Title: To John Adams from Thomas Welsh, 30 January 1797
From: Welsh, Thomas
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Boston Jany 30. 1797.

Reciprocating the Wishes expressed in your’s of the 19th Instant permit me to add mine that not only your private Concerns may be prosperous, but that your public Administration about to be commenced may be glorious to yourself and produce encreasing prosperity to your Country.
Last Saturday I saw a Letter in the Post Office in the Hand writing of Thomas which I desired Mr Beals to take to his Mama as it was directed to her it came by the Way of New York; I dont know the Date of it but unless that is later than the one mentioned by you I believe there is none later.
If any News should arrive here that appears authentic relative to the Conduct of France, Spain or England towards our Commerce I will convey the earliest Intelligence unless I should think you have it from some other Way. I would not undertake to predict what Course either the Writers in the Chronicle would persue in Case we were forced into a defensive War with France. Some of their Party however have said that if the French should resent the Conduct of the Government by making War that they thot is the Fæderalists might fight it out themselves. However some of them hope that the Junction of the Rose and the Lily will compose the difference.
The highest Partizans on both Sides hope for different Reasons that Mr. Jefferson will not accept of his Election to the second office of the United States.
You will see by the Papers that Governor Adams is about to pull out his Cockade, not meaning to stand another Election his political Days as well as his natural are almost numbered and finished
poor Jarvis has had new attacks of his Fits he also has run his Race.
I am Sir with great Respect / Your Friend & Humble St
Thomas Welsh


Title: From John Adams to Cyrus Griffin, 2 February 1797
From: Adams, John
To: Griffin, Cyrus

Sir
Philadelphia, February 2th 1797

I have Received the Polite and friendly Letter you did me the honour to write me on the Sixteenth of Last month and I Pray you to accept of my Thanks for your kind Congratulations on a Late Event—nothing Can be more agreable to me Then the assurances you give me that a Respectable Part—of Virginia—will be Satisfied with the issue of the late Election my Character was once better known then it is at Present in that great and Respectable State but the Persons who there knew me are most of them Removed To another world where, I hope they find neither Sophistry Party Spirit or Malevolence—
I Receive very kindly Sir your Proposal to Take your Son mr John Griffin into my family but have Previously Engaged all the assistance of that kind which I intend to have it is not now in my Power I wish the young Gentleman Every felicity and Every Success in his honourable Pursuits which his Character and Conduct Shall merit I have the honor to be with great / Esteem Sir your most obedient:


Title: To John Adams from Josiah, III Quincy, 2 February 1797
From: Quincy, Josiah, III
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir.
Boston. 2d Feby.1797.

I hasten to acknowledge my sense of your politeness in transmitting the very valuable official paper contained in your letter, and of your condescension, in intimating, that any information within my capacity to collect could be of any worth to you.  If this attention, as unexpected as it was unmerited, should fail of drawing from me any valuable fact, I hope, Sir, you will not regret your pains as wholly fruitless. One source of satisfaction you will still possess, in the reflection, that by this notice, you have multiplied my motives to duty, and stimulated the principle of exertion by the flattering idea, that a remark of mine could be, possibly, of some little consequence.
I am not yet fully apprised of the “sensation” and “reflections” occasioned by Mr. Pickerings letter. Not many copies have reached us.  And our daily prints have presented the public with only a partial view of it.  To the few, who have considered it, with whom, I have had opportunity to converse its facts appear satisfactory and its reasoning conclusive. They also seem gratified by the manner, in which the Secretary has vindicated the character of our government and the feelings of our nation. Any considerable impression on the public mind, from this communication cannot, however, I think, be expected.  The subject has been long under its contemplation. Most of the ideas of Mr. Pickering have been suggested to it in some view or other. Scope was left but for little novelty in fact, and, perhaps none, in argument.  And the sole effect, I presume, reasonably to be looked for, is, in the minds of judicious, reflecting men, to establish, by official documents, facts, which they had credited before, on less respectable authority, and, by a compact view of reasonings to confirm opinions, they had already embraced on such, as were more loose and desultory.
Respecting “the effect this whole business has had or shall have on our Insurance offices and the price of stocks” I have made such general inquiries as might at once secure accurate information, without inducing suspicion of particular destination of it. As it is a subject, in which I am not professionally versed you will pardon any want of selection or pertinency in my remarks.  The business of Insuring being here carried on, by private bodies of men, is necessarily subject much more to caprice and passion & much less to principle, than it is in those places, (such as, I am informed, is Philadelphia) where single corporations regulate, & monopolize the right of Insurance.  We have here, no less than four Insurance offices. Each of them subject not only to the varying humour of individual underwriters, but, in some, & I suspect, in no small degree, influenced by political zeal and motives. In conversation with One or two principal Underwriters of an office alledged to be in the opposition Interest they asserted “that risques to British West India Isles could not be insured against for any præmium, at least not under 70 perCent advance perhaps an 100”. This however was the language of men, well disposed, at least, to encourage the idea of a French war, and not an opinion resulting from any investigation of danger or calculation of Chances.  The truth after an inquiry, as accurate, as the nature of the subject and the particular situation of it, in this place, admits, appears to me, to be this. On all European risques, the rates of præmium are not much augmented by the present hostile relation of France to this country.  Yet a præmium of One perCent upon an out & home voyage may be stated as an Average advance, resulting, not from any definite fears of the mercantile Interest, but that alarms of this kind however trivial, will always naturally produce, in the assured, readiness to pay, and afford to the underwriter reasons to require, an increased compensation. But as to West India risques the case is very different. Præmiums are considerably augmented.  And this increase is fairly attributable to the letters of Mr. Adet, to late depredations of French Cruisers and to the general aspect of affairs between France and the United States.  Instating this advance it is almost impossible to name any particular sum as its standard. Since the fluctuation is in various degrees, not only from the causes before mentioned but also from the particular nature & destination of the voyage.—As whether, out or home, or both; or to the Leeward or Windward Islands—All which considerations materially alter the præmiums according as they increase or diminish the risque of Capture by French Privateers. The only method I can conceive to ascertain satisfactorily what advance may be charged justly to the account of the French business is to compare the relation of Præmiums to British & French West India Islands as it existed, antecedent to this interference, with their present relation to one another.  Before the publication of Adets letters the rate of Præmiums to British and French West India Islands, (not blockaded) all other risques being equal, was the same.  It is agreed by all the Underwriters that at present the difference is as 10. to 14. or 15—or as 7 1/2 to 12.  That is, Præmiums to French Isles remain the same, while an increased preæmium is now demanded to the British, never less than 3. and, as yet never more than 5 perCent.
As I before intimated, this rise of Insurance, appears to me, not attributable to any general sentiment pervading the mercantile Interest or any other description of Citizens that a war between France and America is a thing probable.  On the Contrary very little fear seems to exist on this subject.  The true reason may be found in the encouragement the communications of Adet have given to the piratical temper of the French Islanders, the readiness, which they have already exhibited to profit by the hint of the minister, as well as the certainty that all retribution is hopeless for any property their Cruisers may share.  To confirm this idea, “stocks” which, an anticipation of any permanent national embarassment, would inevitably indicate the public sentiment have experienced no alteration.  Men conversant in the funds of assure me, they have for these three months, undergone no other variation in value than such as may be accounted for fairly, on the score of private necessities.
I hope your goodness will pardon this tresspass on your patience; And will not attribute my prolixity, to the vanity, that, in my opinion, a remark of mine could be of value to you, but solely to its true motive.—That by strict obedience to the wishes, you had the condescension to express I might have an opportunity more fully to evidence the very great sincerity and respect with which I am, Sir,
Your most Obedt & humble Servt.
Josiah Quincy


Title: To John Adams from John Quincy Adams, 3 February 1797
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, John

