Title: To John Adams from C. W. F. Dumas, 25 June 1781
From: Dumas, Charles William Frederic
To: Adams, John

Monsieur
Lahaie 25 Juin 1781

Je me proposois d’avoir l’honneur de vous écrire demain. Mais S. E. M. l’Ambassadeur de France, m’ayant fait chercher dans ce moment, pour me dire de vous ecrire, que comme vous aviez demandé à Mr. De Berenger, Chargé des Affaires de France, les raisons pour lesquelles on souhaitoit votre présence et un entretien avec vous en France, il savoit ces raisons, et que si vous voulez vous donner la peine de venir ici à la Haie, il vous les communiquera.
On m’a dit et demandé les fraix d’Impression de votre Mémoire dans les 3 Langues. J’en vais dresser le montant, que ma premiere vous portera, et je vous demanderai la permission de pouvoir le tirer Sur vous pour Satisfaire ces gens.
J’ai l’honneur d’être avec grand respect Monsieur Votre très-humble & très-obéissant serviteur

Dumas

Tornez S. v. p.
P.S. Il se passe ici des choses très-interessantes touchant l’etat interne de cette Rep., dont vous avez sans doute oui parler. C’est une vrais crise, qui se décidera cette semaine, ou la prochaine. Je ne crois pas sûr de confier rien de plus au papier fut une affaire aussi délicate, ou d’ailleurs l’Amérique n’est point intéressée, si ce n’est par les suites que peut avoir sa décision. Nous pourrons en causer, si vous venez ici.


Title: C. W. F. Dumas to John Adams: A Translation, 25 June 1781
From: Dumas, Charles William Frederic
To: Adams, John

Sir
The Hague, 25 June 1781

I intended to have the honor of writing to you tomorrow, but His Excellency, the French ambassador, has just this moment asked me to write to you. He says that you had asked Mr. Bérenger, French chargé des affaires, what reasons warranted your presence and an interview with you in France, and that he knows these reasons. If you can take the trouble to come here to the Hague, he will communicate them to you.
I have been asked for the printing costs for your memorial in the three languages. I will add up the total, which my first one will bring to you, and I will ask your permission to draw on your account for it in order to satisfy these gentlemen.
I have the honor to be with great respect, sir, your very humble and very obedient servant

Dumas

Please turn.
P.S. Some very interesting things are happening here concerning the internal affairs of the republic, of which I am sure you have heard talk. It is a real crisis that will be decided on either this week or next week. I do not believe I should confide anymore to you about it on paper since it is such a delicate affair, or, moreover, America is not at all involved except that it is only by the outcome that decisions can be made. We can discuss it if you come here.


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, 26 June 1781
From: Adams, John
To: President of Congress,Huntington, Samuel

Duplicate
Sir
Amsterdam June 26th. 1781

The Rubicon is passed. A step has been at last taken by the Regency of Amsterdam, which must decide the fate of the Republick.
The City of Amsterdam, finding that their proposition of the 18th. of last month was not sufficient to change the conduct of administration, have ventured on another maneuvre. On the 8th. of this month, as soon as the States of Holland were seperated, two Burgomasters of Amsterdam, Mr. Temminck and Mr. Rendorp, accompanied with Mr. Visser, Pensionary of the City, demanded an Audience of the Prince Stadholder, who granted it at his House in the Grove. In this Audience, they made to the Prince by word of mouth a Representation, which they repeated in a Memorial sent on the 14th. to the Councillor Pensionary of the Province, the substance of which is as follows. The Gentlemen of Amsterdam said.
That their proposition of the 18th. of May last, founded perhaps upon former Examples, did not result from any Suspicions with regard to the good dispositions and intentions of his most Serene Highness, which they had no reason to distrust, although the Regency of the City of Amsterdam had learned with the most sensible grief, that evil minded persons had endeavoured to insinuate the contrary to his most Serene Highness; but that their distrust fell solely upon him, whose influence over the mind of his most Serene Highness was held for the most immediate Cause of the Sloth and Weakness in the Administration of affairs; which, as they could not but be extremely prejudicial to the well being of the Public, they had a long time expected, but in vain, that the dangerous Circumstances, in which the Republick found itself involved, would have in the end given rise to serious deliberations upon the means, which We ought to employ in their order and with more vigour: but that these hopes had hitherto been fruitless; and, that as the Question now in agitation was concerning the safety of their dear Country, of her dear bought liberty, of that of his most Serene Highness and his House, in one word, of every thing which is dear to the Inhabitants of the Republick, the Regency of Amsterdam had judged: that they ought not any longer to render themselves guilty by their silence of a neglect of their duty; but that, altho’ with regret, they see themselves obliged to take this step, and to represent to his Highness with all due respect, but at the same time with all that frankness and freedom, which the importance of the affair requires, and to declare to him openly, that according to the general opinion, the Field Marshal the Duke Louis of Brunswick Wolfenbuttel is held for the primary Cause of the miserable and defective State, in which this Country finds itself in regard to its defence; of all the negligence of Duty which has taken place respecting this subject, and of all the perverse measures which have been taken for a long time, with all the fatal Consequences which have proceeded from them; and that they could assure his Highness, that the hatred and aversion of the Nation for the person and the administration of the Duke were arisen to such an height, that there was reason to apprehend from them events the most melancholy and the most disagreable for the public prosperity and the general tranquility: that there was no doubt that the same Assertion had been made to his Highness from other quarters; but that in case this had not been, it ought to be attributed solely to the fear of the effects of the resentment of the Duke, which at the same time they dared appeal in this respect, with the firmest confidence, to the Testimony of all the Members of Government, Gentlemen of honour and frankness, that his Serene Highness would interrogate upon this Subject, after having assured them of the necessary liberty of speaking without reserve, and after having exhorted them to tell him the truth according to their duty and their conscience: that the Regents of Amsterdam had learned more than once with grief, that the Councillor Pensionary of the Province had complained, in presence of divers members of the Regency of Holland, of the misunderstanding which took place between him the Councillor Pensionary and the Duke, as also of the influence which the Duke has upon the Spirit of his Highness, and by which his efforts for the good of the Country had often been rendered fruitless: that this discord, and this difference of views and sentiments, between the principal Councillor of his Serene Highness and the first minister of this Province, might not only have Consequences the most prejudicial, but that it furnished also a motive sufficient to make the strongest instances, to the end to remove the source of this distrust and discord, while that, without the previous re-establishment of confidence and unanimity, there remained no longer any means of saving the Republick: that nothing was more necessary for the well being of the illustrious House of his Highness, to maintain his authority, to preserve to him the Esteem and the Attachment of the Nation, and for his own Reputation with the neighbouring Powers, since they could assure, and they ought to advertise his Highness, that it is possible he may become one day the object of the indifference and distrust of the Public, instead of being and continuing always the worthy object of the love and esteem of the People and the Regencies, as they made the sincerest wishes that his Highness and his illustrious Posterity might constantly enjoy them, considering that thereon depended in a great measure the conservation of the well being of their dear Country, and of the House of Orange.
That altho’ they knew very well, that the Members of the Sovereignty have always a Right, and that their duty requires them even to expose their Sentiments to his Highness and their Co Regents, concerning the state and administration of public affairs, they should however have more voluntarily spared the present measure, if there had been only the smallest hope of amendment, or alteration; but that from the aforesaid reasons they dared not longer flatter themselves, and that the necessity having arisen to the highest point, it appeared that there was no other part to take but to lay open in this manner to his Highness the real Situation of affairs, praying him most earnestly to take it into serious consideration, and no longer to hearken to the Councils and Insinuations of a Man, upon whom the hatred of the great and the little was accumulated: and whom they regard as a Stranger, not having a sufficient knowledge of our form of Government, and not having a sincere Affection for the Republick: that the Regents of Amsterdam were very far from desiring to accuse this Nobleman of that of which however he was too publickly charged, or to consider as well founded the suspicions of an excessive attachment to the Court of London, of bad faith, and of corruption; that they assure themselves, that a Person of so illustrious a Birth and so high rank is incapable of such baseness; but that they judge, that the unfortunate Ideas which have been unhappily concieved with regard to him, and which have caused a general distrust, have rendered him absolutely useless and hurtful to the service of the Country and of his Highness: that thus it was convenient to dismiss him from the direction of affairs, from the Person and Court of his Highness, as being a perpetual obstacle to the re establishment of that good harmony so highly necessary between his Highness and the principal members of the State, while the continuation of his Residence would but too much occasion the distrust concieved of his Councils to fall, whether with or without reason, upon the Person and the administration of his Highness himself.
That these representations did not proceed from a principle of personal hatred or private rancour against the Duke, who, in former times, has had reason to value himself on the benevolence and real proofs of the affection of the Regency of Amsterdam: but that they ought to protest before God, and the World, that the conservation of their Country, and of the illustrious House of his Highness, and the desire to prevent their approaching ruin, had been the only motives of these representations: that they had seen themselves obliged to them, both in quality of Citizens of the Country, and as an integral Member of its sovereign Assembly, to the end, to make by this step one last effort, and to furnish yet perhaps in time a means of saving, under the blessing of the Almighty, the vessel of the State from the most imminent dangers, and conduct it to a good Port, or at least in every Case to acquit themselves of their duty, and to satisfy their Consciences, and to place themselves in safety from all reproach from the present age and from Posterity.
To this representation, the Duke has made an answer to their high mightinesses, in which he demands an Enquiry and a Vindication of his honour, as dearer to him than his life. This answer will be transmitted as soon as possible. The transaction will form a Crisis, but what will be the result of this or any other measure taken in this Country, I cannot pretend to foretell.

