Title: To John Adams from George Walton, 20 January 1790
From: Walton, George
To: Adams, John

Sir,
Savannah, 28 January, 1790.

Being on a Circuit of our Superior Courts, & finding a Vessel ready to sail for New-York, I embrace the occasion of congratulating your zeal on the effectual opperation of the federal Government.  Its Quick progress to its present stage is a phenomenon in the history of Mankind.  But in such new and perplexed concerns a perfect combination of the various parts cannot be expected; and it is a problem which experience only will solve, whether some parts of the proceedings of the first Session of the National Congress will not be found to have exceptions.  To me it appears that the Judiciary system is too ponderous, expensive and unwieldy; and its iron teeth, too frightful for the condition of The Southern States.  It is too unqualified.  The right of the writ of Capias ad Satisfacïen  dum in the first and last instance, under our circumstances, and without any bankrupt provision, will, I fear, produce much uneasiness.  Should the british debts be entirely and at once sued for from Virginia inclusive South, the consequences would be ruinous.  That these debts remained so heavy is ascribable to the depredations of the War; and I ever thought ought to have been made an object of National consideration.  With respect to this State I don’t think we are affected as those debts were confiscated prior to the Treaty of Peace; and all acts of confiscation already passed were recognized and confirmed by the Treaty.  In another capacity I was called upon to give an opinion on this ground last year; and the State of facts made on that occasion I will I to myself the pleasure to enclose to you, and shall be particularly obliged by any observations you shall see fit to make there upon.
The principle of the general Representation in the National Government Wing according to members, this State has lately adopted a Measure to increase hers, by dispersing of a part of her vacant territory to three private Companies.  This measure will, no doubt, be ascribed to other motives by some: but, although I was not a member of the legislature, I am well assured & believe that the true ground of the act was what I have mentioned.  While human nature continues the same, Governments will always act from a source of its own Interest and aggradisement.
I did myself the pleasure to write to you some little time since from Augusta; and the sentiments then expressed will always continue to govern me.  I am full of zeal for the prosperity of the United–States; and I am the servant of this State.
Colonel Gunn requests that this letter should be the Vehicle of his respects to you; and that I would add that he is extremely anxious to be with you: but that he was under the necessity of attending the court now sitting.  In Schermehan he will certainly Fail.
With great & sincere respect & Esteem, I have the honor to be, Sir, / Your Mo. Ob. Servt.
Geo Walton


Title: To John Adams from Richard Cranch, 22 January 1790
From: Cranch, Richard
To: Adams, John

My dear Brother
Boston Jany. 22d 1790.

This will be delivered to you be my esteemed Friend Mr. Nathan Reed, who was a very worthy Tutor to your eldest Son, and to mine, when at the University. He is a Gentleman whose acquaintance with the Principles of Natural Philosophy and the Mathematicks is very extensive, and he is more particularly well versed in the application of those Principles to the purposes of constructing usefull Machines. And he appears to me to have such a natural Turn and original Genious that way, as, if encouraged, may prove of very great advantage to the Publick. He has exhibited to the Academy a number of Drafts of Machines of his invention or improvement, which, having been carefully examined by their standing Committee, have been highly approved; and Mr. Reed is now desirous of submitting them to the Examination of Congress by such a Committee as they may please to honour him with for that purpose; hoping that if any of them should be approved, he may be so happy as to obtain a Patent, or such other encouragement as may enable him to carry them into execution for the publick Benefit. Our good Friends Doctr. Holyoke, Doctr. Tufts and several other learned members of the Academy have expressed their approbation of several of Mr. Reed’s Inventions and Improvements, in a Paper by them subscribed, and given to him, which I wish you would read as containing my Sentiments also.
I heartily recommend Mr. Reed to your Notice and Friendship, and am, with Sentiments of highest Esteem and Affection, your obliged Brother
Richard CranchPlease to give my best Regards to Sister Adams and your whole Family. We are all well at Braintree Weymo. &c.


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 26 January 1790
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Philada Jany 26. 1790

Altho’ we differ in our Opinions About the Latin and Greek languages, and some Other matters of perhaps less consequence, yet we both agree in the propriety & duty of rewarding old & faithful servants of the public.  Mr And: Brown who will have the honor of delivering you this letter belongs to that class of worthy citizens.  He goes to new york to Solicit an Appointment Under the federal government.  He has fought—and suffered for his Country—and has been very instrumental in a news paper in circulating federal sentiments thro’ our state.  Your Attention to his views will much Oblige Dr Sir Your sincere Old friend
Benj Rush


Title: To John Adams from United States House of Representatives, 26 January 1790
From: United States House of Representatives
To: Adams, John

					Mr. President:
					January 26, 1790.

				The House of Representatives do agree with the Senate in their resolution, that the business unfinished between the two Houses, at the late adjournment, ought to be regarded as if it had not been passed upon by either.


Title: To John Adams from United States House of Representatives, 27 January 1790
From: United States House of Representatives
To: Adams, John

					Mr. President:
					January 27, 1790

				The House of Representatives have passed an act for giving effect to the several acts therein mentioned, in respect to the State of North Carolina.


Title: To John Adams from Elizabeth Wainwright, January 1790
From: Wainwright, Elizabeth
To: Adams, John

ca. January 1790

Give me leave Sir to bring myself to your rememberance by soliciting your notice of the reverend Mr Toulmin the son of a respectable dissenting minister of that name who is in persuit of such information – respecting Americans as may make him useful to a number of persons who wish to find an assylum in that country.  His character is such as may make him a valuable acquisition yours such as induces me to take this liberty and is the ground of my hope that this gentleman may be aided in his laudable design.
Be so good as to present my respectful & affectionate regards to Mrs Adams & Mrs. Smith, Who with yourself and sons I hope enjoy good health and every other blessing.
I am Sir with much respect and as / an American your highly obliged

Elizabeth Wainwright


Title: To John Adams from Richard Price, 1 February 1790
From: Price, Richard
To: Adams, John

My Dear Friend,
Hackney February 1st 1790

This comes to you with a Discourse which has been much talked of here; and which, I hope, you will accept as a Small testimony of my gratitude and respect.  It is an effusion of zeal in the cause of human liberty and virtue;  and, tho a Subject of censure with many in this country, I can be confident that you will approve the Spirit of it, and the general Sentiments it contains.
I thought myself greatly favoured by the letter which I received from you at the beginning of last Summer; and it is impossible I Should ever forget the kind attention with which you have always honoured me.
You must probably feel the Same Satisfaction and triumph in the late Revolution in France that I have felt. It appears to me that most of the events in the annals of the world are but childish tales compared with it.  But the United States of America have the glory of having led the way to it.  The new Constitution of France deviates in Some respects from those Ideas of the best constitution of governmt which you have with so much ability explained and defended.  But this deviation, as France is Situated, Seems to have been unavoidable;  for had not the Aristocratical and Clerical orders been obliged to throw themselves into one chamber with the Commons, no reformation could have taken place and the regeneration of the Kingdom would have been impossible:  And, in future legislatures, were these two orders to make distinct and independent States, all that has been done would probably be soon undone.  Hereafter, perhaps, when the new Constitution as now formed, has acquired Strength by time, the national Assembly may find it practicable as well as expedient to establish, by means of a third estate, Such a check as now takes place in the American governmt, and is indispensable in the British governmt.
Remember me very kindly to Mrs Adams. May you be long continued happy in one another and in your connexions.  I feel myself in the decline of life. An indolence is increasing upon me, and a disposition to be encumber’d and burden’d by every little business that comes in my way.  I rejoice in your usefulness and eminence, and the just respect which has been Shewn you by the United States.  The new federal governmt has, I hope, now acquired Such a firm establishmt as will make it the means of extricating the United States from difficulties and rendering them permanently prosperous and happy.
Hoping never to be forgotten by you, I am, with sentiments of warm affection and respect, / ever your
Rich PriceMay I request the favour of you to convey to Mr Smith the pamphlet I have directed to him, and to deliver to him and to Mrs Smith my kind respects?


