Title: From John Adams to John Adams Smith, 1 February 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Smith, John Adams

My Dear Grandson,
Quincy February 1st. 1813

I have received your letter of January and read it over and over again with pleasure, because I think I discern in it, the marks of a good heart and of a mind awake; I should fill a volume, if I should attempt to commit to paper all the new recollections and reflections which your letter has excited in my mind.
Your Fathers Election if his health is preserved will be an event of importance. No man was ever placed in a more delicate situation. I see nothing to disapprove in his conduct upon this occasion and hope I shall not; but must wait to see the future.
John! you are to live among “men of the world!” you must do as well as you can; preserve your integrity, and your independence, without ostentation. Whom do you attack? Hamilton, Gallatin, Callender, Andrew Brown, Peter Markoe, Carpenter, Cobbete, Duane, Binns Cheetham, Henry, and fifty others. Both Parties are liable to your reproaches; which however are very just.
As to your Fathers offer of his services; I will give an anecdote of a similar offer to the administration preceding Mr Jeffersons. When our Quasi war with France commenced, I received a letter from General Peter Muhlenburg then and many years before a representative in Congress from the State of Pensylvania; offering his services in the Army then about to be raised and officered; and expressly stating that he would make no Conditions relative to rank. I was pleased with the frankness and candour of this overture and very desirous of embracing it: but I had a master in the Senate to consult and what was still worse, a blind popularity had imposed upon me, three other masters in Washington, Hamilton and Pinckney. Washington after dining with me one day spent some hours with me alone. I proposed to him General Muhlenburg for a Brigadier General in the new army. Washington said “Muhlenburg is a good officer,” and I doubt not but he would have readily consented to his appointment: but he had a master to consult, and that master was Hamilton. Muhlenburg was neglected addressed the Electors in Pensylvania in the German language, and turned half the votes of that state, in the Election of 1800.
Burr was proposed and neglected in the same manner and in consequence was turned all the votes of the State of New York. Burrs case may merit a more detailed history another day.
We have nothing to do but in Speculation “with the principles of the British Constitution” any more than with Athens, Rome, or France, “We certainly ought to refuse her seamen to her and to protect them” when they are voluntarily under our Flag, mercantile or military. We ought to rid ourselves of “foreign influence”, but we never did and never shall; for no nation ancient or modern, ever did or could.
Whether the annexation of Canada and Nova Scotia would result in a seperation of the union; is a question beyond my comprehension to determine. We need not look to those provinces for causes of division. There is individual and state Ambition, Avarice and jealousy enough at work, with or without Canada to produce that direful Catastrophe infinitely too soon. But I am clear that this is not the time to speak, write, or even think of disunion division or separation amicably or forcibly.
Whether we “possess Canada” or not: we must possess the Lakes. Think of that and its consequences armed Ships. We have no need of any alliance, But if we had I should rather be in alliance with France than England, Be not terrified with the bugbear Napoleon! be not fascinated with the syren Britain. You see I differ from you in some opinions. To give you my reasons at large would swell this letter too much for my fingers and your patience. If you wish an explanation of any points I will attempt it. Being my dear Child affectionately yours
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from John Quincy Adams, 15 February 1813
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, John

N. 21.
My Dear Sir.
St: Petersburg 15 February 1813.

Although the Wars, which broke out in the course of one Week, last Summer, both in Europe and America, appear to have deprived our friends in the United States, totally of the few opportunities which they had before, of writing to us, so that we still remain without a line from any of them bearing a later date than last April, we have hitherto had the means of Communication to them, particularly since the approach of Winter, at least as frequently as we ever had before during our residence in this Country; and I trust you will hear directly from us, as often as before the War. There are here a number of Americans, who upon concluding the business which brought them, are successively departing, to return home, and at least while the Winter lasts, they are obliged to take the same course—They go by land to Gothenburg—thence, in the British Packets, to England, where they have hitherto found no difficulty in obtaining permission to land, or in meeting opportunities to embark for the United-States—By some of them I have had the means of dispatching my letters at least once every Month since the close of last year’s Navigation, and I hope to have similar occasions to write by them from time to time, untill the return of Summer—When that comes, it is likely there will be neutral Vessels going directly from hence, as well as from Gothenburg, to America.
I wish I could foresee any probability that a restoration of Peace between the United-States and England will open once more the highway of Nations to our own Vessels, to pass to and from this Country—But all the hopes of this that I had cherished have been fading into disappointment, and the Events of the War hitherto have tended so much to exasperate and embitter on both sides, without disabling either, that I see no resource left in regard  to the wish for Peace, but Resignation to the Will of Heaven.
We are still ignorant of the issue of our Presidential Election, which the British Ministry, either believe, of affect to believe to be the test of Peace or War—It has even been asserted from publications in American Gazettes, to which I give not the least credit, that the Candidate opposed against Mr Madison, was agreed upon by a Coalition of very heterogeneous oppositions, upon a special pledge that if elected he would within twenty-four hours after his installation, suspend hostilities, against Britain, and commence a Negotiation for Peace—The English Gazettes have seized with avidity this absurd tale, and circulated it throughout Europe, to propagate the opinion that the War is in America considered merely as Mr Madison’s War, and that if his Antagonist should be elected, the new President would rush into the arms of England, without asking a Question, of Congress; and take just such a Peace as Mylord Castlereagh, should be pleased to give him—That the chance of Peace will depend upon the Event of the American Election the British Ministry have explicitly avowed to be their expectation, and their Ambassador here Lord Cathcart, some Months since intimated to me, in Conversation the same thing. But there is a duplicity in the conduct of the British Ministry towards America, which makes it impossible to judge what they intend, from what they say, unless by taking the exact counterpart of their public professions, for their real intentions—On the publication of Captain Henry’s Correspondence, Lord Liverpool and Lord Castlereagh solemnly disavowed having ever intended to countenance any project for the dismemberment of the American Union, though it was so strongly urged on the face of Sir James Craig’s Instructions to Henry, and although Lord Castlereagh was forced to acknowledge, that they had never expressed any disapprobation to Sir James Craig for having given those Instructions—At the same time when Mr: Whitbread moved in the House of Commons for Copies of Sir James Craig’s Correspondence, Lord Castlereagh refused them, and Mr: Whitbread despaired of being able to carry his motion, and without it.—I have too much reason for believing that even when they revoked the Orders in Council, it was only because they knew the measure would come too late to prevent the War—The Opposition in England have lately charged them with having been taken by surprize, and unprepared, by the American Declaration of War; and as the loss of their two frigates has made the Nation sore, and given some colour to this charge, an elaborate defence of them against it, has been published in their principal Newspaper, disclosing the fact that Instructions had been sent as early as last May to Admiral Duckworth on the Newfoundland Station, to burn sink and destroy all American Vessels, on the slightest aggression by the Americans. These Instructions the writer urges, must have been given to all the other British Commanders on the American Stations, at the same time as to Admiral Duckworth—He sees that he can defend his Patrons, from the charge of negligence, only by bringing down upon them the charge of perfidy, but to this they are so indifferent that he does not attempt to refute or even to deny it.
Even in the present Parliament, Mr Canning, has censured them in the House of Commons, for not having answered the American Manifesto, and denied the charge of having been implicated in Henry’s mission of dismemberment; which he Canning disavows in the name of the whole Ministry of which he was then a Member—Very well, Mr Canning—But Sir Robert Wilson, an Officer of high distinction, and certainly no enemy to the British Ministry, asserted here, at the table of an English Gentleman, (as I am informed) that Mr Perceval at the time of his death was determined to have a War with America, and expected that the result of that War would be the dismemberment of the American Union—A Gentleman present at the dinner, which was shortly after Lord Liverpool’s and Lord Castlereagh’s parliamentary disavowals, questioned the correctness of Sir Robert’s information—upon which he replied, “Sir, my informant is Mr Perceval—A very few days, before his death, he told me so, himself.”—With such facts in the face of such professions, it is scarcely possible to indulge a hope of Peace, while the present British Ministers are in power, unless it be such a Peace, as to the Heart of an American, feeling for the honour of his Country would be worse than the most disastrous War—
The War in the North of Europe, is for the present at an end—The dissolution of the Emperor Napoleon’s Army is so complete, that the Russians, who have entered Prussia and the Duchy of Warsaw, advance even in the depth of an extremely severe Winter, without finding an Enemy to oppose them—They go as friends and deliverers, and say they are every where received as such; with joy and triumph—Napoleon has been now nearly two Months at Paris, where a popular fermentation menacing the whole foundation of his Government is said to be not very secretly working—A Peace and Alliance both with Austria, and Prussia is expected here, and the Negotiations though not public and believed to be far advanced—The Emperor Alexander is with his army in the Duchy of Warsaw.
I am, Dear Sir, every dutifully your’s
A.


