Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Pierres, 21 February 1785
From: Pierres, Philippe-Denis
To: Franklin, Benjamin

						Monsieur & respectable ami,
						Paris, le 21 février 1785.

					Vous m’aviez fait l’amitié de me promettre que vous m’avertiriez quand le petit modele de presse que vous attendiez d’Angleterre vous seroit parvenu. Je vous serai infiniment obligé de vouloir bien me le faire savoir, parce que j’irai la visiter jeudi prochain si vous voulez me donner à dîner.
					Je serai bien enchanté d’avoir le plaisir de passer quelques momens avec vous, & de vous renouveller les sentimens de l’inviolable attachement avec lequel je suis pour la vie, Monsieur & respectable ami, Votre tres-humble & très-obéissant serviteur

							Pierres

					Je vous prie de trouver bon que M. Votre petit fils reçoive ici l’assurance de mes très humbles civilités.
					Ma femme & mes Enfans vous assurent de leurs respect./.

						M. franklin.

				Notation: Pierres 21 Fevr. 1785


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Windisch-Grätz, 22 February 1785
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Windisch-Grätz, Josef Niclas Reichsgraf

					Passy le 22 Fevrier 1785.

				J’ai reçu, Monsieur, la Lettre infiniment honnête dont vous m’avez honoré le 9 de ce Mois, et Je ne puis qu’approuver l’Ecrit qui y etoit joint: il ne pourra manquer d’être utile. Je m’empresserai de faire passer en Amérique suivant votre Desir les Exemplaires que vous m’annoncez dès qu’ils me seront parvenus; car jusqu’a présent Je n’ai reçu que celui qui étoit Joint à votre Lettre, et pour le quel Je vous prie de recevoir mes sinceres Remercîments.

				J’ai l’honneur d’être avec une respectueuse Considération, Monsieur, Votre très humbe et tres obeissant Serviteur./.

					B Franklin
					M. le Cte. de Wiadisch: Grätz

				Addressed: A Monsieur / Monsieur Le Conte de Wiadisch: Gratz / à Bruxelles.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Benjamin Vaughan, 23 February 1785
From: Vaughan, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Benjamin

					My dearest sir,
					London. Feby. 23, 1785.

				It is long since I have heard from you. The present is the first opportunity I have had for writing to you by a private hand, & my ignorance of the party still prevents my being particular.
				You will receive herewith a parcel of books. I am sorry not to have another copy of the Cincinnati at hand, with one or two other pamphlets, but these shall come by another occasion.
				I have given Count M——some notes; And in the greater part of them I had named you, or alluded to your principles. He has made alterations, some of which I am not content with. You will see he has been hard at work here in the literary, and unfortunately in the legal way.— He is a good-hearted man, diligent, acquainted with many good principles, and possessing

a ready stile, but too warm not to have many enemies & many accidents.
				I have often felt pleased that I had no means of writing you, because I had no means of giving you pleasure by the contents of my letters.— Public matters that have lately reached you will explain this sentiment fully.— There is a sensible agitation in the interior of things, which I am inclined to suppose will not long remain concealed from all the world.
				Your wisdom will lead you to see the tendency of the Westminster scrutiny & the Irish concern, besides which there are two India matters that rankle here, to say nothing of the reform of parliament.

				I cannot suppose my judgment of the minister here has proved a very mistaken one. Two centuries ago he would have been the first school disputant in Europe, though I cannot recollect that either these disputants or the antient sophists have added much to the real science of mankind.— But these are invidious topics.
				Dr. Priestley has delivered in a paper to the Royal Society which will be read tomorrow in part. He has made some valuable experiments, which plainly shew that more must be made, before we can speak with certainty on either side of the subject now discussing between him & Mr Lavosier & Mr Meusnier.— At a future time I will detail these experiments, or the chief of them.
				Your trouble with your lamp will, I hope, cease by the adoption of the invention here for raising & sinking the wick.— I have tried my old scheme for having four wicks (very thin) in one tallow candle, & with a great increase of light. In wax, I presume two wicks would answer. I mean to try three in a tallow candle that is dipped, & four in a mould candle. I have found no inconvenience in my (single) experiment but that of gutturing, which might be remedied perhaps.— I use no perforation.— Having lately read Kæmpfer’s Acct. of Japan, found in the second Vol (folio English) an account of a candle with a perforation, which I wish you to refer to. Some of our philosophers

