Title: From John Quincy Adams to Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams, 25 October 1814
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson

N. 47.
My beloved wife.
Ghent 25 October 1814.

Your Letter of 30. September, not numbered, was brought to me yesterday, after I had given up the hope of hearing from you for several weeks. That which you had previously addressed to Dresden, conformably to my request, I presume is there, waiting for me, and may possibly still wait for Months.—On Saturday last we received from the British Commissioners a Note more distinctly marked than any of those that had preceded it, with the intention of wasting time, without coming to any result—We sent them our answer to it yesterday—We have again endeavoured to bring them to a serious discussion of the objects in controversy between the two Countries; but their Government, (for they do nothing themselves, but sign and transmit papers,) have apparently no other aim, but to protract the negotiation—Since the late news from America, they have totally changed their grounds; they now come forward with new inadmissable pretensions—We have rejected them as explicitly as we did those they first advanced—and we have told them that further negotiation will be useless if they persist in them.—Our Note of yesterday, I suppose, like all the rest will go to England for an answer, but I do not expect that it will yet produce any thing decisive—The chance of Peace is in my own opinion more desperate than ever; for it is now ascertained that they will raise their demands, upon every petty success that they obtain in America, and it is but too certain that they must yet obtain many, far greater and more important that those hitherto known—While they are sporting with us here, they are continually sending reinforcements, and new expeditions to America—I do not, and will not believe that the Spirit of my Countrymen will be subdued by any thing that the British forces can accomplish, but they must go through the trial, and be prepared at least for another year of desolating War.
The news which while I was left writing to you, I received by a short Letter from Mr Beasley, has since been in a great measure confirmed—We have seen the London papers to the 21st: instant—All the British official accounts of the affair at Baltimore were in those of the 18th.—The Courier in first giving it, announced it as another Victory over the Americans, but a day or two after he does hint a suspicion that the Americans will pretend it was a British defeat—A rifle ball lodged in the spine of Baron Washington of the Potowmac, and then forsooth he began to think about his “dear wife” and his children—The noble Baron should have thought of the dear wives, whom he had made widows, and the children he had made orphans, in his Savage exploit upon Washington—I trust it is yet within the purposes of eternal Justice to make his accomplice Cockburn remember his dear wife and children.—Master Brook, who took the Baron’s place, vapours away the disgrace of his defeat; boasts of what he would have done, if he had had courage to attempt it, and how he effected his retreat because it might have cost more to take the town, than the town was worth—It is rather to be regretted that he did not make the attempt, for in all probability if he had, the whole corps would have been destroyed or made prisoners.
The battle on Lake Champlain, appears to have been still more sanguinary than that of last year on Lake Erie, and nearly with the same result—The whole British Squadron, excepting three boats was taken—The Accounts however are only from the American papers of 16 and 17 September, and are very confused and indistinct—The Battle was on the 11th: and there appears to have been an attack by land on the same day. Sir George Prevost had taken Plattsburg, and was besieging a fort in advance of it. On the morning of September 12 he raised the siege and retreated precipitately leaving his wounded, about 400 to the humanity of General Macomb—There are rumours that Prevost lost 3000 men in his retreat but these are not authentic—Macomb in a letter to his father says he hopes to destroy one third of the British army, but our People have not learnt the art of following up their advantages—I am afraid Prevost was not much more molested on his retreat than Brook—I bless God for the news such as it is, but it gives me no better hopes for the all-important point of Lake Ontario—There it is that the tug of War must be, and there we have neither Perry nor McDonogh to command—Had either of them been there, that Lake would long ere this have been ours as effectually, as Erie or Champlain—Yeo, who has the general British command on the Lakes, appears indeed to have been willing enough to sacrifice his associates in the other quarters, to reserve a more complete and certain triumph to himself—He has taken care not to expose himself with inferior or even equal force, and has been preparing an irresistible superiority, with which he will be sure of victory—The last hope to which I cling is that his 110 Gun Ship will not be ready for the present Season, and that we may be prepared to meet her with one of equal size, by the opening of the next—And that in the mean time we shall have another Commander stationed there.
The Fingal, a Cartel is said by the English papers to have touched at Southampton, and immediately proceeded to France, having dispatches to us—She sailed from New-York, about the 20th: of September, but I doubt whether she brought the President’s Message—His Proclamation after the piracy at Washington, and the robbery at Alexandria is in the Papers—So is Armstrong’s vindication of his resignation—Armstrong defends himself much as he did Washington—The capitulation of Alexandria is more disgraceful to the Inhabitants than to their robbers—Infamous beyond all example to both.
My Letters to you are degenerating into mere Gazettes—And this may be termed a Gazette Extraordinary, for it contains good news—may its followers contain more, and better!—I shewed last Evening your Letter to Mrs: Smith. She and the child are in very good health. They have concluded not to embark in the Neptune at Antwerp; but to wait, and go on by Land to join her at Brest—She is under sailing orders.
The Chauncey is to sail in two or three days from Ostend—Mr Connell goes in her with our dispatches—Mr R. B. Forbes whom we have been expecting from St: Petersburg, has not yet arrived; but Mr. Speyer is here, since Sunday—Mr. Shaler is going immediately to Paris.
I have received a Letter from Miss Du Roveray, who is at Antwerp, with a parcel of gloves for Mrs: Krehmer, which she requests me to forward by a safe opportunity; I shall not fail to execute the commission, but shall probably be the bearer of them myself—Place me on this occasion, as Mr Gallatin is wont to say at the feet of that Lady, and with my love to Charles believe me to be ever affectionately yours
A.


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams, 26 October 1814
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Thomas Boylston

No. 46.
My dear Brother
Ghent 26. October 1814

The enclosed promissary Note for two hundred dollars is signed by Mr. Jesse Nichols of Providence Rhode Island. I have lent him the money to Enable him to return to America and he promises me it shall be repaid immediately after his arrival He goes as passenger in the Chauncey, and this Letter will go by the same opportunity—I request you to obtain the payment as soon as you can with Convenience and to employ the money immediately to the discharge of so much of my debt to my Father—You  know how often and how constantly I have urged you to complete the repayment of that debt—In my letter of the 13 July last of which I have sent you two copies, I requested you to purchase my Father Boylston Market shares, on my account and to give my Note upon Interest for the amount—As this will have increased the debt I am the more anxious for its repayment—
I likewise enclose a duplicate of my last letter to you which I send to England to go by the Cartel Jenny—Since it was written the Sovereigns and Ambassadors who were to meet at Vienna have assembled there, but the Opening of the Congress has been by mutual agreement postponed from the first of the present month to the first of November—By the latest accounts from thence—it would seem that France is by no means inclined to content herself with the passive and insignificant part which the allies had assigned to her & to which I had supposed she would be compelled to submit
The Prince late of Benevens, but who in the course of His  Protean metamorphoses has now become Prince de Talleyrand minister of foreign affairs to Louis 18 and his Ambassador at this Congress has commenced his diplomatic campaign at Vienna by a Memorial which has excited a very strong and general Sensation there, and which presents to all Europe and to the world an aspect of things entirely new and unexpected. The memorial itself has not yet been published, but its first Effect has probably been the postponement of the Opening of the congress The Substance of it is said to be that France having consented by great sacrifices to reduce herself within her dimensions as they were in 1792 has a right to expect that the other great powers of Europe will adopt the same principle—Thus the aggrandizements obtained since that period by those powers and Still projected at this time, being inconsistent with her Security, altho’ She does not intend to oppose them by force because she will not disturb the Peace of Europe, yet she thinks it necessary to declare, that she does not acknowledge them.
It is evident that this declaration will not allow the other powers to distribute—among them their spoils without consulting France upon the Subject—As France asks directly nothing for herself, and declares that she has no Intention of opposing by force any arrangements that may be made; the other powers will not think it very safe to make them with a formal protest of France against them—founded upon the identical principle to which they so recently compelled her to submit—There is a dignity a firmness & a moderation in this Policy which places the French Government in the Eyes of the World upon high ground and must if properly maintained restore to France her full share of influence in the future affaires of Europe—
Our prospects here are as unfavorable as they have ever been—We are overwhelmed with tidings of British successes and conquests in America and our adversaries rise in their demands in proportion as the accounts of their victories are received—They have hitherto been merely Sporting with us, and with the Eagerness of our Country for Peace—The last news we have is that of their failure at Baltimore, which they call a Victory, and that of the destruction of their fleet on Lake Champlain—We are in deep anxiety for the Subsequent Events, and we long for more decisive proofs of Energy in the Character of our Country—
I am your ever Affectionate brother
J. Q. A.


