts of corruption as well as their power, at defiance and in contempt. But I had infinitely rather suffer the consequences of their malice and revenge, and lie in the Tower or in Newgate, weak, infirm and sick as I am, than to remain here, betraying the honor of the United States, by running about to beg or to borrow a little money as a particular personal favor from individuals, to pay for my board.”
Amsterdam, October 9, 1781, wrote to Mr. Jennings, at Brussels—“I was favored in due time with your letter of the 17th of September, but have not been able to acknowledge it till now.
The late transaction, to which you allude, is this: A new commission for Peace. J. Adams, B. Franklin, H. Laurens, J: Jay, and T. Jefferson, are the ministers. I do not see that this is any “trial at all of spirit and fortitude.” It is more honorable than before, and much more easy. I assure you it has been a great comfort to me. The measure is right: it is more respectful to the powers of Europe concerned, and more likely to give satisfaction in America.
I have heard nothing of the Books. I am very much obliged to you, sir, for the trouble you have taken in transcribing from Mr. Hollis’s work, some passages, in which I have the honor to be named.
I had always a great esteem for Mr Hollis, and must have his memoirs. I have no piece of the money coined in New England 1652, but will write immediately for one, and beg the favor of you to ask Mr. Hollis’s acceptance of it; or if you will send him yours in my name, I will give you two in exchange for it, as soon as I can get them from Boston.
The dissertation on the canon and feudal law, was indeed written by me; and printed in the Boston Gazette in July and August, 1765, a few days before the whirlwind arose, which blew away stamp masters and stamp papers. It is curious, because it is odd, and because of the time; and as it is a document of history. It lets you into the true principle of the American revolution. In all other points of view it is a bagatelle. Mr. Hollis’s judgment of it, is no news to me. He wrote the same sentiments to Dr. Elliot, who shewed them to me in the time of it.
Amsterdam, October 10, 1781, wrote to Dr. Franklin:—“Your favor of Oct. 5th, is just now brought to me, and I beg your excellency to accept of my thanks for your congratulations on my recovery, which is however as yet but imperfect.
I am much surprised to find so many appearances, which seem to shew that certain neutral powers, of whose sagacity and great spirit the world had formed an high opinion, are amused and imposed upon by very trifling artifices of the British ministry. It is given out in the public papers, that the British court, in their answer to the mediating courts, refuse to treat with America but as sovereigns with subjects. There is no difficulty in believing this to be true.
I have heard nothing from Mr. Dana since the 31st of July. On that day he wrote a line from Berlin to a gentleman in this town, supposing me absent. Since which I have no news of him. I know nothing of the Resolution to exchange General Burgoyne for Mr. Laurens, but by common report.
I doubt not that England might be supplied with masts from America, if America is not upon her guard to prevent it. Masts may be cleared, from America to France, Spain, Holland, or elsewhere, and go to the West India Islands, Halifax, Bermudas; but the most probable artifice would be, to fall in with British cruisers by agreement in certain latitudes and longitudes, and be taken. All this can be concerted easily concerted between a British minister and an American traitor.—A fine cargo of masts from America was lately carried into Bermudas and enabled those islanders immediately to fit for sea a number of privateers. British navigation, public and private, in every part of the world, is at this moment in great distress for masts. If the exportation from America is not wholly stopped, they will obtain some supply from thence; for it is much to be feared that other countries, as well as Holland, have their Beilands, who think, if they are not so frank as he was to declare it—“Que, si pour gagner dans le commerce, il falloit passer par l’enfer, il hazarderoit de bruler ses voiles.” “If, to make a profit by his commerce, it were necessary to pass through the infernal regions, he would take the risque of burning his sails.”
Inclosed is a list of bills accepted by me, which, with those your excellency has received before, is compleat up to this day. But I am surprised at your excellency’s observation, that “it is a demand you had no previous knowledge of.” If your excellency will be so good as to look into the letter which I had the honor to write you, on the eighth of May last, you will find these words: “Yesterday were presented to me fifty bills of exchange, for eleven hundred guilders each, drawn by congress upon me, on the 27th day of January, 1781, at six months sight; and on the same day, other bills, from number 37 to number 76 inclusively, drawn on me on the same 27th day of January, 1781, for five hundred and fifty guilders each, payable at six months sight, were presented to me. I asked time to write to your excellency, to know if those bills and the others drawn at the same time, can be discharged by you.—If they cannot, it will be wrong to accept them, for I have no prospect at all of getting the money here, &c.’
And in my letter to your excellency of May 23, 1781, are these words: “I have received from Congress their Resolution of 3d of January, 1781 to draw bills upon me, in favor of Lee and Jones, at six months sight, for the full amount of the balance due on the contract made with them for a quantity of cloathing for the army. I have also a letter from Mr. Gibson of the Treasury office of January 28th, which informs me that the amount of Jones’ and Lee’s account, is sixteen thousand, two hundred and forty-four pounds, one shilling sterling.” Both these letters your excellency received. In your excellency’s letter to me of May 19th, 1781, you say, “I was much surprised to find by your letter, that the congress continue drawing so largely on you, without knowing whether you have any funds in hand.—You mention numbers from 37 to 76, inclusively: perhaps all the preceeding and many succeeding ones may soon appear also.” After proceeding to several other observations, and informing me of Mr. Lovell’s letter to you, and referring me to a copy of a letter from M. Le Comte de Vergennes to you, &c you add—“But to the point: The bills you mention must be paid; and if you accept them, I will answer your draughts for that purpose as they become due.”
All the bills drawn on the 27th of last January, excepting three or four, have been presented to me and accepted, which make the greatest part of the sum which your excellency mentions as falling due in November, December, January and February next: the rest is made up of bills drawn on Mr. Laurens on the 6th of July, 1780; these I had your excellency’s previous request to accept, and promise to discharge.
It is remarkable that the bills drawn on Mr. Laurens on the 6th of July, 1780, have arrived here very slowly; and a large parcel of them, by the numbers, are not yet arrived.
I have never accepted a single bill, but upon your excellency’s express advice, and promise to discharge it: and I never shall accept one, until your excellency is informed of it, and expressly consents to pay it, unless I should have funds elsewhere. Of this there is no probability at all. My loan stands where I told you it did at Paris. And there it infallibly will remain for a long time, at least until it is decided what persons are to govern and what system is to prevail in this country; which will not be for months, perhaps not for years, and possibly somewhat tragical may precede, which, however, God forbid.