here, to whom I have made it known, talk of its being badly translated.
				I am much alarmed at your late severe indisposition.— I hope the letter I so often teized Mr. Nairne to write you, and which he says he [did] write you, came safe to hand.— How happy [am] I to think my poor castor oil stood you in stead in the moment of your agony.
				Your son has never once done me the favor of a visit, since your grandson left me, which astonishes me, & sometimes with your & your grandson’s silence alarms me very much. I hope I have not offended the last family in the world I desire to be separated from.
				Your present of the “Testament” to Dr. Price strikes us all very much. It is full of humor & sense, which either come from you we suppose, or has been imitated from you.— There is a hope that Dr. Price may add it, or an acct. of it, to the pamphlet for America, which he is republishing here.
				I am, ever my dearest sir, Your devoted, grateful, & affect.

				Addressed: A son Excellence / Monsr Franklin, / &c &c &c / a Passy, / pres Paris.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deumié Groc, 25 February 1785
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Deumié Groc, (Jean-Baptiste?)

					Monsieur
					Passy 25 fev. 1785

				Jay recu la Lettre que Vous m’aviez fait l’honneur de mécrire le 26me. 9bre. dernier Touchant L’aimable Elizabeth Vau.

[Vaisseau] françois destiné pour philadelphie, mais dèserté En mer par son Capitaine et Equipage et Ensuitte Conduit à terre neuve. Jay immediatement Ecrit à Monsieur Barclay notre Consul pourlors á Lorient requerant de lui á me procurer une copie du procés Verbal dont Vous faites mention être fait par le capne. francois et par le Capne. Shewell qui l’a conduit chez vous et qui ont rapport au dit navire. Quand je les ay reçus & Lû j’étois Surpris de Trouver qu’aucun d’eux comme Vous lobservez ne fait aucune mention des huit hommes à bord d’un navire qui est depeint Etre dans une Situation aussi désesperante. Environ Le même Tems jay reçu une Lettre du Capitaine Shewell lui même Contenant quelques papiers relatifs à la même affaire avec un ordre du Congré ladessus, detout quoy je vous Envoie les copies ci inclus; En comparant ces papiers avec les deux procés Verbaux, plusieurs circonstances sont á observer et demandent des Explications, Comme aussy L’omission mentionné ci dessus, que celle de la nature et Valeur des marchandises prises du navire coulant Bas d’eau et portées à bord du capitaine Shewell par le Capne. francois, le motif qui porte á faire un trou au navire & comment est arrivé que la quantité d’eau qui est Entré dans le navire n’a point fondû le Sel et pourquoi les Vents qui ont

conduit Le capne. Shewell avec le capitaine françois et Ses gens au port de LOrient n’ont pas pû Servir également pour L’aimable Elizabeth conformement aux ordres qu’on dit lui avoir donné. Ces points n’étants pas clair aucune application n’a Encore Eté fait à cette occasion à la cour d’angleterre. On pense Etre aussi plus régulier que le capitaine Shewell devroit le 1er. réclamer justice à La cour de L’amirauté d’angleterre. Vous avez ici Toutes les informations que je puis Vous donner dans cette affaire, si plus Est nécessaire, je vous Conseillerois d’Ecrire à Mr. Barbois [Marbois] Consul de france à philadelphie qui probablement pourra Vous les procurer.
				Jay Lhonneur d’étre, Monsieur Votre trés humble et trés obeissant Serviteur

					signé B. FRANKLIN.
					M. Deumier Groc


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jean-Charles-Pierre Lenoir, 25 February 1785
From: Lenoir, Jean-Charles-Pierre
To: Franklin, Benjamin

					a Paris le 25 fevrier 1785

				J’ai reçu Monsieur, la lettre que vous m’avez fait l’honneur de m’Ecrire, Et J’ai fait Expedier aussitot le Passeport dont a besoin le sr. Vonheinen pour retourner En hollande.

				J’ai l’honneur d’Etre avec un respectueux attachement Monsieur, Votre trés humble Et trés obeissant Serviteur

						Lenoir

					M. franklin ministre plenipotentiaire des Etats unis de l’amerique a Passy


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Chevallié, 26 February 1785
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Chevallié, Pierre-François

					Sir,
					Passy, Feb. 26. 1785.