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Hannah Phillips Cushing, 18 February 1813
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Cushing, Hannah Phillips

My Dear Mrs Cushing
Quincy Feb’y 18 1813

I have been contemplating writing to you for Several weeks past; to inquire after your health, and that of your Family through the winter, but I have delayed it, untill the voice of Friendship bids me sympathy with the bereaved Sisters and Relatives over the Brave Youth, who has fallen in defence of the injured Rights & honour of his Country.
How beautifull is death when earned by virtue Who would not be that youth? what pity is it That we can die once to Serve our Country?
So spake the Roman from the mouth of Cato, so said the Father over the dead Body of his son.
“it is when the foes fly before them that Fathers delight in their Sons, but their Sighs burst forth in Secreet when their Young warriors yeald” ossian,
In the agony of Grief for the loss of those most Dear, it is an allviation to the wounded Bosom, to know that they died; coverd with Glory, in the Arms of Victory.
Long will young Aylwin be rememberd and regreted “by all his Countrys wishes blest”
To all of you my afflicted Friends, I wish consolation, and Support, from a higher Source, than the honour and Fame which man can bestow, / and am your Sympathizing Friend
Abigail Adams


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to William Stephens Smith, 18 February 1813
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Smith, William Stephens

Dear Sir
Quincy Febry 18th 1813—

While I am writing the loud Roar of the cannon announce the landing of  comodore Bainbriddge from the fortunate frigate constitution. the account of the Capture of the Frigate Java I presume you will get, sooner than this Letter will reach you.
She contended bravely an hour and 50 minuts untill masts spars and rigging were all gone and the ship a wreck. accordingly she was blown up by Commodore Bainbridge it being impossible to bring her in, but it seems as if every Naval victory was to be balanced, by some disgracefull defeat upon the Land
Who can read the defeat and death of gen’ll Winchester without groaning in spirit, if they do not break out in wrath; in our ships there is corect dissipline and perfect subordination, no officer dare force his commander to any impudent action all in order regularity and decision, in the Army the reverse of this is the  picture, accordingly disgrace and defeat follow—the lives of officers and soldiers are wantonly sacrificed. I know not how to express my grief and thanks your Chagrin at these repeated and stupid enterprizes so unskillfully conducted—
I was much dissapointed this Day in not finding a single line from the valley, especially as my dear daughter had sufferd so severely from the rheumatism this Winter. Where is the pen of my Caroline? Where Aunt Nancy your own—I cannot call upon as delinquent, for I believe myself your debtor—I will be much obliged to the first who breaks silence and assures me of the health of all the Family—as I can them at this present writing of the health of their affectionate
Abigail Adams


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Abigail Smith Adams, 18 February 1813
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

N. 42.
St: Petersburg 18. February 1813.

As I shall probably not have an opportunity of dispatching letters for America, after that of which I now avail myself, at least before the expiration of the present Month, and as I am unwilling to break through the rule which I prescribed to myself of writing to you, at least once every Month, I sit down to repeat to you, what only three days since, I wrote to my father, namely, that I have not seen the hand-writing of any one of my friends at Quincy, dated later than last April—I have however written to them, and had occasions to forward my letters to them as often, as I did before the new Wars. As yet, I have heard of no new obstacles to the passage of Americans, most of whom that have gone from this Country since last Summer, have taken their course homeward by the way of England; but as the British Government grows more inveterate as the War advances, I perceive by one of the last English Newspapers received here, that they have now prohibited the embarkation of any person from their Island to America, without a special licence.—And I hear that they are taking other measures of rigour with the Americans captured by them since the War commenced—The Regent has also issued a Manifesto in answer to that of our Committee of Congress, which recommended the Declaration of War, but I have not yet seen it.
The War against the United States, appears to be now approved and supported by all parties in England; for the original Opposition to the present Administration, very weakly and very unjustly pledged themselves, to join Ministers upon this point of their policy, if the Revocation of the Orders in Council should not satisfy the Americans—And now, the Ministers and their friends hold them to their word—Some of their Parliamentary leaders are as wrong–headed, and stiff-necked in support of the Press-gang as the Ministry themselves, and the others dare not avow the disposition to compromize this point, because John Bull among his whimsies has taken it into his head that his Trident is at stake upon the question, and they think he will look with an evil–eye upon any one who advises him to abandon it—Cobbett is the only politician among them who has boldly and explicitly told his Nation that they never can have a solid Peace with America, while they practice Impressment on board of American Vessels at Sea—But Cobbett is out of favour with all parties, and since he began to speak the language of truth, and justice, and humanity, has lost all credit with his Countrymen—As to the fragments struck off from the Ministry, by their internal collisions, such as Wellesley and Canning, who form what was once called in America a Quid party, they are among the bitterest of our Enemies, and having been themselves the principal Causes of the War, very consistently say that nothing can be more just than a War with America now—But they are not at all satisfied with the conduct of the War—The Wellesley, Gazette (the Times) abuses the Ministry for not having blown the American Navy to atoms, and Canning abuses them in Parliament for not having ravaged our Coast with fire and sword—They say in answer to the first that they gave orders to their Admirals on the American Station to burn, sink and destroy all American vessels, before the War began, and that they have constantly had on those American Stations, a force equal to seven times the whole American Navy—In answer to Canning, they had the grace to say, not in Parliament, but in the Courier their Newspaper, that to ravage our Sea–Coast with fire and sword, would be trespassing a little upon the laws of War, and that it would be spiteful.—But notwithstanding this we may be assured they will follow Mr Canning’s prescription, if they can.
The War against American Independence was for five years of its continuance, in t one of the most popular Wars that the Nation ever waged; and it was seven before they could be convinced that they could not obtain by War, the object of the War—Their real object in the present War is the dismemberment of the American Union—Their professed object is the Press-gang.—The War for the Press-gang will be as popular, as the War against American Independence was, untill we can convince them, that they cannot obtain by War, the object of the War—Were it possible to conceive that the success of the War, upon the Ocean, would for seven years correspond to that of the first six Months, my hopes would be sanguine, that they would eventually be completely defeated in both their objects, and that we should finally succeed in ours—But this cannot be expected—If our Country could expend in three years as many dollars, upon naval force, as they expend Pounds Sterling in one, I should hold our success for infallible—but as it is, the chances are too unequal—Providence may interpose, in ways of its own to vindicate the righteous Cause, and I have had under my eyes the last half year a signal instance of such interposition—The Cause against the Press-gang is righteous if there ever was one sense the hand of man was armed against oppression—The Cause of the Press-gang is doubly atrocious as a British Cause—Impressment, as a practice upon their own subjects and within their own Territory; not only brands the Nation with the mark of the most odious despotism, but gives the lie to every pretence of Freedom in their Constitution—And as if it were to shew how far the absurdity of human iniquity could go, the Helots of Britain are their Sailors—The only Class of People, subjected to the most unqualified servitude, robb’d of every right of personal liberty, kidnapp’d like African Negroes, without resource or relief in the tribunals of their Country, the out-laws of the Land, who have no Rights in the eyes of the Kings Judges, because they are stolen from their families, and employments, to serve the King, are precisely the Class of People who maintain with their blood the power, and dignity and glory, may, as their oppressors say, the existence of their Nation—They talk of our practising seduction upon their Sailors—The charge is false and ridiculous—But in this War, it would be strange indeed, if there were not seduction to their Sailors, in the very nature of our Cause—Our War, is the Sailor’s War; it is surely enough, if they force their Seamen to die in battle for the Press-gang—If their men are human beings, their hearts must be on our side.
The War, as far as the British professions can be trusted is now reduced to this single point—What its issue will be must be left in the hands of him who scourges the vices and crimes of Nations by War, and who has sent this for our Chastisement, as well as for that of our Enemies—At the thought of what my Country must suffer and go through, before a rational prospect can open of her success in this Contest, my heart would sink within me, but for the reliance which I place in the divine goodness—There are great and glorious qualities in the human character, which as they can unfold themselves only in times of difficulty and danger, seem to make War from time to time a necessary evil among men—A Nation long at Peace seldom fails to become degraded—Symptoms of this species of Corruption were very visible in our Country—God grant, that in suffering the unavoidable calamities, we may recover in all their vigour the energies of War—
I am ever faithfully your’s
A.
P.S—William S. Smith and Catherine Johnson were married last Evening. I shall write or speak to you of this hereafter—I suppose he will inform his father and mother himself.


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Caroline Amelia Smith De Windt, 21 February 1813
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: De Windt, Caroline Amelia Smith

my dear Caroline
Quincy Febry 21 1813.

delightfull praise! like summer Rose
that brighter in the dew  drop glows—
they were Sweet Drops from the heart to the Eyes both of your grandfather & grandmother when I read to him the two Letters to your Father and uncle this day in praise of your Mother. you could not have offerd a Sweeter incence to your Grandfather—to know that flowing from the hand of Friendship in a Strain of Sincerity which certainly merits from your Brother a gratefull return and will undoubtedly stimulate him to become if he ha emulous of the talents and acquirements which are asscribed to him his steady habits are a presage of future excellence which consists not  in resolutions, must less in pretensions, but in action—I trust both Father and uncle have given an answer congenial to his wishes his hopes and his prospects. to them to your Mother & to you it must be a Sacrifice of present pleasure and gratification—but the Sacrifice is due to his exertions to his virtuous exertions which I pray may be crownded with Success—a Good Nurse is better than precious ointment, “It is the immediate Jewel of the  Soul.”
what—shall I Say to my dear Caroline upon an other subject. Shall I quote some lines from the Spectator upon a subject not dissimilar
“I do not like the Dr Fell
The Reason why I cannot tell
but I do not like the dr Fell”
Thus endeth the Second lesson Caroline! and Grandmother further sayth not—
Dr Wats tells us you know, that Some  think our  Souls loose their fellows on the road, and never join their hands,  good Girl you are nursing your dear Mother, and surely you cannot be better employ’d I wish I could assist you. I hope both She and you will pass the  next winter at Quincy with us if the lives of your grandparents are continued to that time—You can hear as often from your Father here as at the Valley and he will feel easier to know that you both are under the paternal roof in his absence—I flatter myself with this hope now I have reason to believe that your Brother cannot be with you—what say you my Dear to this proposal?
I yesterday was in Boston to visit see mrs Baily who could not conveniently make us a visit at Quincy before her return. she looks flourishing and well I had much chat with your Lover—dont be allarmed and Friend Harriot, and have adjusted the plan of correspondence between you—tomorrow I send her the Letters this day recieved and inclose a Note from her, and am your affectionate / Grandmother
A Adams


