Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 24 July 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

            Dear Sir.
            Grosvenor Square July 24th. 1785—

          I have a Letter from the Baron De Thulemeier of the 19th. and a Copy of his Letter to you of the same date. I hope now in a few Day’s to take Mr. Short by the hand in Grosvenor Square, and to put my hand to the [Tr]eaty. I think no time should be lost. We will join Mr. Dumas with Mr. Short in the Exchange if you please.
          I applyed as you desired, and obtained the interposition of the Lords Commissioners of the treasury, and the Commissioners of the Customs for the transhipping of Dr. Franklin’s Baggage. We have heared of the Doctors arrival at Rouen, but no further.
          {The Britons alliens Duty is a very burthensome Thing, and they may carry it hereafter as far upon Tobacco, Rice Indigo and twenty other Things, as they do now upon oil. to obviate this, I think of Substituting, the Words “natural born Citizens of the United States,” and “natural born Subjects of Great Britain,” instead of “the most favoured Nation.” You remember We first proposed to offer this to all Nations, but upon my Objecting that the English would make their ships French or Sweedish or Dutch &c to avail themselves of it, without agreeing to it, on their Part, We altered it to the footing of “Gentis Amicissimæ.[”] But if the English will now agree to it, We shall Secure ourselves against many odious Duties, and no ill Consequence can arise. it is true the French Dutch Sweeds and Prussians will of Course claim the Advantage, but as they must in return allow Us the Same Advantage, So much the better.— let me know if any Objection occurs to you.}
          There is a Bill before Parliament to prevent smuggling Tobacco, in which restrictions are very rigorous, but cannot be effected. two thirds of the Tobacco consumed in this Kingdom I am told is smuggled— how can it be otherwise when the impost is five times the original Value of the Commodity. If [one] pound in five escapes nothing is lost. if two in five, a great profit is [made.—]
          the Duty is 16d. pr. pound and tobacco sells for three pence.— Yet all applications for lowering the Duty are rejected—
          Yours most affectionately

            John Adams


Title: From John Adams to the Baron von Thulemeier, 24 July 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Thulemeier, Friedrich Wilhelm, Baron von

            Sir
            Grosvenor Square Westminster July 24. 1785

          I have recd, the Letter, you did me, the Honour to write me on the 19 of this month and the Copy of your Letter to my Colleague Mr Jefferson. it is with great Pleasure I learn, that the Articles of the Treaty between his Prussian Majesty and the United States, are all agreed on to mutual Satisfaction, and I hope in a very few days to have the Honour of putting my Hand to it here. Mr Short, will bring it from Paris Signed and Sealed by Mr Jefferson, and will carry it, from hence to you, Signed and Sealed by me. Mr Dumas will be joined with Mr short in making the Exchange with you. Mr Short is a very respectable Gentleman of Virginia, a late Member of their Council, and an intimate Friend of Mr Jefferson.
          Will you give me Leave, Sir to enquire, what are the Imposts upon our Tobacco in the Prussian Ports, and whether there is or may be any large Consumption of that Commodity in Prussia.— The Principal Difficulty We have in Trade is to make Remittances, and We cannot trade to any large Amount with any Nation that cannot or will not receive the Produce of our Lands or Seas.— Indigo is another Article, which I wish to know, if it finds a Market in Prussia. and Oil, especially Sperma Cæti Oil and Candles. With what kind of Oil are your Cities illuminated in the Night? The Sperma Cæti Oil gives the purest Flame and the clearest Light, that is known. a Lamp in a City, lighted up with this Oil, at Six o Clock in the Evening will burn bright, untill Nine the next Morning, whereas the Oil that is now used in the Lamps of London, do not feed a flame longer than Eleven or twelve o Clock. the Consequence of which is that innumerable the Rogues take Advantage of the Darkness after Midnight to commit Robberies and Burglaries without Number and even many Murthers. and many People had rather Suffer all these Crimes, or even introduce a military Police, than inlighten their Streets with American Sperma Cæti Oil. If Prussia and Germany would have more Wisdom it would greatly promote Trade between them and America.
          With great Respect &c


Title: To John Adams from William Greene, 25 July 1785
From: Greene, William
To: Adams, John

            Sir
            Warwick State of Rhode-Island. &c. July 25th. AD 1785—

          I have to address your Excy. concerning the Liberation of a Subject of this State from English Service.
          Richard Low of a respectable Family in this State having commenced a Voyage on board of an American Merchantman AD 1776. was captured by the Niger, an English Frigate, and by Compulsion served on board her and a Variety of other Vessels in his Brittanic Majesty’s Service till the Year 1780 when he was dispatched in the same Employment to the East Indies as known by a Letter from Madrass dated in January AD 1784.
          The Tenderness of Paternal Fondness with the Satisfaction attending our Duty in the Releif of an unfortunate Subject which are the Motives which induce me to urge this Request, I am sensible will contribute to merit your Attention in demanding his Enlargement with a Passport which may return him to his Country and a proper Reward for his Services
          With the most perfect Attachment / I have the Honor to be / Your Excy.’s most obt. / vry. hbl. Sevt.

            W. Greene Govr.


Title: To John Adams from Wilhem & Jan Willink and Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, 26 July 1785
From: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business),Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)
To: Adams, John

            Sir
            Amsterdam 26 July 1785

          We have before us the honour of your Excelly’s esteemed favour of 16 July, whch. only is arrived with us the 24 inst, in conformity of your desire we shall endeavour to take care for the Hotel with all œconomy possible, as far as our position in Amstd will admit.
          We Shall procure ourselves a copy of the Contract of de La Lande & fynje with Geyer to transmit it to you, if possible next mail with the fullest information in our power, we donot Suspect fraudes by de La Lande & fynje, but the employing of congress & other money in their hands can only be apologized by the necessity, as consequences of their imprudent dealings, & want of returns from America.
          We donot mean however that this Should authorise them to employ publicq money, whch. as a Sacred deposit, must remain at the disposal of congress at every moment.
          The arrangement of the Creditors in London of their Copartnership of Geyer de La Lande & fynje QQ is made by Geyer without their knowledge, who thought himself as active partner by their fatal Contract of association with him, in faculty to make similar arrangements.

          since Mr. Parker offers to take over the concerns of the partnership of G: de La L & f. QQ and to give the mentioned american funds for security, we had esteemed ourself happy if by your Excellency’s information abt. the Solidity & validity of the Same; we had been encouraged to hold some Conferences with Mr. Parker on the Subject, who perhaps might be disposed, if an agreement can be Concluded to pay the whole or part of Congress debts, as he says to have an acct. in his favour by Congress, by whch. or by paying of the mentioned funds it might be performed, in consequence we request your Excellency to inform us, whether we may take a Similar proposal into consideration, & if your Excellency Should accept & approve of Such an agreement, if it could be made at the Conveniency of the interressed Parties?
          We have the honour to be With Respect full Regard / Sir / Your most Humb & most / Obedient servants

            Wilhem & Jan WillinkNics. & Jacob van Staphorst.


Title: From John Adams to the Marquis of Carmarthen with a Draft Declaration on the Cessation of Anglo-American Hostilities, 27 July 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Hostilities, the Marquis of Carmarthen with a Draft Declaration on the Cessation of Anglo-American

            My Lord
            Grosvenor Square July 27. 1785—

          Since the Letter which I did myself the honour to write to your Lordship, relative to the Construction of the Armistice, I have received further information from America, which I beg leave to Communicate to your Lordship.
          The first Judgement rendered on a mistaken Interpretation of the Armistice, appears to have been at New York where all American Vessells, taken within the second Month were condemned as lawful Prize by the Judge of Admiralty. The Fame of these Decrees having reached Connecticut and Rhode Island it is said that similar Decrees were rendered by the inferior Courts of Admiralty there against british Vessells. There is my Lord, a Court of Admiralty in each of the United States but by our Constitution an Appeal lies from all of them to a Court appointed by the United States in Congress assembled for receiving and determining finally Appeals in all Cases of Capture. If the Parties interrested in the decrees in Connecticut and Rhode Island had appealed to the supream Court, those decrees would certainly have been reversed, because every cause which ever came before them upon the point in question, has been decided in favour of the british owner of the Vessell. And if a Declaration should now be made, of the true Intention of the contracting Parties, the british Owners against whom the decrees were renderd in Connecticut and Rhode Island may still appeal and have Justice, if the time limited is not passed. if it is, by an application to the Legislatures of those States, there is no doubt to be made, that an appeal would be granted, under the present Circumstances, notwithstanding the lapse of Time.
          The decissions in the Court of admiralty of the Massachusetts and all the other States, have been conformable to the Judgement of the supreme Court of appeals, that is to say conformable to the true Intention of the Armistice, and it is with pleasure that I add, that the Judgements of His Majesty’s Court of Admiralty at Halifax have been the same way.
          The Words of the Armistice, are supposed to be the same which have been constantly used in every Treaty of peace for the last hundred Years, and it is not known that there ever was before any doubt, or difference of opinion concerning the construction of them. in order to establish this Confidence between the two Countries, it is necessary My Lord that there should be a mutual Confidence in each others Tribunals of Justice, which can hardly exist, while such various Interpretations are given of so plain a point by different Courts in each Nation.
          In order to settle all disputes upon this Subject upon one Principle. I have the Honour to propose to Your Lordship that a Declaration should be made, in the form inclosed, or to the same Effect in any other Form which may appear to your Lordship more proper.
          With great Respect, I have the honour to be / My Lord / Your Lordship’s / most Obedient & very / Humble Servant

            John Adams.