Title: To John Adams from John Quincy Adams, 27 October 1814
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, John

N. 34.
My dear Sir.
Ghent 27. October 1814.

The situation in which I am placed often brings to my mind, that in which you were situated in the year 1782. and I will not describe the feelings with which the comparison, or I might rather say the contrast, affects me—I am called to support the same interests, and in many respects the same identical points and questions—The causes in which the present war originated, and for which it was on our part waged will scarcely form the most insignificant item in the Negotiation for Peace—It is not impressment and unalienable allegiance, blockades and orders in Council, Colonial Trade and maritime rights, or belligerent and neutral collisions of any kind that form the subjects of our discussion—It is the boundary—the fisheries—and the Indian Savages.
The principle upon which the Ministerial partizans in England insist in the public Journals and occasional pamphlets, as the only one to be pursued in this Negotiation is that of prescribing all the terms, and reducing America to unconditional submission—The recovery of a part of the Territory of the United States to the British Domination is pressed upon the Government as expedient and necessary, and though insidiously disavowed at the first opening of the conferences, is now formally demanded—As they had then nothing in their possession worth demanding, and scarcely so much as would warrant them in asking for a mutual restoration of Territory, they brought forward the claim under the disguise of an Indian boundary; and they kept us debating upon that, until they knew that their troops had taken possession of our Country, east of Penobscot river, immediately after which they came out with a proposal to adopt the uti possidetis, as the basis for the boundary.
The whole compass of the diplomatic skill employed by the British Government in this Negotiation has consisted in consuming time, without coming to any conclusion—Mr Clay and Mr Russell arrived at Gothenburg the 11th: of April. The Negotiation had been proposed by Lord Castlereagh in November—had been acceded to by the President in the beginning of January. The British Government were informed of in February of the appointment of the American Plenipotentiaries—Their first dilatory proceeding was to defer the appointment of their Commissioners, until official notification should be given them by the American Ministers themselves that they were at the place of meeting which had been agreed upon—One full month was gained by this—The next device was to propose the transfer of the Negotiation to Ghent, which absorbed six weeks more, and then they left us from the 24th: of June to the 6th: of August waiting here for the appearance of their Plenipotentiaries—Here, their first step was to offer us a sine qua non, superseding all discussion upon other points, on a subject which had never been known as a difference between the two Countries, and which they knew it was impossible for us to accept. At the same time they told us that the right of fishing and drying fish within their jurisdiction secured to us by the Treaty of 1783, would no longer by allowed without an equivalent. We rejected their sine qua non—Then they offered it in another shape—We reject it again—Then they proposed a different one; and every answer we gave them was sent to England, there to be disposed of by new Instructions to them before they sent us their reply. We have thus been nearly three months debating preliminaries, without approaching an hair’s breadth towards the conclusion of a Peace—We supposed at first, it was their intention to break off the Negotiation immediately, but that is now evidently not their policy—They keep it open knowing that they can finish with peace at any hour when it shall suit them; and calculating upon such successes from the forces they have sent and are sending to America, that we shall eventually be compelled to sign whatever they may please to dictate.
The extreme anxiety for Peace, manifested by all parties in our Country, the symptoms of weakness, of disunion, of disaffection to our government, and of attachment to the enemy and his cause, which are constantly coming from America, the shameful success of their attack upon Washington, and the still more infamous capitulations of Alexandria, Nantucket, and Washington County, Massachusetts have countenanced all the pretensions of the British Ministers, and encouraged them to rise in their demands, in proportion as these tidings have reached us—The Battles of Chippawa and Bridgwater, and the defence of Fort Erie on the 15th: of August have led us to hope that we may at some future day have troops able to face our enemy in the field, and lake Champlain has afforded a new and glorious demonstration, that we want nothing but equal force to meet him upon equal terms on the Water.—
On our part we have not broken off the negotiation, because we so earnestly desired Peace ourselves, because it was so ardently desired by our Government and Country, and because to this day the case has constantly been, that if any serious prospect of new troubles in Europe, or any signal failure of the British arms in America had occurred, the Peace might have been immediately accomplished. How far it may be the interest or the policy of our own Country to continue this game of chance, and to keep us here as puppets to move according to the chapter of Accidents, it is not for me to determine; but at present there is much more prospect of our being detained here the whole winter, than there was after the first fortnight that we should remain here ten days longer.—It is nothing extraordinary, but a strong evidence of the real character of the contest in which we are engaged, that the most offensive and inadmissible of the British demands are pointed against the State of Massachusetts—It is a part of her Territory of which they require the cession, and it is the fisheries of her citizens which they declare themselves determined no longer to allow.
It is not the general right to the fisheries which they contest; but the liberty of fishing and of drying fish within their jurisdiction, stipulated in the 3d: Article of the Peace of 1783. For my own part, I consider the whole Article as containing parts of the general acknowledgment of our Independence, and therefore as needing no renewal by any future Treaty—But as the subject will certainly come under the consideration of the Government of the United States, They will have time to give instructions founded upon their view of it, before any peace can be concluded—There is no doubt, whenever the Negotiation is resumed that this point will become again a subject for discussion—If there is among your Papers relating to the Negotiations of Peace in 1782 and 1783 any information tending to elucidate the third Article of those Treaties, which you can communicate to me, it may perhaps serve a valuable purpose to the public. And as this Letter contains more than I should at this moment think myself warranted to communicate even to you but for the particular motive which occasions it I must also request you to consider it as entirely confidential.
The Congress at Vienna appears to have met with some unexpected obstruction to its formal opening, which has been postponed to the first of November—France has taken a ground, which must embarrass the other great powers in their arrangements to settle the new balance of Europe—If they proceed to complete them against her formal protest, though she declares she will not oppose them by force the tranquility of Europe will not be fixed upon very solid or durable foundations—If they admit her principle, They must give her a share of the common stock taken from her; or throw much into the common Stock, which they have considered as their own—There is however no immediate prospect of the rupture of the Peace.
I am, Dear Sir, your ever faithful and affectionate Son.
A.


Title: From James Warren, Jr. to Abigail Smith Adams, 28 October 1814
From: Warren, James, Jr.
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

Plymouth Octr 28th 1814

To the very much beloved friend of my much beloved mother—of that lamented & departed friend, I must express my acknowledgements of the reception of Mrs Adams’s letter of the 22d.—Long, very long, have I enjoyed the sympathies and regards of my beloved mother & her excellent friend—at all times and in all circumstances, have I heard them express’d, nor at any moment of her blessed life, were they not present with her.— I have too thot dear and reflection of Mrs. Adams’s friendship and regard for my dear parent—for this I thank her—for her letter addressed to “Dear Sons of her much lov’d Friend” I am grateful—this pleasant attention arrested me for the moment and call’d me to some retrospective ideas.—I say, Madam, for the moment & though I have the most pleasing recollections of the sentiments & attachments of my mother & of your reciprocation of them, I am too selfish & too absorbed in my own sorrows to do all duty.—
A blank, an indescribable void is allotted me—and I feel solitary & alone—“my dearest pleasures, my much lov’d enjoyments” are at an end.—The last fifteen years of my life have been to wit entirely devoted to the every wish of my dear mother—but I have not done enough—my every moment ought to have been directed to this purpose, except those appropriated in devotion to Deity.—
I have great satisfaction in reflecting on the tranquillity with which your blessed friend quitted this perturbed state.—Saturday & Sunday, her pains were agonizing and distressing—to my astonishment, on Monday Morning she got up from her bed to her breakfast table—but it was a momentary effort—she in a few minutes return’d to her bed, from which she never again rose.— On Tuesday she seemed more comfortable—at eleven o’clock of that evening we went to bed without any immediate apprehensions—at two o’clock I was called, but before I could get into her room she had  out the life in which I was so much delighted & left me desolate.—
When your favorite Charles, my brother, died, & the account was received at Milton, I lived at Squantum—the snow was deep—I could not get home—but my mother wrote me fully and concluded her letter thus;—“I mourn for myself—I mourn for my surviving Children—but for him I feel an indescribable calmness;—if virtue is acceptable to the Deity & meets the retribution which reason & religion teaches, he must be happy.—Then hush, every tumultuous thought which nature prompts in this day of adversity.”—This lesson I will endeavour to practice—You my very admirable Madam, I beg to help me to do as I ought.—Every thing you say I must estimate properly I hope & consider it as the voice of love to the Son of your departed Friend.—
You will please present me very respectfully to our venerable friend, the partner of your joys and sorrows.—I have read over again and again, his Letter to my only surviving & dear brother;—every word of that Letter claims my warmest acknowledgments.—
I am, Madam, with great respect / Yr Afflictd Friend,
James Warren


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Harriet Welsh, 30 October 1814
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Welsh, Harriet

Dear Harriot
Quincy 30 october 1814

I have read your Letter, and see nothing to amend or alter, thank you for the communication. I coverd yesterday to you a Letter received from Caroline the P. in taking off the cover, tore the seal which was attachd to the paper, but none of us peaped— I only had a few lines saying she would write to me soon— I could not find a conveyance yesterday, I send it to day with a number of introductory Letters from the P. tofor mr Everet, who with his Brother took tea with us on fryday I believe I told you this before, but old Age is forgetfull
Yesterday the Utica paper was sent us—of 25 october, in which was the following notice
married  “on Sunday Evening by the Revd mr dwight, Alexander B Johnson, Esqr to miss Abigail Louissa Smith Adams, youngest daughter of the late Charles Adams Esqr Esqrand Grandaughter of the Honble John Adams, late president of the united States”
I hope it may prove a happy match— mrs Adams writes that she and her sister are perfectly satisfied, and that she is very  happy— I presume some affront has been taken, that they were not early acquainted with Carolines match, & consulted, if there was any blame on that score. Caroline must bear it for she expressly desired that I would not give any intimation of it, untill her Father went there, If, as it is considered here, there has been a want of respect, and even of duty— they must take it to themselves If the child is pleased and happy I care not. I lay not to her a want of duty I presume family pride was touchd, by Carolins not writing herself to them, Susan had the greatest reason to feel hurt, It was really a want of that Sisterly confidence and affection which ought to exist between Sisters. Susan has been very constant in writing every week sometimes several Letters for weeks, before she received one in return.
I know you Love anecdote—Young Dallas who came over in the John Adams is full of them of Lords Emperors Kings and princes, the writer who gives them says, what you may be sure is very flattering to me, he says, dallas speaks of nothing but praise of mr J Q A, who he says, was both our spokesman & penman at Ghent, the leading Man of the whole Group of ambassadors there”—(what an abominable pen I have), these are not my words but his—
“Dining, at Lord Erskines in London, his Lordship said Mr Dallas  America is right and we are wrong in this war—enforceing his remark with an oath” his son david the exminister was at the table, and denied it, adding that the sooner we gave up the better, upon which the father exclaimed, David if you should ever be brought upon a trial before me for your Life, I’d acquit you, because I am sure, you dont know right from wrong!” So much for the Chancellor and minister.
I will tell you some more pretty stories when I write again, at present a call to Tea and mr Foster and Shrewsbury obliges me to subscribe Your Friend
A ASusan writes Caroline that Quincy has no charms for you now—I will contradict it, and do you come and say so too, if you can honestly, or be silent as you like
Mr Adams will be in Town tomorrow if you can send the silk and twist