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to John Quincy Adams, 27 February 1813
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Adams, John Quincy

My dear son
Quincy Febry 27th 1813

Before I closed my Letter to you, I received this morning your Letter sent by mr Harris, of october 25th. I rejoiced to See your hand writing altho I read with trembling. I have participated in your greif, and shared your Sorrows. let not gloom and melancholy take root in your mind the wounded heart must have time to recover from the Stroke which has pierced it. there are Duties which you are calld upon to discharge to yourself your Family, and your Country, and to them devote your mind, and your attention. your heavenly Father, when he removed your Babe, knew what was best for you.
“hush each Rebellious Sigh
Be silent at his Sovereign will, let every murmur die.”
your sons here are fine promissing children I hope they will prove an honour and comfort to you, and of your dear Charles I hear very flattering accounts. the Letters you mention to have written by mr Jackson have not yet been received—I was quite elated the other day upon receiving a Letter dated in Nov’br, upon reading a few lines I cast my Eye upon the year and found it 1811—the duplicate had reachd me many months before
I consider it as one of the many blessing I am daily in receit of, that I have been So highly favourd in receiving your Letters it has mitigated the pains arising from long absence and distance—only 2 are missing of 38—
we feel for the calamities of the Empire in which you reside—we are convinced of their valour of their suffering we have no adequate Idea—and we long for the period when
“peace o’er the world her olive Branch Shall spread”
your Brother has written to you—
Yours affectionatly
A—


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Abigail Smith Adams, 27 February 1813
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

N.43
St: Petersburg 27 February 1813.

At length, after another interval of nearly seven Months since I had been favoured with the sight of a line from any of my friends at Quincy, yours of 29. July has come to hand—It is nearly seven Months old, but is more than three Months later than your last previous letter. As it came under cover to Mr Barlow, I suppose it did not reach Paris, untill after his departure from that City— Thence it was sent back to Mr Beasley, the Agent for American Prisoners of War in London; who transmitted it to me by the way of Gothenburg—If I am to remain here another Winter, probably this will be the only channel through which you can write to me—If as I suppose Cartels will continue to pass between the United States and England, you can enclose letters under cover to Mr Beasley, taking care as you always do, to write nothing, which could furnish a motive to any one to intercept the letter.
Your probably know before this, or will very shortly learn the decease of Mr: Barlow; very few particulars of which have as yet come to my knowledge—He received by order of the French Emperor, an invitation from the Duke of Balsano, his Minister of foreign Affairs an invitation to go to Willna, with which he complied—But the day before Napoleon passed through that City on his return to Paris, Mr Barlow left it with the intention of returning thither, through Vienna—On the road, and before he had reached Cracow, he was seized with a fever and inflammation of the lungs, which stopp’d him in the midst of his Journey—he could neither obtain suitable medical attendance, nor any of the assistance, which was essential to his recovery, and died. I believe at a Post-house, one or two Stations short of Cracow, to which place his remains were transported, and there interred—He was accompanied by his nephew who immediately afterwards returned through Vienna to Paris—These are all the Circumstances of which I have been informed—The English Newspapers have contained several paragraphs, full of falshood concerning his Journey, which they pretended was to Moscow—I have no doubt you will see them all retailed, at second hand in our own Gazettes.—What the motive of the French Emperor was, for inviting him to Willna, I can only conjecture, but he has added one to the numbers almost without number of the victims to the rigours of this Season and of that climate.
I hope at least that Mr Barlow did not meet his fate from a sort of imprudence not unusual among men accustomed to milder skies when they are first exposed to the violence of the elements in those regions—Two such examples have occurred among the English Officers, whom the late turn of affairs had brought to this Country—There was here last Summer a Lord Tyrconnel, an Aid de Camp of the Duke of York; a young man of 25. full of health and vigour—He was ordered to attend the Russian Army, which he followed; first in their retreat, and afterwards in their pursuit of the French—He thought it a point of honour to endure all the hardships to which he found the Russian Officers enured; just reached Willna; took an inflammatory fever, and died, about the same time as Mr Barlow—Admiral Bentinck, a man more advanced in years, but not beyond the middle age, has sunk in like manner under the severity of the Climate, even here in St: Petersburg—He died three days ago of a Pleurisy, caught by braving the cold of Russia, with the apparel adapted to that of England.
I have seen the English Regent’s Declaration of War, issued according to English Custom, many Months after the War began. It is a mawkish compound of direct falsehood and sophistical prevarication; but so well suited to English Palates, that a letter from London tells me that it has made the War with America popular, though it was not so before. Mr: Bull is so mortified at having been taken in, by Jonathan’s Line of Battle-ships in disguise, that he is actually cutting down Seventy-four gun ships, to disguise them into frigates too—A large Squadron under Lord Beauclerk is sent to reinforce the naval sea-force in America, and spiteful, as the idea of bombarding the American Seaports when Canning called for it in Parliament, was represented, it has now been found reconcileable to the Laws of War, and is to be accomplished—We shall see what they will gain by that.
The success of the Russian arms, and the disasters of Lord Wellington, notwithstanding his famous Battle of Salamanca, has cooled the ardour in England for the cause of Spain—The noble Marquis went to Cadix to demand of the Cortes a new Military Organization of the whole Country, contrary to the Spanish Constitution, and he wrote a letter to his Officers telling them that his own Army was the most disorderly and undisciplined army, that he ever saw—In their retreat from Burgos, they committed such horrible excesses upon the Country of which they were the magnanimous and disinterested defenders, that the People abhorred them worse than the French—They say it was to save themselves from perishing by famine—There is danger that they will abandon the Spaniards to their Fate; but I hope not so soon after reproaching us, while we have kept Spain, and their own Army there from starving, with ungenerosity, for not joining them in their martial Quixotism.
There is at present as little prospect of a general Peace in Europe, as of a particular one, between the United States and England. The Russian Armies in Prussia and Poland, have nothing now to do, but to march forward—They meet no Enemy to oppose them—Warsaw is in their possession, and Berlin, will very shortly be so too—Perhaps is already.—Napoleon has a decree of his Senate, placing at his disposal 350,000 men, but a decree of the Senate does not make them—He has abated much of his destinating tone towards Russia, but apparently nothing of his pretensions—
I wish I could tell you that we are all well—But this climate is inflexible in claiming its tribute—My wife’s health is not good—She suffers frequently and severely from the rigour and from the changes of the Season—Her Sister Catherine has also been unwell, and has yet a troublesome cough— She was married last week to Mr Smith—Charles has born this Winter better than the last; he grows fast, but the constant confinement within doors seven months of the twelve is peculiarly unpropitious for the activity so necessary to the health of children—He speaks and reads French and English about equally well—But I can find no suitable school to place him at here; which makes me wish for his sake as well as for that of his brothers, to return next Summer to America—What my prospects in this respects are, may be better known to you, when you receive this letter than they are to myself now. At all Events I am ever faithfully your’s
A.


Title: From John Adams to John Quincy Adams, 1 March 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, John Quincy

My dear Son
Quincy March 1. 1813

There is not a day nor an hour in which my Thoughts are not employed  about you and your Family: But though my Wishes are for your return, I dare not advise you: because I cannot Satisfy myself what you ought to do. Indeed I See not how you can return. Through France or England, from Sweeden or Russia?
The loss of your Child has deeply affected me. I Sympathize with you and my daughter under this severe Affliction. But you are perfectly acquainted with all the Consolations of Phylosophy and Religion. I feel to this moment a Similar loss, and another of a deeper die. Oh God! Thou knowest the Grief that has never been expressed to any Mortal. I must not dwell upon these Subjects, We may learn something even from Heathens.
Permittes ipsis expendere Numinibus quid
Conveniat nobis, rebusque sit utile nostris:
Nam pro jucundis Utilia quæque dabunt Di,
Charior est illis homo, qual sibi, nos animorum
Impulsu, et cæca pravaque cupidine ducti
Conjugium petomus, partumque Uxoris; at illis
Notum, qui pueri, qualisque futura Sit Uxor.
I dare not ask any questions concerning the War in your Neighbourhood, or give you any Answers about that in mine. I am bidden to a dinner in Boston tomorrow, and another in Cambridge on Thursday: but weary of ceremonious dinners I should rejoice in a Storm of an Apology, at both.
Some half a dozen of our Ships have performed Exploits and about An equal Number of our Generals have done Exploits too: but not with so much glory. Tomorrow We congratulate Bainbridge and on Thursday The Vice President.
My tender Love to my daughter, my dear Charles, my dear William and my best Compliments to Miss Johnson. I long to see you all: but Whether I Shall ever enjoy that Felicity, God only knows.
I was on the Point of concluding. But I will give you a Translation of the latin Lines, not to assist you in understanding them, but because it was made so great and good a Man as Sir Robert Boyle, whose curious Book upon Seraphic Love I am reading. Tho’ there is much good Learning, good Morality and good Religion in it: I am So wicked, that I can not help thinking of Swifts Meditations on a Broomstick. This Knight I believe was the Model of Lord Littleton.
Unto the wiser Gods, the care permit
Of what’s for Us, and our Affairs most fit.
They will for pleasant things, the best confer;
To whom Man is, than to himsef, more dear.
We by our blinder Passions led astray,
Do for a Wife perhaps, or children pray:
Which they may chance refuse Us, out of love,
Knowing what both the Wife, and Boys would prove.
Sir Robert’s Idea of Seraphic Love is the same with that of Fenelon, and our Hopkintonians, as far as I can understand either. As far as they agree with Butlers Preface to his Sermons I agree with them: but no further.
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to John Adams Smith, 7 March 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Smith, John Adams