          ENCLOSURE
          Declaration

              [27 July 1785]

            Whereas, By the first article of the Preliminary Treaty of Peace between the Crown of Great Britain and the Crown of France signed at Versailles on the twentieth of January 1783 it was stipulated in these Words vizt. “Aussitot que les Preliminaires seront Signés et ratifiés, l’Amitie sincere sera retablie entre sa Majesté tres Chretienne et Sa Majeste Britannique, leurs Royaums, Estats, et Subjets, par mer, et par terre, dans toutes les Parties du Monde; il Sera envoyé des ordres aux Armies et Escadres, ainsi qu aux sujets des deux Puissances de cesser toute Hostilité et de vivre dans la plus parfaite union en oubliant le passe, dont leurs Souverains leur donnent l’Ordre et l’Exemple, et pour l’Execution de cet Article il sera donné de part et d’autre des Passeports de Mer, aux Vaisseaux qui seront expediés pour en porter la nouvelle dans les Possessions des dites Puissances”
            And by the twenty second Article of the same treaty it was stipulated in these Words, vizt. “Pour prevenir tous les Sujets de Plaintes et de contestation, qui pourroient naitre a l’Occasion des prises qui pourroient être faites en Mer depuis la signature de ces Articles Preliminaires, on est convenu reciproquement, que les Vaisseaux et Effets qui pourroient être pris dans la Manche, et dans les mers du Nord apres l’Espace de douze Jours, à compter depuis la Ratification des Presents Articles Preliminaires, seront de part et d’autre restitues. Que le terme sera d’un mois depuisl la Manche et les Mers du Nord jusqu’aux Isles Canaries inclusivement, soit dans l’Ocean soit dans la mediterraneé; de deux mois depuis les dites Isles Canaries jusqu’a la ligne equinoxiale au l’Equator, et en fin de cinque mois dans tous les Autres Endroits du Monde, sans aucune exception ni autre distinction plus particuliere de tems et de lieux.”
            And Whereas, on the said twentieth Day of January 1783 it was agreed, and by instruments signed by the Minister Plenipotentiary of His Britannic Majesty in behalf of His Majesty on one part, and by the Ministers Plenipotentiary of the United states of America in behalf of the said United States on the other, it was mutually declared that the said United States of North America, their Citizens and their Possessions, and His Britannic Majesty his Subjects and Possessions, should be comprised in the suspension of Arms abovementioned, and that they should consequently enjoy the benefit of the Cessation of Hostilities, at the same periods and in the same Manner as the Crowns aforesaid and their Subjects and Possessions respectively.
            And Whereas a doubt has arisen and a Question has been made concerning the sense and intention of the High Contracting Parties, by the Words “d’un mois depuis la Manche et les mers du Nord jusqu’aux Isles Canaries, inclusivement[”]; and by the Words, “de deux mois depuis les dites Isles Canaries jusqu’a la ligne equinoxiale.”
            Now in order to remove all such doubts and questions and to the End that the same rule of Justice may take place in all the Courts of Justice in both Nations, it is hereby agreed and declared by:    in the Name and behalf of His Majesty the King of Great Britain    and by    Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, to the Court of Great Britain on the other in the Name and behalf of the said United States, that the Line of Latitude of the southermost Canary Island was intended by the said contracting Parties and that the Armistice aforesaid ought to be every where undestood and construed, in the same manner as if the Words had been “depuis la Manche et les Mers du Nord, jusqu’a la latitude des Isles Canaries inclusivement,” and “depuis la latitude des dites Isles Canaries, qusqu’a la ligne Equinoxiale.” And that all judgements and Decrees of any Court of Justice of either of the Parties to this Declaration, rendered upon any different Construction of the Armistice aforesaid ought to be reversed
            Done at Westminster this    Day of       1785—


Title: To John Adams from Jabez Bowen, 27 July 1785
From: Bowen, Jabez
To: Adams, John

            Sir
            Providence Rhode Island July 27. 1785

          I am Requested by John Low Esqr. a Respectable Citizen of this State to make application for the Release of his Son Richard Low, who was taken in the Year 1776, on Board a Marchant Vessell and was sent to the East Indies. in January 1784. he was on Board the Defence of Seventy Four Guns at Bombay many more of our poor Country men are in the same situation. so that I suppose that a general application would be verry servisable and necessary.
          I am informed that in the Year 1775 their was a Ballance of three thousand pounds Sterling due to the Colony of Rhode Island. that Money; had been stopped by Orders from the Minister, to Reimburse Dor. Moffatt—Martin Howard, Esqr. &c. for Damages they sustained at the Time of the Stamp Act. on the Colony takeing the matter up, and Remonstrating to the Ministry on their detaning the propertily of the Colony, the Ballance never was broke upon, but now appears fairly due by the Treasury Books. Divers applications have been made by the Loyalists that lost property in this State to procure Orders from the Minister to Draw the said Ballance out of the Treasury but all to no purpose. you would do a verry acceptable service to this State if you would be so kind as Enquire into the above, and also to know if a Bill or Bills should be drawn for the same, wheather they would be paid; By renewing our former Trade with Great-Brittain there is a large Debt due from America. By the Acts of Parlement and other New Commercial Regulations. Brittain has put it quite out of our power, to discharge the Debt in any other way than by Remitting Cash. this has been the Case to such a Degree that we find it verry difficult to raise Money for Marketing and other small Domestick uses. verry great Complaints among the Farmers for want of Money to pay their Taxes, and Business, of every kind stagnated.
          If the British will not permitt us to send our Oil Duty free; I think the New England States cannot make payment for the Debts already contracted. neighther will they be so unwise as to Contract new ones; so that we shall be gradually disconnected. who will loose or who gain by this alteration, Time only must discover. this I infer that we American must be more Frugal, and bend our Force to promote Arts and Manufactorys among our selves.
          Your Old Friend Govr. Hopkins Departed this Life on the 13th of this Instant in the 79th Year of his Age, he Dy’d as he Lived The Firm Zelous Patriot. and Friend to the Liberties of Mankind.
          I wish you to Pardon the Length of this Letter, (and (tho’ unknown) Beleve that I am Your Excellencys Most / Obedient and verry Humb Servant.

            Jabez BowenDep-Govr. Rd Island.


Title: To John Adams from Arthur Lee, 27 July 1785
From: Lee, Arthur
To: Adams, John

            My dear Sir
            New-york July 27th. 1785

          Being at this place, on private business, I cannot omit the opportunity of writing to you.
          The critical & alarming situation of this Country, makes me extremely anxious to hear the issue of your negociations at St. James’s. An obstinate adherence, on the part of the british, to thier present commercial system; will, for a time, involve us in great difficulties. But I am persuaded, the activity & sagacity of our countrymen, stimulated at once by necessity & indignation, will force some new channel of commerce by which great Britain will, in the end, lose a great part of our commerce. At present She almost monopolizes it; & the consequent impositions of her private Merchants, as well as the selfish spirit of her Administration makes us feel this so sensebly, that every nerve will be exerted to vindicate ourselves from them. The british are assuredly pursuing a false policy for themselves, which, as in all their conduct towards us, they will discover too late.
          Of the same or rather of a worse complexion, is their keeping possession of the western posts; contrary, unquestionably to the intention of the Treaty. If they persevere in this, a few years will see them submit to the shame of having Detroit & Niagara wrested from them, or involvd in a war, on that account, which cannot be consistent with their interests.
          I woud wish to see these accommodated in our day; for we have had enough of toil & glory.
          I have had the pleasure of meeting your son here, who conducts himself with a great deal of propriety. Your determination of not continuing him in the path of politics, but sending him to pursue the study & practice of the Law; is exceedingly wise. The contrary is too much our system; & it is not altogether new, to see a young Gentleman quit the council-board to go to college; & leave Congress to qualify himself to appear at the bar. This fault will mend itself; since it is not vice or folly, but inexperience that produces it.
          I beg you to present my best respects to Mrs. Adams, & have the honor to be, with the most / entire esteem, dear Sir / Yr. most Obedt. Servt.

            Arthur Lee


Title: To John Adams from William Carmichael, 28 July 1785
From: Carmichael, William
To: Adams, John

            Sir
            Madrid 28th. July 1785

          I did not receive until the 26th Inst. the Letter you did me the honor to address me the 3d of June announcing your presentation & audience at St. James. Permit me to congratulate you on the favorable Auspices with which you commence your mission & to express my hopes that it will continue to be as agreable to you as I presume it will be useful to our Country. I this day write to Mr Jefferson & have taken the Liberty of requesting him to transmit you copies of Sundry papers which regard the situation of our Affairs here & in Barbary. I have also desired that Gentleman to concert with you a safer mode of correspondence than the Present. Altho’ I have not the honor to be known to your Lady & Family I hope they will excuse the Liberty their Countryman takes, in praying you to present compliments on his part.
          I have the honor to be / with great Respect / Your Excys / Most Obedt. Humble Sert.

            Wm. Carmichael


Title: From John Adams to the Marquis of Carmarthen, 29 July 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Carmarthen, the Marquis of

            My Lord.
            Grosvenor Square July 29th. 1785.