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams, 1 November 1814
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson

N. 49.
My dear wife.
Ghent 1. November 1814

Mr: Connell went on Friday to Ostend to embark, but the Chauncey has not yet sailed. Last Evening we sent Mr Todd there, with a copy of a Note, which we received yesterday from the British Plenipotentiaries. It is of the same shuffling, captions and equivocating character, as all their other communications have been since the first, and shew that they are not yet prepared either to conclude the peace, or to break off the Negotiations.
Far as it is from my disposition to be sanguine in my expectations, the late news from America, has even flattered me with the hope that they will be disappointed in the result of the present campaign—The failure of their attack upon Baltimore, was in every point of view disgraceful, and totally different from the vapouring accounts of it given by their Commanders Brook and Cochrane— Even the Letters from Halifax call it in derision a Demonstration—adding that there had been a demonstration too at Plattsburg.— Mr Saltus whom you know arrived here last Friday, from London, full of American news, and elated as all of us, even the coldest blooded, are, with events so different from those which we had every reason to anticipate—Saltus says that he has seen the official American account of the affair at Baltimore; and that there were never more than 1500 men on our side engaged: that the force entrenched on the hill, which Brook dared not attack was only 5000 men; but that there was a reserve within the City, upon which the troops on the hill were to retire if overpowerd, and they were prepared to fight them in the streets—Cochrane and his fleet bombarded Fort McHenry for thirty hours without intermïssion, and was finally driven off—If Brook had made the attack, I have no doubt that his whole army would have been destroyed, or prisoners—Saltus has also seen General Gainess’ detailed official account of the attack on Fort Erie, on the 15th of August—Drummond pretended that the failure was occasioned by the expression of a magazine, which blew up 200 of their Soldiers—Gaines declares that not a man was hurt by the explosion—the British were fairly and completely beaten, by mere fighting—And this does not rest on the evidence of General Gaines’s report alone—We have intercepted and published two Letters from Sir George Prevost to General Drummond, dated 26 August, in answer to Drummond’s private report to him of the defeat of 15. Augt—Sir George very severely censures, though altogether in the language of Friendship, the attack itself— Blames the imprudence of it, as a nigh attack, by heavy troops—complains that they were not prepared to encounter the obstacles which they had to meet—says that too much was required of de Watteville’s regiment, and that they were deprived, of their flints—He gives Drummond by way of consolation for his agony of mind, under the disaster, a cutting caution not to despise his enemy, nor to yield too readily to the popular clamours for brilliant exploits, founded on such contempt—He promises to send him reinforcements, and hopes they will have the command of Lake Ontario before the close of the Season; complaining however of vaccillating communications upon that subject, from Sir James Yeo—
There is new Play just come out at Drury-Lane Theatre, called “Policy—or thus runs the world away.”—According to the English fashion for new Plays it is introduced by a Prolongue, and concluded with an Epilogue—These Head and Tail Pieces usually contain satirical allusions to passing occurrences, and so Mrs Glover in the Epilogue to “Policy”—is made to say
When last our little Band o’erthrew the boast
Of six times told, the number of their host,
Columbia’s prudent chiefs decline the fray;
And ours exclaim’d “Thus runs the world away!”
Mr Bull was in the very spasms of his delight at the wit of this sarcasm upon brother Jonathan, when the doleful official ditty from Plattsburg and Lake Champlain, came to lengthen his countenance—There it was that Britannia’s prudent chiefs, with six tines told the numbers of their foe, declind the fray and gave the Yankees their turn to exclaim thus runs the world away—The Times the most virulent, and scurrilous of all the English Prints against America complains that Commodore McDonough’s official Report is too short, and that General Macombe’s is too long—Macombe says that Prevost’s army was 14000 strong, and that he himself had not more than 1500 regulars effective and 2500 volunteers and militia—The complains from Montreal, Quebec and Halifax, against Prevost are violent, and there is a mere howling of mingled rage and lamentation at the disastrous issue of the Campaign—One General was said to be under arrest, and two others to have offered their resignation—Prevost in his General Orders at Odelltown 13 September, had attributed the defeat on the lake to accidents—he stated that the largest English vessel had been damaged in her rudder, and that the next largest had grounded—Not a word of this was true; and Prevost was obliged to issue a second, revised General Order, omitting the paragraph—Prevost is said to be recalled, and the Times is vociferous for sending out Wellington himself to America, with fifty thousand Men.
After all however, I cannot forget that the losses which the British force has sustained in America are very trifling, and will be more than repaired by the reinforcements they have already sent out—I am still in deep anxiety for Sacket’s Harbour, for Lake Ontario, and even for Fort Erie—The Southern frontier is in yet more imminent danger—The campaign is yet far from being closed, and our turn to hang our heads may and most probably  will come from one day to another—We have an enemy whose successes and defeats equally stimulate him to continue the War, and we have a struggle to go through which requires not only the encouragement of occasional success but the determined and persevering Fortitude which will infallibly secure our triumph at the last—
Our Evening party at Mr and Mrs: Demayer’s last Friday was very social and agreeable—There was music, dancing and Cards, until Midnight when it broke up—The English General who commands here, Lion was there, with several of his Officers, English and Hanoverian—he told me, it was the first time he had had the good fortune of getting into company here—He appears to be a very worthy, modest man, and professes I believe sincerely to rejoyce at having escaped being sent to America—
My dearest friend, I see no prospect now, of being dismissed from this place these two Months—My prospect is of returning to you in the heart of winter—It is perfectly clear that they, will neither make nor break—We cannot make without their concurrence, and shall I think not break without orders from home.—Farewell—till the next Post day—Give my love to Charles and gladden with the news of his and your health of your affectionate husband
A.


Title: From Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams to John Quincy Adams, 3 November 1814
From: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson
To: Adams, John Quincy

My best Friend
St Petersburg November 3 1814

Although Mr. H.—has informed me that the Congress is dissolved, still I persevere in writing, as it is easy to have my letters returned in case you should have left Ghent.What is pretended to be the terms on which great Britain will treat, was yesterday published in the Conservateur, if there is any truth in this, it needs no Comment
The Emperor will not return here untill the end of December when he returns he is to be accompanied by half the Crowned heads of Europe at which people fret a little as the dearness of living is already very much felt and the mere talk of these visits gives rise already to great impositions. The Duke is expected almost immediately I suppose to pay his devoirs before the Marriage takes place.
I am very anxious to hear from you your last letter having mention’d that Catherines Baby was sick I am very glad you have a place to pass to your evenings agreeably at from all I can gather you have derives so much benefit from your journey that you should be careful not to injure it again by devoting too much of your time to study I have nothing new to write you and shall therefore make my letter very short more especially as I overslept myself this morning and I fear I shall be too late for the Post.—
Charles is quite well and quite happy and I am ever your most affectionate Wife

L. C. A.


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams, 4 November 1814
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson

N. 50.
My dearest wife.
Ghent 4. November 1814

Your favour of 30. September is still the latest that I have received from you, and it has left me in a solicitude more than ordinary to hear from you again—first because it complains that both yourself and Charles were unwell; and secondly because it expresses some displeasure at what I had written you in the Letter of 6. September, to which it is an answer—It could be my earnest wish to write you nothing but what would give you pleasure; but as in the vicissitudes of which human life is composed that is impossible, my next desire would be at least never to express a sentiment which would give you pain—When I informed you of the circumstances of Milligan’s departure from this place, of the commercial speculations at London and Liverpool which immediately followed his arrival in both those places; of the avowed participation in those speculations, of his companion Creighton—of the very improper disclosure at the same time of circumstances relating to our mission, which could have been made only by or through him, and of which he had the knowledge only by the intimate access which his situation had given him to our house, and of the disgraceful imputations, in which as a natural consequence of these transactions we were all involved, I felt the more keenly the portion of the dishonour which I knew would be shed by them upon myself, as I was not only conscious of its being unmerited, but had taken peculiar caution and subjected myself to considerable inconveniences to avoid every suspicion of such contamination—It was under the influence of this feeling that in writing to you, and in freely communicating to you the circumstances in which we stood, I thought it necessary to repeat the caution I had already given you and to renew the request that you would consider every thing I should tell you on that subject, as exclusively confidential—I was further induced to it because you had written me that Master Charles had assumed a sort of privilege of reading all my Letters, and although I did not apprehend that he could engage in any profound project of operating upon the Exchange, by means of his correspondence with Ghent, it occurred to me that an indiscretion on his part might be possible which would give rise to unfounded and unpleasant rumours—Of my entire and unqualified Confidence in you, I trust that all my subsequent as well as my preceding Letters have given you the most unequivocal proofs—I shall continue to give them notwithstanding your intimation of a wish that I would withhold them, because I take pleasure in giving those proofs, and because I know that the Confidence will be safely reposed.
It was very true that the real state of the Negotiation was divulged in England at the time of Milligan’s expedition, and in all probability by him—It appears also that one of the Clerks in the British Office of foreign Affairs had about the same time been more communicative than was thought consistent with the duties of his place, and was shortly afterwards dismissed—But the Report, that the American Ministers at Ghent were trafficking in Cotton and Tobacco, for their private purses, upon the rupture of the public Negotiation entrusted to them, was so widely circulated, that it has reached us not only in many Letters from England and France, but by the casual conversation of persons, totally strangers to us, in the very streets of this City.
Since that time, facts, more or less material to the issue of the negotiation, have occasionally transpired, but in the English Newspapers they are so blended with other statements given with equal confidence, and totally destitute of foundation, that the public in England have no real knowledge of the true state of things—You will accordingly find that the Accounts both by the Newspapers, and by the private Letters from England will be altogether different from the information you have received and will continue to receive from me—Our occupations and our amusements still furnish a daily paragraph to every Gazette, but there is a mixture of truth and of fiction in their narrative even of particulars which are in their Nature of public notoriety—They have not only noted down our excursions of pleasure, and our shipping of baggage on board the Neptune, but they have sent me to Bruxelles, while I have not slept out of Ghent since my first arrival in it—They have dispatched Mr. Bayard to Paris to take the Court of France by storm, when he was only gone to Bergen op Zoom, to look at the walls, which General Graham intended to storm, and failed—They have sent us or dreamt of our being sent, like fire ships, loaded with combustibles, to Vienna; to blow up the Congress there, and spread a Conflagration of universal War again all over Europe—One day they have prostrated us at the feet of the British Plenipotentiaries, repenting in the dust, and crying for mercy, and the next they have seated us on a Car of triumph, showering gold around us, and bribing Talleyrand with beaucoup d’Argent to arm the universe against the maritime Rights of Old England. All this time we have been proceeding exactly as I have told you; once a fortnight or thereabouts, receiving from the British privy Council a Note, signed by their Plenipotentiaries, full of arrogant language and inadmissible demands, which in three or four days we have answered, sometimes with elaborate argument, always with extreme moderation, occasionally with firmness and spirit, and never with unsuitable concession, much less with the port of suitors, or the attitude of asking for Indulgence—We have attempted, neither to storm the Court of France, nor to blow up the Congress at Vienna—We have left the Powers of the European Continent to their own reflections concerning the maritime Rights of the British Empire, and have been as far from asking of them, as they have been from offering us any of their assistance.—We see plainly enough that we shall have no Peace, but by the failure of the British forces in America, to accomplish the objects for which they were sent, and by the failure of the British Government, to give the Law to all Europe at Vienna—Should they succeed in America, we shall have no peace, because our Country will never submit to the terms they would dictate—Should the succeed at Vienna, we shall have no peace, because they will prefer War with us, to peace upon any terms—In the meant time they are merely multiplying discussions, to keep alive the negotiations alive, until they shall find it their interest to break off or to conclude—In answer to their last note, we shall send them in two or three days, the draft of a Treaty—There is little chance of our finishing in any manner within a Month, and not much probability before the close of the year—My Journey is likely to be in the midst of winter.
We have no later Accounts from England, nor consequently from America since my last. It was not the Fingal that touched at Southampton; but a Dutch vessel, called the Princess of Orange.—The Neptune has sailed from Antwerp for Brest; and the Chauncey on Tuesday last, from Ostend fro New-York.—Love to my Dear Charles, and receive with kindness, what is always kindly intended, from your affectionate husband.
A.


Title: From Henry Warren to Abigail Smith Adams, 4 November 1814
From: Warren, Henry
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

Dear Madam
Plymouth Novr. 4th. 1814

Your letter of 22d Ulto: so marked with sensibility—so tender in expression, towards the offspring of the lovely friend, whose loss you so deeply deplore, excites the deep & ardent gratitude of myself—my brother & my wife.—the late call she had opportunity to make was delightfully satisfactory to her feelings & be will reiterated by me the first moment that can present itself.—
Your assurances of love, & of attention to the descendants of your deceased friend, will remain with them as a constant memorial of your friendship which time can never blot out.—
Our dear friend Mrs: Carey & daughters—our estimable friend Madam Cushing—& many other connections of various kind, were much with my mother during the few weeks precedent to her final illness. And she more than once said to me, “My Son! it seems as if my friends were clustering round me for the last time.”—It is a grateful recollection to our God that such a mind—at such an age—was not suffered to be lost: but that memory—feeling—& the lively delices of friendship never forsook her—
“Tell” said she to Dr: Freeman, “tell my dear Mrs: Adams to pass two hours with me; if that be not possible, to write one more letter to her friend whom she will soon meet in Heaven.”—
You will be pleased, my dear Madam, to express to President Adams my thanks for the promptitude of his attentions conveyed through his letter to his youthful friends, which was strongly evincive of his ancient friendship, which I am sure he can never derelict, & which I am sure I can never forget the detail of from the lips of both my parents.
In your next letter to Mrs: De Windt, I pray you to say to her that her charming letter to my mother was one of the last she received, & which we cherish with much affection: I know the delicate sensibility of her soul, with sympathize with her friends here.
Be pleased, Dear Madam, further to assure the Judge & Lady & Miss Adams of the mutual regards of Mrs. W & myself & accept the assurances of high respect & friendship of / Dear Madam / Your very humbl servt
Harry Warren


Title: From Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams to John Quincy Adams, 6 November 1814
From: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson
To: Adams, John Quincy

My Dearest Friend
St Petersburg Novbr: 6 1814

Bad news still keeps pouring on us and your prophecies are too fatally accomplished It is to day announced in the Papers that we have lost Fort Erie that Chauncey is driven back to Sackets Harbour and that Sir James Prevost with a large force was preparing to attack it the great Ship was launched and they had complete command of the Lake another of our Frigates was destroyed the Adams &c &c—
It is said that the Destruction of our little Capitol has produced such a sensation here that his little Lordship has more than once been under the necessity of retiring from the Societies in which it has formed the topic of conversation I am told strong disapprobation was expressed at the house of one of the Ministers all this comes from a quarter which I never credit and still less now than ever the Day before I recieved your last Letter in which you mention the little probability of your he came very formerly to announce to me that you would return immediately and that he had this “from persons who had opportunities of conversing with Ministers in England that did not condescend to answer any thing and that this would oblige you all to go away and break up the thing all together” &c in addition to the Consular oratory we have now a load of what I suppose to be Diplomatic Finesse the whole forms such ridiculous flummery did the great Person honor me very often with his Society I should really be in danger of losing my intellects for to comprehend what is incomprehensible is an effort of which I am totally incapable This Gentleman has enterr’d into partnership with Messrs. Platzman and Glennie you may be assured of the truth of this and even the double character which he now holds is not sufficient to restrain him from dabbling I am sorry for it as any thing which tends to justify the impudent assertions of the English is to our National character a deep and serious injury—
The meek submission which your Colleagues display really justify’s Dr. Paley’s idea of (I forget the term) character and they have certainly proved to their extreme humility I hope however at last that though the blows have not proved strong enough to rouse something like heroism in their Souls that Kicks may and I think they are likely to get a sufficient quantity of theirs at least to produce something like feeling—Mr. H. say’s the news from America gives him the Heart-burn so much he cannot beear to think of it.
The defects of our Constitution are certainly now completely brought to light and a Government which is too feeble to check the treason which is formed in the very heart of the people it affects to rule must sink the very conviction that the Laws cannot reach them gives a boldness, energy and strength to factions which must render them successful God grant that the deep and trying lesson’s which they are now hourly recieving may enlighten their Council’s and teach them that one of the greatest possible means of maintaining their independance is to put into the hands of their Goverment sufficient power to check the insolence of Foreign Powers in due Season and to crush factions in the bud notwithstanding the glaring errors which we have committed I trust in God that the day retribution is not far off and that the Glory which yet awaits us will far far outweigh the disgrace which has hitherto attended us—
Give my love to Kitty and Martha I am very angry with Catherine for not writing tell her it is ungrateful and unkind God Bless protect and watch over you and believe me ever yours heart and Soul—
L. C. Adams


Title: From William Stephens Smith to Abigail Smith Adams, 7 November 1814
From: Smith, William Stephens
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