Title: To John Adams from Jan Willink, 1 February 1790
From: Willink, Jan,Willink, Wilhem
To: Adams, John

Sir
Amsterdam 1 febr 1790

We beg leave to refer to our last respects of 8 dec: since whch time we continue without your agreable favors, we are now paying the intrest due on the 4 Per Ct. Obt: and request Your sending us the Coupons of yours & to dispose of Said amount; it is highly agreable to us to See the American Credit on a Respectable footing, in Consequence the 5 Per Ct. Obt: are advanced at 99 1/2 Per Ct. and the 4 Per Ct sell at a premium of 2 Per Ct. on acct. of the Lotery, the Management we kept in it, we flatter ourselves will assure us the Satisfaction of the United States & your personal knowledge in how much the influence of our Credit has Contributed to it will assure us your benevolence. We think it our duty to inform you as our Friend abt: the letter we write with Mrs. V Staphorst to the Treasurer Hamilton Esqr. of the applications made to the court of france to transfer to Speculaters, the debt of Congress paye. Part in money Part in france Stocks to great advantage of the undertakers, who made application to borrow on said American debt here, on terms very advantageous to money Lenders, whch they could easily pay out of the Profit that Should Result to them from this operation, whch measure the Houses considered highly detrimental to the Credit of the United States as the Obligt. of their Loans should necessary decline, whenever people could obtain much higher intrest of Obt: funded on a debt of the same United States & those Speculators Possessed of such a considerable debt became in Some measure masters of the credit here whch they had no reason to maintain & obliged to Satisfy their engagemts. Should be in the necessity to get money on Said debt at any condition & by those advantages make it absolutely impossible for the United States to borrow here at a reasonable Condition at the simple intrest of 5 Per Ct. after all our endeavours to put a Stop to it in Paris, & by the knowledge of the desire of Congress to pay if not of the principal the arrears of intrest at least to france, the houses considered the best measure to make it almost impossible to the Speculators to agree, to make the obtaining of money if not impossible, highly difficult to them, in order to maintain the Credit of the United States & keep the faculty to borrow for them, the houses took on them selves to open a Loan under approbation of the United States for 3 Mills of ƒ at 5 Per Ct. in full Confidence, that our motives should be considered in the true light & be highly approved, the more as we get it on the terms of the first Loan, and Sacrifis a great profit offered to us by the Speculators either to be partners or Commissioners whch. we thought our duty to decline.
Some members however may blame the Liberty we have taken, but we flatter ourselves of the equitable Judgment of the States, that our motives will be done Justice and considered as it is truely a determination for the intrest of the United States, there we regretted infinitely your & Mr. Jefferson’s absence to be able to Consult the Ministers in a matter of such delicacy.
In case of any Remarks on our conduct We hope you’ll be so kind to be a favourable interpretor of the sincerity of our Sentiments there nothing than a Sense of our duty & attachmt. to the intrest of the United States Could bring us to the dermination & make us decline a considerable profit, to maintain their credit & the faculty to borrow on advantageous terms in full reliance on your friendship we hope to hear from you, well assured that we’ll always retain a proper sense of Your benevolence
We request our Sincere compliments to your Lady and remain with great esteem. / Sir Your most Obedient Servants

Wilhem & Jan Willink


Title: To John Adams from François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 3 February 1790
From: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan
To: Adams, John

Sir!
Kingston. 3 Febr. 1790.

I hope not, that your Excellencÿ will find me troublesome, that I soo often intrude myself upon you.  It is some mere Leisure, this winter, occasioned by mÿ intendeth departure to the Western Parts, which I can spent with my Librarÿ and which affords me if not an opportunity, at least an excuse, for adressing a few Lines to your Excellency.  However it would be pardonable, if I did judge, bÿ the continued esteem, and honorable distinction, with which I was favour’d, not to want it; when the common calamitees of mankind, plunged in the horrors of universal confusion, the cruel dissentions and bloody massacry in France, with the follÿ of 25 Millions to deprive themselves of the happiest opportunity, of preserving their Rights and Liberties, and ensuring all the Rational blessings of a wel constituted govern’ment, wich never will return—exhorted me to sent up a few Lines.
Genet’s Rapport of the Pretended victories was, as I expected, fabricated by him, and divulgied with eagerness by those who rejoiced in what woud ruin them, with their familÿs—Brissot with some of his Party suffer’d the fate of their Royal master, and though manÿ of them had merited their share, nevertheless the inflicted punishment, it seems, had been iniquitous in everÿ aspect—A larger number maÿ follow them soon.
If the best part of the French people with some of the convention can not unite, to overthrow that set of Ruffians, who are at the helm, and make Such provisional arrangements, sufficient to bring to their Standard all those, who have virtue and property, either it be an Democrat, Aristocrat or Roÿalist, Sufficient to appease the combined Powers and remove their armies from the French territorÿ—then Paris will be utterly destroy’d before the termination of war can be expectedyea, this perhaps may be the case, ‘though the combined Powers were obliged to become Suitors for Peace.
Your Excellency will remember, that two years ago it was something surprising that the French Lawgivers did not consider more Seriously the Constitution of the British government, and make it a point of their deliberations, if that Constitutione could not be amended, adapted to their peculiar situation, and carried to the highest pitch of perfection, that they did not chuse to make use of the assistance, which your Excellency had prepared for them, in translating your Defence of our Constitutions, which, at least, would have enabled a number of the convention, who for the first time in their Live managed Politics—measuring them in the Large Scale of the rights of mankind without appealing to antient or modern Records of Nations, to judge on the fitnes or unfitness of such a plan, and balance the blessings and curses of Other Political combinations, which other States enjoy’d or suffer’d—
I know not, if you Excellency can spar time enough, to consult the french Productions—during the Revolution—and in this uncertainty, I will communicate to you, what I found—not long ago, in one Of them—which will afford an Striking argument, that bÿ the Leading Characters, it was not so much, want of information as well want of good will, and an propensity for dominion, which allured them to shut their understanding for conviction—
De Calonne, whose abilities and talents are above dispute, ’though his moral character may be equivocal, and in this point he resembles a large number of the National Convention, allumed this flambeau for his Countrymen—
In one of his Publications, worthÿ your Perusal, he says—“L’essence d’une Monarchie Libre–celle, ou Le Pouvoir du Monarque, est temperé par L’existence d’un corps Legislatif.—que Le Pouvoir de ce Corps soit lui meme temperé par celui du Monarque et qu’il y ait entre les deux un troisieme Pouvoir moderateur de L’un et L’autre qui Puisse empecher leur invasions reciproques. (a)
Calonne Lettre au Roÿ du 9 Febr. 1789 ed. in 4to. cahier de La noblesse du Metz–p. 10—de Montargis art. i
Mr. Le Comte D’Entragues—
(a) Pour s’en convaincre, il faudroit Lire l’excellent ouvrage de Mr. Adams, intitulé, defence de la Constitution du gouvernment des Etats-Unis de L’amerique 2 vol. in 8vo. impr. a Londres. “j’en ai donné La Subsistance dans ma Lettre au Roi de 89 aux p. 30–32.”
Calonne. de L’État de La France
Londr. Oct. 1790. P. 162. 165.
Accept this communication as an apologÿ for my letter, and permit me, to remember your Excellencÿ, that I dear  with your eldest, and most attached friends, in regard of the high esteem and consideration, which with / I am / Sir! / Your Excellency’s most ob.  and / humble Servant

Fr. Adr. vanderkemp.


Title: To John Adams from United States House of Representatives, 3 February 1790
From: United States House of Representatives
To: Adams, John

					Mr. President:
					February 3, 1790

				Messrs. Gilman and White, are appointed a Committee for Enrolled Bills, on the part of the House of Representatives, agreeable to the joint rules of the two Houses.


Title: To John Adams from United States House of Representatives, 4 February 1790
From: United States House of Representatives
To: Adams, John

					Mr. President:
					February 4, 1790

				The Speaker having signed the enrolled bill, entitled “An act for giving effect to the several acts therein mentioned, in respect to the state of North Carolina,” I am directed to bring it to the Senate for the signature of the Vice President.


Title: To John Adams from John Trumbull, 6 February 1790
From: Trumbull, John
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Hartford February 6th. 1790—