				I duly receiv’d in its time, the Letter you did me the honour of writing to me the 21st. of October last, with the Papers that accompany’d it, relating to your Demands against the State of Virginia, the Congress, & sundry private Persons in America. Mr Jefferson, a principal Person and late Governor of that State, being in Paris, I thought I could not do better with your Papers than to refer them to him, he being also a Member of Congress. I receiv’d from him a Letter on the Subject, which I ought to have communicated to you immediately, but being ill at the Time, it was omitted, and mislaid till lately. I now send it enclos’d, and beg you will excuse the Delay. By taking the Steps he advises, I have no doubt of your obtaining Payment of what is due from the Publick. And your private Debtors, if able to pay, may be oblig’d to it by the Laws. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant

					B. Franklin
					M. Chevallié

				Notations in different hands: Reponduë le 17. mars / Recu Le 5. Mars port 2 l.t. 2 s. / Passy 25. feby. 1785. Bn. franklin to P. Chevallié


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Carmichael, 27 February 1785
From: Carmichael, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

					Dear Sir
					Madrid 27th. Feby 1784 [i.e., 1785]

				I have delayed writing to your Excy in Expectation of having it in my power to advise you that the unfortunate Mr Hartwell would be entirely extricated from the Situation to which however as you will see by the inclosed papers, his imprudence exposed him. Much About the Time I recd. your Excys. Letter respecting his confinement at Logroño One written to me from Bourdeaux gave me the Same information. I immediately wrote to Bilboa to obtain a circumstantial acct of Case of the Abovementioned Gentleman, but not receiving in course of Post an answer to my Letters, I made use of that of your Excy. in an office I passed to his Excy the Ct. de F. Blanca reclaiming his Liberty & the restitution of his Property. The annexed No 1 is a Copy of the answer thereto. Your Excy will perceive by its Contents, That some time must elapse, owing to the forms established by the Tribunal of the Inquisition, before the Prisoner could receive any Material Benefit from my application, & in consequence, altho’ I frequently pressed dispatch in an Affair which Affected the Liberty & Interests of a Countryman I did not receive further Advice from the Minister until the 2d of last month. No. 2 is a copy of the Ct. de Florida Blanca’s Letter. In the Interval between the reception of the Abovementioned Letters the inclosed No. 3 was sent me without Signature

by a person at Bilbao whom I know to be connected with Mr Hartwell. On Receiving the Answer of the Court No. 2 I wrote to Mr Hartwell to know what I could do further for his Service. I have lately received a Letter from him requesting me to procure him entire Liberty. The Ct de F. Blanca will readily grant his request on condition that he will Leave Spain— The condition is not made by the Minister, but by the Confessor and Inquisitor General. The Altercation which the Case of Mr Hartwell has occasioned between the Ct de F. B. & the two Latter, will give a great Shock to the Power of the Inquisition, as I am assured that the Tribunal will be restricted in future from passing sentence on any Grandee of Spain, on all Persons employed in the Councils, in the Army, Navy &c or on any foreigner until the Process has been submitted to his Majesty, that is to his Minister.
				In the Month of Novr. I recd advice from Cadiz of the Capture of an American vessel by a Corsair of the Emperor of Morrocco. I was also informed you had been applied to on the Same Subject. I immediately requested the Chargé D’Affaires of France agreeable to the 8th Article of our Treaty, to write to the Consul of his Nation to employ his good Offices to procure the Liberation of the vessel & Crew & to endeavour to induce the Emperor to suspend further Hostilities until Congress have time to take Such measures as they might Judge proper to produce a good understanding between the two Countries. I also prevailed on the Ambassador of Holland, the Minister of Sweden & chargé D’Affaires of Denmark to write to their

Respective Consuls for the same purpose. Finding by Letters which I recd. from the Seaports of this Kingdom that the Merchants were under the greatest apprehensions for vessels expected from America, I took Occasion to insinuate to the Ct. de Florida Blanca how agreeable it would be to the People in America to learn that his C.M. had interposed his interference on a subject of such Importance to their Commercial Interests, That not being authorized, I could not Officially request it, but that Animated by a sincere desire to promote a good understanding between the two Countries I could not let Slip the Occasion of giving his Excy. an opportunity of exerting his influence with his Majesty to render a service which could not be but productive of the happiest Consequences. That Minister with much apparent Candor assured me of his readiness to serve us on this Occasion, but seemed to think it requisite that I should write to him on the Subject, This I did & No. 4 is the Copy of his Answer. The inclosed Copies of Letters which I have recd. from Barbary will shew your Excy. the Situation in which this Affair remains.
				I lately recd. Letters from Robt. Morris Esqr. containing a Letter from the Presidt of the Committee of the States & copies