My Dear Sir
Quincy March 7th 1813

I have received and read your letter of February 28th with pleasure.
There is not a necessary and perpetual connection between power and right on this Globe of ours, whatever there may be in the Sun, Moon, and Stars. In the milky way; in the north Star; in the south Star; in the Nebulae of Herschell right for what we know may always command power. If so I should wish to be an Inhabitant there. But we are not permitted to see so far. Among the animals of the Creation below us, we can discern no criterion between right and wrong but art or force. The fox seizes all that his cunning can deceive and the Lion devours all that his strength can subdue. And the Gamester says fools are the natural prey of knaves. Nature made them so, when she made Lambs for Wolves.
The Duke of Orleans the prince regent of France in the minority of Louis 15th used to say that Laws were not made for him.  Achilles, Jura negat Siba lata, Nihil non arrogat Armis. Great Britain seems to have adopted this maxim of Achilles, and Orleans and the Gamester. But how much more conformable to our natural sense of Truth and justice which our reason teaches us must be eternal and finally universal and triumphant is that motto under a portrait of Oliver Cromwell
Careat successibus Opto, Quis quis ab Eventu, facta notanda putat.
Power founded on injustice is built upon the sand. It cannot be permanent. It cannot long endure; I agree with you that the right of a Cock boat or a deal yawl, upon the high seas is as perfect as that of the royal George or the imperial Napoleon of 130 Guns.
I am not acquainted with Judge Davis’s decisions; but surely licences from an Enemy in time of war cannot legalize adherence to him or giving him aid or comfort Nor exempt the Citizen who uses it for either of these purposes, from the charge of treason under our Constitution.—Oh but aid and comfort to friends, Spaniards and Portuguese, Sons of Liberty, Patriots, Republicans & &c is not aid to Enemies. True! Amen! so be it! Selah! Old Howell of Rhode Island however seems to have some doubts.
Have you a mind for a point, to moot at your Law Club? Have a care to consider it, and debate it as a point of Law only. Let no political considerations intervene.
Look into our treaty with England in 1794 you will find an article expressly stipulating that if England should find it necessary to capture our provision Ships &c she might. We had previously a treaty with France stipulating to her all the privileges of the most favoured Nation. i e. as the Civilians express it. “Gentis amicissima.” When we granted that privilege to England, then we granted the same to France. Has not then France now the same right to take, burn, or destroy, our Ships trading to Cadiz and Lisbon? By treaty they must pay for them. True. And have we not the same remedy now against France as we had then against England? Have you considered the infinite importance of the precept, Obsta Principies? Your Grand Father
John Adams.


Title: From Elizabeth Smith Shaw Peabody to Abigail Smith Adams, 7 March 1813
From: Peabody, Elizabeth Smith Shaw
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

My Dear Sister,
March 7th 1813—

It is a sad misfortune to dear Connections when their Friends do not love to write—Some I know have not time, & some have not ability, & some foolishly averse—I have not heard from Mr Fosters family, since Abby’s return from Boston.—I wish I knew how my Son likes his new Boarding place—&c—I hope he has not been confined by Rhumatism this winter—& am very sorry Mrs Smith inherits the infirmity of our Family, Her Virtues, I trust, may assure her of a better inheritance in a better world than this, whe pain, separation, & trouble never come—I always regret I could not see her when in Quincy—I am sure, I rejoice that Col—Smith, is not an Officer in our disgraced land Army—Two of Judge Newcombs Sons, who have been our Boarders is with Comodore Rogers, Henry, a Leiut—Every body says our Navy have been valient, & successful beyond their most sanguine Expectations—I do not wonder that the President feels peculiarly pleased—
The Travelling for these five weeks, has been unusually excellent, every one seems to be moving, we have scarcely been alone, long enough to sweep up our Heart, & I really thought that Abby A, Shaw, & myself were the only “Sarah’s”, who abide in their Tent—
I feel tenderly for your absent Children— Perhaps, their Hearts were too fondly attached, to this long wished for Daughter, endeared to them no doubt by being given, in a foreign Land—I always think of Parnells Hermit, & would humbly acquiesce in the allotments of an alwise Providence.
I am glad Mr. and Mrs Harrod have been at Quincy with their Children, I hope, they have assisted Mrs Adams with her sick family—Mrs Harrod is a good Nurse, & an affectionate Attentive Mother—Some time ago you mentioned enclosing an Hankercheif from Mrs Dexter, I have not seen it, & suppose you did not send it, but left it to send by Mrs Harrod—If Mrs Dexter has any stockings of my Sons; that want footing, perhaps, Mrs Harrod would convey them, to Please to present my most respectful regards to the President—& much Love to all my dear Nephews, & Neices, & accept My dear Sister of the ardent affection / of
Elizabeth PeabodyPlease to convey the enclosed to Washington—by the good Presidente franking—


Title: From John Quincy Adams to George Washington Adams, 7 March 1813
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, George Washington

Letter 7th.
My Dear Son.
St Petersburg 7th March 1813

In considering the law of the Hebrews as delivered by the creator of the world to Moses with reference only to its moral precepts the character by which it is most strikingly distinguished from all the other codes of antient Nations of which we have any knowledge is its Humanity. The cardinal virtues of the Heathens were Temperance Prudence Justice and fortitude Three of which however excellent may be denominated selfish virtues since they have a direct reference only to the happiness of the individual and Justice is the only measure which it requires to be extended to others. None of the Lawgivers of antiquity had considered the nations for which they formed their institutions as a family of Brothers. Nor do any of them appear to have issued any laws founded upon general principles of benevolence and good will independent of that which arose from particular Relations of kindred of friendship or of hospitality In the 22d. & 23d chapters of Exodus were the following precepts. Thou shalt neither vex a stranger nor oppress him for ye were strangers in the land of Egypt. ye shall not afflict any widow or fatherless child. If Thou lend money to any of my people that is poor by thee though shalt not be to him as an usurer: If Thou at all take they Neighbours raiment to pledge thou shalt deliver it unto him by that the sun goeth down If thou meet thine enemys ox or his ass going astray thou shalt surely bring it back to him again. The positive precepts of kindness to the Stranger the poor to the widow and orphan and even to enemies are many times repeated and enjoined in different passages of the law and of the same description are the following in the 19 chapter of Leviticus Thou shalt not curse the deaf nor put a stumbling block before the blind but shalt fear thy God. Thou shalt not hate thy Brother in thine heart nor Thou shalt in any wise. Rebuke thy neighbour not suffer sin upon him Thou shalt not avenge nor bear any grudge against the children of thy people but thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself. It is said by Plutarch (Langhornes Plutarch, I 196) that the festival of the Saturnalia which was a mere holiday to the slaves of Rome was supposed by some to be a vestige of the equality which subsisted in the times of Saturn. the Golden age when there was neither servant nor master but all were upon the same footing and as it were of one family
Instead of one yearly day of licentious sports the law of the Hebrews ordained that upon every fiftieth year, the trumpet of the Jubilee should sound and proclaim Liberty throughout all the land unto all the inhabitants thereof (Leviticus 25.9.) Every Hebrew servant was restored with all his family to the full enjoyment of freedom at the end of seven years. These were more important vestiges of Primitive Equality and of real consanguinity than the Roman Saturnalia and they are congenial to the general spirit of the Mosaic law. The tendency of all its moral precepts was to generalise as much as possible the benevolent sentiment of family affection As they were descended from a family of Brothers it is always in the character of a Brother of a neighbor that the duties of an Israelite to his countryman are prescribed to him.
Solon (Langhornes Plutarch I 227) forbad the freedom of his city to be granted to any but such as were forever exiled from their own country or transplanted themselves with their whole family to Athens for the sake of exercising some manual trade and he prohibited upon severe penalties the sale of any thing to strangers but Oil. Lycurgus prohibited strangers from coming to Sparta at all unless they could assign some special reason for it and he restricted his citizens from travelling to foreign countries. Thucydides says it was from fear that strangers might imitate his constitution and improve in virtue. But Plutarch supposes it was rather from a fear that his Spartans by intercourse with other nations might be corrupted (Langhornes Plutarch 15 5) which ever was the real motive the spirit of the law was the same Jealousy & hatred of strangers. The same spirit though in a milder form is discernible in the regulations of Solon. Among the Antient Greeks and Romans the sentiment of aversion was so universal that the same Word signifyd at once a foreigner and an enemy. The institutions both of Lycurgus and solon were formed with the intention of Guarding against the evils of Individual poverty Solon either cancelled all debts or reduced the rate of interest which had previously been lawful at Athens and made the minæ which has been of 73. drachmas pass for one hundred. He also enacted that the person of a debtor should no longer be liable to be taken for security (Langhornes Plut. 1216.) All these measures except the last were unjust and odious nor can the integrity of Solons character rescue them from that imputation They violated the rights of property and only releived one class of Citizens by oppressing another Lycurgus made a new and equal distribution of lands among all the heads of familys in his republic and by various institutions endeavor’d to abolish all distinction or difference between his citizens in regard to the amount of their possessions He introduces a sort of community of goods of public Tables and evin of wives and children. He banished all gold and silver and allowed only the use of iron for coin and he totally interdicted all commerce The fundamental principle of Solons system of laws was equality. That of Lycurgus was patriotism Their laws were adopted to these purposes no doubt with great ability but many of them were unjust unnatural indecent and absurd and although Lycurgus after his new distribution of Lands said that Laconia looked like an estate newly divided among many brothers (Lang. Plut. I. 133.). yet neither in his code nor in that of Solon can be found anything like a single regulation which can be traced to a sentiment of fraternal tenderness reconcild with the unmutable law of justice. The laws of Moses sanctioned no injustice Their lands given them expressly by God and acquired by conquest were distributed in just proportions among the 12 tribes
The laws of marriage inheritance and succession were adapted to the purpose of keeping the district originally allotted to each tribe always in its possession and the year of Jubilee twice in every century restord all individual estates which had been alienated during the fifty years to the familys—which had originally possessed them. No debts were cancelled The person of the debtor was never liable to be taken for security but he could sell his service for 7 years and if he expressly chose it for life Interest for the loan of money might be taken from a stranger but not from a poor Israelite and it was not lawful to keep his raiment in pledge overnight. The reason of this last regulation affords a very remarkable example of that spirit of tenderness and humanity which I have alledged as the peculiar characteristic of the Mosaic law “For that (his raiment) says God Is his covering only his raiment for his skin. wherein shall he sleep and it shall come to pass that when he crieth unto me that I will hear for I am gracious (Exodus XXII.27. what an appeal to the benevolent and compassionate affections of the heart, is contained in that simple question wherein shall he sleep? Nothing like it can be found in the laws of Lycurgus or Solon and if you wish to see the perfect contrast to it look into the laws of Rome in her highest splendor & Glory, when not only the person of the debtor but even his life was left at the direction and mercy of the creditor That law of Solons says Plutarchs (I. 223) is justly commended which forbids a man to speak ill of the dead. For Piety requires us to consider the deceased as sacred Justice calls upon us to spare those who are not in being and good policy to prevent the perpetuating of hatred. He forbad his people also to revile the living in a temple in a court of Justice in a great assembly of the people, or at the public games. all these motives of Piety of Justice, and of good Policy are marked with characters far more glowing and of deeper impression in the prohibitions, to curse the deaf, to put a stumbling block before the blind, to vex or afflict the widow or orphan; and to hate or bear a grudge against any one; but in the positive injunction to admonish or rebuke a fellow citizen to guard him against his own sin and to love him as themselves and to perform offices of kindness to personal enemies, we see a tenderness to the infirmities of human nature, a purity, a sublimity of virtue which never entered I say not into the codes of the Antient Legislators but into the imaginations of their profoundest and most exalted Philosophers. Noble and elevated as were the moral Doctrines of Socrates and Plato the spirit of the Mosaic law given a thousand years before they existed far transcended them in excellence.
Observe also that in the mosaic law the duties of Humanity are made duties of Piety The violation of any article of a law given by God was obviously an offence against God. But independent of this general principle almost every one of the rules to which I have referred are sanctioned by a direct communication of Gods anger as the penalty for transgression against it. When we consider how much more rational was the worship and how much more awful was the fear of the ineffable Jehovah, than could possibly be those of the heathen deities which were Vanity and a Lie we must irresistibly conclude that the sanction to the moral part of the jewish law was as much more powerful and efficacious than that of any other morality as the moral itself was more calculated to promote the dignity and happiness of Humankind In my next letter I shall endeavor to specify the improvement upon this law introduced by the Christian dispensation.