Very Dear and Respected Madam.
Washington Novr. 7th. 1814

On Saturday the 5th. I received your Letter of the 28th. ulto: the introduction you have given to the Revd. Edward Everet, when presented will be received to the full extent of his most sanguine expectations, I love the introduction of Worthy Characters from those I love and esteem—
That the communications from our dear Caroline to you are satisfactory, is highly gratifying to me, and that we should have so accorded in the previous arrangements corresponding with your correct Judgement is a great source of comfort to me—
I do not wonder that you should have been surprised by the first communications from my Sister, relative to the engagement and proposed marriage of Abby, and the question being promptly settled, they should sett off and pay their respects to you at Quincy—This, of course the marriage having taken place, they were in duty bound to do—
My Sister made a communication to me on this subject previous to the marriage—I know Mr: Bryant Johnson the father of the young Gentleman, the Husband of Abby—His has been for years past of the most respectable merchants in Utica, he is a Director of the Bank, has retired from mercantile business, and is a Gentleman of great wealth and respectability—The son was in partnership with his father, and has an Independent fortune of five thousand dollars pr. Annum, exclusive of a floating capital, sufficient to employ his talents and industry in any line, to which his genius and acquirements may direct his mind—I recollect the young Gentleman in his fathers store at Utica, and am satisfied relative to the connection. With respect to the youth of Abby, your alarms must now have subsided, you say she is but a Girl of 16 and that altho’ for her years, she is discreet and solid it strikes you it is rather premature—I reconcile the arrangement in my own mind, when I recollect, that my own Dear Mother, was not  years older than myself, and certainly I was not an embecile or drooping Chicken, This is a question I should entirely leave to individual femal calculation—I recollect some years past, to have asked my Sister Nancy, if she had ever thought on the subject, whether she was fit to be married? She answered, why really Brother, I have never though seriously on the Subject but I suspect I am as fit to be married now, as I ever shall be, I observed she did not like that even a doubt should exist, I smiled at her answer and passed on—Some time after a Mr. Seaton of New York a young Gentleman of family, figure and Education, was very attentive, wrote poetry displaying Genius and taste, I supposed he would have been cultivated and caressed, but no—she frisked—she flirted—Shook herself a little and turned herself about—I noticed the flirtation, but let it pass in silence, being of opinion, that on so interesting a subject, the female mind should be left to the operation of its own biass uninfluenced by the advice or solitude of friends—Nancy permitted the question to pass or perhaps could not stand still long enough to hear it put—I have since noticed the agitation of her nerves and her excessive sensibility on various subjects, she flew for relief to hartshorn, volatile salts, soporificks, cephalic draughts and phlebottomy, when, if she had have used the mild Seaton, she would have been perfectly tranquil, and perhaps passed thro’ life with ease and composure occasionally singing the song of “high my kitten my kitten” &c.
Sally may have been a little enthusiastic on the Subject but her solicitude to see her amiable Daughter settled for life in the lap of ease affluence and affection, was surely praise worthy, that Abby by her letters may have appeared to have been carried away with religious Enthusiasm I am not astonished at—it proves to me one thing, however too young she may have appeared to you to be married, still she had arrived at the age of expansion of person and mind, that she could not be easy untill she fell in love with some thing, and Susan very shrudly observed, that all her thoughts she was sure were not in heaven, for while she was writing in a style and manner altogether upon religion, she calmly submitted to a warm Courtship, which had more of Earth in it than heaven, she had never given her any intimation of the business, which she does not half like however divinely it has terminated; Abby now no doubt will give her some intimation of the business, which may satisfy Susans curiosity for a while—I dare say before this reaches you all parties will be perfectly tranquilized—Mr. Johnson and his dear Wife, my nervous Sister, and the sprightly Susan will be settled down in ease and content, ceasing to wander, she will resign herself to the wise dispensations of an over ruling Providence, and consent to similiar arrangements, which under your guidance and with your approbation, may present itself—If she reads this, keep your Eye upon her—there now, see how queer she looks, off she goes, laughing and trotting up stairs—well gram-ma—it dont signify, that dear uncle of mine is an odd fish.
Accept of my thanks for the communications as to my Son William, I am pleased that the Commission to him has at last arrived, I hope he will profit by it and remain abroad for a time, for be assured my dear Madam we are not about reclining on a bed of roses for years to come, we shall be pressed by foreign War with vigour and we already stand tottering on the confines of internal commotion what are the objects and what will be the result of the meeting of Deligates from the new England states at Hartfor?—can any national good spring out it? I fear not—
Any Letters addressed to Mr. Adams in Russia put under cover by you and sent to Mr. Monroe will be forwarded alway’s with the public dispatches, they do not like to say alway’s, when they are about to make communications—remember me affectionately to the President and the expanded family Circle
Yours sincerely
W: S: Smith


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams, 8 November 1814
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson

N. 51.
My dearest friend.
Ghent 8. November 1814.

The Evening before last, Mr Russell received, enclosed in a letter from Mr Beasley a scrap of an English Newspaper, containing the President’s Speech, or Message, at the commencement of the Session of Congress, and immediately under it a paragraph asserting that the Letters from Liverpool affirmed in the most positive terms, that the American fleet on Lake Ontario was totally destroyed, and Commodore Chauncey a prisoner—Beasley in his Letter to Mr Russell says that the real report from Liverpool, was directly the reverse—namely—That there had arrived there a vessel, which sailed from Quebec, on the 10th: of October—that the account had at that time been received there, that the British fleet on Lake Ontario had been defeated, and that Sir James L. Yeo was a prisoner—The only hope that I derive from Beasley’s account is that there is no truth in either part of the story; for I can have no other reason for believing that Chauncey has defeated Yeo, than that which some Roman Catholic Priest is said to have given for believing transubstantiation—because it is impossible—I have no faith in the gathering of figs from thistles, and I would not give a fig for all the victories we shall gain upon lake Ontario, while that personage is our Commander upon it—You know how long and how anxiously I have dreaded the other face of the Story—the Catastrophe as the newspaper tells it—And that event is still supported in my mind by so many probabilities, that notwithstanding Mr Beasley’s contradiction I shall not be relieved from the uneasiness the report has given me, until I find it disproved by the subsequent intelligence from England. Beasley’s Letter adds that General Izard had embarked at Sacket’s Harbour, with three thousand men, on the 17th: of September, for Niagara: and that our garrison at Fort Erie had made a sortie, in which four hundred men of the Enemy were killed and wounded—our own loss not mentioned. We know that our army at Fort Erie was in the most imminent danger, and that raises a probability that Izard may have embarked at Sacket’s Harbour to make the attempt of going to their relief—All our efforts in that quarter are of the precarious and desperate kind; and without some further special interposition of Providence, as I must consider Prevost’s retreat from Plattsburg to have been, we have nothing to expect from them but disaster. I have read Gaines’s long official report of the attack of 15. August on Fort Erie—Saltus was mistaken in saying that the explosion had no effect on the issue of the battle—Gaines expressly says that its effect was tremendous, and decisive—But he mentions another explosion, of a magazine which happened the evening before the attack, and had done no injury, but which he supposed had encouraged the Enemy to attempt the storm—It was one of those incalculable chances, which a religious turn of mind must ascribe to the special agency of a superior Power, that the accident which secured to us the victory, was not fatal to many of our own men, instead of destroying such numbers of the enemy—Gaines says that Coll: Drummond killed with his own hand Captain McDonough of our army, who was already wounded and calling for Quarter—That he repeated many times the order, “give the damn’d Yankees no Quarter,” and was shot dead with the words in his mouth—He names even the man who killed him, but the name is left blank in the printed Dispatch.—I cannot blame Gaines’s severity upon such atrocious conduct as that of Drummond, especially as it is qualified by an acknowledgment of his intrepidity; but I wish he had learnt from General Brown how to write his dispatches—The extraordinary and glorious conflict of that Night, would have shone from the midst of its darkness with double splendour had it been related with unaffected simplicity.
The Speech is firm and temperate, though the English printers have employed with it a kind of paltry malice, in which they now frequently indulge themselves of disfiguring American official papers by misprinting. It dwells with great earnestness upon the necessity of making great efforts of raise men and money for the support of our Cause—It is upon the measures to be taken by Congress that our destinies must now depend.
We have not yet sent our reply to the note which we received on the 31st: ulto: from the British Plenipotentiaries—We had never before taken so much time to reply; the reason of which delay is that we have been preparing the draft of a Treaty, to send with the Note—This has brought us upon the whole field of this Negotiation, and has made it necessary to deliberate and agree among ourselves upon many thorny points of discussion. It has not in this state of things been perfectly easy to bring our own minds to the point of cordial unanimity—But our deliberations have been cool, moderate, mutually conciliatory and I think will result in full harmony. We shall not be ready with the project before Thursday—perhaps not even so soon—While it shall continue to be the policy of the British Government to temporize we cannot force them to decision—Since their last disgraces in America, the Spirit of the English Nation is evidently more fiercely bent upon the prosecution of the War, than it was before—The negotiators from Bordeaux upon whose success so much reliance was placed, having failed, the only conclusion that Mr Bull’s pride will allow him to draw from his disappointment is that there were not enough of them. So he insists upon making another trial and sending more—General Pakenham goes out with a staff to succeed Ross—Prevost and most of the old commanding Officers are recalled—A man of high rank is to be sent as Commander in Chief of all the forces—Wellington will I think not go yet—But unless he is wiser than I believe him, he will go before the War ends—and then… God speed the Monument of the women of Great-Britain and Ireland! As Wellington began where Cornwallis ended, his American expedition if he undertakes it, I hope will end him where Cornwallis began—at Yorktown.
I told you we had sent Todd with a dispatch to go by the Chauncey, to Ostend—She sailed immediately after he arrived there—He was to have returned here the next day; but the fancy took him to make a tour to Dunkirk, and in coming back to survey the fortifications of Lille, the Chef d’Oeuvre of the great Engineer Vauban—He had no Passport, but in his character as a “brave Americain,” he was permitted to go over all the fortifications of which he brought with him a plan—He reached here the Evening before last.
Our visitors pass before us like a succession of Chinese Shadows—Captain Bates went in the Chauncey—Saltus is gone to Amsterdam—a young Virginian named Boswell, came one day last week from London, and went off the next morning for Paris—Mr Bentzon, who is appointed one of the Danish Commissioners to receive their West-India Islands from the British, went to London, to sail in the beginning of October—But the departure of the expedition is deferred to the first of December and Mr Bentzon is with us again—Adieu! Love to Charles.—I hope to hear from you before the next Post-day.—Ever affectionately yours.
A.