I have the honour to be, with the greatest Respect, Sir, your most obedient and most humble Servant
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, 26 June 1781
From: Adams, John
To: President of Congress,Huntington, Samuel

Sir
Amsterdam June 26. 1781

The Emperor appears to be more intent at present upon taking a fair Advantage of the present Circumstances, to introduce a flourishing Commerce into the Austrian Flanders, than upon making Treaties with England or waging War in its favour.
His Imperial, Royal, and Apostolical Majesty, has condescended to take off and break the Shackles which restrained the Commerce and the Communication of the Port of Nieuport in the Interiour of the Country, and to discharge, by his gracious Decree, the Commerce, from the Charges and Impositions, which were raised on the Canals, bordering upon the Said Port, under the Denominations of Vate Geld, Last Geld, Myle Geld &c. The Frequentation of the Port of Nieuport, presents also, all the Facilities which the Merchants can require.
Thus the City of Nieuport enjoys the most extensive Priviledges, both for Storage and Transportation to foreigners: We find there good Magazines, Merchants, Factors, and Commissioners, who will all Serve faithfully and with the greatest Punctuality.
The Communications, both to the Interiour Parts of the Country and to foreigners, are free and easy, both by Land, by means of the new Causey of Nieuport, which communicates with all the Roads, and by Water, by means of the direct Canals of Nieuport to Bruges, to Ostend, to Ypres, to Dixmuide, to Furnes, and to Dunkirk, and from thence farther on. One passes, by the Canal from Nieuport to Bruges, nearly in the Same Space of time, that We pass, by the Canal from Ostend to Bruges. All these Canals have daily Barkes, ready, easy and convenient for Travellers, Merchandizes, and Effects. The Fishery of the Sea, both of fresh Fish, and of all sorts of Herring and Cod, is at Nieuport, in the most flourishing State, and enjoys there every Priviledge and Exemption.
The Distillery of Gin, in the Dutch Way, established at Nieuport, makes excellent Gin, the Transportation and Expedition of which enjoys the greatest facilities.

And the Government, of his Imperial Majesty in the Low Countries, does not cease to grant all the Priviledges, and Facilities, which can tend to the Welbeing of the Inhabitants and of the Commerce of the City and Port of Nieuport.
I Should rejoice at these Measures, for the Benefit which American Commerce would receive from them, provided the Emperor, could oblige Americans to take their Goods from Germany, and not from England: but immense Quantities of British Manufactures, will go to America from Nieuport, Ostend and Bruges. This is a Subject, which deserves the Serious Consideration of every American. British Manufactures, are going, in vast quantities to America, from Holland, the Austrian Flanders, France and Sweeden, as well as by the Way of New York and Charlestown &c. Whether it is possible to check it, much less to put a stop to it, I know not, and whether it would be good Policy, to put an End to it, if that were practicable is made a question by many.
If the Germans, the Dutch, the French and Spaniards, or any other nations would learn a little commercial Policy, and give a Credit to Americans as the British Merchants do, and encourage in their own Countries Manufactures adapted to the Wants and Tastes of our Countrymen it is certain that in such a Case it would be our Interest and duty to put an End to the Trade in British Goods, because nothing would weaken and distress the Ennemy so much, and therefore nothing would contribute more to bring the War to a Conclusion. At present Manufactures flourish in England, and the Duties paid at the Custom houses have been increasing these two or three Years, merely owing to their recovering more and more of the American Trade, by neutral Bottoms, and by other clandestine Channels.
Any American Merchant by going over to London obtains a Credit. The Language of the London Merchants to the American Merchants is “Let Us understand one another, and let the Governments squabble.” But, Americans ought to consider, if We can carry on the War forever our Allies cannot, and without their Assistance We should find it, very difficult to do it.
I wish the Taste for British Manufactures, may not cost Us more Blood, than the difference between them and others is worth.
I have the Honour to be with great Respect, sir, your most obedient & most humble servant

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Silas Talbot, 26 June 1781
From: Adams, John
To: Talbot, Silas

Sir

Amsterdam
June 26. 1781

I have received your Letter of the fifth instant, and am very Sorry, to hear of your Misfortune. I wish it were in my Power, to comply with your Request: but it is not. I have no publick Money in my Hands and therefore cannot furnish you with any on account, of Pay, due to you. I have, however Sent you, ten Guineas Pounds sterling, which I can only lend you out of my own Pocket, untill you may be in a Situation to repay me. Mr. F. at Passy, is the only one in Europe, who has Power to afford you relief, on publick Account, if, indeed he has, which I cannot positively Say, but should advise you to write to him, without mentioning me however, to him. I remember very well, and with great Pleasure your name, Person and Character. I must beg you, for your own Sake as well as for other reasons to keep this Letter wholly to yourself.


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Franklin, 30 June 1781
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

Sir
Passy, June 30. 1781

This is to request that you will accept no more Bills with an Expectation of my Paying them, till you have farther Advice from me: For I find that Mr. Laurens, who went away without informing me what he had done, has made so full a Disposition of the Six Millions granted at my Request before his Arrival, that unless the Specie he sent to Holland is stopt there, I shall not be in a Condition to pay them. I have the Honour to be, Sir, Your Excellency’s most obedient and most humble Servant

B Franklin


Title: To John Adams from C. W. F. Dumas, 3 July 1781
From: Dumas, Charles William Frederic
To: Adams, John

Monseiur
Lahaie 3 Juillet 1781

J’ai été mortifié dernierement, de vous trouver justement parti lorsque je passai à votre Auberge, pour vous rendre mes devoirs après avoir vu quelques patriotes. J’espere être dedommagé lorsque vous ferez une autre tournée ici. En attendant, je me hâte de vous faire passer l’incluse, non seulement pour que vous ayiez la bonté de la faire partir par premiere occasion avec vos Dépeches, mais aussi pour que vous la lisiez.
Tout ce qu’elle contient est aussi sûr qu’interessant. Le troisieme Article est encore plus directement important pour l’Amérique, et pour vous personnellement, à cause de votre Commission de Minre. Plenipo: en cas de Pacification générale. J’ai tenu en mes mains et lu toute la Dépeche, dont la mienne donne la substance. Ainsi je vous suis garant de la chose. J’ignore, au reste, Si les Cours belligérantes Sont déjà convenues de certains préliminaires avec les Cours Impériales, ou Si ce n’est encore qu’une négociation entamée par ces deux dernieres seules. Le temps nous développera cela.
Mes respects, S. V. p. à Mrs. Dana, Searle, Gilon et Jennings. Je suis avec bien du respect, Monsieur, Votre très humble & très obeisst. servit.

Dumas

P.S. Je vous fais mon compliment, Monsieur, sur la victoire remportée par Mr. De Grasse près de la Martinique contre Hood. Voilà Rodney bien mortifié. Ce brigand le mérite. Mais n’y a-t-il donc personne en Amérique qui puisse prendre et pendre la felon Arnold?
Je prends la liberté de tirer sur vous, Monsieur, à l’ordre de Mrs. De Neufv. & fils, les 20 Ducats pour les fraix de publication du Memoire dans les 3 Langues, selon le Mémoire que vous aurez trouvé dans le paquet des 150 Exemples. du Meme. en Anglois, qui doit vous avoir été remis par Mrs. De Neufville.


Title: C. W. F. Dumas to John Adams: A Translation, 3 July 1781
From: Dumas, Charles William Frederic
To: Adams, John

Sir
The Hague, 3 July 1781

I was mortified to find that you had just left your inn, when I came to call on you after having met with some patriots. I hope we can make up for it on your next trip here. Meantime, I hasten to give you the enclosed, not only for you to be so kind as to forward it, with your dispatches, but also so that you may read it.
Everything it contains is as reliable as it is interesting. The third article is more directly important for America, and for you personally, because of your commission as minister plenipotentiary for a general peace. I held the dispatch in my hands and read it in its entirety, of which mine gives a summary. As far as it is concerned, you can rely on me. Besides, I do not know if the belligerent courts have agreed on certain preliminaries with the imperial courts, or if it is still only a negotiation initiated by these last two only. Time will tell.
My respects, if you please, to Messrs. Dana, Searle, Gillon and Jenings. I am with great respect, sir, your very humble and very obedient servant

Dumas

P.S. My compliments, sir, on Mr. Grasse’s victory against Hood near Martinique. How Rodney is mortified. That brigand deserves it. But isn’t there anyone in America who can capture and hang the felon Arnold?
I take the liberty of asking you, sir, for twenty ducats, payable to Messrs. Neufville, for the publication cost of the memorial in three languages. This fee is indicated on the bill that you will have found in the package they sent to you containing 150 English copies.


Title: To John Adams from J. Rocqùette, Th. A. Elsevier, & P. Th. Rocqùette, 3 July 1781
From: Rocqùette, J.,Th. A. Elsevier, & P. Th. Rocqùette, (business)
To: Adams, John

Sir
Rotterdam 3d. Julÿ 1781

In consequence of the conversation, which the writer of this had the honour to have with your Exellencey, Last Saturday, We now make free to entretain you aboutt the American Certificates of which we have a good number. Part of them are already due Since the beginning of this year, the others will become due in February, March and April of next year, we are at a Loss how to gett payment of them, for as there are no duplicates or Seconds of these Effects, it would be very dangerous to Send the originals to America. Especially in the present Juncture, for besides the dangers of the Sea, those of the Capture by the Ennemies, are to be feard, and the one or the other would deprive us of our property, Situated as matters are now, the Surest way in our opinion, would be that the Honble. Congres did Consent, that we Should Send by your Exellencey, authantiq Copÿ’s of all the banknotes we have, and that the payment Should be done here in Europe against the delivery of the originals, which might than be sent by your Exellencey by Such Conveyance as you’ll think propre to America; Some of our Friends, to who we Sold Some of the banknotes, would be willing to have the Amounts of same with the Intrest due, Converted in obligations payable in Eight or Ten years, and would Consent to Establish the Intrest of 5 per Cent per Year, provided the Honble. Congres authorised your Exellencey or who ever here in Europe, it may Judge propre, to make up the obligation and to pay the Intrest annually, and the Capital when due; We shall take it as a particular favour if your Exellencey will propose the contents of this to Congres, and to lett us know it’s Resolution on the matter as Soon as your Exellencey will have an answer about our propositions; Give us leave to prevail ourselfs of this opportunity to make to the Honble. Congres, as well as to your Exellencey the offer of our most devoted Services, We Should be very happy to render it or for your Exellencey, any Service, having the honour to be with the most respectfull Regard, Sir, Your verÿ hùmble Servants

J. Rocqùette, Th A. Elsevier, & Brothr. Rocqùette


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, 5 July 1781
From: Adams, John,Thaxter, John
To: President of Congress,Huntington, Samuel

Amsterdam, 5 July 1781. RC and signature in John Thaxter’s hand PCC, No. 84, III, f. 254–261. printed : Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.Francis Wharton, ed., The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, Washington, 1889; 6 vols., 4:540–543.
This is the first of a series of letters to Congress that John Thaxter composed in John Adams’ name during Adams’ absence at Paris. They are dated 5, 7 (
first and second letters

), 10, 13 (
first and second letters

), 17, and 21 July (all calendared below), and 24 (
first and second letters

) July (both Adams Papers). Except for the two letters of 24 July, which were never sent to Congress, these letters have been calendared because, according to Adams’ statement appearing immediately before this letter as published in the Boston Patriot in 1809, “During my absence, which was nearly through the whole month of July, the following state papers were translated by the gentlemen of my family, whom I left in Holland, and transmitted to Congress, or to be kept for me to sign, according to my directions after my return” (JA, Corr. in the Boston PatriotCorrespondence of the Late President Adams. Originally Published in the Boston Patriot. In a Series of Letters, Boston, 1809[–1810]; 10 pts., p. 534).
In this letter John Thaxter included a proposition by William V to the States General on 28 June and related documents printed in Dutch newspapers, including the Gazette de Leyde of 6 July. The Stadholder called on the States General to investigate why the Netherlands was unprepared to prosecute the war against Great Britain. In the course of his request, William V denied any responsibility for the lack of sufficient ground and naval forces. The States General agreed to undertake the requested investigation.


