Title: From John Adams to Robert R. Livingston, 13 August 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Livingston, Robert R.

          Sir.
            Paris August 13. 1783.
          Yesterday at Versailles the Baron de Waltersdorff came to me and told me, he had delivered to Mr: Franklin, a Project of a Treaty between the Court of Denmark, and the United States, and asked me, if Mr: Franklin had shewn it to me? I answered him, that I knew nothing of it.— He said he wondered at that, he presumed it was because of my Absence at the Hague, for that it had been shewn to Mr: Jay. Here, by the way he was misinformed, for upon my return from Versailles I called upon Mr: Jay, on Purpose to ask him, and he assured me he had not seen it. I asked Waltersdorff, if his orders were, to propose his Project to us all. He said, no. His Court had been informed that Mr: Franklin was the Minister, authorized and empowered by Congress, to treat with all the Powers of Europe, and that they had, for this Reason sent him orders to deliver the Project to Mr: Franklin but he supposed Mr: Franklin would consult his colleagues.
          The same Information I doubt not, has been given to the Court of Portugal, & every other Court in Europe viz: that Dr: Franklin is alone empowered to treat with them, and in Consequence of it, very probably Propositions have been or will be made to him, from all of them, and he will keep the whole as secret as he can from Mr: Jay, Mr: Laurens, Mr: Dana and me. Now I beg to be informed by Congress whether he has such Authority or not? having never been informed of such Powers, I dont believe he has them— I remember there was Seven Years ago, a Resolution of Congress that their Commissioners at Versailles should have Power to treat with the other Powers of Europe, but upon the Dissolution of that Commission, this Authority was dissolved with it or if not, it still resides with Mr: Deane, Mr: Lee and myself, who were once in that Commission as well as Mr: Franklin and if it is by Virtue of this Power he acts, he ought at least to communicate with me, who alone am present. I think however, that neither he nor I, have any legal Authority, and therefore, that he ought to communicate every Thing of this Kind to all the Ministers here, or hereabouts, Mr: Jay, Mr: Laurens, and myself at least. It is not from the vain wish of seeing my poor name upon a Treaty that I write this. if the Business is well done, it is not of much Importance in itself who does it. But my Duty to my Country obliges me to say that I seriously believe, this clandestine manner of smuggling Treaties, is contrived by European Politicians, on Purpose, that Mr: Jay and I may not have an opportunity of suggesting Ideas for the preservation of american Navigation, Transport Trade and Nurseries of Seamen. But in another Point of View it is of equal importance. This Method reflects contempt and ridicule upon your other Ministers. When all Europe sees, that a Number of your Ministers are kept here as a kind of Satellites to Mr: Franklin in the affair of Peace, but that they are not to be consulted or asked a Question, or even permitted to know the important Negotiations which are here going on with all Europe, they fall into Contempt. It cannot be supposed that Congress mean to cast this Contempt upon us, because it cannot be supposed they mean to destroy, the Reputation Character, Influence and Usefullness of those, to whom in other Respects they intrust Powers of so much Consequence and therefore I am perswaded that Congress is as much imposed upon by it, as the Courts of Europe are.
          I asked the Baron what was the Substance of the Treaty. He said his Court had taken for Model my Treaty with Holland. I said nothing to him in answer to this but I beg Leave to say to Congress that the Negotiation with Holland, was in very different Circumstances. We were then in the fiercest Rage of the war. a Treaty with that Republick was at that Time of as much Weight in the War as the Captivity of Burgoyne or Cornwallis. A Treaty with any Power was worth a Battle or a Siege. and no moments of Time were to be lost. Especially in a Country so divided that, Unanimity being necessary, every Proposition was dangerous. At present the Case is altered, and we may take time to weigh and inquire. The Baron tells me, that St Thomas and St: John, two of their Islands, are free Ports but that Ste: Croix which is of more importance than both is not. That foreign Vessells, our Vessells are permitted to bring our Produce and carry away half the value in Sugar &c. The Island produces communibus Annis Twenty Thousand Hogsheads of Sugar, and their Melasses is better than that of the French, because they make only “Sucres brutes.” He says they have some Sugar Houses at Copenhagen. But notwithstanding this; I think it is worth while for Congress to try, if they cannot by the Treaty obtain a Right to take away Cargoes to the full value of those they bring. it is worth while to try too, if we cannot obtain a Tariff to ascertain the Duties to be paid on exportation and Importation. it is worth while too to get the Duties ascertained in the Danish Ports in Europe, at least that we may not pay in their Ports more than they pay in ours. or that our Vessells may not be obliged to pay more than theirs especially when we import our own produce. I pretend not to be a Master of these Commercial Subjects, but I think that Dr: Franklin has not studied the Subject more then myself, that both of us want the Advice of Mr: Laurens and Mr: Jay, and that all of us want that of American Merchants, and especially of Congress. I am therefore against this Secret and hasty Method of concluding Treaties at this Time, when they may be more maturely reflected on.
          I know very well to what ill-natured Remarks these Reflections are Liable, but they shall not hinder me, from doing my duty. I do seriously believe there are Clandestine insinuations going about to every commercial Nation in the World, to excite them, to increase their own Navigation and Seamen at the Expence of ours, and that this smuggling of Treaties is one Means of accomplishing the Design. altho Mr: Franklin may not be let into the secret of it. for from long Experience and Observation I am perswaded that one Minister at least and his Dependents, would prefer that the Navigation of any Nation in the World, even that of the English should grow rather than ours. In the last Courier de L’Europe it is said that all the Commercial Powers are concerting Measures to clip the Wings of the Eagle, and to prevent us from having a Navy. I believe it. that is to say, I believe, Measures are taken with them all, to bring them into this System, altho’ they are not let into the secret Designs, and do not know from whom the Measures come, nor with what Views promoted.
          With great Regard I have the Honour to be / Sir, your most Obedient and most humble / Servant
          John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Robert R. Livingston, 13 August 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Livingston, Robert R.

          Sir.
            Paris August 13. 1783.
          The Question before the French Cabinet, whether they shall involve themselves in a War against two Christian Empires, in order to support a Turkish one is of a Serious Nature on many Accounts—If the Turks should be driven out of Europe, France would lose some of the Levant Trade and some of the coasting Trade of Italy: and these commercial and Naval Considerations are reinforced by others which lie deeper in the human heart, the ancient Rivalry between the great Houses of Bourbon and Austria, and between the vast Countries of Germany and France, and between all the lesser Powers which depend upon them. To these Considerations is to be added, that an Austrian Princess is now upon the Throne of France, to whom it is no doubt a melancholy Consideration, that there is Danger of a War, between an Husband & a Brother.
          The City Politicians are looking out for Alliances with Prussia, Holland, and even England but can find none—It cannot be expected that either will engage. Yet the French Minister has gone far towards compromising his Master, by augmenting the Army to a War establishment, and by threat’ning to shut up the Mediterranean Sea. In this Posture of Affairs it is not surprising that there should be a Fermentation at Versailles and since my return to Paris, I find it is the general Topick of Conversation. Monsieur de Breteuil, late Embassador at the Court of Vienna, who is supposed to be esteemed by the Queen and connected with her Friends, is lately, about a Fortnight ago, called to the Kings Council and the Marshall de Castries who is in the same Interest, is said to be new modelling the subordinate offices in his Department.
          From these, and many other Considerations it is generally concluded that Mr: de Vergennes’s Continuance in the Ministry is precarious. Mr: Hartley last night, and to Day, began Conversation with me upon the Subject, and is very Sanguine that this Minister will continue in Place but a very short time, and assures me that the Duke of Manchester is of the same Opinion. I pretend to form no Opinion, because I have ever carefully avoided Conversations and Connections which might be misinterpreted into an Attachment to Persons or Parties in this Kingdom. I know that for the last Nine Months many sensible People have thought this Minister in a tottering Situation. Others think he will weather out the storm, which all Parties agree is preparing for him. Time will discover. One Thing is agreed on all hands, that he is not in favour with the Queen, and as he has taken up the Cause in a pretty high Tone against the Emperor and Empress, if he should now be displaced, Congress I think may infer from it, that France will not take a Part in the War. On the Contrary if he remains it is probable she will.
          With great Esteem, I have the Honour to be, sir / your most obedient and most humble servant
          John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Elbridge Gerry, 15 August 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Gerry, Elbridge