N. 30My Dear Sir.
The Hague February 3. 1797.

A few days ago, I received at once your Letters of Novr: 11. from Quincy and of Decr: 5. from Philadelphia. In the course of three or four days indeed, I had a flood of American Letters pouring upon me, and can no longer complain of that inattention and neglect which an interval of three or four months had occasioned me to mention in my last Letter.
Very soon after you wrote, the Elections of President and Vice-President were completed. They have excited in England, in France and in this Country a degree of interest and attention which proves the rising importance of the United States. The Event has been expected with a degree of feeling, of trepidation, of ardent wishes in favour of one or the other candidate, which has afforded one more melancholy proof of the profoundly rooted principle of animosity which at this moment arms one half of the human race against the other.—All the friends and partizans of antient establishments good or bad, throughout Europe, all the adherents of Great Britain, all the People who have property yet left in their hands, all the peaceable, moderate, and humane, and all the enemies to the present French administration, a motley mixture, whose sentiments one would imagine never to concur in any one point agree in their wishes for the success of one of the persons considered as candidates; while all the adherents to the present french Government, all those who pant for Revolutions, all who are by anticipation feasting upon the plunder of the present proprietors, all who are fattening upon War, and raising Fortunes upon the misery of Nations, all the remaining enthusiasts of democracy, and all who desire to see the United States at War with Britain, are equally zealous in favour of another—They seem on both sides to fancy that the destiny not only of America, but of Europe is in a manner suspended upon the decision, and both have already indulged in the exultation of announcing that the choice has fallen upon him whom they respectively favour.
From the returns of the most recent date, the accuracy of which must however be considered as very questionable it would seem that a bare majority of the suffrages has called you to the Post of the highest eminence and danger, while that which you now hold will in the terms of the Constitution be assigned to Mr: Jefferson, and the difference of numbers amounts to not more than two or three votes. Whether Mr: Jefferson will chuse to serve the public in the second Station, and or if he should refuse, what measures will be taken in a case for which no special provision seems to have been hitherto made, either by the Constitution or the Laws, it is useless for me to anticipate. What other questions or difficulties may arise, or be started it were equally needless to conjecture—As I presume you will not reject this call of your Country, the Time for observations upon the evils of the situation is past, and my duty henceforth will only be to transmit the most accurate information that I can collect of the State of our affairs in this Country particularly and in Europe generally, as well as of the general complection of European affairs from Time to Time.
The first object of our attention at this time is the predicament in which we stand towards France. I have written to you largely and repeatedly upon this subject. Nothing new has turned up since my last, except rumours and reports propagated by the usual french mechanism to operate upon the public opinion. Our American Letters generally say that the late conduct of the French Government has not occasioned any alarm in the United States. I cannot say the same of the Americans in Europe; many of the friends of our Government are frightened, and the impression produced upon our stocks here is considerable. Every artifice of France is at work, and there is scarcely any thing operating to counteract it. As far as my means extend I am not idle, but they are feeble and solitary, and my American intelligence is always old. In general the alarm is heightened by Americans themselves:—I have in a former Letter given you a statement of the interests and motives which concur to bias the minds of our Countrymen now in Europe, and informed you that Paris has long been the resort of many individuals to whom the destruction of our Government and a civil War in the United States are objects of desire and pursuit.
It cannot be too strenuously repeated, because the final Event depends altogether upon this single point of fact. The french Government have been led to believe that the People of the United States have but a feeble attachment to their Government, and will not support them in a contest with that of France. It is upon the idea of this internal weakness and division alone, that the French have hitherto ventured upon their late measures, and as they are still flattered with the same hope, it is impossible to ascertain how far it will lead them. The Event of the Presidential Election as now announced has exceedingly mortified them. Upon a train which they had so long been concerting and laying they had founded and been encouraged in the most sanguine expectation of settling the choice. The effect which they certainly did produce, that of throwing thirteen or fourteen votes into one scale, which but for them would have been in the other, and their approximation to success, has rather stimulated further exertions rather than deterred them from repeating their experiment. Their ill success has provoked without discouraging them, and they are assured that by persevering and bearing harder upon us they shall compel the American Government to submit, or succeed in overturning it.—I speak not from simple conjecture, but from inferences confirmed by personal observation, and by intelligence tolerably direct.
They know perfectly well that if the matter should be brought to an hostile issue, and the American People support the measures of their Government, France must give up the contest. They know that France by doing her worst cannot essentially hurt us, externally; as to her sending an army against us they have not the most distant idea of it; and you may judge from the issue of their Expedition against Ireland in what a condition their naval power is.—Ships it is indeed possible for them to build and  but sailors and marine officers they cannot make, and they have them not. This famous Irish Expedition, besides all its preparatory expences has cost them three ships of the line, three flutes, two frigates, two cutters, several transports, four or five thousand men, and a great deal of damage to all their vessels returned. From the first moment of their sailing untill the return of the last transport, every circumstance that has been related of them, or that they relate themselves shews their total destitution of naval skill or experience. One would imagine from the accounts that they had not on board the whole fleet a Man capable of managing a sail-boat.—The french papers still announce very pompously that great preparations are making for a second expedition, but the General Hoche is appointed to another command, and if they venture out with their fleet again it will only be to meet with a more disastrous fate.—As to their allies Spain and Holland, nothing is to be expected from any concert of operations between them.—The History of the late Dutch expedition against the Cape of Good Hope, affords two important incidents from which the conclusions are inevitable. That expedition was planned in concert with the French, and at three several Stations on the passage they had engaged to furnish a reinforcement of troops. At every one of them they totally failed—On the very first appearance of the English Squadron, the Dutch Sailors almost unanimously stripped off their three-coloured cockades substituded the Orange Badges in their stead, rose upon their Officers, would not suffer the admiral to employ the sad resource of burning or injuring his ships, but compelled him to surrender them up at discretion and seven eighths of them immediately entered into the British Service.—The same temper prevails among the Seamen here in the Texel, and it is but a few days since I heard a marine Officer say in answer to General Rewbell a brother of the French Director, who was enquiring why their maritime exertions here were so feeble, “you know that almost all our Sailors are against us.”
What sort of harmony of operations at Sea between France and Spain is to be anticipated, may be judged from the well known circumstance that many of the Spanish ships are commanded by French emigrants, and when a Spanish squadron lately put into the Harbour of Toulon, some of these Officers were arrested, imprisoned, and with difficulty rescued by the Spanish admiral from the municipal administration of the place.
In this Country, the conviction as far as I can judge is universal that they have much to lose and nothing to gain by a difference with the United States. Our commerce and our payments are almost the only resources the enjoyment of which is yet left them. In my conversations with their merchants, and, even with members of their Government, they freely acknowledge this, though they as freely say they fear that they should be forced, to follow whatever France should dictate to them, and this is unquestionably true. An intelligent and considerable merchant of Rotterdam told me a few days ago, that he was glad the french Government had determined to intercept our trade with England, because it would essentially injure Great Britain, and must be excused by reasons of State:—I asked him what he thought would be the consequence of an Embargo of six months laid by the American Government. “It would bring us all” said he, “English, French, and ourselves, to your terms, but the American Government cannot carry it through.”
I shall for the future send you constantly a Paris newspaper of considerable reputation, as well as the Leyden Gazette. I hope they may sometimes give you valuable information.
I am with the utmost duty, respect and affection, your Son
John Q. Adams


Title: To John Adams from Elbridge Gerry, 3 February 1797
From: Gerry, Elbridge
To: Adams, John

No 2
My dear Sir
Cambridge 3d Feby 1797

The newspaper, which you did me the honor to inclose, containing Mr Pickering’s letter to Mr Pinkney on the subject of Mr Adets letter to the former, I have carefully perused; but, a further examination of it, with the documents & Mr Adet’s letter, is necessary to obtain a clear idea of the subject.  That part of it which discusses the claim of gratitude made by France, I consider in a certain degree as expedient & dignified; but am apprehensive, that she will veiw the discussion in its full extent, as having trespassed the line of defence, & as tending rather to crimination than accomodation.  should this unfortunately be the case, it will only serve to increase our difficulties.—But what struck me with surprize in this part of the performance, at least in what of it relates to the negotiation for peace, was a profound silence with respect to your conduct; after it was known in Europe & acknowledged thro’out the U States, to have been highly beneficial to your country, & honorable to yourself.  This I presume must be considered by intelligent & candid men, as manifesting an intention to place you in the back ground; & to leave the publick, whose confidence & esteem you possess in an eminent degree, at a loss for the reason of such an extraordinary measure.  perhaps I am mistaken in this matter; but if not, permit me to enquire, retired as I am from the political world, who are the actors & What is the object of this political drama? soon after I began Mr Pickering’s letter, I had doubts whether it was written by himself, it appearing to me in point of style & system, dissimilar to his general performances. it then occurred to me that one of two quondam secretaries must have been the author:—when I had perused it further, & came to the part first alluded to, I conceived that the southern secretary would not have carried his strictures so far against the french; that the northern secretary on this occasion would have been less scrupulous; & that the circumstantial account respecting Mr Jay must have been obtained of him & published by a person in his entire confidence, neither of which circumstances will probably apply to the southern; whilst they both may to the northern secretary. my opinion was also strengthned by information respecting the letters of Phocion, for I have not seen them, that whilst the author endeavoured to invalidate the pretensions of Mr Jefferson, he made no advances to the support of yours, but meditated the plan to bring by surprize Mr Pinkney into the chair—It will be a great gratification to me to ascertain, whether my information & conjectures, in this instance, are in any degree well founded: & be this as it may, I must consider Mr Jay as a person of too much honor, to have given the information in the letter for so partial a purpose.  this matter, as it relates to yourself, appears to me of a delicate nature.  Some of your friends may conceive, that at present, silent contempt will be more dignified than any measure that can be adopted; whilst others may suppose, that an advantage will be taken of silence, to establish in the public mind doubts of your eminent services in the negotiation referred to, & will propose a statement of facts to accompany in all the Gazettes, the publication of Mr Pickering’s letter.  I confess for my own part, I am not sufficiently instructed to form an opinion on the subject, but am nevertheless earnest in my wishes to see such intrigues frustrated, & the meritorious officers of the publick triumphant over their ungenerous enemies.
I remain my dear Sir, with every sentiment / of esteem & respect / your sincere friend / & huml Sert
E Gerry


Title: To John Adams from Henry James Pye, 3 February 1797
From: Pye, Henry James
To: Adams, John

