Title: To George Washington from Benjamin Lincoln
From: Lincoln, Benjamin
To: Washington, George

      My dear General,
      Hingham [Mass.]Decr 4th 1786[–4 Mar. 1787]

      I was honored by the reciept of your favour of the 7th Ulto, and your circular address by one of the last Posts.
      I wish your Excellency had not in so decided a manner expressed your determination to retire from the head of the order of Cincinnati. I shall communicate your address to our delegates at the next general meeting, and to our State society.
      I have made three trips into the eastern country this year, partly on public and partly on private business. I have one son now there and another will probably go there next spring. I

      think it a good country and that young men may sit down in it with flattering prospects. Since the last Spring we have erected two saw mills on a large scale, and have established a number of settlers. We have frequent applications for lots and shall soon obtain the number of families we are obliged to settle, (viz. sixty in six years). From the situation of the two Townships which were bought by Mr Russel, Mr Lowell and myself, the settlement of them will be easy for the lands are so indented by rivers and bays that we lie about seventy miles on navigable waters; and there are not one hundred acres in the fifty thousand which will be five miles from such waters. Our people who have been bred near the sea are fond of settling as near to it as possible. It is a Country which abounds with fish of almost every kind, and the waters are covered with fowls. The lands will be friendly to the growth of wheat rye, barley, oats, hemp and flax, but not much so to indian corn. Indeed I am so pleased with the country that I frequently wish myself there where I might be free from the present noise and tumults. but I cannot leave this part of the state at present, for notwithstanding the resolutions I had formed ever to decline entering again into public life, I was persuaded by my friends to take the command of the first division of militia in this state. I am now busily employed in organizing it &c. This business, which would at all times be a duty, is especially so now, when the State is convulsed, and the bands of government, in some parts of it, are cast off.
      I cannot therefore be surprized to hear your Excellency enquire “are your people getting mad? are we to have the goodly fabric, that eight years were spent in raising, pulled over our heads? what is the cause of all these commotions? when and how will they end” Altho’ I cannot pretend to give a full and compleat answer to them, yet I will make some observations which shall involve in them the best answers to the several questions in my power to give.
      “Are your people getting mad?” Many of them appear to be absolutely so, if an attempt to annihilate our present constitution and dissolve the present government can be considered as evidences of insanity.
      “Are we to have the goodly fabric, that eight years were spent in rearing, pulled over our heads?” There is great danger that it will be so, I think; unless the tottering system shall be supported

      by arms, and even then a government which has no other basis than the point of the bayonet, should one be suspended thereon, is so totally different from the one established, at least in idea, by the different States that if we must have recourse to the sad experiment of arms it can hardly be said that we have supported “the goodly fabric.” In this view of the matter it may be “pulled over our heads.” This probably will be the case, for there doth not appear to be virtue enough among the people to preserve a perfect republican government.
      “What is the cause of all these commotions?” The causes are too many and too various for me to pretend to trace and point them out. I shall therefore only mention some of those which appear to be the principle ones. Among those I may rank the ease with which property was acquired, with which credit was obtained, and debts were discharged in the time of the War. Hence people were diverted from their usual industry and œconomy. A luxuriant mode of living crept into vogue, and soon that income, by which the expences of all should as much as possible be limited, was no longer considered as having any thing to do with the question at what expence families ought to live, or rather which they ought not to have exceeded. The moment the day arrived when all discovered that things were fast returning back into their original channels, that the industrious were to reap the fruits of their industry, and that the indolent and improvident would soon experience the evils of their idleness and sloth. Very many startled at the idea, and instead of attempting to subject themselves to such a line of conduct, which duty to the public, and a regard to their own happiness evidently pointed out, they contemplated how they should evade the necessity of reforming their system and of changing their present mode of life, they first complained of Commutation, of the weight of public taxes, of the insupportable debt of the union, of the scarcity of money, and of the cruelty of suffering the private creditors to call for their just dues. This catalogue of complaints was listened to by many. County conventions were formed, and the cry for Paper Money, subject to depreciation, as was declared by some of their public resolves, was the clamour of the day. But notwithstanding instructions to members of the General Court and petitions from different quarters, the majority of that body were opposed to the measures. Failing of their

      point, the disaffected in the first place, attempted, and in many instances succeeded, to stop the courts of Law and to suspend the operations of government. This they hoped to do untill they could by force sap the foundations of our constitution, and bring into the Legislature creatures of their own by which they could mould a government at pleasure, and make it subservient to all their purposes, and when an end should thereby be put to public and private debts, the Agrarian law might follow with ease. In short the want of industry, œconomy, and common honesty seem to be the causes of the present commotions.
      It is impossible for me to determine “when and how they will end,” as I see little probability that they will be brought to a period, and the dignity of government supported without bloodshed. When a single drop is drawn, the most prophetic spirit will not, in my opinion, be able to determine when it will cease flowing. The proportion of debtors run high in this State. Too many of them are against the government. The men of property, and the holders of the public securities are generally supporters of our present constitution. Few of these have been in the field, and it remains quite problematical whether they will in time so fully discover their own interests as they shall be induced thereby to lend for a season part of their property for the security of the remainder. If these classes of men should not turn out on the broad scale with spirit, and the insurgents should take the field and keep it, our Constitution will be overturned, and the fœderal government broken in upon by lopping off one branch essential to the well being of the whole. This cannot be submitted to by the United States with impunity. They must send force to our aid: when this shall be collected they will be equal to all purposes.
      The insurgents have now every advantage. If we move in force against them, we move under the direction of the civil authority, and we cannot act but by the direction of it. After the riot-act has been read and one hour elapsed they may disperse if they think proper; and the next day assemble again in another place. So they may conduct themselves in perfect security from day to day untill a favorable moment shall offer, after the well affected to government are worn out, for them to commence the attack. Had the last General Court declared the disaffected counties in a state of Rebellion, they would have placed the contest

      upon a different footing, and the Rebels might have been soon crushed. They did not do it. What they will do at their next session, which will be in February next, is quite uncertain, and must remain, “with the time when and the manner how these commotions are to end,” concealed from me in the unturned pages of futurity.
      Feby 22 1787  Thus far I had written as early as December, and should have forwarded the letter at that time, but had some hopes that the Governour and Council would take some measures for crushing the Insurgents. This however hung in suspence untill the beginning of January. It was then agreed to raise two thousand men in the Counties of Suffolk, Essex, and Middlesex, and four companies of Artillery; twelve hundred men in the County of Hampshire; and twelve hundred men in the County of Worcester. The command of the troops was to be given to me being the first Major General in the State. At this moment, when every part of the system was digested, and nothing remained but the offering the order to raise the men, and carry it into execution, information was received from the Commissary General that the necessary supplies could not be obtained without a considerable sum in cash, which was not within the power of the Treasurer to borrow. On my hearing this from the Governour, I went immediately to a club of the first characters in Boston who met that night, and layed before them a full state of matters, and suggested to them the importance of their becoming loaners of part of their property if they wished to secure the remainder. A Subscription was set on foot in the morning, headed by the Governour. Before night the cloud which twenty four hours before hung over us disappeared as we had an assurance of obtaining the sum we wanted.
      Orders were then issued for raising the men. They were directed to rendezvous at different places on the 18th and 19th of January. The objects to [be] embraced by the force called into the field, your Excellency will learn from the following Instructions from the Governor.

      Sir,
      Boston January 19th 1787—

      You will take the command of the Militia detached in obedience to my Orders of the fourth instant. The great objects to be effected are to protect the Judicial Courts, particularly those next to be holden in

      the County of Worcester, if the Justices of said Courts should request your aid; to assist the civil Magistrates in executing the Laws, and in repelling or apprehending all and every such person and persons as shall in a hostile manner attempt or enterprize, the destruction detriment or annoyance of this Commonwealth: and also to aid them in apprehending the disturbers of the public peace, as well as all such persons as may be named in the State Warrants, that have been, or shall be committed to any civil Officer or Officers, or to any other person to execute.
      If to these important ends the Militia already ordered out should in your opinion be incompetent, you will call on the Major Generals for further and effectual aid. If you can rely on their attachment to Government, you will in the first instance call on the Militia in the neighbourhood of your Camp.
      I cannot minutely point out to you the particular line you shall pursue in executing these Orders: but would observe in general, that if to answer the aforesaid valuable purposes you shall judge it necessary to march a respectable force through the Western Counties, you will in that case do it. This would give confidence to the well affected; would aid and protect the civil Officers in executing their duty, and would convince the misguided of the abilities of Government, and its determination to pursue every legal and constitutional measure for restoring peace and order to the Commonwealth.
      You are to consider yourself in all your military offensive operations constantly as under the direction of the civil Officer, saving where any armed force shall appear and oppose your marching to execute these Orders.
      That I may be fully acquainted with all the proceedings of the armed force under your command, and with all matters that respect the great objects to be effected, you will please to give me regular information by every post; and for immediate and necessary intelligence, you will order the Quarter Master General to provide the necessary expences.
      On these attempts to restore system and order, I wish the smiles of Heaven; and that you may have an agreeable command, the most perfect success, and a speedy and safe return; and am with much esteem, Sir, Your most obedient Servant James Bowdoin.

      We commenced our march in the morning of the 20th for Worcester, where the Court of Common Pleas, and Court of the general Session of the peace were to set on the 23d, which Courts we were ordered to protect. They opened and compleated their business Thursday morning.
      Shays did not point his force to any object untill the 24th.