          The Course of Commerce, since the peace, between Great Britain and the United States of America, has been such as to have produced many inconveniencies to the persons concerned in it, on both sides, which become every day more and more sensible. The Zeal of Americans to make remittances to british merchants, has been such as to raise the Interest of Money to double its usual standard, to increase the price of Bills of exchange to eight or ten per cent. above par, and to advance the price of the produce of the Country, to almost double the usual Rate, large sums of the circulating Cash, and as much produce as could be purchased at almost any rate, have been remitted to England: but much of this produce, lies in Store here, because it will not fetch, (by reason of the Duties and restrainsts on it) the price given for it, in America No political Arrangements having been made, both the british and American Merchants expected that the trade, would have returned to its old Channels, and nearly under the same regulations, found by long Experience to be beneficial, but they have been disappointed— the former have made advances, and the latter contracted Debts both depending on remittances, in the usual Articles, and upon the Ancient terms, but both have found themselves mistaken and it is much to be feared, that the Consequences will be numerous failures. The Cash and Bills have been chiefly remitted, neither, Rice, Tobacco, Pitch, Tar, Turpentine, ships, Oil, nor many other Articles, the great sources of Remittance formerly, can now be sent as heretofore, because of Restrictions and Imposts, which are new in this Commerce and distructive of it— And the Trade with the british West India Islands, formerly a vast source of remittance, is at present obstructed.
          These evils, My Lord, as far as they merely affect the Citizens of the United States, should not be offered to your Lordships consideration— They are proper Subjects for the deliberations of Congress, and the Legislatures of the several States: but as far as they affect the Merchants and Manufacturers of Great Britain and Ireland, and as far as they affect the general System of Commerce, Revenue and Policy of the british Empire—Your Lordship will undoubtedly give them their due weight.
          There is a litteral impossibility, My Lord, that the Commerce between the two Countries, can continue long to the advantage of either, upon the present footing. The evils already experienced will be much increased and more severely felt if the Causes of them are permitted much longer to opperate— It is the desire of the Citizens of the United States to Cultivate the most friendly intercourse with the King’s Subjects, and it will be with regret that they should see a necessity of searching for other resources as substitutes for british Commerce, either in other Countries or in Manufactures at Home. Whether it is not putting at hazard, too material an interest, to risque an Alienation from these Kingdoms, of the American Commerce, or any considerable part of it for the sake of the advantages that can be obtained by the present restrictions on it, is a question, which must be submitted to you Lordships consideration.
          In order to bring this Subject, so momentous to both Countries, under a candid discussion, I do myself the honour to inclose to Your Lordship, and to propose to the consideration of his Majesty’s ministers, a project of a fair and equitable Treaty of Commerce, between His Majesty and the United States of America prepared in conformity to the instructions of Congress, and submit it entirely to your Lordship to decide, whether the Negotiation shall be conducted with Your Lordship, or with any other Person to be invested with powers equal to mine, to be appointed for the purpose—
          With great Respect I have the / Honour to be—My Lord / Your Lordship’s / Most Obedt. Humble Serv.

            John Adams, Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States of America at the Court of Great Brittain


Title: From John Adams to William Carmichael, 29 July 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Carmichael, William

            Sir
            Grosvenor Square Westminster July 29. 1785

          Mr Samuel Watson, a Citizen of the United States of America and Settled at Charlestown South Carolina as a Merchant Sailed from thence about two Years ago on board a Vessell bound to the Havannah and nothing has been heard of him or Vessell Since, till lately, a Gentleman from the Havannah has reported that a Mr Watson from Charleston was taken in the Bay of Mexico and carried into Carthagena, and from thence Sent to the Castle of St Juan, de Ulua la vera Cruz, and afterwards Sent to Trascala, where it is Supposed he is, at present. it is Supposed his Youth and Inexperience has been the Cause of his trespassing on the Spanish Navigation Acts, for which he has Suffered a Severe loss of Property and his Liberty So long. his Father and numerous Relations are very anxious for his Fate and earnestly desire that You would interest yourself for his Release, if that be attainable, but if that cannot be had in full, that you would endeavour to procure his Removal to old Spain, that his Friends may hear from him and procure Intelligence respecting the Property he may have left behind him in Charlestown. I have ventured to give assurances that you would obtain one or the other of their favours, if they can be obtained by any body, and I have undertaken to apply to Mr Del Campo, the Spanish Minister here, and to write to Mr Jefferson to Speak to the Comte D’Aranda. Whether all will not be in vain I know not, but this We know that our Endeavours to the Utmost of our Power to serve a Country man in so unhappy Circumstances will give Us Satisfaction enough to reward Us for our Pains, whether We succeed or not. With much / Respect and Esteem I have the Honour to be, sir &c.


Title: From John Adams to John Jay, 29 July 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Jay, John

            Sir.
            Grosvenor Square Westminster July 29th. 1785—

          I have the honour to inclose a Copy of a Letter to the Marquis of Carmarthen of the 14th. of July, another of the 27th. with a project of a Declaration concerning the construction of the Armistice, and another of this date with a project of a Treaty of Commerce— It is high time something should be done, to turn the attention of Administration to the relation between this Country and the United States, and it seemed most advisable to lay the project of a Treaty directly before the Ministry, rather than first negociate the appointment of any other Minister to treat with me, than the Marquis of Carmarthen himself— If I had first proposed the appointment of a minister, they would have procrastinated the business, for six Months and perhaps twelve, before I could have communicated any thing to them— Now they can have no excuse— The offer is made & hereafter they may repent of their error, if they do not accept it, or something nearly like it immediately. I am very sensible it will greatly embarrass Administration, because most of them I believe are sensible that some such treaty must be one day agreed to, and that it would be wise to agree to it now, but they are affraid of oppositions from many quarters— I must not however disguise my real sentiments. The present Ministry are too much under the influence of Chalmers & Smith and others of that Stamp & have been artfully drawn into so many manifestations of a Determination to maintain their Navigation Laws relatively to the United states, and of a Jealousy of our Naval Power—Small as it is, that I fear they have committed themselves too far to receed. Their Newfoundland Act, as well as their proclamations, and the fourth of their Irish Propositions are in this Style— I have no expectation that the proposed Treaty will be soon agreed to, nor that I shall have any counter project, or indeed any answer for a long time. it is very apparent, that we shall never have a satisfactory arrangement with this Country untill Congress shall be made by the States, supreme in matters of foreign Commerce, and Treaties of Commerce, and untill Congress shall have exerted that supremacy with a decent Firmness—
          I am with great esteem / Your most Obedient / Humble Serv.

            John Adams.—


Title: From John Adams to the Count Frederik von Reventlow, 30 July 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Reventlow, Frederik, Count von

            Sir
            Grosvenor Square Westminster July 30. 1785

          I have the Honour of transmitting to you, herewith enclosed a certified Copy of an Act of Congress of the 21. of March last, instructing me to communicate to Mr St. Saphorin, the high Sense, the United States of America in Congress assembled, entertain of the liberal Decision made by his Danish Majesty, on the Question proposed to his Minister by me, respecting the ordination of American Candidates for holy orders in the Episcopal Church commonly called the Church of England. I am informed by Mr Jay our Minister of foreign Affairs, that Congress has been pleased to order him to transmit Copies of my Letter and the other Papers on this subject to the Executives of the different States, And he is perswaded they will receive with Pleasure this Mark of his Danish Majestys Friendly Disposition.
          At the Time when these Resolutions passed, it was Supposed in Congress that Mr St. Saphorin, continued at the Hague, but as he is removed from thence, I presume it will equally fullfill the Intentions of Congress in expressing their Respects and Acknowledgments to his Danish Majesty, if they are communicated by a nearer Channel. Permit me then the Honour of requesting of you Sir, that you would transmit the Inclosed certified Copy to your Court.
          With great Respect, I have the Honour to be, Sir your / most obedient and must humble servant


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 31 July 1785
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir
            Paris July 31. 1785.

          I was honoured yesterday with your’s of the 24th. instant. when the {1st. article} of {our instrns} of May {7.} 1784. was {under debate in Congress,} it was {proposed} that {neither party} should make {the other pay} in {their ports greater duties than} they {paid} in the {ports} of the {other.} one {Objection} to this was {it’s impracticability,} another {that it} would {put it} out {of our power to lay} such {duties} on {alien importation} as might {encourage importation} by {natives. some members} much {attached} to {English policy} thought such a {distinction} should actually be {established. some} thought the {power} to do it should be {reserved} in {case any} peculiar circumstances should {call for it, tho} under the present or {perhaps any} probable {circumstances they} did not {think} it would be {good policy} ever to {exercise} it. the {footing gentis amicissimi} was therefore {adopted} as you see in the {instruction.} as far as my enquiries enable me to judge {France & Holland} make no {distinction of duties between Aliens} and {natives. I} also rather believe that the {other states of Europe} make {none, England} excepted, to whom this {policy,} as that of her {navigation act, seems peculiar.} the question then {is, Should} we {disarm ourselves} of the {power to} make this {distinction against all nations} in order to {purchase an exemption} from the {Alien duties} in {England} only; for if we {put her importations} on the {footing of native,} all other {nations with whom we treat will} have a {right to claim the same. I} think we {should because against other nations} who make no {distinction} in their {ports between us} & their {own subjects,} we ought {not to} make a {distinction in ours.} and {if the English} will {agree} in {like manner to} make none, we {should with equal reason abandon} the {right} as against {them.} I think all the {world would gain} by {setting commerce} at perfect {liberty. I} remember that when we were {digesting} the {general form} of {our treaty} this {proposition} to {put foreigners} and {natives on the same footing} was {considered} and we were {all three} ({Dr. F.}) as {well as you} and {myself} in {favor of} it. {we} finally however {did not admit} it partly from the {objection} you {mention, but} more {still} on account of {our instructions.} but tho the {English proclamation} had {appeared} in {America} at the time of {framing these instructions} I think it’s {effect as to alien duties} had {not yet been experienced} and therefore was {not attended} to. {if it} had been {noted} in the {debate I am} sure that the {annihilation of our whole trade} would have been {thought too great a price to pay} for the {reservation of} a {barren power} which a {majority of the members} did not propose {ever to exercise tho} they were willing to {retain it. stipulating equal rights} for {foreigners & natives we} obtain more in {foreign ports than} our {instructions require,} and {we} only {part} within {our own ports,} a {power} of which {sound policy} would {probably} for {ever forbid} the {exercise.} add to this that {our treaty will be} for a very {short term,} and {if any} evil be {experienced under it,} a {reformation will soon} be in {our power. I am therefore} for {putting} this among {our original propositions} to the {court of London. if} it should {prove} an {insuperable obstacle with them, or if} it should {stand} in the way of {a greater advantage, we} can {but abandon} it in the {course} of the {negociation.}
          In my copy of the cypher, on the Alphabetical side, numbers are wanting from the word {“Denmark”} to {“disc”} inclusive, and from {“gone”} to {“governor”} inclusive. I suppose them to have been omitted in copying. will you be so good as to send them to me from yours by the first safe conveyance? compliments to the ladies & to Colo. Smith from Dr. Sir / Your friend & servant