of Letters from Mr Pollock & others at the Havanna complaining of the cruelty & Injustice of the Spanish Government. I immediately laid these Complaints before the Minister & have obtained Orders to render justice to the Parties Aggreived. The Governor will be reprimanded by the Kings direction. I have not yet recd these Assurances in writing, but have been Promised an Answer to my Office, in time for the March Packet—
				I meant to have written more fully to your Excy, but as the Person to whose care I commit this, is only waiting for My letters, I must conclude with praying you to Make the proper Compliments for me to Messrs Adams & Jefferson, to the Marquis de La Fayette & my Name Sake & to believe me with Much respect & Affection Your Excys Obliged & Obedt. Sert

						Wm. Carmichael

					His Excy Benjamin Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Baron von Grimm, 28 February 1785
From: Grimm, Friedrich Melchior, Baron von
To: Franklin, Benjamin

					à Paris, ce 28 Février 1785.

				Le Bon. de Grimm, Ministre Plénipe. de Saxe Gotha, prend la liberté de recommander aux bontés de Monsieur Franklin les porteurs de ce billet, M. Landolt de Zurich et Son Mentor, M. le Chanoine Neckerman de Coblence. Ces deux voyageurs ne peuvent Se résoudre à quiter la France, Sans avoir rendu leurs

hommages à Monsieur Franklin. Le Bon. de Grimm Supplie Monsieur Franklin d’agréer les Siens, et de lui pardoner l’importunité qu’il lui cause, en faveur du juste motif de ces voyageurs.

				Notation: Bn de Grimm 28 Feb 1785


Title: William Vernon, Jr., to William Temple Franklin, 28 February 1785
From: Vernon, William Jr.
To: Franklin, William Temple

					Dear Sir
					Paris 28 Feby. 1785—

				The liberal & friendly manner with which you made me the offer of your services induces me to have recourse to you. You

will most essentially oblige me if without any inconvenience you could lend me ten or even five Louïs untill I can dispose of my Carriage. My present situation of which you are well informed will apologize for importunity. Whatever might be my position & however pressing my circumstances I could never prevail upon myself to sacrify all the feelings of delicacy were I not encouraged by the conviction of your indulgence.
				I am Dear Sir most sincerely your’s

					W. H. Vernon

				Addressed: W. T. Franklin Esqr— / à Passy
				Notation: W. H. Vernon Feby. 28 1785


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Thomas Pownall, 1 March 1785
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Pownall, Thomas

					Dear old Friend
					Passy, March 1. 85

				The above is Extract of a Letter I wrote you in Septr. 1782. I had been misinformed as to the Receipt of the Box at Ostend. It had it seems been put on board a London Ship which was to touch at Ostend for Imperial Papers; but was not landed there,

The Ship being bound to the West Indies, carried it thither, where it has lain till lately that a Correspondent of my Nephew Mr Williams, conjectured from its Mark BF, and its not being claim’d there, that it probably belong’d to me; he accordingly sent it to Dunkirk, from whence I receiv’d it a few Days since. I inclose a Copy of your Letter respecting this Matter, in which you say the Ballance of Almon’s Account is made up by the Copies of the Work delivered. This on reconsidering the Account you will find to be a Mistake. The Copies delivered ballance the Account of the Number printed, but not of the Money. On reviewing the Account I find the Ballance due to Mrs Barry by your Benefaction to be still greater than abovementioned, the Amount of 776 sold at 8/6 being not as Mr Almon makes it £312.16.0 but £329.16.0. from which Substracting his £300.11.0 there remains £29.5.0. No one but yourself can properly recover this of Mr Almon; and I hope you will be able to do it, and thereby render your intended Bounty effectual.—
				With great & sincere Esteem, I am, my dear Friend, Yours most affectionately

					B Franklin


Title: Thomas Jefferson to Franklin and John Adams: Résumé, 1 March 1785
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin,Adams, John

				⟨March 1, 1785: Mr. Jefferson sends Mr. Adams and Dr. Franklin his notes on the treaty with Prussia. When Mr. Adams has perused them, he should send them to Dr. Franklin. Mr. Jefferson proposes a meeting at Passy on Thursday [March 3] at 12 o’clock. He sends “the Prussian propositions, mr. Adams’s & Dr. Franklin’s notes, & the former project & observations which were in the hands of Colo. Humphreys.”⟩