Your letter found me on my return from the session of our Superior Court at Haddam—Since which I have attended a three weeks session of our County Court here.  So that I have had little leisure to prepare for my defence in a capital Trial.
To your charge of reading myself to death, I now propose to plead double by leave of the Court.  My first Plea is that I am yet alive. Lord Hale advises Courts to be cautious of condemning any Person for Murther, unless it be clearly proved, that the man, supposed to be murdered is actually dead—I have looked over my Books & cannot find a single precedent of any man, indicted & hanged for Self murder.
In the next place, I shall plead not guilty infra ser annos.  It is hard if there is no act of limitation in the case.  From the year 1777 to the year 80, I resided in my native town in a part of the country, where I could have no more Society than a Hermit, & had not other amusement but my Books.  I injured my health gradually by continual reading & writing—For I determined to be the most learned Man in America; But hurt my constitution still more by attending all the Courts in two adjacent Counties, thro’ the storms and snows of the severe winter of 80—In the spring of that year I found my nerves relaxed to the utmost degree of debility.  I had a shock of an uncommon kind, which I scarcely survived.  It came on with a coldness, & loss of pulsation, tho’ not of feeling in all my limbs, which gradually extended itself nearly to the trunk of my body, attended with violent headach & palpitation of the heart—It left me subject to faintness, vertigo, loss of appetite, frequent turns of sick-headach, & every symptom of nervous decay.  Before the close of that year my physicians pronounced me in the last stage of a consumption—I discarded them, & undertook to prescribe for myself. I removed to Hartford in 81, by way of experiment, as Yorick went to France, to run away from death. Since that time I have been gradually regaining health, & thou’ sufficiently an Invalid, am able to transact more business in my profession, than any Lawyer in the County.  Nor do I attend more to my studies, than is necessary to preserve the reputation I have gained in my profession, & do justice to the Causes in which I am engaged.  Besides the want of health, I have had many disadvantages to combat in attempting to rise to eminence as a Lawyer.  No man can be a judge of his own manner of speaking—but my friends have early been careful to inform me, that except a tolerable fluency, with some degree of animation, I possessed no one talent of a public speaker; that my voice was harsh & disagreeable, my gestures stiff, my pronunciation naturally thick & inarticulate, & my style void of that sonorous pomp, which captivates the ears of a vulgar audience—That no genius can excell in more ways than one, that I must be content with my literary reputation, & give up all hope of excellence at the Bar.  I was not willing to be so content, but what could be done. I had only two resources left—Learning & Fidelity to my Clients—I have tried them & they have availed me. Nor have I any rival in my business in my own County.  In the last Superior Court, I argued every cause tried before them, during a fortnight’s session, except one—At our County Court just now closed, I lost only three causes—I argued more than twenty—It is alledged that I have too great influence with the Courts, especially the County Court—But the secret is, that I judge my causes before I try them, & will try none that I think Desperate. So much for boasting—I observe the alternative penance you propose me.  I own myself too indolent for the five miles walk a day, & had rather submit to the seat in a house of Representatives—But I have little inclination for either—Many of my friends have urged me to attempt promotion in the political line—I have as yet purposely avoided it & avoided it with great ease—as I have not one popular talent in my whole composition, & would not give up my right of speaking & writing my sentiments on men & measures, and of personally attacking all, whom I have viewed, as enemies to the Public, for any office or honour, I could expect in the States.  And I firmly believe that I have been of more service in that way, to my country, than I could have been, if courting popularity, I had been able to act in any official character. I have by these means made myself many enemies—but I hug myself in the independence of my situation; & laugh at the storm, that rattles on my roof.  I hope however, that the Stability of the new Government, will supercede the necessity of political satirists.—If the public find they want me in any other way, they will call for me, but I shall never solicit their votes, which I consider as conferring burthens & not favors.
Thus much & perhaps too much, I have written on myself by way of vindication. I shall now take up a more important subject; and in return for the advice received, (for I do not choose to be in any Man’s debt) address some hints to the Vice-President, relative to his own political situation, & the strictures made upon his conduct by his Enemies. I shall ask no excuse for my assurance, & am certain my motive needs no Apology.
Be it remembered then, that the Vice-President is a native of New England, & that the inhabitants of the Southern States are not yet entirely cured of their local jealousies—that without any considerable advantages from the pride of family, or the favours of fortune, he has raised himself to that eminent station, solely by his personal merit, & the importance of his public services—& that this circumstance has provoked the pride & raised the envy of many of the Southern Aristocrats, who suppose themselves born to greatness, & cannot hear to be eclipsed by merit only—That this Party are endeavouring to represent his character in an unfavorable light, & if possible prevent his ever rising to the first office in the States, whenever a vacancy shall happen.  The obloquy they have endeavoured to raise against him, as having deserted his republican principles, & become fond of the splendor, & titles of monarchical Courts, is well known, and needs no remark, because it has nearly subsided in the New England States, where his character is known & justly appreciated—It may perhaps still be a subject of unjust censure in the southern States—But must there at length subside, as their people, who are an age behind us in political knowledge, become convinced of the necessity of energy in the executive Department.  But they attempt an attack on another ground, & endeavour to render him unpopular in the Senate, the principal theatre on which his political talents can now be exerted.  They assert that the Constitution gives the President of the Senate no right to mingle in their debates—that he can on no occasion with propriety offer his sentiments at large, except when he is requested to give information respecting the affairs of foreign courts, which have fallen under his personal observation, or when in case of an equivote, he States his reasons on giving his casting voice.  They add, that as a public Speaker, the talents in which he excells all others, are force of argument & strength of language, approaching to sarcasm, and expressive of some degree of contempt for the opinions & reasonings of his adversaries—that in consequence, whenever he mingles in debate, he offends those whose sentiments he opposes—while the party he supports are not always pleased, as his idea of the necessity of affording his assistance is a tacit reflection on them, as incompetent advocates of a good cause—that he who mingles in debate subjects himself to frequent retorts from his opposers, places himself on the same ground with his inferiors in rank, appears too much like the leader of a Party, & renders it more difficult for him to support the dignity of the chair, & preserve order & regularity in the debate—while he gives his enemies frequent opportunity by reporting casual expressions, which have fallen in the warmth of argument, to misrepresent his opinions & designs, with little danger of detection—as the doors of the Senate are always shut.
Of the truth or justice of these remarks I am no judge—but I have heard them so frequently made, & sometimes by men who I am sure are not unfriendly, and in every other respect have the highest esteem for your abilities & character, that I thought it my duty to communicate them—especially as on so delicate a subject it was doubtful whether You would hear of them in any other way—I should have chosen to hint them in a personal interview, but my business has disappointed me of a visit to New York, which I had intended in the course of this winter.
I congratulate You on the favorable Prospect of the firm establishment of our Government—The proceedings of the last Session are generally approved—The clamours attempted to be raised on the subject of Salaries have died away—and our most sensible men would rather see an augmentation in one or two instances than a considerable diminution in any.
Vesting in the President the power of removing all officers in the executive department is a most important amendment of the Constitution in the only part in which I ever thought an amendment essential, or a defect absolutely necessary to be supplied. The other proposed amendments are very harmless at least—The Article which establishes the right of Trial by jury in all cases at common law, I should object against, as holding out a false light, because in many cases, it must be absurd, if not impossible to carry it, into execution—but the very objection shows that it is not dangerous. The establishment of Federal Courts entirely separate from those of the States was another measure of equal importance, the effect will not be immediately seen, but will be eventually of the highest consequence. In a word, though there are sundry members of Congress, whose opinions on Government have never advanced beyond the crude ideas of pure Democracy which we imbibed at the beginning of the Revolution, the Majority appear sufficiently enlightened to carry every necessary measure, for establishing an energetic Government, armed with power for our Protection & Defence.
Excuse the length of this Letter, which has far exceeded my intention—Please to present my most respectful Compliments to Mrs. Adams—and believe me to be with the highest respect & most sincere Attachment / Dear Sir / Your obliged & most Obedt. / Humble Servant
John Trumbull


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Franklin, 9 February 1790
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

Sir,
Philadelphia Feby 9th: 1790

At the Request of the Pennsylvania Society for the Abolition of Slavery, I have the Honour of presenting to your Excellency the enclosed Petition, which I beg leave to recommend to your favourable Notice.  Some further Particulars respecting it, requested by the Society, will appear in their Letter to me, of which I enclose a Copy, and have the Honor to be, Sir, / Your Excellency’s / most obedient / & most humble Servant

B FranklinPresidt of the Society.


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 12 February 1790
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir.
Philadelphia Feb: 12th 1790.

Ever since the last week in Octobr I have been engaged in composing & delivering a new course of lectures on the theory & practice of Medicine in the College of this city.  This arduous business has confined employed me so closely that it has separated me from my friends,—detatched me from all Other pursuits—and—what I regret most of all, has deprived me for the a while of the pleasure of your Correspondence.—Altho’ we hold different principles upon some Subjects; yet I cannot help loving and respecting you. You were my first preceptor in & the Science of Government. From you I learned to discover the danger of the Constitution of Pennsylvania, and if I have had any merit, or guilt in keeping the public mind Awake to its folly, or danger for 13 years, you alone should have the Credit of the former and be made responsible for to the the latter.  But my dear Sir I learned further from you, to despise public opinion When set in competition with the dictates of any judgement or Conscience.  So much did I imbibe of this Spirit from you, that during the whole of my political life, I was always disposed to suspect my integrity, if from any Accident I became popular with our Citizens for a few weeks or days.  The reformation of our State government has completed my last political wish.  Hitherto I have never known a defeat, or final disappointment in any one of them. I ascribe my Success wholly to my perseverance.  I never claim this Virtue publicly boldly, since all my enemies admit of my possessing it, at the time they deny me every Other Virtue or quality of a politician.
The experience I have had in public pursuits, has led me to make many discoveries of in the human heart that are not very favourable to it.—I shall leave some of them upon record by way of beacons to deter my children fromof  engaging in public life.—One of them will be that “a politician can never suffer from his enemies.”—The folly—the envy—and the ingratitude of his friends are the principal sources of his sufferings.
Such is my apathy now to public Affairs that I often pass whole weeks without reading our Newspapers.—I have never Once been within the doors of our Convention, nor have I broken bread with a single member of the body who compose it. Heaven has been profuse in its gifts of family blessings to me.  My dear Mrs Rush is every thing to me that a friend—a companion & a wife should be to any man.  Our children are affectionate—& dutiful—& promising as to their capacities for acquiring knowledge.—Nineteen out of twenty of my evenings are spent in their Society.
I see many of my friends who began this political Session with ever men high in power or affluent in office, Who in the year 1776 considered me as one of the firebrands of independance.  I feel the effects in a debilitated Constitution of the midnight Studies which I devoted for 16 years to my Country—I see nothing before me during the remainder of my life, but labor and Selfdenial in my profession—and yet I am happy. I envy no man—and blame no man.  O! Virtue—Virtue—Who would not follow thee blindfold!  I want nothing but a heart sufficiently grateful to heaven for the happiness of my family & my Country.
I do not reject the modern languages as a part of Academical education. I have found much more benefit from the French, & more pleasure from the Italian than I ever found from the latin or Greek, in my profession. I have found some advantages from a knowledge of the Italian, & have been entertained by reading Spanish Books. My partiality to these languages, is one of the reasons of my having quarelled with the dead languages of Greece & Rome.—
With great regard I continue Dr / Sir yours very affectionately / & sincerely
Benjn: Rush.