Title: From Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams to John Quincy Adams, 8 November 1814
From: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson
To: Adams, John Quincy

My best Friend
St: Petersburg Novbr: 8th 1814

Your Letters arrive so regularly that it is scarcely necessary to acknowledge the receipt of them. by your last I find you have at last been obliged to sacrifice your opinion to the majority, and I pray to Heaven good consequences may result from it—The news which we are continually recieving makes it of little consequence, but it appears to me, that they there would be less dis-grace in acknowledging ourselves a conquered Nation, than in submitting to the perpetual trifling of an Enemy like ours, and agreeing to take a proper tone, when we may probably be thankful, if they will  hear us on our knees. I blush to think that my Sons are brought up in that hot Bed of Treason and Cowardice which makes one ashamed of owning it for ones Country—We are positively told that Mr. M. must go out that nothing else will satisfy and that there will be a Peace because the Americans cannot hold out any longer and must submit to sign what is offer’d them—
The Emperor is not to return untill the 24 of January and after all we shall have a very quiet Winter Count Maister paid me a Visit but I was unfortunately not at home his Wife and Daughters are arrived but I have not made their acquaintance—
M: H. seems to be surprized at your not writing him oftener he hinted to me the possibility of your making a journey to Vienna for the which I could not understand the motive but he intimated to me that it was in consequence of some information which he had given you I am too prudent to ask questions therefore I cannot even guess what he alluded to—Ah Mon Ami how just what you say of the Emperor Alexander could our Nation or one single Hero be inspired with the same spirit we might yet hold up our heads and defy even the brutality of our Enemies—Even yet we may hope and though this hope may prove illusive it will at least tend to cheer our way untill our degradation is completed—Do not be angry with me were you not so deeply responsible I should not feel so keenly but when I look forward to the time when our present great difficulties are passed I tremble should we remain a Nation and a Republic lest the ingratitude (which is inherent in such a form of Government) should be the only reward you will gain for your suffering and your efforts to maintain their cause. I say your suffering because although you have been very garded in your Letters I too fully understand your real situation not be fully aware of your the propriety of the term—
What strange idea’s trifles produce my Banker met a Gentleman the other day and assured him I could have no Letters of any consequence because he had received none for me for some time—I am almost ashamed to send you this Letter Mr Charles has been writing his German  Lesson and had spilt the Ink on the Table I have not time to write another you must therefore excuse it.

P. S. 9th I kept my Letter open in the hope of receiving some good News my plan has proved successful Mr. L. has written me a few lines to announce to me the capture defeat of the British in Canada I am afraid to believe it but if true God send it may be followed up by some great stroke which may so disable the Mad Bull as to keep him quiet—I have only time to repeat how sincerely I am ever yours. Tell Kitty to write confidentially

LCA.
My last should have been dated the 4th. and enclose to Mr Meyers I never liked mysteries
I am going this evening to Mrs. Bettencourt’s not the most agreeable thing in the World to me at present as I do not feel pleasant in company with the English but she has been so kind and attentive I could not refuse. God Bless you My love to Kitty
L C A—


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Charles Francis Adams, 11 November 1814
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Charles Francis

N. 6.
My dear Son.
Ghent 11. November 1814.

After I had written you in my last Letter that you  needed not to answer it, because I expected to be half way on my return to St: Petersburg before your answer could arrive here, I was very sorry, when I found that I should not go so soon as I had supposed, because by my own asking your Mama and you not to write I saw that I should be several weeks, without hearing from you, and knowing how you did, and having all the good news about you, that is so delightful to have from those we love, and who are absent from us. So I bethought myself, and determined not to be so hasty, another time, in asking your Mama and you not to write me again; before I should be sure that your Letters would not arrive here before my departure.
Yesterday I received your Letter, N. 6. and it gave me great pleasure—I think the hand-writing is rather better than that of N. 5. which I have also now before me, and am comparing with it. Nothing can give me more satisfaction than to perceive the marks of your improvement.
There was one thing that puzzled me a little at first—Your Letter is dated October 6th:.... Well...it goes on to say that as you have not time to get a letter ready for the next Post-day, you will give me an extract from your Journal, relating your performance of a part in a Play at Mrs Krehmer’s.
Then comes the extract from the Journal, and begins with the date—Thursday October 6th: 1814.—It is a very regular narrative of the proceedings of that day—the morning—the dinner—the two plays in the Evening; the dance; and lastly your return to town to sleep in the new house.—Now, said I to myself, how could all this be on the 6th: of October, and the letter relating it be dated on the same day; but on reflection I supposed that the date of the Journal was in the new Style, and that of the letter in the old.
I should have liked very much to see you perform your part in the play; but I believe I should have been almost as much frightened for you, as you was yourself.—It is so long since I read l’Aveugle de Spa, that I remember scarcely any thing of it—But I spoke of it last Evening to your aunt Smith, and she told me she could get the Book, to read it over—I observe by your account of the performers that you performed the part of a girl—That was very well to begin with—but if I come to see you play on the 8th: of January, I shall like to see you perform the part of a boy.
There are two Theatres in this City, one public, where the plays are all French, and almost all Operas; and the other of private performers, every Monday, one week in French and the other in Flemish, the language of the Country—I have been several times to both—There are also subscription Concerts, once a fortnight, which have just begun; and Redoutes, or Balls, likewise once a fortnight, which are to begin on the 24th: of this Month—I went to the first concert last Monday, but I trust I shall not be here to attend many of the Redoutes.—The last time I went to the play, I met there a Lady and Gentleman of my acquaintance, who had brought with them for the first time their little daughter, named Clémence—four years old—She reminded me of you when you first went to the Gachellies—But she was not frightened at all.
I am, my dear Charles, your affectionate father.
John Quincy Adams.


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams, 11 November 1814
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson

N. 52.
My dearest wife.
Ghent 11. November 1814.

My calculation of the date of the next Letter I should receive from you, after the renewal of your writing at my request was sufficiently exact. I had fixed the 15th: of October for the date, and the 8th: of this month, or between that day and this, for me to receive it—The Letter is dated 16. October, but in your next, of 18. October, which I also now possess, you say it was by mistake misdated, so that it was written on the identical day that I had anticipated. I received it the day before yesterday, one day later than the earliest upon which I had reckoned, and as your Letter of 18 October, with the enclosures for Mrs: Smith and from Charles, came yesterday, that which was written three days before, would have been here on the 17th: if the course of the Posts had been regular—I am heartily rejoiced that the interruption of our correspondence has ceased, and after perceiving in your Letters of 30. September and 16 October that your Spirits were affected by your indisposition, it delights me to find them restored, together with your health in your last Letter—I am very glad that you have removed into town, and that you  have taken your house by the Month—It will assuredly be large enough for me when I return, and at all Events I shall pass only a remnant of the Winter in it—If we were to credit the present Reports from England our mission here would have the prospect of termination within a very few days—The Morning Chronicle of the 2d: instant announces that the total rupture of the Negotiation at Ghent, will be made public within a fortnight from that time—Sir Edward Pakenham, General Gibbs, and many other Officers have embarked and sailed for America, in the Statira frigate from Portsmouth. All the Letters from England concur in stating that the popular sentiment for continuing the war is a perfect frenzy—The Times blubbers that all the laurels of Portugal, Spain and France, have withered at Plattsburg, and threatens damnation to the Ministry, if they dare to make Peace with Madison and his faction—We are even told that Master Bull calls for a more vigorous administration to put down the Yankees, and that that model of public and private virtue Wellesley is to replace such sneaking prodigals of the Nation’s blood and treasures as Castlereagh and Liverpool—To increase the public infatuation they are further stimulated with false rumours of further more disasters in Canada. There was a ridiculous tale, said to been brought from Halifax, that Sir James Yeo, had been defeated, wounded, and taken prisoner on Lake Ontario—To counteract its tendency they told the same Story reversing the victor and the vanquished; an event which will ultimately come too near the truth—For the present however both the accounts have sunk into nothing; and now comes another spur upon John’s temper—One Mr. Worthy arrived at Liverpool in the Hero, from Halifax—sailed 10. October—That same day an Account (not said to be official) had been received there, that the Americans had made a successful sortie from Fort Erie—Great Slaughter on both sides—2000 men killed and wounded on each—and the Americans took about 400 prisoners with three General Officers—All this is not quite so improbable as the fable of the Lake, but too improbable for me yet to believe it—Drummond’s force was undoubtedly superior to ours at Fort Erie, and although our troops there have highly distinguished themselves, in defensive War, they have never made a good figure in attacking—This Circumstance occasions my great mistrust of Izard’s expedition from Sacket’s Harbour—It certainly places Drummond in a very critical situation—But winds and waves, and Chauncey, and our blundering fashion of offensive war, will I fear be more than sufficient to ensure his safety—And I would that my apprehension rested there—Cochrane immediately on his arrival at Halifax took in more troops and sailed again the 4th. of October—The next news will tell us where that cloud was to burst—They have been in the mean time laying all the fishing villages on Cape-Cod and under contribution.
Last Evening we sent to the British Commissioners, the answer to their last Note, and with it an entire draft of a Treaty—As notwithstanding all the news from England, I do not think their Government yet prepared to break off the Negotiation, I expect it will be ten days before they send us their reply. We are not aware of any thing either in our Note, or in the Treaty we propose, that they may seize upon as the pretext for breaking, but there is enough in both for that object, if they think the time arrived for proclaiming the rupture. We have in the Note made a proposal more comprehensive, more liberal, more adapted to ensure Peace (in my opinion) than any thing that has yet passed in the correspondence, on either side—This proposal has been made at my suggestion, and there has been great difficulty in coming to unanimity upon it—My belief is that it is the only principle upon which there is any possibility of Peace, and in my view, it is calculated to be of great advantage to us, if it should fail, because, in the event of a rupture it will be our strongest justification in the eyes of the world.—But so different are the views of others that may ill consequences are expected from it, and if they should ensue, the whole responsibility of the measure will be brought to bear directly upon me—Of this I was fully assured when I presented the proposal, and I am prepared to take all the blame that may ultimately attach to it upon myself—it was however, readily adopted, and strenuously supported by both my colleagues of the former mission—As parliament was to meet on the 8th: we may now expect the Regent’s speech in a day or two—Lord Castlereagh has not returned yet from Vienna, and we have not yet heard of the opening of the Congress—It was as you know postponed to the first of this Month—The Speech will probably give some indication of the aspect of things both at Vienna and at Ghent—If the determination to continue the War in America is settled, it will be disclosed in the Speech; and we have rumours that not only the Regent but the Queen have manifested their concurrence with the popular passion for the War. It is therefore to be expected that the answer to our draft of a Treaty, whether in the shape of a Counter-project as we have requested, or by the refusal to send us one, will bring us to some point on which the rupture will turn—They have no hopes of reducing the Yankees to unconditional submission by the Events of this campaign—But the news still to come will give them encouragement, and when fully prepared with the ways and means for the next year, they will have no motive to keep us longer lingering here. I do not now see a prospect of kissing your hand, before new-year’s day; and then, I hope it will not be at your bed-side. But I flatter myself that our meeting will not be delayed much if any thing beyond that term—Your house, I know is in the Galeeren-hoff—Write me the number of it, that I may not have a minute to lose in enquiring for it—As I have a dreary journey in prospect, before I can reach you, promise me a kind reception, warm quarters, and a more cordial kiss than of the hand, when I come—
Mrs Smith will doubtless answer your Letter by this Post or the next—Boyd was on the 7th at the Hotel des Americains, Rue de Richelieu-Paris—I suppose he will go in three weeks from this time—I write to Charles—and am your affectionate husband.