            Th: Jefferson


Title: To John Adams from Richard Henry Lee, 1 August 1785
From: Lee, Richard Henry
To: Adams, John

            My dear Sir,
            New York August the 1st. 1785

          I received your letter by your Son with the pleasure that will always attend such communications from an old and much esteemed friend— But on this occasion I have been the more happy as it furnished me with an opportunity of shewing civilities to the Son of my friend— I have had as much of his company as our mutual affairs would permit because I have had the satisfaction to lodge him in my House. Your plan for his education I cannot but approve, since it is the very one that I had chosen for my own Son.
          It may be admitted as a truth little to be doubted that Merchants are generally keen to discern and ready to pusue their true interest— This perhaps may be as good a rule as any by which to judge of the propriety of giving time for payment of the debts due from the U. S. to G. B. previous to the War— Now it is certain that the most knowing Merchants Creditors upon that ground here, have expressed the greatest willingness to consent to receive payment by regular instalments, allowing reasonable time between—the reverse of this, & a rigorous demand of payment as quickly as law pursuits would enable them to recover, they are well aware would be much less conducive to their interest than the first method that I have stated— And this seems to be the plan generally agreed upon, by instalments I mean— Permit me Sir to animadvert a little upon the strange objection taken up in G. Britain by some ill informed writers, whose mistakes appear to have affected even Government itself— It is, that Congress have not power to make effecient Treaties of Commerce— You know Sir that the Confederation has obtained the solemn legal sanction of every Legislature in the U. States; and is therefore a compact as binding as can exist among Men— What then does the Confederation say? By the 9th. Article Congress have a clear right to make whatever treaties of Commerce they shall judge proper, subject only to two limitations— One, that foreigners may be compelled to pay as high duties & imposts as the Subjects people of any State pay— The 2o. that any State may in Toto prohibit the export or import of any particular Species of Goods— With respect to the first limitation, is it not one that all States upon earth ought to possess & do actually (I believe exercise)— And can a British Minister be serious in refusing to make a Commercial Treaty with Congress because they have not power to permit the Subjects of G. B. to Trade with the U. S. under less oppressions than the Citizens of the States pay? Or Can it be supposed that if Congress possessed this power that so unequal a system would ever be agreed to by Congress— It is not a supposable case, & therefore this limitation can be no true or just ground of objection— The second & only remaining one, seems to have as little force, because a State must be evidently insane that will in toto prohibit any Species of export or import unless its very existence depends upon such prohibition— And in that case, the power and the exercise of it is indispensable, and reaching to Self preservation must for ever & will for ever be exercised— ’Tis evident that the interest of States will effectually prevent any such total prohibition unless in the extremity above stated— And interest is the surest principle for judging how Men & States will Act— Now then, I say again, that these two limitations excepted (which for the reasons already assigned are no just objections to the making a treaty of Commerce with Congress for want of power) Congress have a clear & unquestioned right to make any treaty the choose— And it is remarkable that except some factious writers in G. Britain, the objection exists not— You know that very discerning Nations have treated with us under perfect knowledge of our Confederation, without producing any objection of this kind— When therefore the people here are informed of such an objection from G. B. they conclude universally that the objection is too feeble to be real, & that the true cause is something else— That something they are not at a loss to discover, and therefore the general outcry now is, let such regulations be instituted as will put the Trade of G. B. with us under such restraints as may satisfy them that they are mistaken in the supposition that their share of our Commerce will be large as they please, & therefore that no Treaty is necessary— Let us give decided preferencies to the Ships not only of our own country, but to those of the nations with whom we have Commercial Treaties. It is very evident that these measures will take effect if Britain does not soon depart from her present System, and take up one more liberal— To be sure, the consequence least prejudicial to them, but which is yet very important, must inevitably take place under their present plan— to wit, a very contracted use of British Manufactures, because their regulations prevent the means of paying for them & of course will greatly limit the use & the purchase of them— I lately wrote to you concerning my friend Mr. Thomas Steptoe in India—have you received my letters, and have you had it in your power to do any thing for him? I wish much to know— Congress have taken measures for exposing to Sale Several Millions of Acres on the N. W. side of the river Ohio, a part of the late cession from Virginia, for the purpose of paying off a considerable part of our domestic debt— The Soil & Climate of that Country is incomparably fine, and I have no doubt will be greedily purchased with the public Securities— If this plan succeeds, our debt will soon be removed—
          Be so kind as present my respectful compliments to Doctor Price, and tell him that I received his packet of pamphlets and distributed them among the Members of Congress who received them very thankfully, and with the respect due to so great & able a defender of the liberties of Mankind—and rights of human nature—
          I shall always be happy to hear from you, and am, with the highest esteem and most affectionate regard Yours

            Richard Henry Lee.


Title: To John Adams from Elbridge Gerry, 3 August 1785
From: Gerry, Elbridge
To: Adams, John

            My dear sir
            New York August 3d 1785

          The packet has given her Signal this Morning for sailing & I have but an half Hour to write.
          You son Mr Adams delivered me your Favours of the 25th & 28th of April, & these were More acceptable as they were received from his Hands. I think him a promising Character, that will make a Figure in publick or private Life, & be an Honor to his Country as well as to his Connections. He has had much Attention paid to him in this City, & by Invitation of the president is now in his Family. Mr Dana having given me some Hints respecting his having attended him as private Secretary, I have obtained a Resolve authorizing Mr Dana to charge the publick with his necessary Expences on this Score.
          We have not yet received an Answer from Governor Rutledge respecting his Appointment to the Hague, but I think it probable that he will accept.
          Your Opponents in this Quarter are silenced for the present, finding I presume, that You stand on Terra firma. I hope Your Negotiations at the Court of London will be successful & put You above competition; but in any Event I am sure You will manifest both Abilities & Integrity, & do as much as can be done. under such Circumstances, however grateful the Smiles of your Country may be, You will be far above the apprehension of her unmerited Frowns—
          Monsr de Marbois has withdrawn his Demand of Longchamps, & thus puts an End to that very disagreable Contest— this he says is by order of his Court—
          The Cincinnati are not unnoticed nor unsuspected. We have been silent from a principle of Affection for the Officers who compose it. an opportunity has been given them to retract from their unconstitutional, & dangerous Institution: they would have done themselves immortal Honor & confirmed the Affections of their Countrymen by improving the Moment; they have not only neglected this, but have pursued this System with a Refinement of policy. they must therefore be checked, & if in doing this, they loose Reputation, they may with Justice impute the Blame to none but themselves. I think You will before November hear that the Matter has been agitated in Congress—
          Our Commerce is in a chaotic State, I have no precise Idea of it myself. the Ballance of Trade is against Us at present & drains Us of our Money. but Importations are lessening, because our fundless Speculators cannot get Credit in Europe, & because the Merchant who has Funds, finds no great profit on those Articles from abroad which are not Necessaries, & are classed under the Head of Conveniency & Luxuries. add to this, our Staples are daily increasing, as well those that are taken from the Sea, & that are manufactured as those which are the produce of the Country. The Decrease of our Imports, & Increase of our Exports, afford agreable prospects, & must in Time make the Scales preponderate in our Favour; more especially when by Treaties of Commerce, We shall be able to carry our Staples to the best markets, & purchase what We Want of those who sell cheapest; When in short We shall be able to make the European Merchants bid on each other for our Exports, & undersell each other to have the Advantage of supplying Us.
          The Requisition is before Congress: but We can do nothing with it at present. I have not Time to give You a Detail of this Business & with my best Respects to the Ladies of your Family & Colo Smith must conclude by assuring You that with the higs Repects I remain yours sincerely

            E Gerry


Title: To John Adams from John Jay, 3 August 1785
From: Jay, John
To: Adams, John

            Dr: Sir
            Office for foreign Affairs 3d: August 1785

          I have had the Honor to receive and communicate to Congress your Letters of 15th: December 1784

              13
              }
               April 1785

              24

          4 May
          5 May
          7 May
          8 May
          13 May
          29 May which enclosed your Correspondence with Lord Carmarthen.—
          30 May &