It would be ridiculous in me to accept a bill before I knew your Intentions concerning it, when I certainly know that I cannot obtain the money any where but from you to pay it, nor even for my own subsistence.
I beg your excellency’s answer by the post whether I am to go on accepting the remainder of the bills drawn on Mr. Laurens the 6th of July, 1780, as they shall be presented to me; or whether I am to stop my hand.—I cannot venture to accept another, without explicit information from your excellency that there is no misunderstanding of the business.
Amsterdam, October 11, 1781, wrote to Messrs. Fizeau, Grand & Co—“I have received your favor of July 17, returning me forty three bills of my acceptations, amounting to B. f. 35,726 discharged. I have also received your favor of September 19, returning me twenty-eight bills, amounting to B. f. 16,496 also discharged, for which you have debited the United States of America. I have likewise received your favor of October 10th. I approve of these payments, and absence and sickness I hope will be accepted as an apology for my long neglect to answer these your letters.
Amsterdam, October 12, 1781, wrote to Mr. Ferdinand Grand, at Passy—“I have received your favors of September 14th and 28th; but by reason of an Amsterdam fever, which they call an introduction to the freedom of the city, have not been able to answer them till now.
The article of 2411 livres, 9s. 19d. which Mr. Dana requested you to repay me, arose in this manner: Mr. Dana was here bound to Paris, and was suspicious that he had not cash enough to bear his expences on the road. He desired me to lend him that sum, merely to avoid the inconvenience of opening an account here for a single article with Messrs Fizeau, Grand & Co. When he arrived at Paris he desired you to repay me, and he gave credit for so much received of Dr. Franklin. The Dr. therefore has only to consider this as so much paid to Mr. Dana of his salary and all will Stand right.
Mr. Bondfield’s account for 390 livres 12s you will be so good as to pay him for me. I have given credit for it as paid.
I inclose you the account as it now stands exactly between us, according to Dr. Franklin’s proposal.
For the wine you will allow me as you please. I wish I could have the pleasure of drinking it with you at Passy or Amsterdam, to save the trouble of accounts.
Amsterdam, October 15 1781—wrote to congress, his excellency Thomas M Kean, President: “I am very sorry to learn that congress had received no letters from me from October to June. It is not that I wrote less than usual in that period, but that I was more unfortunate. Two vessels which sailed from hence for Boston each of which had dispatches from me for congress, destroyed them; one upon being taken, and the other upon being chased. But the most of my dispatches were lost at St. Eustatia, I fear. While that island was in possession of the Dutch I sent a great number of letters and packets of papers &c. by several vessels, to the care of Curson and Governieur, to be forwarded to congress. It is very certain the enemy have got possession of some of them: one very short and insignificant letter they have published, and the London papers give intimations of more; but I fancy they will not choose to publish them. I hope commodore Gillon has arrived before this day, who had letters from me, and all the public papers for some time. I sent dispatches also, by several other vessels who have sailed from hence. It is extremely difficult for me to send letters by the way of Nantes, L’Orient, &c. or by the way of Spain. There is so much bad faith in the public posts, that it would not be possible for me to write, without having my letters opened, perhaps copied, and there is scarcely ever an opportunity by a private hand to any seaport in France. But I have a further apology to make to congress for the few letters I have lately written. On the second of July I left Amsterdam for Paris at the invitation of M. the comte de Vergennes, for a conference on the subject of peace, the mediation of the two imperial courts and the congress at Vienna. After dispatching all that was necessary relative to these sublime bubbles, I returned to Amsterdam. Not long after I got home, I found myself attacked by a fever, of which at first I made light, but which increased very gradually and slowly, until it was found to be a nervous fever of a very malignant kind, and so violent as to deprive me of almost all sensibility for four or five days, and all those, who cared any thing about me, of the hopes of my life. By the help, however, of great skill, and all powerful bark, I am still alive: but this is the first time I have felt the courage to attempt writing to congress. Absence and sickness are my apologies to congress for the few letters they will receive from me since June.
Whether it was the uncommon heat of the summer; or whether it was the mass of pestilential exhalations from the stagnant waters of this country, that brought this disorder upon me, I know not: but I have every reason to apprehend that I shall not be able to re-establish my health in this country. A constitution ever infirm, and almost half a hundred years old, cannot expect to fare very well, amid such cold damps and putrid steams as arise from those immense quantities of dead water that surround it.
Amsterdam, October 15, 1781, wrote to congress: “I wish, if it were possible to communicate to congress the present state of every affair, which they have been pleased to confide in any measure to me.
I have received the new commission for peace; and the revocation of my commission and instructions of the 29th of September, 1779. To both of these measures of congress, as to the commands of my sovereign, I shall pay the most exact attention. The present commission for peace, is a demonstration of greater respect to the powers of Europe, and must be more satisfactory to the people of America than my former one; besides that it guards against accidents, which in my late sickness I had reason to think may easily happen. I am however, apprehensive that this commission will lie a long time neglected and as useless as my former one; because the English will not treat with the United States for years. They will see all their dominions in the East and West Indies conquered by the French and Spaniards: they will see their government reduced to the limits of their own islands before they will do it. The present ministers must die off, and the king too, before there will be any treaty between Britain and America. The nation will stand by the king and ministry, while they persevere through every loss: whereas both would sink into contempt and ridicule if they were to make peace. While they persevere they are masters of the purses and the commerce too of the whole nation. Make peace and they lose a great part of this influence.—National pride when it has become an habitual passion by long indulgence, is the most obstinate thing in the world: and this war has been made so completely, though so artfully the national act, as well as that of king and ministers, that the pride of the nation was never committed more entirely to the support of any thing.
It is not to be supposed, that the present ministry will treat with America; and if there should be a change, and the leaders of opposition should come in, they will not treat with America in any character, that she can with honor or safety assume. They might propose a peace separate from France; or they might withdraw their troops from the United States; but they would not make a general Peace. The Congress at Vienna, will prove, as the British ministry ever intended it should be, but a magnificent chimera. It has already answered their insidious ends; and now they are giving it a dismission, by insisting on their two preliminaries. So that upon the whole, according to the best judgment I can form it will not be worth while for congress to be at the expence of continuing me in Europe, with a view to my assisting at any conferences for peace, especially as Dr. Franklin has given me intimations that I cannot depend upon him for my subsistence in future.