Title: To John Adams from Jeremy Belknap, 13 February 1790
From: Belknap, Jeremy
To: Adams, John

Boston Febr 13 1790

Permit me, dear Sir, to recommend to you my worthy friend the Revd Dr Cutler of Ipswich whose Character in the botanical Line is doubtless, known to you—
His engagements with the Ohio Company & his concern in the settlement of the Western territory & the establishment of a permanent foundation for Literature in that new Region, will give him consequence in your Eye; & may require some advice & assistance, such as I am sure you are both able & willing to afford.
With every sentiment of Esteem & Respect / I am Dr Sir yr obliged friend & / hble servt

Jeremy Belknap


Title: To John Adams from Jabez Bowen, 15 February 1790
From: Bowen, Jabez
To: Adams, John

Sir
Providence Febr 15. 1790

I doubt not but You have been inform’d that our Genl Assembly have order’d a Convention to be called to meet at South Kingston the first Monday of March.  The Delegates were chosen the 8th. of this month and from the Returns we Count Thirty Two Federals and Thirty Eight Antis, so that the Battle will go hard against us if some methods cannot be hit upon to affoard us some help. As I hinted in a former letter so I repeat it in this, if Congress would take up the Letter that was sent from our General Assembly and give them a firm and Spirited Reply it would be of great service. They might let them know that Congress Consider the Teritory of Rd Island as apart of the United States that if a part of the present Inhabitants did not choose to Live under the Federal Government they would be permitted to sell their Estates &c. but that the people of Rd Island must of necessity be united with the Rest of the American States.  The same wicked disposition continues among the Leaders as heretofore and Congress can do nothing that is good or praise worthy but every of their acts and found fault with.
We shall do every thing in our power per jus art nisas to accomplish our ends—as we really look on the people as Deluded and facinated at present. And seem determined to oppose with Love of Arms every effort that can be made for the Establishing the Federal Government, if a firm arm could be laid on us to let them feel and see that Congress was Determined that something should be done and that soon it would have a good Effect.
The present plan of the oposition is to adjorn the Convention to September by which time they say Congress will do so many unjust things, that several of the great States will be ready to Revol, and that Rd Island remaining a Free and Independent State will put her self at their head, & with many other Extravegant plans.
On the whole if something could be sent on from Congress to look as if it was spontaneously done, addressed to the Convention I really believe it would have a great weight in producing a favourable determination of the Question.
With Esteem I Remain Your Excellency’s / most Obedient Humb Servant
Jabez Bowen


Title: To John Adams from John Brown, 16 February 1790
From: Brown, John,Francis, John
To: Adams, John

Dr. Sr.
Providence Februy 16th. 1790

We Are Sorry to Inform You that the Members of the Convention of this State as Chose on Monday the 8th. Inst. to Consider and Determin on the New Constitution are by a Majority of About 8 or 10, AnteFedderal Viz about Thirty Deligates for the Adoption of the Constitution and about Forty Against it & for Continuing out of the Union and will we suppose Adjourn the Convention to some Futer Day Expecting theirby to Gain the Election of Antefedderal Members to the Genl Assembley at the Annuel Town Meetings in April and theirby keep out of the Union Another Year.  We have had the Most Sanguine Expectations of their being a Suffitient number of Fedderal Members Appointed to Adopt the Constitution, but the post from the Southard has Blasted our sanguwine Expectations and Indeed the Towns around us turned out much more Antefedderal: then we had Reasons to Expect.  What can be Done? We hartely wish for something from Congress or the Members theirof to the Govenor & Compy. of this State in time to be Said before the Convention which may prevent their puting of the Joining the Union aney Longer; may not an Answer be given to the Letter from the General Assembley of this State at their Sessions in Septemb. last to Congress, Couched in Such terms as the Convention may theirby be Convinced that Congress will not be Dallied with any Longer but that some Decissive Measures will be tacon by Congress if the Convention will not Adopt the Constitution so as to Join the Genl. Government without Further Delay.  May not Congress say with propriety that they have Raised and secured Very Large sums of Mony from the States in the Union by the Import Law and that from Good Information the Laws of this state are such that no Spetia will be Raised from its Import Act tho paper money bring a Tender as Fifteen for one by which means the State will be Obliged to make up Its Defitiencey by a Direct Tax on the Estates & poles of the Inhabitants, or may not Congress with propriety write the Govr. & Compy. that the Finances of the Union may be so much Deranged and Obstructed by this States Remaining Out of the Union that the Seaport Towns & others which may Join them will be Recd. into the Union on their Applycation and Import Officers Appointed and Supported by Congress.
In short aney Method that Can be thought of by Congress or aney Indeviduall Members theirof which may Tend to git the Convention which is to meet at South Kingstown on the 1st. Monday of March next, to Adopt the Constitution will be particulerly Agreeable to the Fedderals of the State in whose behalf we are Sr. Your Obt. Humble / Servts.

Brown & Francis


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 17 February 1790
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Richmond Hill. 17 Feb: 1790

I had heard before I recd your Letter of the 12th, of your new Engagements in the Colledge added to your extensive Practice and other virtuous Pursuits: and therefore was at no loss to account for your long Silence.
I have no Pretensions to the Merit of your manly and successful opposition to the Constitution of Pensilvania: but I am very willing to be responsible, for any Consequences of its Rejection.  I have never despised public opinion deliberately.  If I have ever expressed myself lightly of it, it was in haste and with out caution. On the contrary It is always to be respected and treated with decency, even when in Error: but never to be made the Rule of Action against Conscience,—It is seldom, and only in small Matters, to be followed, implicitly.  it is a wave of the sea in a storm in the Gulph Streams, except when it is the Result of methodical Councils or secret Influences. It should be guided and aided, as well as informed by those who are in Possession of all the Secrets of the State. In no nation that ever yet existed, were all the Facts known to the whole Body or even a Majority of the People, which were essential to the formation of a right Judgement of public affairs.  The History of this Country for the last thirty Years affords as many proofs of this Truth as that of any other Nation. how many times, both at home and abroad have our affairs been in situations, that none but Madmen would have thought proper to be published in detail to the People.
You are not the only one, who has seen and felt The Jealousy Envy and Ingratitude of Friends.
“I love my friend as well as you
“But why should he obstruct my view”
contains a Truth which has laid the foundation for every Despotism and every Absolute Monarchy on Earth. It is this sentiment which ruins every Democracy and every Aristocracy, and every possible Mixture of both, and renders a mediating Power, an invincible Equilibrium between them indispensable. never yet was a Band of Heroes or Patriots able to bear the Sight of any one of them constantly at their head, if they Saw any opening to avoid it. Emulation almost the only Principle of Activity, (except Hunger  and Lust) is the Cause of all the Wars Seditions and Parties in the World. What is most astonishing is that we should be so ignorant of it, or inattentive to it. And that we should not See, that an independent Executive Power, able at all times to overrule these Rivalries, is absolutely necessary.
The charming Picture you give me of your Domestic Felicity, delights my inmost soul: but revives  in me a lively regret for the ten years of my life that I lost—when I left my Children to grow up without a Father.  There are two Parties my friend, who have united to some degree, to obscure the fame of the Old Whiggs.  The Tories are one, and the Young Tory is the other. By the latter I mean a sett of young Gentlemen who have come out of Colledge since the Revolution, and are Candidates for fame.—There is a sett of Men in this Country, who have hazarded too much, laboured too much, Suffered too much, and succeeded too well, ever to be forgiven. Some of these unfortunately are not men of large Views and comprehensive Information, and have adopted destructive Systems of Policy. Were it not for this last Consideration, you would hear their Cause pleaded in accents that would make Impressions ofn every honest human heart.
You my dear sir, enjoy the Esteem of the honest and enlightened and are perhaps more usefully and happily employed than others in places of mere Eclat.—There is no man however that I Should See with more Pleasure in public Life, especially in Congress.
With a knowledge of the modern languages it is so easy to acquire the ancient, and the ancient are so great a step towards the Aquisition of the Modern, that I cannot help, putting in a Word more in favour of Greek and Latin.
I am, my dear Sir your Friend

John AdamsI forbid you, on pain of what shall fall thereon from giving me a Title in your Letters. I Scorn, disdain, despise, (take which Word you will) all Titles.


Title: To John Adams from Samuel Allyne Otis, 18 February 1790
From: Otis, Samuel Allyne
To: Adams, John

Sir
New York Feb: 18th 1790

I intended to have observed to your Excellency, that upon what was intimated yesterday, I have induced the Clerk of the H of Representatives   to join me, in authenticating & publishing copies of the acts of Congress, until the further orders of Goverment
I have the honor to be / Your Excellency’s / most obedient / Hume Sert
Sam: A: Otis


Title: To John Adams from United States House of Representatives, 22 February 1790
From: United States House of Representatives
To: Adams, John

					Mr. President:
					February 22, 1790

				The House of Representatives agree to all the amendments proposed by the Senate to the bill, entitled “An act for the actual enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States,” except the 22d, 23d, 24th, 25th, and 26th; to which they disagree.