Sir
James Street Terrace Feb 3 1797

Encouraged by the honor you have done me by quoting a poem of mine in your valuable work I have taken the liberty to send you by my cousin Mr Rich two of my publications.  I am now employed on a poetical work on the progress of navigation of which I send you six lines from that part which relates to the discovery of America & its consequences.
—proud Ambition with exalting voice
Avows one Chief who justifies her choice.
Who mild in Council as in Combat brave
Protects in Peace the rights his valor gave
Then cries triumphant. Lo! my patriot son
True freedom’s godlike champion. Washington
I do most sincerely congratulate the friends of true freedom that America has given the illustrious Washington such a successor & lament my avocation here that will not permit me to witness in person for a time the prosperity of your government
With all the respect due to your exalted situation but with still greater for the virtue & ability which have so deservedly placed you there I remain /  Sir your faithful /  and obedient humble Servt

Henry James Pye


Title: To John Adams from Philip Wilson, 7 February 1797
From: Wilson, Philip
To: Adams, John

To the Honourable the President and Senate of the United States of America.
7 Feb. 1797

The Petition of Philip Wilson, their Citizen; late a Merchant of the City of Philadelphia: Most humbly—Sheweth
That your Petitioner has long prayed, and forwarded papers, that your honourable Senate will take under your consideration the Case of one of your Citizens, now above thirteen Years depending;—A Merchant of good Credit made insolvent, and every way plunged into deplorable distress and ruin: From the making and immediately breaking the Treaty of Peace, by the British Ministry in Lord Shelburn’s Administration who has treated the Petitioners application thereon: as if he had, had a right to destroy at will: Returning the petitioners letter with the message, by his servant, that “there is no answer for you”.  And by the Right Honbl: Mr. Pitt’s persevering Silence, and affected delay (Vattl’s Law of Nations, book 4; Capter 4; section 50; page 410;) for such a number of Years; And there from is Extorting a Receipt for 2,000...£: as in full of not only the expences encurred finding the Claim, but also of not the one sixth part of even the real Cost of the Destroyed Ship Mentor, & insurance; exclusive of the heavy Damages.
And also by the High Court of Admiralty, & the Doctors Commons, of England, deceiving & delaying; directing & forceing the petitioner astray; and after many years evasion, by sending up word to the Lords of Appeals: that “there was no Cause of Action”: after making him take out necessary papers for a Regular Appeal (recommended to the Petitioner by the Lord President); giving Judgement in Court that the Captors were in Ignorance of the Peace,—but declining to bring forward Admiral Digbey who timely knew of the Peace.  And further, declining the Judgement of Court: “Whether Prize or no Prize” (dictated by the good Earl Camden now deceased): plading Congress to be a Body without power and the U States to be without a Government. But now they see the Circumstances of the United States of America to be altered whois Congress may the Almighty support to dictate sublime Laws to the World making you loved for your Justice, and feared for your submitting to no Wrong which pray extend, without longer cruel Delay, to your much oppressed Citizen & Petitioner: now being the time that by being Jus to All, you must become Great.
That it is expressed as an excuse for your Petitioner’s oppressions; “that Government often sacrifises Individuals & Familys on such occasions as his Loss”; a president so cruel, & pestilential, that he prays that you never will save a common Mile, to the Ruin of an Individual Claimant; Nor submit your Citizens abroad, nor Aliens in the U: States, to such tyrannical Wrong.
That the 6th: Article; and the last sections of the 7th. of the Treaty of Amity, Commerce, & Navigation; with Mr: Jefferson’s letter of the 5th: of September 1793: Institutes, that British Subjects of every description are to have their Claims Compensated by the United States. The petitioner therefore humbly implores your Justice, that you will put him upon an equal footing with British Subjects: As he wishes for the Decisions of his Claim agreeable to “Equity, Justice and the Law of Nations” by the Commissioners appointed on the Treaty of Amity, C:: and Navigation between the United States, and Great Britain: whether in Philadelphia or in London, as to you may seem proper. He at the sametime praying your assistance to convey him and his decaying Family in comfort to his former Residence: his Childrens Native Country; And not again suffer him the Cruel alternative of Receiving a partial payment expended in the time of the pursuit, & to great Loss ere the mony comes to his hands.
He therefore most earnestly reiterates the Prayer of his Petition; that your honour will interpose to Obtain full power and authority to the Commissioners appointed on the American Treaty, to procure him Justice from the British Government.
And your Petitioner as in Duty bound will every pray—

Philip WilsonN: 2: Cowley Street,Westminster London,The 14th of November 1796.The Petitioner with due deference, begs reference to be had: to A Case dated the 2d: of November 1796, his Letter to Mr: Long. S: to the T: dated the 7th: of August 1793 And his Petition to the Lords of Appeals, of the 7th: November 1796 Enclosed by Mr. Wilson to his Excellency General Washington.


Title: To John Adams from United States Senate, 7 February 1797
From: United States Senate
To: Adams, John

Sir,
7 Feb. 1797

The Senate of the United States would be unjust to their own feelings, & deficient in the performance of a duty their relation to the government of their Country imposes, should they fail to express their attachment to your person, & their respect for your Character, in answer to the excellent address you presented to them, on your leaving a station which you have so long & so honorably filled as their President.
The motives you have been pleased to disclose, which induced you not to withdraw from the public service, at a time when your experience, talents and virtues were peculiarly desirable, was honorable for yourself, as from our confidence in you, Sir, we trust the result will be beneficial to our beloved Country.
When you retired from you dignified seat in this House & took your leave of the members of the Senate, we felt all those emotions of gratitude and affection, which our knowlege & experience of your goodness, abilities and undiviating impartiality ought to inspire; and we should with painful reluctance endure the separation, but for the consoling reflection, that the same qualities which have rendered you useful, as the President of this branch of the Legislature, will enable you to be still more so, in the exalted station to which you have been called.
From you, Sir, in whom your country have for a long period placed a steady confidence, which has never been betrayed or forfeited and to whom they have on so many occasions entrusted the care of their dearest interests, which have never been abused. From you who holding the second situation under the Constitution of the United States, have lived in uninterrupted harmony with, and without envy towards him who has held the first. From you we receive with much satisfaction the declaration which you are pleased to make of the opinion you entertain of the Character of the present Senators, & of that of those Citizens who have been heretofore Senators. This declaration, were motives wanting, would afford them, to a virtuous perseverance, in that line of conduct which has been honored with your approbation.
In your future course, we entertain not the smallest doubt, that your official conduct will be measured exactly by the Constitution, and directed to the public good, you have, therefore, a right to entertain a confident reliance, that you will be supported, as well by the people at large, as by their constituted authorities.
We cordially reciprocate to you, Sir, the wishes which you express for our honor, health and happiness, & we join with yours, our fervent prayers for the continuation of the virtues and liberties of our fellow Citizens, and for the public prosperity & peace; and for you we implore the best reward of virtuous deeds, the grateful approbation of your constituents, and the Smiles of heaven.


Title: Declaration of Votes in Elections for P and VP, 8 February 1797
From: Adams, John
To:

8 Feb. 1797

In obedience to the Constitution and Law of the United States, and to the commands of both Houses of Congress, expressed in their Resolution pass’d in their present session, I now declare that
John Adams is elected President of the United States for four years to commence with the fourth of March next
and that
Thomas Jefferson is elected Vice President of the United States for four years to commence with the fourth of March next.
And may the Sovereign of the World Universe, the ordainer of civil Government on Earth for the preservation of Liberty, Justice and Peace, among Men, enable both to discharge the Duties of those offices, conformably to the Constitution of the United States, with conscientious Dilligence, Punctuality and Perseverance.


Title: To John Adams from United States Senate, 9 February 1797
From: United States Senate
To: Adams, John

9 Feb. 1797

on motion ordered Resolved that the Secretary of the Senate, be directed and he is hereby directed, I lay before the president of the United States a copy of the Journal of yesterday the 8. Instant relative to the opening and counting the votes for president and Vice president of the United States, and the declaration of the president of the Senate consequent thereon: and also to present to the president, a copy of the notification given by the president elect of the time place and manner of qualifying to execute the duties of his office.
A


Title: From John Adams to United States Senate, 9 February 1797
From: Adams, John
To: United States Senate

The Vice President laid before the Senate, the following communication.Gentlemen of the Senate,Thursday, February 9th. 1797.

In consequence of the declaration made yesterday in the Chamber of the House of Representatives, of the election of a President and Vice President of the United States, the record of which has just now been read from your Journal, by your Secretary, I have judged it proper to give notice, that on the fourth of March next, at twelve O clock, I propose to attend again in the Chamber of the House of Representatives, in order to take the Oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President, to be administered by the Chief Justice, or such other Judge of the Supreme Court of the United States, as can most conveniently attend, and in case none of those Judges can attend, by the Judge of the District of Pennsylvania, before such Senators and Representatives of the United States as may find it convenient to honour the transaction with their presence.
Extract from the Journals of Senate.
Attest,

Sam. A Otis Secretary.


Title: To John Adams from Oliver Wolcott, Jr., 9 February 1797
From: Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.
To: Adams, John

					Sir:
					Treasury Department, February 9, 1797.