My commission for negotiating a loan, has hitherto been equally useless. It would fill a volume to give an history of my negotiations with people of various stations and characters, in order to obtain a loan; and it would astonish congress to see the unanimity with which all have refused to engage in the business, most of them declaring they were afraid to undertake it. I am told that no new loan was ever undertaken here, without meeting at first and for a long time, with all sorts of contradiction and opposition. But my loan is considered not only as a new one; but as entering deep into the essence of all the present political systems of the world; and no man dares engage in it, until it is clearly determined what characters are to bear rule, and what system is to prevail in this country. There is no authority in Europe more absolute; not that of the two empires; not that of the simple monarchies; than that of the states general is, in their dominions: and nobody but Mr. De Neufville dares advance faster, in a political Manœuvre than the states. Mr De Neufville has done his utmost, and has been able to do nothing. Three thousand guilders, which are less than three hundred pounds, are all that he has obtained. Notwithstanding this, there is a universal wish that the world may be made to believe that my loan is full. It is, by an unanimous dissimulation upon change pretended to be full; and there are persons, who they are I know not, who write to London and fill the English papers with paragraphs, that my loan is full: and Mr. De Neufville has advertised in the customary form, for all persons possessed of American coupons to come and receive their money at the end of the first six Months.—These persons cannot be more than three in number.
My Letters of credence to their high mightinesses have been taken ad referendum by the several provinces, and are now under the consideration of the several branches of the sovereignty of this country: but no one city or body of nobles has as yet determined upon it. None have declared themselves in favor of my admission to an audience, and none have decided against it. And it is much to be questioned whether any one will determine soon.
I have often written to Congress, that I never could pretend to foretell what the States General would do. I never found any body here who guessed right: and upon reading over all the negotiations of Jeannin, D’Estrades, D’Avaux and Torcy,  in this country, I found every one of those ministers, at the several periods of their residence here, was in the same uncertainty. It appears to have been for this century and an half at least, the national character to manage all the world as long as they could; to keep things undetermined as long as possible; and finally, to decide suddenly upon some fresh motive of fear.
It is very clear that I shall never borrow money until I have had an audience; and if the States pursue their old maxims of policy, it may be many years before this is agreed to. I am much inclined to believe that nothing decisive will be done for a year or two, perhaps longer; yet it may be done in a month.—Parties are now very high, and their passions against each other, warm; and through to all appearance the good party is vastly the most numerous, we must remember, that the Supreme Executive is supposed to be determined on the other side, so that there is real danger still, of popular commotions and tragical scenes.
The question really is, whether the republic shall make peace with England by furnishing her with ships and troops according to old treaties, and joining her against all her enemies: France, Spain, America, and as many more as may become enemies in the course of the war. The English party dare not speak out and say this openly: but if they have common sense, they must know that England will make peace with them upon no other terms. They pretend, that upon some little concessions, some trifling, condescendancies, England would make peace with Holland separately. Some pretend that a separate peace might be had upon the single condition of agreeing not to trade with America; others, upon the condition of considering naval stores as contraband goods.—But the commercial cities are almost unanimously against both these articles. The English party are sensible of this; yet they entertain hopes, by keeping the republic in a defenceless state, that commerce will be so far ruined, and the common people in the great trading cities reduced to such want and misery as to become furious, demand peace at any rate, and fall upon the houses and persons of those who will not promote it.
The English party, however, will never carry their point so far as to induce the nation to join the English. There are three considerations, which convince me of this beyond a doubt. 1st. Corrupted and abandoned as a great part of this nation, as well as every other in Europe is, there is still a public national sense and conscience; and the general, the almost universal sense of this nation is, that the English are wrong and the Americans right in this war. The conduct of the Americans is so like that of their venerable and heroic ancestors, it is evidently founded on such principles as are uniformly applauded in their history, and as every man has been educated to venerate, that it is impossible for them to take a part in the war against America. This was universally conspicuous upon the publication of the American memorial to the States. 2dly. The commercial part of these Provinces will never give up the American trade. 3dly. England is so exhausted and so weak, and France, Spain and America so strong, that joining the former against the latter would be the total ruin of the republic.
Nevertheless, the Court party will find means of delay, and will embarrass the operations of war in so many ways, that it will be long before any decisive measures will be taken in favor of America.
Whether under all these circumstances, Congress will think fit to continue me in Europe; whether it will be in their power to furnish me with the means of subsistence, as Dr. Franklin, in his letter to me, thinks I cannot depend upon him, and I have no hopes of obtaining any here, I know not and must submit to their wisdom. And after all, the state of my health, which I have little reason to hope will be restored, without a voyage home, and more relaxation from care and business than I can have in Europe, makes it very uncertain whether I shall be able to remain here. In short, my prospects both for the public and myself are so dull, and the life I am likely to lead in Europe is to be so gloomy and melancholy, and of so little use to the public, that I cannot but wish it may suit with the views of Congress to recall me.

John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to William Eustis, 18 March 1810
From: Adams, John
To: Eustis, William

PrivateDear Sir
Quincy March 18. 1810

I am very much obliged to you for your kind Letter of the tenth of this Month and the very curious Intelligence in it. The Powers of Chicanery that are evoked to drown it, prove that it is thought important. Perhaps it may be, but I have not a Sight Clear enough to perceive it. Where would be the Difference between Mr Jackson and his Successor, if both should be useless. There may be some: if a Lord Should come, the Lord knows how many heads he might turn of Ladies and Gentlemen, whether he should reside in Boston New York or Philadelphia.
A real Settlement of Disputes between the two Countries, I fear is desperate. The two Nations will not Suffer it, how well inclined Soever the Government may be. The People of England will not allow their Ministry to give up Points of Proclamations of Blockade, of Impressments of Seamen, of Neutral Rights to Colonial Commerce &c which the People of America will compell their Government to demand, and which all other Neutral Powers will claim as well as all the Powers belligerent against England.
The American Republick and the British Empire are Rivals in all Things and Rivals never are cordial Friends, whether in Love, War, Commerce or Politicks. I wish I may be mistaken but I am very apprehensive, that the Friendship of England can be obtained on no other Terms than an Allyance with her and a War with her Enemies. This Price is too dear.