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Harriet Welsh, 9 March 1813
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Welsh, Harriet

Dear Harriot
Quincy March 9th 1813

This mornings post, brought your Letter of march 3d with the inclosure, which I shall forward by the next mail, I thank you for the entertainment it afforded, it will answer a two fold purpose, that of letting me know the incidents of your journey, and your progress through it, and afterwards—giving a similar gratification to the Friends at the Valley, I beleive I must agree with you to entertain me thus in future as a reward for my Services—in forwarding the correspondence, but I Shall not take the Liberty with Carolines without permission, I inclose one for you, and I inadvertently sent one to Boston for you, two days after you left Town. I hope Sammy took care to send it to you. Susan had a Letter from Caroline, in which She Says that Amelia lay at the point of death with a fever, that her Mother had been sent for, and was gone—since then have not heard, by a Letter from Nancy to mrs A I learn that mrs Smith was much better, she writes this herself in a previous Letter,
I must not comply with your request respecting the Letters. they have been circulated much more than as private Letters I can justify, if by any chance they should get  publishd, it might be considerd as an ostentatious display which no man would wish more to avoid, than  the writer. for my own part, I think them calculated to do Service in the private circle, in which they have been read. but the p——t has been uneasy respecting them, thinking that mr A——s would not like it, and I have already refused them to Several persons.
I have had one Letter form St Petersburgh Since that of Sep’br, brought by mr Harris Nephew to the consul, the wound received by the Death of the Infant, Still bled, and the loss of all American Society and intercourse at this period was doubly afflicting. the Situation of the Empire where he resides was full of horror and distress at that time, 25 october, and altho victorious, the expence of the Lives of so many thousands, and tens of thousand’s is no common event, and to a mind like his, is Seen with inexpressible anguish, the anxiety respecting the War & its concequences in his own Country, is another source of distress to him—altho he adds that he cannot think it Unjustly waged—
My Love to your Sister—I hear from Boston that they are all well—Susan returnd as usual in Raptures with Cooper in ,—
Your affectionate Friend
A Adams


Title: From John Adams to John Quincy Adams, 11 March 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, John Quincy

My dear Son
Quincy March 11. 1813

Your favour of Oct. 4 was Sent to me from the Post Office this morning. Although I sincerely condole with you and your Lady in the loss of your Child, and feel a deep Affliction in my own Breast, for the loss of a lovely Rose, which I might probably have never Seen; Yet We ought all, to collect ourselves, and reflect that the constitution and Course of Nature in the physical, moral and Social, as well as intellectual World; is inscrutable and incomprehensible to Us. While You and I believe that the whole System, is under the constant and vigilant direction of a Wisdom infinitely more discerning than Ours and a benevolence to the whole and to Us in particular greater even than our own Self Love; We have the highest consolation that Reason can Sugget or Imagination conceive. The Same general Laws that at times afflict Us, are in your Neighbourhood bereaving Millions, of their Fathers Brothers and Sons and Millions more of their Food and their Shelter. In our own Country how many deprivations do We read, and how many Savage Cruelties. What Grounds have We to expect to hope to be excepted from the General Lot. Indeed if all such considerations were out of the question there is another, which ought to compose Us, viz that the Event is irreversible. Sorrow can make no alteration; afford no relief to the departed, to Survivors or to Ourselves. You remember the Verses of Cleanthes in the bungling Translation of Bolingbroke.
Parent of Nature! Master of the World!
Where e’er thy Providence directs, behold
My Steps with chearful resignation turn
Fate leads the Willing, draggs the backward on,
Why should I grieve! When grieving I must bear
And take with guilt, what guiltless I might share?
Grief Sorrow and mourning for irremediable Events are Useless to the living as to the dead, except as they produce Reflection, Consideration and correct Errors or reform Vices. Remember the best of Philosophy. The beloved are chastened.
I can give you no public Information. The Journals of Europe will give you News enough good and bad to agitate your public Soul
I know not whether you will derive Joy or Grief from the details of Dinners, Balls, dances &c The Expence of these, would have built Ships or at least comforted Widows and Orphans. When the first Child of Louis 16th. was born, you know The Illuminations of Paris, were very Splendid. Le Ray de Chaumont said to me in the midst of them “Had the King laid Such a Tax upon these Parrisians ils auroient criee come Le Diable” I have declined all Invitations to these Frolics, except one. I dined with The Vice President on the 4th. of March when he took the Oath of Office, on a Sumptuous Entertainment and with very good Company.
We have had a pleasant Winter. I rarely remember a longer Course of good Playing, or as my Brother Farmers choose to express it, of fine Sledding. This you know delights Us, because it affords Opportunity to provide plenty of Fuel for the Summer and part of the next Winter and a fine Season for much other business.
Now I desire to know what fault can be found with this Letter by France England or Russia, if it should be read by any or all of them.
My Love to Mrs A. Mr J. Mr Charles and Miss. J. I long to See you all. But how to get you home, I know not. Can you negotiate a Passport through England France Sweeden or any other Way?
Your Sons are at Hingham, very well and very clever
most affectionately
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to John Quincy Adams, 13 March 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Adams, John Quincy

My dear Son
Quincy March 13. 1813

As I have experienced Griefs as exquisite as yours I have the better right to advise you. I have no doubt you have delighted in the hope and prospect of educating a Daughter under your own Eye, that Should be a perfect Woman, a Daughter, a Sister, a Wife a Mother an Aunt a Grandmother, without Reproach or fault. But recollect your own Reflections upon Quintillian. Recollect
This Vault of Air, this congregated Ball
Self center’d Sun and Stars that rise and fall
There are, my Friend, whose Philosophic Eyes
Look through and trust the Ruler with his Skies. Recollect him
Who Sees with equal Eyes as God of all
An Hero perish or a Sparrow fall
Attoms or Systems into ruin hurl’d
And now a Bubble burst, and now a World.
Have you look’d at this Universe, through the Telescopes of Herschell? What am I and all my Posterity? What is this Globe of Earth? What is the Solar System? Should I and all my Posterity be Split like Mackarel and broiled on a Grid Iron? What is that, to this all? Nay what is this to the Eight Millions of People who inhabit our own Country.
These Ideas are none of my own: but they are Sublime. And what is more they are rational.
My Grand Daughters, your Nieces Susan and Abigail have this Week, come to the Knowledge of a physical Experiment. They are amusing themselves with blowing Bubbles with soap suds, with a Tobacco Pipe, a diversion that I practised myself with great delight, about Seventy Years ago, but which I never thought it worth while to teach to my Children or Grand Children. Yet I know not whether it would not have been a good Allegorical Lesson. They fill the Air of the Room with their Bubbles, their Air Balloons, which roll and Shine reflecting the light of the fire and Candles, and are very beautifull. There can be no more perfect Emblem of the Phisical and Political and theological Scenes of human Life.
Morality only is eternal. All the rest is Balloon and Bubble from the Cradle to the Grave.
Never fogt my Love to Louisa Charles William and Kitty.