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Coakley Lettsom, 1 March 1785
From: Lettsom, John Coakley
To: Franklin, Benjamin

					Honoured Friend,
					London Mar. 1. 1785—

				The enclosed is a rough sketch of a few data, which I mean to enlarge, as soon as I am informed; of the certainty of these data. May I request the favour of a line; which shall be confidential. I have a copy of the enclosed, which need not be returned. I have desired my frd, Des Gesnettes to wait upon thee for any commands; in order to take off any trouble of conveying me any Packet—
				Our Ministry are now doing that for Ireland, which is her natural right, and which should have been done for America ten years ago; but the attempt will shake our young Minister— I am very respectfully

					J. C. Lettsom—

				Addressed by Lettsom: A Monsr. / Monsr. Franklin / Passey / pres de / Paris
				Notation: M. des Genettes de la societé médic. de Londres Hôtel Dauphin—Ruë de Seine F. St. G.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Partridge, 3 March 1785
From: Partridge, James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

					Sir
					Paris 3d March 1785

				The packet sent me for Mrs Barry shall be taken care of, & this letter for Governor Pownal as it relates to her affairs I shall deliver my self & shall be glad if he can say any thing that may be advantageous to the good little Woman.
				My Niece & I return you our warmest thanks for your polite wishes on our journey & for the many Civilities shew’d us at your House.
				If ever you should have any occurrences in Italy in which I could be any ways useful to you, I beg you will favor me with your Commands, & if any of your friends pass through Leghorn I hope you will give them a line of introduction to my house that I may shew them every Civility in my power & convince them & you of the great Respect with which I have the honour to be Sir your most obedient & most humble Servt

					James Partridge:

				Notation: James Partridge 3 March 1785


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Windisch-Grätz, with Franklin’s Note for a Reply, 3 March 1785
From: Windisch-Grätz, Josef Niclas Reichsgraf
To: Franklin, Benjamin

					Monsieur
					Bruxelles le 3 Mars 1785

				C’est avec le plus grand plaisir du monde, que je vois par l’obligeante reponse dont vous m’honnorez Monsieur, que vous approuvez mon déssein; mais je Suis bien Surpris, que les exemplaires, que j’ai eu lhonneur de vous addresser ne vous Soient point parvennus. Le paquet a été fermé Sous mes yeux, et la ettre, que j’ai eu lhonneur de vous ecrir Se trouvoit dans le même paquet, qui contenoit 50 exemplaires latins et 40 allemands, il faut donc que ce paquet ait été ouvert Soit a la diligence, Soit a la douane ce qui est fort desagréable. J’ai ecrit avant-hier au Comte de la Marck, pour lui demander en quel etat le paquet etoit arrivé chez lui, et pour le prier de S’informer ce que ces exemplaires Sont devennus, et de vous les faire parvennir. Je respecte trop vos loisirs Monsieur, pour ne pas vous Suplier de ne pas me repondre a cette Seconde lettre, a moins que les exemplaires ne tardeâssent a vous arriver, dans ce cas je vous prierois de m’en faire avertir.
				J’ai pris la liberté de vous en destiner des allemands parceque c’est dans cette langue que j’ai fait ce petit ecrit, et que je ne Suis pas parfaitement content de la traduction latine.
				Des que je Saurai Si les unniversités auxquelles j’ai proposé de juger les ecrits, acceptent de S’en charger, je ferai paroitre ce programme en francois, et y ajouterai des eclaircissements pour ceux, qui doute de la possibilité de la Solution.
				J’ai lhonneur d’etre avec les Sentimens de la plus parfaite vénération Monsieur Votre tres humble et tres obeissant Serviteur

						Le Comte de Windisch: Grätz

				Endorsed: Write a few Lines informing that the Pacquet is since come to hand.
				Notation: De Windisch-Gratz 3 Mars 83


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Charles de Butré, with Franklin’s Note for a Reply, 8 March 1785
From: Butré (Butret), Charles de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

					Monsieur
					Tours ce 8. mars 1785.