As Britain has some Interest in preserving some Reputation among the Powers of Europe, and as the Correspondence between their Ministers and our Secretary of State are public and will be read at all the Courts and by all the Diplomatic Corps. I am not Surprized that she hesitates to justify Mr Jackson though our General Court does not.
The frequent Collisions, Contradictions and quasi hostilities between the State Governments and the National Legislature, seem to be portentous: for though they may have been hitherto in jest, there is danger they will soon be in Earnest.
But I have said enough to support my Character for Loquacity and shall only add an assurance of the Continuance of an Esteem that is not much less than forty years old
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Samuel Perley, 8 April 1810
From: Perley, Samuel
To: Adams, John

Honored Sir,
Gray April, 8th. 1810.

When I wrote last to you, I supposed, that my Hand and Pen would have been sealed in Death, without ever obtruding any thing further, upon your Patience. But a Solicitude, which for my native Country, which can Never End, while Life exists, impells me to trouble you with a Third Letter.
I have lately seen the Trial of Mr. Baylies and Mr. Turner’s Elections for the Plymouth Distric in this Commonwealth in the Congress=House of Representatives, on June, 27th. 1809. That the House of Representatives shoud admit plenary Evidence in Favour of Mr. Turner, and forever exclude Mr. Baylies From adducing Evidence to support his side of the Question, Is astonishing to me, and beyound all Comprehension. Had I beleived it possible, that either House of Congress, would Ever have been guilty of such an extrajudicial Act, I am Perswaded, That I should not in the Boston=Convention Have given my consent in Favour of the national Constitution. What yet adds to my solemn Amazement is, that such an Act Should come from the Republican side of the Question, aside, that That was so exceedingly Zealous, to support the Liberties and Privileges of the People. Had a single Justise of the Peace, in Any County in this Commonwealth been guilty of such an Extrajudicial Decision in a Case before him, he certainly Would have deserved the Execration of every upright and worthy Character in the whole Commonwealth of Massachusetts. Again, when I reflect upon what was done at Augusta last fall In the County of Kennebuk in the Acquital of Chadwick’s Murdeders, I would ask whether we are not upon a Tempestuous Sea of Licentiousness, which will soon plunge us into a Gulf, that has no Bottom? shall not the Distruction of every Republick in the old World, make No impression upon us?
On the federal side of the Question, I also see impenetrable Clouds of Darkness. It appears to me, that Mr. Jackson (The Brittish Minister) has shamefully abused our Goverment. I think, that there is scarcely a Gentleman in This Commonwealth, that would have submitted himself To the Insult. If our Goverment is totally destitute of Veracity, all Confidence in it will soon be gone. If this should be the case, will not the sword decide the Quarrell? such impenetrable Clouds have surrounded Me, that I have (not) voted for any Governor, since Mr Strong left the Chair.
When I take a view of our public affairs on both sides of the Question, I am allmost ready to adopt the beautifull Language of the Admirable Poet.
“Tum mihi cæruleus supra Caput astitit imber,
Noctem hiememque ferens; et inhorruit unda tenebris.
Continuo venti volvunt mare, magnaque surgunt
Æquora: dispersi Jactamur gurgite vasto:
Involvere diem nimbi et nox humida Cælum
Abstulit: ingeminant abruptis nubibus ignes.
Excutimur cursu, et cæcis erramus in undis.
i.e. “Then a blackning Cloud stood over my Head, bringing on Night And a wintery Storm; The Waves put on the Horrors of Darkness, the Winds overturn the Seas, and the swelling surges rise: we are tossed hither And thither on the expanded face of the Deep; Clouds wrapped up the Day, and humid Night snatched The Heavens from our View; from the bursting Clouds flashes of Lightning redouble. We are driven from our Course, and Reel along the dusky Waves.”
So far as I know my own Soul, I am a true federal Republican. I believe, that true Republicanism asserts our Independence and Liberties, and I equally believe, that true Federalism, Defends them, I think, that these principles are as Necessary to the political Body, as our Arms and Hands are To the natural Body. If either the one or the other is Distroyed, we are gone in a moment. I will never be under France!!! I will never be under Braittain!!! Oh my Father, Will you condiscend to point out the path of my political Duty in these dark and distressing Times?
Honored Sir, / I am with the most profound Sentiments of filial and Cordial / Respect, Your Honors; most Obedient and very Humble Servant.

Samuel Perley—
P.S. I have read your Discourses on Davila, And am much pleased with them. Y	our Honors.

S. P—


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 10 April 1810
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

Sirs,
Quincy, April 10th, 1810.

Amsterdam, October 17, 1781—wrote to congress: “There is at present a fermentation in this nation which may arise to violent extremities. Hundreds of pamphlets have appeared, some against the Court, some against the city and sovereign magistrates of Amsterdam, all of which must be adjudged to be seditious libels. At length a large pamphlet has appeared in Dutch; and having been distributed through the streets of the Hague, Leyden, Rotterdam, and other cities, has occasioned a great alarm to the government, and a violent agitation of spirits among the people. As a composition, all parties speak of it in the strongest terms of admiration. The substance of it will appear from the following placard against it.