          My dear Friend.
            Paris August 15th. 1783.
          I have heard no News with more Pleasure than that of your design to go again to Congress, and nothing I hope has happened to divert you from your Purpose. I have lost all my Correspondents in Congress and know little what passes there. The Journals are not sent us, as I think they ought to be, regularly.
          By a letter from Mr: A. Lee to my Wife, I am informed that the Committee had reported in Favour of my Resignation, and Mr: Lee thought I might depend upon the Reports being accepted— But it does not arrive here. We have now a Prospect of signing the Definitive Treaty in nothing variant from the Provisional one, very soon, as the Ratifications of the latter are already exchanged, and France, Spain, England and America are agreed. The Dutch I presume will sign at the same time, but not with a good Will. We have consented that the Imperial Courts should sign, by their Ministers, as Mediators, but the English have not yet consented, and probably will not. We are ready to sign with, or without a Mediation as the English please.
          I believe the English have been endeavouring to perswade the French and Spaniards to sign without us and the Dutch.— Never was there a more foolish Project— The C. de Vergennes absolutely refused— Here he Shewed he had more Sense than they. This Absurdity of the English is the more astonishing, as the C. de Vergennes had said to Dr: Franklin and Mr: Hartley together, within three Days after his arrival here. “Il faut que nous finissions tous ensemble” But they are become a blundering Race. The Doctrine they now set up is that the Provisional Treaty was to be, and will be of itself a definitive Treaty, the Instant the definitive Treaty is signed with France, as it became a preliminary Treaty, when the Preliminaries were signed with France. This Doctrine may be true and just, but it is not the less expedient to have the Solemnities and Forms of a definitive Treaty, in our Affair, than in that of the other Nations.
          We have long foreseen that we should not obtain any additional Advantages, or further Explanations, in the definitive Treaty from the present Ministry. They have committed themselves in Parliament, by disapproving the Articles, and they Stand upon so precarious Ground, that making the least Concession further to us, without, twice its Value from us, in Exchange, would excite a Clamour against them, and cost them their Places. Thus we have no Choice left. We must finish as we begun, or not finish at all, wait another session of Parliament, and run all the risques which accompany delay, at a Time when the political Horison is very cloudy.
          We have long since made to Mr: Hartley, and he has transmitted a Variety of Propositions, but his Principals have consented to none of them, and we have the best Reasons to believe, that this Ministry never will, because such Consent would lose them their Places. Unhappily, when you reason with European Ministers of State you need be less anxious to enquire whether measures are for the good of their Country or not, than, whether they are likely to preserve, or forfeit their places.
          If you send a Commission to make a Treaty with Denmark or Portugal, or any other Power without sending a Minister to the Court, I wish you would insert in it, all your Ministers in Europe, and give the Power to all or any Number, or any one, who may be upon the Spot pointed out for the Negotiation, exactly as you have provided in the Commission for Peace, this is of great Importance, and is but exact Equity. I think your Method should be to resolve upon granting the Commission and then proceed to choose the Ministers to be named in it, as you do in all other Cases, and let them stand in the Commission in the order as they are chosen— I expect myself the Acceptance of my Resignation, and therefore shall not in that Case be one to be inserted, but Mr: Jay, Mr: Laurens and Mr: Dana ought to be inserted, if they stay in Europe, if it is only to show Respect to their Characters and give Reputation to their Names. If Mr: Laurens & Mr: Dana go home as well as I, Mr: Jay ought to be inserted, who is very able, and very willing to serve you, and who in the present Circumstances wants, as well as all your faithful Ministers, all the Support which Congress can give them— You will never have an honest Minister trumpetted by the Court where he is. Dr: Franklin alone, is, and will be trumpetted, by the Commis at Versailles, and their Tools.
          Let me beg of you, my good Friend, to write me, and order your Letters to be delivered to Mr: Jay, and opened, or burnt by him, as you please, In Case I should be absent from Europe.
          With great Affection your old Friend
          John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Robert R. Livingston, 15 August 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Livingston, Robert R.

          (2plicate)
            Sir
            Paris August 15th. 1783
          France England Spain and America are all agreed, but Mr: Hartley is Sanguine that the Treaty will not be signed, because he says the Comte de Vergennes dont mean to sign it. His Reasons for his opinion I know not. and I think he is mistaken. It is very certain however, that the French Minister is embarass’d and would not perhaps be sorry to find good Reasons for postponing the Signature for some time— Congress may judge in some degree, of the situation of things, by the following Conversation, which I had this morning with Mr: Brantzen, the Ambassador Extraordinary from the States General, to whom I returned the Visit he made me Yesterday when I was abroad.
          He told me, that he was as far, and indeed farther than ever from an Agreement with the Duke of Manchester. He had given up he said all Pretensions to a Compensation for the unjust Damages of the War, and he had in a manner waved his Claim of the restitution of Negapatnam. But the Duke of Manchester now insisted peremptorily upon, not only all the ancient salutations from the Dutch Flagg to the English, but upon an unlimited Liberty of Navigation in all the Seas of the East Indies— He had dispatch’d an Express to the Hague the Day before yesterday who would arrive to Day, but the grand Pensionary was Sick, and the States of Holland not sitting, so that there must be some time before he could have an Answer. concerning the Salutes to the Flagg, there would be different Opinions, but they would be all of a Mind against the Liberty of Navigation in the Indies. He could not therefore expect from their High Mightinesses Permission to sign, and the Comte de Vergennes would be embarassed, all the other Powers were ready, and to make them wait would raise a cry. To sign without Holland, would raise a terrible Storm in Holland against the Comte, and no small one in France. And even if the States should authorize him to sign a shameful Peace, this would raise no less Clamour in Holland and France against the Comte. He will therefore not know what to do and will seek to postpone, for the Parties of the Marquis de Castries and of Mr: de Breteuil will take Advantage of every Clamour against the Comte, as these Parties wish Mr: Breteuil in his Place. I am perswaded therefore that the Comte himself looks upon his own Situation as very hazardous. it has been so a long time. It was his Instability in his Place that made him sign the Preliminaries, for Money to carry on the War, could not be obtained without Mr: Necker and Mr: Necker would not come in with the Comte, as they were and are sworn enemies against each other. He was therefore reduced to the dilemma to make Peace or go out. I have good Reasons to believe that the Marshall de Castries disapproves of the Comte’s conduct towards our Republick. He certainly deceiv’d me. The States General did very wrong to bind me to Leave so much to the French Minister, but I thought him an honest man, and that I could trust him, so I left Things to him according to my Instructions, depending on his Word, and at last found myself the Dupe. No, not a Dupe, for I am always upon my guard not to be a Dupe, but he deceiv’d me. and when one whom I have Reason to believe an honest man deceives me, I can not call myself a Dupe, for I can do no other than believe an honest Man when he gives me his word.
          In several of your Letters Sir, you have insisted on my Reciting to you, my Conversations, with foreign Ministers. You must not believe them infallible oracles, They are often mistaken in their Facts, and Sometimes wrong in their Reasonings. But these sentiments of Mr: Brantzen’s are of so much Importance that I thought proper to Recite them. it will indeed be necessary for your foreign Ministers, to be more inquisitive than we have been, and to transmit to Congress more Information concerning the Intrigues of Courts than we have done— if the Marshall de Castries and Mr: de Breteuil, who is now in the Council and Mr: Necker are not Friends to the Comte de Vergennes, and all the world here agree they are not, Congress ought to know it. Although, I would have so much Respect to the Queen as not to name her Majesty upon unnecessary occasions, yet upon this, when she is sister to the Emperor, and the Question at Court is whether there shall be a war with her brother, it is obviously a matter of so much Importance as to make it a duty to communicate it to Congress her sentiments, which all Men here agree are favourable to de Castries and Breteuil, but not partial to the present Minister of foreign Affairs— I said in a former letter if this Minister Continues there will be War, but I am told by some if there is War he can’t continue, for neither he nor his friends can raise the money— Mr: Rayneval however affirmed positively to Mr: Hartley that nothing but Death could remove the Comte.
          All these Things shew the critical and uncertain Constitution of this Court, and the uncertainty when the definitive Treaty will be signed notwithstanding that four Powers are agreed, and therefore I can give Congress no clear Information upon that head. This is a great Chagrin to me, both on Account of the publick and myself, because I am as uncertain about my own destiny, as that of the Publick
          With great Respect I have the honour to be / Sir, your most obedient, and most / humble Servant.
          John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje, 16 August 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business),Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business),La Lande & Fynje, de (business)

          Gentlemen
            Paris August 16. 1783
          As I am about Settling my Accounts with Mr Barclay who is impowered by Congress to settle them, I must beg the favour of you, Gentlemen, to Send me, an exact Account, in detail of every order I have drawn upon you, and of every Sum of Money you have paid upon my order, from the Beginning, and of all the Money I have received of you, jointly or Seperately, whether directly or by the Way of Mr Vander Iver at Paris, whether by paying off Accounts against me, or by Sending once, a few Articles to Mrs Adams.
          I am Sorry, Gentlemen to give you this Trouble, but as I must produce my Vouchers to Mr Barclay, it is necessary. When I have it all in one View, I can easily Settle it, but I find it impossible to do it without. With great Respect &c

            P.S. In Short, I believe, the Shortest Way, will be, for you to send me, a Copy of your whole Account, with the United States of America out of which I can with Certainty make up my own. at present I find it, impossible to do it.

          J. A.


Title: To John Adams from Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje, [ca. 19] August 1783
From: Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business),Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business),La Lande & Fynje, de (business)
To: Adams, John

          Sir
            Amsterdam. th: [ca. 19] August 1783.
          Being without any of your Excellency’s most Esteemed favours, Shall these principalls Serve to acquaint yoúr Excelly. that by a Letter received from Mr. Francis Dana of St. Petersbourg dated 18 July O.S. that Gentleman advises ús that thro a change of Circumstances happen Since his last Letter to ús. The Credit of £2500.— given formerly in his favour becomes Wholly unnecessary, as he proposes to return to America, and in all probability he was to take his passage directly from St. Petersbourg for Boston, in a Yatcht belonging to the Dutchess of Kingston.
          We have the Honoúr to Subscribe with dúe Regard. / Sir, / Your Excells. most Obedt. / most humb Servants.
          Wilhem & Jan Willink
            Nics. & Jacob van Staphorst.
            de la Lande & Fÿnje


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Barclay, 23 August 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Barclay, Thomas

          Sir
            Paris August 23. 1783
          In Pursuance of the Instructions of Congress, Signified by Mr Morris their Superintendant of Finances, I have the Honour to inclose to you, an Account of the Bills of Exchange, accepted by me, in Holland in the Years 1780. 1781. 1782. & 1783.
          The Account of the Purchase of the Hotel des Etats Unis at the Hague, and of the Sums of Money, I have received, on Account of my Salary, which are all the remaining Accounts I have with the United States, Shall be Sent you in a few Days.
          With great Respect and Esteem I have the Honour to be, Sir, your / most obedient and most humble Servant
          John Adams


Title: To John Adams from C. W. F. Dumas, 26 August 1783
From: Dumas, C. W. F.
To: Adams, John

          Monsieur,
            Lahaie 26e. Aout 1783.
          En réponse à l’honorée vôtre du 18e., la clef de votre Secretaire S’est heureusement retrouvée sous des Livres; & je suis sûr que personne n’a pu en faire usage, parce que votre appartement n’a jamais été ouvert, depuis votre départ, que par l’un de nous toujours présent. J’ai remis avec les autres celle que vous m’aviez laissée.
          A l’heure où j’écris, les Etats d’hollde. sont à résoudre leur accession au Traité définitif, selon les conditions dictées à la Rep.— Samedi dernier il y eut là-dessus, en grand Com̃itté (ou Besogne, com̃e on dit ici) les reproches les plus graves de la Législation au Pouvoir exécutif, d’abord en général, & puis en détail humiliant & sans replique. Le theme étoit, que sans la mauvaise volonté & conduite du dernier, la rep. préfereroit de continuer seule la guerre.— Le jour auparavant, la Résomption de la Résolution de persister dans celles qui concernent l’abolition du Haut Conseil de guerre, & la Com̃ission à nom̃er pour régler la Jurisdiction militaire, passa constitutionnellement, sans égard à la Lettre du St——, & malgré l’opposition de la cabale. Mes informants ajoutent, que le Gd. Pe. a bien fait son devoir pour cette conclusion, & qu’il sera soutenu com̃e il le mérite.