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, 7 July 1781
From: Adams, John,Thaxter, John
To: President of Congress,Huntington, Samuel

Amsterdam, 7 July 1781. RC and signature in John Thaxter’s hand PCC, No. 84, III, f. 264–265. printed : Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.Francis Wharton, ed., The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, Washington, 1889; 6 vols., 4:549.
John Thaxter wrote this letter during John Adams’ absence at Paris. It contains an English translation of a resolution that the States General adopted on 2 July, which was printed in Dutch newspapers, including the Gazette de Leyde of 6 July. The States General resolved that it was unaware of any basis for the charges made against the Duke of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel by members of the regency of Amsterdam or anyone else. The States General called on the various provinces to enact regulations to restrain those who would make unsubstantiated charges against the Duke.


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, 7 July 1781
From: Adams, John,Thaxter, John
To: President of Congress,Huntington, Samuel

Amsterdam, 7 July 1781. RC and signature in John Thaxter’s handPCC, No. 84, III, f. 262–263. printed :Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.Francis Wharton, ed., The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, Washington, 1889; 6 vols., 4:550.
John Thaxter wrote this letter during John Adams’ absence at Paris. It contains an English translation of an article that appeared in Dutch newspapers, including the Gazette de Leyde of 10 July. The article was an account of a meeting on 8 June between the Marquis de Vérac, the French minister at St. Petersburg, and Count Osterman, the Russian vice-chancellor. The French diplomat declared that unless the neutral powers took stronger measures to counter British depredations on their commerce, France would be forced to base its conduct toward neutrals on the policies Britain followed. Thaxter concluded by noting that Francis Dana had departed that day for St. Petersburg without Edmund Jenings.


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Franklin, 7 July 1781
From: Adams, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Hotel de Valois July. 7 1781

Mr. Adams presents his Compliments to Dr. Franklin and prays him to let his servant take the Trunks left at Passy to Paris. Mr. A. will do himself the Honour to pay his Respects to his Excellency, very soon.


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Franklin, 7 July 1781
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

Saturday July 7.—PM.

Dr. Franklin presents his Compliments to Mr. Adams, and sends such of his Trunks as can be got at; W.T.F. in whose Chamber it is suppos’d there may be more, being gone to Paris; and having with him Mr. F’s Carriage prevents his waiting on Mr. Adams immediately as he would otherwise wish to do; but Mr. F. requests the Honour of Mr. Adams’s Company at Dinner to-morrow.


Title: From John Adams to the Comte de Vergennes, with a Letterbook Memorandum, 7 July 1781
From: Adams, John
To: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, Comte de

Versailles July 7. 1781. Hotel de Jouy
Sir

I have the honour to inform, you, that, upon an Intimation, from your Excellency, Signified to me by Mr. Berenger, and afterwards, by the Duke de la Vauguion, that the Interests of the United States required me here, I arrived last night in Paris, and am come to day to Versailles, to pay my Respects to your Excellency, and receive your farther Communications. As your Excellency, was in Council, when I had the Honour to call at your office, and as it is very possible, that Some other day, may be more agreable, I have the Honour to request you to appoint the Time, which will be most convenient to your Excellency for me to wait on you.

I have the Honour to be, with great Respect Sir your most obedient and most humble Servant
John Adams


Title: Enclosure: John Adams’ Memorandum, 7 July 1781
From: Adams, John
To:

This Letter I sent by My Servant, who, waited, untill the Comte descended from the Council, when he delivered it, into his Hand. He broke the Seal read the Letter and Said “He was Sorry, he could not See Mr. Adams but he was obliged to go into the Country, immediately after dinner but that Mr. Adams, Seroit dans le Cas de voir Mr. De Raineval who lived at Such a Sign, in the Ruë St. Honore.” After Dinner I called on Mr. Rayneval,—Who Said M. le Duke de la Vauguion has informed you, that there is a Question of a Pacification, under the Mediation of the Emperor, of Germany and the Empress of Russia, and it was necessary that I Should have Some Consultations, at Leisure, (a Loisir) with the Comte de Vergennes, that We might understand each others Views. That he would See the Comte tomorrow Morning and write me, when he would meet me. That they, had not changed their Principles, nor their System: that the Treaties, were the foundation of all Negotiation.
I Said, I lodged, at the Hotel de Valois, where I did formerly, that I should be ready to wait on the Comte when it would be agreable to him, and to confer with him, upon every Thing relative to any Propositions, which the English might have made. He Said the English had not made any Propositions, but, it was necessary to consider certain Points, and make certain preparatory arrangements, to know whether We were, British subjects, or in what light We were to be considered. I Said I was not a British subject: that I had renounced that Character many years ago forever: and that I should rather be a fugitive in China or Malebar, than ever reassume that Character. He repeated that he would see the Comte in the Morning and write me, where he would meet me.


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, 10 July 1781
From: Adams, John,Thaxter, John
To: President of Congress,McKean, Thomas

Amsterdam, 10 July 1781. RC and signature in John Thaxter’s hand PCC, No. 84, III, f. 268–269. printed : Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.Francis Wharton, ed., The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, Washington, 1889; 6 vols., 4:556–557.
John Thaxter wrote this letter during John Adams’ absence at Paris. It contains an English translation of an article that appeared in Dutch newspapers, including the Gazette de Leyde of 10 July. The article reported that on 4 July the Duke of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel informed the States General that he was grateful for the resolution of confidence it adopted on 2 July. He requested, however, an investigation of his conduct, which was the only means to absolve him fully from the charges made against him. The States General agreed to the investigation.


Title: Austro-Russian Proposal for Anglo-American Peace Negotiations, with John Adams’ Translation, 11 July 1781
From: Russia,Austria
To: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, Comte de

11 July 1781

Articles pour Servir de base à la négociation du retablissement de la paix.
Arte. Ier.
Il sera traité entre la grande Bretagne et les Colonies Américaines du rétablissement de la paix en Amérique; mais sans l’intervention d’aucunes des autres parties Belligérentes, ni même celle des deux Cours Impériales, à moins que leur médiation n’ait été formellement demandée et accordée sur cet objet.
Arte. II.
Cette paix particulière ne pourra cependant être Signée, que conjointment et en même tems avec celle des Puissances, dont les intérêts auront été traités par les Cours Médiatrices. Les deux paix moïennant cela, quoiqu’elles pourront être traités séparement, ne devant point pouvoir être conclües l’une Sans l’autre, on aura soin d’informer constamment les Médiateurs de la marche et de l’état de celle qui regarde la grande Bretagne et les Colonies, à fin que la médiation Soit à même de pouvoir Se régler pour la marche de celle qui lui est confiée d’après l’état de la négociation relative au Colonies; et l’une et l’autre des deux pacifications, qui auront été conclües en même tems, quoique separement, devront être solemnellement garanties par les Cours médiatrices, et toute autre Puissance neutre, dont les parties Belligérantes pourront juger à propos de reclamer la garantie.
Arte. III.
Pour rendre les négociations pacifiques indépendantes des évènements toujours incertains de la guerre, qui pourroient en arrêter, ou au moins en rétarder les progrés, il y aura, un Armistice général entre toutes les parties pendant le terme d’une année à compter du ... du mois de ... de la presente ou de ... années à compter du ... du mois de ... de l’année 1782. S’il arrivoit que la paix générale ne fût point rétablie dans le cours du premier terme. Et pendant la durée de l’un ou de l’autre de ces deux termes, toutes choses devront rester dans l’état, où elles Se trouveront avoir été au jour de la signature des présent articles préliminaires.


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, 11 July 1781
From: Adams, John
To: President of Congress,McKean, Thomas

Triplicate
Sir
Paris July 11th. 1781

I have only time, by Major Jackson, to inform Congress, that upon Information from the Comte de Vergennes, that questions concerning Peace, under the Mediation of the two imperial Courts, were in agitation that required my Presence, I undertook the Journey and arrived here last Friday Night the 6th. of the month, and have twice waited on the Comte de Vergennes at Versailles, who this day communicated to me the inclosed Propositions.
These Propositions are made to all the belligerent Powers by the Courts of Petersbourg and Vienna, in consequence of some wild propositions made to them by the Court of London, that they would undertake the Office of Mediators upon Condition that the League, as they call it, between France and their Rebel Subjects in America should be dissolved, and these left to make their terms with Great Britain, after having returned to their Allegiance and Obedience.
France and Spain have prepared their Answers to these Propositions of the Empress and Emperor, and I am desired to give my Answer to the Articles inclosed. It is not in my Power at this time to inclose to Congress my Answer, because I have not made it nor written it, but Congress must see that nothing can come out of this Maneuvre, at least for a long time. Thus much I may say, that I have no Objection to the proposition of treating with the English seperately, in the manner proposed, upon a Peace with them and a Treaty of Commerce consistent with our Engagements with France and Spain: but that the Armistice never can be agreed to by me. The Objections against it are as numerous as they are momentous and decisive. I may say farther, that as there is no Judge upon Earth of a sovereign Power, but the Nation that composes it, I can never agree to the Mediation of any Powers however respectable, until they have acknowledged our Sovereignty so far at least, as to admit a Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States as the Representative of a free and independent Power. After this We might discuss Questions of Peace or Truce with Great Britain, without her Acknowledging our Sovereignty, but not before.
I fancy however that Congress will be applied to for their sentiments, and I shall be ever ready and happy to obey their Instructions, because I have a full Confidence that nothing will be decided by them, but what will be consistent with their Character and Dignity.
Peace will only be retarded by Relaxations and Concessions, whereas Firmness, Patience and Perseverance will insure Us a good, and lasting one in the End.
The English are obliged to keep up the talk of Peace to lull their Enemies and to sustain their Credit. But I hope the People of America will not be decieved. Nothing will obtain them real Peace, but skillful and successfull War.