We, the deputies of the states of Utrecht, make known, that as it is come to our knowledge, that, notwithstanding the strong and serious advertisements and publications against the composition, sale, and distribution of lampoons, scandalous pamphlets or libels, and defamatory writings, of whatever sort or in whatever form they may be, to the prejudice of the high sovereignty of these provinces, and of those who are placed in any administration or direction of public affairs, already, heretofore and lately promulgated, both by the lords the states of this province, and by others, and the rigorous penalty therein decreed against transgressors: nevertheless, the spirit of discord, of wickedness, of calumny and of sedition, has burst forth and spread itself in this state so far, that it has not been possible, hitherto, to restrain it, by such advertisements, but on the contrary has arrived at such a height, that there has been printed and dispersed, within a few days, a most pernicious libel under the title of “Aan het Volk van Nederland,” i. e. to the people of the low countries, containing a great number of wicked and slanderous imputations against the most serene person of his most serene highness, our lord the prince of Orange and Nassau, hereditary statholder, captain and admiral general of these provinces, against his most serene father and mother of glorious memory; as also our lords the prince’s of Orange, William the first, Maurice, Frederick Henry, William the second and William the third, illustrious predecessors of his most serene higness: and interspersing efforts, the most seditious, tending to overthrow not only the present form of the regency, but even to introduce, instead of the regency in the state, which also is therein painted in the most hateful manner, a democracy or regency of the people, and thus to cause the republic to fall into an entire anarchy, which would increase and multiply, still more extremely, the dangers, to which the dear country is exposed at present, by a foreign war, joined to an intestine division: and taking into consideration, that such most detestable wickedness, if not restrained, can have no other consequences, than the total ruin and destruction of the dear country, if God by his grace does not prevent it, and that it is incumbent on us to employ all the means possible to hinder it, and to punish offences according to their demerit. For these causes we renew, that which has been heretofore and lately ordained in this respect by the publication of their noble mightinesses of the fourth of July of the present year, 1781, and not only the punishments by fine, but also of discretionary correction according to the exigency of the case, against the transgressors there mentioned. To discover the author or the authors, and the distributor or the distributors of such a dangerous libel, as is that before mentioned, and to the end that they be punished as examples to others, according to the magnitude of such a crime, tending to the ruin of the country; we have thought fit to promise, as we do by these presents, a premium of a hundred riders, i. e. fourteen hundred florins, in favor of those, who may discover or make known, the author or authors, distributor or distributors, in such a manner that they may be juridically convicted and punished, concealing the name of the informer, if he requires it. And we ordain, moreover, to all the officers and judges in the city, cities and countries of this province, to make all possible search and to endeavor, without any negligence, dissimulation or connivance, to discover and arrest the aforesaid malefactor or malefactors, and to proceed and to cause to be proceeded, as is convenient, against them, as seditious persons and disturbers of the public repose, guilty of overturning the foundations of the government of these provinces, and of the sovereignty of the lords the states of the provinces respectively, and as the enemies the most dangerous of the country. And, to the end that no man may pretend ignorance, these presents shall be published and posted up, in convenient places.
Done at Utrecht, the 3d Oct. 1781.
J. Tacts Van Amerangen.
Lower down, by order of the said Lord’s Deputies. C. A. Vos having imprinted in the margin the seal of the said Lord’s Deputies, in red wax covered with paper.”
Amsterdam, October 18, 1781, wrote to Congress—“The Committees of the fisheries of Vlaardingen and Maaslluys, have presented to their high mightinesses a petition, to give them to understand—“that they learned with the most lively sensibility that the gentlemen the committees of the respective colleges of admiralty, had proposed to their high mightinesses to permit the free navigation of the ports of the republic, with or without convoy, excepting nevertheless until farther order, the vessels destined to the greater and lesser fisheries. The petitioners represent the inevitable losses, with which they are more and more threatened, in case that all the fishery, without exception, remains longer suspended; that they might very well find a remedy, in a certain manner, by excepting from this prohibition, the ships employed in taking fish for salting, and in the fishery of fresh cod. They solicit, that it may please their high mightinesses to revoke in this regard the placart of the 26th of January, 1781, or at least to make in it such alteration as their high mightinesses may find convenient.” This petition, accepted by the province of Holland, has been rendered commissorial, and sent to the colleges of the admiralty respectively.
Another Petition,
from diverse merchants, book-keepers, and owners of ships, of Amsterdam, containing in substance,—That the petitioners, having caused their vessels and cargoes, for the most part loaded beforehand, to sail under the escort of the convoy, there has resulted from it, on the fifth of August, the famous rencounter between this convoy, commanded by the Vice-Admiral Zoutman, and the British Vice-Admiral Parker—a rencounter which, in truth, had covered the naval forces of the republic with immortal glory, but at the same time given to commerce a terrible blow, the merchant vessels having seen themselves obliged to return into the ports of the State. That the petitioners, seeing themselves disappointed of their just and equitable expectation of being able to obtain an escort, sufficient and seasonably ready, found themselves forced to submit to necessity, and consequently to call back their ships, which, without running the greatest danger, could not remain longer in their then station. That the petitioners could not refrain from representing to their high mightinesses, in the most pressing manner, the enormous prejudice which resulted from it to the petitioners and the freighters of vessels, who, after having for so many months held their vessels and crews ready, must now pay the expence of equiping them, the wages, the monthly pay and subsistence of their crews, as well as all the other charges which result from them. But as all these disbursements are lost, the petitioners, for the causes alleged and others particularised in the petition, pray that it may please their high mightinesses to assign to the petitioners, and especially to the proprietors and freighters of vessels, a convenient indemnification and sufficient for the cost, damages and interest, borne and suffered because the said convoy has not set sail; from whence it has resulted that they have detained the vessels belonging to the petitioners, who, at the first requisition, are ready to produce the particulars to their high mightinesses. That it may also please their high mightinesses to give the necessary orders, to the end that the convoy, destined for this purpose, may be ready early enough to be able to set sail next spring, even by the month of March; to the end, that by accelerating their departure, the loss of time suffered in the current year may be, at least in some degree, compensated; and that there may be an opportunity for the ships, which are now in Norway and at Elsineur, supposing they should be obliged to pass the winter there, may then profit of this convoy for their return; finally, that they would please to give, concerning all these objects, precise orders, and such as their high mightinesses may judge the most proper, to fulfil the wishes of the petitioners, and for the greatest utility of commerce.
This petition has been rendered commissorial for the respective admiralties.
Another Petition.