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 24 February 1790
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir,
Philadelphia Feb: 24: 1790

Your remarks upon the conduct of the tories, and the “young fry” who are now crowding into the Councils of our Country, perfectly accord with my own observations.  The present convention & assembly of Pennsylvania, and the present Corporation of Philada: are all filled chiefly with men who were either unknown in 1776, or known only for timidity or disaffection. Your old friends have mingled with the continental misery of that memorable year, and are as much forgotten as if they had paid the last debt of Nature. This part of the issue of the American Controversy has not disappointed me—for I both expected it & predicted it, from a conviction that the laws of property were as exactly ascertained as the laws of matter, and that power & wealth could never long be separated. There is one thing in which the tories have the Advantage of the Whigs. They are more Attached to each other. They have come forth in a solid cohesion in our state, and from the violence of many of the Whigs who have been in power during the war, they have been joined by many of the most respectable republican Whig characters among us. Had the Whigs of Pennsylvania United in a good Constitution, & organized it with respectable Officers, they would have transmitted all the power of the state to their latest posterity. But this event was prevented at first by Cannon, Matlack & Dr. Young, & afterwards by Reed—Bryan—and Parson Ewing. The three latter reprobated the Constitution when it was first made, but they soon discovered that it might be converted to desirable private purposes. It gratified the Ambition of Reed—the idleness, of Bryan, and the avarice and malice of Dr. Ewing—for it was this man chiefly that directed the rage of the state against the freedom of the Quakers, by severe test laws, and against the property of the Episcopalians by robbing them of the Charter & funds of their College. The combination of this triumvirate to seize the power—& treasury of the state, was the result of system: In the month of Octobr 1778 Mr. Reed waited upon me just as I had recovered from a bilious fever, and in a long conversation invite me to share with them in their premeditated Usurpation.  I objected to the proposal, and told him “that he would ruin himself by taking a part in the establishment or support of so bad a constitution.” The perfect knowledge I had of those gentlemen’s characters enabled me to detect, & expose their schemes in every period of their Administration. They know this well, and hence my destruction was a favorite Object with each of them. From my taking the part of the persecuted Quakers, and Episcopalians I was represented as the enemy of the Presbyterians in our state, and so far did this calumny succeed, that it Obliged me to retreat from their society to the Church of my Ancestors, and in which I was born, Viz the Church of England. Such was the industry of Dr. Ewing in circulation the above calumny; that he reduced my business by it among the Presbyterians in the Course of two years from near an 100, to only ten families.  For these sacrifices to my principles, I did not receive the support I should have done, from the friends of order, and justice.  Some of them avoided me at the time I was most persecuted, as if I had been bitten by a mad dog.  Others of them joined the hue & cry against me in order to recommend themselves to the tyrants of the day—Nor is this all—One of the republican party who had long seen with pain the zeal & success of my services, I have reason to believe employed his talents for wit and ridicule against me in the public papers. These are valuable facts for my Children. They will serve to teach them that it is much less dangerous to awaken the keenest resentment of enemies, than the envy of friends. In reviewing the history of the events which I have related, (which are now passing rapidly from the memories of most people) I feel no difficulty in exercising the Christian virtue of forgiveness towards my enemies. They are open and sincere in their enmity against me. They moreover did me honor by considering me as the principal in all the measures that were taken to oppose & defeat them. But my friends were unkind—ungrateful & even treacherous, and while most of them acted a subordinate part in Schemes planned by myself, they considered me only as an instrument in their hands to effect the purposes of their Ambition or revenge.—I wish I could love them as I ought.—In reviewing their conduct and my own in the disputes in our state, I am led to conclude this narrative with the famous Spanish prayer “God deliver me from myself, & my friends.”—
The real Whigs find as little credit in our histories of the revolution as they meet with from the “tories & young fry.”  Whose heart is not affected at seeing that venerable patriot Saml: Adams traduced in so many instances by Dr. Gordon? What incense is perpetually offered to one of the military Characters that acted only an executive part in the revolution; and that too after the foundation of it was laid in principles & opinions disseminated by Otis—Quincy—Yourself—Samuel Adams—Dickinson—and a few Others? Had I leisure, I would endeavour to rescue those characters from Oblivion, and give them the first place in the temple of liberty. What trash may we not suppose has been handed down to us from Antiquity, when we detect such errors, and prejudices in the history of events of which we have been eye witnesses, & in which we have been actors?—I am sometimes disposed to question the talents of Cæsar—the Virtues of Antoninus, and the crimes of Commodus. I suspect the well concerted plans of battles recorded by Livy to have been picked up in the barbers Shops of Rome, or from deserters from the Roman Armies.—Of the events recorded by Dr Gordon how few of them embrace the whole of their connection?—How little do we learn from them of the principles of Action in man? Of the effects of single & compound—private & public—democratic & monarchical passions upon the human heart?—Of the Motives of actions in our great men?—of the difference between Abilities & success in enterprises? & of the real characters of the patriots of the different stages of the revolution?—To prevent my Children being deceived by the histories of the day, I have nearly filled a large Quarto Volume began in 1778 with Anecdotes & characters of the principal Agents in the revolution. Besides this Collection, I have filled two small pocket Octavos with facts connected with characters & events in 1776 & 1777—during which years I was in Congress, or in the Army.—In One of them I find the following Anecdotes.
“Upon my return from the Army to Baltimore in the winter of 1777, I sat next to Jno: Adams in Congress, and upon my whispering to him, and asking him if he thought we should succeed in our struggle with G: Britain he answered me—‘Yes—If we fear God, & repent of our Sins.’ This anecdote will I hope teach my boys that it is not necessary to disbelieve Christianity, or to renounce morality in order to arrive at the highest political usefulness or fame.—Again, in Baltimore—I asked Jno: Adams ‘if he thought we were qualified for republican forms of Government—He said ‘No, and never should be ‘till we were ambitious to be poor.”
Hereafter if agreeable, I shall send you some more extracts from these books. One of them contains your character at large—among the Gentlemen who signed the declaration of independence. My own is the shortest—and perfectly true. It consists of only these words “He aimed well.”—
I thank you for your polite wishes to see me restored to public life. There was a time when I would have accepted of an Appointment Abroad. My knowledge of several European languages and of many eminent literary characters, would have added frequent opportunities to my disposition to serve my country. I have meditated with great pleasure upon the pains I shd: have taken in such a situation to employ my leisure hours in collecting discoveries in Agriculture—manufactures—and in all the useful arts and sciences, and in transmitting them to my American fellow Citizens. But the time is past—for my accepting of that or of any other appointment in the Government of the United States.—I already see a System of influence bordering upon corruption established in our Country, which seems to proclaim to innocence & patriotism to keep their distance.—I have erected & decorated my little bower. Its shade is already refreshing, and its odors truly delightful.—I cannot convey to you a more lively idea of this domestic retreat than by describing the manner in which the former part of the present evening has passed in my family. At the same table where I now sit, I have had the pleasure of seeing my dear Mrs. Rush deeply engaged in reading Millot’s Account of the manners—& laws of the Ancient Egyptians—my Eldest son—plodding over Rollin’s history of Cyrus—and my second boy just beginning Goldsmith’s history of England.—In the course of the evening, frequent applications were made to me to explain hard words by my boys. One them who has just finished Ovid at School, asked me—“if there was such a river as the Nile, or such a Country as Egypt.” My Answer to this question led me to express my hearty disapprobation of that mode of education which makes the first knowledge of boys to consist in fables, and thereby leads them to reject truth, or to esteem it no more than the gross errors and fictions of the Ancient poets.—
I must not forget to mention that my eldest daughter (between 11 and 12 years of age) composed a part of this family picture. She was employed in sewing, but partook in all the conversation of the evening.—This girl is all that the most indulgent parents could wish an only Child to be.—A compassionate heart is the principal feature in her Character. Her little allowance of spending money is chiefly given away to the poor. To both her parents she is dutiful and affectionate in the highest degree. In the Absence of her Mama, she makes tea for me, and sooths me with a hundred little Anecdotes picked up in her schools or in company.—
To this acct: of my family, I have only to add that my venerable mother (now in her 75th year) occupies a room in my house. She is often indisposed in body, but all the powers of her mind are in their full Vigor.  Such is my veneration for this excellent parent, that I never look forward to that hour, which must perhaps soon part us, without feeling an anguish which I cannot describe.
I have now only to beg your pardon for the length of this letter, and to request you to destroy all that part of it which relates to the private history of my dear Sir Yours / very Affectionately
Benjn: Rush


Title: To John Adams from United States House of Representatives, 25 February 1790
From: United States House of Representatives
To: Adams, John

					Mr. President:
					February 25, 1790

				The Speaker having signed an enrolled bill, entitled “An act providing for the enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States,” I am directed to bring it to the Senate, for the signature of the Vice President.