John Adams


Title: From John Quincy Adams to George Washington Adams, 21 March 1813
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, George Washington

Letter 8.
My Dear Son.
St: Petersburg 21 March 1813.

I have promised you in my former letters to state the particulars in which I deemed the Christian dispensation to be an improvement or perfection of the Law delivered from Sinai considered as including a system of morality—But before I come to this point, it is proper to remark upon the moral character of the Books of the Old Testament, subsequent to those of Moses. Some of these are Historical—Some Prophetical—Some Poetical, and two may be considered as peculiarly of the Moral Class; one of them being an affecting Dissertation upon the Vanity of human life, and the other a collection of Moral Sentences under the name of Proverbs.
I have already observed that the great, immovable and eternal foundation of the superiority of Scriptural Morals, to all other morality, was the idea of God, disclosed in them, and only in them—The Unity of God, His Omnipotence, His Righteousness, His Mercy, and the Infinity of all his Attributes, are marked in every line of the Old Testament in characters which nothing less than blindness can fail to discern, and nothing less than fraud can misrepresent—This Conception of God, served as a basis for the Piety of his Worshippers, which was of course incomparably more rational and more profound, than it was possible that Piety could be, which adored “Devils for Deities,” or even than that Piety of Philosophers like Socrates, and Plato and Cicero, who with purer, and more exalted ideas of the Divine Natures than the Rabble and the Poets, still considered the existence of any God at-all as a question upon which they could form no decided opinion—You have seen that even Cicero believed that the only solid foundation of all human Virtue was Piety; and it was impossible that a Piety so far transcending that of all other Nations, should not contain in its consequences, a system of moral Virtue, equally transcendent.
The first of the Ten Commandants was that the Jewish People, should never admit the idea of any other God—the object of the second, third and fourth Commandments was merely to impress with greater force the obligation of the first, and to obviate the tendencies and temptations which might arise to its being neglected or disregarded—throughout the whole law the same injunction is continually renewed—All the rites and Ceremonies were adapted to root it deeper into the heart and Soul of the chosen People—That the Lord Jehovah was to be forever the sole and exclusive object of Love, Reverence and Adoration, unbounded as His own Nature was the principle that pervaded every letter of the Law, and the whole Bible is but a commentary upon it, and corollary from it.
The law was given not merely in the form of Commandment from God, but in that of a Covenant, or compact, between the Supreme Creator and the Jewish People—It was sanctioned by the blessing and the Curse, pronounced upon Mount Gerizim and Mount Ebal, in the presence of the whole People, Men, Women, Children and Strangers, and by the solemn acceptance of the whole People, responding Amen, to every one of the Curses denounced for violation, on their part of the Covenant.
From that day untill the Birth of Christ, (a period of about 1500 years) the Historical Books of the Old Testament, are no-more than a simple record of the fulfillment of the Covenant, in all its blessings and all its Curses, exactly adapted to the fulfillment or the transgression of its duties by the People.—The Nation was governed first by Joshua under the express appointment of God—then by a succession of Judges, and afterwards by a double line of kings, untill conquered and carried into captivity by the kings of Assyria and of Babylon—Seventy years afterwards restored again to their Country, their Temple and their Laws, and again conquered by the Romans, and ruled by their tributary kings, and by Proconsuls—Through all these vicissitudes and Varieties of Fortune, they never complied with the duties to which they had bound themselves by the Covenant, without being loaded with the blessings promised on Mount Gerezim; and never departed from them without being afflicted with the some of the Curses denounced upon Mount Ebal—The Prophetical Books are themselves Historical; for Prophecy is in the strictest sense no more than History related before the Event. But the Jewish Prophets of whom there was a succession almost constant, from the time of Joshua to that of Christ, were Messengers specially commissioned by God to warn the People of their duty and to foretell the punishments which awaited their Transgressions; and finally to keep alive by unintermitted prediction the expectation of the Messiah, the seed of Abraham, in whom all the families of the Earth should be blessed.
With this conception of the Divine Nature, so infinitely surpassing that of any other Nation, with this system of moral virtue, so indissolubly blended, as by the eternal Constitution of things it must be blended with Piety; with this uninterrupted series of Signs & Wonders, Prophets and Seers, miraculous interpositions of the omnipotent Creator, to preserve and vindicate the Truth, it is lamentable; but to those who know the Nature of Man it is not surprizing to find that the Jewish History is little else than a Narrative of the idolatries and Corruptions of the Israelites and of their Monarchs—That the very People who had heard the voice of God from Mount Sinai, should within forty days compel Aaron to make a golden calf, and worship that as “the Gods who had brought them out of Egypt”—that the very Solomon, the wisest of mankind, to whom God had twice revealed himself in visions, the sublime dedicator of the Temple, the witness in presence of the whole People of the fire from Heaven, which consumed the offerings upon the altar, and of the glory of the Lord that filled the house; that he in his old age, “beguiled by fair idolatresses” should have fallen from the worship of the ever blessed Jehovah, to that of Ashtoroth, and Mikom, and Chemosh, and Molech; the “Abominations” of all the petty tribes in the neighbourhood of Judea; that Baal, and Dagon, and Miplezeth, and Rimmon, and Nisroch, and the Sun, Moon, Planets and the all the Host of Heaven—That the Mountains and the Plains—Every high-place and every grove should have swarmed with idols to corrupt the hearts and debase the Souls of a People favoured of Heaven so highly, the elect of almighty God, may be among the mysteries of divine Providence, which it is not given to mortality to explain, but is unaccountable only to those who presume to demand why it has pleased the Supreme Arbiter of Events to create such a being as Man?
Observe however that amidst all the varieties of destiny, which that Nation underwent, amidst the atrocious Crimes, with which they so often polluted themselves, through all their Servitudes, their Dismemberments, their Captivities, and their transmigrations, the divine light which had been imparted exclusively to them was never extinguished. The Law delivered from Sinai was preserved in all its purity—The Histories, which attested its violations and its accomplishments were recorded and never lost—The Writings of the Prophets of David and of Solomon, all inspired with the same idea of the Godhead, and the same intertwinement of religion and Morality, and the same anticipation of the divine Emmanuel, the God with us, survived all the changes of Government and of Constitution which befell the People—the Pillar of Cloud by Day and the Pillar of fire by Night—the Law and the Prophets, eternal in their Nature, followed went before them, unsullied and unimpaired, through all the Ruins, of Rebellion and Revolution, of Conquest and Dispersion, of War—Pestilence and Famine—The Assyrian, Babylonian and Egyptian Empires, Tyre and Sidon, Thenicia, Carthage and  all the other Nations of Antiquity, rose and fell in their Religious Institutions, at the same time as in their Laws and their Governments—It was the practice of the Romans, when they besieged a City to invite its Gods to come over to them—They considered the Gods as Summer Friends ready to desert their votaries in the hour of their Calamity, or as Traitors ready to sell them for a bribe. They had no higher opinion of their own Gods, than of the Stranger Deities, whom as Gibbon said they were always ready to admit to the freedom of the City—All the Gods of the Heathens have perished with their Makers, for where upon the face of the globe, could now be found the human being who believes in any one of them?—So much more deep and strong was the hold which the God of Abraham of Isaac and of Jacob took of upon the Imagination and Reason of Mankind, that I might almost invert the question, and ask where is to be found the human being believing the existence of any God, at all, and not believing in him?
The Moral Character of the Old Testament then is that Piety to God is the foundation of all Virtue, and that Virtue is inseparable from it—But that Piety without the practice of Virtue is itself a crime, and an aggravation of all iniquity—All the Virtues which were recognized by the Heathens are inculcated not only with more authority but with more energy of argument and more eloquent persuasion in the Bible than in all the writings of the antient Moralists—In one of the apocryphal Books—(Wisdom of Solomon VIII.7.) the Cardinal Virtues are expressly named—“And if a man love righteousness, her labours are virtues: for she teacheth Temperance, and Prudence, Justice and Fortitude; which are such things as men can have nothing more profitable in their life”—The Book of Job, whether to be considered as a History or an Allegorical Parable, was written to teach the lessons of Patience under Affliction, of Resignation under divine Chastisement, of undoubting Confidence in the Justice and Goodness of God, under every possible Calamity, and of inflexible adherence to integrity under every temptation or provocation to depart from it—The morality of the Apocryphal Books is generally the same as that of the inspired Writers, excepting that in some of them there is more stress laid upon the minor objects of the Law, and the merely formal ordinances of police, and less continual recurrence to the weightier matters—The Book of Eccliasticus however contains more Wisdom and more useful Instruction than all the sayings of the seven Grecian Sages put together—
It was upon this foundation, that the more perfect system of Christian Morality was to be raised. But I must defer the Consideration of this to my next Letter. In the meantime, as I have urged that the Scriptural idea of God is the foundation of all perfect Virtue, and that it is totally different from the idea of God, conceived by any other Antient Nation, I would recommend it to you in perusing hereafter the Scriptures, to meditate often upon the expressions by which they mark the character of the Deity, and to reflect upon the duties to him and to your fellow mortals, which follow by inevitable induction from them—That you may have an exact idea of the Opinions of the Antient heathen Philosophers concerning God, or rather the Gods, study Cicero’s Dialogues Da Natura Deorum, and read the Abbé Olivet’s Remarks on the Theology of the Grecian Philosophers, annexed to his Translation of that Work.
I am your affectionate father.
A.