The undersigned merchants, trading to the Levant, living at Amsterdam and Rotterdam, give respectfully to understand—That the petitioners acknowledge, with the most lively gratitude, the paternal care which your high mightinesses have always manifested for the prosperity of the commerce of the Levant, and particularly the advantages procured to the Belgick navigation, by the resolutions of your high mightinesses of the 21st May, 1770, and of the first of April, 1776: the first of which authorises the directors of the commerce of the Levant and of the navigation of the Mediterranean, besides the accustomed imposition of six per cent. of freight, to require of all foreign vessels, coming from the Levant, five per cent. of the value of the effects; and the second of which tends to raise considerably the tarif, after which they always tax the abovementioned effects, which has also fully answered the salutary end of your high mightinesses, to wit—to inspire a general aversion into foreign ships, to suffer themselves to be employed in the transportation of productions from the Levant into the ports of these countries. But, since the situation of the navigation of this country, by the unfortunate and cruel war, which the king of Great Britain unjustly makes upon our dear country, is in fact entirely changed and almost entirely interrupted and ruined, in such sort, that by the present impossibility to make use of those ships, which have not been taken, business in general, and that of the Levant in particular, is in the deplorable condition, even for the account of neutral foreigners, (for that upon our own account is entirely stopped,) either to be wholly abandoned, or to be carried on by the means of foreign vessels. The petitioners think it unnecessary to enumerate particularly the disadvantages of the first points alleged, that is to say, the abandoning of this commerce, because in all times the considerable importance of the Levant trade has been universally acknowledged, and that your high mightinesses yourselves have always shewn that you have been intimately persuaded of it: It is then manifest, that in the present situation of affairs, there remains only the second means, which is to employ foreign ships. Nevertheless, as the small quantity of these vessels, joined to the inclination on all sides to employ them, has already occasioned an enormous rise of their freights, and since, moreover, they cannot be insured, but by paying a premium three times larger than in past times, we encounter here obstacles, the most discouraging and invincible, considering that besides all this the extraordinary imposition before mentioned, of five per cent. of the value of the merchandizes calculated after the augmented tariff, renders almost wholly impracticable this manner of negotiating and deprives it of all advantage; which in this critical situation of affairs must ruin absolutely the commerce of the Levant: for, since at this time it cannot be carried on but for the account of neutral foreigners, it is incontestible that their enterprizes, being in all cases so much confined, they will find themselves in the indispensable necessity to suspend this commerce with us, and to transmit it to other places: besides this, there will be found many foreigners, who, for these causes, will excuse themselves from remitting to the Petitioners what they justly owe, because at present by the enormous rise of bills of exchange, this cannot be effected but by sending merchandizes, which still augments and extends in an aggravating manner the risque of the Petitioners.—But finally, to ward off this misfortune in season, if possible, the Petitioners take the liberty, respectfully to address themselves to your high mightinesses, praying that you would please, during the course of this war, consequently as long as the Belgic vessels cannot be employed, to exempt the effects loaded upon foreign ships and coming from the Levant to the ports of this country, from the said extraordinary imposition of five per cent of their value; and that you would also give the same advantages to the merchandizes loaded on board the Pisano, a Venetian vessel, commanded by the captain Antonio Ragusin, from Smirna, and lately arrived at the Texel: to the end that this branch of commerce so important may not perish entirely, and that it may be preserved for the general well being of the dear country.”
Diverse freighters and part owners of vessels, fitted out for the Colony of Surrinam by the proprietors of plantations, merchants and others interested in this commerce, as well as that of Caracas have addressed a petition to their high mightinesses and have laid open—“The deplorable condition of the two Colonies: that in consequence of the resolution of the 14th of last June, in virtue of a petition which they then presented, they equiped their vessels with dispatch, and that in two months they had put in order a fleet of seventeen vessels armed with four hundred guns and manned with twelve hundred men, expecting a suitable convoy: but that several circumstances having without doubt hindered it from being ready, they pray their high mightinesses—1. That they would prepare, as soon as possible, a convenient convoy to go out with their ships at a certain day and conduct them to the West-Indies. 2. That their high mightinesses, in case of delay would be so good as to grant them an indemnification. 3. That their high mightinesses, upon the exhibition of a certificate, as it was stipulated by their resolution of the 31st of July last, would be so good, as to cause to be given to those who shall have made the armaments required, the bounties which they shall judge convenient; the Petitioners being ready to give convenient sureties and even to engage their vessels, in case they are not ready to sail at the time appointed.”
At the requisition of his highness this request has been rendered commissorial in the respective admiralties.
The representative and the directors of the East-India company have notified to their high mightinesses, that their finances diminished—and that they are in the indispensable necessity of demanding of their high mightinesses, a succor of at least five hundred and fifty thousand florins; adding, that if some favorable change does not take place, they shall soon be obliged to have again recourse to their high mightinesses. This petition has been rendered commissorial.
Amsterdam, October 18, 1781—wrote to Dr. Franklin: “Thomas Beer, with his wife and two small children came to my house this forenoon, and presented me a letter from Mr Coffin, of Dunkirk, of the second of October, recommending him to me as a person who had been obliged to fly from England for having assisted American prisoners to escape; and inclosing a copy of a letter from your excellency to Mr. Coffin of the 22d of August, advising Beer to go to Holland where your excellency imagined there was great demand for all kinds of workmen, who are useful in fitting out ships; and consenting the Coffin should supply them not exceeding ten guineas, and requesting Mr. Coffin for the future to send the prisoners to my care at Amsterdam, and to desire his friend at Ostend to give them the same direction.As to Beer, I know not what to do with him. He has spent his last guilder; and the man, woman and children all looked as if they had been weeping in deplorable misery over their distresses. I gave him some money to feed his children a night or two, and went out to see if I could procure him employment with a rope maker; but I was told that your excellency was much mistaken in supposing that there is here great demand for all kinds of workmen who are useful in fitting out ships; that navigation being in a manner stopped, such tradesmen had the least to do of any, and particularly the rope makers complained of want of work more than ever, and more than any other class of tradesmen. However, a gentlemen will enquire if he can find a place for him.
I have no Objection to American prisoners coming this way, and shall continue to do as I always have done every thing in my power to solace them in their distresses. I have now for a year past relieved considerable numbers who have escaped from England, with small sums, and with my best endeavors to procure them employment and passages. But your excellency is very sensible I have no public money in my hands, and that therefore, the small sums of money which I have been able to furnish them must have been out of my own pocket. This resource, if my salary is not to be paid me in future, is likely to fail very soon.
If your excellency would give me your consent that I should take up small sums of money of Messrs. Fizeau, Grand & Co for the purpose of assisting our countrymen who escape from prison, I should esteem myself much honored by this trust: for none of my time is spent with more pleasure than that which is devoted to the consolation of these prisoners. The masters of vessels have hitherto been very good in giving passages, and we have made various shifts to dispose of such as have been here, and have succeeded so as to give tolerable satisfaction: but we should do much better if we had a little more money.
I have often told your excellency that the house of de Neufville and son had received a few thousand guilders upon the loan opened by me in behalf of the United States. I have not yet touched a doit of this money, because I thought it should lie, to answer bills of exchange upon the draughts of congress. But as there is so little of it, if your excellency would advise me to it, I would devote it to lie for the benefit of the poor prisoners and would make it go as far in relieving their distresses as I could.
