Title: An Address to the Electors of the State of New-York, [21 March 1801]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Electors of the State of New York

[March 21, 1801]
To the Electors of the State of New-York
Fellow-Citizens!
We lately addressed you on the subject of the ensuing election for Governor and Lieutenant-Governor—recommending to your support Stephen Van Rensselaer and James Watson. Since that we have seen the address of our opponents, urging your preference of George Clinton and Jeremiah Van Rensselaer.

The whole tenor of our address carries with it the evidence of a disposition to be temperate and liberal; to avoid giving occasion to mutual recrimination. It would have been agreeable to us to have seen a like disposition in our adversaries; but we think it cannot be denied, that their address manifests a different one. It arraigns the principles of the federalists with extreme acrimony, and by the allusion to Great-Britain in the preposterous figure of the mantle, attributes to them a principle of action, which every signer of the address knows to have no existence, and which for its falsehood and malice merits indignation and disdain.
So violent an attack upon our principles justifies and calls for an exhibition of those of our opponents. To your good sense, to your love of country, to your regard for the welfare of yourselves and families, the comment is submitted.
The pernicious spirit which has actuated many of the leaders of the party denominated antifederal, from the moment when our national constitution was first proposed down to the present period, has not ceased to display itself, in a variety of disgusting forms. In proportion to the prospect of success it has increased in temerity. Emboldened by a momentary triumph in the choice of our national Chief Magistrate, it seems now to have laid aside all reserve; and begins to avow projects of disorganization, with the sanction of the most respectable names of the party, which before were merely the anonymous ravings of incendiary newspapers.
This precipitation in throwing aside the mask, will, we trust, be productive of happy effects. It will serve to shew that the mischievous designs ascribed to the party have not been the effusions of malevolence, the inventions of political rivalship, or the visionary forebodings of an over anxious zeal; but that they have been just and correct inferences from an accurate estimate of characters and principles. It will serve to shew, that moderate men, who have seen in our political struggles, nothing more than a competition for power and place, have been deceived; that in reality the foundations of society, the essential interests of our nation, the dearest concerns of individuals are staked upon the eventful contest. And, by promoting this important discovery, it may be expected to rally the virtuous and the prudent of every description round a common standard; to endeavour by joint efforts to oppose mounds to that destructive torrent, which in its distant murmuring, seemed harmless, but in the portentous roaring of its nearer approach, menaces our country with all the horrors of revolutionary phrenzy.
To what end, Fellow-Citizens, has your attention been carried across the Atlantic, to the revolution of France, and to that fatal war of which it has been the source? To what end are you told, that this is the most interesting conflict man ever witnessed, that it is a war of principles—a war between equal and unequal rights, between republicanism and monarchy, between liberty and tyranny?
What is there in that terrific picture which you are to admire or imitate? Is it the subversion of the throne of the Bourbons, to make way for the throne of the Buonapartes? Is it the undistinguishing massacre in prisons and dungeons, of men, women and children? Is it the sanguinary justice of a revolutionary tribunal, or the awful terrors of a guillotine? Is it the rapid succession of revolution upon revolution, erecting the transient power of one set of men upon the tombs of another? Is it the assassinations which have been perpetrated, or the new ones which are projected? Is it the open profession of impiety in the public assemblies, or the ridiculous worship of a Goddess of Reason, or the still continued substitution of Decades to the Christian Sabbath? Is it the destruction of commerce, the ruin of manufactures, the oppression of agriculture? Or, is it the pomp of war, the dazzling glare of splendid victories, the blood-stained fields of Europe, the smoaking cinders of desolated cities, the afflicting spectacle of millions precipitated from plenty and comfort to beggary and misery? If it be none of these things, what is it?
Perhaps it is the existing government of France, of which your admiration is solicited?
Here, Fellow-Citizens, let us on our part invite you to a solemn pause. Mark, we beseech you, carefully mark, in this result, the fruit of those extravagant and noxious principles which it is desired to transplant into our happy soil.
Behold a Consul for ten years elected, not by the people, but by a Conservatory Senate, self-created and self-continued for life; a magistrate who to the plentitude of executive authority, adds the peculiar and vast prerogative of an exclusive right to originate every law of the republic.
Behold a Legislature elected, not by the people, but by the same Conservatory Senate, one branch for fourteen the other for ten years—one branch with a right to debate the law proposed by the Consul but not to propose—another branch with a right neither to debate nor propose; but merely to assent or dissent; leaving to the people nothing more than the phantom of representation, or the useless privilege of designating one tenth of their whole mass as candidates indiscriminately for the offices of the state, according to the option of the Conservatory Senate.
Behold in this magic lanthern of Republicanism the odious form of real despotism garnished and defended by the bayonets of more than Five Hundred Thousand Men in disciplined array.
Do you desire an illustration of the practical effect of this despotic system, read it in the last advices from France. Read it in the exercise of a power by the Chief Consul, recognized to belong to him by the Conservatory Senate, to banish indefinitely the Citizens of France without trial, without the formality of a legislative act. Then say, where can you find a more hideous despotism?—Or, what ought ye to think of those men, who dare to recommend to you as the bible of your political creed, the principles of a revolution, which in its commencement, in its progress, in its termination, (if termination it can have, before it has overthrown the civilized world) is only fitted to serve as a beacon to warn you to shun the gulphs, the quicksands, and the rocks of those enormous principles?
Surely ye will applaud neither the wisdom nor the patriotism of men, who can wish you to exchange the fair fabric of Republicanism which you now enjoy, moddeled and decorated by the hand of federalism, for that tremendous Form of Despotism, which has sprung up amidst the volcanic eruptions of principles at war with all past and present experience, at war with the nature of man.

Or, was the allusion to France and her revolution, to the war of principles of which you have heard, and intended to familiarize your ears to a war of arms, as one of the blessings of the new order of things? Facts, which cannot be mistaken, demonstrate that in the early period of the French revolution, it was the plan of our opponents to engage us in the war as associates of France. But at this late hour, when even the pretence of supporting the cause of liberty has vanished, when acquisition and aggrandizement have manifestly become the only, the exclusive objects of this war, it was surely to have been expected that we should have been left to retain the advantage of a pacific policy.
If there are men, who hope to gratify their ambition, their avarice, or their vengeance, by adding this country to the league of Northern Powers, in the fantastic purpose of an extension of neutral rights, the great body of the people will hardly, we imagine, see in this project benefits sufficiently solid and durable to counterbalance the certain sacrifices of present advantages, and the certain sufferings of positive evils inseparable from a state of war.
Let us now attend to some other parts of this extraordinary address.
You are told, that there are many in the bosom of our country, who have long aimed at unequal privileges, and who have too well succeeded; by arrogating to themselves the right to be considered as the only friends of the constitution, the guardians of order and religion, by the lavish abuse of their opponents, and by representing opposition to particular plans of administration, as hostility to the government itself.
What is meant by this aiming at unequal privileges?
If we are to judge of the end by the means stated to have been used, the charge amounts to this, that the federalists have sought to retain in their own hands, by the suffrages of the people, the exercise of the powers of the government.
Admitting the charge to be true, have not the antifederalists pursued exactly the same course? Have they not labored incessantly to monopolize the power of our national and state governments? Whenever they have had it, have they not strained every nerve to keep it? Why is it a greater crime in the federalists than in their rivals to aim at an ascendant in the councils of our country?
It is true, as alledged, that the federalists insisted upon their superior claim to be considered as the friends of our constitution, and have imputed to their adversaries improper and dangerous designs; but it is equally true, that these have asserted a similar claim, have advanced the pretension of being the only republicans and patriots, have charged their opponents with being in league with Great Britain to establish monarchy, have imputed to men of unblemished characters for probity, in high public offices, corruption and peculation, and have persisted in the foul charge after its falsity had been ascertained by solemn public inquiry; and in their wanton and distempered rage for calumny, have not scrupled to brand even a Washington as a Tyrant, a Conspirator, a Peculator.
It is true, that the federalists have represented the leaders of the other party as hostile to our national constitution; but it is not true that it was because they have been unfriendly to particular plans of its administration.
It is because, as a party, and with few exceptions, they were violent opposers of the adoption of the constitution itself; predicted from it every possible evil, and painted it in the blackest colours, as a monster of political deformity.
It is because the amendments subsequently made, meeting scarcely any of the important objections which were urged, leaving the structure of the government, and the mass and distribution of its powers where they were, are too insignificant to be with any sensible man a reason for being reconciled to the system if he thought it originally bad.
It is because they have opposed, not particular plans of the administration, but the general course of it, and almost all the measures of material consequence; and this too, not under one man or set of men, but under all the successions of men.
It is because, as there have been no alterations of the constitution sufficient to change the opinion of its merits, and as the practice under it has met with the severest reprobation of the party, there is no circumstance from which to infer that they can really have been reconciled to it.
It is because the newspapers under their direction, have, from time to time continued to decry the constutution itself.