      Then he took a post from which he could suddenly strike the Public Magazine which seemed to be his object. He covered his men at Wilbraham six miles south of it, while Day remained with his at West Springfield. They were jointly to have made an attack on the Magazine at 4 oClock P.M. January 25th, one of the Letters from Day to Shays was intercepted which would have delayed Shays’s movements. He came on in open column, was repeatedly warned of his danger by General Shepard, and finally if he progressed in any degree farther he would fire upon him. He moved, and the General fired over him, hoping to deter him from proceeding, but to no effect. He then fired two pieces into his column which he attempted to display. By these shots three men were killed, and a number wounded. His people were thrown into the utmost confusion, and dispersed for a time but soon collected as they were not followed by General Shepard, who could have destroyed a great proportion of them had he been disposed to do it.
      Shays’ dispersion led me to make a very rapid march for the relief of Shepard, who was apprehensive for the safety of the stores, and for the Inhabitants, and for the town of Springfield. I threw one regiment and some Horse into his camp in the night of the 26th. Shays having filed off about six miles to right, I arrived with the main body of the troops at noon the 27th. The men were immediately quartered, and took some refreshment. In this time: I had an opportunity of learning the situation of the Insurgents. Part of them were on the East and part on the West side of Connecticut River: those on the East were commanded by Shays, and those on the West by Day, who had placed his guard on the West bank of the River, and another at Agawaam River. Shays had placed his guards on the East bank of the River so that they had cut off all communication to the town of Springfield from the North and the West in the common routs. It was with the greatest difficulty that new ones could be formed as the snow was very deep. Hereby many of our supplies fell into their hands. In this situation I could not think of remaining one night. I ordered the troops under arms at 3 oClock, tho’ many of them had been so from one in the morning. Part of them with the light Horse, I moved up the River on the ice with an intention to prevent the junction of Shays and Day; and if that was not attempted, to cut off Day’s retreat. With

      the other part of the troops I moved across the river in front of his guard. They soon turned out and retreated to his main body. They retreated before us about half a mile, then made some disposition to attack, but soon left that post and retreated to a high peace of ground in their rear where they were met by the light Horse. Thence they fled in every direction, but most of them the same evening reached Northampton. This left Shays’ right uncovered and induced him to move the same night to Amherst about 20 miles North of Springfield. At 3 oClock of the morning of the 29th we moved towards Amherst, where Shays had been joined by Day. On our arrival in the borders of the town the rear of Shays’ force left it; some few fell into our hands. He then took post at Pelham East from Amherst: We filed off to the left, and took post in Hadley and Hatfield, on the River. He had now taken a very strong position. The ground he was well acquainted with, being the town in which he lived. On the morning of the 30th I sent him the following address.

      Head quarters Hadley Jan 30th 1787

      Whether you are convinced or not, of your error in flying to arms, I am fully persuaded, that before this hour, you have the fullest conviction on your own mind that you are not able to execute your original purposes.
      Your resources are few, your force is inconsiderable, and hourly decreasing from the disaffection of your men. You are in a post where you have neither cover nor supplies, and in a situation in which you can neither give aid to your friends, nor discomfort to the supporters of good order and government. Under these circumstances, you cannot hesitate a moment, to disband your deluded followers. If you should not, I must approach and apprehend the most influential characters among you. Should you attempt to fire upon the troops of government, the consequences might be fatal to many of your men the least guilty. To prevent bloodshed, you will communicate to your privates that if they will instantly lay down their arms, surrender themselves to government, and take and subscribe the oath of allegiance to this Commonwealth, they shall be recommended to the General Court for mercy. If you should either withhold this information from them, or suffer your people to fire upon our approach, you must be answerable for all the ills, which may exist in consequence thereof.
      To Capt. Shays & the other Officers commanding the men in arms against the Government of this Commonwealth.

      This was delivered by General Putnam and two other Gentlemen, all of whom were of my family; and brought the same day the following answer.

      Pelham Jany 30th 1787—
      To General Lincoln Commanding the Government Troops at Hadley
      Sir

      The people Assembled in Arms from the Counties of Middlesex, Worcester, Hampshire & Berkshire taking into serious Consideration the purport of the Flag just Received—
      Return for Answer, that however unjustifiable the measure may be, which the people have adopted, in having recourse to Arms, Various Circumstances have induced them thereto, we are Sensible of the Embarrasments the people are under, but that Virtue which truly Charaterises the Citizens of a Republican Government hath hitherto marked our paths with a Degree of Innocence, & we wish & trust it will still be the Case, at the same time the people are willing to lay down their Arms on the Condition of a General Pardon, and Return to their respective homes as they are unwilling to Stain the Land which we in the late war purchased at so dear a rate with the Blood of our Brethren and Neighbours, therefore we pray that Hostilities may Cease on your part untill our united Prayers may be presented to the General Court, & we receive an Answer, as a person is gone for that purpose, if this Request may be complied with, Government shall meet with no interruption from the people, but let each Army Occupy the posts where they now are. Daniel Shays Capt.

      The following is an extract from a Letter I wrote the 30th to the Governour.

      Dear Sir,

      I have had many applications from towns pretty much in the language of those made to your Excellency and Council. I have given them all the same answer, that I cannot suspend our operations, and if they wish to prevent the shedding of blood, they must apply to Shays to disband his troops. He is recieving daily supplies of provisions, and some few recruits. It will be difficult, if not impossible to put an end to such disorders, unless a Rebellion is declared to exist. Shays and his abettors must be treated as open enemies; the sooner it is done, the better: for if we drive him from one strong post, he flies to another; In these movements he could not be supported, if he was not comforted by the many disaffected in the Counties.
      I hope the General Court will not hesitate, but come to the point at

      once; and act with that decision and firmness, which in my opinion a regard to the well being of the State so manifestly demands.

      I had constant applications from Committees, and Selectmen of the several towns in the Counties of Worcester and Hampshire, praying that the effusion of blood may be avoided; while the real design, as was supposed, of these applications was to stay our operations untill a new Court should be elected. They had no doubt if they could keep up their influence untill another choice of the Legislature and the Executive that matters might be moulded in General Court to their wishes. This to avoid was the duty of Government. As all these applications breathed the same spirit, the same answer was given to them. The following is a copy.

      Gentlemen, I have felt too sensibly for the distresses of those unhappy men who have been deluded to rise in arms against their Country, in violation of every principle of duty, not to have most seriously contemplated, how they might be reclaimed without bloodshed. Hitherto our men have been restrained from firing. Shays has been notified of his danger, and of the consequences which must ensue should he fire upon the troops of Government. His men have been invited to return to their homes, and lay down their arms. I hope they will attend to the advice.
      I think those Towns which sincerely wish to put an end to this rebellion, might render essential services in effecting so desirable an object. They should by their advice recall their men now in arms, they should aid in apprehending all abettors of them, and all who are yeilding them any comfort and supplies. This would reduce them to submission, and prevent the horrors so much feared.

      On the 31st I received the following application from Shays and others.

      Pelham Jan. 31st 1787—

      The Honorable General Lincoln. Sir, as the officers of the People now Convened in Defence of their rights and Priveleges, have sent a Petition to the General Court for the sole Purpose of accomodation of our Present unhappy affairs, we justly expect, that the Hostilities May cease on both sides untill we have a return from our Legislature.
      Your Honnor therefore will Please to Give us an answer.

                        Frans Stone, Chairman

                        Pr order of the Committee for Reconciliation
                        Daniel Shays, Captain

                        Adam Wheeler, Captain

      I returned the following answer.

      Hadley Jan. 31st 1787—

      Gentlemen, Your request is totally inadmissible, as no powers are delegated to me which would justify a delay of my operations. Hostilities I have not commenced.
      I have again to warn the people in arms against Government, immediately to disband, as they would avoid the ill consequences which may ensue, should they be inattentive to this caution.

      In this position I remained refreshing the troops who had suffered very severe fatigue. This also gave time for the several Towns to use their influence with their own people to return, if they thought proper to use it: and to circulate among Shays’ men that they would be recommended for a pardon if they would come in, and lay down their arms. The 2d of Febuary I was induced to reconnoitre Shays’ post on his right, left, and rear. I had recieved information by General Putnam before, that we could not approach him in front. I intended to have approached him on the 3d inst. This reconnoitreing gave him an alarm. At 3 oClock in the morning of the 3d, I recieved an application from Wheeler, that he wished to confer with General Putnam. His request was granted. He seemed to have no object but his personal safety. No encouragement being given him in this head, he returned a little after noon. In the evening of the same day, I was informed that Shays had left his ground, and had pointed his rout toward Petersham in the County of Worcester, where he intended to make a stand as a number of Towns in the vicinity had engaged to support him. Our troops were put in motion at 8 o Clock. The first part of the night was pleasant, and the weather clement; but between two and three o Clock in the morning, the wind shifting to the Westward, it became very cold and squally, with considerable snow. The wind immediately arose very high, and with the light snow which fell the day before and was falling, the paths were soon filled up, the men became fatigued, and they were in a part of the country where they could not be covered in the distance of eight miles, and the cold was so increased, that they could not halt in the road to refresh themselves. Under these circumstances they were obliged to continue their march. We reached Petersham about 9 o Clock in the morning exceedingly fatigued with a march of