          J’écris aujourd’hui à Mr. Franklin, pour savoir com̃ent je dois, avec le plus d’économie, tirer à l’avenir, & jusqu’à-ce que le Congrès ait enfin décidé de mon sort, les 225 Louis d’or, qui me sont alloués par an pour me tirer d’affaires, c’est-à-dire, si je dois tirer, après la fin de cette année, mon salaire dans le Courant de la suivante sur Paris, ou sur Amsterdam, jusqu’aå-ce que le Congrès se soit expliqué; & je le prie en même temps d’en conférer avec vous, Monsieur.
          J’espere que le Coffre de Mr. Storer, expédié selon ses ordres par navire de Rotterdam à Rouen, avec Passeport des Etats Genx. lui est parvenu.
          Je suis avec grand respect / De Votre Excellence / le très-humble & très-obéissant / serviteur
          C.w.f. Dumas

          Translation
          Sir
            The Hague, 26 August 1783
          In response to your esteemed letter of the 18th, the key to your writing desk has luckily been found under some books, and I am sure that no one was able to make use of it, as your apartment has never been opened since you left except with one of us always present. I put back with the others the one you had left for me.1
          At the time I write, the States of Holland are deciding whether to accede to the definitive treaty, with the conditions dictated to the republic.2 Last Saturday, in a grand committee (or “Besogne,” as they say here), there were the most serious criticisms of the legislation on executive power, first in general and then in humiliating and unanswerable detail. The theme was that but for the bad faith and conduct of the latter, the republic would prefer to continue the war on its own. The day before, the resumption of the resolution to persist in the abolition of the High Council of War, and the commission to be named to exercise military authority, passed constitutionally, without regard to the letter of the stadholder and despite the opposition of the cabal. My informants add that the grand pensionary did his duty well to make this happen and that he will be continued in office as he deserves.
          Today I am writing to Mr. Franklin in order to find out how in the future I might, in the most economical fashion and until Congress has decided my fate, draw on the 224 Louis d’Or that were allotted to me per year in order to tide me over, that is to say, if I should draw, after the end of this year, my salary in the course of the following on Paris or on Amsterdam, until Congress makes itself clear; and I beg Congress at the same time to confer on this matter with you, sir.3
          I hope that Mr. Storer has received his trunk, shipped according to his orders by boat from Rotterdam to Rouen, with a passport of the States General.

          I am with great respect, your excellency’s very humble and very obedient servant
          C.w.f. Dumas


Title: To John Adams from C. W. F. Dumas, 29 August 1783
From: Dumas, C. W. F.
To: Adams, John

          Monsieur,
            La haie 29e. Août 1783.
          Hier au soir à 8 hes. Leurs H. P. s’assemblerent; & le résultat fut l’expédition d’un Courier à 10 heures, avec l’accession de la Rép. au Traité Définitif, que nous nous attendons ici d’apprendre avoir été signé mercredi prochain 3e.
          Voilà donc la fin de toutes nos incertitudes. Je vous en félicite, Monsieur, de tout mon coeur, & je souhaite pareillement, que le navire le Washington, que l’on m’a dit de bonne part devoir être arrivé, ou près de l’être, en France, vous ait apporté de quoi finir aussi les vôtres personnelles, de la maniere qui vous soit la plus agréable.
          J’ai reçu un présent pour vous du Libraire Blussé de Dordrecht: c’est le second volume des Lauriers poëtiques sur les têtes patriotiques des Capellen, Gyzelaer, &c. avec des vignettes ingénieuses & élegantes.
          On me demande de tous côtés, si & quand & com̃ent vous prendrez congé de leurs H. P.; & je réponds à tous que je l’ignore.
          Vous verrez dans peu à Paris Mr. Bingham, qui m’a apporté de Mr. Livingston du 27 May, des Lettres, où il recom̃ande Mr. Bingham à mes civilités. Ce dernier est allé à Amsterdam, d’où il repassera par ici.

          Je ne sais si vous savez, Monsieur, que l’usage constant de cette Rep. à l’égard de tout Envoyé, vous assure une Médaille & chaîne d’or, lorsque vous prendrez congé de maniere ou d’autre, de 13 à 1500 florins.
          Ayez la bonté, Monsieur, de m’avertir lorsque vous quitterez Paris, afin d’assurer le sort de mes Lettres, que je continuerai jusque-là de vous écrire sous les couverts usités.
          J’ai un paquet pour Mr. Dana recom̃andé à mes soins par Mr. Livingston, que je lui garde ici, par-ce que je sais qu’il a ordonné tout récemmént de ne plus rien lui adresser à Petersbourg.
          Mr. Livingston me marque, que la multitude d’affaires importantes n’a pas encore permis au Congrès de penser à la mienne.
          Je suis avec grand respect De Votre Exce. / le très-humble & très-obéis- / sant serviteur
          C.w.f. Dumas

          Translation
          Sir
            The Hague, 29 August 1783
          Last night at eight o’clock their High Mightinesses met, and the result was the dispatching of a courier at ten o’clock with the republic’s agreement to the definitive treaty, which we here expect to learn will be signed next Wednesday the third.1
          Here, then, is the end to all our uncertainty. I congratulate you, sir, with all my heart, and similarly I hope that the ship Washington that I have it on good authority has arrived, or is about to arrive, in France, has also brought you an end to your personal uncertainties, in a manner agreeable to you.
          I received a present for you from the Blussé publishing house in Dordrecht: it is the second volume of the poetic laurels on the Patriot heads of the Capellens, Gyselaar, etc., with ingenious and elegant vignettes.2
          Everyone is asking if and when and how you will take leave of their High Mightinesses, and I answer that I don’t know.
          In Paris you will soon see Mr. Bingham, who brought me some letters from Mr. Livingston dated 27 May, in which he asks me to extend a welcome to Mr. Bingham.3 The latter left for Amsterdam and will pass by here again.
          I do not know if you know, sir, that the common practice of this republic toward all envoys assures you of a medal and a gold chain when you take leave in one manner or another, worth between 13 and 1500 florins.
          Please be so kind, sir, as to let me know when you leave Paris, so that I can be sure my letters reach you, and I will continue until then to write to you at the usual addresses.
          I have a packet for Mr. Dana entrusted to my care by Mr. Livingston, which I am holding for him here because I know that he very recently ordered that nothing more be addressed to him at St. Petersburg.4
          Mr. Livingston indicates that Congress has been too taken up with important business to think of mine.
          I am with great respect your excellency’s very humble and very obedient servant
          C.w.f. Dumas


Title: David Hartley to the American Peace Commissioners, 29 August 1783
From: Hartley, David
To: American Peace Commissioners

          Gentlemen,
            Paris August 29. 1783.
          As the Day is now fixed for the signatures of the Definitive Treaties between Great Britain, France & Spain, I beg leave to inform your Excellencies that I am ready to sign the Definitive Treaty between Great Britain & the United States of America, whenever it shall be convenient to you. I beg the Favour therefore of you to fix the Day. My Instructions confine me to Paris as the Place appointed to me for the Exercise of my Functions, and therefore whatever Day you may fix upon for the Signature, I shall hope to receive the honour of your Company at the Hotel d’ York.

          I am, Gentlemen / with the greatest Respect / and Consideration / Your most obedt. Servt.
          (signed) D. Hartley.


Title: The American Peace Commissioners to David Hartley, 30 August 1783
From: American Peace Commissioners
To: Hartley, David

          Passy 30. August 1783.
          The American Ministers Plenipotentiary for making Peace with great Britain, present their Compliments to Mr. Hartley. They regret that Mr. Hartley’s Instructions will not permit him to sign the Definitive Treaty of Peace with America, at the Place appointed for the Signature of the others. They will nevertheless have the Honour of waiting upon Mr. Hartley at his Lodgings at Paris, for the Purpose of signing the Treaty in Question, on wednesday Morning at Eight oClock.


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, 1 September 1783
From: Adams, John
To: President of Congress,Boudinot, Elias

          Sir
            Paris September 1 1783
          Wednesday the third of this Month is appointed for the Signature of the Definitive Treaties of Peace. Unable to obtain, any addition or Explanation, We have been obliged to agree to sign the Provisional Articles over again with only a Preamble, making them a Definitive Treaty. No Regulation of Commerce is agreed upon, and indeed we have no Commission or Authority to make any.— We have thus lost Seven or eight months of our time.
          When the definitive Treaty shall be signed, I suppose, our Commission for Peace will be executed. I expected long before this to have receiv’d my Letter of Recall to their High Mightinesses and to the Prince of Orange, in which case I should now have been at Liberty to reembark for America, but as it is not arrived, I cannot with entire Decency to Congress, or to the States General, or to the Prince, force myself away and a letter of Recall will not probably now arrive untill it will be too late for a Fall Passage, so that I shall be necessitated to undertake another Winter Voyage, or wait untill Spring.