A.


Title: From Elizabeth Smith Shaw Peabody to Abigail Smith Adams, 12 November 1814
From: Peabody, Elizabeth Smith Shaw
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

My Dear Sister,
Atkinson Nov. 12th. 1814

To see Abby Adams’ marriage announced in the public Paper, was at this time, to us a very unexpected Event, as I never heard the least intimation of such an establishment when at Quincy—We were weary of conjectures, till I received your kind letter of last Friday.—But concluded such an early, & sudden marriage must be from a well grounded assurance of the Gentlemans being possessed of a large property—but am pleased to find you think he has other good qualities, for we consider Abby, to be too amiable to be sacrificed at the Shrine of Mammon—I regret that her Mother has so deeply shaded by her cold, unaccountable conduct, what otherways might have been a very pleasant, & agreeable circumstance—to the whole family—We find there are ways my Sister to wound the best feelings of the Heart, which no human legal court can compensate—& which can only be estimated, & properly adjusted by the recording Angel—How often must he blush to register the Ingratitude of mortals—
As the Newyork air is of so much benefit to Mrs Sarah Adam’s Health, & so much superior to the northern in her estimation, I presume, we ought all to rejoice in her pleasing, & very brilliant Prospects—& sincerely wish that both she, & her Daughter, may happily realize all her most pleasant anticipations, & find for each, a most delightful Home—
As there seems to be at present rather a Drought of foreign news, Mrs Adams has at least the honour of furnishing a Subject for domestic, & tea table conversation, & whatever remarks Benevolence—& Propriety may suggest—The aged Mr Dalton too may claim some share of the Palm, for his absence affects the national Interests, & sets the tongue of a jealous people in motion—He has not only worshiped the golden calf, but has run off with it, amounting to fifteen thousand Dollars, the Sum for which he had no bondsman—This is said, but I cannot believe it true—
I wish better men, filled publick offices—When we look arround, & within, who can doubt the depravity of human Nature?—
As to the landed Interest of ours, I do repeat, that I desire you to do what may be deemed best—& I will assent—
We are all as well as usual, excepting colds—Miss Peggy, coughs a good deal, but otherways seems well, & is a very pleasant sensible companion—
I have forgot whether I told you I was delighted to see my Son walk so much better than he has for years past—His health is better & I think he looks better every way—& no Son, need be more attentive to his Mother, than he was to me while in Boston—I mention it, because I know how interested we are in each others Pleasures—I was glad to hear he, spent the annual return of years with the venerable President, & united in the grateful feelings peculiar to the day, for his useful life, & protracted Days—& remarkable health, & Serenity—when I look upon him, it always reminds me of that line of the Poet, “Eternal Sunshine settles on his head”—
Tell my dear Cousins, that none but those minds which have imbibed erroneous Ideas of religion, can believe it deprives them of any rational pleasures, though some amusements may be lawful, but not expedient—& that I hope, they will always have cause to be innocently Gay—& never wish to see any other Cosmetic, than a good Conscience—This gives cheerfulness, & throws a lustre over every feature—Such as beautifies the loved Countenance of my dear Brother, & Sister—& will glow I trust, with added beauty, when this mortal, shall have put on Immorality—
With respect, love, & gratitude, I am ever yours / affectionately

E— PeabodyI have been looking for the character of our deceased friend Madam Warren—but have not met with it yet—


Title: From Richard Rush to Abigail Smith Adams, 13 November 1814
From: Rush, Richard
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

Washington  November 13. 1814.

R. Rush has the honor to present his most respectful compliments to Mrs Adams, and to thank her for the favor she was pleased to grant him of reading the enclosed letter from Mr J. Q. Adams, as well as for the kind postscript which conveyed the permission. To himself and Mrs Rush it has afforded equal pleasure, and such as the productions of Mr A’s pen, on whatever subjects, never fail to yield.


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams, 15 November 1814
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson

N. 53.
My dear wife.
Ghent 15 November 1814.

Mr. William Willink (the father) of Amsterdam, with his Lady arrived here from England, the Evening before last—They have been upon a visit to one of their sons, who is settled at Liverpool, and after spending the Summer there, are now upon their return home—They dined with us yesterday, with Mr: and Mrs: Smith, and Mr: and Mrs: Meulemeester, and are to proceed this morning upon their journey. There was a concert and redoute, (meaning thereby a Ball) in the Evening, which the younger part of our company attended—It is by subscription, once a week, on Mondays; alternately a simple Concert, and this mixed entertainment of last Evening, half Concert, and half Ball—It began last week with a Concert, which I attended, and found rather tedious; though it was over about 8 O’Clock—It consisted almost entirely of the scarlet coated gentry from Hanover and England, who are not more favourites of ours than they are of the inhabitants of the Country—They are scarcely ever admitted into the good company of the place, in private Society, and so they have taken almost exclusive possession of the public places where the only condition of admittance is the payment of money.
The Theatrical Season has also commenced from the first of this Month—All the boxes of the first and second row are taken by the Season; but as a particular consideration in our favour, we were admitted to take a box by the Month—I say we, though I am not personally included in the arrangement—The regular performances are alternately three and four times a week, and once or twice with the abonnement suspendu—The company, is, for french players, without exception the worst I ever saw—There is but one tolerable actor, and not one actress in the whole troop—Occasionally they have had one good singer, male, but he had a figure like Sancho Panza, and one female, but she was sixty years old and had lost her teeth. Some times they bring out rope-dancers and sometimes dancers without ropes, who are rambling about the Country, and half-fill the house, two or three Nights; but the standards of the Stage are the veriest histrionic rabble that my eyes ever beheld—Yet they have a very good orchestra of instrumental performers—very decent Scenery, and a sufficient variety of it—And a wardrobe of elegant, and even magnificent dresses. The only days when they give any thing which I think fit to be seen or heard are those when the abonnement is suspended—Some of us are very constant attendants—Mr Gallatin and James never miss—They have become intimately acquainted with the whole troop. All our family have become in a manner domesticated behind the scenes, with a single exception—Who that is you may conjecture, I go to the Theatre about once a week, and have found no temptation to go oftener. My Evenings, although they are drawing to the Season of their greatest length have as yet seldom hung heavy upon my hands—
We have usually after sending a Note to the British Plenipotentiaries, from a week to ten days of leisure—Such has been our state since last Thursday when we transmitted to them our project of a Treaty—We shall probably not have the reply sooner than next Monday—Mr Bayard has again availed himself of the opportunity to make an excursion to Bruges, and perhaps Ostend, Dunkirk and Lille. We expect him back before the end of the week, and have invited the British Mission to dine with us next Friday.
The English Newspapers to the 10th: bring nothing further from America. One great reason that I have for believing that the next news will be bad—very bad—is that most of us are sanguine in the hope that it will be very good—We have had many and signal unexpected favours of Providence; but I do not recollect a single instance since the commencement of the War, when we have indulged hopes founded on flattering prospects, that they have not issued in bitter disappointment.
The Regents Speech, talks as usual about the unprovoked aggression of America, and her siding with the oppressor of Europe, but says he is negotiating with her for Peace—That his disposition is pacific, and that the success will depend on his meeting a similar disposition in the American Government—These, as Lord Grenville in the debate observes, are words of course—And he calls upon the Ministers to say what the war is continued for? Lord Liverpool brings it out in terms, which equivocal as they are, explain sufficiently to us the policy which I have so often told you they were pursuing—He said, according to the report of the Courier “that particular circumstances might prescribe conditions which in a different situation of affairs it would be impolitic and improper to propose”—That is to say that the terms they intend to prescribe will depend upon the circumstances of the campaign of America, and of their success at the Congress of Vienna—The Regent has therefore mistaken his own disposition—it is not to make peace, but to vary his proposals according to circumstances—This is what his Government have done with us—They have changed their grounds in almost every note they have sent us, and have been steady to nothing but the principle of avoiding to pledge themselves to any-thing—to pledge themselves effectually, I mean; for they have repeatedly slunk in one note from a demand which they had declared to be indispensable in another, and on the first encouragement of success they brought forward demands totally inadmissible which they had before solemnly disclaimed.
Lord Grenville and Mr Whitbread censured the destruction of the Capitol and President’s house at Washington—They were told that it was done by way of retaliation—But Admiral Cochrane has made a formal declaration that he shall destroy and lay waste such towns as he may find assailable on the Sea-Coast, having been required by Sir George Prevost to do so, to retaliate for similar destruction committed by the Americans in Canada—Prevost himself at the same time in his expedition to Plattsburg issued a Proclamation forbidding every such excess and declaring that they were not making War upon against the American People, but only against their Government—Whitbread called upon the Ministers, to account for the inconsistency between Prevosts proclamation, and his alleged requisition to Cochrane; but they gave him no answer—The real cause was that Prevost was entering that part of the Country to conquer it, and the Government intended to keep it—So they tried there the system of coaxing the People—On the Sea Coast which they do not expect to keep, they meant merely to plunder and destroy—The retaliation was nothing but a pretext.
We have Letters of the 4th: and 7th: from Mr Boyd, at Paris. His uncle had left there for London, the day before his arrival—He (the uncle) was to return about the 20th:—Boyd’s head is always running upon some enterprize; but his combinations are not always judicious.—
Mrs Smith shewed me the part of your Letter asking her to get you a supply of finery. I laughed, and told her to ask you if you intended to set up a milliner’s shop—The conclusion about laying out to advantage 100 Rubles amused us both—But—sans adieu! give my love to Charles—I will bring you what I can; and am in the mean time ever affectionately your’s
A.
P.S.—Your’s of 23d. October is just now put into my hands.