I have the honor to be with great Respect, Sir, your most obedient and humble Servant.

J. Adams


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, 13 July 1781
From: Adams, John,Thaxter, John
To: President of Congress,McKean, Thomas

Amsterdam, 13 July 1781. RC and signature in John Thaxter’s hand PCC, No. 84, III, f. 287–288. LbCAdams Papers. printed:JA, Corr. in the Boston PatriotCorrespondence of the Late President Adams. Originally Published in the Boston Patriot. In a Series of Letters, Boston, 1809[–1810]; 10 pts., p. 544–546.
John Thaxter wrote this letter during John Adams’ absence at Paris. It provided an English translation of a placard issued by the States of Utrecht on 4 July. The placard deplored the publication of “scandalous reflexions and malicious insinuations” against the Duke of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel and declared that henceforth anyone who composed, printed, or distributed such materials would be fined one thousand florins.


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, 13 July 1781
From: Adams, John,Thaxter, John
To: President of Congress,McKean, Thomas

Amsterdam, 13 July 1781. RC and signature in John Thaxter’s hand PCC, No. 84, III, f. 283–285. LbCAdams Papers. printed: JA, Corr. in the Boston PatriotCorrespondence of the Late President Adams. Originally Published in the Boston Patriot. In a Series of Letters, Boston, 1809[–1810]; 10 pts., p. 546–549.
John Thaxter wrote this letter during John Adams’ absence at Paris. It contains an English translation of a resolution of the States General dated 28 June that amended their policy of awarding premiums to privateers.


Title: From John Adams to the Comte de Vergennes, 13 July 1781
From: Adams, John
To: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, Comte de

Sir
Paris July 13. 1781

I have the Honour to inclose, to your Excellency Some Remarks, upon the Articles to Serve as a Basis of the negotiation for the Re-establishment of Peace, which you did me the Honour to communicate to me.
As I am unacquainted, whether you desired my Sentiments upon these Articles, merely for your own Government, or with a design to communicate them to the Imperial Courts I should be glad of your Excellencies Advice concerning them. If you are of Opinion there is any Thing exceptionable, or which ought to be altered, I should be glad to correct it. Or if I have not perceived the Points or Questions, upon which you desired my Opinion, I shall be ready to give any farther Answers.
I have the Honour to be, with great Respect your Excellencys most obedient and most hum Servant

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Edward Bridgen, 13 July 1781
From: Bridgen, Edward
To: Adams, John

Sir
London July 13 1781

By the direction of our Mutual Friend Mr. Jennings I have sent to Ostend to the Care of Messrs. Theodoor Van Moorsel & Co. there, a Small packadge of Books Viz: Two Parliamentary Registers. The principles of Law and Goverment, and (by Mistake) a Novell called the Revolution which I was not apprized of untill too late.
You will also find 2 large 4to. Volumes of the Memoirs of Thos. Hollis Esqr. sent you by a Friend to Man. 2 Small Pamphlets called the Means of National defence by a Free Militia those I beg your Acceptance of. One also by a Friend of these you may have as Many as you please if you think they will be acceptable to your Friends.
Be pleased to know that the friend Edmond Jenings takes the liberty to assure you, Sir that I am allways at your command Yr. very huml. Servt.

Edwd: Bridgen


Title: From John Adams to the Comte de Vergennes, 16 July 1781
From: Adams, John
To: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, Comte de

Sir
Paris July 16. 1781

Since my Letter of the thirteenth, upon further Reflection I have thought it necessary to explain myself a little more particularly in some Points to your Excellency.
If I comprehend the Facts, the British Court first proposed to the Imperial Courts, a Congress, and a Mediation, upon two Conditions
1. The Dissolution of the Treaties between France and the United States.
2. The Return of the Americans, under the British Government.
In Consequence of this Proposal from St. James’s, the two Imperial Courts have made a Proposition of the Articles, which were Shewn to me, to the Courts of France, Spain and England, neither of whom, has as yet given an Answer. Their Imperial Majesties have omitted the two Conditions, which the British Court insisted on, as Preliminaries, and mean to admit a Representative of the United States to the Congress, to negotiate Seperately, with the British Minister, without ascertaining the Title or Character of the American Representative, untill the two Pacifications Shall be accomplished.
In my own mind, I am very apprehensive, though I devoutly wish I may be mistaken, that the British Court in their Answer to the Articles, will adhere to their two Preliminaries. If they Should there is an End of all Thoughts of a Mediation, or a Congress.
It is very convenient for the English to hold up to public View, the Idea of Peace: it serves to relieve their Credit, at certain times, when it is in distress; and to disconcert the Projects of the neutral Powers, to their disadvantage. It enables their Friends in the United Provinces to keep the Dutch Nation in that State of Division, Sloth and Inactivity, from which they derive So much Plunder, with so much Safety: and it answers many other of their Purposes. But I cannot perswade myself, that they will Soberly think of Peace, while they have any military Force in the United States, and can preserve a Gleam of hope of conquering, or regaining America. While this hope remains, no depredations on their Commerce, no loss of Dominion in the East or West Indies, will induce them to make Peace: because they think, that with America reunited to them, they could easily regain whatever they may now loose. This opinion of theirs may be extravagant and enthusiastical and they would not find it easy to recover their Losses: but they certainly entertain it, and while it continues, I fear they will not make Peace.
Yet, it seems they have negotiated themselves into a delicate Situation. If they Should obstinately adhere to their two Preliminaries, against the Advice of the two Imperial Courts, this might Seriously affect their Reputation if they have any, for moderation and pacifick dispositions, not only in those Courts, but in all the Courts, and Countries of Europe, and they would not easily answer it to their own Subjects who are weary of the War.
Peace is so desireable an Object, that Humanity, as well as Policy, demand of every nation at War, a Serious Attention to every Proposition, which Seems to have a tendency to it, although there may be grounds to Suspect, that the first Proposer of it, were not Sincere.
I think that no Power can judge the United States unreasonable, in not agreeing to the Statu quo, or the Armistice. But, perhaps I have not been Sufficiently explicit, upon another Point. The Proposal of a Separate Treaty between the British Minister, and the Representative of the United States, seems to be a benevolent Invention to avoid Several Difficulties; among others 1. That England may be allowed to Save her national Pride, by thinking and Saying that the Independence of America was agreed to voluntarily, and was not dictated to her by France, or Spain. 2. To avoid the previous Acknowledgment of American Independance, and the previous Ascertaining of the Title and Character of the American Representative, which the Imperial Courts may think would be a Partiality, inconsistent with the Character of Mediators, and even of Neuters, especially as England has uniformly considered, any such Step as an Hostility against them, ’tho I know not upon what Law of Nations or of Reason.
I cannot See, that the United States, would make any Concession, or Submit to any Indignity, or do any Thing inconsistent with their Character, if their Minister should appear at Vienna, or elsewhere, with the Ministers of other Powers, and conduct any negotiation, with a British Minister, without having the Independance of the United States, or his own Title and Character, acknowledged or ascertained, by any other Power, except France, untill the Pacification Should be concluded. I dont perceive that America would loose any Thing by this, any more than by having a Minister in any Part of Europe, with his Character unacknowledged, by all the Powers of Europe. In order to remove every Embarrassment therefore as much as possible, if your Excellency should be of the same opinion and advise me to it, I would withdraw every Objection to the Congress on the Part of the United States, and decline nothing, but the Statu quo and the Armistice against which Such Reasons might be given, as I think must convince, all Men that the United States, are bound to refuse them. If your Excellency Should think it necessary for me, to assign these Reasons particularly, I will attempt some of them: but it is Sufficient for me to Say to your Excellency, that my positive Instructions forbid me, to agree, either to the Armistice or Statu quo.
I have the Honour to be, with the greatest Respect, Sir, your most obedient and most humble Servant.

J. Adams


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, 17 July 1781
From: Adams, John
To: President of Congress,McKean, Thomas

Amsterdam, 17 July 1781. RC and signature in John Thaxter’s hand PCC, No. 84, III, f. 319–329 printed : Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.Francis Wharton, ed., The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, Washington, 1889; 6 vols., 4:584–588.
John Thaxter wrote this letter during John Adams’ absence at Paris. It contains a full English translation of the memorial that the burgomasters and pensionary of Amsterdam presented to William V on 8 June. It appeared in Dutch newspapers, including the Gazette de Leyde of 17 July. Thaxter also noted that on 6 July the States General had revoked their order requiring merchant ships to remain in whatever port they found themselves upon learning of the war with England.