          I beg Leave to recommend Mr. Thaxter, the bearer of this, and of the Definitive Treaty to Congress. He is descended from Several of the most ancient and honourable families in the Massachusetts. He has had the best Education which our Country affords. He has been now more than five years in the public Service and without the least reward, all that has been allowed him not having been enough for his necessary Expences He is exceeded by no one in Industry, or Fidelity, is not deficient in Address, and is well acquainted with the French Language, nor ignorant of the Dutch and has a just View of our foreign Affairs. if Congress has occasion for a Secretary of Legation & Chargé des Affaires in any part of Europe I am perswaded they will not be able to find a Man better qualified for the Place, or who has a better Title, to it, in Point of Merit
          With the greatest Respect, I have the Honour to be / Sir, your most obedient and most humble Servant
          John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Elbridge Gerry, 3 September 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Gerry, Elbridge

          My dear Mr Gerry
            Paris. September 3. 1783.
          The third of September, will be more remarkable for the Signature of the definitive Treaties than for the Battle of Naseby or Worcester or the Death of Oliver Cromwell.— We could obtain no Alteration from the Provisional Articles. We could Obtain no explanation of the Articles respecting the Tories nor any Limitation respecting Interest or Execution for Debts. I am however less anxious about these Things than others.
          Our first object is to secure the Liberties of our Citizens in the Seperate States. Our second to maintain and Strengthen the Confederation. Our Third to purge the Minds of our People of their Fears, their diffidence of themselves and Admiration of strangers, and our fourth to defend ourselves against the Wiles of Europe. My Apprehensions of the Importance of our foreign Affairs, have been much increased by a Residence of five or Six Years in Europe— I see so much Enmity to the Principle of our Governments, to the Purity of our Morals, the Simplicity of our Manners, the honest Integrity, and Sincerity of our hearts, to our Contentment with Poverty, our Love of Labour, our Affection for Liberty and our Country. I see so many Proofs of their Hatred of all this, and of their Dread of it, both as a dangerous Example among their own corrupted debauched Subjects, and as a sure and certain source of Power and Grandeur; I see so many Artifices practised to debauch every Body you send, or who comes to Europe; so many practised by them in America itself hidden, covered up, disguised under all shapes, and I see they will ever have it in their Power to Practice so many of these arts, and to succeed to such a Degree, that I am convinced no Pains or Expences should be spared to defend ourselves.
          But how shall we defend ourselves? We cannot refuse to receive foreign Ministers from Sovereign Powers: Shall we recall, all our own Ministers from Europe? this is a serious Question— I confess I am for the affirmative, and would give my Voice for recalling every one, if I could not secure two Points. The first is to send Men of independent Minds, who will not be Tools, Men of Virtue and Conscience: the second is to perswade Congress to support them firmly. it is infintely better to have none in Europe, than to have Artfull unprincipled Impostors, or Men debauched with Women You may depend upon this, the Moment an American Minister gives a loose to his Passion for Women that Moment, he is undone, he is instantly at the Mercy of the Spies of the Court, and the Tool of the most profligate of the human Race. This will be called Pedantry but it is Sacred Truth, and our Country will feel it to her Sorrow if she is not aware of it in Season. if you make it a Principle that your Ministers should be agreeable, at the Court, and have the good Word of the Courtiers you are undone. No Man will ever be pleasing at a Court in General, who is not debauched in his Morals, or warped from your Interests. if therefore, you can carry Elections for Men of pure Intregrity, and unshaken firmness, it will be for your Interest to have a Number of them at the Principal Courts of Europe for some time, two or three years at least. if you cannot, you had better send none. Men of any other Character, will be called amiable, and be said to be beloved, & esteemed and to have your Confidence but they will be made the Instruments of the most insidious and destructive designs upon your Liberties, I mean upon your Morals and Republican Virtues, which are the only Qualities which can Save our Country. for myself I dont care a Farthing. the most agreeable Thing to me would be to come home. But I pray one Thing only for myself, it is that you would determine immediately, whether I may come home or not.
          It is the true Interest of our Country, to cultivate the Friendship of the Dutch: We have nothing to fear from them, as we have from the French and English. it is their Policy as well as ours to cultivate Peace and Neutrality, & we may aid each other in it.
          With Sincere Affection your Friend
          John Adams


Title: David Hartley to the American Peace Commissioners, 4 September 1783
From: Hartley, David
To: American Peace Commissioners

          Gentlemen,
            Paris Septr. 4 1783.
          It is with the sincerest Pleasure that I congratulate you on the happy Event which took Place Yesterday, viz, the Signature of the Definitive Treaty between our two Countries. I consider it as the auspicious Presage of returning Confidence and of the future Intercourse of all good offices between us; I doubt not that our two Countries will entertain the same Sentiments, and that they will behold with Satisfaction the Period, which terminates the Memory of their late unhappy Dissensions, and which leads to the renewal of all the antienties of Amity & Peace— I can assure you that his Britannic Majesty, and his confidential Servants, entertain the strongest Desire of a cordial good understanding with the United States of America. And that nothing may be wanting on our Parts to perfect the great Work of Pacification, I shall propose to you in a very short time, to renew the Discussion of those Points of Amity and Intercourse which have been lately suspended, to make way for the Signature of the Treaties, between all the late belligerent Powers which took Place Yesterday. We have now the fairest Prospects before us, and an unembarrassed Field for the Exercise of every beneficient disposition and for the Accomplishment of every object of reciprocal Advantage between us. Let us then join our hearts and hands together in one common cause, for the reunion of all our antient affections, and common Interests. I am Gentlemen, / With the greatest Respect / and consideration / Your most obedt. Servt.
          (signed) D Hartley.


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, 5 September 1783
From: Adams, John
To: President of Congress

          Sir,
            Paris Septr: 5th: 1783.
          On Wednesday the third day of this Month, the American Ministers met the British Minister at his Lodgings at the Hôtel de York, and signed, sealed and delivered the Definitive Treaty of Peace between the United States of America and the King of Great Britain. Altho’ it is but a Confirmation or Repetition of the Provisional Articles, I have the honor to congratulate Congress upon it, as it is a Completion of the work of Peace, and the best we could obtain. Nothing remains now to be done but a Treaty of Commerce— But this in my opinion cannot be negociated without a new Commission from Congress to some one or more Persons. Time, it is easy to foresee, will not be likely to render the British Nation more disposed to a Regulation of Commerce favorable to Us, & therefore my Advice is to issue a Commission as soon as may be.
          There is another Subject, on which I beg leave to present to Congress my Sentiments, because they seem to me of Importance, and because they differ from many sanguine Opinions, which will be communicated to the Members of that Assembly from Partisans both of England and France. In the late deliberations concerning an Acceptance of the Mediation of the two Imperial Courts, the British Minister refused it; and in the Conferences We had with the Comte de Vergennes upon this Subject, it was manifest enough to me, that he was not fond of our accepting it— For altho’ he maintained a perfect Impartiality of Language, neither advising Us for nor against the Measure, yet at last, when it was observed that Mr. Hartley was averse to it, he turned to Dr. Franklin and said that we must agree with Mr. Hartley, about it, with such a Countenance, Air and Tone of Voice, (for from these you must often collect the Sentiments of Ministers) as convinced me, he did not wish the Mediation should take place. It was not a Subject, which would bear insisting on either way. I therefore made no difficulty— But I am upon recollection fully of Opinion, that We should have done wisely to have sent our Letter to the Imperial Ministers, accepting the Mediation on our Part. The Signature of those Ministers would have given Us Reputation in Europe, and among our own Citizens. I mention these because I humbly concieve, that Congress ought in all their Proceedings to consider, the Opinion that the United States or the People of America will entertain of themselves. We may call this national Vanity or national Pride, but it is the main Principle of the national Sense of its own Dignity, and a Passion in human Nature, without which Nations cannot preserve the Character of Men. Let the People lose this Sentiment, as in Poland, and a Partition of their Country will soon take place. Our Country has but lately been a dependent one, and our People, altho’ enlightened and virtuous, have had their Minds and Hearts habitually filled with all the Passions of a dependent, subordinate People, that is to say, with Fear, with Diffidence and Distrust of themselves, with Admiration of Foreigners &ca.— Now I say, that it is one of the most necessary & one of the most difficult Branches of the Policy of Congress, to eradicate from the American Mind every remaining Fibre of this Fear and Self-Diffidence on the one hand, and of this excessive Admiration of Foreigners on the other. It cannot be doubted one moment, that a solemn Acknowledgment of Us, by the Signature of the two Imperial Courts, would have had such a Tendency in the Minds of our Countrymen— But we should also consider, upon every Occasion, how our Reputation will be affected in Europe. We shall not find it easy to keep up the Respect for Us, that has been excited by the continual Publication of the Exploits of the War. In the Calm of Peace little will be said about Us in Europe, unless We prepare for it, but by those who have designs upon Us. We may depend upon it every thing will be said in Europe, and in the Gazettes, which any Body in Europe wants to have repeated in America, to make such Impressions upon the Minds of our Citizens as he desires. It will become Us therefore to do every thing in our Power, to make reasonable & just Impressions upon the public Opinion in Europe. The Signature of the two Imperial Courts would have made a deep & important Impression in our favor, upon full one half of Europe, as Friends to those Courts, and upon all the other half, as Enemies. I need not explain myself farther: I may however add, that Americans can scarcely concieve the decisive Influence of the Governments of Europe upon their People. Every Nation is a Piece of Clock-Work— Every Wheel is under the absolute direction of the Sovereign as its Weight or Spring. In Consequence of this, all that Moiety of Mankind, that are subject to the two Imperial Courts and their Allies, would, in Consequence of their Mediation, have been openly and decidedly our Friends at this Hour, and the other half of Europe would certainly have respected Us the more for this.— But at present, the two Imperial Courts, not having signed the Treaty, all their Friends are left in a state of Doubt and Timidity concerning Us. From all the Conversations I have had with the Comte de Mercy and Mr. Markoff, it is certain, that the two Courts wished, as these Ministers certainly were ambitious, to sign our Treaty. They and their Sovereigns wished that their Names might be read in America, and there respected as our Friends. But this is now past. England and France will be most perfectly united in all Artifices and Endeavors to keep down our Reputation at Home and abroad—to mortify our self-Conceit, and to lessen Us in the Opinion of the World. If We will not see, We must be the Dupes— We need not for We have in our own Power, with the common blessing, the Means of every thing We want. There is but one Course now left to retrieve the Error, and that is to send a Minister to Vienna, with Power to make a Treaty with both the Imperial Courts. Congress must send a Minister first, or it never will be done. The Emperor never sends first, nor will England ever send a Minister to America, until Congress shall send one to London.
          To form immediate commercial Connections with that half of Europe, which ever has been, and, with little Variations, ever will be opposite to the House of Bourbon, is a fundamental Maxim of that System of American Politicks, which I have pursued invariably from the beginning of this War. It is the only means of preserving the Respect of the House of Bourbon itself— It is the only means, in conjunction with our Connections with the House of Bourbon already formed, to secure Us the Respect of England for any long time, and to keep Us out of another War with that Kingdom. It is in short the only possible means of securing to our Country that Peace, Neutrality, Impartiality and Indifference in European Wars, which in my opinion We shall be unwise in the last degree if We do not maintain. It is besides the only way, in which We can improve and extend our commercial Connections to the best Advantage.
          With great Respect, I have the / honor to be, / Sir, / your most obedient & / most humble Servant.
          John Adams.