Amsterdam, October 18, 1781—wrote to Mr. Dumas at the Hague: “It is a long time since I had the pleasure of writing to you. I have been to the very gate of the other mansion. My feet had well nigh stumbled on the dark mountains; but by the skill of Dr. Osterdike and the wonderful virtue of the bark, I am returned here to take two or three more lessons of politics.
If your affairs will admit of your spending some time at Amsterdam, I should be obliged to you if you would take an apartment in my house. The sooner the better. I desired Mr. Thaxter to write you an invitation in my name, when I was too weak to write. He wrote, but has no answer. How go the politics of the Hague? Will they ever answer my memorial?
Amsterdam, October 19, 1781—wrote to Mr. F. Coffin, at Dunkirk: “I yesterday received your favor of the 2d of this month, by Beer who with his wife and two children came to me in deplorable distress: his children having been sick and detained him on the road, until he had spent his last shilling.
This man never made a greater mistake than in coming to Holland, where all business being at present in a state of stagnation, tradesmen in general find the times very hard: and navigation being obstructed, all occupations relative to ship building, are duller than any others; particularly the ropemakers, who cannot find employment for their old journeymen and apprentices, much less think of taking new ones.
There are moreover at present, and have been since the war between England and Holland, very few American vessels here; so that it is very difficult even for a single man to get a passage.
There is also at present, more risque of the enemy in a passage from hence than from France. And, what is of more importance than all the rest, there is nobody here who has any money in his hands belonging to the American public. I cannot therefore but approve the reluctance against coming this way, which you say you find in general, in American Prisoners.—Notwithstanding all this, I shall be always ready to assist any distressed Americans to the utmost of my power. There is no set of men more meritorious than the prisoners who escape; and there is no occupation to a man of philanthropy more pleasing than to relieve them. But as the United States are not yet acknowledged by their High Mightinesses, I can derive no assistance for the relief of my unfortunate countrymen from this government. And as I have not any public money at my disposal, the only aid I can give them is in a private capacity; unless his excellency Dr. Franklin can enable me to do more by supplying me with money. If any body will furnish me money, the more of it I give to deserving and distressed Americans the better.”
Amsterdam, October 20, 1781, wrote to Major William Jackson—“Your letter, sir, of the 26th ult. I received last night, and should have been astonished at its date and contents, if I had not seen yours to Mr. De Neufville, of the same date, which he received three days before. I had ever taken Mr. Gillon for a man of honor, drawn insensibly into difficulties by a train of disappointments, but I cannot reconcile his conduct upon this occasion. But it is to no purpose to enlarge upon this subject.
What is become of the despatches to Congress? There were on board half a cart-load from me. All my letters to Congress for six or eight months, were there. Your account of the health, and especially of the good behavior of my dear Charles, gives me great pleasure. I can give you no instructions what to do with him. If you have a prospect of a passage, soon, to America, and can conveniently take him with you, I suppose that would be most agreeable to him.—If you go to Paris, I wish you would leave him in the mean time in the care of Mr. Johnson or Mr. Williams, at Nantes, or Mr. Cummings, at L’Orient; desire those gentlemen to give him a Latin or a French master, and draw upon me for the expence. But if you should come to Amsterdam, bring him with you—in which case Mr. Charles must lay aside the thoughts of going to America until I go. I am extreamly sorry you are likely to be embarrassed with the care of this child, in addition to all your other vexations.
My best regards to Mr. Searle and Col. Trumbull. I have received some letters for Mr: Searle from his excellency Governor Reed. Should be glad of Searle’s directions where to send them. Pray what do you intend to do with the continental goods left here.”
Amsterdam, October 20, 1781, wrote to Mr. Joshua Johnson, at Nantes—“Let me beg the favor of you to send the inclosed letter to Congress and the others to Maj Jackson and Col. Searle, in whatever seaport they arrive from Corunna, from whence they were to sail in a frigate about the tenth of this month, but could not tell to what port in France. There is no news but of Commodore Gillon, at present, which you must have heard.
Amsterdam, October 20, 1781, wrote to the Hon. James Searle—“I condole with you most affectionately and cordially in your fresh disappointment. It is to be hoped the tide will turn.
I have received letters for you from Gov. Reed, with a desire to open them in case of your being gone. You were gone, and I opened them and read them with infinite pleasure. They contain the best account of American affairs that I have seen. The substance of them, (i.e. as they regarded him personally,) is advising you very respectfully and friendly to come home, unless you had succeeded, or saw a prospect of speedy success. I knew not where to send them with a prospect of meeting you, and shall therefore wait your orders.
What judgment are we to form of the Commodore and his designs? What are become of all the letters? especially those to Congress? Congress have not received a letter from me these  months. A charm is certainly set upon my correspondence; yet I should not think it of sufficient importance for a demon or a witch to interfere. All my letters, by way of Statia and by several vessels directly to America, are lost. Now these by the South Carolina.
I have been to the gate of death since you left me, with a malignant, nervous fever—but Dr. Osterdyke’s masterly skill, and the wondrous virtue of Quinquina, have brought me back; but I am still feeble and good for nothing.”
Amsterdam, October 22, 1781—wrote to Dr. Franklin: “I have the honor to inform you that I have this day drawn a bill upon your excellency for two thousand crowns, at two Usances, in favor of Messrs. Fizeau & Grand, to enable them to discharge the bills of the United States accepted by me.”
Amsterdam, October 22, 1781—wrote to Dr Franklin: “I have received your excellency’s letter of the twelfth.
I should be much obliged to you, for your sentiments, of what is to be understood by accepting the mediation of a power or powers? Is a mediator to be an arbitrator? And is the power that accepts the mediation bound to submit to the award? Is the great question of the war submitted to the discussion and final judgment of the mediator? For example, if the United States should accept of a mediation between them and Great Britain, would this be, to submit to the judgment of the mediator, whether America should continue to be independent, or whether she should come again under the dominion of England? I hope we should run no risque of a judgment against us; but it seems to be too much to submit. I am glad the communication is to be postponed.
It is said that the prince de Gallitzin has demanded a categorical answer from their high mightinesses, concerning the offer of the mediation of his sovereign, for opening negotiations of peace between Holland and G. Britain: adding, that upon this answer might depend not only the peace of the republic; but also certain measures, which his court has determined to take, relative to the present conjuncture of affairs.