				I have the honor to transmit herewith a statement of goods, wares, and merchandise, exported from the United States, during one year prior to the 30th day of September, 1796, which has been prepared in conformity with the resolution of the Senate, passed on the 10th day of February, 1796.Of the sum of 67,064,097 dollars, being the whole value of exports during the years above mentioned, it is estimated that about the sum of twenty-six millions three hundred thousand dollars has arisen from the exportation of foreign goods and merchandise.I have the honor to be, very respectfully, sir, your obedient servant,

					Oliver Wolcott, Secretary of the Treasury.


Title: From John Adams to United States Senate, 10 February 1797
From: Adams, John
To: United States Senate

Gentlemen of the Senate,
10 Feb. 1797

In Consequence of the Declaration made yesterday in the Chamber of the H of Representatives of the Election of a President & V. P. of U.S. the Record of which has just now been read from your Journal by your Secretary I think have judged it proper to give Notice, that on the fourth of March next at twelve O Clock, I propose to attend again in the Chamber of the H. of R. in order to take the Oath prescribed by the Constitution of the U.S to be taken by the P.  to be administered by the Chief J. of the U. S. or Such other Judge of the Supreme Court of U.S. as can most conveniently attend, and in Case none of those Judges can Attend by the Judge of the District of Pensilvania in Presence of before Such Senators and Representatives of the U.S. as may find it convenient to honour the Solemn Ceremony Transaction with their Presence


Title: From John Adams to Elbridge Gerry, 13 February 1797
From: Adams, John
To: Gerry, Elbridge

My dear Sir
Philadelphia Feb. 13. 1797

I recd by this days Post your favr of the 3d No. 2. I had before received Number 1.—I shall confine myself in this to No. 2.
You are Apprehensive “that France will view the discussion of Gratitude in its full Extent, as trespassing the Line of defence” But Adet had laid his demands of Gratitude so high and all his Partisans were in the habit of deafening our People with such rude and extravagant and arrogant Pretensions to it, that it Seems to have become necessary to be explicit upon the Subject. I may Say to a Friend of your disention, what I believe you will agree in that there is quite as modest a demand of Gratitude due from them to Us, as from Us to them.  I think, I can demonstrate that the French Nation derived more Advantage from the Connection than We did. That She owes her Independence as much to Us, as We do ours to her.  Whether She has thrown away her Advantages by her Revolution or not, is for her to consider. We had nothing to do with that by Treaty or in Practice. We have imprudently gone too far in our approbation it, and adopted by Sympathy too much of her Enthusiasm in it. for We were and are incapable of judging whether it was wise or not, useful or not, destructive or not. Our Treaty obliged Us to no approbation of it, or concern in it. And our weak Ideas and Sensations of Gratitude, have led Us into the fundamental Error of takeing too larg a sShare of Interest and Sympathy in it.
The People of this Country must not loose their conscious Integrity, their Sense of honour nor their Sentiment of their own Power and Force, So far as to be upbraided, in the most opprobrious and contumelious Language, and be wholly Silent and passive Under it, and that in the face of all Mankind.
The profound Silence, with respect to my Conduct (which Surprizes you) was all right. It was good Judgment and Sound Policy, to leave me wholly out of the Question: because the Consequences of that Letter of Mr Pickerings were to be expected altogether, good or bad, under my Administration—As it is, no Irritation against me, can arise from this Letter. Mr Pickering took his Documents from Records or Files in his own office, the Dispatches of Mr Jay: and he comes not down So late as my Arrival in Paris. I was detained at the Hague by the negotiation of the Treaty with Holland. It is true I had asserted all Mr Jays Principles two years before in a Correspondence with the C. de Vergennes, upon the Occasion of the Interposition of the two Imperial Courts with an offer of Mediation and Proposal of a Congress at Vienna—I had also written to Mr Jay in my private Letters, declaring that I never would treat untill a Commission arrived in Paris expressly to treat with the Ministers Plenipotentiary of the United States of America and urged, exhorted & animated him to Stand firm in the Same Resolution. Whether my Letters to him first Suggested to him this System, or whether his Reasonings and mine concured exactly in the same Point, is immaterial to me—I believe it probable We thought alike.  But the miserable Gloriole of Settling this Point is no Object with me, comparable to the Importance of keeping me wholly out of Sight in my present Situation.  This was not done without consulting me, nor without my Advice. I hope the Controversy will never be pushed so far as to necessitate the Publication of my Dispatches upon that occasion.  Pickering and all his Colleagues are as much attached to me as I desire I have no Jealousies from that Quarter.
You are mistaken in your Conjectures about a northern & southern Ex secretary—neither had any Thing to do in this Business. Pickering himself was the Engineer, and Wolcott, McHenry & Lee, with Washington superintending all, corrected soften’d and amended: indeed any one that I have mentioned is equal to the Task.
Phoison the Ex. Secretary and their Connections did not I believe meditate by Surprize to bring in Pinckney.  I believe they honestly meant to bring in me—But they were frightened into a belief that I should fail, and they in their Agony thought it better to bring in Pinckney than Jefferson—and some I believe preferred bringing in Pinckney President, rather than Jefferson Should be even Vice President.
I believe there were no very dishonest Intrigues in this Business. The Zeal of some was not very ardent for me but I believe none opposed to me. They found the People more Attached to me than they were, or than they expected to find. In Pensilvania, partly folly and partly Wickedness effected a Purpose, not confirmable to the real Wishes of the State, as I am assured, and unless my Self Love & Vanity deceive me have good reason to believe. I need not hint to you the Necessity of keeping me out of Sight.
Who is to be Governor? I should be at no Loss, if I were at Quincy & could vote but perhaps could do nothing.  I love to see 1765 & 1779 Men in Honour. I regret infinitely that so many of them, are fickle variable and weak, if not too feebly principled.
With Strong affection
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from John Quincy Adams, 16 February 1797
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, John

N. 32.My Dear Sir
The Hague February 16. 1797.

Since I wrote you last I have been in constant expectation of seeing General Pinckney here, and in hopes that from conversation with him, I might have some new circumstances of interesting information to communicate to you. My letters from Paris mention that he was to leave that place on the 2d: of this month.—Some accident must have delayed him as he has not yet reached this place. As soon as I see him, I shall write you further.
I have formerly noticed that when a report had spread in Paris, that the Directory had resolved to suspend all intercourse with the Government of the United States, untill their causes of complaint should be removed, the fact was denied from authority in their official Newspaper.—This new order to General Pinckney has not been announced in any of the Paris daily prints, and the french Minister here has declared in answer to enquiries upon the subject, that it cannot have taken place, for that he has had no notice of it, as he certainly should have were the account true.—Of the fact I have not the least doubt, but I mention the secrecy and mystery which is observed on this occasion as a remarkable circumstance which ought to be known to you.
It seems to be understood that the french Government have determined to arrest and intercept all our Commerce to and from the Ports under the dominion of G. Britain. I have conversed with several intelligent Men here engaged in the public affairs at this time, upon the subject.—They do not hesitate in conversation with me to avow that they approve this policy; they say that the loss of the American Commerce will compel G. Britain to make Peace. As to the injustice of the thing towards us, they tell me with the utmost coolness imaginable that rigorous Justice is not always practicable among Nations, and that when Policy prescribes a certain system, it cannot be expected that great regard will be paid to the rights and interests of a neutral Nation which has no force to resist an attack upon them. Upon the point of Justice I have not yet met a single Man, who after discussion has not abandoned entirely the argument.—But I have scarcely met one who scrupled at avowing his opinion that the plan contemplated by the french Government is expedient.
I send by the present opportunity a small Packet of Books, which may possibly give you some entertainment: most of them contain indications from whence the state of french affairs may be collected.—The History of the conspiracy of Orleans is a party work. The Newspapers have mentioned that two of the Sons of Orleans have arrived in America. I presume that their purpose is to live there in retirement—But I hope they will have no acquaintance or intercourse with any person concerned in the Government of the United States. The Orleans faction is still very powerful in France. Like all the other factions it is perpetually intriguing.—Any communication of common civility with those young Men, would be noticed, reported, exaggerated, misrepresented, and very possibly construed into a formal grievance, particularly at the present juncture, when every pretext of offence good or bad is hunted up to serve as a justification for real and essential injuries intended against us.
The publication of Madame de Stael is curious. It contains many very sensible and smart remarks; a profusion of sparkling sentences, and a perpetual proof of that half-reflected system, that absurd mixture of ignorance and experience of nonsense and wisdom, of depravity and virtue, which characterizes the school of french politicians ever since the opening of their Revolution. One great object of this publication was doubtless, to offer a sort of expiatory sacrifice to the present rulers in France, and to recommend the authoress to the restoration of their Good graces.—They had sent her away from Paris some time before her Husband’s recall, but I understand she is now returned there again.
The french translation of the Constitution proposed for the Batavian People will shew what was intended by the first Constitutional Committee. It will be essentially different from that which shall be finally adopted. My late Letters have given you a regular account how this affair progresses.—The Assembly are still employed upon the discussion.—They have determined by a very large majority for two branches, in the Legislature but formed exactly upon the french model. The great chamber is to propose, and the chamber of elders only to approve the Laws. Both to be elected upon the ratio of population, and upon the rates of one member to 30,000, and to 60,000 inhabitants. So that the chamber of elders will be just half as numerous as the other.—The Executive Power to consist of a Council of State of five members; under whom are to be five ministers for the Departments of War, The Interior, Finances, Foreign affairs, and Marine
Mantua has at length surrendered to the French, who will probably before long be at Rome. On the Rhine the campaign has probably terminated by the capture of Kehl, and the head of the Bridge at Huningeu by the Austrians. The Theatre of the War it is said is to be transferred altogether from Germany, and all the future efforts of both parties are to be directed towards the Italian quarters.—The papers announce that great preparations are continued to be made in the Ports of France for repeating the experiment of a naval Expedition.—Seamen and Commanders they cannot however make, and without them they can do nothing.
You will find in the newspapers enclosed, accounts of a royalist conspiracy newly discovered at Paris.—The observations of Lacretelle in the paper of Feby 6. give you the probable secret of this transaction. An Electioneering manoeuvre.
The Elections are to take place at the latter end of March. The Directory are excessively fearful of their result.—All the parties opposed to the Government are founding their expectations upon them; but I do not apprehend they will produce any material change either of their external or internal affairs.
I have ever since my residence in Europe had applications of various kinds from the friends of M. de la Fayette.—They have been extremely desirous that the American Government should make a formal and public application for his liberation, either directly to the Imperial Government, or through that of Great Britain.—As it was a subject upon which I never had any instructions from the President, or the department of State, and as I have always been fully convinced that the measures solicited would not be expedient and could not be of any service, I have always avoided an interference in the matter; unfortunately many of M: de la Fayette’s friends have proceeded with much more zeal and vehemence, than discretion, judgment or delicacy, in the endeavours to procure his liberty.—The conduct in particular of Lally, towards Mr: Pinckney, was such as certainly could not serve the cause of his friend.—For my own part I have been disposed to make every allowance for indiscretion in consideration of the purpose which has always had my most cordial wishes in its favour.—I have very recently received from Hamburg a letter wherein I am again requested to suggest and urge the propriety of an ostensible measure, that is a public application from the Government of G.B. The United States, to that of G. Britain, to solicit the liberation, from the Emperor. The reason now alledged is that if the United States do not claim the prisoner now, France very soon will; for that a surprizing alteration has taken place in the public opinion of France with regard to M. de la Fayette, and that it is now highly in his favour.—And that the Emperor by giving him up now to the application of the American Government will only be spared the mortification of being compelled to yield him to the claims of France. I have engaged to transmit this idea and its reasons to America—But have expressed my unequivocal conviction, that what is desired cannot and ought not to be done.
I am with the highest respect and affection, your Son
John Q. Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Welsh, 18 February 1797
From: Adams, John
To: Welsh, Thomas