Title: The American Peace Commissioners to David Hartley, 5 September 1783
From: American Peace Commissioners
To: Hartley, David

          Sir,
            Passy Septr 5 1783
          We have received the Letter which you did us the Honour to write yesterday.
          Your friendly Congratulations on the signature of the definitive Treaty, meet with cordial Returns on our Part; and we sincerely rejoice with you in that event; by which the Ruler of Nations has been graciously pleased to give Peace to our two Countries.
          We are no less ready to join our endeavours than our wishes with yours, to concert such measures for regulating the future intercourse between Great Britain & the United States, as by being consistent with the Honour and Interest of both may tend to increase & perpetuate mutual Confidence & good-will.— We ought nevertheless to apprize you that as no construction of our Commission could at any Period extend it, unless by Implication, to several of the proposed Stipulations; and as our Instructions respecting commercial Provisions however explicit, suppose their being incorporated in the definitive Treaty, a Recurrence to Congress, previous to the signature of them will be necessary, unless obviated by the Dispatches we may sooner receive from them.
          We shall immediately write to them on the Subject, and we are persuaded that the same disposition to Confidence and Friendship, which has induced them already to give unrestrained Course to British Commerce, and unconditionally to liberate all Prisoners, at a time when more caution would not have appeared singular, will also urge their attention to the objects in question, and lead them to every proper measure for promoting a liberal & satisfactory intercourse between the two Countries—
          We have communicated to Congress the repeated friendly assurances with which you have officially honoured us on those subjects, and we are persuaded that the Period of their being realized, will have an auspicious & conciliating influence on all the Parties in the late unhappy dissensions—
          We have the honour to be Sir, / with great Respect & Esteem / Your most obedt & humble Servants
          John Adams
            B Franklin
            John Jay


Title: From John Adams to Elbridge Gerry, 6 September 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Gerry, Elbridge

          Dear Sir
            Paris Septr. 6 1783
          I Shall never know when I have done writing to you. Our Affairs [are so] unsettled, and I am So uninformed, and uncertain about every Thing in America, th[at] you will excuse me if I give you, more Trouble than usual.
          I take it for granted, that you will not recall all your present Ministers, and neglect to Send new ones, altogether. This would be to Suppose that you dont mean to make any Treaty of Commerce with England, Denmark, Portugal, Spain, or either of the Empires.—for you may depend upon it that neither the Emperor of Germany, the Empress of Russia, the King of England or of Spain will ever Send a Minister to you first. This is a Point of Delicacy and Etiquette which they will never give up. England would not give it up to France nor Vice Versâ.— it was lately agreed, that the Duke of Manchester and the Comte D’Adhemar Should cross the Pass of Calais at the Same time or at least in the Same Boat one as it went and the other as it returned. I judge from Hints from Dr Franklin that he will insinuate in his Letters to Members of Congress, that they ought not to Send to London a Minister, untill the K. of G. Britain Sends one to Congress. if this is insinuated it is insidiously done, to recommend himself to Vergennes by defeating the Measure. now in my opinion it is of more Importance you should have a Minister in London, than in all the rest of Europe and will be so for Some time. if you do not Send a Minister there I presume you will Send a Commission, for making a Treaty of Commerce with G. B. to some one or to all of your Ministers for Peace.— it should be most natural and honourable to insert in it all your Ministers in Europe.— perhaps there may be Some objection about the order in which they now Stand. This may be obviated by resolving upon the Commission, and the Number of Ministers to be inserted in it, and then proceeding to elect them in the Usual Way and let him Stand first who is chosen first or has the most Votes according to your usual Rule. in this Case neither would refuse or be offended, whichever Stood first. if you intend to make a Treaty of Commerce with Denmark or Portugal, and that such Treaty shall be made with, the Comte de Souza Baron Waltersdorf or other Minister at the Court of Versailles, it is infinitely best that the Names of all your Ministers in Europe, Shall be inserted, and the Power given to them jointly & severally as it was in the Commission for Peace, so that all may attend if they can, or at least notified and have oppertunity to send their Hints and Advice in Writing. if you mean to have a Treaty with the two Empires or either of them, you may Send a Commission, in the Same manner, if you do not chose to Send a Minister to either of those Courts.— in this Way the Expence will be no greater than it has been, and all necessary Treaties may be made in the Course of about one Year, or a Year & an half, and then if you please you may recall every Minister you have in Europe. But I think you ought not to recall all your Ministers till this is done. our Commercial and political Systems depend too much upon having these Treaties made to have them neglected. You may Send fresh hands it is true. But fresh Hands I know by woefull Experience have so many Timidities, so many difficulties arising from a clumsiness in the Language, and are so little respected at first and untill they have learned the Language, and made themselves taken Notice of. Every Man who comes new from America has a Reputation to make, I assure you, and Connections to form before he can do much, upon the whole therefore I think it will be best that at least Some of the old Hands should be employed.
          For my own Part, my first Wish is very Sincerely to go home, and the greatest Pleasure you can do me is to send me, the Acceptance of my Resignation. But if it is thought proper to refuse or neglect to send me this Acceptance, that is Letters of Recall to their High Mightinesses and the Prince of orange, I think, the Honour of Congress as well as my own honour requires that you should revive my old Commission to make a Treaty of Commerce with Great Britain. But if you insert me with the rest in a general Commission to make Treaties at Paris with England Portugal Denmark the Empires or any of these, and continue me in my Post in Holland, I will not refuse. in this Case I can ride, from Paris to the Hague and from the Hague to Paris often enough to do the necessary Duty in both, and can take good Care of your Loan in Amsterdam. or if you think proper to send me to Vienna, I will not refuse.— But I am determined not to be shut up croaking with the Froggs in Holland, doing nothing, or very little while others are employed to do all your Business of Importance, in the rest of Europe. My Health besides would sink in that Country, in which I can not bear a constant Residence. Besides if Franklin is suffered to go on with his clandestine Schemes of Smuggling Treaties and thus Sacrificing the Interest and Honour of his Country and the Reputations of all her faith full servants to his own Vanity as he has done, I am determined at all Events Leave or no Leave to come home. But above all Things I pray you to determine. if you send me my Letters of Recall all is well I come home. if you send me to England, Vienna, or continue me in holland inserting me at the Same time in a Commission at Paris to make Treaties with England, the Empires Denmark Portugal or any of them, Send me my Family, for I am decidedly God willing, never to live another Year without my Wife.— But if I get no Answer or if I am left to grope and moap in holland, I will go home in the first Spring Ships, Leave or no Leave.— Thus my dear Friend I have laid open my Thoughts to you with Freedom, you will communicate them to whom and in what manner you think proper.— Jay is so good and wise a Man So thoroughly able and willing, that I wish him any Thing you can make him. You can find no better Materials for your choicest Work.
          If you make a general Commission, and appoint a secretary to it, no Man living is fitter for it, or deserves it more than Thaxter.
          My dear Friend Farewell
          John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from David Hartley, [6 September 1783]
From: Hartley, David
To: Adams, John

          My Dear Sir
            Hôtel de Yorck [6 September 1783]
          I told you last night that I felt myself unwell with the Commencement of a complaint on my breast. I am this morning obliged to be bled. I shd be very much obliged to you if you wd be so good as to prevail upon your Collegues to favour me with a visit this morning as I really cannot come out myself. The sooner the better, because I hope with bleeding & one day’s nursing that I may get off for England tomorrow. I am very impatient to take that journey wch I hope may contribute to lay foundations for good things in future. I am Dear Sir / Your much obliged friend / & humble Servt
          D Hartley


Title: The American Peace Commissioners to David Hartley, 7 September 1783
From: American Peace Commissioners
To: Hartley, David

          Sir,
            Passy Septr 7 1783
          We have the Honour of transmitting herewith inclosed an Extract of a Resolution of Congress of the 1st May last, which we have just received.
          You will perceive from it that we may daily expect a Commission in due Form for the Purposes mentioned in it, and we assure you of our readiness to enter upon the Business, whenever you think proper.
          We have the Honor to be with great Respect and Esteem / Sir, / Your most obedient / humble Servants
          John Adams
            B Franklin
            John Jay


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, 8 September 1783
From: Adams, John
To: President of Congress

          Sir
            Paris Septr. 8th. 1783.
          Yesterday morning, Mr. Jay informed me, that Dr. Franklin had recieved, & soon afterwards the Dr. put into my hands the Resolution of Congress of the first of May, ordering Commission and Instructions to be prepared to those Gentlemen and myself, for making a Treaty of Commerce with Great Britain. This Resolution, with your Excellency’s Letter, arrived very seasonably, as Mr. Hartley was setting off for London, with Information from Us that our Powers were executed.
          I am very sensible of the Honor that is done me by this Resolution of Congress, & of the great Importance of the Business committed to our Care, & shall not therefore hesitate to take a part in it. I can attend to this Business, and at the same time have some Care of your Affairs in Holland— And in Case the present Loan should be full, in the Course of the next Winter I can open a new one, either by going to Amsterdam, or by having the Obligations sent to me, in Paris to be signed. In this way there will be no additional Expence to the Publick, as I have informed Mr. Dumas that there must be no Expence made at the Hague on my Account, or on account of Congress, but that all his Expences must be borne by himself, or he must at least settle them with Congress. I have so much regard for this Gentleman, and such an opinion of his Worth & Merit, that I cannot but recommend him upon this Occasion to Congress for the Commission of Secretary of that Legation: But as œconomy is & ought to be carefully attended to, I presume not to point out the Salary which will be proper. There are so many ways of pillaging public Men in Europe, that it will be difficult for Congress to concieve the Expences which are unavoidable in these Countries.— If the principle of œconomy should restrain Congress from sending Ministers to Vienna, Petersbourg, Copenhagen & Lisbon, they will probably send a Commission to Paris to negotiate Treaties there—because I think it will appear to be of great Importance, both in a political & commercial light, to have Treaties with those Powers. If this should be the Case, as three of Us shall be now obliged to attend at Paris the tedious Negotiation with England, we can all at the same time & with the same Expence attend to the Negotiations with the other Powers, which will afford to all an Opportunity of throwing in any hints which may occur for the public good, & will have a much better Appearance in the Eyes of Europe & America. I do not hesitate therefore to request, that if such a Commission, or Commissions should be sent, that all your Ministers in Europe may be inserted in it. If the Arrangement should make any difficulty in America, it will make none with me— For altho’ I think there was good Reason for the Order in which the Names stand in the new Commission for Peace, & in the Resolution for a new Commission for a Treaty of Commerce; that Reason will not exist in any future Commission.
          Mr. Hartley’s Powers are sufficient to go through the Negotiations with Us, and I suppose it will be chiefly conducted at Paris— Yet we may all think it proper to make a Tour to London for a few Weeks, especially in Case any material Obstacle should arise. We are told, that such a Visit would have a good Effect at Court and with the Nation—At least, it seems clear it would do no Harm.
          With the greatest Respect & Esteem, I have / the honor to be, / Sir, / your most obedient and / most humble Servant.
          John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Samuel Adams, 10 September 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, Samuel