      thirty miles, part of it in a deep snow and in a most violent storm; when this abated, the cold increased and a great proportion of our men were frozen in some part or other, but none dangerously. We approached nearly the centre of the Town where Shays had covered his men; and had we not been prevented from the steepness of a large hill at our entrance, and the depth of the snow from throwing our men rapidly into it we should have arrested very probably one half this force; for they were so surprized as it was that they had not time to call in their out-parties, or even their guards. About 150 fell into our hands, and none escaped but by the most precipitate flight in different directions.
      Thus that body of men who were a few days before offering the grossest insults to the best Citizens of this Commonwealth and were menacing even Government itself, were now nearly dispersed, without the shedding of blood but in an instance or two where the Insurgents rushed on their own destruction. That so little has been shed is owing in a measure to the patience and obedience, the zeal and the fortitude in our troops, which would have done honour to veterans. A different line of conduct which Shays flattered his troops would have been followed, would have given them support, and led them to acts of violence, whilst it must have buoyed up the hopes of their abettors, and stimulated them to greater exertions.
      At this time I recieved the proceedings of the General Court. They have acted with a degree of decision and firmness which do them honour. I think your Excellency will be pleased to have their doings added.
      ✻ ✻ ✻ ✻ ✻ ✻ ✻ ✻
      Having distressed the main body of the insurgents, our next attention was so to disseminate our force thro’ the disaffected Counties, as to break the little knots of those in arms which were collected in various parts of the Counties, and were taking up, confining, and plundering all who fell into their hands who in their opinion were “freinds to government,” as they called them. A body of troops were retained in the County of Worcester; a regiment left in the County of Hampshire, besides a guard to the public Magazine at Springfield. With three regiments I came on to this place. I found the people in general had been in arms,

      or had been abettors of those who were, and that their obstinacy was not exceeded by anything but by their ignorance of their own situation. I at once threw detachments into different parts of the County, for the purpose of protecting the freinds to Government and apprehending those who had been in arms against it. This business is pretty fully accomplished, and there are no Insurgents together in arms in the State.
      There are many parties in the neighbouring States lurking near the borders of this. They are poisoning the minds of a class among them. It is now time for those States to exert themselves in apprehending such characters, for they fan the coals, and will kindle the flame of rebellion whereever they go.
      The time for which the Militia engaged to serve expires with this day. We are raising two regiments to remain in service for four months in obedience to the following resolves.
      ✻ ✻ ✻ ✻ ✻ ✻ ✻ ✻
      That your Excellency may have a knowledge of the doings of our Legislature which I think will some day or other make a rich page in History, I have subjoined the following Acts.
      ✻ ✻ ✻ ✻ ✻ ✻ ✻ ✻
      Although I revere the doings of our General Court, yet I think in one instance or two they have gone too far. The following observations on one of their laws, I have submitted to the consideration of a private Friend in Boston, and they are added to this letter, by which nothing more is intended, than as the reading it may serve as an hour of amusement to your Excellency.
      When a State whose Constitution is like ours, has been convulsed by intestine broils; when the bands of Government have in any part of it been thrown off, and Rebellion has for a time stalked unmolested: when the most affectionate neighbours become in consequence hereof, divided in sentiment on the question in dispute, and warmly espouse the opinions they hold; when even the Father arms against the Son, and the son against the Father, the powers of Government may be exerted; and crush the Rebellion, but to reclaim its citizens, to bring them back fully to a sense of their duty, and to establish anew those principles, which lead them to embrace the Government with affection, must require the wisdom, the patience & the address of the Legislature.

      Love and Fear are the bonds of civil Society. Love is the noblest incentive to obedience; a Government supported hereon is certainly the most desireable, and ensures the first degrees of happiness which can be derived from civil compact. Such a Government as this is always wounded, when any thing shall exist which makes it necessary to apply to the fears of the governed. This never will be done by a wise administration, unless the General Good renders it indespensible, and it will be removed the first moment it can be, consistently with the common safety.
      The spirit of Rebellion is now nearly crushed in this State, and the opposition to Government is hourly decreasing. This therefore is the most critical moment yet seen. Punishment must be such, and be so far extended as thereby others shall be detered from repeating such acts of outrage in future, and care must be taken that they do not extend beyond a certain degree the necessity of which must be acknowledged by all. In her right hand Government must hold out such terms of mercy in the hour of success, with such evident marks of a disposition to forgive as shall apply to the feelings of the delinquents, beget in them such sentiments of gratitude and love by which they will be led to embrace with the highest cordiality that Government which they have attempted to trample under foot. This example in Government will have its influence upon Individuals, and be productive of the best Effects among contending Neighbours & divided Families.
      These are sentiments which I suppose have their foundation in truth; and in the belief of them, I have been led to examine with some attention the late Act of the General Court, by which certain Characters are for a time disfranchised. Although I think the conduct of the Legislature will make a rich page in History, yet I cannot but suppose, that if the number of the disfranchised had been less, the public peace would have been equally safe, and the general good promoted.
      The Act includes so great a description of persons that in its operation many Towns will be disfranchised. This will injure the whole, for multiplied disorders must be experienced under such circumstances.
      The people who have been in Arms against Government and their Abettors, have complained, and do now complain that grievances do exist, and that they ought to have redress. We

      have invariably said to them, you are wrong in flying to Arms; you should seek redress in a Constitutional way, & wait the decision of the Legislature. These observations were undoubtedly just, but will they not now complain, and say, that we have cut them off from all hope of redress, from that quarter, for we have denied them a representation in that Legislative body, by whose Laws they must be governed.
      While they are in this situation, they never will be reconciled to Government, nor will they submit to the terms of it, from any other Motive than fear excited by a constant military armed force extended over them. While these distinctions are made, the subjects of them will remain invidious, and their will be no affection existing among Inhabitants of the same Neighbourhood, or Families, where they have thought and acted differently. Those who have been opposers to Government will view with a jealous eye, those who have been supporters of it, and consider them as the cause which produced the disqualifying act, and who are now keeping it alive. Many never will submit to it, they will rather leave the State than do it. If we could reconcile ourselves to this loss, and on this account make no objection, yet these people will leave behind them near and dear connections who will feel themselves wounded through their Friends.
      The influence of these people is so fully checked that we have nothing to apprehend from them now, but their Individual Votes. When this is the case, to express fears from that quarter is impolitic. Admit that some of these very people should obtain a seat in the Assembly the next year, we have nothing to fear from the measure: so far from that I think it would produce the most salutary Effects.
      For my own part I wish, that those Insurgents who should secure a pardon, were at liberty to exercise all the rights of good Citizens; for I believe it to be the only way which can be adopted to make them good Members of Society, and to reconcile them to that Government under which we wish them to live. If we are now afraid of their weight and they are for a given time deprived of certain privileges, they will come forth hereafter with redoubled vigour. I think we have much more to fear from a certain supiness which has seized on a great proportion of our Citizens, who have been totally inattentive to the exercise of those rights conveyed to them by the Constitution of this Commonwealth.

      If the good people of the State will not exert themselves in the appointment of proper Characters for the Executive and Legislative branches of Government, no disfranchising acts will ever make us a happy & a well governed people.
      I cannot therefore on the whole but think, that if the opposers to Government, had been disqualified, on a pardon from serving as jurors on the trial of those who had been in sentiment with them, that we should have been perfectly safe. For as I observed before these people have now no influence as a body, and their individual votes are not to be dreaded, for we certainly shall not admit the idea, that the Majority is with them in their political sentiments; if thus, how, upon republican principles, can we justly exclude them from the right of Governing.
      March 4th
      The parties I mentioned to your Excellency which were lurking on the borders of this State; remained inactive for some time with a hope and expectation as their leaders taught them to believe, that they should be reinforced from different quarters, and they were credulous enough to expect aid from Canada. Thus matters remained untill the Morning of the 27th Ulto when there appeared about 120 of them in Stockbridge who were in a very defenseless state, besides they were compleatly surprized. The Insurgents took a number of the leading Characters, in that Town, plundered many of the Inhabitants, & stole a number of Horses; They then, flushed with success proceeded on to Barrington; on their approach the well affected Militia retired before them towards Sheffield, and were met by the Militia of that Town commanded by Colo. Ashley. The halt the Insurgents made in Barrington gave time for the Lenox & Stockbridge Militia to collect and follow them. Colo. Ashley having collected about Eighty Men, came to a resolution to march in pursuit of the rebels, & to attack them where he should find them; he very soon fell in with them. They were marching in files, had their prisoners in the centre. Their front division formed a line on one side of the road, that left our prisoners in the front of the rear. It is said they did not form; that the whole were routed before they had time to do it; two or three Men on a side were killed & a number wounded; among them one Hamlen, Commander of the party; his wounds are dangerous; as

      they retreated they fell into the hands of the Militia from Stockbridge & Lenox which were pursuing. About seventy of them have been taken: some are coming in and surrendering themselves.
      This Action has had very happy Effects upon the people of this County; it has given them great spirits, and they begin to discover that state of mind which they enjoyed before the Rebellion existed, by which the Friends of government in this part of the County have been exceedingly born down.
      The parties, which a few days since, were lurking on the borders of this State, in Connecticut & New York, are very much dispersed, from causes not certainly known by us here. It is said they have been dispersed by the Authority of those governments. The Rebels are retiring to Vermont, & are making their way Northerly, Shays and Wiley were by the last accounts at Otter Creek, and Parsons on his rout to that place. The leaders having left those deluded people, many of them will, I think, return, while others will endeavour to gain settlements in Vermont.
      The State has much yet to do. The Supreme Judicial Court will meet in this County on the third Tuesday of this Month for the trial of these offenders. To preserve a line, which shall give security to the Citizens & dignity to the State, without incurring the censure of the World for being too cruel, may be difficult to draw. Where they hold out terms of pardon it should be done with a good grace, they should at the same time manifest a disposition, to embrace cordially all who are truely penitent & give unequivocal proofs of reformation.
      A proper address and attention will soon restore these Counties not only to Government and Order, but to that love and friendship, without which none can be long happy in civil Society.
      The regiments I mentioned before, are nearly full, one of them will be here in a few days; as soon as they are compleated and the necessary arrangements are made, I shall return home to the prosecution of the subject which engaged my attention the last year, that in the Eastern Country; my Friends tell me that I have just enthusiasm enough for such a project; what they call the Effects of enthusiasm to me appears the result of my best judgment.