It is because they have openly avowed their attachment to the excessive principles of the French revolution, and to leading features in the crude forms of government which have appeared only to disappear; utterly inconsistent with the sober maxims upon which our Federal Edifice was reared, and with essential parts in its structure. As specimens of this, it is sufficient to observe that they have approved the unity of the Legislative power in one branch, and have been loud in their praises of an Executive Directory; that five-headed monster of faction and anarchy.
It is because they have repeatedly shewn, and in their present address again shew, that they contemplate innovations in our public affairs, which without doubt would disgrace and prostrate the government.
On these various and strong grounds have the federalists imputed to their opponents disaffection to the National Constitution. As yet they have no reason to retract the charge. To future proofs of repentance and reconciliation must an exculpation be referred. The antifederalists have acquired the Administration of the National Government. Let them shew by a wise and virtuous management, that they are its friends; and they shall then have all the credit of so happy a reformation; but till then their assertions cannot be received as proofs.
And if the views which the signers of the address now boldly avow should unfortunately be those which should regulate the future Administration of the Government, the tokens of their amity would be as pernicious as could possibly be the tokens of their most deadly hatred.
They enumerate, as the crimes of the federalists, the Funding System, the National Debt, the Taxes which constitute the public revenue, the British Treaty, the Federal City, the Mint, a Mausoleum, the Sedition Law, and a Standing Army; and they tell us in plain terms that these are “abuses no longer to be suffered.”
Let it be observed in the first place, that these crying sins of our Government are not to be placed exclusively to the account of the Federalists; that for some of them the other party are chiefly responsible, and that in others they have participated.
As to the Federal City—It is not to be denied, that this was a favorite of the illustrious Washington. But it is no less certain, that it was warmly patronized by Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Madison, and the great majority of the members, who at the time composed the opposition in Congress, and who are now influential in the antifederal party. It is also certain that the measure has never been a favorite of a majority of the federal party.
As to the Mint, It was not at all a measure of party: With slight diversities of opinion, about some of the details, it was approved by both parties.
As to the Mausoleum, it has not taken place at all. The bill for erecting it was lost in the Senate, where the federalists have a decided majority; and instead of it an appropriation of fifty thousand dollars was made for erecting an equestrian statue, agreeably to a resolution of Congress passed under the old confederation. Is there an American, who would refuse this memorial of gratitude to the man, who is the boast of his country, the honour of his age?
As to the Funding System, it was thus far a measure of both parties, that both agreed there should be a Funding System. In the formation of it the chief points of difference were, 1.   A discrimination, between original holders and transferrees of the public debt. 2.   A provision for the general debt of the union, leaving to each state to make seperate provision for its particular debt.
Happily for our country, by the rejection of the first, which would have been an express violation of contracts, the faith of the government was preserved, its credit maintained and established.
Happily for our country, by not pursuing the last, unity, simplicity, and energy were secured to our fiscal system. The entanglements of fourteen conflicting systems of finance were avoided: The same mass of debt was included in one general provision, instead of being referred to fourteen separate provisions—more comprehensive justice was done, the states, which had made extraordinary exertions for the support of the common cause were relieved from the unequal pressure of burdens which must have crushed them, and the people were saved from the immense difference of expence between a collection of the necessary revenues by one set of officers or by fourteen different setts.
The truth then, Fellow-citizens, is this—Both parties agreed that there should be a funding system. And the particular plan which prevailed was most agreeable to the contract of the government—most conducive to general and equal justice among the states and individuals—to order and efficiency in the finances—to economy in the collection.
Ought not these ideas to have governed? What is meant by holding up the funding system as an abuse no longer to be tolerated?
What is the funding system? It is nothing more nor less than the pledging of adequate funds or revenues for paying the interest and for the gradual redemption of the principal, of that very debt which was the sacred price of independence. The country being unable to pay off the principal, what better could have been done?
Is it recollected, that long before our revolution, most of the states had their funding systems? They emitted their paper money; which is only another phrase for certificates of debt, and they pledged funds for its redemption, which is but another phrase for funding it. What then is there so terrible in the idea of a funding system?
Those who may have been accustomed under some of the state governments, to gamble in the floating paper, and when they had monopolized a good quantity of it among themselves at low prices, to make partial legislative provisions for the payment of the particular kinds, would very naturally be displeased with a fixed and permanent system, which would give to the evidences of debt a stable value, and lop off the opportunities for gambling speculations; but men who are sensible of the pernicious tendency of such a state of things, will rejoice in a plan which was designed to produce and has produced a contrary result.
What have been the effects of this system?—An extension of commerce and manufactures, the rapid growth of our cities and towns, the consequent prosperity of agriculture and the advancement of the farming interest. All this was effected, by giving life and activity to a capital in the public obligations, which was before dead, and by converting it into a powerful instrument of mercantile and other industrious enterprize.
We make these assertions boldly, because the fact is exemplified by experience, and is obvious to all discerning men. Our opponents in their hearts know it to be so.
As to the public debt—The great mass of it was not created by the federalists peculiarly. It was contracted by all who were engaged in our councils during our revolutionary war. The federalists have only had a principal agency in providing for it. No man can impute that to them as a crime who is not ready to avow the fraudulent and base doctrine, that it is wiser and better to cheat than to pay the creditors of a nation.
It is a fact certain and notorious, that under the administration of the first Secretary of the Treasury, ample provision was made, not only for paying the interest of this debt but for extinguishing the principal in a moderate term of years.
But it is alledged that this debt has been increased and is increasing.
On this point we know that malcontent individuals make the assertion, and exhibit statements intended to prove it. But this we also know, that a Committee of the House of Representatives, particularly charged with the inquiry, have stated and reported the contrary; and we think that more credit is due to their representation than to that of individuals—especially as nothing is easier than in a matter of this sort to make plausible statements, which, though utterly false, cannot be detected except by those who possess all the materials of a complex calculation, who are qualified and who will take the pains to make it.
We know likewise that extraordinary events have compelled our Government to extraordinary expenditures—An Indian war, for some time disastrous, but terminated on principles likely to give durable tranquility to our frontier. Two insurrections, fomented by the opposition to the Government. The hostilities of a foreign power encouraged by the undissembled sympathies of the same opposition, which obliged the government to arm for defence and security: These things have retarded the success of the efficacious measures which have been adopted for the discharge of our debt; measures which with a peaceable and orderly course of things, accelerated by the rapid growth of our country are sufficient in a few years without any new expedient to exonerate it from the whole of its present debt.
These, Fellow-Citizens, are serious truths, well known to most of our opponents, but what they shamefully endeavor to disfigure and disguise.
As to Taxes, they are evidently inseparable from Government. It is impossible without them to pay the debts of the nation, to protect it from foreign danger, or to secure individuals from lawless violence and rapine.
It is always easy to assert that they are heavier than they ought to be, always difficult to refute the assertion—which cannot ever be attempted without a critical review of the whole course of public measures. This gives an immense advantage to those who make a trade of complaint and censure.
But, Fellow-Citizens, it is in our power to state to you in relation to this subject and upon good information, one material fact.
There is perhaps no item in the catalogue of our taxes, which has been more unpopular than that which is called the Direct Tax.
This tax may emphatically be placed to the account of the opposite party, it was always insisted upon by them as preferable to taxes of the indirect kind. And it is a truth capable of full proof, that Mr. Madison, second in the confidence of the antifederal party, the confidential friend of Mr. Jefferson, and now Secretary of State by his nomination, was the proposer of this tax. This was done in a Committee of the last House of Representatives of which he was a member—was approved by that committee, and referred to the late Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Wolcott, with instructions to prepare a plan as to the mode.
Let it be added, that it was a principle of the federal party, never to resort to this species of tax but in time of war or hostility with a foreign power, that it was in such a time when they did resort to it—and that the occasion ceasing by the prospect of an accommodation, it has been resolved by them not to renew the tax.
As to the British Treaty, it is sufficient to remind you of the extravagant predictions of evil persons to its ratification, and to ask you in what have they been realized? You have seen our peace preserved, you have seen our Western Posts surrendered, our commerce proceed with success in its wonted channels, and our argriculture flourish to the extent of every reasonable wish. And you have been witnesses to none of the mischiefs which were foretold. You will then conclude with us, that the clamours against this treaty are the mere ebullitions of ignorance, of prejudice and of faction.
As to the Sedition Law, we refer you to the debates in Congress for the motives and nature of it—More, would prolong too much this reply already more lengthy than we could wish. We will barely say, that the most essential object of this act is to declare the Courts of the United States competent to the cognizance of those slanders against the principal officers and departments of the federal Government, which at common law are punishable as libels; with the liberal and important mitigation of allowing the truth of an accusation to be given in evidence in exoneration of the accuser. What do you see in this to merit the execrations which have been bestowed on the measure?
As to a Standing Army—there is none except four small regiments of infantry insufficient for the service of guards in the numerous posts of our immense frontiers, stretching from Niagara to the borders of Florida, and two regiments of artillery which occupy in the same capacity the numerous fortifications along our widely extended sea-coast. What is there in this to affright or disgust?
If these corps are to be abolished, substitutes must be found in the militia. If the experiment shall be made, it is easy to foretell that it will prove not a measure of economy, but a heavy bill of additional cost, and like all other visionary schemes, will be productive only of repentance, and a return to a plan injudiciously renounced.
This exposition of the measures which have been represented to you as abuses, no longer to be suffered (mark the strength of the phrase), will, we trust, serve to satisfy you, of the violence and absurdity of those crude notions which govern our opposers, if we believe them to be sincere.
Happily for our country, however, there has just beamed a ray of hope, that these violent and absurd notions will not form the rule of conduct of the person whom the party have recently elevated to the head of our National affairs.
In the speech of the new President upon assuming the exercise of his office, we find among the articles of his creed “The Honest Payment Of Our DEBT, And Sacred Preservation Of The PUBLIC FAITH.” The funding system, the national debt, the British treaty are not therefore in his conception abuses, which if no longer to be tolerated would be of course to be abolished.
But we think ourselves warranted to derive from the same source a condemnation still more extensive of the opinions of our adversaries. The speech characterizes our present government “as a Republican Government, in the full tide of successful experiment.” Success in the experiment of a government, is success in the practice of it, and this is but another phrase for an administration, in the main, wise and good. That administration has been hitherto in the hands of the federalists.
Here then, fellow-citizens, is an open and solemn protest against the principles and opinions of our opponents, from a quarter which as yet they dare not arraign.
In referring to this speech, we think it proper to make a public declaration of our approbation of its contents: We view it as virtually a candid retraction of past misapprehensions, and a pledge to the community that the new President will not lend himself to dangerous innovations, but in essential points will tread in the steps of his predecessors.
In doing this, he prudently anticipates the loss of a great portion of that favor which has elevated him to his present station. Doubtless it is a just foresight. Adhering to the professions he has made, it will not be long before the body of the antifederalists will raise their croaking and ill omened voices against him: But in the talents, the patriotism, and the firmness of the federalists, he will find more than an equivalent for all that he shall lose.