Title: To John Adams from John Quincy Adams, 22 March 1813
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, John

N. 22.
My Dear Sir
St Petersburg. 22 of March 1813.

Towards the close of the last summer arrived here as a sort of a semi official appendage to the British embassy an old acquaintance of yours Sir Francis D’Ivernois who as you know has been for many years a distinguishd political writer in the French language and in the Interest of the British Government. He came not I believe with but very soon after the Embassador Lord Cathcart Just at the same time a lady of celebrated fame Madame de Stael the daughter of Mr Necker was also here on a transient visit As I had not the honor of being personally known to Madame De Stael and as we had just received information of the American declaration of war against Britain, I had no expectation of having any communication or intercourse either with the Embassador or the lady. And I regretted this the less as my whole soul was at that period absorbed in the distressed situation of my family and in the suffering and Departure of the Angel that was my child. Early one morning I received a note from Madame De Stael requesting me to call on her at her lodgings that same day at noon as she wished to speak to me on a subject respecting America. I went accordingly at the hour appointed and upon entering the Ladys Saloon found there a company of some fifteen or twenty persons not a soul of whom I had ever Seen before. An Elderly Gentleman in the full Uniform of an English General was seated on a sopha and the lady whom I immediately perceived to be Madame De Stael was complimenting him with equal Elegance and fluency upon the glories of his nation his countryman Lord Wellington and his own. The Battle of Salamanca and the Bombardment of Copenhagen were themes upon which much was to be said and upon which she said much When I went in she intermitted her discourse for a moment to receive me and offer me a seat which I immediately took and for about half an hour had the opportunity to admire the brilliancy of her genius as it sparkled incessantly in her conversation. There was something a little too broad and direct in the substance of the panegyrics which she pronounced to allow them the claim of refinement. There was neither disguise nor veil to cover their naked beauties but they were expressed with so much variety and veracity that the hearer had not time to examine the thread of their texture. Lord Cathcart received the compliments pointed at himself with becoming modesty; those to his nation with apparent satisfaction and those to the conqueror of Salamanca with silent acquiescence. The Lady insisted that the British was the most astonishing nation of antient or modern times the only preservers of social order the defenders exclusively of the liberties of mankind to which his lordship added that their Glory, was in being a moral nation a character which he was sure they would always preserve. The glittering sprightliness of the Lady and the stately gravity of the Embassador were as well contrasted as their respective topics of praise and if my mind had been at ease to relish anything in the nature of an exhibition I should have been much amused at hearing a French womans celebration of the generosity of the English towards other nations and a lecture upon national morality from the commander of the expedition to Copenhagen.During this Sentimental duet between the ambassador and the Embassadress. I kept my seat merely an auditor. The rest of the company were equally silent Among them was an English Naval Officer Admiral Bentinck since deceased He was then quite the chevalier d honnneur to Madame de Stael but whether the scene did not strike him precisely as it did me or whether his feelings resulting from it were of a more serious nature than mine the moment it was finishd he drew a very long breath and sighd it out as if relieved from an offensive burden saying only “thank God thats over.”  He and all the next of the company immediately after that retird and left me tete a tete with Madame de Stael The subject respecting America was to tell me that she had a large sum in the American funds and to enquire whether I knew how she could contrive to receive the interest which she had hitherto received from England. I gave her such information as I possessed. She had also some lands in the State of New York of which she wished to know the value. I answered her as well as I could but her lands and her funds did not appear to occupy much of her thoughts. She soon asked me if I was related to that celebrated Mr Adams who wrote the book upon Government. I said I had the happiness of being his son she said she had read it and admired it very much that her Father Mr Necker had always expressd a very high opinion of it She next commenced upon Politics and asked how it was possible that America should have declared war against England. In accounting for this phenomenon I was obliged to recur to a multitude of facts not so strongly stampd with British generosity or British Morality as might be expected from the character which she and the Embassador had just been assigning that nation The orders in council and the pressgang afforded but a sory commentary upon the chivalresque defence of the Liberties of mankind and no very instructive lessons of Morality. She had nothing to say in their defence but she thought that the kinghts errant of the Human race were to be allowed special indulgence and in consideration of their cause were not to be held by the ordinary obligations of war and peace. There was no probability that any arguments of mine could make any impression upon opinions thus toned. She listened however with as much complacency as could be expected to what I said and finally asked me why, I had not been to see her before. I answered that her high reputation was calculated to inspire respect no less than curiosity and that however desirous I had been of becoming personally acquainted with her, I had thought I could not without indiscretion intrude myself upon her Society. The reason appeared to please her she said she was to leave this city the next day at noon. She was going to Stockholm to pass the winter and then to England. She wishd to have another conversation with me before she went and asked me to call on her the next morning I readily accepted the invitation and we discussed politics again two or three hours. I found her better conversant with Retorick than Logick. She had much to say about Social Order Much about Universal Monarchy much about the preservation of Religion in which she gave me to understand she not herself believe and much about the Ambition and Tyrranny of Buonaparte upon which she soon discovered there was no difference of Sentiment between us. But why did not America join in the holy cause against this tyrant first because America had no means of making war against him, she could neither attack him by Sea or Land. 2d. Because it was a fundamental maxim of American policy never to intermeddle with the political affairs of Europe. Thirdly because it was altogether unnecessary. he had enemies enough upon his hands already. What! did not I dread his universal monarchy not in the least. I saw indeed a very favourable mass of force arrayed under him but I saw a mass of force at least as formidable arrayed against him Europe contained about 160 millions of human beings. he was weilding the means of 75 millions and the means of 85 millions were weilding against him. It was an awful spectacle to behold the shock, but I did not beleive nor ever had beleived that he would ever be able to subjugate even the continent of Europe. If there had ever been any real danger of such an event, it was passed. She herself saw that there was every prospect of his being very shortly driven out of Spain And I was equally convinced he would be driven out of Russia. It was the very day of the battle of Borodino: J’en accepte l’augure: She said Everything that you say of him is very just but I have particular reason for resentment against him I have been persecuted by him in the most shameful manner. I was neither suffered to live any where nor to go where I would have gone &c all, for no other reason but because I would not Eulogize him in my writings As to our war with England. I told her that I deeply lamented it and yet cherishd the hope that it would not last long. That England had forced it upon us by measures as outrageous upon the rights of an independent nation as Tyrannical as oppressive as any that could be charged upon Buonaparte. Her pretences were retaliation and necessity Retaliation upon America for the wrongs of France, and necessity for man Stealing We asked of England nothing but our indisputable rights, but we allowed no special prerogatives to political Quixotism. We did not consider Britain at all as the defender of the liberties of mankind but as another Tyrant pretending to exclusive dominion upon the ocean of pretension full as detestable, and I trusted in God full as chimerical as the pretension of Universal Monarchy upon the Land. Madame de Stael was of her own opinion still but on the point of impressment she owned that my observations were reasonable. I have not yet found an European of any nation except the English who on having this question in its true state brought to a precise point had a syllable to say for the English side. In conclusion I told her that the pretended retaliation of England had compelled us to resort to real Retaliation upon them, and that as long as they felt a necessity to fight for the practice of Stealing men from American merchant vessells on the high seas we should feel the Necessity of fighting against it. I could only hope that God would prosper the righteous cause. Madame de Stael in my leaving her charged me if ever I should be again in any place where she should be at the same time not to neglect paying her a visit which I very willingly promisd She left St Petersburg the same day. I should ask Sir Francis D’Ivernois pardon. I began this letter with him but who can one help deserting for Madame de Stael. I will return to Sir Francis by the next opportunity having now only room to say that I am dutifully and affectionately yours


Title: From John Quincy Adams to Abigail Smith Adams, 25 March 1813
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, Abigail Smith