				Je viens de lire avec un attendrissement inexprimable les lettres d’un cultivateur américain, elles me confirment dans ce

que j’avois toujours pensé Sur la fausse description faite de ce paÿs par l’abbé Raynal historien peu véridique Sur les principaux points de Son histoire politique. C’est une Suite variée des tableaux les plus touchans et les plus intéressans, entremêlés de Scénes d’horreur et d’abobination qui portent dans l’ame l’éxécration pour ces brigands féroces qui ont commis de tels excès d’atrocité et de fureur. Comment est il possible que des hommes ayent pû se livrer a de pareilles barbaries contre des familles paisibles et innocentes retirées aux extrémités du monde dans des forêts, qui ne présentoient que des modéles de toutes les vertus Sociales et devoient inspirer un St. respect pour les ours et les loups mêmes qui les entouroient. La nation qui a commis de tels forfaits ainsi que ceux du bengale doit terriblement craindre la justice divine qui paroit commencer a leurs faire éprouver ses justes decrets.
				Parmi tous les gouvernemens que présente cet intéressant nouveau monde, je n’en vois point de plus conforme a l’ordre physique essentiel, et aux droits naturels qu’il donne a tous les hommes que celui du fameux guillaume penn. Cette déclaration Solemnelle et cet hommage qu’il rend au tolérantisme auroît du être l’esprit universel de tous les hommes et particuliérement de ceux qui chassés par la persecution et la plus grossiére ignorance, Se Sont réfugiés Sur cet heureux climat ou ils ont trouvé un asile, la paix, et la tranquilité: on est étonné qu’ils ayent oublié en arrivant les causes de leur émigration, et qu’ils Soient devenus persécuteurs et intolérans—heureux quakers repandez votre esprit de fraternité Sur toutes ces contrées! Ce Sont les liens qui doivent vous unir tous, et l’ordre physique réproductif etre la Seule loi que doivent promulguer et faire connoître vos institutions, et la Seule base d’instruction générale qui doit être établie, afin d’en graver la connoissance dans tous les coeurs, par ce moyen de les réunir tous par le même intérêt commun et réciproque et de former par là la plus grande puissance Sur la terre.
				Il est bien Singulier de voir des hommes vouloir former des loix et se casser la tête pour en rédiger des Codes comme S’il

étoit possible de changer celles faites par le créateur pour le plus grand avantage possible des hommes et Si elles n’étoient pas écrites en caractéres ostensibles et calculables Sur la terre.
				Il y a 30 ans que je parcoure des champs dans toute l’europe pour calculer ces loix essentielles qui réglent par poids et mesure les droits primitifs des Sociétés les plus compliquées; il est si facile a tous les gouvernemens d’en faire jouir tous les membres Sociaux et de leurs procurer par là leur plus grand bien être possible, et faire le leur en même tems: mais je n’en vois aucun (excepté le chinois) ou on n’ait pas méconnu cette base essentielle, et ou on n’ait voulu faire des loix pour détruire celles du ciel, et par conséquent attaquer tous les Sentimens naturels donnés a tous les hommes. Aussi toutes nos histoires ne Sont qu’un tissu de forfaits et de brigandages, et un monstrueux cahos de tous les désordres humains, qui Sont plûtôt l’excès des lions et des vautours que les expressions justes et Stes. de la Sagesse et de la philosophie.
				Ainsi que la nation américaine qui commence a jetter les fondemens d’un vaste empire en voie les fondemens dans ses vastes domaines, ou elle peut lire Ses loix tracées par Ses charrues; comme yao, chum, et yu, les y avoient prises a la chine il y a plus de 40 Siécles ou elles Subsistent encore, et dureront autant que les Siécles puisqu’elles Sont conformes aux décrets éternels qui Sont inaltérables.
				Je vous ai dit que je parcourois des champs pour étudier les droits des hommes; j’ai consigné un extrait de mes travaux dans une brochure intitulée Loix naturelles de [’agriculture et de l’ordre Social. J’en ai laissé quelques éxemplaires chez Mr. L’abbé de Baulieu rue de favart lettre K prés la comédie italienne ou vous pourrez en avoir Si vous le Souhaittez. Je Suis un chevalier francois qui a consacré Sa vie a deffendre les droits des peuples

envahis par tous les gouvernemens; je Suis actuellement cette partie en allemagne, ou je compte retourner après pâques. Le livre Sur les américains m’a tellement touché que je n’ai pû résister au desir de vous témoigner tout mon intérêt pour votre nation vous qui en êtes le digne représentant. Je compte être la Semaine Ste. a paris. Si vous Le permettez J’aurai l’honneur de vous voir et d’en conférer avec vous, je recevrai votre réponse la dessus chez le marquis de nesle ou je Loge, vis a vis le pont royal.
				Je Suis charmé que d’aussi intéressants motifs me procurent l’occasion de vous assurer de la haute consideration, et de toute la vénération profonde avec laquelle J’ai Lhonneur dêtre Monsieur Votre très humble et tres obéissant Serviteur

						De Butré

				Endorsed: That I am always at home, and shall be glad to see him whenever it may please him to do me the honour of calling on me.—


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Jay: Two Letters, 8 March 1785
From: Jay, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

					I.