Dr Sir
Philadelphia Feb. 18. 1797

I have recd your favour of 30. Ult.—Thank you for your good Wishes.
I know not the reason why the Chroniclers should wish that Mr Jefferson would not accept the office of V.P. The Reason is obvious why the “highest Partisans” on the other Side shd. wish so.—But neither the Jacobins nor Antijacobins, knew the Temper and Character of Mr Jefferson So well as I do. I have known these Seven Years that his object was the Place of V.P. and that he had no hopes of any other.—He procured more Votes at least by 14 in Pensilvania than he ever expected and those he would not have had but for Adets impudent Maneuvre. He had more Votes in both Carolinas and even in Virginia than he expected, and than he would have had if the most abominable Art of Falshood & Chicane had not been practised.
I ventured to Say a few Words on declaring the Election and a few more on taking Leave of the Senate, which have passed here without any Severe Animadversion: I know not how they will be treated in the Chronicle. I am unfortunate and ill treated in being obliged to come in, merely from the Rancour of the South and of Pensilvania against New England, and from French Impudence, with that of a few Scotch & Irish firebrands with so Small a Majority and I was determined to transmit to Posterity, a few Facts that will be better understood by Posterity than by the present Folks, and by foreign Nations than our own Countrymen. You must never quote me nor Shew my Letter, unless to the faithful. For the Spirit of Sophistry and Party will pervert every Word.
My Regards to the family

John AdamsMr Cocke of Tennessee, in a violent opposition to the Motion for repairing and replacing the furniture of the Ps. house—said “I blush not to Say that I like the P. elect as well as the actual P. but I dont love to see any P. So bedizzen’d up,” a most miraculous Compt from Tennessee.


Title: From John Adams to John Lathrop, 20 February 1797
From: Adams, John
To: Lathrop, John

Dr Sir
Philadelphia Feby. 20th 1797

I have received your kind Letter of the 30 Jan and thank you, for your obliging Complaisance in nominating Dr. Bancroft to be a Member of our Academy and for your Compliments on the issue of the late Election.
When you assure me, that your Brethren of the Clergy, of the Colledge and of the Accademy are “almost without an Exception my real Friends” you assure me of an approbation very much to my taste 1st because I beleive it to be sincere, 2d because there is a composition of honesty, Learning, and Sense, in those bodies not to be found in any every other Country, if in any. I hope and pray that these bodies will be steady, for more of the Safety of their Country, and the welfare of mankind depend upon them at this time than they can be aware of; a system of Profligacy beyond all example threatens to deluge the Globe in blood and lay prostrate every public Institution and every Moral Sentiment which renders human Life in Civilized Society agreeable or even tolerable, too many individuals in our beloved Town of Boston have been infected with this infernal Spirit of fanaticism and the bodies you mention have prevented the contagion from Spreading to more. These Sentiments may be too free to be communicated by me, to any but in confidence.
I send you for the accademy Dr: Priestly’s observations just published in which he has Exposed Voltaire, Volney &ca:
I am / with Great Esteem your Friend & Servt.

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from James McHenry, 20 February 1797
From: McHenry, James
To: Adams, John

Sir,
War-Office 20th February 1797.

I have the honour to transmit you herewith, a list of Invalid-Pension-Applicants—who have been re-examined by Physicians, agreably to a Resolve of Congress of the 18th of April 1796.
I am with great respect / Sir / your obedient servant.

James McHenry


Title: To John Adams from George Washington, 20 February 1797
From: Washington, George
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir,
Monday 20th. Feby. 1797

I thank you for giving me the perusal of the enclosed.—The sentiments do honor to the head & heart of the writer;—and if my wishes would be of any avail, they shd. go to you in a strong hope that you will not withhold merited promotion from Mr. Jno. Adams because he is your son.—For with out intending to compliment the father or the mother, or to censure any others: I give it as my decided opinion, that Mr. Adams is the most valuable public character we have abroad;—and that there remains no doubt in my mind that he will prove himself to be the ablest, of all our diplomatic Corps.
If he was now to be brought into that line, or into any other public walk, I could not upon the principle which has regulated my own conduct, disapprove of the caution which is hinted at in the letter.—But he is already entered;—the public, more and more as he is known, are appreciating his talents and worth;—and his country would sustain a loss if these were to be checked by over delicasy on your part.—
With sincere esteem and affectionate regard / I am ever Yours,

Go: WashingtonMy dearest FriendThis is too prescious a morsell to go out of your hands.J. A


Title: From John Adams to Josiah, III Quincy, 21 February 1797
From: Adams, John
To: Quincy, Josiah, III

Dr Sir
Philadelphia Feb: 21 1797—

I received in its time your favor of the 2d and thank you for your clear and satisfactory answer to my Questions.
Pray tell me, entre nous, whether you were one of the Citizens who fraternized with Citizen Adet at Concert Halls, Whether Citizen Lincoln & Citizen Higginson are not a little in the Compunctions for the illegitimate Embraces they gave and received on that day, They seemd to me to be stolen amours at the time.
We may smile a little Sub rosa at these runnings astray of the stolen waters, of our good friends and meritorious character, But it is a serious thing, It is very dangerous for private persons to exhibit these ostentatious feasts to foreign Ambassadors which lead to political Consequences of the first magnitude and embarras the best intention’d government in the world. The enthusiasm of the American People for the French Revolution a thing beyond their knowledge to judge of, and of no importance to their interests or Engagements, has been countenanced in Boston by the best friends of our American Government, and Even by the best newspaper in that Town to the detriment of our public affairs upon many occasions.
This must be in Confidence, you must conceal with great Care my correspondence with you, otherwise it may be turned to the disadvantage of both. I inclosed to Mrs. Adams a power of Attorney to you, if she should have occasion to prosecute some hardy Trespassor she will employ you, So that we shall have business to write about—
I am Sir your most Obt.