Title: The Comte de Vergennes to John Adams: A Translation, 18 July 1781
From: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, Comte de
To: Adams, John

Versailles, 18 July 1781

I have received, sir, the letter which you did me the honor to write to me the 13th of this month. It was owing to the confidence I placed in your judgment and zeal for your country that I entrusted to you the propositions of the two imperial courts and requested that you would make such observations as you might think them susceptible of. Things are not yet sufficiently advanced to admit of communicating them to the mediating courts. As you have seen in the sketch of our answer, there are preliminaries to be adjusted with respect to the United States, and until they are, you cannot appear and consequently you cannot transact anything officially with respect to the two mediators. By so doing you would hazard and expose the dignity of the character with which you are invested.
I have the honor to be very perfectly, sir, your most humble and most obedient servant

De Vergennes


Title: From John Adams to the Comte de Vergennes, 18 July 1781
From: Adams, John
To: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, Comte de

Paris July 18. 1781

I have received the Letter, Sir, which you did me the honour to write me of this Days Date: and I assure your Excellency I never had a Thought of appearing upon the Scaene, or of taking ministerially or otherwise any Step towards the two mediators. I must confess to your Excellency, that I have too many Jealousies of the motives, and too many Apprehensions of the Consequences of this Negotiation, to be willing to take any Part in it without an express vocation. The English are in such a temper, and are tottering on such a Precipice, that they will not hesitate at any measure, which they think can excite every latent Passion and awaken every dormant Interest in Europe, in order to embroil all the World. Without looking much to Consequences, or weighing whether the quarrels they wish to excite, will be Serviceable to them or not, they Seem to think the more Confusion they make, the better, for which reason, my Fears from the proposed mediation are greater than my hopes.
Nevertheless, if properly called upon, it will be my duty, respectfully to attend to every Step of it: but there are many questions arising in my mind, upon which, in due time, I Should wish to know your Excellency’s opinion.
The two Imperial Courts, have proposed, that there Should be an American Representative at the Congress. This is, not merely by implication, but expressly acknowledging, that there is a belligerent Power in America of Sufficient Importance, to be taken notice of by them, and the other Powers of Europe. One would think, after this, the two Imperial Courts, would have communicated their Propositions to Congress. The Propositions, they have made, and communicated to the Courts of France Spain and England, imply that America is a Power, a free and independent Power, as much as if they had communicated them also to the Congress, at Philadelphia. Without Such a formal Communication and an Invitation to the United States in Congress, or to their Representative here, made by the mediating Courts, I dont perceive how an American minister, can with Strict Propriety, appear, at the proposed Congress at Vienna, at all. I have never heard it intimated, that they have transmitted their Propositions to Philadelphia. Certainly I have received no Instructions from thence, nor have I received any Intimation of Such Propositions from any minister of either of the mediating Courts, although, as my mission has been long publick and much talked of, I Suppose it was well known to both, that there was a Person in Europe, vested by America with Power to make Peace. It Seems, therefore, that one Step more, might have been taken, perfectly consistent with the first, and that it may yet be taken, and that it is but reasonable to expect that it will. How is the American Minister to know, that there is a Congress, and that it is expected, that he Should repair to it? and that any minister from Great Britain, will meet him there? Is the British Court, or their Ambassador, to give him notice? This Seems less probable, than that the mediators Should do it.
The Dignity of North America, does not consist in diplomatick Ceremonials, or any of the Subtilities of Etiquette: it consists Solely in Reason, Justice, Truth, the Rights of Man kind, and the Interests of the nations of Europe, all of which well understood, are clearly in her favour. I shall never, therefore make unnecessary difficulties on the Score of Etiquette, and Shall never insist upon any Thing of this kind, which your Excellency, or some other Minister in Alliance does not advise me to, as indispensible. I Shall go to Vienna, or elsewhere, if your Excellency Shall invite or advise me to go. But as these Reflections occurred to me, upon the Point of Propriety, I thought it my duty to mention them to your Excellency.
I have the Honour to be, with the greatest Respect, Sir your most obedient and most humble Servant

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to the Comte de Vergennes, 19 July 1781
From: Adams, John
To: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, Comte de

Paris July 19. 1781

In my Letter, Sir, of the Eighteenth, I had the Honour to mention Some Things which lay upon my Mind: but am Still apprehensive that in a former Letter, I have not conveyed my full meaning to your Excellency.
In my Letter of the Sixteenth, I Submitted to your Excellencys Opinion and Advice, whether an American Minister, could appear at the Congress at Vienna, without having his Character acknowledged, by any Power, more expressly than it is now.
This was Said upon the Supposition, and taking it for granted, that it was the Intention of the mediating Courts, to admit a Representative of the United States to the Congress, with Such a commission, and Such a Title as the United States Should think fit to give him: and that during his whole Residence and negotiations at Vienna, whether they Should terminate in Peace or not, he Should enjoy all the Prerogatives which the Law of nations has annexed to the Character, Person, Habitation and Attendants of Such a minister. It is impossible, that there should be a Treaty at Vienna, between Great Britain and the People of America, whether they are called United States of American Colonies, unless both nations appear there, by Representatives, who must be authorised by Commissions or full Powers, which must be mutually exchanged and consequently admitted to be, what upon the Face of them they purport to be.
The Commission, from the United States, for making Peace, which has been in Europe, almost two Years, is that of a Minister Plenipotentiary, and it authorises him to treat only with Ministers vested with equal Powers. If he were to appear at Vienna, he certainly would assume, the Title and Character of a Minister Plenipotentiary and could enter into no Treaty nor Conference, with any Minister from Great Britain, untill they had mutually exchanged, authentick Copies of their full Powers. This, it is true, would be an implied Acknowledgment of his Character and Title, and those of the United States too: but Such an Acknowledgment, is indispensable, because without it, there can be no Treaty at all. In Consequence, he would expect to enjoy all the Prerogatives of that Character, and the moment they Should be refused him, he must quit the Congress, let the Consequences be, what they might.
And I rely upon it, this is the Intention of the two Imperial Courts: because otherwise, they would have proposed the Congress, upon the Basis of the two British Preliminaries, a Rupture of the Treaty, with France, and a Return of the Americans to their Submission to Great Britain, and because I cannot Suppose it possible, that those Courts, could believe the Americans capable of Such infinite Baseness, as to appear upon the Stage of the Universe, to acknowledge themselves guilty of Rebellion, and Supplicate for Grace. Nor can I Suppose, that they meant to fix a Brand of disgrace, upon the Americans, in the Sight of all Nations, or to pronounce Judgment against them: one, or all of which Suppositions must be made, before it can be believed that those Courts did not mean to protect the American Minister, in the Enjoyment of the Priviledges attached to the Character which he must assume. And because, otherwise, all their Propositions would be to no Effect; for no Congress at Vienna can make either one or the other of the two proposed Peace’s, without the United States.
But, upon looking over again, the Words of the first Article, there Seems to be room for dispute, which a British minister, in the present State of his Country, would be capable of taking Advantage of. The Terms used, Seem to be justly exceptionable. There are no “American Colonies” at War with Great Britain. The Power at War, is The United States of America. No American Colonies, have any Representative in Europe, unless Nova Scotia or Quebeck, or Some of the West India Islands may have an Agent in London. The Word Colony in its usual Acceptation, implies a Metropolis, a Mother Country, a Superiour Political Governor, Ideas, which the United States, have long Since renounced for ever.
I am therefore clear in my own opinion, that a more explicit declaration ought to be insisted on; and that no American Representative, ought to appear, without an express assurance, that while the Congress lasts, and in going to it and returning from it, he shall be considered as a Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States of America, and entituled to all the Prerogatives of Such a Minister from a Sovereign Power. The Congress might be to him and his Country but a Snare, unless the Substance of this is bona fide intended: and if it is intended there can be no Sufficient Reason for declining to express it, in Words.
If there is a Power upon Earth, that imagines that America, will ever appear, at a Congress, before a Minister of Great Britain, or any other Power, in the Character of repenting Subjects, to Solicit or receive an Amnesty or a Warranty of an Amnesty, that Power, is infinitely deceived. There are few Americans, would hold their Lives upon Such Terms, and I know of none, who would not rather choose to appear, upon a Scaffold in their own Country or in Great Britain. All Such odious Ideas ought to be, forever laid aside by the British Ministry before they propose mediations, or talk of Peace. The bare mention of them by Great Britain to the United States, would be considered, only as another Repetition of Injury and Insult. The Proposal of a Rupture of the Treaty is nothing less to France.
But it is possible, that in the future Course of this negotiation, there may be a Proposal of a Congress of Ministers, of the Several mediating and belligerent Powers, exclusive of the United States, to deliberate on the question, in what Character, the United States are to be considered, and whether a Representative from them can be admitted, and what Shall be his Title and Priviledges.
All that I can Say, to this Case, at present, is this. The United States have assumed their equal Station among the nations: they have assumed a Sovereignty, which they acknowledge to hold only from God and their own Swords. They can be represented only as a Sovereign and therefore, although they might not be able to prevent it, they can never consent that any of these Things Shall be made questions. To give their Consent, would make the Surrender of their Sovereignty their own Act. France has acknowledged all these things, and bound her Honour and Faith to the Support of them, and therefore, although She might not be able to prevent it, She cannot consent that they should be disputed. Her Consent would make the Surrender of the American Sovereignty her Act. And what End can it answer to dispute them, unless it be, to extend the Flames of War? If Great Britain had a Colour of Reason, for pretending that France’s Acknowledgment of American Independance, was an Hostility against her the United States would have a Stronger Reason to contend that a denial of their Sovereignty was a declaration of War against them. And as France is bound to Support their Sovereignty, She would have Reason to Say that a denial of it, is an Hostility against her, if any Power of Europe has an Inclination to join England, and make War against France and the United States, there is no need of a previous Congress to enable her to do it, with more Solemnity, or to furnish her with plausible Pretexts. But, on the other Hand, if the Powers of Europe are persuaded of the Justice of the American Pretensions, and think it the duty of Humanity to endeavour to bring about Peace, they may easily propose that the Character of the United States shall be acknowledged, and their Minister admitted.
I cannot but persuade myself that the two Imperial Courts, are convinced of the Justice of the American Cause, of the Stability of the American Sovereignty and of the Propriety and necessity, of an Acknowledgment of it, by all the Powers of Europe. This I think may be fairly and conclusively inferred, from the Propositions themselves. Was there ever an Example of a Congress of the Powers of Europe to exhort, to influence, to overawe, the rebellious subjects of any one of them into Obedience? Is not every Sovereign adequate to the Government, Punishment or Pardon of its own criminal subjects? Would it not be a Precedent mischievous to Mankind, and tending to universal Despotism, if a Sovereign, which has been proved to be unequal to the Reformation or Chastisement of the pretended Crimes of its own Subjects, should be countenanced in calling in the Aid, of all or any of the other Powers, to assist him? It is quite Sufficient, that Great Britain has already been permitted to hire Twenty thousand German Troops for seven Years, and to fill them up yearly by fresh Recruits, in Addition to her own Force: it is quite Sufficient, that She has been permitted to corrupt innumerable Tribes of Savages, in Addition to both, to assist her in propagating her System of Tyranny, and in committing her Butcheries in America, without being able to succeed. After all this, which is notorious to all Europe, it is impossible to believe that the Imperial Courts mean to give their Influence, in any degree, towards bringing America to Submission to Great Britain. It seems to me, therefore most certain, that the Imperial Courts, perceive that American Independance must be acknowledged, and if this is so, I think there can be no Objection against ascertaining the Character of the American Minister, before any Congress meets, So that he may take his Place in it, as soon as it opens.
But if any Sentiments of Delicacy, Should induce those Courts to think it necessary to wait, for Great Britain to set the Example of Such Acknowledgment, one should think it necessary to wait untill that Power Shall discover some Symptoms of an Inclination that Way. A Congress, in which she should appear and France and the United States not be represented, would have no tendency to give her Such a disposition, but on the contrary afford her an Opportunity of forming Parties, blowing up the Coals of War, and propagating Prejudices and Partial Notions.
I have the Honour to be, with the greatest Respect, your Excellencys most obedient and most humble servant