						Dear Sir
						Office for foreign Affairs 8th March 1785

					You will perceive from the enclosed Resolution of Congress which passed Yesterday That you are permitted to return to America as soon as convenient.

					This Circumstance must afford great Pleasure to your Family and Friends here, and I am persuaded you will derive great Satisfaction from revisiting a Country which, exclusive of ordinary motives of Attachment, must be exceedingly dear to you from having so long and usefully served it—
					With great Respect and Esteem I have the Honor to [be] Dear Sir Your most obt. and very hble. Servt.

							John Jay

						The Honorable Doctr. Franklin Minister Plenipotentiary of theUnited States at the Court of France.

					II.

						Dear Sir
						Office for foreign Affairs 8th March 1785

					This will be delivered to you by Paul Randall Esqr. whose Father is a respectable Merchant of this City, and together with all his Family espoused the american Side of the Question during the late War. Permit me to recommend this Gentleman to your friendly Attention, and be assured that I am with great Respect and Esteem—Dear Sir Your obliged & obt. Servt.

							John Jay

				[In John Jay’s hand:] P.S I have taken the Liberty of addressing to You a parcel containing between three & four pounds of Green (bayberry) wax which I beg the Favor of You to send with my

Compliments to Abbé de Chalut— Mr Randal is so obliging as to take Charge of it—

					His Excellency Doctr. Franklin

				Addressed: The Honble / Doctor Franklin / minister plenipotentiary of the United States / at the Court of France / Passy


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Lorenzo Manini, 8 March 1785
From: Manini, Lorenzo
To: Franklin, Benjamin

					Monsieur
					Cremone le 8 Mars 1785—

				J’ai eté tres sensible à l’honneur de vos bontés, Monsieur, et je Vous en marque ma satisfaction par la version, que j’en ai fait moi même. Ce compliment passe la regle ordinaire, il Vous convient, agréez-le, Monsieur; et si j’ai reussi, procurez moi d’autres occasions d’augmenter, s’il se peut, vôtre celebrité en Italie. Vos Constitutions auront leur tour si tôt, qu’elles me parviendront.
				L’auteur des Lettres Ameriquaines me charge de Vous dire les choses les plus flatteuses de sa part; il est fier de vôtre approbation, et du bien que Vous dites de lui.

				Recevez l’hommage de mes sentimens; il ne nuit point à celui de mon profond respect Monsieur! Vôtre Tres Humble et Tres obeissant Serviteur

						Lorenzo Manini

				Endorsed: M. Manini Printer, Cremona 1785


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Vergennes, 8 March 1785
From: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, comte de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

					A Versailles le 8. Mars 1785.

				J’ai communiqué M. a M. le Mal. de Castries la nouvelle note que vous m’aviez fait l’honneur de me remettre relativement à la Contestation qui S’etoit elevée a Nantes entre le Contre maitre et le Capne. du navire americain La marianne. Ce ministre vient de me faire la reponse dont je joins icy une copie. Vous y verrez, M. les raisons qui lui font penser que la Sentence rendue par l’amirauté de Nantes le 5 mars 1784, doit avoir Son execution. Cette reponse indique aussi les voyes qui Sont ouvertes aux parties qui peuvent avoir à Se plaindre de cette Sentence.

					M. franklin


Title: The American Commissioners to Thulemeier, 14 March 1785
From: American Commissioners
To: Thulemeier, Friedrich Wilhelm von

					Sir
					Passy March 14th. 1785.