      I know this long letter may trespass upon your Excellency’s time, did I not feel a responsibility to your Excellency when ever I enter on a military enterprize, and an Obligation to report as a duty I owe to your Excellency & to myself, I should have been silent, as I know your Excellencys time is constantly engrossed in pursuits which have for their object, the best interest & happiness of Mankind. I have the honor of being My dear general with perfect esteem your Excellencys most obedient & most humble servant—

      B. Lincoln


Title: From George Washington to Battaile Muse, 4 December 1786
From: Washington, George
To: Muse, Battaile

Sir,
Mount Vernon 4th Decr 1786

As the fifty Bushels of Wheat stands as an article of charge at 5/6 in your account against me, it may remain so as a final settlement of the matter—Although I have no flour at present for

sale and have made no enquiry into the price of this article, I do not suppose I shall either loose or gain much in so small a quantity by fixing the Wheat at this price.
With respect to the persons named in your letter of the 26th Ulto (which is just come to hand) I can only repeat what I have often done before, in substance—and that is that it is my wish to obtain justice to myself but not to act with that rigor in effecting it as to bring ruin or even considerable distress upon poor families—rather than do this I would relinquish my claim; but in all cases of this kind I would endeavor to draw a line between inablility & dishonesty; where the former appears with good dispositions to the latter and to industry I would wish lenient measures may be used[;] where the intention appears fraudulent, no indulgence should be given. These being my sentiments you can apply them to the cases of Rector &c. Thompson as your own judgment under the circumstances as related, shall dictate; keeping the old proverb in view not to—“Sue a beggar and catch a Louse.” This adage may apply also to Colo. Kennedy—otherwise if he will not give you security for paying the ballance of my account—in six months or even twelve months (as long as he has assumed the payment, for without this, he might have plead the Act) I would Sue him without further delay.
All these difficulties & losses have arisen from Rents lying over unpaid from year to year; for which reason I am determined that my Rents in future shall be punctually discharged unless there is some interposition of Providence which calls for forbearance. The best Landlord, I am perfectly convinced is he who never suffers two Rents to become due on the same tenement.
In the enclosed (which I request You to forward) I have consented to Fielding Lewis getting timber (if the Tenants having Leases are willing) to build him a house in Rector Town, but what use he means to put it to afterwards will, I dare say, puzzle him to tell. I am Sir Your Obt Servt

G. Washington


Title: From George Washington to Thomas Peters, 4 December 1786
From: Washington, George
To: Peters, Thomas

Sir,
Mount Vernon 4th Decr 1786

Your letter of the 18th Ulto came duly to hand. From the number of fruitless enquiries I had made for spring Barley before I applied to you, and the intervention between the date of my letter and your answer being pretty considerable I despaired of obtaining any of this grain, and therefore seeded the ground which was at first designated for this Crop with Wheat & Rye. I have also since heard that many Gentlemen who have tried it (especially some on West River where I know the Lands are very fine and such as I conceived were well adapted for this grain) do not find it answerable to their expectations—Nevertheless as I wish to divide my seedtime and am desirous of sowing Clover and other grasses with Barley in preference to other grain I would gladly take fifty bushels of it and will depend absolutely upon you for this quantity which I pray may be sent me as soon as it can be procured, by the Packet. With respect to the latter I am anxious because having the seed in my possession I can lay out & prepare accordingly & not postpone my Oat season in expectation of a Barley one and be disappointed at last of the latter as was the case last year.
If I find this essay likely to answer my expectations I shall be better able to talk with you on a Contract. The Barley may be accompanied by the Machine you spoke of as eligable for cleaning it; and I shall thank you for sending one accordingly. Let me know decidedly if you please whether I may depend upon the above quantity of Barley in the manner mentioned—I have it now in my power (for it is offered to me) to get what I want from a Brewer in Philadelphia but I may even fail here if my engagement with him is delayed long for your answer.
Can good Clover seed (not imported seed for that rarely is so) be bought at Baltimore? In what quantity and at what price? There is not, I believe a bushel of Barley of any kind in this neighbourhood for sale—A Mr Wales who Brews in Alexandria procures all of this he can. I am Sir Yr most Obedt Hble Servt

Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Francisco Rendon, 4 December 1786
From: Rendon, Francisco
To: Washington, George

Dear General
Philadelphia 4th december 1786.

Having received orders from my Sovereign to repair immediately to Court to give an account of my stewardship & receive his Royal orders, I cannot quit this Country without taking the most affectionate leave of your Excellency, and expressing my gratitude for the friendship with which you have repaid the high Veneration and sincere attachment which I have always entertained for your person & character. I would have wished it had been in my power to take your commands before my departure, but it is so sudden that I have not time to alow myself the satisfaction. It will be to me a heartfull pleasure in giving an account to his Majesty of the distinguished Character of America, to expatiate particularly on the private Virtues of Genl Washington, and to delineate to the best of Kings the picture of the best of Citizens, I am sure that this is the light in which you will please him best; others have already taught him to admire your talents, and publick Virtues, it will be my business to teach him to love your Person. I leave this Country with a heart full of affection for its inhabitants & full of gratitude for the affection & friendship they have shewn me, with this disposition you may judge, whether I shall let an opportunity escape of being useful to America; alow me to repeat my wishes that you may all your life enjoy that happiness which you have insured to thousands. With the most perfect Respect and Esteem I have the honor to be sir your most humble & most obedt servt &ca

Francisco Rendon

P.S. If I could be of any use to you in Spain, I shall be happy to receive your orders which you may direct to me under cover of Mr Carmichael, I cannot yet give up the hope of seing this Country again, and I think it very probable that I shall once more revisit my old friends of America. Present my best respects to your Lady and my good friend Majr Whashington.


Title: From George Washington to James Tilghman, 4 December 1786
From: Washington, George
To: Tilghman, James

Dr Sir,
Mount Vernon 4th Decr 1786

Your favor of the 14th ulto is but just come to hand, or an earlier reply shou’d have been made to it.
The inscription intended for the Tomb of my deceased friend meets my entire approbation; for I can assure you Sir, with much truth, that after I had opportunities of becoming well acquainted with his worth, no man enjoyed a greater share of my esteem, affection & confidence than Colo. Tilghman.
I now transmit you, for the satisfaction of the friend of your deceas’d son, a statement of the conduct which was observed towards Capt: Asgill during his confinement, by which his illiberality & want of candour will fully appear. These extracts are taken from authentic records, & contain every sentence wherein the name of that officer is mentioned according to my best knowledge & belief.
At length, with much difficulty, I have got all the papers which are to be found, respecting the affairs of the deceased Colo. Thos Colvill, from the son of the principal acting Executor of the Will of that Gentleman. I have put them into the hands of a skilful lawyer to make, if possible, a proper statement of them for final settlement; and as soon as I can speak to any good purpose you shall again hear from me respecting the claim of Miss Anderson. With great esteem, I am &c.

G: Washington


Title: From George Washington to Clement Biddle, 5 December 1786
From: Washington, George
To: Biddle, Clement

Dear Sir,
Mount Vernon 5th Decr 1786.

Your letters of the 15th of Octr and 5th of Novr are both before me, and I shall reply to them in their order.
For your trouble in negotiating my Certificate I thank you.

If it is necessary (in order) that you may receive the half yearly interest thereon I would wish you to keep it. If you can draw this without it may be sent to me. In the meantime inform me if you please if this certificate can be converted into cash, and upon what terms? that if I should have occasion to make any purchases in Philadelphia I may know the amount of this fund. The Indents to the amount of 84 53/90 Dollars I have recd and note the credit you have given me for the year & halfs interest.
The Curtains, stuff, & Nails are safe at hand and will answer very well.
The uncertainty of getting good spring Barley (for I had made many fruitless enquiries in this State & the parts of Maryland bordering on it before I wrote to you) induced me to put the ground which I had first allotted for this grain into Wheat & rye but if you could procure & send to me by one of the the first vessels bound from your port to Alexandria fifty bushels I will yet find as much ground as will receive this quantity of Seed or if you have engaged one hundred bushls of this grain from Mr Haines as the expression of your letter seems to impart I will readily take it, but would not chuse to be under any promise to supply him with the produce of it—1st because being uncertain of the yield and inclining to go pretty largely upon it if I find it likely to answer my purpose I shall want a good deal for seed another year—and 2d because the frieght around it is to be feared would sink too deep into the sales to render me any profit upon a small quantity.
The Clover seed (as I conceived this had been a productive year of it) is high—yet I would beg you to send me 300 weight—as soon as I know the precise cost of this and the Barley the money shall be remitted—or if you have any dealings in Alexandria & an order on me would answer your purposes equally well it shall be immediately paid. If it is the same thing to Mr Haines whether I take 50 or 100 Bushls of Barley I should under the circumstances already mentioned prefer the ⟨former⟩ quantity. It is so essential to every Farmer to have his seeds by him that I would urge in the strongest terms that these now required be sent me by the first good Water conveyance. The uncertainties & disappointments I met with last spring will always make me anxious to obtain all my seeds long before the season for sowing

them shall have arrived—At any rate let me know by Post what I have to expect. Best wishes attend Mrs Biddle & your family. I am—Dr Sir Yr most Obedt Hble Servt

Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to John Francis Mercer, 5 December 1786
From: Washington, George
To: Mercer, John Francis

Sir,
Mount Vernon 5th Decr 1786.