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Edmund Jenings, 19 July 1781
From: Jenings, Edmund
To: Adams, John

Sir
Amsterdam July. 19. 1781

I think your Excellency will not be Surprized to find that I am stil at Amsterdam. Mr. Dana is so well Accompanied on his Route, that it was quite Unnecessary any one Else should attend him; and the Difficulties daily arising in the Dispatch of the South Carolina take from me any certainty of leaving this Place yet awhile. Tis true we are told that she will go on such a day and such a day. But Most have hitherto been deceivd so much, that they are sick of talking of it. The Comdor. is now at the Texel to see to the Loading of another Ship taken up by Messrs. De Neufville. This is supposed will be done in four or five days and then—
I am Happy to hear your Excellency is in good Health and Good Spirits at Paris. We have had news here from Lorient, which I suppose your Excellency has heard, Relative to our Affairs in S. Carolina, that rejoices every one. We have been in a Bustle for 3 or four Days On Account of the Emperors Visit his Behaviour was as usual Condescending to all, and therefore he has gaind the Admiration of all. It is said He had a long Conversation with Mr. Randolph Rendorp who is quite content with what passed between them. His disposition towards England being sounded He said, He could by no means take part with the Ennemies of his Friends—Mr. Le Roy told me yesterday, that He is well assured, that He expressed a Desire to see your Excellency. There seems to have been but one Man here who committed a Sottise towards Him. It was a Broker, who having an Obligation on that Part of Silesia, that was conquered and is now possessd by the King of Prussia, presented it to Him for payment. He mildly said He must apply to his prussian Majesty. Others report that He told the Man that it required three or four hundred thousand men to recover the sum demanded.
They talk of some resolutions that Frieseland has come to, which are very interesting. Among them are a recomendation of entering into Engagements with France and Acknowledging the Independancy of America.

I have receivd a Letter from my Friend at London informing me that He has sent a parcell of Books to Segourney, marked A.A.
I wish your Excellency much Health and a Continuation of Good Spirits whilst at Paris.
I am with the greatest Respects Sir Your Excellencys Most Faithful & Obedient Humble Sert.

Edm: Jenings


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, 21 July 1781
From: Adams, John,Thaxter, John
To: President of Congress,McKean, Thomas

Amsterdam, 21 July 1781. RC and signature in John Thaxter’s hand PCC, No. 84, III, f. 331–332. printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.Francis Wharton, ed., The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, Washington, 1889; 6 vols., 4:596–597.
John Thaxter wrote this letter during John Adams’ absence at Paris. It contains an English translation of an article appearing in Dutch newspapers, including the Gazette de Leyde of 20 July. The article reported that the quarter of Westergo and a portion of that of Sevenwoude, two of the four chambers forming the States of Friesland, had protested against a plurality in the provincial states in support of the Duke of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel. In a letter of 24 July (Adams Papers), the last written by Thaxter to Congress before John Adams’ return from Paris, he referred again to events in Friesland and explained that the States of Friesland, “which strangers often confound with West Friesland, or North Holland,” was composed of four chambers or quarters: Oostergo of eleven districts; Westergo of 9 districts; Sevenwoude of 10 districts; and a fourth chamber composed of the deputies from the province’s eleven cities.


Title: To John Adams from the Committee for Foreign Affairs, 21 July 1781
From: Continental Congress, Foreign Affairs Committee,Lovell, James
To: Adams, John

Sir
Philada. July 21st. 1781

I do not find by President Huntington’s Letter Book that he has forwarded the within Resolve of July 12th. respecting your Powers of Sept. 29th. 1779 therefore I take the Opportunity of two Vessels which are to sail in a few Hours, to communicate it doubly.

Your humble Servant
James Lovellfor the Comte. of for. Affrs.

private
The whole of the Proceedings here in regard to your two Commissions, are I think, Ill judged but I persuade myself no dishonour was for you intended, the Business greatly in every view chagrins me. This you will have learnt from my former Letters written in an half light.
By her own Account your Lady was well June 30th. Your last to us is of Oct. 24.


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Franklin, 1 August 1781
From: Adams, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Amsterdam August 1st. 1781

Upon my Arrival here I found your Letter of the 30th. of June. Copy of which had been sent along to me by Mr. Thaxter to Paris, but by some unaccountable means sent back without being delivered to me.
Many Bills had been presented in my Absence, and at first I was at a loss whether to accept them, until further Advice from You. But considering they had lain here near a Month, and that detaining them longer unaccepted would occasion some disagreable Speculation here, and observing by your Letter, that the stopping of the Specie in Holland was the Condition upon which You meant to pay them, I have ventured to accept them all. Inclosed is a List of all the Bills hitherto accepted since the former list transmitted to You.
Inclosed is also another Number of the Politique Hollandais.
The Ship is not yet sailed, but We are now told She is to sail in a few days, which at least I hope will prove true.
I have the Honor to be, your Excellency’s most obedient humble Servant.

J. Adams


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, 3 August 1781
From: Adams, John
To: President of Congress,McKean, Thomas

Sir
Amsterdam August 3d. 1781

I have the honor to inclose Copies of some Papers which passed between the Comte de Vergennes and me, lately at Paris. The Conjecture, that the British Court would insist upon their two Preliminaries, is become more probable by the publication of the King’s Speech at the Prorogation of Parliament.
“The Zeal and Ardor which You have shewn for the Honor of my Crown,” says the King; “your firm and steady support of a just Cause, and the great efforts You have made to enable me to surmount all the difficulties of this extensive and complicated War, must convince the World, that the ancient Spirit of the British Nation is not abated or diminished.”
“While I lament the continuance of the present Troubles, and the Extension of the War, I have the conscious satisfaction to reflect that the constant aim of all my Councils has been to bring back my deluded subjects in America to the happiness and liberty they formerly enjoyed, and to see the tranquility of Europe restored.”
“To defend the dominions, and to maintain the rights of this Country, was on my part the sole Cause and is the Object of the War. Peace is the earnest wish of my heart; but I have too firm a Reliance on the spirit and resources of the Nation; the powerful Assistance of my Parliament, and the Protection of a just and all ruling Providence, to accept it upon any other terms or conditions than such as may consist with the honor and dignity of my crown, and the permanent interest and security of my people.”
We all know very well what his meaning is, when he mentions “the honor and dignity of his crown, and the permanent interest and security of his people.” Could the Minister, who composed this Speech, expect, that anybody would believe him when he said, that the constant Aim of all his Councils had been to bring back the Americans to the happiness and liberty they formerly enjoyed?

The whole of this Speech is in a Strain, which leaves no room to doubt that the Cabinet of St. James’s is yet resolved to persevere in the War to the last Extremity, and to insist still upon the Return of America to british Obedience, and upon the rupture of the Treaty with France, as Preliminaries to the Congress at Vienna. Thus the two Imperial Courts will find themselves trifled with by the British. It is not to be supposed that either will be the voluntary bubble of such trickish Policy. The Empress of Russia is supposed to be as sagacious as She is spirited: yet She seems to have given some attention to the pacific professions of the English. If She should see herself intentionally decieved, She will not probably be very patient. The Emperor, in his late Journey through Holland, made himself the Object of the Esteem and Admiration of all: affable and familiar, as a great Sovereign can ever allow himself to be with dignity, he gave to many Persons unequivocal Intimations of his sentiments upon public affairs. Patriotism seemed to be the object, which he wished to distinguish. Whoever espoused with zeal the honor and interest of his own Country, was sure of some mark of his Approbation: whoever appeared to countenance another Country in preference to his own, found some symptom of his dislike: even the Ladies French or Dutch, who had any of the English Modes in their Dress recieved from his Majesty some Intimation of his disapprobation of their taste. Every body here, since his departure, is confident of his entire detestation of the principles on which the English have conducted this War, and of his determination to take no part in it, in their favor. His Sentiments concerning America are inferred from a very singular Anecdote, which is so well attested, that it may not be improper to mention to Congress.
His Majesty condescended in a certain Company to enquire after the Minister of the United States of America to their high Mightinesses—said he was acquainted with his Name and Character, and should be glad to see him: a Lady in Company asked his Majesty if he would drink Tea with him at her House? He replied in the affirmative in the Character of the Comte of Falkenstein. A Lady in Company undertook to form the Party: but upon Enquiry, the American was at Paris. It is supposed with good reason that there could be nothing personal in this Curiosity, and therefore that it was intended as a political signification of a certain degree of complaisance towards America.
Thus it is, that the Words, Gestures and Countenances of Sovereigns are watched, and political Inferences drawn from them: but there is too much Uncertainty in this Science, to depend much upon it. It seems however that the Emperor made himself so popular here, as to excite some appearance of Jealousy in Prussia.
For my own part, I think that the greatest political stroke, which the two Imperial Courts could make, would be, upon recieving the answer from England adhering to their Preliminaries, immediately to declare the United States independent. It would be to their immortal honor: it would be in the Character of each of these extraordinary Genius’s: it would be a blessing to Mankind: it would even be friendship to England.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest Respect, Sir, your most obedient humble Servant.