All those of whatever party, who may desire to support the moderate views exhibited in the Presidential Speech, will unite against the violent projects of the men who have addressed you in favor of Mr. Clinton, and against a candidate who in all past experience has evinced that he is likely to be a fit instrument of these projects.
Fellow Citizens, we beseech you to consult your experience, and not listen to tales of evil, which exist only in the language, not even in the imaginations of those who deal them out. This experience will tell you, that our opposers have been uniformly mistaken in their views of our constitution, of its administration, in all the judgments which they have pronounced of our public affairs; and consequently that they are unfaithful or incapable advisers. It will teach you that you have eminently prospered under the system of public measures pursued and supported by the Federalists.
In vain are you told that you owe your prosperity to your own industry and to the blessings of Providence. To the latter doubtless you are primarily indebted. You owe to it among other benefits the constitution you enjoy and the wise administration of it, by virtuous men as its instruments. You are likewise indebted to your own industry. But has not your industry found aliment and incitement in the salutary operation of your government—in the preservation of order at home—in the cultivation of peace abroad—in the invigoration of confidence in pecuniary dealings—in the increased energies of credit and commerce—in the extension of enterprize ever incident to a good government well administered. Remember what your situation was immediately before the establishment of the present constitution. Were you then deficient in industry more than now? If not, why were you not equally prosperous? Plainly because your industry had not at that time the vivifying influences of an efficient, and well conducted government.
There is one more particular in the address which we cannot pass over in silence, though to avoid being tedious we must do little more than mention it: It is a comparison between the administration of the former and present governors of this state on the point of economy, accompanied with the observations that the former had shewn an anxious solicitude to exempt you from taxation.
The answer to this is, that under the administration of Mr. Clinton the state possessed large resources, which were the substitute for taxation. The duties of impost, the proceeds of confiscated property, and immense tracts of new land, which, if they had been providently disposed of, would have long deferred the necessity of taxation. That this was not done, Mr. Clinton, as one of the commissioners of the land-office, is, in a principal degree, responsible.
Under the administration of Mr. Jay, the natural increase of the state has unavoidably augmented the expence of the government. And the appropriations of large sums in most of which all parties have concurred, to a variety of objects of public utility and necessity, has so far diminished the funds of the state as in the opinion of all parties to have required a resort to taxes.

The principal of these objects have been, 1.   The erection of fortifications, and the purchase of cannon, arms and other warlike implements for the purpose of defence. 2.   The building and maintenance of the state prisons, in the laudable experiment of an amelioration of our penal code. 3.   The purchase from Indians of lands which though resold have not yet been productive of revenue. 4.   The payment of dower to the widows of persons whose estates had been confiscated. 5.   Large appropriations for the benefit of common schools, roads and bridges. 6.   The erection of an arsenal and public offices in the city of Albany.
Hence it is evident that the difference which has been remarked to you in respect to taxation has proceeded from a difference of circumstances, not from the superior providence or œconomy of the former, or from the improvidence or profusion of the existing administration. Our opponents may be challenged to bring home to Mr. Jay the proofs of prodigality, and they may be told that the purity and integrity of his conduct in relation to the public property, have never for a moment been drawn into question.
We forbear to canvass minutely the personalities in which our adversaries have indulged. ’Tis enough for us, that they acknowledge our candidate to possess the good qualities which we have ascribed to him: If he has inherited a large estate, ’tis certainly no crime.
’Tis to his honour, that his benevolence is as large as his estate. Let his numerous tenants be his witnesses;—attached as they are to him, not by the ties of dependence (for the greater part of them hold their lands in fee simple, and upon easy rents) but by the ties of affection, by those gentle and precious cords which link gratitude to kindness. Let the many indigent and distressed who have been gladdened by the benign influence of his bounty be his witnesses. And let every reflecting man well consider, whether the people are likely to suffer because the ample fortune of a virtuous and generous chief magistrate places him beyond the temptation of a job, for the accumulation of wealth.
We shall not inquire how ample may be the domains, how productive the revenues, how numerous the dependents of Mr. Clinton, or how his ample domains may have been acquired. ’Tis enough for us to say, that if Mr. Van Rensselaer is rich, Mr. Clinton is not poor: and that it is at least as innocent in the former to have been born to opulence, as in the latter to have attained to it by means of the advantages of the first office of the state, long very long enjoyed, for three years at least too long, because, by an unlawful tenure—contrary to a known majority of suffrages.
We shall not examine how likely it is that a man considerably passed the meridian of life, and debilitated by infirmities of body, will be a more useful and efficient Governor, and more independent of the aid of friends and relatives, than a man of acknowledged good sense, of mature years, in the full vigor of life, and in the full energy of his faculties.
We shall not discuss how far it is probable that the radical antipathy of Mr. Clinton to the vital parts of our National Constitution has given way to the little formal amendments which have since been adopted. We are glad to be assured that it has. It gives us pleasure to see proselytes to the truth; nor shall we be over curious to enquire how men get right if we can but discover that they are right. If happily the possession of the power of our once detested government shall be a talisman to work the conversion of all its enemies, we shall be ready to rejoice that good has come out of evil.
But we dare not too far indulge this pleasing hope. We know that the adverse party has its Dantons, its Robespierres, as well as its Brissots, and its Rolands; and we look forward to the time when the sects of the former will endeavor to confound the latter and their adherents, together with the federalists, in promiscuous ruin.
In regard to these sects, which compose the pith and essence of the antifederal party, we believe it to be true, that the contest between us is indeed a war of principles—a war between tyranny and liberty, but not between monarchy and republicanism. It is a contest between the tyranny of jacobinism, which confounds and levels every thing, and the mild reign of rational liberty, which rests on the basis of an efficient and well balanced government, and through the medium of stable laws, shelters and protects, the life, the reputation, the prosperity, the civil and religious rights of every member of the community.
’Tis against these sects that all good men should form an indissoluble league. To resist and frustrate their machinations is alike essential to every prudent and faithful administration of our government, whoever may be the depositaries of the power.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Philip Schuyler, 22 March 1801
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Schuyler, Philip

New York March 221801
My Dear Sir
We did not leave Albany till near twelve on Friday and the next day about one, I arrived here—where I found the two families in good health.
The darkness of the night obliged us to come to Anchor in Haverstraw Bay. About mid-night we were alarmed with the cry of “All hands upon Deck.” You will imagine we were not slow in our obedience. No sooner were we on Deck than we perceived by a flame issuing out of the Forecastle that the vessel was on Fire. The pilot, a resolute man, possessing himself of a bucket of water, plunged amidst the flames at great hazard of suffocation, and dashed the ⟨wa⟩ter upon the part from which the flame ⟨iss⟩ued. This gave it a check, ⟨a⟩nd a repetition of the application ⟨soon⟩ conquered it.
The fire was occasionned by heat communicated below from the bricks of the Cabouse from which the flame penetrated upwards along the Cieling. Five minutes more would probably have rendered it impracticable to save the vessel.
Nothing new here. Eliza joins in tenderest affection to her mother & yourself.
Adieu My Dear Sir
A Hamilton
General Schuyler


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from William Constable, 23 March 1801
From: Constable, William
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Paris 23 March 1801
Dear Sir
Our Government is doubtless informed of the Treaty between this Republic and Spain for the cession of Louisiana of which Collaud is to be Governor. I am told it is concluded.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Barent Gardenier, 24 March 1801
From: Gardenier, Barent
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Kingston [New York] March 24, 1801. Requests Hamilton’s opinion on the will of Cornelius Newkirk. States: “mr. Clinton will have nothing to boast of in the County of Ulster. We may give Mr. V.R. from one to two hundred Majority.”


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Jeremiah Wadsworth, 25 March 1801
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Wadsworth, Jeremiah

New York, March 25, 1801. Gives opinion concerning the right of Nathanael Greene’s executors to sell lands in his estate in New York State.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Philip Schuyler, 27 March 1801
From: Schuyler, Philip
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Albany Friday. March 27, 1801.
My dear Sir,
I am happy that you have escaped the danger with which you was threatened by the fire in the vessel in which you were. Had you perished, my calamity would have been compleat. I thank heaven that it is otherwise. I am, however, not perfectly at ease on your account—that unremitted exertion of the mind, and without bodily exercise, will injure if not destroy the machine. Let me, therefore, intreat you to attend to your health.
We are all well, and all unite in love to you, my dear Eliza and the children.
Ever most affectionately yours
Ph. Schuyler


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Jeremiah Olney, 9 April 1801
From: Olney, Jeremiah
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Providence, April 9, 1801. On June 9, 1801, Olney wrote to Hamilton: “I addressed you on the 9 April last.” Letter not found.]


Title: Campaign Speech, First Version, [10 April 1801]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To:

[New York, April 10, 1801]
After which General Hamilton addressed the meeting in one of those eloquent and impressive speeches which distinguish this superior man. He took a general review of the state of the country since the revolution—examined the conduct of the two parties which have existed in it—shewed that it was to the Federal party exclusively that we owe the unexampled prosperity which we have hitherto enjoyed, and that those measures had met with undistinguishing opposition from their adversaries. He dwelt upon the advantages which we had derived from our neutrality, and warned the Merchants particularly against a blind confidence in our present prosperous situation. It was his opinion that the spirit of Jacobinism which has almost desolated France and threatened the world, was now only held in chains by the power of one man, and that if the hand of the assassin could only reach the life of Buonaparte, the monster would rage again with more violence and ferocity than ever—That there was a set of men in this country, actuated, some by motives less worthy than others (who might rather be considered dupes) but the great mass of whom were downright Jacobins at heart, and upon whose movements and machinations it was of the last importance to keep the most vigilant eye—That it was highly important that Federalism should still discover to her enemies an energetic and imposing character—that it was of extreme consequence that the state of New-York should be able to harmonize with the politics of New-England, for although he was disposed to hope the best from the administration of Mr. Jefferson, yet it was certainly desirable that we should be able to present such a phalanx as might enable us to support the chief magistrate, if he went right, and sufficient to deter him if he appeared disposed to go wrong.