As I have not yet received a reply to my last letter, but, since the date of it, have made some enquiry into the prices of negroes at the ready money sales of them, I take the liberty of informing you, previously to your writing, or my receiving an answer to the above letter, that as it is not likely we shall agree on a price, (in case you should be disposed to spare such negroes as would have answered my purposes) it is my wish to save you the trouble of adding any thing more on the subject of them. Such as I pointed at might have been useful to me; but as I have no desire of adding to my present number by purchase, to accommodate you was the object I had principally in view, but I cannot think of allowing more to effect this, than the same kind of negroes would command at a sale of ready money, because in fact it is a discount of ready money, & for that species of property which I have no inclination to possess. I mention the matter now lest the intimation of such sentiments after an acquiescence with my proposal, should you have been thereto disposed, might be construed a disposition to take advantage of circumstances to reduce the price; rather than a thought of this kind should be entertained, my choice is to await the money in any manner you shall please to offer it.
It was Mr Hunter not Colo. Hooe, that gave the information respecting the price of Corn, as mentioned in my last—I correct the mistake therefore then made, that there may be no representation suspected in the accot.
As I assured you in my last that I had bid adieu to the altercation respecting the appropriation of the money arising from the

Bonds in suit—so I can assure you I have no other motive for enclosing Mr Colston’s letter, which only came to my hands the day before yesterday than to let you see his sollicitude to obtain a Deed for the land for which he has paid the consideration money—and to repeat the assurances of my last, that if it is essential for me to execute the Deed, I am ready to do it when it is presented, & I am properly authorised by you so to do. I am Sir, &c.

G: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Bourdon, 6 December 1786 [letter not found]
From: Bourdon de Vatry, Marc-Antoine
To: Washington, George

Letter not found: from Bourdon de Vatry, 6 Dec. 1786. On 8 Jan. 1788 GW wrote Bourdon: “I have recd your letter of the 6th of Decr 1786.”


Title: To George Washington from L’Enfant, 6 December 1786
From: L’Enfant, Pierre Charles
To: Washington, George

sir
new york december 6th 1786.

the inclosed memorial which my actual circumstances has mad necessary, rendering it usless I should enter here into any of the particular of its content I confine myself with requesting your Excellency will Excuse the length of it. unable to be concise in an explanation where in it is essential to me to give account of the differents sensations which actuated me I have need of much Indulgence—and the good testimony of your Excellency being alone to persuad of my real principles in such an extraordinary a conjuncture I calim its suport with the more Confidence that I promise myself from your goodness as well as from the details which I take the liberty to submit to you that if in juging me after the event I am found culpable it will at any rate be only of too much Confidence and liberality and convinced I did not bring my self into so unfortunate a situation but through a wish to give a truly brotherly proof of my affection to the interest of the Cincinnati—your Excellency being placed to apprise the valu of the sacrifices which I have made will do me the justice to belive that if I have not done honor to the Engagements which I have been induced to contract in france for the Cincinnati

it has not been from a want of my own good will neither through fear that the incapacity of the fund, of the society to reimburse would Expose me to remain the dupe of my advances—had my fortune allowed me to make an immediate sacrifice or could the present State of my personal resources enable me to borrow a sum such as would be necessary to do honor to the principal to gether with the interest of the sum of the advances that have been made to me in france for the society and also to reimburs the loans to which I have been forced to have recourse here I would not hesitate one moment to pay both the one and the other. a regard to my self as well as for the society which it is my wish not to bring in to the question acting conjunctly would surely led me to that measure, but it is with regret I see that with personal means in view—the actual derangement of my affair how ever Cross my inclination so ⟨far⟩ has to oblige me to intrud upon your Excellency by a relation of facts which nothing but the necessity of exculpating myself from charges which seem authorised by my failure to discharge those Engagements which by accident are become personal could only make me resolve to bring to light.
doubtless I ought to have begun this address by an apology for my apparant negligence in not having taken some opportunity during my residence here to have paid my respect to your Excellency agreable to the permission which you so complaisantly gave me—but full of the subject on which I have the honor to address you, it appeared most proper to explain my motives—and then Confiding in your Excellency sensibility of the cause which have taken from me the power of undertaking a journey to virginie I flater myself your Excellency will remain persuaded that this dissappointment has not little added to the bittereness of many other unhappiness. with the most profound respect I have the honor to be sir your Excellency most humble & obedient servant

P. ch. L’Enfant

P.S. a picture directed to your Excellency and which has been left to me, in the cours of last summer, by mr Snelf Col. in the service of the so. Carolina—has not been forwarded to your Excellency for want of a direct opportunity by watter which had appeared to us to be the much proper way of conveyance I had

proposed to my self being the bearer of it but circumstances not permitting I should if your Excellency will give me directions which way I may send it I will comply.


Title: To George Washington from Edmund Randolph, 6 December 1786
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Washington, George

Sir
Richmond December 6th 1786

By the inclosed Act you will readily discover, that the Assembly are alarmed at the Storms, which threaten the United States. What our enemies have foretold, seems to be hastening to its accomplishment; and cannot be frustrated but by an instantaneous zealous & steady Union among the friends of the fœderal Government: To you I need not press our present dangers. The inefficiency of Congress you have often felt in your Official Character: the increasing langour of our associated republics you hourly see: and a dissolution would be I know to you a source of the deepest mortification.
I freely then intreat you to accept the Unanimous appointment of the General Assembly, to the Convention at Philadelphia. For the gloomy prospect still admits one ray of hope, that those, who began, carried on & consummated the revolution, can yet rescue America from the impending ruin. I have the honor Sir to be with the sincerest Esteem & respect Your most obedt Servant

Edm: Randolph


Title: From George Washington to David Stuart, 6 December 1786
From: Washington, George
To: Stuart, David

Dear Sir,
Mount Vernon 6th Decr 1786

If Mr Newton of Norfolk should offer you money on my acct, I wd thank you for bringing it.
I have a tenant—one Edward Williams—who I want to punish, because I believe him to be a bad man. I pray you therefore to send me a General Court Writ for him. The case I shall relate—and leave the nature of the writ, & quantum of damages to be filled up by better judges than myself—to frighten—not really to hurt him, is my object.
The case is. He pulls down my fences which are good, and adjoining to him, to let his stock, into my Inclosures for the benefit of better pastures than his own. The consequence is, that besides the injury I sustain by having my pastures a common; my stock go out and get into his fields, which have not lawful fences, and are there maimed and killed—One Hog of near 200 weight his people were caught in the act of killing; several others of equal size are missing, & no doubt is entertained of their having shared this fate—My wish therefore is to lay the damages high to scare him. I pray you to pay Mr Hopkins ten or 15/ wch I owe him for some service rendered me in the payment of a fee for recording a Deed in the General Ct. What are you about below?—we hear nothing from you now! The Maryld session will be warm. Paper money the cause! The disturbances in Massachusetts have not subsided, on the contrary are growing more systematic—They are alarming, & the evils, if possible, should be averted. To suppose, if they are suffered to go on, they can be kept at the distance they now are, from us, is idle. Fire, where there is inflamable matter, very rarely stops; and nothing is more certain than that, it is better to prevent misfortunes, than to apply remedies when they have happened. I am sincerely & Affecty Yrs

Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Thomas Johnson, 7 December 1786
From: Johnson, Thomas
To: Washington, George

sir.
Annapolis 7 Dec. 1786.

I am now able to inclose you a Copy of the Potomack Bill passed both Houses of our Assembly without any Opposition—if there should have any Deviation been made by the Virginia Assembly from the Application we made I beleive I can readily obtain a correspondent Alteration here if it should be necessary.
It has occurred to me that Mr Smith on being furnished with a little pine plank and a Joiner might in a few Days have a Model made of the Locks for the Great Falls so as to exhibit the actual Effect in Miniature I profess it would give me Satisfaction as well perhaps as some degree of pleasure to the other Gent. and might possibly render even Smiths Ideas more correct on the Subject by shewing in Time a defect, if there is any, in his plan—The Winter is so unpromising that I expect we shall be very still till the Spring but if agreeable to the Gent. of Virga, it is so to Mr Lee I wish Brindley to assist and advise on the Survey and Tract at the Little Falls from what Colo. Gilpin said I think we may expect Brindley is disposed to assist us and what would be liberal for his Trouble may be very usefully laid out.
The necessary Demands of Congress our own poverty and want of Spirit—the Distractions to the Eastward and our Rage for paper Money make my Time pass away here heavily enough—I am afraid I shall learn in the latter part of my Life that Americans are not so good as I thought them—a Lesson much against my Will. I am my dear sir With great Truth & Affection Your most obedt Servt

Th: Johnson


Title: To George Washington from James Madison, 7 December 1786
From: Madison, James
To: Washington, George