Some persons surmise that the meaning of these mysterious words is; that if Holland persists in reckoning herself among the number of  enemies of Great Britain, the empress will think herself under the necessity of becoming her friend; to prevent her from being crushed. But we may as well surmise that she intends to acknowledge the independence of America, and invite congress to send ministers to Vienna.
I thank your excellency for your advice as a physician, which I have ventured to follow, though indeed I had taken largely of the bark, in my illness, by the advice of Dr Osterdyke, a very able physician, at the head of his profession, in this town.
I thank you, sir, for Major Jackson’s letter. Pray what is to become of the continental goods which Gillon left here? Would it not be well for Jackson to come here, and take care of them? I suppose they are still on board vessels chartered to transport them to America, and detained for the freight.
I had written thus far, when accidentally seeing Mr de Neufville jun. he mentioned to me, his having received a letter from your excellency some time ago, when I was sick, referring the house to me about the affair of the goods. This was the first hint I ever had of the letter. Indeed at the time when he received it, I was insensible even to the incision knife.
I have never had, since I have been in Europe, the least connection in business of any kind, public or private, with Gillon. He wrote me two very long letters, last winter and spring, using all the arguments his wit could devise, to persuade me, to lend him the credit of the United States, by furnishing him with some of my obligations to answer his necessities. I answered both these letters immediately by a positive and final refusal. These letters will speak for themselves. I knew nothing of his being gone to Paris, when he entered into the contract with colonel Laurens, nor did I know of Mr de Neufville’s being there. When I received a letter from your excellency, and another from colonel Laurens, requesting me to draw bills upon your excellency, for payment for the goods, I was willing to take that trouble upon myself from respect to your excellency and to colonel Laurens; but was relieved from this by your excellency’s acceptance of the bills drawn as I understand by major Jackson. So that never, from first to last, have I been consulted in this business. I should therefore be justifiable, I suppose, if I were to persevere in avoiding to give any opinion about it. But here is at present, a large interest of the United States in a suffering condition, and Americanus sum, et nil Americanum a me alienum puto. To all appearance colonel Laurens had been imposed on, and Gillon has violated his contract with him. The goods are left here, on board vessels hired to carry them. The freight is not paid. The goods will be held, I presume, responsible. The question is what is to be done? Money must be advanced, I suppose, for the freight of the vessels. If your excellency cannot advance it, I presume the goods must in part be applied to the payment of this expence; for there is nobody in Europe has any money belonging to the United States but your excellency nor credit to procure any.
I would submit to your excellency, whether Jackson had not better come here and finish this business; either by selling the goods out right, at a loss no doubt: or by selling enough of them to pay the freight of the rest; or by agreeing for the freight and paying it at your excellency’s expense, as you shall advise. For my own part I have no judgment in the prices of freight, the goodness of vessels, or masters or mariners; and therefore, if I were to interfere, it could be only by employing some merchant to do the business; and no merchant here, in my opinion would do it, with more care or success than Jackson. Moreover I have no authority to order the goods or any part of them to be sold; and without this I have no money to discharge the freight or pay for any expences.
That this affair has been miserably or rather abominably managed by Gillon seems to be past a doubt. But the question is how shall we prevent its occasioning a greater loss, and more mischief than is necessary? I should not have omitted a moment to write to your excellency upon the subject, if I had had the least suspicion that you had referred it to me; provided I could have held a pen, which indeed I can very badly do now. I am very far from being a man in health, and capable of going through much business: yet nothing shall suffer, for want of my doing what I have strength to do.
Amsterdam, October 24, 1781—wrote to Job Field, Bryant Newcomb, Samuel Curtis, Jeriah Bass and Edward Savil, American prisoners in mill prison, Plymouth: “Gentlemen, yours of September 8th I have but just received. It went a long circuit to come to me. I am very sorry for your misfortune in being captured, and wish you liberty as soon as possible, but recommend to you patience, the only remedy under evils that cannot be avoided. Sufferings in so good and great a cause as that of our country, are the easiest to bear, because they are honorable.
I have no public money at my disposal; and my own resources, in this difficult situation, and these hard times are too confined to enable me to lend you any considerable sums from myself. But I have taken measures to furnish you with  in all, that is  each, which I hope will be of some service to you. I am, gentlemen, your friend and neighbor.
Amsterdam, October 24, 1781—wrote to Mr. Jennings: “I have never answered your letter of August 22. As to the letters inclosed I can say nothing. I cannot advise your friend to take much trouble about the affair; because I think that congress will not be able to attend much to such things, until the war is over. As it is wholly out of my department, I can do nothing in it, unless it be to inclose these or any other proposals to my constituents. I rather think however that congress would not enter into any treaty of such a nature with a British subject.—They are for cutting off every fibre, that ever did or ever can serve as a ligament between the two countries, until the English shall come to their senses, which I fear will not be before the last day.
Inclosed is a Bill for  guineas,  of which are intended for each of the persons to whom the letter is addressed, (Job Field and others in mill prison)—Poor fellows! your care of the letter and the bill will much oblige, &c.—Pray is the Abby Raynal, at Brussels?
Amsterdam, October 25, 1781—wrote to Dr. Franklin: “I have the honor to inclose a copy of a letter I yesterday received from Corunna. I communicate it to your excellency in confidence. The writer is a particular friend of yours. He has so good a heart and is so amiable a man, that I would not expose him to the resentment of any of the gentlemen, and therefore pray your excellency to keep his letter secret. Yet his opinion deserves some attention. There are some Dutch gentlemen on board the South Carolina, one of whom has written to his friends, much to the same purpose, as I am told, and adds, that Gillon did not cruise, but was detained by contrary winds.
Gillon, when he first came to Europe, brought letters to me from Mr. Middleton and Mr. Rutledge, recommending him in very strong terms as a man of honor and a firm friend of America, who had been prevailed upon to leave his home and an independent fortune for the sake of serving the state. Since I have been in Holland, I found his reputation here very good; and he had many friends, among whom were several of very considerable note and importance. I have never observed or heard of any dishonorable conduct, until his departure. I have considered him as having been trained on, from step to step, and from one misfortune, perplexity, and disappointment to another, until he had incurred an enormous expence, beyond his means. I never suspected him of any design like that suggested by  and still I cannot but hope, that the suggestion by  proceeds from too much warmth.
It is a most ruinous and affecting affair: for I see nothing but the ruin of the ship, as well as the loss of the goods left here.—What can be done to prevent the one or the other?

John Adams.