          My dear Friend,
            Paris Sept. 10th. 1783.
          We were very happy to have the definitive Treaty signed, altho’ We could obtain no Improvement Amendment or Alteration. The English had got so bewitched again, & began to appear to obtain such strange hopes, from the proceedings of the Army & the difference of Sentiments between Congress & some of the States, & discovered such an Inclination to sign with France & Spain without Us, that We were glad to get the Ratifications of the Provisional Treaty exchanged, & then to sign it over again for a definitive Treaty. We could do no better and were afraid of doing worse.— We have just recd. a fresh Authority to treat of Commerce with Britain. We may possibly go over to London in October for three or four Weeks, & hope to succeed tolerably, altho’ some very improper Characters have an Influence with the present Ministry. It remains to form Treaties with the two Empires, with Denmark, Portugal, Sardinia & Naples, as well as all the Barbary Powers. These things should all be done as soon as may be conveniently. If Congress should think fit to send Ministers to all or any of these, very well— But it does not appear to be necessary, & therefore they may think, in order to save Expence of sending Powers to one, or more, or all of their present Ministers in Europe.— I think if they send such Powers at all, they ought to send them to all, at least to those who are obliged to act together in Paris or London in the Commercial Negotiation with G. Britain.
          Mr. Dana will soon be with you, & it is of great Importance you should send him forthwith to Congress. He can give great light in our foreign Affairs. I recd. & answered your Letters by the Viscount and Marquiss & have written you since several times, but have no Letter from you since that time.
          You are happy with your Family, to whom please to present my Respects— Alass when shall I be so with mine. I had rather for my own personal Enjoyment be a select Man of Braintree, than Ambassador at any Court in Europe.
          Mr. Jay has, I confess, disappointed me much—for altho’ I always thought him a consciencious Man, I did not expect from him so much Wisdom, Intrepidity, Perseverance and Disinterestedness, as I have found in him
          Mr. Laurens has been little with Us. He is expected here daily, in his way to his Brother, in the South of France, whose precarious state will I believe detain Mr. Laurens in Europe another Winter.
          With great Regard, my dear Sir, your / Friend & Servant.


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, 10 September 1783
From: Adams, John
To: President of Congress

          Paris September 10. 1783
          As I am to remain in Europe for sometime longer, I beg Leave to take a cursory view of what appears necessary or expedient to be further done in Europe, for I conceive it to be not only the Right but the Duty of a foreign Minister to advise his Sovereign according to his Lights and Judgment, although the more [extensive Information], and Superior Wisdom of the Sovereign may frequently [see] Cause to pursue a different Conduct.
          With Spain no doubt Congress will negotiate by a particular Minister either the present One or another, and perhaps it would be proper that the Same should treat with Naples. [With the] two Empires, Prussia, Denmark, Portugal and Sardinia and [Tuscany], I humbly conceive it might be [proper to negotiate], and perhaps with Hamborough, but there are other Powers with whom it is more necessary to have Treaties than it ought to be, I mean Morocco, Algiers, Tunis & Tripoli.
          I presume that Congress will not think it expedient to be at the Expence of Sending Ministers to all these Powers, [if to any— Perhaps in the present state] of our Finances it may not be worth while to send any. Yet the present Time is the best to negotiate with all.— I Submit it to consideration then whether it is not adviseable to send, a Commission to Such Ministers as you judge proper, with full Powers to treat with all, to the Ministers now in Paris, or to any others. but I humbly conceive that if Powers to treat with all, or any of these states, are sent to any of your Ministers now here, [it would be for] the publick Good that they should be sent to all.— if Congress can find Funds to treat with the Barbary Powers, the [Ministers here are the best] situated, for they should apply to the Court of Versailles and their High Mightinesses, in the first Place that orders should be sent to their Consuls according to Treaties to assist Us. Ministers here may carry on this Negotiation by Letters or may be empowered to send an Agent if necessary.
          I have no private Interest in this business. My Salary will be the same my [Expences] more and Labour much increased by such a Measure: But as it is of publick Importance, I think that no unnecessary Delicacies should restrain me from suggesting these Hints to Congress. Whatever their Determination may be will be Satisfactory to me.
          I have the Honour to be with the greatest Respect / your Excellencys most obedient & most humble / servant.
          John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Samuel Cooper, 10 September 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Cooper, Samuel

          Dear Sir,
            Paris Septr. 10th. 1783.
          I congratulate you upon the Ratification of the Provisional & the Signature of the definitive Treaty. You enjoy in America a pleasure, which we in Europe are deprived of, that of seeing our Country at Peace, after all the cruel Cares of the War. If we can but get the Fisheries agoing and the West India Trade properly opened, we shall soon see our Country wear the face of Joy, and abound in plenty & prosperity— I hope too in Tranquility & Liberty.
          The Articles respecting the Refugees, however, will be an unpleasant subject of Controversy for some time. The stipulations ought to be sacredly fulfilled, & the Recommendations at least decently treated and calmly considered. Errors on the side of forgiveness & Indulgence will be of the safest kind.
          But the greatest difficulty remaining is, to perfect the Union of the States without endangering their Liberties. This is a knotty Problem— Yet I think the dangers greater from Disunion than too strict an Union at present. It is a great question too, how the Trade of the Continent shall be regulated, I mean their foreign Commerce. Can we maintain our Union? Can we treat with foreign Nations? Can we oblige them to any thing like Equity and Reciprocity in our Communication with them, unless our foreign Commerce is under one Direction—unless all the States lay on the same & no other Duties, & make the same and no other Prohibitions?
          With great Regard, dear Sir, I am / your Friend & Servant


Title: From John Adams to Elbridge Gerry, 10 September 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Gerry, Elbridge

          My dear Friend,
            Paris Septr. 10th. 1783.
          As to the Trade with the West Indies, I do not think we can hope to revive it upon more favorable Terms than those before the War. If we can be admitted to carry Cargoes to G. Britain & Ireland, or G. Britain alone from the Islands, giving Bonds with Sureties to land them in some Port of those Kingdoms, it will be all we can expect. If Congress, are of the same Mind, they had better empower Us to conclude upon those Terms— To admit Us to carry Sugars and all the produce of the West Indies to other parts of Europe or to North America, without restriction, would indeed be giving up all their West India Trade in a manner.
          I beg you would make a point of putting Jay and me into the Commission for treating with Denmark, Portugal and the two Empires— Place Franklin at the head of the Commission if you will. It was perfectly right to put me first in the two Commissions, in which I came out to Europe sole— But it will be now right to put Franklin first in this Commission, provided he is chosen first, or has most Votes, according to your common Rule. As the Reason, which placed me foremost in two Commissions, now ceases, it will not be amiss to follow the rule of Seniority of Ministers— If you had pursued your plan of confiding one business to one Minister, all would have been well—but as you have broke the rule, & joined a Number in two Commissions, you ought to join them in all which are to be executed in the same place. None will have a right to complain, and any other rule has ill effects in Europe and America.
          But this is not all. This method of smuggling Treaties into Franklin’s Hands alone, is contrived by Vergennes on purpose to throw slights upon Jay and me, & to cheat you out of your Carrying Trade.
          I beg it may be considered, that it ought to be insisted on by Us, with Portugal, Denmark, Germany & Russia, that American Productions, imported into their Dominions in American Vessels, navigated by American Seamen, ought to pay no higher Duties than if imported in the Ships of those Countries. This will never be insisted on, unless you put Jay & me into the Commission, or give it as a positive Instruction.
          But you ought to have some Sympathy for the feelings of your Ministers, and more for their Reputations: This is hint enough for you. I beg you to write me. Our Affairs will all end extremely well, if we are supported— But if Franklin is suffered to go on with that low Cunning, and mean Craft, with which he has always acted, & by which he has done so much Mischief, the public will suffer.
          your Friend.
          John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to William Gordon, 10 September 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Gordon, William