          1 June.—
          24 April. Congress are pleased to hear that you have compleated the Loan in Holland; but have not directed me to say any Thing of opening a new one. I wish I could assure you that the Exertions of the States to provide for the Payment of the public Debts were proportionate to the public Exigencies—at present they are not—but we flatter ourselves that our Expectations on that Head will yet be realized, and that the different Legislatures at their ensuing Sessions will see the Necessity of adopting more efficient Measures than have hitherto been taken.—
          I am entirely of Opinion with you that the People of this Country should by a punctilious observance of the Treaty, enable you to insist with more Propriety and Energy on its being kept with equal good Faith by Britain. The Case of the Refugees is a delicate Subject, and my Sentiments respecting it perfectly correspond with yours.—
          The obliging Terms in which you mention my Appointment to this Office demand my warmest Acknowledgements—be assured that my Endeavours shall not be wanting so to conduct the Business of this Department as to confirm the Opinion you entertain of my Attention to it.—
          There is Reason to believe that the Demand of Mr. Longchamps will not be persisted in.—
          4 May. I presume you will not receive a Letter of Recal from your Legation to the Hague, until a Successor shall be appointed. Governor Livingston was elected but declined; and the Answer of Governor Rutledge who has since been appointed, is not yet arrived. Perhaps Circumstances may admit of your making a Trip to the Hague to take Leave in Form; if not, a Letter mentioning in general Terms the Obstacles which detain you would probably be satisfactory to their High Mightinesses.—
          The Calamities experienced and apprehended by France from the unseasonable Weather of the late Spring are severe; and must naturally have the Tendency you remark, I am happy to inform you that this Country enjoys a plentiful Harvest.—
          8 May. If Britain should object to the Powers of Congress to form Treaties of Commerce; it will probably be for the Purpose of Delay. There is no Reason to suspect that the different States even wish to send Ministers to foreign Powers in any other Way than the one directed by the Confederation. Nor is it more probable that Congress will refer their proper Business to the Deliberation and Discussion of the different Legislatures; for such Referrences would sap the Foundation of all fœderal Government. Whether any and what Measures may be necessary to obviate the Difficulties you allude to on those Points will best be decided when the Nature and Extent of them can be ascertained. Your Conferences with the Minister will soon put you in Capacity to remove all Doubts on that Head.
          13 May. The Attentions paid you by the Duke of Dorsett strike me as Marks of his good Sense, and the cautious Manner in which he compared Notes with you shews that much is not to be expected from his Frankness—but whatever may be the Intentions of his Court as to our Frontiers &c, and in whatever Degree of Silence and Mystery they may wish to involve their Designs; your first Conversation with the Minister on those Heads must furnish you at least with a Clue to them.—
          The expences of the Presentation of yourself and Family, will doubtless be considerable and I have long been of Opinion that your Salary is not equal to what the Expences of a Minister ought to be; for Custom and Fashion often exact a Tribute which however just and virtuous to refuse, is often very expedient to pay. In short your Salary is more than what a private Gentleman may with Care live decently upon, but is less than is necessary to enable you to live as other Ministers usually and generally do. Whether Congress will make any Alterations in this Respect is very uncertain. There are Men in all the States who make a Merit of saving Money, in small Matters, without sufficiently attending to the Consequences of it.—
          29 May. I congratulate you sincerely on your Arrival in London; and think you was very right in settling all Matters of Etiquette with the Marquis of Carmarthen previous to your Presentation. A Letter of Credence to the Queen was I believe neither heard nor thought of here— I think it would be well to make further Enquiries respecting that Matter, so that we may form some Judgement of the Tenor and Contents of such Letters. I wish you had informed me whether such a Letter could with Propriety yet be sent You, or whether it would be better to be silent about the Omission and only take care not to repeat it on a future Occasion. Your Opinion would be the more decisive, because you may learn with Certainty whether such a Letter is yet expected from Congress. At any Rate I think it would be well to give Assurances that the Omission proceeded not from Want of Respect but from Want of Information; for that undoubtedly was the Fact.—

          30 May. Your communicating to the Danish Minister a Copy of the Resolution of the 21st. March was rendered very proper by Mr. de St. Saphorin’s having been recalled
          On the 25th: March last the Papers you allude to, respecting the Morocco Business were forwarded to Capt. Lamb by a Messenger whom he sent for them— At what Time exactly he sailed I am not informed, though I am persuaded it must have been very soon after the Return of his Messenger.
          1 June. It gives me Pleasure to hear that your Reception at St. James was such as you represent it; I flatter myself that the Difficulties you expect to encounter will be surmounted by the like Address and temperate Perseverance which gave Success to your Negociations in Holland.—
          I hope by the next Conveyance to be enabled to communicate to you some Directions of Congress respecting the Payment of the Salaries of yourself and the other public Ministers and Servants in Europe. I made a Report on that Subject to Congress the 1st. April last, which is still under their Consideration.—
          You will receive some of our latest Newspapers, and the Journals of Congress from the 1st. March to 19th: June last
          I have the Honor to be with great Respect and Esteem / Dr: Sir / Your most obt. and very hble: Servt.

            John Jay—


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 4 August 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

            My dear Sir
            Grosvenor Square Augt. 4. 1785

          Yesterday our Friend Mr Short arrived. Mr Dumas had never any Commission from Congress, and therefore can have no Title under the United States. He never had any other Authorization than a Letter from Dr Franklin and another from the Committee of Secret Correspondence, in the year 1775. I wish he had a regular Commission. I direct my Letters to Monsieur C. W. F. Dumas a la Haye, only. I Should advise you to allow Mr Short a Guinea a day except Sundays, which will amount to Something near your Ideas.
          Houdons Life may be insured for five Per Cent. two for the Life and three for the Voyage. I mentioned it at Table with Several Merchants; they all agreed that it would not be done for less. But Dr Price, who was present undertook to enquire and inform me. His answer is, that it may be done at an Office in Hackney for five Per Cent. He cannot yet Say for less, but will endeavour to reduce it a little. You may write to the Dr to get it done, and he will reduce it, if possible. I will let you know by Mr Short, how far I have ventured in conformity to the Propositions you inclose, knowing your sentiments before, but I think We had better wait sometime before We propose them any where else.
          Mr Samuel Watson a Citizen of the U. States, & settled at Charlestown S. C. as a Merchant, Sailed from thence about two Years ago, for the Havannah, and has not been heard of Since till lately a Gentleman from the Havannah has reported that a Mr Watson from Charlestown was taken in the Bay of Mexico & carried into Carthagena, from thence Sent to the Castle of St Juan, de Ullua la Vera Cruz and afterwards Sent to Trascala, where it is Supposed he is at present. His Father and numerous Relations are very anxious for his Fate, and earnestly beg that you would interest yourself with the Comte D’Aranda and Mr Charmichael for his Release, but if that cannot be had in full that you would endeavour to procure his removal to Old Spain, that his Friends may hear from him, and gain Intelligence respecting the Property he may have left in Carolina. I have written to Charmichael, and intend to Speak to Don Del Campo.
          Pray Send me the Arrêt against English Manufactures and every other new Arrêt, which may any Way affect the United States. it is confidently given out here that our Vessells are not admitted into the French W. Indias. has there been any new Arret, Since that of August 1784? Can you discover the Cause, of the great Ballance of Exchange in favour of England, from France, Spain, Holland, &c as well as America? and whether this Appearance of Prosperity will continue? I think that at the Peace, the British Merchants sent their Factors abroad with immense quantities of their Manufactures, the whole Stock they had on hand. These Factors have sold as they could, and bought Remittances especially Bills of Exchange as they could, i.e very dear. So that the loss, on the Exchange is that of the British Merchant. and consequently that this appearance is not so much in favour of England.— Spain I expect will follow the Example of France in prohibiting Brit. Manufactures, at least if Del Campo does not make a commercial Treaty with Woodward who is appointed to treat with him. But the Diplomaticks are of opinion nothing will be done with him, nor with Crawford. The two Years expire in January.— if Crawford is likely to do any Thing be so good as to let me know, it.
          The Words “Ship and Sailor,” Still turn the Heads of this People. They grudge to every other People, a Single Ship and a Single Seaman.— The Consequence of this Envy, in the End, will be the loss of all their own.— They Seem at present to dread American Ships and Seamen more than any other. Their Jealousy of our Navigation is so Strong, that it is odds if it does not Stimulate them to hazard their own Revenue.
          I am, my dear sir, with Sincere Esteem / your Freind

            John Adams


Title: To John Adams from William Stephens Smith, 4 August 1785
From: Smith, William Stephens
To: Adams, John

            Dr: Sir.
            Leicester fields August 4th. 1785.

          The request I am going to make, will perhaps at the first blush appear singular—this you’ll excuse—If improper—I shall ever acknowledge myself obliged by being candidly told so—and in this, as well as in every other matter, I will chearfully give way to your superior judgement, and regulate my conduct by your advice, as far as you think proper to honour me with it.
          If there is a probability of your Excellency’s not having an occasion for me for some time, either for your private concerns or the business of your mission—I would request your permission to take a small tour on the Continent— a general Review of the Prussian Army takes place the latter end of this or the beginning of the next month, I should like to see it— and if you approve of it, I will sett off in the course of the next week—and if not—I shall be happy in the oppertunity of convincing you with what chearfulness, I shall submit to you decision— with the highest respect / I am / your Excellency’s / most Obedient / Humble Servt.

            W. S. Smith


Title: From John Adams to William Stephens Smith, 5 August 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Smith, William Stephens

            (Copy) No. 2.
            Dear Sir
            Grosvenor Square August 5th. 1785

          In answer to your Letter of yesterday, you will give me leave to say, that your assistance and advice, has been at all times so usefull and agreable to me, that I should loose the advantage of it with reluctance if it were only for a few Weeks, or even day’s— nevertheless the month of august is so dull and so disgusting & unwholesome in London the Place is so deserted by Men of Business as well as others, that I believe it will be the best time to take an Excurtion, on all accounts
          The General Review of the Prussian Army, is an Object Worthy of your Ambition to see, and therefore I will chearfully consent to your making the tour, and will only ask the favour, of your return, as soon as may be— I shall only add a request, that you would enquire in every City where you go, concerning the Prohibitions & Duties which are imposed on our American Commodities of all Sorts, particularly Tobacco & Oil, and whether we cannot obtain Marketts, where monopolies & exclusions are less Idolized— You would do well to enquire too how the Cities are illuminated, and what Manufactures may be had, especially in Prussia, with whose soveriegn we have just concluded an honourable Treaty—

          with great Esteem—I have the Honour to be Sir / your most obedient and most / humble Servant

            John Adams


Title: To John Adams from the Baron von Thulemeier, 5 August 1785
From: Thulemeier, Friedrich Wilhelm, Baron von
To: Adams, John

            Monsieur,
            à la Haye le 5. Août 1785.