Title: Notes for Speech by Samuel Miles Hopkins to the Electors of the Middle District, [17–24 April 1801]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To:

[New York, April 17–24, 1801]
They call the Navy Useless. They detest it because it protected our Commerce against the depredations of France; because in place of resistance we did not sue for mercy & pay tribute?
Has it not protected our Commerce, saved our merchants from ruin & enabled them to send to foreign markets with advantage the productions?
Is not a navy the natural safeguard of our Country &c &
Standing Army none except &c
Answers to the Questions!
To the first   No. They only insisted on modifying it by leaving out one article which might have been construed to admit the existence of former treaties and the entanglements of the Treaty of Defensive which threatened to involve us in every maritime War of France & which abandonned our claim for 20 millions of Dollars for spoliations & they limitted the duration instead of having it a perpetual Treaty by which we shall have an opportunity of making a better bargain hereafter.
In both these points several of the Antifœderalists concurred.
Was not the Treaty negotiated by a Fœderal President & Fœderal Envoys!
To the second.   Some of them thought it premature to repeal till the matter was finally adjusted with France—others were of a different opinion. Hence the law was repealed though there was a majority of Fœderalists in both houses of Congress.
3   On this point also there was some difference of opinion between the Fœderalists as to anticipating the conclusion of our contest with France. Some thought the anticipated reduction might even be an obstacle to the acceding to the Treaty as altered.
Others thought differently & the Navy was reduced to its present standard with the concurrence of the Fœderalists. But many of the Antifœderalists wished to destroy it altogether. Mr. J—— himself has called it a useless pageant. The addressers say the same thing.
4   Do not know how this fact was—But do know that there may be strong reasons for it—to induce on emergency qualified men to leave their employments & undertake the defence of their Country.
5   No. They only opposed a partial extinction of it in favour of some states after it had been paid by others. It was not a permanent tax, & always meaning it as a temporary war resource they declined renewing it when there was a good prospect of pacification.
6   No. A Majority of the House of Representatives voted for it—But the Senate the sheet Anchor of Fœderalism rejected the Bill & appropriated &c.
7   No. They only preferred one of two Candidates whom the people had sent to them with equal pretensions. It would also be easy to prove that Mr Burr negotiated for the place that Mr E Livingston & many other Anti[s] were his partisans though a majority of the party contrad[icted] them.


Title: Campaign Speech, [21 April 1801]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To:

[New York, April 21, 1801]
The general commenced by observing—That it had all along been his most sincere and ardent wish, that the two parties should meet amicably together, and discuss the merits of their respective claims to the public support and approbation—That the friends of Mr. Clinton, and those of Mr. Van Rensselaer should each agree to appoint a certain number of men of talents, and in presence of their fellow citizens of both parties calmly and candidly appeal to reason. In vain had this been proposed; in vain had he, and those who agreed with him in political sentiment, done every thing in their power to accomplish so desirable an end; and therefore, each party were under the necessity of meeting alone. He knew that the Republicans would never consent to this; nay that they dared not to come forward in this way; and he now challenged them to do if they dared.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Oliver Phelps and Robert Gilchrist, 28 April 1801
From: Gilchrist, Robert,Phelps, Oliver
To: Hamilton, Alexander

New York, April 28, 1801. Encloses “a Deed of conveyance bearing equal date with this Letter, made by Oliver Phelps to Robert Gilchrist for three equal undivided Eighth parts of a tract of Land containing nine thousand and Six hundred acres, by the award or appointment of Alexander Hamilton, David A. Ogden and Thomas Cooper.” States: “This conveyance you will hold as Escrow to be returned to Mr Phelps upon payment by him to Mr Gilchrist of the Sum of Seven thousand four hundred thirty nine 13/00 Dollars on or before the fourth day of July next ensuing.”


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Timothy Pickering, 29 April 1801
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Easton [Pennsylvania], April 29, 1801
Dear Sir,
Mr Joseph Dennie, now of Philadelphia, has more than once observed to me, that he had never the happiness of being known to you. He repeated the observation, as I lately passed thro’ that city. And manifesting an earnest desire to be introduced, requested me to write to you for that purpose.

Of Mr Dennie’s genius and literary talents, you will judge from his writings. These have appeared chiefly in periodical publications. He formerly edited a weekly paper in New Hampshire, called the Farmer’s Museum: And he is the editor of the paper now published weekly in Philadelphia, under the title of the Port Folio.
Correct in his morals and notions of Government, and attached to that system of administration for which our country is so much indebted to you, I shall be allowed the liberty of thus introducing Mr Dennie to your notice, and of recommending him to your attention & patronage.
With sincere respect & esteem, I am, dear sir, Your obedt servant
Timothy Pickering
Alexander Hamilton, Esqr


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Jeremiah Wadsworth, 8 May 1801
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Wadsworth, Jeremiah

New York, May 8, 1801. Gives opinion on the conditions that the executors of Nathanael Greene’s estate wish to impose on the conveyance of his New York State lands.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to James Madison, 20 May 1801
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Madison, James

[New York, May 20, 1801. On May 26, 1801, Madison wrote to Hamilton: “I have received your letter of the 20th.” Letter not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from James Madison, 26 May 1801
From: Madison, James
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Department of StateWashington, May 26th. 1801.
Sir,
I have received your letter of the 20th enclosing one from Paris of March 23d. The Cession of Louisiana by Spain to the French Republic, referred to in the letter, had been previously signified to this Department from several sources, as an event believed to have taken place. Supposing you might wish to repossess the letter from Mr. C I herein return it.
I have the honor to remain,   Sir, Your Obedient servant
James Madison
General Hamilton


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to John Jay, 11 June 1801
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Jay, John

New York June 11, 1801
Dr Sir
Mr. Davies, who appreciates your character as he ought, having expressed a desire to be personally acquainted with you, I promised him a letter of introduction. I comply with this promise with the greater pleasure, as the impressions which this Gentleman has made upon me induce me to believe that you will be glad of the opportunity of making his acquaintance. He is Attorney of the UStates for the District of Kentucke, and I am indebted to Chief Justice Marshall for the favour of his being introduced to me.
With true respect & regard   I have the honor to remain   Sir   Yr Obed ser
A Hamilton
His Excellency Governor Jay


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to William Beekman, 15 June 1801
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Beekman, William

New York June 15 1801
Dr Sir
You will remember that a considerable time since I gave you an opinion on a variety of matters arising upon your uncles Will. For this I have received no compensation; never that I remember having presented an account. I will therefore thank you to send me fifty Dollars for this service. As I am building I am endeavouring to collect my outstanding claims.
With esteem I am Sir   Yr Obed ser
A Hamilton
Mr. W Beekman


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from John McComb, Junior, [22 June 1801]
From: McComb, John, Jr.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[New York, June 22, 1801]
Proposal for finishing General Hamiltons, country House—Vizt.
To Build two Stacks of Chimneys to contain eight fire places, exclusive of those in Cellar Story.

To fit in with brick all the outside walls of the 1st. & 2d. Stories, also all the interior walls that Seperate the two Octagon Rooms and the two rooms over them fr the Hall & other Rooms in both Stories.
To Lath & plaster the Side walls of the 1st. & 2d. Stories with two coats & set in white or prepared for p⟨ain⟩ting or papering as General Hamilton may direct.
To Lath & plaster the ceilings of 1st. & 2d. Stories with two coats & set in white.
To Plaster the interior walls which seperate the Octagon Rooms in both Stories, to be finished white, or as General Hamilton may chose.
To Lath & plaster all the other partitions in both Stories.
To Lath & plaster the ceiling of the cellar Story throughout.
To Plaster the Side walls of Kitchen, Ironing Room, Hall, & passage, & to point & white wash the Stone & brick walls of the other part of Cellar Story.
To Point the outside walls of cellar Story, and to fill in under the Sills.
To Lay both Kitchen hearths with brick placed edge ways.
To put a strong Iron back in the Kitchen fire place five feet long by 2 ft. 9 inches high.
To put another Iron back in the Ironing Room 3’6" by 2’9".
To Place two Iron Cranes in the Kitchen fire Place & an Iron door for the oven mouth.
The Rooms, Hall, & passage of the first Story to have neat Stucco cornices—those of Octagon Rooms of Best Kind (but not inriched).
To put up two Setts of Italian Marble in the Octagon Rooms, Such as General Hamilton may chose—and Six setts of Stone Chimney pieces for the other Rooms.
The Four fire places in the two Octogan rooms & the two rooms over them to have Iron Backs & jambs, & four fire places to have backs only.
To lay the foundations for eight piers for the Piazza.
   To build the Slew holes and a wall for the Sink.The whole to be compleated by

Mr. McComb to find at his own expence all the Matireals requisite for the afore described work and execute it complete in a good & workmanlike manner for One thousand Eight hundred & Seventy five Dollars.
General Hamilton to have all the Materials carted and to have all the Carpenters work done at his expence. General Hamilton is to find the workmen their board or to allow  Shillings pr. day for each days work in lieu thereof.
John McComb Junr
New York 22d. June 1801


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Sarah Alexander, Lady Stirling, 26 June 1801
From: Alexander, Sarah
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[New York, June 26, 1801. The calendar of this letter reads: “Thanks &c dated at New York.” Letter not found.]