Title: From John Adams to François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 27 February 1790
From: Adams, John
To: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan

Sir
New York Feb. 27. 1790

Your agreable Letter of the 9. Jan. has lain too long unanswered.—Mr Mappa, I should be happy to present to the President and to serve in any other Way in my Power.
Your Criticisms upon “The defence” deserve more Consideration than I have time to give them.
I can say for myself, and I believe for most others, who have ever been called “leading Men,” in the late Revolution, that We were compelled against our Inclinations; to cutt off the Bands that United Us with England, and that We should have been very happy to have had our Grievances redressed, and our Dependance continued—and this Disposition continued with me, until Hostilities commenced.—Then indeed I thought all future Connections impracticable.
I will candidly confess, that an hereditary Senate, woud without an hereditary Executive, would diminish the Prerogatives of the President and the Liberties of the People. But I contend that hereditary descent in both, when controuled by an independent Representation of the People, is better than corrupted, turbulent and bloody Elections.  and the Knowledge you have of the human heart will concur with your Knowledge of the History of nations to convince you that Elections of Presidents, & Senators, cannot be long conducted in a populous, oppulent and commercial Nation, without Corruption, Sedition and Civil War.
A Discourse upon Fœderative Republicks and an History of the American Revolution, are both Undertakings too extensive for my Forces, unless I should retire from all Employments public and private, and devote the Remainder of my Life to writing.
Your Story of Smytegeld is very droll.
The Vindiciæ contra Tyrannos was written by Languet earlier as you say than the time of the long Parliament but it was then reprinted in England and translated.
Shase was the Wat Tyler of the Massachusetts.—
I omitted the ordinance of the 13. July 1787 because I had not room for it in the Volume.
How far it will be proper for the President to interpose, in your favour in your affair in Holland, I pretend not to say.  My Advice is that you write to the President, Stating the whole of the Facts and requesting his assistance by his Minister, as far as may be proper.  it will probably produce an Instruction to assist you at least in a private way.
I was Surprised to find that you had given Such particular attention to my Volumes, and am much flattered with your favourable opinion and ingenious Compliments. The Necessity of Reaction to counterpoise Action, is pursued further than it ever was before in any Age or Language that I know of.  The opinion is as ancient as Zeno as We learn from Diogenes Laertius.—I think this may be asserted without Hesitation that every Example in History proves that Peace, & Liberty, can be united only by the Equilibrium of three Branches, because there is not one Example to be found of Peaceful Liberty without it.—and it is not to be wondered at because human Passions are all insatiable—They will move and increase in motion untill they are united.  This quatity quality in Men explains all the Phœnomena in Government.
I am flattered in Letters from Europe, with Compliments that the Science of Government has not been so much improved Since the Writings of Montesquieu &c But notwithstanding this, the Books will not be much read. So far from flattering they offend the Passions and counteract the Views of all Parties—of Counts Kings and Ministers—of Senates, Aristocrates and all the Pride of noble Blood—and of Democrates and all the Licentious Rabbles, who wish to fish in troubled Waters.—a Wish for Unlimited Power is the Wish natural Passion of each of these orders, and no Doctrine Pleases but that which flatters the ruling Passion.  Whether human Reason will ever get the better of all these Prejudices and be able to govern Such Passions I know not. I will never cease to preach my favourite Doctrine, untill I die
yours with much Esteem

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to John Brown, 28 February 1790
From: Adams, John
To: Brown, John,Francis, John

Gentlemen
New York Feb. 28 1790

Your Letter of the 16th. I recd only by the Post of last Wednesday.—I am really much affected at the obstinate Infatuation of so great  Part of the People of Rhode Island. It is inconceivable how men of common Sense can reconcile such a Conduct to their Understandings men of common Honesty, to their Consciences; or men of human Feelings, to their Hearts.
Do the Antis of Rhode Island expect that the Congress of twelve States will send them a Petition, to pray them humbly, to take a share in the great Council of the Nation?  or do they wait for the president to send them an Ambassador in great Pomp and State to negotiate their Accession to the Union?
The Inhabitants of Rhode Island are Freemen and I presume will be treated like Freemen.  Congress will not think themselves authorized, by the Principles they profess, to make a Conquest of that People, or to bring them into the Union by Coertion. If the Convention should reject the Constitution or adjourn without adopting it, Congress will probably find it necessary to treat them as they are, as Foreigners, and extend all the Laws to them as such. This will be disagreable because it will involve our Friends in Inconvenience as well as others.  But You know that in all national Calamities, the Same Fortune attends the good and the Evil the Just and unjust.  Providence itself does not distinguish, and Nations cannot. If the Lime, the Barley and all other Articles whether of foreign or domestic Growth or Manufacture, should be subjected to a Duty, it would soon shew your People that their Interests are in the Power of their Neighbours.
The benign Influence of the new Constitution upon the Commerce, Manufactures and Agriculture of the Country, has been already seen and felt, in as great a degree as the most sanguine Admirer of it, could have reasonably expected.  If the People of your State will not be convinced either by Reasoning or Experience, what can be done? but to let them have their Way, and treat them like Aliens as they choose to be considered?
I cannot however doubt, but that when the Convention meets and begin to think converse and debate upon the Subject a majority of reasonable Men will be found.
I am Gentlemen, with great / Regard your most humble servant

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to William Ellery, 28 February 1790
From: Adams, John
To: Ellery, William

Dear Sir
New York Feby 28 1790

Many months ago I received a kind letter from you, which by some sad accident or strange fatality has never been answered. I really know not how this happened: but I hope you will excuse it and beleive me to be as I am, at all times ready to promote your views, expressed in it as far as I may have opportunity and ability.  We are very greatly dissapointed in the election of Delegates to your Convention. We are told that a majority are unfriendly to the union of the nation. I still flatter myself however, that when the members assemble they will see objects in a new light and feel affections for their sister states which they have not yet been sensible of.  It is now become of more importance than ever, for your state to act right, as it will not be possible much longer to extend that lenity and indulgence, which has been hitherto granted.  Since the accession of North Carolina, I have learned with certainty that a correspondence has been maintained between your Anti’s and theirs, and I wish to know whether the hopes of your opposition are still supported by secret communications from Virginia or Boston.  Insinuations of that kind are thrown out here.—What can any Gentlemen mean? Can they coolly or warmly wish to raise a storm? The national debt engages all attention at present: but when that is over if Rhode Island should be still refractory, something must be done.  I should be glad to hear from you Sir, and will be a better correspondent for the future. being with great and sincere esteem and regard / Yours

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from William Brown, February 1790
From: Brown, William,Hopkins, John
To: Adams, John

To the Honourable John Adams Vice President of the United States of America
February 1790

The Petition of William Brown & Jam. Hopkins with advice of the Honourable John Jay most humbly sheweth that they being now in Confinement in the new Goal of this City suffering under the greatest cruelty that can be inflicted on any human Person & from the Noble Character that Yr. Honour bears induces them to apply for redress hoping that if consistent Your Honour will free them from the Punishment inflicted on them. may the God of Mercy in whose hands are the hearts of Men dispose Your Honour to befriend them in granting them also their Release they having sailed out of this State. The Petition would also present to Your Honour that there is people who is well acquainted with the Captain & know him to be of an infamous Character. may the Great Sovereign whose unbounded Pity is towards the distressed make Your Honour the happy instrument in granting them Release & may every Blessing be shewed on Your Noble Character from the inhabitants of this City who advised us to apply for Redress.  & as in Duty bound we shall ever pray &c…
Willm. BrownJohn Hopkins


Title: To John Adams from Stephen Higginson, 1 March 1790
From: Higginson, Stephen
To: Adams, John