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from United States Senate, 22 February 1797
From: United States Senate
To: Adams, John

Sir,
22 Feb. 1797

The Senate of the United States would be unjust to their own feelings, and deficient in the performance of a duty  their relation to the government of their Country, imposes, should they fail  to express their Respect for attachment to your person, and their respect for your character, in answer to the excellent address you presented to them, on your leaving a station which you have so long and so honorably filled as their President.
The motives you have been pleased to disclose, which induced you not to  withdrawing from the public service, at a time when your experience, talents, and virtues were peculiarly desireable, are as honorable for yourself, as from our confidence in you, Sir, we trust the result will be beneficial to our beloved country.
When you retired from your dignified seat in this House, and took your leave of the members of the Senate, we felt all those emotions of gratitude and affection, which our knowledge and experience of your goodness, abilities and undiviating impartiality ought to inspire; and we should with painful reluctance endure the separation, but for the consoling reflection, that the same qualities which have rendered you useful, as the President of this branch of the Legislature, will enable you to be still more so, in the exalted station to which you have been called.
From you, Sir, in whom your country have for a long period placed a steady confidence, which has never been betrayed or forfeited, and to whom they have on so many occasions entrusted the care of their dearest interests, which have never been abused—From you who holding the second situation under the Constitution of the United States, have lived in uninterrupted harmony with and without envy towards him who has held the first—From you we receive with much satisfaction the declaration which you are pleased to make of the opinion you entertain of the character of the present Senators, and of that of those Citizens who have been heretofore Senators—This declaration, were other motives wanting, would afford them an incentive to a virtuous perseverance, in that line of conduct which has been honored with your approbation.
In your future course, we entertain not the smallest no doubt, that your official conduct, will be measured exactly by the Constitution, and directed to the public good, you have, therefore, a right to entertain a confidant reliance, that you will be supported, as well by the people at large, as by their constituted authorities.
We cordially reciprocate to you, Sir,the wishes which you express for our honor, health and happiness, and we join with yours, our fervent prayers for the continuation of the virtues and liberties of our fellow citizens, and for the public prosperity and peace; and for you we implore the best reward of virtuous deeds—the grateful approbation of your constituents, and the smiles of Heaven.


Title: To John Adams from John Quincy Adams, 23 February 1797
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, John

N: 33
Dear Sir
The Hague February 23d: 1797

General Pinckney and his family have arrived at Amsterdam; but as I have not seen him I presume he did not pass through this place. On the other hand Mr: Monroe has arrived in Paris, upon his return from his tour through this Country.—What was the cause of Mr. Pinckney’s being ordered to leave France is yet unknown.—But the conduct of the french Government and its dependents, at the same time towards Mr: Monroe, and his conduct towards them give me serious uneasiness. The views and designs which these circumstances seem to indicate are of a nature so important to the Constitution and even to the Union of our Country that I cannot but feel anxious to discover how far they really extend, and cannot but observe with concern the apparent concert of an internal American party with the present Government of France, to overthrow that of the United States.
You will doubtless before this reaches you be informed of official communications made to me from this Government in the course of the last autumn, and which I then transmitted to the Secretary of State, wherein they formally, without disguise or hesitation call upon the United States to violate their Treaty with Great Britain, go to War with her, and make a Common Cause with the French and Batavian Republics.—Such probably is still the intention of the french Directory.—But as at present they totally despair of effecting their purpose by negotiating with our Executive Government, they will probably turn all their efforts towards the House of Representatives.—The act of June 5. 1794, against which Adet complains so indecently, expires with the present Session of Congress. This is the Law, of which Fauchet, in his dispatch N. 3. says, that Randolph told him “A bill had passed the house of Representatives which wounded liberty.” An indisputable proof of it is the next clause of the dispatch which represents Randolph as adding “They have at least taken away the article which prevents the sale of the French prizes in our Ports.”—Fauchet in his plastering certificate pretends that this passage of his N. 3. refers to a conversation which he had with Randolph in April 1794. and that it related to the political divisions in different parts of the United States, and to a bill which gave the Executive, powers that might be abused, and wound liberty.—The impudence with which this story is told, when the clause about the taking away the article relative to the sale of prizes comes so immediately after, in the dispatch, is not one of the least curious particulars in the strange publication of Randolph.—The clause about the sale of prizes was struck out, on the 2d: of June 1794. And Fauchet certifies that the conversation was the April before. In fact from the internal evidence of Fauchet’s dispatch, compared with Adet’s last Note, it is clearly the 7th: Section of the Act of June 5. 1794. which was so extremely obnoxious to Mr: Randolph, and at the same time is so to the French Government.—Under these circumstances, the attempt to pass an imposition upon the public as to the object of their conversation, is itself deserving of attention.—Why was there any desire of disguise in this particular?—Why but because Mr: Randolph’s confidences with Mr. Fauchet, upon subjects to which the same 7th: Section naturally leads the contemplation, were such as it was judged unfit to disclose.—This 7th: Section is indeed an important thing, and I am not a little curious to see how it will be treated in the House of Representatives, when the Law is to be continued; that is, in the course of the present Session.
What expedition or enterprize there may be views of carrying on from the territories of the United States against the dominions of another Sovereign, I am not qualified to say. France is at this time not only at Peace, but in close alliance with Spain. But neither Peace nor Alliance are complete or effectual guards against projects of invasion or revolution. There is no doubt but that the french in their Negotiation for Peace with Spain, endeavoured long to obtain a cession of Louisiana; and have since the Peace been equally solicitous to receive it in exchange for the part of St: Domingo, which was ceded to them.—You will observe both in one of the Paris papers which I have lately sent and in the Leyden Gazette an Article of news, published at Paris as coming from Madrid, that an inevitable Revolution is upon the point of taking place in Mexico. And that the People there will soon shake off the yoke of Spain. The pretence that this disposition is fomented by the English may be true or false, the material object of observation is the paragraph itself and the quarter from whence it comes—You best will know, whether I am merely fanciful in combining it with Genet’s arrival at Charleston, and his intended expedition at that period; together with the various other symptoms that have appeared down to a certain Letter to Coll: Thomas Fulham a North Carolinian, which I find in the American News-papers of the last Summer; and to the return of the same Coll: Fulham to France, immediately after the Ratification of the Treaty with G. Britain.—He called to see me as he went through this place, and told me that he was the bearer of many letters for Mr. Monroe, from Mr. Madison, and his other friends.—The part of the President’s address to the People, applying particularly to the inhabitants of our Western States and Territory indicates the evidence of a plan advanced to considerable maturity.—An obscure outline of a vast plan, calculated exactly for the french meridian, suitable at once to their ambition and their Jealousy, discovers itself in these various incidents. If this plan really exists in the extent which may be rationally suspected, the 7th: Section of the act of June 5. 1794, is a very important obstacle, to views for conducting expeditions against the territories of a foreign power with which we are at Peace.
But however that may be, it is certain there is another plan, with the success of which the other part of this section is totally incompatible; and that is the plan for suspending totally the commerce between the United States and Great Britain.—This design which ever since the middle of the last Summer there has been strong and increasing reason for suspecting is now in a manner openly avowed, notwithstanding the ambiguity which pervades all their official papers on the subject and which indicates nothing more than the view of retreating from the system in case they should find it impracticable, with a pretence that they never adopted it.
To carry it into effect they have two different modes of proceeding: the one, by producing a War between us and Britain: the other by making a sort of War upon us themselves and forcibly intercepting, all our navigation to and from British Ports; at least as far as they can. But this 7th. Section is an impediment equally to both their processes. It prevents them from carrying on a privateering trade by means of our own Citizens, which would be altogether inconsistent with neutrality; and which if not suppressed would at once harass the commerce and provoke a state of hostilities: and at the same time it takes from them the means of intercepting forcibly the navigation to and from British Ports, by depriving them of the means of keeping a line of privateers along the whole extent of our own coast which should be ready to meet every vessel which they should choose to stop, upon its entering into or issuing from the several Ports. To them this is an essential object, for our Navigation with British Ports could not be forcibly interrupted to a very material degree, but by arresting the vessels at the moment of departure or of arrival.—This they cannot do in the European Seas, because the British naval superiority keeps them generally clear, and a privateer or frigate seldom has a chance of picking up more than a single vessel or two before it is itself taken.—Neither can they do it upon the American Coast, while they are prevented from fitting out their privateers in our own Ports, and while our Citizens find their property protected by the jurisdiction of our own tribunals.—The consequences therefore of an unrenewed expiration of this Law are in every point of view so momentous, that I consider it as one of the principal purposes for which they are now undertaking to negotiate with the House of Representatives, against the Executive of the United States.
At present, I am told here, that it is not desired that we should go to War with England; that it would even not be for the interest of France that we should...I have conversed repeatedly with the persons upon whom the principal executive functions for the foreign affairs rest, and have urged to them the obvious and inevitable consequences to this Country of a War between the United States and either France, or G. Britain.—Some of them I have reason to believe are alarmed.—The merchants, the Renters, have already perceived the effects of the mere prospect which is threatened; and I know that they are alarmed—The disposition therefore here is right.—I am even told that the French Directory will not pursue their system to an absolute rupture, and a hint has been given me, that Adet’s powers will be renewed to discuss the differences which have arisen, or rather that the suspension of his functions will be removed. But all this may be intended merely as a cloak to conceal designs of hostility, and prevent a state of preparation to guard against them. The measure of ordering Mr: Pinckney away is so violent in its Nature, that it is absolutely necessary to consider the Directory as determined upon proceeding to every extremity for the purpose of carrying their points in America.—As it is unquestionable that the ruin of our Commerce and a War with Britain are involved in these points, I cannot suppose that the Government of the United States will submit, and I must therefore recur to an idea, which I have heretofore suggested; that is the importance of a cool moderate and candid statement to the world of the real situation of our differences with France.—The Notes of Adet, and most especially the speech of Barras to Mr. Monroe, when he delivered his Letters of recall, start pretensions of superiority on the part of France, and of dependence on that of the United States, which must be resisted and refuted. Instead of which, it is painful to say it, Mr: Monroe himself in his speech gives them countenance and encouragement, by talking of generous assistance which never was given, and which their own official documents have long since disproved.
The Papers published by the British Government concerning the negotiation of Lord Malmesbury serve in a great measure to shew the immediate system of France. The dissolution of the German Empire is avowed as one of the objects. This plan which was checked by the disasters of their armies on the Rhine the last autumn, appears by the capture of Mantua to be resumed with new vigour.—Italy seems to be secured to them beyond the reach of accident; the fate of the neutral states in that quarter is as miserable as that of those which are parties in the War. Florence, Venice and Genoa by turns are required to supply money and provisions, no less than if they were in a state of complete hostility, and no sort of acquiescence or submission can remove the danger that is continually threatened of revolutionizing the Governments and turning them into new, one and indivisible Republics allied and tributary to France.
A very large detachment from the Austrian army on the Rhine has marched into Italy; as have likewise considerable parts of the French armies. Another struggle is to take place in that quarter, which in all probability will terminate like the former. The Austrian forces like those of all the allied powers through this war, are apparently a formidable body; but a body rotten at the Heart. Treachery pervades all their camps, or a languid indifference palsies every exertion.—Yet it does not appear probable that the Emperor will yet make Peace; because upon every success that the French troops obtain, their Government swells its political system, and by the time when Austria will be ready to sacrifice the Netherlands, he will be required to consent also to the establishment of a Republic formed upon his Italian dominions.
The troops which had been embarked for the expedition against Ireland, are coming to join the armies upon the Rhine, where it is now said that the French are to take again their offensive position.—I hear no more at present of the intention to send them again to Sea. The Directory some days ago requested the Legislative assembly to place thirty three millions of livres at the disposal of the Minister of Marine. I see they did allow him only twelve millions and a half; a sum large enough to squander or throw away, but not competent for much else.
My Letters from France intimate great expectations of an improvement in the legislative Assembly, and a more favourable prospect for Peace after the new Elections which are to be completed about the 20th. of next month.—I have not for my own part the least idea that they will produce any material alteration
They are still debating the plan of Constitution here. It will take them probably about a month or six weeks longer—A riot or insurrection in Friesland has been suppressed by killing and wounding about a dozen of the rioters.
I remain with every Sentiment of duty and affection, your Son.
John Q. Adams.