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Jeremiah Olney, 29 June 1801
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Olney, Jeremiah

New York June 29. 1801
Dear Sir
The original of your letter of the 9th. of April never came to hand. The copy in that of the 9th. of June arrived here while I was on a circuit, so that I did not receive it till a few days ago.
It is the practice on the admission of honorary members to present them with diplomas. But there are no blanks in my possession and very few in that of the officers of the Society of this state. These, without an order of the Society, could not part with them—and it being very doubtful whether of the small number which remains a sufficiency could be spared for your purpose, I have written to the Secy of the General Society to endeavour to obtain a supply. I delayed for a day or two answering your letter in hope of receiving it; but not having yet had an answer to my application, I conclude to avail myself of the post of to day. The moment I can acquire in any way the number wanted it shall be forwarded.
Accept the assurance of my warm esteem and regard and present on my behalf to your Society congratulations on the approaching anniversary.
A Hamilton
J Olney EsqrPresident


Title: Indenture between Alexander Hamilton of the First Part and Richard Harison and Aaron Ogden of the Second Part, [1 July 1801]
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Harison, Richard,Ogden, Aaron
To:

[New York, July 1, 1801]
This Indenture made the first day of July in the year of our lord One thousand Eight hundred and one between Alexander Hamilton of the City of New York counsellor at law of the first part and Richard Harrison of the same City and Aaron Ogden of Elizabeth Town in the State of New Jersey, counsellors at law and Trustees for Louis and Mary Le Guen pursuant to their Antenuptial Contract of the other part Witnesseth That the said Alexander Hamilton for and in consideration of One Dollar to him in hand paid by the said Richard and Aaron or one of them (the receipt whereof is hereby acknowleged) hath granted bargained sold aliened released and confirmed and by these presents doth grant bargain sell alien release and confirm unto the said Richard Harrison and Aaron Ogden their heirs and assigns as joint tenants and not as tenants in common All that part which lies Eastward of the Bloomingdale Road of a certain lot or parcel of land in an Indenture bearing date the fifteenth day of January in the year One thousand seven hundred and Ninety Nine made between Samuel Kelly and Johanna his wife of the one part and the aforesaid Jacob Schieffelin of the other part thus described “All that certain lot of land lying and being at Haerlem in the seventh ward of the City of New York aforesaid containing thirty four acres (or more if the same shall on survey be found to exceed that quantity) being the South Westermost half part of lot Number six or thirty three morgan lot and is bounded as follows to Wit Northerly by the Northermost half part of said lot Number six late in the possession of Lieutenant Colonel John Maunsel now in the possession of Doctor Bradhurst Westerly by the North River Southerly by the land late of Aaron Bussing now of  Mott and Easterly by the land of John Meyer, and which part of said lot hereby granted according to a survey thereof by Benjamin Taylor City Surveyor is bounded Eastwardly by a line North thirty Nine degrees East Nine chains and Eighty five links Westwardly by a line So[u]th fifty Eight degrees and thirty minutes West Ten chains and forty five links being the Eastwardly site of the said Bloomindale road Northwardly by a line North thirty nine degrees West thirteen chains and seventy links Southwardly by a line South forty one degrees East seventeen Chains and seventeen links and contains fifteen acres one rood and ten perches be the same more or less also another piece or parcel of land adjoining thereto on the North Eastwardly side thereof purchased by the said Alexander Hamilton of the aforesaid Doctor Bradhurst Together with all and singular the houses outhouses Stables Barns gardens orchards fences woods underwoods Waters Water courses passages profits commodities privileges hereditaments and appurtenances thereunto belonging or in any wise appertaining including a proportional share and right of in and to the common of Haerlem and the use and privilege in common with the said Jacob Schieffelin of a road to the North River now laid out and running through the remainder of the said lot still in the seizin and occupation of the said Jacob Schieffelin And the Reversion and Reversions Remainder and Remainders Rents issues and profits thereof And all the Estate right title interest property possession claim and demand in law and Equity of the said Alexander Hamilton his heirs and Assigns of in and to the same To have and to hold the said part of the said lot of land and other the premisses aforesaid unto the said Richard Harrison and Aaron Ogden Trustees as aforesaid and to their heirs and assigns to the only proper use and benefit of them the said Richard Harrison and Aaron Ogden their heirs and Assigns for ever as Joint tenants and not as tenants in common in trust nevertheless for the purposes of the Antenuptial Contract aforesaid. And the said Alexander Hamilton for himself his heirs and assigns doth hereby covenant grant and agree to and with the said Richard Harrison and Aaron Ogden their heirs and assigns that they shall at all times hereafter peaceably and quietly have hold use occupy possess and enjoy the pieces or parcels of land and premisses abovementioned to have been to them granted without the let suit trouble hindrance or molestation of any person or persons whomsoever freely and clearly exonerated and discharged of from and against every gift grant mortgage judgment or other encumbrance whatsoever heretofore had made executed or acknowleged and that he the said Alexander Hamilton the said premisses unto the said Richard Harrison and Aaron Ogden their heirs and assigns against all every person and persons whomsoever shall and will warrant and forever defend. Provided always nevertheless and these presents and the Estate hereby granted shall be and are upon this express condition that if he the said Alexander Hamilton his heirs Executors or Administrators or Assigns or any of them shall and do well and truly pay and satisfy unto the said Richard Harrison and Aaron Ogden their heirs Executors or Administrators within one year from the date hereof the just and full sum of Five thousand Dollars with lawful interest from the date hereof according to the condition of a certain obligation bearing even date here—with then these presents and the estate hereby granted and every thing herein contained shall utterly cease and determine and become and be void. In Testimony Whereof the parties to these presents have interchangeably subscribed and set their hands and seals the day and year first above written.
Alexander Hamilton
Sealed and delivered
in the presence of
Josiah Hedden
Samuel Burrill


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Pierre Charles L’Enfant, 14 July 1801
From: L’Enfant, Pierre Charles
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Washington, July 14, 1801. On July 27, 1801, Hamilton wrote to L’Enfant and referred to “your letter of the 14th.” Letter not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from William Bingham, 21 July 1801
From: Bingham, William
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Philada July 21. 1801
Dear sir
Having a Packet of Papers which by your Desire were deposited with me, & which have long laid dormant in my Possession, & being about embarking in a Short time for Europe, permit me to return them to you.
You will gratify me exceedingly, by furnishing me with an opportunity of rendering you any services during my Stay in Europe.
I request you to make my respectfull Complements acceptable to Mrs Hamilton & to believe me with Sincere Esteem & Regard
Dear sir   Your obedt hbl ser
Wm Bingham
P S.   Please to address me, to the Care of Sir Francis Baring, Bart London


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Pierre Charles L’Enfant, 27 July 1801
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: L’Enfant, Pierre Charles

New York July 27. 1801
Dr Sir
Three days since I received your letter of the 14th. As there is a Court sitting, I defer a particular answer to it, and drop you a line to say, that I shall certainly do every thing in my power to fulfil your wish.
With regard, I am, Sir   Yr. Obed ser
A Hamilton
Major L’Enfant


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Rufus King, 28 July 1801
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: King, Rufus

New York July 28. 1801
Dr Sir
You are, I believe, acquainted with The Reverend Mr. Mason who will deliver you this. I could not let him depart without placing him under the protection of your friendship. He is in every sense a man of rare merit.
Yrs. Affect.
A Hamilton
R King Esq


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Richard Riker, 18 August 1801
From: Riker, Richard
To: Hamilton, Alexander

New York, August 18, 1801. Encloses £100 as a retainer from Robert and Hamilton Stewart.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Eugene Lucet, 20 August 1801
From: Lucet, Eugene
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Hermitage, August 20, 1801. Sends information for use in a case involving conflicting claims in the Staats Patent.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from John Penn, 21 August 1801
From: Penn, John
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Spring Gardens LondonAugust 21st. 1801
Sir
A respect for great talents & virtues, under the direction of sound judgement, & long exemplified in times of danger & difficulty, induces me to request that you would do me the honour of accepting the two volumes of poems, illustrated with plates, which will be sent nearly at the time of the present letter, as a tribute due to them. Among the plates are representations of a spot in England, which naturally suggest to me, as approving the hospitality which has distinguished it, the pleasure I should have in seeing those gentlemen there to whom the work is given as from the author. The great distance at which you live ought, perhaps, to make me despair of having that satisfaction in the present case; & yet, give me leave to say that should you ever come to England, I should be most happy in the opportunity of improving an acquaintance, scarcely formed with you, several years ago, in the neighbourhood of Philadelphia. I am, Sir,
with great esteem,   your most obedient humble servant
J Penn


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from William Vans Murray, 28 August 1801
From: Murray, William Vans
To: Hamilton, Alexander

The Hague 28 augt. 1801.
Dear Sir,
I have been returned from Paris since nine days. Before I left that city Mr. Vaublanc—Mr. Latour Mauberg & My friend Mr. Fleurieu gave me the inclosed letters for their particular friends & one for you of whom V. speaks by sympathy with a very respectful souvenir of your Kindness to the ladies. These men & many other constitutionalists are in Govt.—& such as these follow rather than give the Tone of B’s administration, wh., be assured as to the theory of govt. for France, is fully up to theirs, & indeed more rational. I wish that extraordinary man to live & hold the throne till France be placed in a situation to speak out & naturally, without a revolution. As far as I can judge this is the only way by wh. her former principles can be recalled into habitual practice & wh.out convulsion. I speak of theory relatively to France herself—as to other nations, such is the state to wh. her infernal revolution has brought all Europe almost, that every question is one of force. This however is nearly as it was. But the great dæmon Democratic philosophy is done, & pretty well chained for a thousand years. So far the disease of the revolution is cured—it’s effects it is true are still felt. B. & time will remove these by gradually replacing as much of the old habits of power & ways of thinking respecting govt & religion, as perhaps is practicable.
I did not intend to say one word of politics—but as I have the misfortune I presume to differ from you in some opinions on our affairs that ought to be in a degree tested by the State of France—I owed it to the candour which you have taught me to love as an ornament as well as a duty to tell you my opinion in this unlaboured way. I beg the favour of you to have the inclosed safely delivered—& to put that addressed “A Mr. Le Breton pour Mr. Sicca à Philadie” in some very sure conveyance. I should have gone in the ship wh. carries this but it wd. be too expensive for me to get on from N. York with a half a dozen trunks—so that I wait for a Baltimore ship. I need not tell you that I am recalled.