Dear Sir
Richmond Decr 7th 1786

Notwithstanding the communications in your favor of the 18th Ult: which has remained till now to be acknowledged, it was the opinion of every judicious friend whom I consulted that your name could not be spared from the Deputation to the Meeting in May in Philada. It was supposed that in the first place, the peculiarity of the mission and its acknowledged preeminence over every other public object, may possibly reconcile your undertaking it, with the respect which is justly due & which you wish to pay to the late officers of the army; and in the second place that although you should find that or any other consideration an obstacle to your attendance on the service, the advantage of having your name in the front of the appointment as a mark of the earnestness of Virginia, and an invitation to the most select characters from every part of the Confederacy, ought at all events to be made use of. In these sentiments I own I fully concurred, and flatter myself that they will at least apologize for my departure from those held out in your letter. I even flatter myself that they will merit a serious consideration with yourself, whether the difficulties which you enumerate ought not to give way to them.
The Affair of the Mississippi which was brought before the Assembly in a long Memorial from the Western Members & some of the Officers, has undergone a full consideration of both houses. The Resolutions printed in the papers, were agreed to unanimously in the H. of Delegates. In the Senate I am told the language was objected to by some members as too pointed. They certainly express in substance the decided Sence of this Country at this time on the subject, and were offered in the place of some which went much farther and which were in other respects exceptionable. I am entirely convinced from what I observe here, that unless the project of Congs can be reversed, the hopes of carrying this State into a proper federal system will be demolished. Many of our most federal leading men are extremely soured with what has already passed. Mr Henry, who has been hitherto the Champion of the federal cause, has become a cold advocate, and in the event of an actual sacrifice of the Misspi by Congress, will unquestionably go over to the opposite side. I

have a letter from Col. Grayson of late date which tells me that nothing further has been done in Congs and one from Mr Clarke of N. Jersey, which informs me that he expected every hour, instructions from his Legislature for reversing the vote given by the Delegates of that State in favor of the Project.
The temper of the Assembly at the beginning of the Session augured an escape of every measure this year, not consonant to the proper principles of Legislation. I fear now that the conclusion will contradict the promising outset. In admitting Tobo for a commutable, we perhaps swerved a little from the line in which we set out. I acquiesed in the measure myself, as a prudential compliance with the clamours within doors & without, and as a probable means of obviating more hurtful experiments. I find however now that it either had no such tendency, or that schemes were in embrio which I was not aware of. A bill for establishing district Courts has been clogged with a plan for installing all debts now due, so as to make them payable in three annual portions. What the fate of the experiment will be I know not. It seems pretty certain that if it fails the bill will fail with it. It is urged in support of this measure that it will be favorable to debtors & creditors both, and that without it, the bill for accelerating Justice would ruin the former, and endanger the public repose. The objections are so numerous and of such a nature, that I shall myself give up the bill rather than pay such a price for it. With unfeigned affection & the higst respt, I am Dr Sr Yr Obedt hble servt

Js Madison Jr


Title: To George Washington from John Francis Mercer, 10 December 1786 [letter not found]
From: Mercer, John Francis
To: Washington, George

Letter not found: from John Francis Mercer, 10 Dec. 1786. On 19 Dec. GW wrote Mercer: “I received your favor of the 10th.”


Title: To George Washington from Thomas Seddon & Co., 10 December 1786 [letter not found]
From: Thomas Seddon & Company
To: Washington, George

Letter not found: from Thomas Seddon & Co., 10 Dec. 1786. GW wrote Seddon & Co. on 9 Jan. 1787: “I have received your letter of the 10th of Decemr.”


Title: From George Washington to Edmund Randolph, 12 December 1786
From: Washington, George
To: Randolph, Edmund

Dr Sir,
Mount Vernon 12th Decr 1786

The Gentleman who does me the honor of delivering this letter to you is Mr Anstey. He is introduced to me in a very favorable point of view by our old acquaintance & friend Colol Fairfax of Bath, & by Mr Jay of New York.
Mr Anstey being on a tour to Charleston, & purposeing to take richmond in the route, I use the liberty of introducing him to your civilities—and to assure you of the great regard & respect with which, I have the honor to be &c.

G: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Charles Little, 15 December 1786
From: Little, Charles
To: Washington, George

Sir
Clish Decr 15th 1786

I would have complyed with my promise: given your Execellencey; before this time, but have been from home for several days. I have now colected all the papers; and accounts which relate to Colo. Thos Colvile’s; affairs[.] them with a Bond of Sidney Georges, which I found amongst John Colvils, papers, I have Inclosed you. I have The Honour to be with due respect your Excellency’s Very Humble Servt

Charles Little


Title: From George Washington to Josiah Watson, 15 December 1786
From: Washington, George
To: Watson, Josiah

Sir,
Mount Vernon 15th Decr 1786.

I am exceedingly anxious, to bring the Administration of Colo. Colvill’s Estate to a close. To do this, & to discharge some claims on it, (one of which is very pressing) it is become indispensably necessary that the Bond in which you are joined with the late Major Moody, should be paid off. I persuade myself there will be no further delay in doing it when the indulgencies which have already been given, & when the circumstances attending this transaction are, moreover, recurred to. Tho’ Majr Moody stands foremost in the Bond, he was not at the time it

was taken, nor has he at any period since been considered as the principal. It will be remembered, I am certain, that I was assured on that occasion, (tho’ a credit of twelve months was given) the Bond should not remain unpaid so long: five years have since elapsed. More than a year ago when application, thro’ Mr Lund Washington, was made for this money, he was referred, as he informed me, to the heir or Executor of the deceased Mr Moody; but under the circumstances of this case, I beg leave to add that I must look to you for payment. I would have waited yet longer in expectation of having this money tendered to me, but for the reasons above; & which I pray you to receive as the apology for my being so urgent & so explicit now. With esteem, I am Sir &c.

G: Washington

P.S. If it is convenient to you, the price of the redemptioners, & the cost of the Osnabrigs may go in payment; if it is not, I will send you the money. In  last the son of Mr Moody paid me £.


Title: To George Washington from Henry Knox, 17 December 1786
From: Knox, Henry
To: Washington, George

My dear Sir
New York 17 December 1786

I did myself the pleasure of writing to you last month, and stated generally that certain disturbances existed in Massachusetts. Since that period the legislature have been sitting, and endevoring to conciliate the minds of the disafected, and perhaps in some instances by unjust means. There are people however who hold that if a measure be right in itself, one Should not be very delicate respecting the means by which it is to be accomplished. I beleive this doctrine may without much hesitation be pronound infamous. But such as it is, there have been people in all ages practising upon it.
The insurgents of Massachusetts are generally supposed by the people of the other states to be a class of people who are in a considerable degree oppressed by that government. It is true that the legislature have stretched the powers of direct taxation far, perhaps too much so and that they have expressed their detestation of paper money.
But the Source of the evil is in the nature of the government, which is not constituted for the purposes of man possessing boisterous passions, and improper views. This is apparent from the events which have happened.
In some of the counties, one fifth part of the people of little or no property are dissatisfied, more with their pecuniary than their political circumstances, and appeal to arms. Their first acts are to annihilate their courts of Justice, that is private debts—The Second, to abolish the public debt and the third is to have a division of property by means of the darling object of most of the States paper money. A Government without any existing means of coercion, are at a loss how to combat, or avert a danger so new & so pressing.
The legislature is convened—They differ in sentiment—They pass temporizing expedients—The insurgents despise their impotency and proceed in the execution of their designs—At last the goverment begin to think that nothing but force is adequate to meet usage so blind and so unjust—In this moment they are beginning to see their true situation.
The County courts of common pleas which meet four times in a year, and in which, all actions for debt originate, are the

great greviance of the insurgents—They have therefore in the western counties of Berkshire, Hampshire and Worcester, prevented these courts from proceeding to business for a term or two past. In Bristol the effect has been nearly the same. In middlesex this court was prevented from doing business in Septr last by the insurgents. On the 29h ultimo the same court was by rule to meet at Cambridge—The insurgents determined to prevent, and the government to protect it. The severity of the weather, and the excessive deep snows however prevented the insurgents from meeting at their rendevouz in such numbers As to make the attempt, & the court proceeded to business without molestation.
A Body of horse, which was collected from Boston and its vicinity made a forced march to the extremity of Middlesex and seized three of the principal insurgents of that County, and conveyed them to Boston Goal by virtue of the suspension of the habeus Corpus act.
On the 5th instant the commonpleas were to have met at Worcester, but were prevented by a large body of armed insurgents—These amounted on the 8th instant to about 1500 men, and it is said their object was the liberation of their Associates confined in Boston goal, and that they had for this purpose sent a Messenger to the Governor, and informed him that if he would release the prisoners, they would disband otherwise they would proceed to Boston. This is the last advice the mail not having arrived to day according to custom. I imagine the insurgents will disband without obtaining the release of the prisoners but it is probable they may seize some friends of government as a security of the prisoners in Boston. Things will rankle and fester untill next spring when it is likely they will assume a decided aspect.
How far these commotions may be extended it is not easy to say, because they depend a good deal on the habits of the States, and their compliance with paper money and other measures tending to avert taxation and industry It is probable that about one fifth part of the people of New-England whose habits and manners are similar are liable to be infected by the principles of the Insurgents, and of consequence to act in the same manner.
Were these to be combined into one body they would form a large Army but this is not probable. It is however my opinion

that unless matters should be compromised during the Winter, that it is possible that 12, or 15000, men may be embodied next spring or summer, whose veiws may be directed to any object whatever even the establishment of a tyranny, or a return to great Britain.
You are well acquainted with the subtelity of the characters of Sir Guy Carleton now Lord Dorchester, and Mr Wm Smith formerly of New York but now Chief Justice of Canada who have lately arrived at Quebec—At the conclusion of the war, the latter held it up as a maxim, that peace was the only medium of a reunion of America with great Britain—He still persists in that idea.
My apprehension respecting the insurgents are nearly the same as they were respecting a mutiny of the Army—That they must throw themselves into the arms of the british—A rebellion of 10,000 men against our governments would indisputably secure encouragement from Canada—Not as a government but in such secret modes, as never could be traced—In the present temper and dispositions of the New England Insurgents 200,000 pounds sterling would I am persuaded, induce 10,000 men to embody next year, and would with what they could obtain by their own exertions support them for a campaign—If my conjectures be founded the next year will be an important one indeed.
Mrs Knox joins in presenting our affectionate respects to you and Mrs Washington. I am my dear Sir Your sincere and very humble Servant