Sir
Boston March 1: 1790

Since I had last the honour of writing to you, the vacancies in our supreme Court have been filled up; & the event has proved, that you knew better the character of our Chief than many of Us did, who expected different persons from those who have been appointed.  there was however, We are told, a severe struggle between his inclinations & his fears. certain it is, that one person of the profession counted upon a Seat on that Bench; & it was a long time before he was reluctantly given up.—The Report of the Secretary of the treasury has much engaged the attention of our Assembly, & of the people abroad. it is very generally admired; & men of information, I find, grow more attached to it upon reflection. the rate of interest proposed, the assumption of the State Debts & adjustment of Accounts between the States & the Union, & the distinction made between foreign & domestic Creditors are very generally pleasing. there are some however both within & without doors, who would wish to embarrass the System.  They use every exertion to create an opposition to it; but they have hitherto failed of making any impression, & will not be able, I trust, to urge the Legislature to any disagreable points. the acquisition of Mr Dane, by a vacancy in the Senate, has given Them new hopes; & their Efforts will be renewed in the way of Amendments, if not  by a Remonstrance against assuming the State Debts.  They mean, it is said, to create an opposition in the national Senate, upon whom they expect to make an impression, They being chosen by the state legislatures. This mode of opposition, it is said, was recommended by Mr. Lee; & to make it the more efficacious will be systematically pursued in all the States. to favour these Views, Mr Dane has reported of an Amendment, by which the Senators are to be chosen all at the same time in Future, for the term of two four years, & subject to a recall by an order from their Constituents. whether this will pass the two houses, appears very uncertain; but the principle of action, & the object in View is very apparent. what may be the effect upon any of your Members, should it pass, you will have an oppy of observing; but every new evidence of the disposition from which such propositions originate, will certainly serve to strengthen the hands of the Union. by such conduct people are taught to look up to the federal government, for safety & protection; & the importance of the state legislatures will be thereby lessened in the Eyes of the people.
My own Views & intentions, as to future life, have lately undergone a great change. I have the last year been so arranging my Business, as to be able to leave it whenever I please. With a property nearly equal to a support, I meant upon a future opening to have entered again into political life. But some recent losses, to the amount of 15000 dollars, to me very unexpected, have so diminished my Capital, that I must now abandon that Object. my time must in future be devoted to Business of a private & safe kind; or I must take some station in the executive branch of Government where I can derive, at least in part, my support from the public.  two principal reasons have decided to a pursuit of the latter. I wish for a situation less confined & more active, on account of my health, which is too slender already; & I am desirous of rescuing the property which remains to me, from the vicissitudes of my present Situation. with these impressions, I have decided to offer myself a Candidate for some new Office, which I presume must soon be instituted in the Revenue. if it be decently respectable, & tolerably productive, I should gladly embrace it; for I am quite tired of the changes incident to my present situation, which no care or forecast of my own can guard me agt. That of Inspector, should Mr. Hamiltons System obtain, would meet my Views.—persuaded that nothing but proper qualifications, will determine your Voice in my favour, I shall urge no other consideration to engage you to aid me in the pursuit. But fancying myself, perhaps too fondly, qualified for such a Station under government, I mean only to ask, that so far as my private Views may comport with the public interest in your mind, I may enjoy your Support. You have some knowlege of me yourself; & I wish to have my self principles & qualities fully known to you. I have no right to presume upon your personal friendship; this may be due only, perhaps, to a more intimate acquaintance, than I have the honour to claim. no man has been more decided in his opinions & conduct in favour of the new government, when no Views of this kind existed in my mind; nor will any man labour officially  more to promote its dignity & happiness, than I shall, under such an appointment.—
I have been considering the Secretarys proposal of new duties, & his mode of collecting Them.  the amount of the duties, & the novelty & energy of this collection seemed rather alarming at first; but they are both necessary to the object in view. to lessen the rate, will render the means incompetent to the End; & to abate of the vigour, proposed in his mode of collection, may entirely defeat the whole System. accustomed to Laws, weak in their principles & loose in their construction, & to modes of collection feeble & irregular.  habits of Evasion have been here too generally contracted. it is idle to depend on the personal honour or patriotism of those who are to pay.  firmness & force may be absolutely necessary to secure a due collection; They are the more so, because of the habits alluded to. the great difficulty is to have the System efficient without distressing Our trade, by drawing the Duty from the Importer before he can have received it from the Retailer or consumer, or by establishing such Checks as will retard & obstruct Business.  The former will increase an Evil now too generally felt, the want of capital; &, as the Bill now stands may create uneasiness.  the latter can be obviated only by an attentive discharge of the inspectors duty, in giving every facility compatible with a regular collection, & consistent with the principles of the Bill.  Should it be executed with attention & address, no injurious obstructions need take place; nor should I apprehend, in that case, any great clamour or uneasiness. very much will depend upon the executive Officers, especially in the outsett.—
An excise Act is now before Our Assembly. the old one is to be repealed; & a new mode of collection is proposed, with some features taken from Mr. Hamiltons plan, but not more efficient than the old One.  Though Excises have become very unpopular here, from the inequality & iniquity which resulted from the operation of the old Act, there was a majority in both houses for taking up a new one.—Some urged it to provide in part for the interest on the Debts, others were zealous for it to pay off the Court, & defray other current expences. this produced a warm debate on the question of appropriation, which ended by applying it to the Debt with an ill grace.  So much temper was excited, that there is yet some doubt whether it will obtain. but if it should, being appropriated to pay the interest on the Debt, it will fall of course when the Debts shall be assumed by Congress; & will prove to be no more a bar to a general excise.—
I inclose you a paper containing a Speech of Mr. Austins in the Senate, which may serve to shew you the Spirit & the Views of a party, who are aided & supported by some of Our great folks.—
With much real respect I have the honour to be Sir your very hume Servant—

Stephen HigginsonPS: I have since obtained a copy of Mr. Danes Report which I inclose you. it will give some Idea of the feelings and Views of those people who are opposed to Government


Title: To John Adams from United States House of Representatives, 2 March 1790
From: United States House of Representatives
To: Adams, John

					Mr. President:
					March 2, 1790

				The House of Representatives have passed a bill, entitled “An act to vest in Francis Bailey the exclusive privilege of making, using, and vending to others, punches for stamping the matrices of types, and impressing marks on plates, or any other substance, to prevent counterfeits, upon a principle by him invented, for a term of years;” to which they desire the concurrence of the Senate;

The President of the United States has affixed his signature to the bill, entitled “An act providing for the enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States;” and has returned it to the House of Representatives, where it originated.


Title: To John Adams from United States House of Representatives, 4 March 1790
From: United States House of Representatives
To: Adams, John

					Mr. President:
					March 4, 1790

				The House of Representatives have passed a bill, entitled “An act to establish a uniform rule of naturalization;” to which they request the concurrence of the Senate.


Title: To John Adams from Henry Marchant, 7 March 1790
From: Marchant, Henry
To: Adams, John

Sir,
Newport March 7th. 1790

It is mortifying to be beat in a good Cause, without Sense or Argument, but merely by Self-Will and vile Principles—Our Convention sat all the last week—Our News Papers I suppose will give You the particulars. It was with Difficulty I could get a Motion for the main Question upon the Journalls—And Adjournment was determined upon by the Anties before they met Us, in their private Conventions:—And they held nocturnal Conventions the whole week, for the Purpose of carrying their own Measures, in and for settling their Arangements for the genl. Election—The Dep: Gov: Owens, President of the Convention, did not hesitate to say out of Doors, that an Adjournment of the Convention was necessary to insure their Election—He is proposed for Govr. Collins having been their weak Tool long enough—O---s is a Man of more Subtelty—a profound Hypocrite—at the Gen: Assembly after the Vote for calling a Convention; He took me by the Hand, and altho’ he had voted against it, he declared I could not more rejoice than He did—He had voted as He he had done He said, because the People round Him were averse to the Measure as yet, but were coming over fast; and He had no Doubt the Constitution would be adopted as soon as the Convention met.—Yet He now came with the greatest Zeal for an Adjournment—He still holds up the Idea that it will soon be adopted—
The great Objection which had been made by one of their Leaders—Jona. Haszard a Delegate in the former Congress—was the Mode of proportioning the Tax by Numbers,—instead of the former Method—The Word Tax,—partial Tax &c founded in the Ears of the People, had been alarming; but when an Amendment for that Purpose was brought forward—His own Party failed Him; and we had a Majority of six for the Mode fixed by the Constitution—They were now left without any formidable Objections—We took Notice that there had been a Number of things suggested out of Doors, which we were surprised,—none would now further, or even mention—In short they were beat out of all their strong Holds.—We agreed to their Bill of Rights, copied nearly from New York, and their Amendments taken mostly from New York, with their Darling Paper Money Amendment copied from our dear Sister North Carolina.
What was now left, but that we should adopt the Constitution?—It must be sent to the People for the Consideration of the Towns!  And I expect next to hear the Amendments must be put to Congress to see if they will agree to adopt them, previous to our adopting the Constitution—And this will be the sine qua non, of many—
Their Majority when we met was twelve agat the Constitution—Could we have brought on the Question, I presume we should have been beat by four—Whether we shall succeed in getting that four is uncertain.—They had Instructions from their Town to vote for the Constitution, but a few Days before the Convention met; and were directed not to vote for any Adjournment, without the greatest Necessity; and then not beyond the first of April. But they paid no Attention to their Instructions—How they may yet be opperated upon is uncertain—I have done giving for I have almost lost my Hopes of Success—Misery will fall upon the Merchantile Interest, and upon poor Newport most heavily:—Wood & Flower will rise to an extravagant Price—The Farmer will not begin to feel till next Fall, unless Congress provide otherwise—Pray Sir, what must become of Us? what more can we do, if the Constitution is not adopted at the Adjournment of the Convention the 24th. of May—And what will be the Measures of Congress in that Case?—If we adopt the Constitution the Antis hope to be able to send forward their own Creatures;—And expect the Recommendation of their Senator & will be sufficient to procure Appointments to their own peculiar Friends
I fear Congress may adjourn, before they may be able to pass the proper Bills for collecting the Revenue &c &c should we adopt the Constitution the last of May;—For it must be sometime in June, before Our Assembly will meet to choose Senators &c.—Will there be a Necessity that Our Senators &c should be appointed and be in Congress, previous to Congress’s passing the necessary Bills and making all the proper Arangements?—I wish to be advised hereon.—I had the Honor to write You Sir the 19th of Decr. and 18th of Jany. last—I could wish barely to know they were recd.—We want the best Advice.—What we may fear, what We may hope should we fail as last—
My Tamily join me in Respects to Mrs. Adams and the Family—With sincere Esteem I am / most respectfully / your very humble Servt.