Your friend Colbert whose case you did me the honour to recommend to me, has not yet recovered—but will get back nearly all, He believes.
I am with great respect Dear Sir   Yr. mo. ob. sert.
W V Murray.
General Hamilton.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Pierre Charles L’Enfant, 4 September 1801
From: L’Enfant, Pierre Charles
To: Hamilton, Alexander

City of washington sept 4 1801.
Dr sir.
I received your letter of the 18th. ulto (say of the 27. according to post.) which came to hand only last monday.
with respect to the Sentiments you manifest I can truely say that if I had not Confided in your good disposition and deed not heighly value to retain your friendship—I certainly would not have writen So freely nor so openly to you as I laterly deed? therefore let those Ideas and Expressions as I may have Introduced in a disagreable way, be passed over as having no meaning respecting to yourself—which in fact were alluding to experienced missugage and deception of a petit policy which as had of late years disgraced the grand view of governement it self, could not consistanly have been attributable to you—and which so far as operated against me made visible none, but, the cowardly art of certain Emigrants Insignificant bustler who in dread of every ones on thier way crawled themselves up seaking favour by Sly slandering of the honest an revileing of talents they wanted the habilities otherwise to have Injuried.
if this Should not be your mind of the way (prejudices were (you said) Excited against me personally, I would not So readily admit, as you Seem to take for granted, my having given Cause. For although I hope I deserve the reproach of being not an ill wisher to my native land—I am Equally Certain I have not in either Civil or Military capacity nor in private intercourse done any act nor even expressed any one Sentiments but that must have Certifyed of my good faith, of my earnest Solicitude and zeal for the glory as well as interest of the United States! and recollection might be of Instances (both on a foreign mission and other transactions notable) when this zeal carried me even to venture in expenses far beyon the resources of my fortune and was the primary cause of my Involvemt in debts—in Short on the various occassions when a Judgment of my disposition might have been fairly formed it would rather be deemed having given plausible reasons for mistrust from the other Side of party: the consideration on all which lead to conjectures as I will candidly acknowlege render me diffident what ever be the side I now have to seak a redress of wrong.
as to what I heard from mr thomas Morris it was nothing more but this—that he had repeated his call without being able to get you do what you had at first Instance promised him respecting my affaire—the missaprehension from which was all mine and owing no doubt to the taint of matters Engaging my mind at the time.
owning myself to be greatly obliged to you for the part you took in support of projects and measures by me proposed—what you remind me of the case of my plan of the city of washington I not only perfectly admit, but, if I were not restrained by apprehension of being wearsome by too lenghty recital of late occurences, I could well satisfy you that I retorted, and perhaps too pointedly, the charge of your having been actuated through Sincerity to the establishement on them who (on a particular day) dissuaded the consideration of the manner of provision you suggested for.—which having done by memorial to congress, last session and in a circumstanciated statement to the commissionairs of the city and now discusing with the President—may pove, if proofs were wanting, that no situation Ever distressing will induce me to depart from what I am conscious to be Just and right—how far this Spirit will help the Settlement of the claim of Indemnification for the labour and for the robery as has been of all plans and papers in relation with the city business and which were my undeniable property, some time I fear must yet be waited before I can form an opinion—nevertheless it is but Justice to say that all reports of the sentiments Mr Jefferson delivered assure me that he has long before recognised the proprieties of all what I proposed and that he his not wanting in acknowlegement of the mistake of the opposition the finential System met. not meaning to convey an Idea from this—that my Stay at this seat of government is Induced by any prospect of getting in some way of bettering my circumstances, I beg you to remain assured to the Contrary—indeed the Stay is not of choice but forced by the impossibility of leaving elsewere in the obscure privative way I do here—and my only hope of relief is in the adjustment of the business with the Corporation of your city—in respect to which having the promise of your hearty and personal exertions in my behalf, I remain confident of success and in Enticipation to which I tender you my best acknowlegement and I
remain with sincere Esteem & respect   Dear sir.   your Obedient and humble servant
P. charles L’enfant
Major Genrl Ar Hamilton


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Nicholas Olive, [4 September 1801]
From: Olive, Nicholas
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Dartmouth, England, September 4, 1801]
Monsieur
Il est impossible qu’il exsiste deux contrastes plus étonnants pour nous que New-York, et Dartmouth où nous avons été conduits après 35. Jours de passage; l’interêt et les bontés dont vous avez honoré ma famille me font un devoir de vous rendre un compte fidel des évenemens qui nous sont arrivés depuis que nous avons quités l’heureuse Amerique, cette belle partie du monde où la Providence a Placé des hommes qui honorent l’humanité!
Nous voyagions avec une parfaite Sécurité sous un Pavillon que nous croÿons respecté plus que jamais en Europe, depuis que la généreuse Amerique à couverte la Mer de Ses Vaisseaux pour sécourir l’angleterre en lui envoyant une immense quantité des Provisions qui lui manquaient. J’étois personnellement parfaitement tranquile étant muni d’un Passeport du Colonel Barclay—soùs la protection duquél je pensois être à l’abri de toutes persécutions ên égard au tems que j’avois immigré de ma Patrie; à l’entrée de la manche nous avons été rencontré par le sloop War de S.M.B. Fly Capne. Thomas Duval, revenant de la ĉote d’affrique; Il a envoyé abord du Georgia Capne. Jan. Landon, pour examiner tous ses papiers avec une sevère attention; les ayant trouvés en régle, il nous a permis de faire route; L’officier examinateur à rendu compte au Captne. Duval, qu’il y avoit abord une famille française; et que Mde. Olive n’avoit pas quitté son Lit depuis New-York; nous étions tout près de la fregatte anglaise, il faisoit un calme parfait; Le Capne. Duval est venu àbord avec son Chirurgien pour offrir Ses Secours à Made. Olive avec une grace qui embellit encore l’humanité. J’ai temoigné à ce galant et généreux officier de S.M. tout ce que je devois naturellement Sentir en pareil cas; Il manquoit de provisions, j’eus la Satisfaction de lui offrir la moitié de toutes les miennes, et pendant cinq Jours que nous avons été a Sa portée; nous avons eu un combat continuel de procedés, qui ne blessent point, et qui ne laissent de traces qu’une estime reciproque; M. Duval, Jeune officier d’un merite perçant à travers une grande modestie, est celui que Lord Nelson depêcha par Terre dans l’ynde après la bataille du Nil et qui y fût et révint Si promptement; et ce seul fait prouve que c’est un des officiers les plus distingués; J’ai, Monsieur, un plaisir infini à vous donner ces détails avant de vous instruire de leur hideux contraste.
the Fly se perdoit à notre vüe quand nous fûmes arrêtés par deux Cutters, se disant Cutters du Roy, ils envoyerent deux canots abord; Ils visitèrent et ayant trouvé les papiers en régle ordonnerent de faire voile. Le Capne. Landon manœuvrait pour continuer Sa Route, quand par réflexion on lui ordonna d’arrêter, et bientôt après on vint en grand nombre àbord pour nous conduire à Dartmouth où nous entrâmes le Soir du 17. août. Je remplierais vingt pages des traitemens barbares que ma famille a epprouvé de la part des deux Lieuts. commandant ces deux cutters armés par des particuliers et Loués au Roy; Nous avons restés confinés abord 12. Jours et 12. Nuits, sans aucune communication avec quique ce soit. Mad. Olive et Ses filles ont été fouillées dans leur lit, et sur elles mêmes jusqu’à la peau. on à forcé la cabine où ma femme malade étoit couchée, pour lui enlever trois jours—le seul domestique qui là servoit; J’étois alors gardé à terre; Enfin on a violé à notre égard le Droit des Nations, le droit des gens, la protection des passeports, les droits de la descence & jusqu’aux droits de l’humanité! J’ai en vain demandé le gouverneur, le commandant, les Magistrats, avec des larmes de rage et de desespoir; Nos deux Tyrans nous répondoient avec un sourire insultant, c’est la Nature du service; Enfin je suis parvenu a faire parvenir une lettre à Monsieur Ruffus King Votre ambassadeur, en lui marquant dans le désordre de la douleur, que je n’avois aucun droit à Sa protection, si ce n’est que ma famille avoit l’honneur d’être connue de lui, et que deux de mes enfants étoient Nés dans Sa Patrie: Il n’a pas perdu un moment & S’est adressé au Lord St. Vincent avec une interêt, une obligeance qui m’a inspiré des sentimens qu’aucune expression n’est capable de rendre; ainsi jusqu’en Europe, Monsieur, L’amérique protege encore ma famille infortunée; que ne devons nous point à cette seconde Patrie! graçes à M. King, et à M. Duval, qui a aussi fait des démarches, nous sommes à Terre, et nous epprouvons des marques consolantes d’interêt de la part de tous les respectables habitans de Dartmouth & même du peuple instruit de la ferocité de deux hommes la honte de leur corps. M. Le gouverneur à pris chez lui mes deux filles ainées, et nous sommes maintenant parmi des anglois Nobles & généreux, en attendant les ordres de l’amirauté.
Le Capne. Landon est parti depuis trois jours pour Londres, il a été detenu plusieurs jours comme prisonnier; Cet estimable Capitaine a redoublé d’égards, de soins, d’attentions pour ma famille dans nos detresses. Je lui dois et tous les miens une éternelle réconnaissance.
On m’à enlevé sans aucune formalité tous mes livres, mes papiers privés sans m’en laisser un seul et cela sans inventaire, sans reçu, sans personne qui me réprésente pour en faire l’examen; Ils sont au pouvoir des deux lieutenants dans un hôtel garni, des feuilles de chêne mortes ne seroient pas abandonnées avec moins de soin. J’attend justice du gouvernement. J’irai s’il faut la soliciter à Londres; si ce n’est pas pour moi, C’est pour ceux qui pourroient dans la suite eprouver dans la suite de pareilles persécutions.
Je ne réconnais plus l’Europe oh! Monsieur, comme tout y est changé! cette ville-ci avoit 150. Navires, elle en arme á present 9. seulement pour Terre Neuve; le peuple est fatigué de la guerre; il soupire, il desire la paix; tout est inactif, des enfants et des vieillards voila la peinture des habitans des villes. On parle avec une sorte d’envie de la prosperité des Etats-unis, on agite dans toutes les conversations, et l’on se demande quel est le pays qui offre le plus de réssources? comme Si chacun pensoit a déplacer; Je vous dis là l’exacte verité. Je m’attend bien a trouver aussi bien des changements dans ma Patrie; mais Je n’avois aucune idée de ce que je vois ici.
Je vous supplie de présenter les plus respectueux hommages de ma famille a Madame Hamilton et a Madame Church dont les bontés ne s’effaceront jamais de nos Cœurs. Agreez les assurances de mon profond respect.
Monsieur   Votre très humble & tres obéissant serviteur.
Nichs. Olive
Dartmouth 4 septre. 1801.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from William W. Woolsey, 4 September 1801
From: Woolsey, William W.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[New York] Sep. 4. 1801
Dr Sir
I am as much disatisfied with the recent conduct of the manumission Society as you can be, and have out of doors remonstrated against the measures which they have pursued, but without effect. My name appears as Vice President although I have not for several years attended a meeting of the Society. I had almost determined before your note, that I would remove my individual responsibility by a public protest against their measures. Your plea may be better, tho’ I am very doubtful of its efficacy. If you should after your return incline to have the Society called together I will apply to Mr Willet Seaman who is the President for that Purpose; one days notice will be sufficient.
Col Talmad[g]e resides in Litchfield, and is at present the Post master there.
With great respect   Your obed Servt.
W. W. Woolsey
Genl. Hamilton