          Les deux lettres dont Vous m’avez honoré, Monsieur, en date du 16 & 24 Juillet, m’ont été successivement très bien rendues. J’écris aujourd’hui à Berlin pour obtenir les éclaircissemens que Vous me demandez, sur la consommation du tabac de Virginie, de l’indigo, & de l’huile de Spermaceti dans les Etats du Roi, & je m’empresserai à Vous les faire parvenir, dès que je serai suffisamment instruit à cet égard. Mr Schort, dont Vous m’annoncez la prochaine arrivée, sera accueilli avec toute la distinction qu’il peut exiger de ma part, d’autant plus qu’étant porteur du Traité de Commerce que j’ai eu l’avantage de négocier avec Vous, Votre Ami & celui de Monsieur Jefferson, ce sont autant de titres réunis pour m’engager à apprécier infiniment la connoissance que je Serai à portée de faire de lui.
          J’ai l’honneur d’être avec la considération la plus distinguée, / Monsieur, / Votre très-humble et très-obèissant / serviteur,

            de Thulemeier

          TRANSLATION

            Sir
            The Hague, 5 August 1785

          The two letters with which you honored me, sir, dated 16 and 24 July, were successively well delivered to me. I am writing to Berlin today to obtain the clarifications you requested from me on the consumption of Virginia tobacco, indigo, and spermaceti oil in the king’s realms, and I will hasten to send them to you as soon as I am sufficiently informed in this regard. Mr. Short, whose forthcoming arrival you report to me, will be received with all of the distinction he may expect from me, all the more so as he will be the carrier of the treaty of commerce which I had the privilege to negotiate with you and your colleague Mr. Jefferson. All of these reasons combine to persuade me to greatly anticipate the opportunity to make his acquaintance.
          I have the honor to be, with the most distinguished consideration, sir, your most humble and most obedient servant

            de Thulemeier


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 7 August 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

            Dear Sir
            Grosvenor Square Westminster Aug. 7. 1785

          As to the Cask of Wine at Auteuil, it is not paid for. if you will pay for it and take it, you will oblige me. by a Sample of it, which I tasted it is good Wine, and very, extreamly cheap.
          I am happy to find We agree So perfectly in the Change which is made in the Project.— The Dye is cast. The Proposal is made. Let them ruminate upon it.—
          I thought of proposing a Tariff of Duties, that We might pay no more in their Ports than they Should pay in ours. but their Taxes are So essential to their Credit, that it is impossible for them to part with any of them, and We Should not choose to oblige ourselves to lay on as heavy ones. We are at Liberty to do it, however, when We please.
          If the English will not abolish their Aliens Duty, relatively to Us, We must establish an Alien Duty in all the United States. an Alien Duty against England alone will not answer the End. She will elude it by employing Dutch, French, Sweedish, or any other ships, and by frenchifying, dutchifying or Sweedishizing her own Ships. If the English will persevere in excluding our Ships from their West India Islands, Canada, Nova Scotia, & Newfoundland, and in demanding any Alien Duty of Us in their Ports within the Realm, and in refusing to american built Ships the Priviledges of british built Ships, We must take an higher Ground, a Vantage Ground. We must do more than lay on Alien Duties. We must take measures by which the Increase of Shipping and Seamen will be not only encouraged, but rendered inevitable. We must adopt in all the States the Regulations which were once made in England, 5. Ric. 2. c. 3. and ordain that no American Citizen, or Denizen, or alien friend or Ennemy, Shall Ship any Merchandize out of, or into the United States, but only in Ships built in the United States and navigated with an American Captain and three fourths American Seamen.— I Should be Sorry to adopt a Monopoly. but, driven to the necessity of it, I would not do Business by the Halves. The French deserve it of Us as much as the English; for they are as much Ennemies to our Ships & Mariners. Their Navigation Acts are not quite So Severe as those of Spain Portugal and England, as they relate to their Colonies I mean— But they are not much less so. and they discover as strong a Lust to annihilate our navigation as any body.—
          Or might We modify a little? might We lay a Duty of ten per Cent on all Goods imported in any but Ships built in the United States, without Saying any Thing about Seamen?
          If We were to prohibit all foreign Vessells from carrying on our Coasting Trade, i.e, from trading from one State to another, and from one Port to another in the Same State, We Should do Something, for this Commerce will be So considerable as to employ many Ships and many Seamen; of So much the more Value to Us as they will be always at home and ready for the Defence of their Country. But if We Should only prohibit Importations, except in our own Bottoms or in the Bottoms of the Country or Nation of whose Grouth or Production the Merchandizes are, We Should do nothing effectual against Great Britain. She would desire nothing better than to Send her Productions to our Ports in her own Bottoms and bring away ours in return.
          I hope the Members of Congress and the Legislatures of the States will Study the British Acts of Navigation, and make themselves Masters of their Letter and Spirit, that they may judge how far they can be adopted by Us, and indeed whether they are Sufficient to do Justice to our Citizens in their Commerce with Great Britain.
          There is another Enquiry which I hope our Countrymen will enter upon, and that is, what Articles of our Produce will bear a Duty upon Exportation? all Such Duties are paid by the Consumer, and therefore are so much clear gain. Some of our Commodities will not bear any Such Duties; on the contrary, they will require Encouragement by Bounties: But I Suspect that Several Articles would bear an handsome Impost.
          We Shall find our Commerce a complicated Machine and difficult to manage, and I fear We have not many Men, who have turned their Thoughts to it. It must be comprehended by Somebody in its System and in its detail, before it will be regulated as it Should be.
          With great and Sincere Esteem, I am, dear sir, your / most obedient

            John Adams


Title: From John Adams to John Jay, 8 August 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Jay, John

            Dear Sir
            Grosvenor Square Westminster August. 8. 1785.