H. Knox


Title: To George Washington from Thomas Freeman, 18 December 1786
From: Freeman, Thomas
To: Washington, George

May it Please your Excellency
Redstone [Pa.]Decr the 18th 1786

I had the favour of yours by Mr Lear, and by that I imagine you did not receive mine of the 9th October, in which I gave you an Acct of the Sale of the Negroes &c. therefore I have Inclosed a Copy of the same herewith to you. I have likewise sent the Money in my hands & taken Mr Lears Receipt for the same the sum is Thirty six pounds Fifteen shillings & Sixpence I have not sent any Acct by him as most of the Debt are still unpaid and the Wheat not yet in the Mill, you will see that the Sale of Corn Hay &c. are so verry low that I Determined to keep the wheat in the Mills taking the Millers Receipts untill there may be a Market at present there is none[.] I have Sold only One Hundred Bushell since I came home ⟨asid⟩ that I gave one Years Credit unto Capt. Uriah Springer it being the wheat Paid by Huston & Pounds for your part of the Rattion I sold it at four shillings ⅌ Bushl and shall give the Bond into Mr Smiths hand with the rest I have obtained and take his Receipt, I shall endeavour if possible to come down before I set of to Kentucky & make a final settlement with you, that is if any money of Consequence comes into my hands for at present there is a Call for money almost as fast I can Collect it there is a Demand now for somewhere about Fifty Shillings for a Road Tax, Should it prove so that I cannot come down I shall render a true State of all Affairs under my care to Mr Smith who will I make no doubt take care of them, and Deliver them safe to you.
In the Sale of the Negroes there is one Named Dorcas that you Receivd of Mr Simpson as a Slave proves to be free at the Age of Twenty Eight Years the Records from Westmoreland we had & I took the Supreme Judge McKeans Opinion on the matter & he declares her free, so that you must have recourse to Mr Simpson as you Settled with him at the rate of Thirty Pounds and now after keeping her Two Years she Sold at Thirteen Pounds fifteen shillings as ⅌ acct.
I should not have Sold the Negroes but they would not be Prevailed with to come down from any Argument I could use.
The Money Paid on Acct of Coll John A. Washington I have sent down the receipts as it may be you will see the Coll before I come down & you can settle with him as you see cause.

The place wher Mr Simpson lived is without any Tenant the Situation &c. Mr Lear will Inform you—as also of all the Tenements in this Quarter, I have had some Applicants in regard to the Sale of the Bottome but I could not tell what might be the price none would come down to you for fear they should not agree and the Journey being long, and now I have Received your farther Instructions I cannot realy say how they will Sell but Imagine from your giving such Credit there may be some Expectation it will Sell and If any Person or a Number of Persons together would Buy the whole I think it is the likeliest way as it may then be Sold at a Moderate Price and in Selling of Lotts or Parcells it must go high as the best will be first Chosen Small Tracts of about the same Value have been Sold in this Settlement lately at forty Shillings ⅌ Acre, tho’ Lands as well as other Property at this time is but a Dull Market.
I mentioned before I had not sent down the Accts Nevertheless you may be desirous of knowing Who has paid me since I came from you I have underneath Mentioned the different Names & Sums Received.
The within Memorandum will shew what is & from whom the Sums are Received. I shall Endeavour to State the same Regularly at Settlement till then I hope this will be Satisfactory. I am your Excellencys most Hble Servant

Thomas Freeman


Title: From George Washington to John Francis Mercer, 19 December 1786
From: Washington, George
To: Mercer, John Francis

Sir,
Mount Vernon 19th Decr 1786.

I received your favor of the 10th, last night. The letter I addressed to you about fourteen days ago I was in hopes would have reached you before your reply to my former, would have been dispatched, & thereby have saved you the trouble of again touching on the subject of negroes.
I can have no idea of giving eighty or ninety pounds a head for slaves when I am well informed that for ready money the best common labouring negroes in this State, may be bought for less than sixty & others in proportion. For this species of property I have no predilection nor any urgent call, being already over stocked with some kind of it; consequently can have no inducement to give 50 pr Ct more than the like property is offered for & doth actually sell at. A payment in negroes, if this was to take place, can be considered in no other light by either of us, than as ready money; it stops the payment of it, & is I presume a convenience. But to supercede the necessity of enforcing these observations, & to remove every suspicion which might have arisen in your mind, of a desire in me to beat you down in the price of your slaves, was the cause of my last address to you.

As the design however has not been accomplished; & it is necessary both for your information, & for my satisfaction & government that something decisive should be resolved on, I will, in one word, fix my ultimatum with respect to the negroes proposed for sale. Which is to allow you three hundred pounds for young Bob (or an other fellow of his age & appearance), Tom the baker—Massey, David, James & Valentine; but this I do on the proviso that they answer your description in their ages, sizes & qualities; for unless the two last named boys are of sufficient size to be put to trades, they would not answer my purpose; because the persons with whom I should place them are Servants in this family whose terms will expire in less than three years. In making you this offer I have exceeded by at least 25 pr Ct the ready money prices which have been reported to me. That you may have given more I by no means question, but possibly your purchases were on credit, or probably the prices have since fallen. My information of the present selling prices is from very well informed characters.
With respect to the corn, it is perfectly agreeable to me, that you should sell it to any person you please, & instead of ten, I wish you may be able to get fifteen shillings pr barl for it. But as Mr Petit is a gentleman with whom I have no acquaintance, I shall not look to him for the purchase money; I do not wish however to deprive you of the price he offers, by making it a ready money sale to him, altho’ it would have been so to me. I am also perfectly willing to allow whatever is due on my Bond (with interest thereon) which passed to Messrs Blair & McCoul, provided that Bond is got in; but you would not I am persuaded request me to allow this sum on one accot, & be exposed to the claim of it from another quarter.
When I agreed to take two thousand pounds of Certificates, it was my intention, & still is that it shall comprehend every which relates to this species of property. And you may be assured, Sir, that in whatever light this matter from first to last may have appeared to you, I distress myself exceedingly by these accommodations; because nothing but the money, & that in a lump, would have answered any valuable purposes of mine, for by receiving this debt in driblets, I am actually sinking one sum, without discharging those debts of my own which press upon me & which are accumulating by a heavier interest than I receive. I

do not mean however to go over this ground again. I am willing to abide by the propositions now made, & wish to be explicitly resolved on them, because if they are acceded to, I shall endeavour to raise money by the sale of some part of my property, for the purposes alluded to, & do not expect I shall have less difficulty, or sustain less loss in the accomplishment of it than others.
I will enquire of Mr Lund Washington about the Bond you speak of, & am &c.

G: Washington


Title: To George Washington from David Stuart, 19 December 1786
From: Stuart, David
To: Washington, George

Dear Sir,
19th Decr [17]86

The daily expectation I have been in of meeting with some one bound for Alexa. who could take charge of the nutmegs you requested me to purchase, has been the occasion of my not writing for some time past—To have trusted them to the Stage unprotected, would from my experience have been unsafe. As I have not been so lucky as to meet with such an opportunity, notwithstanding frequent enquiries at the office; I have now concluded it would be best (as I expect the Assembly will rise in a short time) to take them up myself. Inclosed is the almanack for Mrs Washington which would have been sent sooner but for the above reason.
I send you also the warrants for your impressed property—An application to the Clerk for a general Court writ against Williams, he gave me the inclosed proceeding against Cresap—I beg leave to observe on the writ against Williams, that if you should think it necessary to do more than intimidate him, it would be best to sue him in the County Court—If he does not already know it, he soon will, tho. from the number of suits at present in the General Ct the suit against him will not be tried, for at least ten years. In the County Court, judgement would be obtained in the course of the next Summer—The prospect