          Sir
            Paris Sepr. 10. 1783
          I have recd yours of 28 June & thank you for the information it contains— In all domestick Disputes I wish our countrymen, may moderate their passions, & manifest as much mutual forbearance as possible. I dread the course of our elections if parties prevail. Every publick Man is in a dangerous & perplexed Situation at present, & as few obstacles should be thrown in his way & as much Candour & Indulgence shewn him as possible. I have had too many Obstructions contrived for me, & although I have always got the better of them, hitherto, I have felt the smart of them too sensibly, not to wish every other well meaning man excused from them.
          There will be a variety of foreign interests in our Country, & We must be upon our Guard against them all. We must all think seriously of preserving our Union, which is of indispensible Importance to Us.
          I am sorry my Friend Dalton declines going to Congress. More depends upon good Men at that great Wheel, than our People at the Northward are aware. That is the principal Place to guard against foreign Projects, which will address themselves sometimes to aristocratical, sometimes to democratical, & sometimes to military Passions & Prejudices. Nothing will come amis to carry a Point. Is the[. . . .]r that shoestring stinginess even may be stimulated, to get every honest man out of Europe, & leave only [. . .] at a certain Court.— Timeo danaos— The great Point has been & will be to chicane honest Men out o[f Europ]e. I don’t care how soon it prevails against me, but I would have the rest preserved & others sent.— I have [s]een so many of the curses of low cunning & mean Craft, that I begin to think Homer wrong in not damning to Infamy the Character of Ulisses.
          I hope that private honesty will not be violated in any debt, & that as much moderation may be shewn towards the Tories as possible. The Stipulations should be sacred, & the Recommendations at least treated with decency & seriously considered. I cannot help saying I wish they could be complied with.— We could not obtain the Peace without them.— When I agreed, that Congress should recommend, I was sincere, I then wished & still wish that the Recommendations may be agreed to. This is unpopular no doubt, But Treaties are solemn Things, in which there should be no mental Reservations. When N. York & Penobscot are evacuated, the People may be cooler.— It will be an ugly Bone of Contention.— I always dreaded it, & would have avoided it, if it had been possible, but it was not.—
          Congress have resolved, that your humble Servant, Dr F & Mr J make a Treaty of Commerce with England. I hope they will resolve that the same Men should make others with Denmark, Portugal & the two Empires. How long one or the other may detain me I know not.— F. is trying to get appointed alone to treat with Denmark & Portugal, & unfair means have been used to assist him. But I hope he will be disappointed. I am persuaded a bad Treaty will be made if he is not.— He is not too wise or knowing, not to stand in need of the Advice & Reflections & Information of others. When we are all here, why should We not be all employed?— Business has not been better done by him alone, than by others alone; nor by him alone, than by him in Conjunction with others. Jay & I have no Interest, our Salaries are no larger, our Care is more & our Expenses more for being in more Business. But this smuggling of Treaties is intended, to deprive Us of Advantages that We should endeavour to secure. The carrying Trade should be cherished by every fair means, & this will be hurt by the Treaties if they are not more attended to than they will be by Dr F. if he makes them alone.
          Your Friend & Servant.


Title: From John Adams to James Warren, 10 September 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Warren, James

          My dear Friend,
            Paris Septr. 10. 1783
          I received with great Pleasure yours of 24. June. The Approbation of my Countrymen is a great Pleasure and Support to me but that approbation does not extend I fancy so far as you and several others seem to imagine. if it does I am unfit for their Purposes, having neither Health nor Patience, for the arduous and trying Duties of their first Magistrate. an honour too high and a situation too delicate for me.
          A Residence in the Massachusetts is the desire of my soul, and the only one where I can enjoy Life. I still hope to pass, my Evening, hastening on a pace in that Country: But Congress have tied me again to Europe by a new Commission so honourable to me, as to have really touched my heart.— Upon a very long Letter of mine they have founded this Commission and have owned it, in their Journals. Whoever shall compare the Letter and Commission together, will own that it does me infinite honour, and ought to silence forever every Complaint on my part for what is past. I am now indifferent who goes to England, but still think the public Good requires that some one should go.
          We shall do our Utmost Endeavour to Secure to Mass. & N. Hampshire a Way to Market for their ships through the West India Islands. But N. Hampshire and Rhode Island too, should support in Congress, those Men to whom if to any body they must be indebted, for this Benefit, and not Sacrifice them to the Vanity of another, who will take little Pains about it, who is afraid to think in the day, for fear he should not sleep at night. whose whole Time and thoughts S[eem] to be taken up, with little clandestime Projects to gratify his private Vanity and Secure to himself, and his Name exclusive Reputation, at the Expence even of others who do real Business for the Benefit of the public and who think and act wholly for its good.
          our Navigation will be materially affected, by our Treaties with Denmark and Portugal, which Dr Franklin has been secretly contriving to get the exclusive Management of, as he did that of sweeden. N.H. & R. Island shd be upon their Guard, and join others in this Business who think a little about it.—
          Mr Dana will soon be with you— He can give you very entertaining and instructive Histories not of Voyages and Travels alone, but of Negotiations. His defeat, comes from the same source, very secret and cunning, but very malicious to every Man and every Project, calculated for the public Good. one Man seems to have a positive Spight against every public service, that he does not exclusively perform himself.— He opposes it and persecutes the Agent in it with a Malice and Rancour that is astonishing. I could have formed no Idea, that Jealousy Envy and Vanity could have gone such Lengths.
          I think our Country should form Treaties with the two Empires, as well as Denmark and Portugal. to these should be added, Morocco, Algiers, Tunis & Tripoli—perhaps too the Kings of Sardinia, and Naples. one Commission, may be enough for all these Purposes, in order to save Expence. But this Commission ought not to be given to one alone at Paris when three are obliged to reside there on another Negotiation. We should be all joined in it, and When We have compleated the Business We may all go home.
          My best Respects and kindest Regards to your Family. My Friend Mr Otis, Seems to have been permitted to see the Building finished which he framed, and then taken away in a manner equally happy and distinguished.— He was a favourite of Nature in his Genius and in his Death.— The History of our Country I hope will do Justice to this great Character.
          With great Esteem, your Frd & sert
          J. Adams


Title: The American Peace Commissioners to the President of Congress, 10 September 1783
From: American Peace Commissioners
To: President of Congress,Boudinot, Elias

          Sir,
            Passy, 10th: Septr. 1783.
          On the third Instant, Definitive Treaties were concluded, between all the late belligerent Powers, except the Dutch, who the Day before settled and signed Preliminary Articles of Peace with Britain.
          We most sincerely & cordially congratulate Congress and our Country in general, on this happy Event, and we hope that the same kind Providence which has led us thro’ a vigorous War, to an honorable Peace, will enable us to make a wise & moderate Use of that inestimable Blessing.
          We have committed a Duplicate Original of the Treaty to the Care of Mr. Thaxter, who will go immediately to L’Orient, whence he will sail in the French Packet to New-York. That Gentleman left America with Mr. Adams as his Private Secretary, and his Conduct having been perfectly satisfactory to that Minister, we join in recommending him to the Attention of Congress. We have orderd Mr. Grand to pay him one hundred and thirty Louis d’ors, on account of the reasonable Expences to be incurr’d by his Mission to Congress, and his Journey from thence to his Family at Hingham in the Massachusetts Bay. For the Disposition of the Money he is to account.
          The Definitive Treaty being in the Terms of the Provisional Articles, and not comprehending any of the Objects of our subsequent Negociations, it is proper that we give a summary Account of them.
          When Mr Hartley arrived here he brought with him only a set of Instructions signed by the King. We objected to proceeding with him until he should have a Commission in Form. This occasioned some Delay—a proper Commission was however transmitted to him, a Copy of which was shortly after sent to Mr. Livingston.
          We having been instructed to obtain if possible an Article for a Direct Trade to the West Indies, made to Mr. Hartley the Proposition No 1.
          He approved of it greatly and recommended it to his Court, but they declined assenting to it.
          Mr Hartley then made us the Proposition No 2. but on being asked whether he was authorized to sign it, in Case we agreed to it, he answer’d in the Negative. We therefore thought it improper to proceed to the Consideration of it until after he should have obtained the Consent of his Court to it. We also desired to be informed whether his Court would or would not comprehend Ireland in their Stipulations with us.
          The British Cabinet would not adopt Mr Hartley’s Propositions but their Letters to him were calculated to inspire us with Expectations, that as nothing but particular local Circumstances, which would probably not be of long duration, restrained them from preferring the most liberal System of Commerce with us, the Ministry would take the earliest Opportunity of gratifying their own Wishes as well as ours, on that Subject.—
          Mr Hartley then made us the Proposition No 3. At this Time we were informed that Letters for us had arrived in France from Philada.. We expected to receive Instructions in them, and told Mr. Hartley that this Expectation induced us to post pone giving him an Answer for a few Days.
          The Vessel by which we had expected these Letters, it seems had not brought any for us. But at that Time Information arrived from America, that our Ports were all opened to British Vessels. Mr Hartley thereupon did not think himself at Liberty to proceed, until after he should communicate that Intelligence to his Court and receive their further Instructions.
          Those further Instructions never came, and thus our Endeavours as to commercial Regulations, proved fruitless. We had many Conferences & recd long Memorials from Mr Hartley on the Subject; but his Zeal for Systems friendly to us, constantly exceeded his Authority to concert and agree to them.
          During the long Interval of his expecting Instructions, for his Expectations were permitted to exist almost to the last, we proceeded to make & receive Propositions for perfecting the definitive Treaty. Details of all the Amendments, Alterations, Objections, Exceptions &ca. which occurr’d in the Course of these Discussions would be Voluminous. We finally agreed that he should send to his Court, the Project or Draft of a Treaty No 4. He did so, but after much Time, and when pressed by France, who insisted that we should all conclude together, He was instructed to sign a Definitive Treaty in the Terms of the Provisional Articles.
          Whether the British Court meant to avoid a Definitive Treaty with us, thro’ a vain Hope from the exagerated Accounts of Divisions among our People, and Want of Authority in Congress, that some Revolution might soon happen in their Favour, or whether their dilatory Conduct was caused by the Strife of the two opposite and nearly equal Parties in the Cabinet, is hard to decide.—
          Your Excellency will observe, that the Treaty was signed at Paris, & not at Versailles. Mr Hartley’s Letter No. 5, & our Answer No 6. will explain this. His Objections, and indeed our Proceedings in general, were communicated to the French Minister, who was content that we should acquiesce, but desired that we would appoint the signing early in the Morning, and give him an Account of it at Versailles by Express, for that he would not proceed to sign on the Part of France, ’till he was sure that our Business was done.
          The Day after the Signature of the Treaty, Mr. Hartley wrote us a congratulatory Letter No 7. to which we returned the Answer No. 8.—
          He is gone to England, and expects soon to return—which, for our Parts we think uncertain. We have taken Care to speak to him in strong Terms, on the Subject of the Evacuation of New-York, and the other important Subjects proper to be mentioned to him.— We think we may rely on his doing every thing in his Power to influence his Court, to do what they ought to do, but it does not appear that they have as yet formed any settled System for their Conduct relative to the United States.— We cannot but think that the late & present Aspect of Affairs in America has had, and continues to have, an unfavourable Influence, not only in Britain but throughout Europe.—
          In whatever Light the article respecting the Tories may be view’d in America, it is consider’d in Europe as very humiliating, to Britain, and therefore as being one which we ought in Honour to perform and fulfil with the most scrupulous Regard to good Faith, & in a manner least Offensive to the Feelings of the King & Court of G. Britain, who upon that Point are extremely tender.
          The unseasonable & unnecessary Resolves of various Towns on this Subject, the actual Expulsion of Tories from some Places, and the avow’d Implacability of almost all who have published their Sentiments about the Matter, are Circumstances which are construed, not only to the Prejudice of our national Magnanimity and good-Faith, but also to the Prejudice of our Government.
          Popular Committees are consider’d here as with us, in the Light of Substitutes to Constitutional Government, and as being only necessary in the Interval between the Removal of the former and the Establishment of the present.
          The Constitutions of the different States have been translated & published, and Pains have been taken to lead Europe to believe, that the American States not only made their own Laws, but obey’d them. But the continuance of popular Assemblies conven’d expressly to deliberate on Matters proper only for the Cognizance of the different Legislatures & Officers of Government, and their proceeding not only to ordain, but to enforce their Resolutions, has exceedingly lessen’d the Dignity of the States in the Eyes of these Nations.
          To this we may also add, that the Situation of the Army, the Reluctance of the People to pay Taxes, and the Circumstances under which Congress removed from Philadelphia, have diminish’d the Admiration in which the People of America were held among the Nations of Europe, & somewhat abated their Ardor for forming Connections with us, before our Affairs acquire a greater Degree of order & Consistance.—
          Permit us to observe, that in our Opinion the Recommendation of Congress, promised in the 5th: Article, should immediately be made in the Terms of it and published; and that the States should be requested to take it into Consideration as soon as the Evacuation by the Enemy shall be compleated. It is also much to be wished that the Legislatures may not involve all the Tories in Banishment and Ruin, but that such Discriminations may be made, as to entitle the Decisions to the Approbation of disinterested Men, and dispassionate Posterity.—
          On the 7th: Inst. we received your Excellency’s Letter of the 16th: June. last, covering a Resolution of Congress of the 1st May directing a Commission to us for making a Treaty of Commerce &ca. with G. Britain. This Intelligence arrived very oportunely to prevent the Anti-American Party from ascribing any Delays on our Part to Motives of Resentment in England to that Country. Great Britain will send a Minister to Congress as soon as Congress shall send a Minister to Britain, & we think much Good might result from that Measure.
          The Information of Mr Dumas, that we encouraged the Idea of entering into Engagements with the Dutch to defend the Freedom of Trade, was not well founded.— Our Sentiments on that Subject exactly correspond with those of Congress; nor did we even think or pretend that we had Authority to adopt any such Measures.
          We have Reason to think that the Emperor and Russia, & other Commercial Nations, are ready to make Treaties of Commerce with the United States. Perhaps it might not be improper for Congress to direct that their Disposition on the Subject, be communicated to those Courts, & thereby prepare the Way for such Treaties.
          The Emperor of Morrocco has manifested a very friendly Disposition towards us: He expects and is ready to receive, a Minister from us, and as he may either change his Mind, or may be succeeded by a Prince differently disposed, a Treaty with him may be of Importance. Our Trade to the Mediterranean will not be inconsiderable, and the Friendship of Morrocco, Algiers, Tunis & Tripoli, may become very interesting, in case the Russians should succeed in their Endeavours to Navigate freely into it by Constantinople.
          Much we think will depend on the Success of our Negociations with England. If she should be prevailed upon to agree to a liberal System of Commerce, France & perhaps some other Nations, will follow her Example; but if she should prefer an exclusive monopolizing Plan, it is probable that her Neighbours will continue to adhere to their favorite Restrictions.—
          Were it certain that the United States, could be brought to act as a Nation, and would jointly and fairly conduct their Commerce on Principles of exact Reciprocity with all Nations, we think it probable that Britain would make extensive Concessions.— but on the Contrary, while the Prospect of Disunion in our Councils, or want of Power and Energy in our Executive Departments exist, they will not be apprehensive of Retaliation, and consequently lose their principal Motive to Liberality. Unless with respect to all foreign Nations and Transactions, we uniformly act as an entire united Nation, faithfully executing and obeying the Constitutional Acts of Congress on those Subjects, we shall soon find ourselves in the Situation in which all Europe wishes to see us, Vizt. as unimportant Consumers of her Manufactures & Productions, and as useful Labourers to furnish her with raw Materials.—
          We beg leave to assure Congress that we shall apply our best Endeavours to execute this new Commission to their Satisfaction, & shall punctually obey such Instructions as they may be pleased to give us relative to it.— Unless Congress should have nominated a Secretary to that Commission, we shall consider ourselves at Liberty to appoint One; and as we are satisfied with the Conduct of Mr Franklin, the Secretary to our late Commission, we propose to appoint him, leaving it to Congress to make him such Compensation for his Services as they may Judge proper.
          Count de Vergennes communicated to us a Proposition (Viz No 9 herewith inclosed) for explaining the 2d & 3d Articles of our Treaty with France, in a manner different from the Sense in which we understand them. This being a Matter in which we had no Right to interfere, we have not express’d any Opinion about it to the Court.
          With great Respect, / We have the honor to be, / Sir, / Your Excellency’s / most obedient & / most humble Serts:
          John Adams.
            B Franklin
            John Jay