Title: From Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams to John Quincy Adams, 15 November 1814
From: Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson
To: Adams, John Quincy

My Best friend
St. Petersburg Nobr. 15 1814

You cannot think how much I was disappointed in your last last Letter when I open’d it I was in the full expectation of reading all the good news which we had recieved here at least 4 days before instead of which I found nothing but a melancholy detail of all the suffering and disgrace which had befallen us I hope you had heard the news more in detail when you dined with the Ministers and that you were in good spirits when you Heaven has not deserted us and if we do not desert ourselves we shall yet make our Proud and insulting enemy feel that we are and must be a great Nation and that we are probably reserved to chastize them for their insolence to all the World I perfectly agree with Montesquieu that for them there is no law—but Common law and I hope and trust God Willing that of this Law they will have enough to teach them a little Modesty if they are not to much perverted to learn a little principle.
It is to day pretended in the German Paper that Peace was expected immediately of this I have some doubts Saxony is annexed to Russia this needs no comment and leads to high expectations—How impossible it is to find perfection in this World where real honor is punished and accidental good fortune is rewarded and cried up to the skies for great merit I wish well to my old friend but I love justice too well not to see things as they are and as they ought to be— Hanover is transmogrified into a Monarchy Napoleon’s System of King making is become the fashion among those who pretended to scorn it most—
I am very sorry to find by your Letter that you have still cause of disatisfaction with William from me he got very little as I flatly refused him on the plea that I had declared to you that I would have nothing to do with money matters he went to Lewis but he who has since told me that he refused to lend him because he would not fix a time for repayment I told Lewis that you had amply furnished him and that he must have asked it merely from the fear that what he had would not last him his voyage being more expensive than he expected—I only paid Martha’s passage which he charged at 300R and Left some little accounts unpaid which I was obliged to settle—The cause of all his trouble I have reason to believe was a large gaming debt he had to pay to S Cramer which he paid out of the money you left him for his journey this I discover’d by accident as his Wife knew nothing of it. This was the real cause of all his embarrassment and which forced him to behave very shabbily—
I am glad they do not return as no good I am fully convinced can ever come to him in this Country where the weakness of his character renders it impossible for him to withstand the temptations he  is hourly exposed to. We must not however censure him too severely as we are all (but yourself) liable to be misled by the force of example and the habits of those among whom we happen to fall.
God Bless and Protect you Charles and myself are very impatient to embrace you but notwithstanding you give me a faint hope I dare not flatter myself that you will soon return to your very affect
L C AdamsCount Maistre was here last evening and desired me to make his compliment to say he knew no man who he esteemed more than yourself. Princess Belloselski has become our Champion


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Harriet Welsh, 16 November 1814
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Welsh, Harriet

Dear Harriot
Quincy Nov’br. 16th 1814

Feeling a little in the dumps, the why, or the wherefore I cannot tell, excepting a crick in my neck, & pain in my head, to cure all I take my pen to write you a few lines and inclose the , which Susan finished but has not had a conveyance for; so I send them by post and to make you laugh send you O an abominable wagish Letter I had almost said wicked, but then it made me laugh so, that I was vexed with myself—return it safe, I have been thinking who would enjoy it with you, you may read it, as you think proper to the otis’es. and may be to dear mary M.
all parties agree that our good Child Abbe has got an Excelent Husband; I hope she will prove to him all his wishes; If you get any thing from Caroline: send it to your / Friend
A AdamsDear Harriet
I have been trying to send this bundle ever since sunday you will laugh at Uncle Smiths letter.SmA
when you read the letter omit the passage relative to Aunt Nancy and oblige your friendSmA


Title: From Charles Francis Adams to John Quincy Adams, 18 November 1814
From: Adams, Charles Francis,Adams, Louisa Catherine Johnson
To: Adams, John Quincy

My Best Friend
18 Nov. 1814

By some accident my letter was too late for the last Post I therefore only send you this letter of Charles’s with assurances of our mutual affection—
Dear PapaSt Petersburg Novbr: 18th: 1814
I am quite a Soldier since Mrs: Betancourt made me a present of a Gun, and I exercise every day. Mama has got a new Servant who has been a Solider, and he drills me; it is a real gun, and George Krehmer is very jealous of me, because he says he gave Miss Betancourt his Heart, so she aught to have given it to him.
Mama is a great Amateur of Cards, she is always laying out the Cards, to see if you will come back soon.
Mama made me a present of a Sword, and Cap, for acting well, which gave me great pleasure.
We act Blue Beard at Mrs: Krehmers every night, I will tell you the Story—
Blue Beard was married to Seven Wives, all of whom he killed. the play begins with his eighth Marriage. He offers himself to Fatima, twice, she refuses him, but the third time she accepts him and they marry. after he is married, he is obliged to go a journey. When he takes leave of Fatima, he gives her the Keys of the house, and tells her, that one of the Keys belong to a chamber which she must not open, if she does he will kill her. he brings her a young Lady to stay with her during his absence, who is her Lover disguised. when Blue Beard is gone, Fatima opens the door, and is so frightened at what she sees, she screams and falls into a fit—when she has recovered, she shuts the door but brakes the Key: Blue Beard returns, and finding the key broken, takes her by the hair, and is going to cut her head off, when her Lover rushes in, fights him, and kills him.
I am, Dear Papa your Dutiful and affectionate Son.
Charles Francis Adams.


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Elizabeth Smith Shaw Peabody, 20 November 1814
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Peabody, Elizabeth Smith Shaw

My dear sister,
Novbr 20th 1814

your Letter of Novbr 12 I received. you was not more amazed at the news of the sudden match that I was it was considerd I presume by the Family as highly advantages
I have learnt from various sources and such as may be relied upon, that mr  Johnson the Father is one of the most respectable & wealthy merchants in utica, that he was in Business with this son and was in partnership with his Father untill the old Gentleman retired from business, and having this only child concluded himself rich enough, the young Gentleman having an income of five thousand dollars pr An’ independent of his Father who is now one of the directors of the Utica Bank—the Father has been well known to the col & mr Justice Smith for many Years, the Son had determine to go abroad if peace had taken peace, but as that was not the case, he was Smitten with the young Lady as she was going to School with her Books under her Arm—and got an introduction into the Family, where he has been a visitor for about three months, and as the young Lady says, she presumed his visits were to her Aunt, he had every opportunity of seeing her in her native simplicity and innocence. having made up his mind, he prevaild upon his Mother to go and break the Ice as it is said to her Mother who  to the proposition, referd the gentleman to the Lady of course, who upon consenting was in one fortnight married from what I have seen and heard of the Gentleman we have every reason to be satisfied with the connection upon all accounts except the youth of the Lady, but the Age and experience of the Mother, will supply all deficiency, provided moderation and Judgment, prudence and discretion go hand in hand—and too much consequence is not given to wealth, to swell and look down contemptuously upon those who are less fortunate,—there is not any thing in mr Johnsons manners or appearance which savors in the least of conceit foppery or arrogance—he is well Bred self possest and affable very conversable—and a man of Breeding & knowledge of the world— Abbe is much improved in her person, and may be said to be Beautifull, altho she has not yet settled into woman She is like the half Bloom more; and the Religious there is an interesting pensiveness in her countanance, which the Religious Sentiments, which have been instiled into her mind gives to hers countenance the regection of every amusement, however innocent in itself and congenial to youth, is no part of my Religion for I read in the Scriptures that there is a time to dance & to sing.—
We are enjoined to Love God with all our Heart, but we are not instructed by the same gospel to Love our Enemies, and to Love one an other—so that there are other duties required of us, and the Love which god demands belongs to us as Rational Beings, and is a rational sentiment—
mr Johnson is an Episcopalian, and a candid Man.—
The Report respecting mr Dalton must have been a mere Calumny, he is too old to Run, and too conscious much a man of honour and integrity to blast his Reputation by such means. he has been put to Straits  I believe for a living, but I have never heard of his recuring to any dishonorable means to obtain one, or of his having been in the least implicated in the various employments in which he has been engaged
It is impossible to make all Men honest, or disinterested, and there is no preventing many such getting into places of trust and employment, it is impossible for a president with the best intentions to avoid mistakes in appointments as he must depend upon the opinion and judgement of those who recommend to office. he cannot personally known one in a Hundred who hold offices civil and military  as my Friend has been not to give recommendations since he has been out of office. in two Instances where he has done it he has been deceived—one man proved a notorious drunkard—and the other a poor vagabond—
Let us then extend to others the candour we need for ourselves—it is a source of great pleasure to me that you partook of so many enjoyments while with us, although you were calld to the House of mourning to shew us that no pleasures are  here