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, 4 August 1781
From: Adams, John
To: President of Congress,McKean, Thomas

Sir
Amsterdam August 4. 1781

I should Scarcely be credited, if I were to describe the present State of this Country. There is more Animosity against one another, than against the common Ennemy. They can agree upon nothing. Neither upon War, nor Peace: neither upon acknowledging the Independency of America, nor upon denying it. Hopes of a general Peace, which flatter all Parties, are continually kept up by Tales and Artifices, which are too gross to impose upon any Man who has the free Use of his Reason. There is yet as much fear of provoking England, as if she was their Freind, or their Protector.
The naval force of England, is held in check, by her other Ennemies in Such a manner, that the Ships of the Republick, would be able to do a great deal, if they were employed: but they do nothing: and there is as little done, by Individuals in Privateering, as by the national Marine.

They however, or Somebody for them do their full Share with the other Powers of War in writing Paragraphs in the Gazettes, in which their Forces and Efforts are exagerated.
It will be three or four Years, according to every present Appearance before this nation will get warm enough to do any Thing, and therefore Americans, I think have no ground at all to expect any Kind of Assistance or Encouragement from hence. The Dutch Officers would fight, if they had opportunity: and the English are not without Apprehensions from them, So that probably they will think themselves obliged to keep more of their Forces at home, than they would if the Dutch were not in the War. This is all the Advantage, that We shall derive.
I have taken some Pains to discover the true Motives and Causes of that Aversion, which prevails, against acknowledging American Independence,—to consider it, in the Strongest Light, even as the English themselves consider it, it is but an Hostility against an open Ennemy. The English themselves are laughing at them for their Blindness and Timidity, in not doing it. The immediate Advantages from it, in Trade, War, and Policy are obvious: The Disadvantages, no Man can see , but a Dutchman.
I never could get any other Answer to my Questions Why dont you acknowledge America? What Reasons have you against it? What are you afraid of? What harm could it do you? than this. We are Small and weak. We have no desire to do a brillant Action. We ought to avoid coming to Extremities with England, as long as possible. We ought not to provoke England. England must See, and know that she can never prevail in America, and therefore, if We were to provoke her, She will withdraw her Fleets and Armies from thence, fall upon this Republick and tear it to Pieces. This is So weak, that it is impossible, they should be in Earnest. There must be Some other View. None of them will avow it: but I take the Secret to be, they think they may be brought low by the English, and in such Case they might be able to purchase Peace by the Sacrifice of America. In this they are deceived again: but if they were not, there is a baseness of Soul in it that would disgrace Shylock the Jew. Thanks be to God it is neither not in the their Power of Jews or Dutchmen to Sacrifice America.
In Short the Nation has no Confidence left in its own Wisdom, Courage, Virtue or Power. It has no Esteem nor Passion, nor desire for either. It loves and Seeks Wealth and that alone. The depravation of the human heart, is more Striking and Shocking in this nation than it is, in France, or even England, because there is preserved more of an external show of Regularity, Morals and Religion which adds the odium of Hypocrisy, to that of Profligacy, and Corruption. Before I came to this Country I hoped it was not so bad as Some others: but I have learned enough to convince me, that although external Appearances differ somewhat, the Corruption of the Heart, and the debasement of the Understanding is very nearly equal in all the nations of Europe, and therefore that America can never be too much upon her Guard against them all.
I have the Honour to be


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, 6 August 1781
From: Adams, John
To: President of Congress,McKean, Thomas

Amsterdam, 6 August 1781. RC in John Thaxter’s hand PCC, No. 84, III, f. 347–350. printed : Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.Francis Wharton, ed., The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, Washington, 1889; 6 vols., 4:623..
In this letter, which was read in Congress on 16 Nov., John Adams provided an English translation of a report dated 13 July at St. Petersburg. Taken from the Gazette d’Utrecht of 6 Aug., it disclosed that the Russian government had instructed its minister in London to join with the Swedish and Danish ministers in representations concerning Britain’s declaration of war against the Netherlands. The report also indicated that the British minister at St. Petersburg had received his government’s answer to the preliminary articles proposed for the Austro-Russian mediation, but that its contents remained unknown. The same report appeared in the Gazette de Leyde of 10 August. Adams indicated that one need only look to experience and George III’s speech on 18 July to know the likely nature of Britain’s response. He then declared: “Thus all Europe is to be bubbled by a species of Chicanery, that has been the derision of America for a Number of Years. In time the Courts of Europe will learn the nature of these british tricks by Experience, and receive them with the Contempt or the Indignation they deserve.”


Title: To John Adams from Henry Grand, 6 August 1781
From: Grand, Henry
To: Adams, John

Sir
Paris August 6th. 1781

After due Consideration we agreed upon sending your two trunks of Books, by land, which I have had executed, having first had them plumbed, by which means all Visitation is prevented. I have consigned them à la Veuve Desmeth à Anvers who will send them on to Fizeaux Grand & ce. pursuant to your desires, you have here inclosed the Note of my charges thereto, for which I place 34  10 to your Debit.
I suppose you put order yourself while at Paris, to some other Commands you had wrote me about formarly concerning some trunks of Cloaths &c., at all events I am at your Service.
With regard to your Account, you were hardly gone but I went and applyd to Dr. Franklin to urge him to a settlement concerning your Appointments, he then gave me an order in your favour for two years Salaries from Novr. 1779 to Novemb. 1781. amounting to 120,000, enjoining me to deduct out of said Sum what Money had been paid you and already charged to the Publick. Carefull of your Interets I represented to the Doctor, that out of the former orders he had given you, and that I had charged to the Publick, you had had some part of it, carried to Mr. Dana’s account and which I thought it was proper to replace in yours, as Mr. Dana enjoyd a Separate Salary at that time of a £1000 str. Upon this Consideration the Doctor desired me to write you, in order to give in an account shewing what Sums you have had carried from your Account to Mr. Dana’s; to spare you part of that Trouble I inclose you a State of those Transactions which I have extracted from my Books, and also another of what Sums Mr. Dana has had transferr’d from his Account to yours, the whole for your Consideration.
I also inclose a fresh State of your account currant, and by means of all these Documents I hope you will soon put me in the way of stating your Finances in a regular way as I do ambition to get your Excellency’s approbation in my Quality of Director General of your Finances.
You’ll be pleased to lett me Know whether we do agree in point of the Ballance due to me of
I have the Honour to be sir Your most obt. hble st. for M. Grand

Hy. Grand


Title: To John Adams from John Bondfield, 7 August 1781
From: Bondfield, John
To: Adams, John

Sir
Bordeaux 7 August 1781

We have many American Vessels arrivd within these five or six days past most of them belonging to No. Carolina but last from the West Indies, the situation of the Army’s preventing their return and will detain them in a foreign Trade til a change takes place, the latest advices we have by them are of May consiquently them at hand Via London are later and more circumstial.
Our letters from Spain advice the Fleet left Cadiz the 20th. the Men of War stood to the Westward and the Transports under Convoy of two Ships and some frigates enterd the Streight, some letters mention the Station of the Combind Fleets off Lisbon to Intercept all Outward bound Fleets destind to India, the West Indies, or the Southern States we shall in a Post or two be certain at any rate they have little to apprehend from Darby whose force included the Ships destind for New York under Digby makes together only 28 sail who were left the 28 of last month in the Channel.
We have a singular report from Spain of England having ceeded Minorca to Russia to prevent the execution the present Spanish Expedition from Cadiz is intended against that Island.
Two American privateers Cruising in the Bay of Biscay discoverd a Cutter whose superior sailing put it out of their power to take her to decoy her they engaged each other the one under English the other under American Colours the Cutter bore down to take part with the supposed English privateer came under her Quarter so soon as out of the power of the Cutter to escape each Privateer bore round her and obliged her to strike she proved a Packet from Rodney with dispatchs which the officer destroyd we shall be informd on Thursday of the perticulars they have been able to colect from the Officers on board. The Cutter is carried into Bilboa.
On advice of the Loss of the Marquis de la fayett I wrote Doct. Franklin offering a considerable supply of Cloathing which should have been on this on board the Ships bound for the United States I have not been honor’d with an Answer had my offers been Accepted we have ready for Sea conveyences direct on Moderate Terms.
With respect I have the Honor to be Sir Your most obedient H Servant

John Bondfield


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, 8 August 1781
From: Adams, John
To: President of Congress,McKean, Thomas

Sir
Amsterdam August 8th. 1781

This People must have their own Way. They proceed like no other. There cannot be a more striking Example of this, than the Instructions given to Privateers and Letters of Mark.
The Commander is ordered to bring his Prizes into some Port of the United Provinces, or into the Ports or Roads of the Allies and Friends of this Republick, especially France, Sweeden, North America, or Spain: and the Ship shall be at liberty to join, under a written Convention, with one or more Privateers or other similar Ships of War, belonging to Hollanders, Zealanders, French, Americans or Spanish, to undertake jointly any thing advantageous &c.
This is not only an Acknowledgment of the Independence of North America, but it is avowing it to be an Ally and Friend. But I suppose, in order to elude and evade, it would be said that these are only the Instructions given by Owners to their Commanders: yet these Instructions are required to be sworn to, and produced to the Admiralty for their Approbation.
It is certain that the King of Spain, when he declared War against Great Britain, sent orders to all his Officers to treat the Americans as the best Friends of Spain, and the King’s Pleasure, being a Law to his Subjects, they are bound by it.
But what is there to oblige a Citizen of the United Provinces to consider the Americans as the Friends of the Republick? There is no such Law, and these Instructions cannot bind. Yet it is very certain, that no Dutchman will venture to take an American.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest Respect, Sir, your most obedient and most humble Servant,

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Edmund Jenings, 11 August 1781
From: Jenings, Edmund
To: Adams, John

Sir
Brussels Augst. 11. 1781

On my return to this Town I found a Letter from London informing me that the 20£ was paid according to order. The Gentleman, who executed this Commission is named Bridgen and his address is Bridgen & Waller London, putting a little, b thus under the Seal, which prevents his Partner opening the Letter. He sent me the inclosed Copies of an Ode. I find in his letter the following Paragraph: “I hear that the new chariot, which your Nephew has just stept into, is in the highest stile. I Hope He wont drive too fast, least a wheel should fly off but that is his Business.” I fancy this alludes to A Lee, who I suppose has gained the Post, for which He was a Candidate.
I do not Know whether your Excellency has read a little Work, called the Pou Francois. It is a sad libel on the Old Gentleman at Passy and others. I have no doubt that it is written by Tickel the Author of the Cassette Verte and Anticipation. We have reports here of an Engagement between the Dutch and English fleets, but nothing distinctively.
I did myself the Honor of sending to your Excellency two Books published 5 or 6 years ago on public Happiness the Gentleman promised to deliver them safely.
I find Mr. Lee a great deal Better. He desires his Respects to your Excellency.
I am with the greatest Respect Sir Your Excellencys Most Faithful & Obedient Humble Servt.