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Franklin, 10 September 1783
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

          Sir,
            Passy, Sept. 10. 1783.
          I have received a Letter from a very respectable Person in America, containing the following Words, Viz
          “It is confidently reported, propagated, and believed by some among us, that the Court of France was at bottom against our Obtaining the Fishery and Territory in that great Extent in which both are secured to us by the Treaty; that our Minister at that Court favoured, or did not oppose this Design against us; and that it was entirely owing to the Firmness, Sagacity & Disinterestedness of Mr. Adams, with whom Mr. Jay united, that we have obtained those important Advantages.”

          It is not my Purpose to dispute any Share of the Honour of that Treaty which the Friends of my Colleagues may be dispos’d to give them; but having now spent Fifty Years of my Life in public offices and Trusts, and having still one Ambition left, that of carrying the Character of Fidelity at least, to the Grave with me, I cannot allow that I was behind any of them in Zeal and Faithfulness. I therefore think that I ought not to suffer an Accusation, which falls little short of Treason to my Country, to pass without Notice, when the Means of effectual Vindication are at hand. You, Sir, was a Witness of my Conduct in that affair. To you and my other Colleagues I appeal, by sending to each a similar Letter with this, and I have no doubt of your Readiness to do a Brother Commissioner Justice, by Certificates that will entirely destroy the Effect of that Accusation. I have the honour to be, with much Esteem, / Sir, / Your most obedient / & most humble Servant.
          B. Franklin


Title: From John Adams to the Comte de Sarsfield, 11 September 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Sarsfield, Guy Claude, Comte de

          My dear Comte Sarsefield,
            Paris Septr. 11th. 1783.
          I have been honoured with your two friendly Letters from Rennes, and altho’ a multiplicity of Affairs have hitherto prevented me from answering them, be assured I have not forgotten you. I am much pleased to find that I have been instrumental of employing your thoughts upon another subject, & I promise myself much Entertainment & Instruction in reading it. I am in no danger of losing the opportunity, because we have late Orders from Congress, which will necessarily postpone my Return to America, until another Year— A Commission is to be sent to me, Mr. Franklin & Mr. Jay to treat of Commerce with Great Britain. This will necessarily take up much time, & altho’ We may be obliged to make a Tour to London, and I may possibly make one to Holland, I expect to pass the most of the Fall and Winter at Paris. This will I hope afford me opportunity to enjoy the good Company in the Rue Pot de Fer, not forgetting the good Cheer, nor the Speculations of the Summer at Rennes.
          With great Respect & Esteem, I have the honor / to be, / my Lord, / your Lordship’s &c


Title: From John Adams to the President of Congress, 13 September 1783
From: Adams, John
To:

          Paris, 13 Sept. 1783. RC and enclosure (PCC, No. 84, V, f. 201–214). LbC (Adams Papers); APM Reel 106. With this letter John Adams sent Congress a copy of the 2 Sept. Anglo-Dutch preliminary peace treaty, which he indicated he had just received and transcribed. The treaty arrived as an enclosure with a letter of 12 Sept. from Gerard Brantsen, one of the Dutch peace negotiators (Adams Papers). Brantsen apologized for the delay in sending Adams a copy, which he attributed to a misunderstanding on the part of his secretary.


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Franklin, 13 September 1783
From: Adams, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

          Sir,
            Paris Septr. 13th. 1783.
          I have recd. the Letter, which you did me the honor to write me on the 10th. of this Month, in which you say, you “have recieved a Letter from a very respectable Person in America, containing the following Words vizt:—‘It is confidently reported, propagated & believed by some among Us, that the Court of France was at Bottom against our obtaining the Fishery & Territory in that great Extent in which both are secured to Us by the Treaty—that our Minister at that Court favoured or did not oppose this design against us, and that it was entirely owing to the Firmness, Sagacity & Disinterestedness of Mr. Adams, with whom Mr. Jay united, that We have obtained those important Advantages.’ ”
          It is unnecessary for me to say any thing upon this subject, more than to quote the words which I wrote in the Evening of the 30th. of November 1782, and which have been recd. and read in Congress— Vizt—“As soon as I arrived in Paris, I waited on Mr. Jay, & learned from him the rise & progress of the Negotiation. Nothing that has happened since the beginning of the Controversy in 1761 has ever struck me more forcibly, or affected me more intimately, than that entire Coincidence of Principles & Opinions between him & me— In about three days I went out to Passy, & spent the Evening with Dr. Franklin, and entered largely into Conversation with him, upon the Course & present state of our foreign Affairs. I told him my opinion without reserve of the Policy of this Court, and of the Principles, Wisdom & Firmness, with which Mr. Jay had conducted the Negotiation in his Sickness & in my Absence, and that I was determined to support Mr. Jay to the utmost of my Power, in Pursuit of the same System. The Dr. heard me patiently, but said nothing.
          “The first Conference we had afterwards with Mr. Oswald, in considering one point & another, Dr Franklin turned to Mr. Jay & said, ‘I am of your opinion, & will go on with these Gentlemen, without consulting this Court.’ He has accordingly met Us in most of our Conferences, & has gone on with Us in entire Harmony & Unanimity throughout, and has been able & useful, both by his Sagacity & Reputation, in the whole Negotiation.”
          I have the honor to be, very respectfully / Sir / &c