therefore of such speedy justice would probably have a better effect, even towards intimadating.
From the best information I can get, the disappointment in crops of corn is great, and general—the present price of this article in this place, is fifteen shillings. On York river, I am however informed, that large quantities may be purchased for twelve, and even ten shillings—It is generally thought, that it cannot be less than fifteen, at any time in the Spring—Wheat sells currently at a dollar, and flour at six dollars the hundred—Mr Newton informed me, I think, when he was here, that your flour had sustained such damage, as to make it necessary to sell it at vendue—if he comes here again, I shall apply to him for the purpose you mention.
Posey has not run off as you have heard; nor do I believe him to be in such desperate circumstances as are represented—As a proof of it, he is engaged in an expensive repair of his mill. But still it would appear, as if nothing could be got from him: his property being all mortgaged to Coll Clayton: I am well assured, that it is much more than sufficient to satisfy Clayton, and am about bringing suit against Clayton, to campell him to foreclose the mortgage—The issue of this, will disclose the true state of his affairs.
The disturbances to the North-ward give us much uneasiness here, and are truly alarming—The friends to a republican form of government, must feel themselves deeply wounded in the triumph which such disturbances (the sure proof of a want of virtue) afford to the admirers of monarchy.
A report has just arrived here, (too true I fear) that the Governor and principal men in N: Carolina, have been detected in a considerable forgery of some kind of Certificates. This must produce much confusion, and is perhaps the most fatal stab which has been yet given to the dignity of such governments—It is much to be feared, that we shall furnish the same melancholly proofs of unfitness for this species of government which the old world has already done, and that we are preparing apace, for some of those changes, which are there established—The inclosed report will give you some information of the State of our finances—I need not I suppose, inform you, of your being appointed to the Convention to be held at Philadelphia—It appeared to be so much the wish of the House that Mr Maddison

concieved, it might probably frustrate the whole scheme, if it was not done—As it was however intimated, that from many circumstances in your situation it might be impossible for you to attend, you will have a fair opening for an excuse, if at the time, you should still think it inconvenient, or incompatible with what has happened, respecting the Society of the Cincinnati—The original imperfection of the fœderal union, and it’s present tottering state, may perhaps at that time, present themselves in such a point of view, as to supersede every objection.
The attempt to repeal the Port-bill has failed. It appears from the accounts of the Naval officer from Norfolk, that more revenue has been already collected, from that single port, than what was recieved formerly from the whole State, in the space of a year—It only began to operate in June—Coll Logan who defeated lately the Shawnee Indians and burnt their towns, is here—he seems to think, there can be no lasting peace with those unfortunate people—The report concerning the surrender of the navigation of the Missisppi, gave birth to the instructions you have seen, to the Delegates in Congress from this State—In the consideration of this very serious business, it appeared to me, that the inevitable consequence of such a surrender would be, such a hatred of those people towards us, as might induce them to throw themselves into the arms of the English nation, already perhaps too formidable there for our wellfare—Union and harmony among ourselves are more desireable than any thing else, and of more importance to our existence as a nation.
On Saturday our Session will certainly end. You will therefore if you have commands here, be pleased to inform me of them. I am Dr Sir with great respect Your Affecte Hble Servt

Dd Stuart

P:S: I applied to Mrs Randolph on my first arrival in this place, at Mrs Washington’s request—She told me ’twas such a trifle she had advanced, as to merit no notice—I shall wait on her again before my departure. D:S:


Title: To George Washington from Henry Knox, 21 December 1786
From: Knox, Henry
To: Washington, George

My dear Sir
New York 21st December 1786

The insurgents who were assembled at Worcester in Massachusetts have disbanded. The people at Boston seem to be glad at this event and say it was the effect of fear. But the fact is that the insurgents effected their object, which was to prevent the Court of Common Pleas from proceeding to business. It is probable that the seizing some of the insurgents at Middlesex occasioned a greater number of them to assemble at Worcester than otherwise would have assembled merely on Account of preventing the common Pleas.
By Private Letters of the 13th from Boston it appears that government were determined to try its strength by bringing the insurgents to action but were prevented by the uncommon deep snows, which are four and five feet on a level.
The commotions of Massachusetts have wrought prodigious changes in the minds of men in that State respecting the Powers of Government every body says they must be strengthned, and that unless this shall be effected there is no Security for liberty or Property.

Such is the State of things in the east, that much trouble is to be apprehended in the course of the ensuing year.
I hope you will see Colo. Wadsworth in Philadelphia in a few days. I expect he will be here on Saturday next. I am my dear Sir &.

H.K.

N.B. the last Boston paper.


Title: From George Washington to Leven Powell, 21 December 1786
From: Washington, George
To: Powell, Leven

Dear Sir,
Mount Vernon Decr 21st [17]86

Your favor of the 18th came to hand last night—I by no means wish you to put your self to the smallest inconvenience in hastening the Buck Wheat down—If you have it secured, so as that I may rely upon it, in due season, it is all I want. The disappointments I sustained last year, in Seeds that were expected, made me anxious to obtain, long before Seed time, all I should want; because having them in hand I hazarded nothing.
I will thank you for the information promised, respecting this Grain when the other load is sent—which I again desire may not be till it suits your convenience. With great esteem & regard—I am Dear Sir Yr Obedt Hble Ser ⟨vt⟩

Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to Edmund Randolph, 21 December 1786
From: Washington, George
To: Randolph, Edmund

Sir,
[21 December 1786]

I had not the honor of receiving your Excellency’s favor of the 6th, with its enclosures, till last night.
Sensible as I am of the honor conferred on me by the General Assembly, in appointing me one of the Deputies to a Convention proposed to be held in the City of Philadelphia in May next, for the purpose of revising the Fœderal Constitution; and desirous

as I am on all occasions, of testifying a ready obedience to the calls of my Country—yet, Sir, there exists at this moment, circumstances, which I am persuaded will render my acceptance of this fresh mark of confidence incompatible with other measures which I had previously adopted; and from which, seeing little prospect of disengaging myself, it would be disengenuous not to express a wish that some other character, on whom greater reliance can be had, may be substituted in my place; the probability of my non-attendance being too great to continue my appointment.
As no mind can be more deeply impressed than mine is with the awful situation of our Affairs—resulting in a great measure from the want of efficient powers in the fœderal head, and due respect to its Ordinances—so, consequently, those who do engage in the important business of removing these defects, will carry with them every good wish of mine, which the best dispositions towards the attainment, can bestow. I have the honr to be with very grt respect—Your Excellys Most Obedt Hble Servt

Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to Gilles de Lavallée, 23 December 1786
From: Washington, George
To: Lavallée, Gilles de

Sir,
Mo[un]t Vernon 23d Decr 1786.

Your letter, Plan & Estimate for establishing a manufacture of Cotton &ca did not reach me ’till within these few days. As the Assembly of this Commonwealth is now sitting, & your proposition would come better before a public body than a private individual, for encouragement, I have transmitted it to the Governor to be laid, if he shall judge it proper, before the assembly. So soon as his answer is received it shall be communicated to you. In the meantime, I am Sir &c.

G: Washington


Title: To George Washington from William Roberts, 23 December 1786
From: Roberts, William
To: Washington, George

Sir
Norwick-Mills December 23d—1786

This is to Inform Your Excellency that There has Been Two Millers at My house at Colo. John Pleasents Mills Four Mile Crick Seking Imploy. tha Told me tha Came thru Alaxandria And had Some Talk with Mr Thorn Conserning your Mills & Miller Mr Thorns Answer Was that you had Told Him Youd Better a Givven Me a Hundred & 2o£ A Year then the Man you have 6o£.—if this Report be True I Shold be Glad to Know the Sertainty of it by a Letter Sent to the Stage offis in Richmond As I Liv but 12 Miles From Richmond on James River 4 mile Crick

if this Report Shold be Groundless Am Sorry To Giv you the Troble of Reding Purhaps What Mite be Desogreeable to you.
However if youd Git a Nother Pare of Burrs And Giv Me My old Lay & Preveleges I woud Drive them On in the Best Maner tha Cold Porsabbly be Drove the Winter Season Which Woud Inable you to Keep up My Wages—And Not Feel it—this year I have but 8o£ My Year will be up the 10th of April next the Company Wants Me to Ingage to Lern thare Printeses the Besoness & To Imploy Me a Term of years at 100£ ⅌ year & to pay me what Shold be thought Resoneble for Instructing tham in the Besonesss.
I Shold be Vary Happy to Come in to your Imploy Again if it Was Agreable. And am Well Asured youd have No Reson to Complain As My Wife And I have Got to Living in Peic & Quietness Which I hoop May Continue To the Eand of Our Days. From Sir your Most Obedt And Humble Servt

   W:M. Roberts


Title: To George Washington from David Stuart, 25 December 1786
From: Stuart, David
To: Washington, George

Dear Sir,
Richmond 25th Decr—86

I acknowledge my omission in not informing you, in my first letters of the passing of an act in conformity to the petition from the Potomac directors. I informed Col. Fitzgerald of it immediately, and supposed I had done the same in my letters to you—It was among the first things done—Since my last, nothing material has happened here, except that the bill establishing district Courts is lost—As the prompt administration of justice, is perhaps the best sumptuary law which can be established in any

Country, and the best means of securing prosperity to the people, I lament much that it could not take place—I am sorry to say, that Mr G[eorg]e Nicholas who appears to be aiming at popularity in all his measures, was the cause of it’s miscarriage—I have no doubt but Mr Maddison’s virtues and abilities make it necessary that he should be in Congress; but from what I already foresee, I shall dread the consequences of another Assembly without him—I flattered myself some time ago, with great advantages to our part of the world, from the appointment of Commissioners to meet similar officers from Maryland, for the purpose of assimilating the duties between the two States—But, from the present disposition in imposing duties, I don’t concieve it will answer any purpose at all; as I fear no clause will be agreed to, of their taking place conditionally—Indeed the interests of the Potomac, seem to be perfectly disregarded in every instance. The compact law of Coll Masons’s, is perhaps the most fatal stab that was ever given to them. I had never before occasion to consider it—But, as it is a direct violation of one of the articles of confederation, it cannot long subsist—I must now beg my compts to Mrs Washington and to ⟨mutilated⟩ at Mt Vernon I am Dr Sir Your affece Hble Servt

Dd Stuart