Henry Marchant


Title: To John Adams from United States House of Representatives, 8 March 1790
From: United States House of Representatives
To: Adams, John

					Mr. President:
					March 8, 1790

				The House of Representatives have passed a bill, entitled “An act to provide for the remission or mitigation of fines, forfeitures, and penalties, in certain cases;” to which they request the concurrence of the Senate.


Title: From John Adams to John Trumbull, 9 March 1790
From: Adams, John
To: Trumbull, John

Dear Sir
New York March 9: 1790

Coll Humphreys, at the Service this morning, delivered me your kind Letter of Feb. 6, for the favour of which you cannot imagine how much I am obliged to you.—Not less delighted with your frank communications respecting your own affairs, than Satisfyed with your friendly cautions to me, I shall make a kind of Commentary, or at least some marginal Notes upon both. I rejoice in your health, and your success at the Bar as well as in your Learning and Fidelity to your Clients. You are building on a Rock that will never fail you.  But I must repent my request that you attend to Air and Exercise, and that you do not avoid a share in public Life—The last however is less the Dictate of Affection to you, than of Regard to the Public and myself, for I can give you no Encouragement from Experience to hope for any thing but Care and Labour.—I will Say no more concerning yourself at present: but come to the Observations that relate to me. You talk of my Ennemies: but I assure you I have none.  I am the Ennemy of no Man living; and I know of none who is an Ennemy to me.—I have injured no Man alive—I have not intentionally offended any Man: and I know not that I have actually offended any. This I think gives me a right to say that I have not an Ennemy.—But “The V.P. is a Native of New England.” To this Charge, I plead guilty. The fault is irrepareable, and I am reconciled to the Punishment which New England has already joined the Southern States, in inflicting, for it, and to such as I know they will hereafter join in inflicting.  God Save me from myself and my Friends is a Proverbial Prayer, and no Spaniard had ever more reason to offer it up than I have.  “The V.P. has no considerable Advantages from the Pride of Family.” This I deny. My Father was an honest Man, a Lover of his Country and an independent Spirit, and the Example of that Father, inspired me with the greatest Pride of my Life, and has contributed to support me, among roaring Billows yawning Gulphs and burning Fevers. I must dilate, a little upon this important Subject. My Father, Grand Father, Great Grand father, and Great Great Grand father, were all Inhabitants of Braintree and all independent Country Gentlemen—I mean officers in the Militia and Deacons in the Church.  I am the first who has degenerated from the Virtues of the House so far, as not to have been an officer in the Militia nor a Deacon. The Line I have described makes about 160 years, in which no Bankruptcy was ever committed no Widow or orphan was ever defrauded no Redemptioner intervened and no Debt was ever contracted in England.  Let others say as much.—My Father was a Farmer and a Tradesman, all the rest mere farmers know and Tradesmen I believe—And the greatest fault, I ever found with any of them was that they did not educate me to their Farms and Trades.—My Mother was a Boylston one of the richest Families in the Massachusetts for above an hundred years, and certainly not obscure, since Harvard Colledge is indebted to it for very generous Donations and all Christendom for Inoculation for the Small Pox.
But although I am proud of my Family, I should be very much mortified, if I thought that I enjoyed any share of public or private Esteem, Admiration or Consideration, for the Virtues of my Ancestors.  By my own Actions I wish to be tried.—But The V.P. has had no Considerable Favours of Fortune. This I deny and boldly affirm that he has been the most fortunate Man in America without Exception. in the Public service, he has escaped death in more shapes than any Man, not excepting any officer of the Army. He has escaped Death, in stormy Seas, leaky ships, threatening Diseases, Cannon Balls and private Daggers, with a long train of &cas.  But if by Fortune is meant private Property, his paternal Estate and his own Acquisitions before he turned Foal and Politician would out weigh the Ballance of many of those, who ride with six horses owned in England or Elswhere. But is it not provoking, that the V.P. should be abused for the obscurity of his Birth and the smallness of his Fortune; and at the same time abused for telling People that they have Prejudices in favour of Birth and Fortune?
When I said I had no Ennemy, I did not mean to deny that I was envied—But Envy is not Enmity.—But Envy need not labour to prevent me from being President. There is no danger. The President is happily likely to live longer than the V.P.—and if it should be otherwise ordered, the V.P. has no desire to be P.—He would retire to his Farm with more pleasure than ever he accepted any public office. Whether this is believed or not is a matter of Indifference at present.  The World may possibly be convinced of it, by unequivocal Proofs, sooner than they imagine.—The accusation of “fondness for the splendor of monarchical Court” has no Effect on me.  I started fairly with my Countrymen.  I published to the World with my name, my honest sentiments of Government, with the Reasons on which they were founded, at great length in three solid perhaps ponderous Volumes.  These opinions are not changed, and if my Countrymen dissapprove them, they are perfectly at Liberty to reject them and their Author together.  I will neither falsify nor dissemble my opinions on that subject, if it were to obtain all the Gold of Ophyr, added to Presidencies or Royalties.
The other charge is less founded.—I have never given my sentiments at large upon any question, but once. Then I asked leave, and it was granted, seemingly with Pleasure. It was upon the great Question of the Presidents Power of Removal. At other times I have only occasionally asked a question or made a single observation, and that but Seldom.—If these are faults they are easily corrected, for I have no Desire ever to open my mouth again, upon any question.—I am so far, from a desire of talking that I have never in any one Instance given my Reasons, for my Judgment in any of those many Cases in which the Senate has been equally divided, and in which I suppose no Man would call in question my right of discussing the question at large.
No my Friend—The Observations you have heard are only Revivals of old grumblings when I was a Member of Congress from 1774 to 1778—Or they may be observations on private Conversation—When I have company of friends at my own Table, and I feel very easy and happy, I sometimes hear such Strange sentiments, as arrouse me to some earnestness and perhaps warmth of Expression, and without meaning or thinking of offence to any Mortal, I may have hurt the Feelings of some of the Company. Your Friend Mrs. Adams sometimes objects to me on this head.—
You are the first who has ever hinted to me, that any Exception has ever been taken in senate—Excepting about then months ago Mr. Gerry mentioned to me that he had heard something of this kind hinted in Conversation.
To be candid with you, the situation I am in, is too inactive and insignificant for my disposition, and I care not how soon I quit it.—While in it, however I wish to do my Duty, and avoid giving just offence and you cannot oblige me more than by communicating to me, with the same Confidence and openness, whatever you hear objected to my Conduct.
I mentioned to you three Volumes, and wish to know whether I have ever sent you a sett of them? If not, and I could find a Conveyance I would beg your acceptance of one, for I wish to know your sentiments of it. I am, my dear sir / with great Esteem and sincere affection / your Friend
John Adams
P.S.
Encore. All their Arts or rather absurdities, cannot make me unpopular. I am, and they know it, more popular in their own States than they are. I was so fourteen Years ago, and by means of their own Constituents forced Numbers of them to vote with me, much against their Inclinations. The Lyes that have been circulated in the Southern States do me good, one was that I never came to Senate but with six horses, and often with an Escort of twelve horsemen.—There is, much too large a Proportion of both Houses who from Ignorance, Timidity or positive Antifœderalism, vote for Measures which you and I know would Subvert the Constitution. These are sure to find me in their Way.  What am I to do? Act a low Cunning? a dirty Craft? a vile Hypocricy? a base dissimulation? You know me too well to believe it possible.—Your Informers my Friends are young Men, who knew not Joseph, or Tories who are associated with them.  John Adams has done services for North America of which no Man is ignorant, and which cannot be forgotten.  They appear to be least of all known and felt in New England.  The Southern Gentlemen I must confess have shewn a better disposition to do me Justice than New Englandmen have. The two Men who envy me most, as you must know if you reflect, have Elections in New England much in their Power, and these have used their Influence in both Houses of Congress, to cramp me, more than the Southern Gentlemen have.
This is confidential, you see wholly, I mean the whole Letter.


Title: To John Adams from Jeremy Belknap, 10 March 1790
From: Belknap, Jeremy
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Boston March 10 1790.

By your indulgence in permitting me to ask you any questions, I am emboldened to send you one of my circular letters; by which you may see that I intend to leave no practicable source of information unexplored. If it should be in your power to suggest any thing relative to either of the topics mentioned, I should be happy in receiving the communication.
There is another point about which I wish for satisfaction, & I know no person more capable of giving it than yourself.  The annalist Chalmers had free access to the plantation Office in London; where he found many things much to his purpose.  There are also doubtless many which might serve mine; but I cannot go to Europe. Can you tell me, Sir, whether that Office is under such regulations as that an American might have access to it—& if it is, do you know of any person who might be employed—& do you think a search there could be made without any considerable expense?
I am Dr Sir with much Respect / Yr obliged & obedt. Servt

Jeremy Belknap


Title: To John Adams from United States House of Representatives, 11 March 1790
From: United States House of Representatives
To: Adams, John

					Mr. President:
					March 11, 1790

				The House of Representatives have passed a bill, entitled “An act to promote the progress of useful arts;” also, a bill, entitled “An act for increasing the salaries of clerks in the office of the commissioners for settling accounts between the United States and individual states;” to which they request the concurrence of the Senate.