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Pierre Charles L’Enfant, 6 September 1801
From: L’Enfant, Pierre Charles
To: Hamilton, Alexander

City of washington Sept 6. 1801.
Dear sir
since last writing to you, it occured to me as proper to address a congratulatory note to Mr Edw. livingston on his ascession to the mayoralty of new york. as it afforded me occasion to appraise him of the business pending with the Corporation the particular of which however I left to your self to Explain. simply having Expressed an hope of your being facilitated by the broard the personall exertions of those habilities you have promised to exert in my behalf—and I though[t] of communicating this to you that you may remain satisfied I wholy and solely relay on you.
I have the honor to [be]   Dr. sir your most obedient serveant
P. charles L’Enfant
Genrl Ar Hamilton


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Philip Schuyler, 9 September 1801
From: Schuyler, Philip
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Albany Wednesday Sept: 9th 1801
My Dear Sir
Mrs. Schuyler Catherine & myself arrived here on Sunday, in good health, Mrs. Church and her Children we left at My Son Rensselaers. They will be here today, and were all well.
A frenchman at Quebec trod on my lame leg and bruised it greatly. It has been exceedingly painful but is now healing and the wound appears so favorable that It will probably be healed in a week or two.
On the 29th of this month a Circuit court for the County of Columbia is to be held at Claverack, tryals in Ejectment on the part of our family are then to come on. Mr Van Vechten and Mr Van Schaick are of council for us, as on the Issue of these tryals a great proportion of Mrs. Schuylers property will depend, and which If recovered will be very considerable Indeed, I most earnestly Intreat you, to Attend the tryals If possible, and wish you to be there a day or two before the Sitting of the Court. I shall be there.
In what state of Advance is your building?
We all unite in love to you to my Eliza And the Children. I am my Dear Sir
Ever most Affectionately yours
Ph: Schuyler
Honl Gen Hamilton


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from William Hornby, 15 September 1801
From: Hornby, William
To: Hamilton, Alexander

London, September 15, 1801. Requests Hamilton’s opinion “upon a Case which … is of the greatest importance to the Parties concerned.”


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from John Jay, 25 September 1801
From: Jay, John
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Bedford, New York, September 25, 1801. Letter not found.]


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Oliver Wolcott, Junior, [25 September 1801]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.

[New York, September 25, 1801]
Dr. Sir
I send you some extracts from a pamphlet lately published, in reply to one written by a Gentleman of my acquaintance (not by me as has been by some conjectured) from which I have taken out some leaves which I send you. At the request of this Gentleman I trouble you to give me some explanation respecting the suggestions which are made particularly in respect to Col Pickering, General Miller and Mr. Dunham & the motives to the dismission of Gardner of New Hampshire.
Things so boldly asserted, & with an avowed signature of a person who was in a situation to acquire information, deserve particular and reiterated attention; or else they certainly will be believed.
A speedy reply will oblige.
Yrs. very truly
A Hamilton
Sepr 25 1801


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Bushrod Washington, September 1801
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, Bushrod

[New York, September, 1801. On November 21, 1801, Washington wrote to Hamilton: “Your letter dated in September came lately to my hands.” Letter not found.]


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Hamilton, [2 October 1801]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Hamilton, Elizabeth

[Claverack, New York, October 2, 1801]
I was extremely disappointed, My Dear Eliza, that the Mondays post did not bring me a letter from you. You used to keep your promises better. And you know that I should be anxious to hear of your health. If the succeeding post does not rectify the omission of the former I shall be dissatisfied and pained.
I am chagrined at the prospect of being detained considerably longer than I expected. Our adversaries have made strong efforts to postpone the cause to another circuit, and though defeated in this they have obtained a delay till wednesday next. However disagreeable and inconvenient to me to stay, it is not possible for me in this situation to quit.
Adieu my beloved & be assured that I shall not lose a moment to return to you.
Yours tenderly
AH
Saturday 2d. of October
Mrs. Hamilton


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Hamilton, 4 October 1801
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Hamilton, Elizabeth

[Albany] Sunday October 4 1801
This morning, My beloved Eliza, I arrived here to pay a visit to your father, in the interval of the postponement of our causes, as I mentioned in a letter which I wrote you on Friday from Claverack. Your father’s wound is much better and your mother in good health. Your sisters are both on a visit to Rensselaer; but expected back to day or tomorrow. In the morning I return to Claverack. I am in every sense vexed with this unexpected terrible delay. It is to be hoped that I may have the consolation of my errand proving effectual.
Your father advises that the Ice house be shingled and with cedar Shingles in preference. If not too late I wish to have it done. You need not be particular about the Cedar. Let the Ventilators be in front. I am taking measures to have some additional Trees for you.
Yours very truly & tenderly
A H
Mrs. Hamilton


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Rensselaer Schuyler, 4 October 1801
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Schuyler, Rensselaer

[Albany, October 4, 1801. Gives directions for a shipment of trees. Letter not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Daniel D. Thompson, 7 October 1801
From: Thompson, Daniel D.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

New York, October 7, 1801. States that financial reverses had forced him to leave his native England for Jamaica, where he had worked for sixteen months as a bookkeeper, and that he had been in New York City for nine weeks without work. Asks Hamilton’s assistance in securing employment.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Oliver Wolcott, Junior, 10 October 1801
From: Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Litchfield [Connecticut] Octr. 10th. 1801.
Dear Sir
I have this moment recd. you favour of Septr. 25th. but being oblidged to set out on my Tour to Vermont in a few Hours, I cannot consult my papers, nor reply as particularly as would otherwise be in my power.
I do not know Campbell & till after the publication of Colo. Pickerings accounts in the Aurora, I did not know that such a person was employed in the Treasury. I have since been informed that he was a junior Clerk in the Auditors Office, & that the duty assigned to him was copying the Reports which pass from the Auditor to the Comptr. I believe that he never examined any Accounts for settlement, and it is impossible that he could ever have seen the Books, Papers, or Correspondence of the Secretary’s Office, or have become acquainted with the forms & principles by which the business of the Treasury Department was conducted.
The Accounts which have been published by Campbell are probably correct transcripts from The Auditors Reports; he appears however to be utterly ignorant of the principles upon which the Reports were formed; no sums were in these Reports passed to Colo. Pickerings Credit of which Vouchers for the ultimate application & final expenditure were not recd by the Secy of State—all advances & remittances to Foreign Ministers—Agents, Banks &ca.—in short the balances of all accounts unsettled in the Books of the Department of State, were according to the rules of settlement required to be exhibited in a distinct account, for the purpose of ascertaining the balances of money if any, in the hands of the Secretary of State. The Statement which exhibited the monies advanced by Colo Pickering and unaccounted for by the persons who recd. the said monies of him has never been published. This would have explained the apparent mystery and proved that no balance rested in the hands of Colo. Pickering.
The Accounts of Colo. Pickering were all rendered with the Vouchers to support them and had been examined by the Auditor before I left the Treasury. Mr. Harrisson told the Comtee. appointed in consequence of my Letter of resignation in my presence & in the presence of the Comptroller, that his report was delayed only in consequence of the informality of a few Vouchers, but that the accounts had been so far examined as to satisfy him that no balance remained in the hands of Colo. Pickering.
The accounts & Vouchers were by me tendered to the Comtee. for their examination. They however formed their report on this subject as I believe on the official information given by Mr. Harrisson. Upon the principles which are assumed for the purpose of representing Colo. Pickering as a delinquent, Mr. Jefferson might also have been considered as a delinquent for almost all the monies which were advanced to him while Secy of State. When his accounts were rendered, it appeared that the public money had been properly disbursed—but very few of the accounts had however been settled when he retired from Office. The same observation is applicable to each of the succeeding Secys. and must from the nature of things, hold good at this moment in respect to Mr. Madison. Yet none of the Secys. have in fact been delinquent except Mr. Randolph.
As to the multiplicity of Agencies said to be “heaped” upon Colo. Pickering—it may be observed, that he was intrusted with no agency, not incident to his Office as Secy of State. The agencies mentioned in the pamphlet are nothing more than distinct accounts relative to different objects of expenditure, such as Salaries of Ministers—expences for relief of Seamen—Treaties &c. As most if not all these objects of expence continue to this time, Mr. Madison must have found agencies “heaped” upon him also.
With Mr. Daytons transactions you are I believe acquainted; his conduct has been indefensible & the whole subject was minutely explained to the Committee.
Genl. Miller was appointed Supervisor about the time of the Insurrection in Pensa. in 1794; the business of the Office, had never been, & could not have been arranged by his predecessor. Owing to the opposition to the Law, there existed the greatest difficulty in selecting Collectors who possessed all the qualifications desirable in such Stations—some of the appointments, were unfortunate. Genl. Miller though an honest man & vigorous Executive Officer is not an expert Accountant. No man could have rendered perfect accounts according to the prescribed forms, for the business of the first & perhaps the second year after Genl Miller was appointed. Accounts were however rendered & I believe to a pretty recent period before I left Washington. The accounts for the last periods were I believe unexceptionable—but the settlement was retarded by the difficulties attending them which preceeded. It is not said that accounts were not rendered, but that they were not settled. I have no suspicion that Genl. Miller is a delinquent—in many respects he was an excellent Officer—his only defect so far as I could judge was a want of Skill in accounts.
Mr. Dunham some years since contracted habits of Intemperance and the business of his office, was for a time too remissly conducted. I once thought of requesting him to resign. This came to his knowledge & that of his friends, and induced him to correct his conduct. He is admitted by all his acquaintance to be an honest Man, & the Office of late, especially in regard to the collection of the Direct Tax, was discharged in an exemplary manner.
Of the motives which occasioned the dismission of Mr. Gardiner, I must speak with reserve, as they are known more particularly to President Adams, than to myself. Of this I am however certain, that there was good evidence, that Mr. Gardiner when applied to, for Interest on the Funded Stock, was in the habit of answering to the following effect—I have recd. funds for the payment of Interest to the end of the last quarter—but I doubt whether I shall be able to pay any Interest in future—the Government is plunging the Country into expences which I know are insupportable. Such language by an Officer, the appointed guardian & agent for preserving the public Credit, when a War appeared to be impendg and when additional Loans were necessary for the public service, undoubtedly furnished just cause for dismission.
I confide in you that no other than a prudent & proper use will be made of the information in this Letter.
In haste I remain yours
OW
Alexr. Hamilton Esq