Edm: Jenings


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Franklin, 12 August 1781
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

Sir
Passy Augt. 12. 1780 i.e. 1781

Since my last of the 6th. Instant there have been several Arrivals in France from America. I have Letters from Philda. of the 20th. June, tho’ none from Congress. The Advices are, that General Green has taken all the Enemy’s Out Posts in So. Carolina and Georgia, and that their Possession in those Provinces is reduc’d to Charlestown and Savannah. In North Carolina they also have Wilmington. Their Great Force is now under Cornwallis in Virginia, where they are ravaging and burning as usual, M. de la Fayette not being in force to repress them: But Genl. Wayne was on his March to reinforce him, and had passed Annapolis.
I have received the Letter from your Excellency inclosing a List of the Bills you have lately accepted. I think you did right in accepting them, and hope they are the last that the Congress will draw, ’till they know you have Funds to pay them.
I have the honour to be, with Respect, Sir, Your Excellency’s Most obedient and most humble Servant

B Franklin


Title: To John Adams from William Jackson, 12 August 1781
From: Jackson, William
To: Adams, John

Sir
On board the South Carolina Augt. 12 1781

Could I have supposed that Your Excellency would have returned to Amsterdam before the Ship sailed, I should certainly have done myself the honor and agreeable satisfaction of waiting upon you before I left this Country—but this pleasure is denied me—and I am scarce allowed time by Mr. Thaxter’s immediate departure to bid Your Excellency farewell in this abrupt manner—but I lean with confidence upon a hope that your candor will consider it as the imposition of necessity, not the result of inclination—for, if I may be permitted the expression, my regard and esteem for your private worth and personal character, is not exceeded by my respect for the deserving representative of my Country—I beg that your Excellency will be persuaded of my most perfect attachment—that you would at all times honor me with a proof of that confidence in laying your commands upon me in America, which I will gratefully and chearfully execute—and would you admit my correspondence, I will seize every occasion to communicate whatever transaction may occur in the military line worthy your attention.
I most sincerely wish you every happiness, which in an absence from your family and Country you can enjoy—to which I likewise wish you an early, happy, and honorable return—with every good wish—I am, most respectfully, and sincerely, Your Excellency’s obliged and obedt. Servant.

W Jackson


Title: From John Adams to Ferdinand Grand, 15 August 1781
From: Adams, John
To: Grand, Ferdinand

Sir
Amsterdam August 15. 1781

Your Letter of May 14. with your Account inclosed I received: I have also received your Letter of August the 6th., with the Account inclosed in that.
I will endeavour to explain, myself, as well as I can upon the Several Things mentioned in them.
In the first Account you have given me Credit for 24000 and charged me with 2/7 of it upon my order to Credit Mr. Dana. This Amounts to the Same Thing as if you had credited me with 5/7 of the 24000 and charged me with nothing credited to Mr. Dana. So that I have no Objection to this matter.
The Article of the 22 of January of 2658:16:10, which Mr. Dana desired you to pay me—it is no more than this. Mr. Dana desired me to lend him that sum, when he was here, and going to Paris, to bear his Expences, which I did, by giving him an order of the House of Fizeaux & Grand, when he arrived at Paris he desired you to pay me. So that this Article stands right in your Account. There has been no other Connection between Mr. Dana and me, in Money Matters.
Inclosed is an Account currant, which, I pray you to examine and, finish, if you please as soon as convenient by adding, what you have paid or may pay Mr. Williams. Mr. Williams’s Account I presume is right. The Wine, I left you will allow me, just what you please for.
I must further beg you to pay Mr. Chavagne, Thirty One Livres four Sous for, a Box of Newspapers he sent me and charge it to my Account.


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, 16 August 1781
From: Adams, John
To: President of Congress,McKean, Thomas

Sir
Amsterdam August 16th. 1781

Mr. Temple has held offices of such Importance, and a Rank so considerable in America, before the Revolution, that his Return to his native Country at this time, cannot fail to cause much Speculation, and it is to be feared some diversity of sentiments concerning him. As he came from London to Amsterdam and did me the honor of a visit, in which he opened to me his design of returning, and his sentiments upon many public affairs, it will be expected in America by many, although it is has not been requested by Mr. Temple; that I should say something concerning him.
I was never before personally acquainted with this Gentleman, but I have long known his public Character and private Reputation. He was ever reputed a Man of very delicate sentiments of Honor, of Integrity and of Attachment to his native Country, although his Education, his long Residences in England, his numerous Connections there, and the high offices he held under the British Government did not ever admit of a general opinion, that his sentiments were in all respects perfectly conformable to those of the most popular Party in the Colonies. Nevertheless he was never suspected to my Knowledge of concurring in or countenancing any of those many Plots which were laid by other Officers of the Crown against our Liberties, but on the contrary was known to be the object of their Jealousy, Revenge and Malice because he would not. He was however intimate with several Gentlemen who stood foremost in opposition, particularly Mr. Otis, who has often communicated to me Intelligence of very great Importance which he had from Mr. Temple, and which he certainly could have got no other Way, as early I believe as 1763 and 1764 and onwards.
I cannot undertake to vindicate Mr. Temple’s Policy in remaining so long in England: but it will be easily in his power to shew, what kind of Company he has kept there: what kind of Sentiments and Conversation he has maintained, and in what Occupations he has employed his time.
It is not with a View to recommend Mr. Temple to Honors or Emoluments, that I write this. It would not be proper for me, and Congress know very well, that I have not ventured upon this practice, even in Cases, where I have much more personal knowledge than in this. But it is barely to prevent, as far as my poor opinion may go, Jealousies and Alarms upon Mr. Temple’s Arrival. Many may suspect that he comes with secret and bad designs, in the Confidence of the British Ministry, of which I dont believe him capable.
Mr. Temple, it is most certain, has fallen from high Rank and ample Emoluments, merely because he would not join in hostile designs against his Country. This I think should at least entitle him to the quiet Enjoyment of the Liberties of his Country and to the Esteem of his fellow Citizens, provided there are no just grounds of suspicion of him. And I really think it a Testimony due to Truth to say, that after a great deal of the very freest Conversation with him, I see no  Reason to suspect his Intentions. I have taken the Liberty to give Mr. Temple my own sentiments concerning the suspicions which have been and are entertained concerning him, and the Causes of them, and of all parts of his Conduct which have come to my knowledge with so little disguise, that he will be well apprized of the disappointments he may meet with, if any. I hope however, that he will meet a more friendly Reception in America, and better prospects of an happy Life there than I have been able to assure him.
Whether any services or sufferings of Mr. Temple could support any Claim upon the Justice, Gratitude or Generosity of the United States, or of that of Massachusetts in particular, is a Question, upon which it would be altogether improper for me to give any opinion, as I know not the facts so well as they may be made known, and as I am no Judge, if I knew the facts. But this I know, that whenever the facts shall be laid before either the Great Council of the United States or that of the Massachusetts, they will be judged of by the worthy Representatives of a just, grateful and generous People, and therefore Mr. Temple will have no Reason to complain if the decision should be against him.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest Respect, Sir, your most obedient and most humble Servant.

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, 16 August 1781
From: Adams, John
To: President of Congress,McKean, Thomas

Amsterdam, 16 August 1781. RC in John Thaxter’s hand PCC, No. 84, III, f. 370–373. printed : Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.Francis Wharton, ed., The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, Washington, 1889; 6 vols., 4:640.
This letter, read in Congress on 12 Nov., contains an English translation of a “verbal insinuation” to the Dutch minister at St. Petersburg, proposing to settle the Anglo-Dutch war at a general peace conference at Vienna. For the text of the translation, see John Adams’ letter to Benjamin Franklin, 25 Aug., below. Adams did not believe that Russia, in making the offer, had shared the proposed articles for the negotiations with the Dutch minister. He concluded “I must confess, I like this Insinuation very much, because it may be in time an excellent Precedent for making such an Insinuation to the Minister of the United States of America.”


Title: Commission to Conclude a Tripartite Alliance with France and the Netherlands, 16 August 1781
From: President of Congress,McKean, Thomas
To: Adams, John

16 August 1781

The United States in Congress AssembledTo all who shall see these Presents send Greeting,

Whereas a union of the force of the several powers engaged in the War against Great Britain may have a happy tendency to bring the said War to a speedy and favourable issue, and it being the desire of these United States to form an Alliance between them and the United Provinces of the Netherlands.
Know Ye therefore that We confiding in the integrity prudence and ability of the honorable John Adams have nominated, constituted and appointed and by these presents do nominate, constitute and appoint him the said John Adams, our minister Plenipotentiary, giving him full powers general and special to Act in that quality, to confer, treat agree and conclude with the Person or Persons vested with equal powers by his most Christian Majesty and their High Mightinesses the States General of the United Provinces of the Netherlands, of and concerning a treaty of Alliance between his most Christian Majesty, the United Provinces of the Netherlands, and the United States of America, and whatever shall be so agreed and concluded, for us and in our name to Sign and thereupon to make such treaty, Conventions and agreements as he shall judge conformable to the ends we have in view; hereby promising in good faith that We will accept ratify and execute whatever shall be agreed, concluded and signed by him our said Minister. In Witness whereof We have caused these presents to be signed by our President and sealed with his Seal.
Done at Philadelphia this Sixteenth day of August in the Year of our Lord one thousand Seven hundred and Eighty One and in the Sixth Year of our Independence By The United States in Congress Assembled

Attest Chas. Thomson secy.

Tho. M:Kean President