          It would be of little Consequence to Us, whether there was a Union between Great Britain and Ireland or not, or whether Mr Pitts 20 Propositions are accepted or not, provided both these Countries Should be allowed to trade with the United States upon free and equal Terms, but the design is too apparent at least too suspicious, of drawing Ireland into the Shackles of the navigation Acts, in order that the three Kingdoms may be made to act in concert in maintaining that System of monopoly, against Us.
          Several Speakers in Parliament, and many Writers have lately thrown out hints of an Union with Ireland and a certain Printer and Bookseller, is now employed in reprinting Daniel De Foe’s Book upon the Union with Scotland, to which he has engaged Mr De Lolme, to write an Introduction.— This is all a ministerial opperation and is intended to be pushed, if Mr Pitts 20 Propositions Should either be rejected by the Irish Parliament, or give too much Discontent to the Volunteers.
          The 20 Propositions, and the Bill which is grounded on them betray too clearly the Intentions of the Ministry.
          “Whereas it is highly and equally important to the Interests both of Great Britain and Ireland, and essential to the Objects of the present Settlement, that the Laws for regulating Trade and Navigation, so far as relates to securing exclusive Priviledges to the Ships and Mariners of Great Britain and Ireland, and the British Colonies and Plantations, and so far as relates to the regulating and restraining the Trade of the British Colonies and Plantations, Should be the same, in Great Britain and Ireland, and that all Such Laws in both Kingdoms Should impose the same restraints, and confer the same Benefits, on the Subjects of both, which can only be effected by the Laws to be passed in the Parliament of both Kingdoms, (the Parliament of Great Britain being alone competent to bind the People of Great Britain in any Case whatever, and the Parliament of Ireland being alone competent to bind the People of Ireland in any Case whatever,) therefore be it enacted declared, that it Shall be held and adjudged to be a fundamental and essential Condition of the present Settlement, that the Laws for regulating Trade and navigation So far as the said Laws relate to the Securing exclusive Priviledges to the Ships and Mariners of Great Britain, Ireland, and the British Colonies and Plantations, Shall be the same in Great Britain and Ireland, and shall impose the same Restraints and confer the Same benefits on the Subjects of both Kingdoms
          “That all Priviledges, Advantages and Immunities, which are now granted, or Shall, by any law to be passed by the Parliament of Great Britain be hereafter granted, to Ships built in Great Britain, or to Ships belonging to any of his Majestys Subjects residing in Great Britain, or to Ships manned by British Seamen or to Ships manned by certain Proportions of British Seamen Shall, to all Intents and Purposes whatever, be enjoyed in the Same manner, and under the same regulations and Restrictions respectively by Ships built in Ireland, or by Ships belonging to any of his Majestys Subjects residing in Ireland, or by Ships manned by Irish Seamen, or by Ships manned by certain Proportions of Irish Seamen.
          “That it Shall be held and adjudged to be a fundamental and essential Condition of the present Settlement, that such Regulations as are now, or hereafter shall be, in force, by law, passed or to be passed in the Parliament of Great Britain, for securing exclusive Priviledges, Advantages, and Immunities, as aforesaid to the Ships and Mariners of Great Britain, Ireland and the British Colonies and Plantations, shall be established in Ireland, for the same time, and to the same manner, as in Great Britain, by Laws to be passed in the Parliament of Ireland, within blank months &c—provided, that the Laws So to be passed in the Parliament of Great Britain, for the purposes aforesaid, Shall impose the same restraints, and confer the same benefits on the Subjects of Great Britain and Ireland.
          “That it shall be held and adjudged to be a fundamental and essential Condition of the present Settlement, that the People of Ireland now Irish Sail Cloth Shall be deemed British Sail Cloth, within the meaning of 19. G. 2. or any other Act or Acts of Parliament respecting the furnishing of Ships with British Sail Cloth, and that Irish Sail Cloth shall be entitled to equal Preference and Advantage as British for the Use of the British Navy. That it Shall be held and adjudged to be a fundamental and essential Condition of the present Settlement, that all Goods of the Grouth Produce or Manufacture of any British, or of any foreign Colony in America, or in the West Indies, or of any of the British or foreign Settlements on the Coast of Africa, and all Peltry Rum, train Oil, and Whale Fins, being the grouth, Produce, or manufacture of the Countries belonging to the United States of America, or being the Produce of the Fisheries carried on by the Subjects of the United States of America, Shall, on importation into Ireland, be made Subject to the Same Duties and regulations as the like goods are, or from time to time Shall be, Subject to on Importation into Great Britain; or, if prohibited from being imported into Great Britain, Shall in like manner be prohibited from being imported into Ireland.”
          These Extracts from the Bill for finally regulating the Intercourse and Commerce between Great Britain and Ireland, moved in the House of Commons by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, are Sufficient Evidence of a Design to draw Ireland into a Combination against America. This Jealousy of our Ships and Mariners, Sir, is not peculiar to the English. The French are equally possessed of it, and both are infected with it, to such a degree, that I am confident that each of these nations had rather contribute to the Increase of the others Ships and Mariners than those of the United States. it would not Surprize me, at all, if these two Courts which can agree in nothing else, Should combine together to exclude Us, from every branch of the carrying Trade, and every Advantage of the Whale Fishery.
          What Shall We do, to defend ourselves? Shall We confine the Exportation of the Produce of the United States, to the Ships and Mariners of the United States? To increase the English Navy, the Statute of the 5. Ric. 2. c. 3. enacted, that “none of the Kings liege People Should Ship any Merchandize out of, or into the Realm, but only in Ships of the Kings ligeance, on pain of Forfeiture.” if the United States were able and willing to imitate this Statute, and confine all our Exports and Imports to Ships built in the United States and navigated, with American Seamen, or three quarters, American Seamen, or one half or even one third American Seamen, what would be the Consequence?
          We Should not have at first enough either of Ships or Seamen to export the Produce and import what would be wanted from abroad. But We Should See multitudes of People instantly employed in Building Ships, and multitudes of others immediately becoming Sailors, and the time would not be long, before We Should have enough of both.— The People of the United States, have Shewn themselves capable of great Exertions, and possessed of Patience, Courage and Perseverance and willing to make large Sacrifices, to the general Interest. But are they capable of this Exertion? are they possessed of Patience Courage and Perseverance, enough to encounter, the Losses and Embarrassments, which would at first be occasioned, by an Exclusion of foreign Ships. I wish I could know the Number of foreign ships which have entered the Ports of the United States Since the Peace. including English French, Dutch Italian and Sweedish Vessells, the Number must be very great. if all these Ships and Seamen were American, what Materials would they furnish for a Navy in Case of need?— How would this be received by foreign Nations? Spain and Portugal, would Say nothing, because they have no Ships in our Trade. France has few; Italy would have no right to object, nor Germany, Russia, Sweeden or Denmark. it would be laying an Ax at the Root of British Commerce Revenue and naval Power, however Slightly they may think of Us Whether an heavy Duty, upon all foreign Vessells, Such as should opperate as a decisive encouragement to American Ships, would not answer the End as well, I am not able to judge.
          The Provisions of the Act of Navigation 12. Car. 2. c. 18. would not be sufficient for our Purpose. if the United States Should agree in a Law that no goods Should be suffered to be imported into the United States, in any other than American Bottoms, (navigated by an American Master and three fourths of the Seamen American), or in the ships of that European nation, of which the Merchandize imported was the genuine Growth or Manufacture, this would not accomplish our Wish, because British and Irish Ships, would desire no other than to import into our States the Manufactures of the British Empire and to export our Produce in the same Bottoms. Some of the Brittish Statutes, prohibit foreigners to carry on the Coasting Trade that is to go from one Port to another in Great Britain, and this Regulation will now be extended to Ireland if the 20 Propositions are accepted. a Similar Regulation might be adopted by the United States, and this would be a vast encouragement to our Navigation, for the Intercourse between one State and another and between one Port and another of the Same State, will now be so frequent and considerable as to employ many ships and Mariners, and in these the greatest Strength of a Country consists because, they are always at home ready to fight for the Defence of their Firesides.
          if We should get over our Aversion to Monopolies and Exclusions, and adopt the Selfish unsocial Principles of the European Nations, particularly of France and England, We Should astonish the World, with a Navy in a very few Years not more than Eight or ten, equal perhaps to the third maritime Power in Europe. This would be amply Sufficient for our Defence. European Statesmen know it, better than We do, and dread it, more than We desire it, because they think that from that Period all the West India Islands Canada and Nova Scotia, the Floridas and Mexico too would be mad to join Us. Why then will England pursue Measures, which will force Us to try Experiments against our Inclinations? There is no answer to be given to this Question but the same which must be given to another, Why did She force Us into Independence? The Nation is infatuated and every Successive Minister must be infatuated too, or loose his Popularity and his Place. nor is France much less infatuated, in her System of Politicks relative to America. The Jealousy of our Navigation is so Strong, and so common to both, that I should not be at all Surprized if France should agree that England Shall carry her Point in Ireland, draw her into the navigation Monopoly, and agree together to keep Peace with one another, and force Us, if they can out of every Nursery for Seamen. I know that French Noblemen are in England and English Gentlemen in France, preaching up to each other, a Terror of our naval Power, and even the late Arret against British Manufactures may be but a Blind, to cover very different designs. Both Courts are capable of Such Dissimulation, and they are now acting in Concert in Germany So much to the disgust of the two Imperial Courts, that I confess I dont admire this appearance of Friendship any more than I can account for it.
          It will require all the Wisdom and all the Firmness of Congress and the states, to plan and execute the Measures necessary to counteract all these Wiles
          With great and Sincere Esteem, I have the Honour / to be, dear sir, your most obedient and most / humble servant

            John Adams


Title: To John Adams from James Bowdoin, 10 August 1785
From: Bowdoin, James
To: Adams, John

            Sir,
            Boston Augt. 10th. 1785

          Your removal from the Hague to London, in the character of Plenipotentiary, gives a general & great pleasure. The abilities so successfully exerted in the Treaty of Peace, will, if any thing can, procure a happy issue to the negociations for settling a commercial Treaty with Great Britain.— Mr Higginson by this opportunity sends you a well written letter on the state & circumstances of our Trade.— May you succeed as happily in the latter Treaty as in the former.
          In our transactions with foreigners, especially british, it is necessary they should be made sensible, we have a spirit of resentment; & that it will be shewn when occasions offer.
          The british Frigate Mercury, commanded by Capt Stanhope, arrived here the 12th. of July. For his coming here no reason can be assigned, unless to seek an opportunity to affront the Government. There are circumstances, that indicate such a design: but the unequivocal & direct insult upon it will appear by several letters, which passed between him & me: a Copy of which with a Letter of mine to our delegates in Congress on the subject, was sent to them by the last Post. It is apprehended, that Congress will shew a proper spirit of resentment on this occasion; & that in that case, your Excellency will hear from them relative to it. In the mean time I have the honour to inclose to you a Copy of all those letters; which I mean for your private information, until Congress shall express their mind to you on the subject of th[em.]
          Enclosed is a Copy of a deposition of one Jesse Dunbar, which will shew the nature & occasion, of the affront given to Capt Stanhope; that it was the Act of a few individuals only, who could not restrain their resentment of the ill usage they had received from him; & that the Mob (of whom he complains) were the Persons, who interfered in his behalf & prevented those Men from hurting him— Their conduct however, is not to be justified, though a natural expression of a sense of injury.— Dunbar gave his Deposition on the assurance it would not be used to criminate himself or his Companions. Some use may be made of it to counteract Mr: Stanhope’s declarations.—
          The enclosed Memoirs, taken from a Volume of our American Academy, now printing here, may afford you half an hour’s amusement.
          Wishing you every happiness, & success in your negociations, / I have the honour to be, / Dear sir, / Your most Obedt. hb̃le Servt.

            James Bowdoin

            I was just now told that Capt Stanhope, on the day of his going down with his Ship to Nantasket, wch. was the 3d. Instant pm, Sent word to some Company, whom he had invited on board his Ship, that he was ordered out of the harbour, & therefore could not See them.— What were his motives for this declaration I do not know: but I must inform you, it is wholly a falsehood.


Title: To John Adams from Jonathan Jackson, 10 August 1785
From: Jackson, Jonathan
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir
            Boston 10th Augst 1785