Title: To John Adams from Stephen Sayre, 23 February 1797
From: Sayre, Stephen
To: Adams, John

Sir
Philaa 23. Feb: 1797. No 158. Market Street.
presuming, that a general peace is not very distant: a question arises, to the mind of every citizen, who knows the interest of his country. How will the United States of America be affected by it?
Our Envoy now at Paris, may for ought I know, have talents, address, and every necessary qualification, for high & important negotiations—he may, hereafter be more than a usefull Servant—but, he ought to have been sent to our allies, as Ambassador extraordinary—his Intructions should have been, but a declaration, that we never can—that we never will, be deem’d the Enemies of France.
A Minister thus appointed, and acting with sincerity, must not only preserve peace & restore us to the good will of our allies, but he might, by address, make himself a party in all those points of negotiations, which may affect this Country.
Conceiving, that the United States do not mean to abandon their pursuits in navigation, or the Revenue, depending on their Commerce, I appeal to your understanding, & ask the question: Is it not, clearly, our Interest, to improve this critical moment, to get some influence, among the Nations, with whom we are & must be hereafter connected?
It is highly important to us, that some system should be settled, on fix’d principles, by which, the inoffending Merchant may find safety. Your Minister will be supported in this point, by every power in Europe, except Great Britain; and her situation does not warrant her opposition, to their united wishes. But there is another object which, if accomplish’d, that will be highly profitable to the United States; & which, will be also advantagious to other Nations.  This is, to get the Island of Proto Rico, declared a Free Port, on the broad Basis, of a general confederacy, to be sacred & inviolable against any.  I need not inform the President of the United States, that under such a Title, & such circumstances, this single Island would give us a better market than all the rest of the Antilles. Men of wealth would purchase the Lands—the planters of every description would settle in it.
I mean to do myself the honor of waiting on you, and if you request my Ideas, as to the means of obtaining it, you shall have them without reserve. It is my wish that no other person, should, at this time; be made acquainted with the thought.
I am very respectfully yours

Stephen Sayre


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Law, 26 February 1797
From: Law, Thomas
To: Adams, John

Sir.
Philadelphia Feby. 26 1797.

After one short week your mind will be absorbed in the routine of current business, & the pressure of daily occurrences may not allow you leisure for the consideration of abstract Propositions—
Our worthy President has transmitted in his legacy of advice, an urgent admonition to avoid Treaties from an experience of the embarasments that have already arisen from them; an idea on this subject having suggested itself to me, I submit it to you Sir because as a man I should deem myself culpable in suppressing what appears simple, practicable & exempt from possible evil, & because I know you have a  disposition to embrace whatever has public good for its object & a judgement to determine its propriety and expediency—
Treaties include the private Interests of contracting States & the general rights of every Nation on the globe—boundaries fisheries &ca: are comprehended under the first head & the limitation of contraband Articles the principles of neutrality &ca: under the second—
In America was happily set the example of a Federal Government; of freedom of religions & of other beneficial novelties & it is perhaps reserved for America under your administration to introduce a Code of Laws for nations.—
Vattels compilation of discordant precedents from antient usages has already been productive of dissentions, yet the frequent references of the diplomatic corps to that author evince what a desideratum such a Code would be that might be as concise & full as the Ten Commandments—
A Convention of delegates from the various Empires would I fear prove futile as intrigue, jealousy, corruption & evasion would prevent a concurrence, but I should think that if you Sir were to send to your several Embassadors one self evident proposition for their assent or rejection of the Governments where they reside, you would ascertain how far success was likely to ensue—A naked Truism could not be productive of mischief, and I am led to hope that no one would refuse to subscribe to something like the following—
“The Sea being a common high way designed by providence to promote the general intercourse of distant Nations, It is unlawful for any Ship to stop or detain another in any manner under any pretence bearing a foreign flag, unless in view of a besieged blockaded or invested place. Should a dispute arise upon this law, the parties shall refer the same to the arbitration of the Court of the neutral Nation nearest the place where the molestation occurred—”
The titles heretofore granted by Popes for the exclusive navigation of certain Seas are now invalidated, the imaginary Balance of power in Europe is over turned, mercantile monopolies are suppressed, family Compacts &ca. are annulled & the present situation of the belligerent powers is peculiarly favorable for the admission of a few simple principles for uniform observance.  The commercial world would ardently promote them, the minds of mankind are prepared to advocate them, & Potentates would admit general rules for all nations, which they would reject separately as partial concessions—
Heretofore each Village had its Leader who inculcated the detestable doctrine that neighboring villages were natural enemies, and these Leaders made bargains & Alliances productive of desolating broils, till the Villages combined for their mutual benefit and formed Laws for all—Why cannot nations now imitate their example? It is devoutly to be wished & the attempt is worth the trouble; it may too at this Crisis conciliate one Nation & cannot offend any other—
That Providence may crown the undertaking with success, to the honor of your administration, to the glory of America & to the benefit of Humanity is the sincere prayer of / Yrs. with much / esteem & respect / yrs most  Ob S
Thomas Law


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Law, 27 February 1797
From: Law, Thomas
To: Adams, John

Sir
Philadelphia Feby 27th 1797

In my letter of this morning I Introduced the most difficult article of the proposed National code, that I might at once meet the most powerfull objections—And as you approve of the plan at the first glance I will proceed—I am convinced that the irresistible force of truth must ultimately cause an adoption of every general principle—first, by the subscription of those States who will benefit by it—& secondly of those who will rejoice at a mode of attaining concurrence on disputed points which caused war and taxation and ultimately the subversion of empires—and thirdly by those who have deferred reply till the voice of reason, the wishes of their subjects, the approbation of the majority of Potentates, and the shame of silence or evasion compel to a reluctant acquiescence—
Policy requires that America should begin with the most unalarming Article merely to introduce the precedent, “parva metu primo mox sese attollit in auras”—As a commercial Nation merely she might require each embassador to submit the following to the different Governments—
“Whereas Merchants are liable to suffer great derangement and loss by the sudden alterations of Imports—It is hereby agreed that altho duties are a matter of internal arrangement—yet as they affect their distant  Countries that Previous notice shall be given to all the world of any additional duty to be levied on foreign goods—” Such a proposition will please the merchants every where and must gratify the Sovereigns, nor do I believe that any will discover the Hercules from this fact—or if they do will they attempt to suppress a self evident equitable principle from the apprehension of subsequent innovations—
This apparently insignificant Article will produce a coalition of Governments—and emancipate them from the disputes of plenipotentiaries—from irritating misinformations—from frivolous ceremonies—from imaginary difficulties, fabricated manoeuvres and all the artificial obstacles to justice and unanimity—
A simple article respecting duties will be received without suspicion in Europe as the Atlantic is a sufficient separation, and it will appear most natural for America to deviate a little from the old mode as she is now experiencing unpleasant effects from a late treaty—and as the President so much respected there has in his last words conveyed an awfull admonition applicable as well to other nations as to his own country—
I remain with much / esteem and respect—

Thomas Law


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Welsh, 28 February 1797
From: Welsh, Thomas
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Boston Feby 28. 1797.