N. 44.
St. Petersburg 25. March 1813.

My last letter to you, dated 27. February, acknowledged the receipt of your favour of 29. July the latest letter I have from America, and which you mention in it was to be forwarded by Mr. B. Beale junr.
I have now an opportunity to write by Mr. Plummer, a young man who has been here several years, as an Agent of Coll. Thorndike—He himself belongs to Salem, and as he intends returning as directly as he can to Boston, he has offered personally to deliver any letters which I may wish to send to you—I therefore charge him with this and with one for my father; which I hope will safely reach him.
We have learnt through the only channel now open for news to reach us from America, that is, the English Newspapers, that Mr Madison has been re-elected, and that Mr. Gerry is chosen Vice President—It may give you a sample of the degree of ignorance in which we live of American Affairs, to be informed that we did not know untill this Account of the votes came, who was the Candidate for Vice President to be run with Mr. Madison.—We had heard mention of Mr. Langdon and Mr. Gerry, and in the first instance had been told that Mr. Langdon was the person fixed upon—We had been assured that the federalists were to vote for Mr. De Witt Clinton as President, and Mr. Jared Ingersoll as Vice President, candidates so singularly coupled together, and the first of them so strange a name for a federal Candidate, that I assure you it was long before I believed it possible that it should be so; and for which even now I can account only upon the principle of Shakespear’s Trinculo, that “Misery acquaints a man with strange bed fellows.” We have heard no reason whatever assigned why General C. C. Pinckney, and Mr. King, federal Men, and the federal Candidates, at the two preceding Elections, men so respectable by their personal characters, by their Talents, by their public Services, have on this occasion been totally abandoned by their Party, for two Candidates, entirely new, certainly very respectable, and I doubt not very able Men; but one of whom has for five and twenty years, employed himself with something more profitable than politics, and whose  federalism has always been questionable—while the other has risen to power and importance by the very ardour and vehemence of his opposition to federalism.—It is said that opposition to the War with England is the connecting principle which has brought together parties hitherto so heterogeneous—But were General Pinckney and Mr. King less averse to the British War, than Mr. Clinton and Mr. Ingersoll? Or have the federalists voted for these Gentleman, upon the same basis as their Representatives once voted for Mr. Burr—not for the sake of choosing him—but for that of excluding Mr. Jefferson?
We have indeed had it repeated over to satiety here for the last twelve Months; both from the English periodical Journals, and from private advices through federal sources, that the War was so extremely unpopular in the United States, that it would occasion the loss of Mr. Madison’s re-election—But now the tables are so completely turned that we hear it said Mr. Madison made the War for the sole purpose of securing his election—Who shall decide when Doctors disagree with themselves? The English Journals tell us that in the debates of Congress, Mr. Randolph and Mr. Quincy, both charge this intention directly upon Mr. Madison—These are reproaches which for ought I know may gratify party feelings but which appear neither very politic nor very liberal—Mr. Randolph is represented to have pleaded very pathetically against the War, between the only two Nations upon Earth who worshipped the  only and true God, and who were jointly engaged in the endeavour to communicate their religion to the heathen of the East—Though I by no means think with Mr. Randolph that Britain & America are the only worshippers of the true God; and perceive nothing like the Christian Spirit of Charity in the assertion, I was very much gratified to find him using this principle of religion as a topic of Argument—For, in the first place I considered it as Evidence that Mr. Randolph himself is a believer in Christianity—penetrated with its truths—and accessible to its principles—Secondly, I was glad to see religious motives urged as topics of persuasion in that house; by one of its most eloquent speakers—It indicated a temper in the hearers as well as in the Orator, which ought to be cherished by them all, and which I would fondly hope may eventually contribute to shorten the War.—And thirdly, it led to the hope that this motive would have its influence upon the Enemy as well as upon ourselves—If those upon whom Peace and War in the two Nations depends would on both sides seriously consider, their duties as fellow Christians there would be nothing more necessary to produce Conciliation and Peace—But Man-stealing is not a Christian practice, and when a Government has brought itself to the condition of waging War expressly and avowedly for it, they may be very willing to preach the Gospel to the East, but there is very little prospect of their laying it to their own hearts.
The people among whom I reside are religious to a very high degree; and would be strangely shocked to hear themselves excluded from the class of worshippers of the true God—Their religion is indeed numbered with innumerable superstitions, and armies of Saints—and miraculous relics and images, and trivial formalities. It is but four days since I saw the two Empresses, and all the members of the Imperial family now in the City prostrate themselves before an old picture, called a miraculous image of the Virgin Mary, by way of gratitude for the taking of Berlin by the Russian Troops—I have seen them seven or eight times go through the same Ceremony within as many Months.—The occurrences of the last year in the history of this Country have been full of real prodigies—and they have been attributed by many of the People here to quite as many prodigies of the spurious kind—Notwithstanding which there are no more fervent worshippers of the true God than the Russians.—They are now in the midst of their Spring Lent, the longest and most rigorous of the four—At this Season all the Theatres are shut—Neither Balls nor Assemblies are allowed—In the highest Ranks of Society, those who keep open house all the rest of the year, will scarcely receive a single visitor—Concerts are the only Amusements which are indulged to the public.—The rule of fasting in the first and last weeks of this lent is so rigid, that they are allowed scarcely any thing but bread and oil, and dried mushrooms to subsist upon—And I was told a few days by a Russian, that the common People have believed Murder to be a crime for which atonement might be possible—But that there could be none for dining upon animal food in Lent.
The Season is becoming mild, and the ice of the River Neva is not more than three feet thick.—In one month from this time the River itself will be open—Oh! that I could take, not  the wings of the Morning, and fly to the uttermost parts of the East, but the wings of a fast sailing ship, and swim to the nearest parts of the West?—I foster the hope, of yet seeing you and my father, and my brother, and my boys, before the close of this present year—I have not yet received my recall, and know now how I shall get home if it comes—But all things are possible, and for what we so ardently desire, bare possibility is a foundation for hope—Of my family I have nothing new to say—I cannot even say that my wife, or Charles is well—They never I fear will be well during the Winter in this Climate—May the approach of Summer entirely restore them both!
I am ever affectionately and dutifully your’s.


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to Thomas Baker Johnson, 3 April 1813
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Johnson, Thomas Baker

Quincy April 3d 1813

It is with Sincere pleasure that I acknowledge your Letter of Febry 23d this day received, a Letter endeard to me, comeing from the Son, of a Friend whose memory I cherish, whose loss I have not ceased to mourn, and whose frequent, and intelligent correspondence I highly valued To her Children, who must rise up, and call her blessed, her price was far above Rubies.
Her only, her beloved, her tender, her dutifull her affectionate Son, can bear witness to her inestimable worth.
In replie my dear Sir to your inquiries respecting our Friends in St Petersburgh, I answer that my last Letters are dated 28th october. at that time, both he and your Sisters were bowed down, with the heavey affliction they had recently experienced, by the death of their dear, and only daughter, of 13 Months old, the darling of their hearts, a most lovely Infant, doubly dear to them, from her Sex; and being given to them, in a foreign Land, where they had not any connexion seperate from those of their own Family.
This dear Babe, after a sickness of a month died, upon the 15 of Sepbr. a memorable day in the annals of Russian History, When the “Cloud cap’t Towers, and Georgeous palaces” of the ancient City of Moscow, was immolated to the devouring flames, rather than permit it to remain, a sanctuary for the Rapacious Invaders.
The obstructions occasiond by the war between our own Country and great Britain, and between Russia and France renders a communication, not only hazardous, but next to impracticable
I know it to have been the wish, and desire of mr Adams, fully exprest to the President, that he might be allowd to return to America the present Season. how it could now be effected in the present state of contending Nations, with safety to himself and family is more than I am able to determine, and at times my Heart misgives me least his Father, and I, who are far advanced in Life, should see his face no more.
If you wish to write to your Sisters, and will send your Letters to me, I will forward them with my own, by such opportunities as may offer. Cartels to England I have used.
From your Friends at Washington I sometimes hear through your sister Adelaide—I have not any Letter of a very late date, but when I heard, they were all well. mrs Buchana was going to Kentucky with mr Pope
your Nephews George W Adams and John, who were left by their Parents under our care, I have the Pleasure to say, are well, and are fine Boys. they are placed at an academy near to us, and make a proficiency in their Learning—
George is no common Boy. he possesses talents which will distinguish him, if his Life is spaired, and he could again be under the tuition of his Father. John is small of Stature and has not enjoyed so good health, but his preceptor says, he is a good scholar and Charles whom they took with them to Russia, is a great proficient in languages, speaking English, French and German with ease
I have been thus precise, knowing how much interest you feel every member of the Family.
For yourself accept the Remembrance of the President, and all the Family, with our best wishes for your health and happiness. From your assured Friend,
Abigail Adams


Title: From Abigail Smith Adams to James Monroe, 3 April 1813
From: Adams, Abigail Smith
To: Monroe, James

Dear Sir.
Quincy April 3d 1813

upon the 23d of Feb’ry mr Adams addrest a Letter to you, and inclosed a private Letter from my Son at St Petersburgh to me, requesting a return of it by the next Mail. as the Letter has not been received I presume in the multiplicity of buisness, It has been forgotten.
You will oblige me by sending it, and at the same time do me the favour to forwarding the packet which accompanies this Letter to Russia, if as the News papers inform us, a vessel is to be sent there upon the proposed Subject of a Mediation—
I am also anxious to learn if there is a probability of mr Adams’s return the ensueing Season? and whether any method may be devised for him and his Family to get back to America with Safety during the war?
You cannot wonder Sir at my solicitude upon this Subject, when you take into consideration the Age, both of his Father, and myself, and the time has already been absent, in the Service:—I will not Say, of an ungratefull Country, because I hold it to be the Duty of every good citizen to Serve his Country, not withstanding he may receive from her, ill usage, and contumely.
with Sentiments of Respect / I am Sir Your Humble / Servant
Abigail Adams