          I had the pleasure of receiving your Letter from Paris of the 18th. March just before I embarked from Ireland for America— but had not the pleasure till my Arrival here of being informed that you were appointed Minister to the Court of London where we are told that you are removed with your Family & where I expect this to meet you Since my Arrival which was in May I have postponed writing to you expecting from week to week to see your Son John whom Mrs Adams in her obliging PS to your Letter informed me was to leave France in that month— he is arrived at N York I find & Deacon Smith tells me is every day expected here— Our passage out was a short & agreeable one excepting the Sickness & Death of young Temple with the Smallpox— I had the pleasure of finding my Family & friends all well, & of finding many of yours interested in the Enquiry how I had left you & your Family—
          We have had here a Change in the Administration, if the putting out one Govr & putting in another can be said to constitute a Change—& I dont see but it was as quietly conducted as Changes in the Administration where you are are managed or more so—& the parties now out are of as little consequence as generally there—& some of the knowing ones here say will never get in again—& that you know cannot always be predicated of English Outs—
          But as I went away so have I returned tired of Politics & willing to leave them to any who know how to manage them—only with the Reserve of my share of personal Liberty, which I must confess that I am still more fond of since visiting Europe where so few have any liberty at all. wishing at the same time as they have it here so abundantly in their power they would manage with Policy enough to be Dupes to no foreign Influence however foolish they might behave among themselves— This may be like a Family pride which is natural perhaps to all of us, we don’t wish others should interfere in the Disagreements in our own small Societies— I could wish to see a more laudable Pride in the Constituents of our new Republic— they appear to me composed of a strange mixture of Haughtiness & independant principles on the one hand—neither willing to manage themselves nor to devolve sufficient power into proper hands to manage their Affairs for them, & on the other hand so devoted to the pursuit of Gain & to their own personal private Interest as in general to be quite regardless how or by whom their public Affairs are conducted— Nothing perhaps but general Calamity will move the people or ever does to feel & to exert themselves— every year convinces me more & more that we in this Country are young in the Science of Politics, & with the fairest opportunity to found a most permanent Government, disinterested in it’s Management excepting for the public Good, we are still liable & much exposed to missrearing the fair Fabric, or when raised to have it marred & despoiled, owing to the little paltry passions which govern us & which at the same time we are ashamed to avow— Mankind are a strange Compound make the best of them, & notwithstanding their vapouring about Liberty & the high Relish they profess to have for it, I begin to doubt if one in an hundred of them have any genuine principles of the Matter inherent in them, or know wherein it consists, or when obtained how to enjoy it— perhaps this ever has & ever will be the Case & without some Patriot to step in, to direct & to inspire, like an Herd without a Leader they will stray & wander one knows not where— We want an Exemplum Regis as your Expression is in your last Letter, or something which will concenter our Veiws & lead them to a fixed point, an Object worth pursuing— this the People at large never were & never will be able to find out & to pursue—it must be the Business of a few—& made their Business both from Motives of Interest & of Ambition— Congress as at present appointed never appeared to me competent to this Business— they have not sufficient Stability collectively or individually— there is not permanency enough in their Appointment to induce them generally to qualify themselves for their Employment—to take it up & follow it as a Business— there has appeared to me ever since I have known our public Affairs, a capital Defect thrôout our Appointments— that of too loosely appointing—not permanently enough to make public Business worth their full Attention—& on the side of the People not requiring their whole Attention paying them properly for it & thereby creating a Responsibility in all Men put into Office— did our Institutions tend more or sufficiently to this point, fewer Men as Managers would then answer our Purpose—& if I am not mistaken every well managed Government in Europe perhaps thrô out the World is actually conducted by a Few— this is an Art of governing we have not arrived at but ’till we do I despair of good Government— The Representation in Congress has always been a very unequal one in my opinion—a present great Evil & an increasing one—which while it continues will of necessity require their Affairs to be managed by Party & Cabal— but the present greatest Evil is the total Inefficiency in the present fœderal Head as now endowed with Power, to pay or even to promise any thing & the consequent Disease in all their Actions neither themselves feeling strong nor others considering them so— Two principles both strongly rooted in us all, will I fear tend to the Continuance of this Evil—the one apparently a good one in Republicans, the Fear of trusting too much power in the hands of the Individuals who are to govern—the other a Lothness too common in all ranks to pay their just Dues, & by it to support public Credit— this principle is too operative every where, & may in some Instances produce the appearance of the other—
          To have our fœderal Government well organized & balanced anew, to determine the Objects worthy their Pursuit & to pursue them, would require the Combination of a few of the ablest & best Men thro’ the States, and yet such Combination must not appear, or the Jealousy of proud Individuals not in the Party will like the Dog in the Manger defeat it—but I fear we are too young & inexperienced sufficiently to have balanced our Interests, & too jealous if we could systematize a plan to have Confidence enough in each other to pursue it to Effect—
          When in England I felt in a degree provoked with them at their apparent Indifference to meet us or to treat with us, tho’ it was not difficult to account for their Conduct if only from their feelings— yet when returned here as soon as I found a Commission had gone forward to their Court, it appeared to me our best Policy was to wait the Event of that Approach on our side, & of their Consul General to us, & the consequence of such Impressions as our Minister might effect among them, rather than by harsh Expedients & yet feeble ones—(when unaccompanied by the other States—whom too we may alarm by first moving by ourselves in these measures—) to irritate that haughty Spirit which cannot yet brook our Seperation, & can feel no Comfort in the Reflection that the Fault lays with themselves—besides it is giving their Negotiators the Oppy to say—“what signifies our Treating with you as the Negotiator of Congress when your seperate Sovereignties take upon them national Acts & may contravene our Treaty as soon as it is agreed upon”— there may be too much Colour for all this from what has already been practised since your Treaty of Novr 1782— I drop’d these Hints to a few of our Politicians since my Return—but being out of the Line & wishing never again to be in it, or feel too anxious about it, my small Voice was scarcely heard—
          I must confess myself so selfish as to wish for the remainder of my Life to see days of Ease & Peace in our Country—& if we have Discretion enough rightly to improve them it is a Rest from which we may rise with increased Strength— still if Britain & all Europe are so jealous of us, as to combine to cramp us & sink us if possible, I feel not a Disposition tamely to submit, but having gone thus far would finish the Course by a manly Opposition to the last, & ’till we prevail, or a total Extirpation finishes us— but this is an Enthusiasm which does not generally prevail & I fear is not now to be excited—& should any thing soon call for great & spirited Exertions in the people of this Country, from the lowness of public Credit & the want of Confidence in any public Measures which could be proposed by the Government which subsists, I fear they would too tamely submit to foreign Influence, or at least put themselves under the Direction of those who with specious Art would promise fair but would entrap & deceive them—
          The picture I have now drawn is a gloomy one & may in part be the Creature of my own Imagination, still I wish my good sir it may be in your power to brighten our Prospects & dispel my Fears— none here I beleive doubt your Inclination to do it, & I know of none who doubt your Abilities if it can be done— much I know is expected by many, & if you should not succeed equal to the sanguine Expectations of some, you have friends who will attribute it to the just Cause—
          I suppose you must have seen Mr Temple before his Departure from England if he has yet left it— this will be no Disadvantage to either side perhaps—you have a right to his Confidence & if I am not mistaken can influence his Opinion, as much as he has a right to either with you— if he be not gone please to present my Compliments & [the same] to Mrs Temple— Mrs Adams & your Daughter will I hope accept of my most affectionate Compliments & of Mrs Jackson’s— I hope the Ladies like England as well as France at least— our likeness of Language may lead to some Gratifications which they could not have in so high a degree there—but to pass current at the British Court they may perhaps have almost to learn a new Language—at least in Accent & pronunciation—
          At your Leisure I will hope now & then to hear from you— it will always give me pleasure to hear that you & your Family are in Health & Enjoy themselves— it will also give me pleasure to hear that your Success bears some proportion to our Wishes & the Expectations of many—being with very great respect & esteem— / Dear Sir / your friend & most obedt Servt

            J Jackson


Title: To John Adams from Philip Mazzei, 10 August 1785
From: Mazzei, Philip
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir,
            Paris, 10 August 1785.

          The day before yesterday I took the liberty to trouble you with a few lines by Mr. Prentis, & expressed my determination to do it more at large by the next opportunity, which now offers in Dr. Bancraft. Knowing my way of thinking you must, I suppose, have been surprised at hearing my return to Europe. The friendship with which you have constantly honored me, ever since I had the pleasure to become acquainted with you, requires, I think, that I should inform you of my reasons, for such a step, or at least will afford me a title to do it.
          When I was appointed by my State to go to Europe, I sold every thing I had in it, except lands, & put all the money I received in the State-Loan-Office, desiring my Attorneys to do the same of the money they should receive after my departure, which was conformably done. The part I took in the Spring of 1780, at the time you exerted all your abilities to justify Congress in their resolution of calling in the paper-money at 40. for 1; must have fully convinced you, Sir, of my sentiments against the strangely unjust notion, that individuals should receive an equal sum of real money for the nominal they had lent the Public. But I thought, as I do still, that, it being impossible to ascertain the exact value of it, the States ought rather to have run the risque of losing some thing, than have ruined those who had assisted them at a critical & calamitous season. The scale of depreciation of the State of Virginia, Sir, has been the ruin of a great many; in which affair I have suffered more than others for several reasons, one of which seems to indicate, that the Majority among the Managers of public affairs think they are Advocates for their employers, rather than impartial & discreet Judges between the Public & private individuals. There is to add that, besides our capital having been reduced to a mere trifle, we have not yet received a farthing for interest.
          From the conversations I had with the Govr., who employed me, I understood that I should be allowed 1000. Louis d’ors per annum for my expenditures. Having never received remittances from the State while in Europe, I was obliged to contract large debts, besides having sold in a hurry, & consequently to a great disadvantage, 2. small estates I had in Tuscany. I was obliged to live in Europe in a manner becoming a public Agent, to save the credit of the State, & to facilitate the execution of the business intrusted to me; likewise to undertake many expensive journeys, to entertain an extensive correspondence, & to import news-papers at a considerable expence (particularly from Great britain) for the purpose of confuting the falsities spread to our disadvantage by the Enemy. Considering that many times I had been forced to raise money at a great loss, that I had the interest to pay for several years, & that I had been exposed to extraordinary expences on account of my captivity, I expected to be looked upon as a good economist, having not exceeded in the whole the sum mentioned to me for my expences by the above-said Govr., & which ought to have been punctually remitted to me. In the settlement of my accounts with the Executive, I was allowed about the half of that sum, the reasons of which Mr. Short, who was then a member of it, will be more able to explain, than I could.
          Thus situated, I did morgage the produce of my Effects in Virginia to my Creditors in Europe, cheafly to preserve my honor in case of death, & am come over to give them personal satisfaction in regard to my conduct towards them, & to endeavour to do some thing towards procuring me a subsistence in my old age, which I hope may not last so long as to become a curse.
          The exact truth of these things must remain among us. I would not for the World that the People in Europe should Know in what manner our domestic affairs have been conducted. In speaking of my own to my Friends, I shall be very attentive to save the honour, & even delicacy of our country, as I did in writing the history, progress, & end of our paper-money.
          Having now told you my motives for coming to Europe, I will pass to some thing else more pleasing. From my own observations, & from the letters of my Friends in several States, I have the pleasure to inform you, that the notions of giving proper consistency to the Confederation gain ground every day, & in every State. I saw with the greatest satisfaction, that the expectation from our growing youth in America is very promising; and from what I have seen & learnt during my stay in New-York, there is not a Member of Congress, who has any influence over another.
          I take the liberty to inclose you a printed paper for your perusal. In my next I shall trouble you with my reasons for having thought of estabilishing such a Society. In the mean time I beg you never to forget, that you will greatly contribute to my happiness, by affording me opportunities to obey your commands, & to be instrumental in any thing which may tend to promote the interest & honor of our Country.
          I have the honor to be most respectfully, / Dear Sir, / Your Excellency’s most Humble / & most Obedient Servant

            Philip Mazzei