Your Favor of 18th Instant was received last Night.
I have sent a part of the Chronicle of yesterday that you may see for yourself the wonderfull Conversion which has been brought about within a few weeks this appears to be very general but how sincere or how lasting or what object is in View is a Subject of much Speculation. but they are all apparently perfectly satisfied with the Result of the Election. Jarvis speaks hansomely of the Address to the Senate, and Swan since his Return from Philadelphia has entirely changed his Tone. whether they dispair of the Success of a direct Attack upon the new Chief Magistrate and hope to effect their purposes in another Way you are able to decide. I need not suggest that Flatery and Censure are Machines equally within their System to be used as occasion may require, and some of them have been weak enough to think and say that you have a weak Side. You will pardon me for the Suggestion but as their Conversion is so miraculous it excites various Conjectures. I believe this came from Swan but I am not certain. Perhaps they wish to excite a jealousy and distrust among the Fæderalists.
Do the Papers in general reach the President? If they do not I will if you desire it occasionally send the Chronicle when I see any thing that may be worth your perusal either pro. or con. I fear that if they have any particular object which they expect to obtain through the President and they find him attainable they will turn their Artillery against him as they have done against his Predecessor, but to leave these People to persue their own Measures if they have any. object it It is a truth that People in general almost universally are highly pleased with the Address to the Senate, and have expressed much Satisfaction and approbation upon the Occasion. Mr Wm: Cooper professes much Cordiality to me upon the Election and says it is now high Time that hard Names and severe attacks in the public papers were done with and that a Spirit of accomodation ought to take Place; I told him that lay very much within the Power of the Parties themselves and that if they were disposed they had could put a stop to such Abuses, they The Jacobins seem to have a Certainty that Mr Hamilton is not pleased with the result of this Election, and seem determined to proffit by it. Jarvis said further when eulogizing your Address and hearing this Observation made, that it was a great Task for any Man to follow successfully in the same Office and maintain the same Respect & Confidence which the late President has enjoyed. replied that no Man ever had a better Opportunity to do well than Mr Adams whose Abilities and Integrity were universally acknowledged who would act for him self and not be led by any one & that he had it in his power to do more for this Country than any Man ever had done and that it was impossible he could do worse than Washington. By all this it seems they mean to place the future Misfortunes of this Country to your Country Account but whether they will allow you a proper Share of acknowledgement for your future Services Time must shew. I perceive there may be a liability to Mistakes just at this Time in directing Letters to the Vice President I shall therefore for the Present direct in the manner I have done to Day.
Wishing you every public and private Blessing I am Sr with great Respect your Friend
Thomas Welsh


Title: From John Adams to United States Senate, February 1797
From: Adams, John
To: United States Senate

Gentlemen of the Senate
February 1797

If, in the general Apprehension of an intention to retire in that most eminent Citizen, to whom all Eyes had been directed and all hearts attended, as the Center of our Union for So long a period; the public opinion had exhibited any clear Indications, of another, in whom our fellow Citizens could have generally united; as Soon as I read that excellent Address which announced the Necessity of deliberation, in the Choice of a President, I should have imitated the Example of a Character, with which I had cooperated, tho in less conspicuous and important Stations, and maintained an uninterrupted Friendship for two and twenty years. But as a number of Characters, appear’d to Stand in the general Estimation, So nearly on a level, as to render it difficult to conjecture, on which the majority would fall; considering the Relation in which I stood to the People of America, I thought it most respectful to them, and most conducive to the Tranquility of the public Mind to resign myself with others, a Silent Spectator of the general deliberation and a passive Subject of public discussions
Deeply penetrated with Gratitude to my Countrymen in general, for their long continued Kindness to me, and for that Steady and affecting Confidence, with which, those who have most intimately known me from early Life, have on so many great occasions, entrusted to me, the care, of their dearest Interests; Since a majority of their Electors, tho a very Small one, have declared in my favour, and Since, in a Republican Government, the majority tho ever so small must of necessity decide, I have determin’d, at ever hazard of a high but just responsibility tho with much Anxiety and diffidence, once more to engage in their Service. Their Confidence, which has been the Chief Consolation of my Life, is too prescious and Sacred a deposit ever to be considered lightly. As it has been founded only on the Qualities of the heart, it never has been, it never can be, deceived betrayed or forfeited by me.
It is with reluctance, and with all those Emotions of Gratitude and Affection, which a long experience of your goodness ought to inspire that I now retire from my Seat in this house and take my leave of the members of the Senate.
I ought not to declare for the last time, your Adjournment, before I have presented to every Senator present, and to very Citizen who has ever been a Senator of the United States, my Thanks, for the candour and favour invariably receivd from them all. It is a recollection of which nothing can ever deprive me and it will be a Source of comfort to me, through the remainder of my Life, that, as on the one hand, in a Government constituted like ours, I have for Eight Years held the Second Situation under the Constitution of the United States, in perfect and uninterrupted harmony with the first, without envy in one, or Jealousy in the other: So on the other hand I have never had the smallest misunderstanding with any member of the Senate.—In all the abstruse questions, difficult Conjunctures, dangerous Emergencies, and animated debates upon the great Interests of our Country, which have So often and So deeply impress’d all our minds, and interested the Strongest feelings of the heart, I have experienced a uniform Politeness and respect from every quarter of the house. When Questions of no less importance than difficulty, have produced a difference of Sentiment (and differences of opinion will always be found in free Assemblies of Men, and probably the greatest diversities upon the greatest questions) When the Senators have been equally divided, and my opinion has been demanded according to the Constitution, I have constantly found, in that Moiety of the Senators, from whose Judgment of have been obliged to dissent a disposition to allow me, the same Freedom of deliberation, and Independence of Judgment which they asserted for themselves.
Within these Walls for a course of Years, I have been an admiring Witness of a Succession of Information, Eloquence, Patriotism and Independence, which, as they would have done honour to any senate in any Age, afford a consolatory hope (if the Legislatures of the States are equally carefull in their future Selections, which there is no reason to distrust) that no Council more permanent than this as a Branch of the Legislature will be necessary, to defend the Rights, Liberties and Properties of the People, and to protect the Constitution of the United States as well as the Constitutions and Rights of the individual States, against Errors of Judgment irregularities of the Passions, or other encroachments of human Infirmity or more reprehensible Enterprize, in the Executive on one hand or the more immediate Representatives of the People on the other.
These Considerations will all conspire to animate me in my future Course, with a confident Relyance, that as far as my Conduct Shall be uniformly measured by the Constitution of the United States and faithfully directed to the Public Good, I Shall be Supported by the Senate as well as by the House of Representatives and the People at large; and on no other Conditions ought any Support at all to be expected or desired
With cordial Wishes for your Honour, Health and Happiness, and fervent Prayers for a Continuation of the Virtues, Liberties, Prosperity and Peace of our beloved Country, I avail myself of your Leave of Absence for the Remainder of the session and request that these Sentiments may be honoured with a Place upon your Journal.


Title: To John Adams from Timothy Bloodworth, February 1797
From: Bloodworth, Timothy
To: Adams, John

Feb. 1797

Timothy Bloodworth Presents his Compliments to the Vice President of the United States, & begs leave to acquaint him, that if it should be Necessary to send express to the Vice President Elect, his son Samuel Bloodworth will Chearfully perform the service, provided the respectibility of the personage, shall be considered competant to the service, if otherways, permit the freedom of the offer to recieve the Indulgence of a pardon.


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Mifflin, 3 March 1797
From: Adams, John
To: Mifflin, Thomas

Philadelphia March 3 1797

Having been out this Forenoon upon public Business it was not untill my Return after three O Clock, that I received the Letter you did me the Honour to write me on this day.
The Respect to the United States intended by the Legislature of Pensivania, in building a House for the President will no doubt be acknowledged by the Union, as it ought to be
For your kind offer of it to me in Consequence of their Authority I pray to accept of my respectful Thanks and to present them to the Legislature.
But as I entertain great doubts whether by a candid Construction of the Constitution of the United States, I am at Liberty, to Accept it without the Intervention and Authority of Congress and there is not time for any Application to them, I must pray you to apologise for me to the Legislature for declining the offer.
For your obliging Congratulations on my Election to the office of President of the United States, and for your kind Assurances of Cooperation as far as your constitutional Powers and Duties extend to advance the Honour and ensure the success of my Administration, I pray you to accept of my best Thanks and fullest Assurances of a reciprocal Disposition on my Part towards the Governor and State of Pensilvania.
With great Respect and Esteem / I have the Honour to be, Sir / your Excellencys most obedient / and most humble servant

John Adams