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Hamilton, [17–18 October 1801]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Hamilton, Elizabeth

[October 17–18, 1801]
I have reached this place, my dear Eliza, after a very pensive ride, and not a little pain at the State in which I left you. I trust you will exert yourself to vanquish it & will only look forward to our reunion which I shall try to make as speedy as possible. While I [am] about I shall think certainly of you and my dear children and with the tenderest sentiments.
Adieu best of women   Yrs.
A H.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Elizabeth Hamilton, 19 October 1801
From: Hamilton, Elizabeth
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[New York, October 19, 1801. On Sunday, October 25, 1801, Hamilton wrote to his wife: “I was much relieved, My Dear Eliza, by the receipt yesterday morning of your letter of Monday last.” Letter not found.]


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Hamilton, 21 October 1801
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Hamilton, Elizabeth

AlbanyOct 21. 1801
I wrote to my beloved from Rhinebeck. Yesterday Evening I arrived here and found your family generally well. Your father’s leg is not quite cured but it continues in a good way & Stringer promises that it will soon be perfectly sound.
I have not, myself, been in better health for a great while, and all I want to complete my happiness is that your health should be restored. Pray take care of yourself & keep your promise about writing to me.
Depend that I shall fly to you the moment it is possible.
Adieu my beloved   my darling
A H
Mrs. Hamilton


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Robert Smith, 20 November 1801
From: Smith, Robert
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Washington Nov. 20. 1801
Sir
Your application to me in favor of Capt Du Buisson was highly acceptable and required no kind of apology. His case has had all the attention which under existing Circumstances could consistently be given to it. I have given him a sum of Money which will accomodate him for the present.
Be persuaded, sir, I shall at all times be happy in receiving from you any Communications with which you may be pleased to favor me.
With great respect, I am, sir, Your Obed servt
Rt Smith


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to James McHenry, 21 November 1801
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: McHenry, James

My Dear friend
New York Nov. 21. 1801

The Prince Bailli Ruspoli of the order of Malta, who will deliver you this letter was strongly recommended to me by Mr. King. He appears to me a very Gentlemanlike respectable man. As such I ask for him your civilities. Among these you can do nothing more grateful to him than to give him a letter of Introduction to some friend of yours at Washington.
Adieu My Dr. Mac   Yrs. ever

A Hamilton
J McHenry Esq


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Bushrod Washington, 21 November 1801
From: Washington, Bushrod
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Dear Sir
[Westmoreland County, Virginia]Walnut Farm Novr. 21. 1801.

Your letter dated in September came lately to my hands after having made a circuitous rout through many distant post offices as appears from the endorsements on it.
I sent to Richmond about four months ago all the trunks of papers which I received from Mount Vernon except two. I have had so little leisure for examining the contents of those trunks, that it would be impossible for me at the remote distance I live from that place to assist in a search for papers of any Kind either personally or by letter. As to the propriety of sending copies of those you want I am not satisfied, and have felt considerable embarrassment in consequence of the application. On the one hand, my esteem for you produces a correspondent wish to oblige you, whilst on the other I apprehend that a compliance would probably expose me to perhaps a just censure, as well as to future perplexity in consequence of similar applications. The opinions delivered to the President by the heads of departments were those I presume of a private council and intended for his information. From hence I conclude that they were not put upon the files of any of the public offices and are to be found only amongst the papers of the General. They could therefore be obtained from no person but myself. Other measures of that administration may be again censured, discussed & condemned by one party, and vindicated by the other, whilst both must or at least may resort to the same quiver for arms to fight with. Acting with the fairness which shall always mark my conduct, I could not upon such a subject refuse to one what I have granted to the other party, and thus the papers might be used in a way very different from that which I am persuaded was intended by the person who confided them to my care. This is the point of view in which the subject strikes me. I have thought it best to be thus candid, and I feel assured that the frankness which distinguishes your character will induce you to do Justice to the motives which influence my conduct on this occasion. At the same time I beg you to believe that I shall always feel sincere pleasure in opportunities to oblige you where I can do it with propriety.
The system of intolerance & proscription which seems to be the order of the day from the General to many of the State Governments will I fear produce a fatal scism, which may probably divide the States as it already has the people. But I apprehend that the plan of Mr Pendleton which not unlikely is the plan of his party, to obtain a general convention for reforming the constitution, will bring us to this ultimate point of our political progress by a shorter road. I do not think that it requires the gift of prophesy to foretell the dissolution of the confederacy if a convention should be agreed to by ⅔ds of the States at this, or perhaps at any other time.
With very great respect & esteem   I am dear Sir   Yr mo. ob. Servt.

Bushrod Washington


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Joaquim L. Steinbach, 23 November 1801
From: Steinbach, Joaquim L.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

New York, November 23, 1801. Requests Hamilton’s opinion on two marine insurance cases involving the ship Zenobia and the sloop Britton of Barrington.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Benjamin Rush, 26 November 1801
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Dear Sir!
Philadelphia Novr: 26. 1801

Permit a whole family to mingle their tears with yours upon the late distressing event that has taken place in your family.
It may perhaps help to sooth your grief when I add to that united expression of Sympathy, that your Son had made himself very dear to my family during his late visit to Philadelphia, by the most engaging deportment. His visits to us were daily, and after each of them he left us with fresh impressions of the correctness of his understanding and manners, and of the goodness of his disposition. To One of my Children he has endeared himself by an Act of friendship & benevolence that did great honor to his heart, and will be rememb[e]red with gratitude by Mrs. Rush, and myself as long as we live. My Son has preserved a record of it in an elegant and friendly letter which he received from him After his return to New York.
You do not weep alone. Many, many tears have been Shed in our city upon your Account.
It afforded your friends great Consolation to hear of the pious manner in which your son closed the last hours of his life. God does not judge, nor condemn like man. There are no limits to his mercy.
My dear Mrs Rush joins in respectful Sympathy with Mrs Hamilton with Dr Sir
Yours sincerely

Benja. Rush
Genl Hamilton


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from John Dickinson, [30 November 1801]
From: Dickinson, John
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Esteemed Friend,
[Wilmington, Delaware, November 30, 1801]

A sense of thy services to our Country, and the satisfaction I have received from our acquaintance, cause me to take an Interest in every Thing that importantly concerns thy Happiness.
This Disposition compells me with a heart-felt love, most deeply to sympathize with thee and thy family in your present affliction.
Could I add to this regretful Testimony any Arguments to soothe your Minds, they should with all possible Considerations of Respect be offered.
That is not in my Power.
On such occasions, Nature claims the Tribute of our sorrows—the purest We can pay to departed Merit, justly endeared to the tenderest affections our souls are capable of entertaining.
Yet amidst the Calamities of this fleeting Life, there is one source of Consolation always open.
To thy enlightened Understanding, conscious of my own Weakness and Frailty, I shall not presume to point it out.
That the Divine Goodness may enable thee and thine to enjoy all its Comforts, is my fervent Prayer.
I do not desire to trouble thee, with an Acknowledgement of this Letter reaching thy Hands. It will be enough for me, if it conveys an Evidence, that others feel with thee, and if a Persuasion of this Truth shall be in any Manner whatever grateful.
With the best Wishes I am sincerely thy Friend

John Dickinson
Wilmingtonthe 30th of the 11th Month 1801
Alexander Hamilton EsquireNew York


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Philip Schuyler, 4 December 1801
From: Schuyler, Philip
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Albany, December 4, 1801. On Sunday, December 6, 1801, Schuyler wrote to Elizabeth Hamilton and referred to “a letter of Friday last to my Dear Hamilton.” Letter not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from James McHenry, 4 December 1801
From: McHenry, James
To: Hamilton, Alexander

My dear Sir
Baltimore 4 Decr. 1801.

I sincerely condole with Mrs. Hamilton and you on the loss which you have sustained in the death of your beloved son Philip. I can well conceive of the distress this event has occasioned, and the tender recollections that his memory must long continue to excite. I lost my eldest child, a daughter, after she had discovered whatever can promise to flattter parental expectations. Is there ought in this world can console for such losses, and who shall dare to hope that he is to pass through it without tasting a portion of its afflictions?
Col. Rogers will deliver you this letter of condolence. He is my intimate friend, and one of our best and worthiest citizens. Receive him I request you as such, and believe me to be your sympathising and affectionate

McHenry
Alexander Hamilton Esqr.