				We had the honour of receiving your letter of Janry. 24. covering a translation into French of the Draught of a treaty proposed between His Majesty the King of Prussia & the United States of America, together with answers to the several articles. We have considered them with attention, & with all those

dispositions to accomodate them to the wishes of His Majesty which a respect for his character, & a desire of connecting the two nations in amity & commerce would naturally produce. We will now take the liberty of troubling you with the result of our deliberations article by article.
				Art. 2. We agree to add the restriction proposed to the end of this clause, to wit, “submitting themselves nevertheless to the laws & usages there established, and to which are submitted the citizens of the United States, and the citizens & subjects of the most favoured nations.”
				Art. 3. Agreed to add a like clause, to wit, “submitting themselves nevertheless to the laws & usages there established, and to which are submitted the subjects of His Majesty the King of Prussia & the subjects & citizens of the most favoured nations.”
				Art. 4. Three effects of this article are objected to.

					1. the permission to export & import all the merchandize of either country without exception.
					2. the permission to all persons to be buyers & sellers.
					3. the not extending in express terms the right of transportation beyond the vessels of the two contracting parties.

				As to the first we agree to make to the clause the addition proposed, to wit, “Nevertheless the King of Prussia & the United States, and each of them, reserve to themselves the right to prohibit in their respective countries the importation & exportation of all merchandize whatsoever, when reasons of State shall require it. In this case the subjects or citizens of either of the contracting parties shall not import nor export the merchandize prohibited by the other. But if one of the contracting parties permits any other nation to import or export the same merchandize, the subjects or citizens of the other shall immediately enjoy the same liberty.”

				With respect to the second object, a permission to all persons to become buyers & sellers in this intercourse, it does indeed interfere with the practice of some nations of Europe, wherein the right of buying & selling particular articles of merchandize is frequently given to particular persons or discriptions of persons exclusively. The origin of this practice is to be found in a very remote & unenlightened period, when religion, physics, & every other branch of science was sophisticated & abused. The progress of information & of liberal sentiment has led to reformations in those, and in this also seems to have matured principles which should produce a reformation equally wanted. Commerce performs the important office of procuring vent for superfluities, of supplying wants, & of adjusting prices on a reasonable scale. This it does best where it is freest. Casting an eye over the states of Europe we find them wealthy & populous nearly in proportion to the freedom of their commerce, and we may conclude from thence that were it perfectly free, they would probably attain the highest points of wealth & population of which their other circumstances would admit. A free competition between buyers & sellers, is the most certain means of fixing the true worth of merchandize: on the other hand the restraint of this right to particular persons, which constitutes a monopoly, has been found in experience the most powerful engine ever employed for the suffocation of commerce. It is interesting to both parties therefore to guard against this in their stipulations. The law of Konigsberg which prohibits a foreigner from selling his merchandize to any but native subjects, is a monopoly in a certain degree. It would rather seem desireable that foreigners should come into our ports & there transact together all their business of exchange. It is not for us to judge whether under actual circumstances this law of Konigsberg is a proper object of reformation. His Prussian Majesty will decide this, who has already so much extended the limits of happiness for his subjects by the removal of other bars to which time & habit had given their sanction. Should it be indispensable to save the

force of this law, we would propose to retain the expressions in this article which give freedom to all buyers & sellers but that at the end of the addition before agreed to a farther one should be made in this form. “Nor shall this article derogate from the force of the laws of the city of Konigsberg which forbid traffic between foreigners within the limits of their jurisdiction.” This will guard against monopoly so much of the field of commerce as is not already occupied by it. We wish however that in this article the word “persons” should be substituted instead of the “subjects or citizens of that other” & again instead of “the said subjects or citizens”.—
				The third objection to this article is that it does not extend the right of transportation beyond the vessels of the two countries. It was thought that the securing this right so far was making a valuable step towards the freedom of intercourse. A right would remain to each party of refusing that privilege to vessels foreign to both; a right which probly would never be exercised but in retaliation on any particular nation adopting that narrow principle. We abandon freely the reservation in its general form in pursuit of an object so valuable to mankind as the total emancipation of commerce & the bringing together all nations for a free intercommunication of happiness. And agree after the words “in their own” to insert “or any other”. But we still propose it for consideration whether it will be expedient to either party to disarm itself entirely of the power of retaliating on any particular nation which may restrain the loading of vessels to articles of the growth or manufacture of the country to which they belong? Circumstances may be produced which would render the retaliation essential to the honour & interests of the parties. We therefore propose after the words “reserve to themselves the right” in the amendment before agreed to, to insert these “where any nation restrains the transportation of merchandize to the vessels of the country of which it is the growth or manufacture, to establish against such nation retaliating regulations; and also the right”.

				This fourth article with the several amendments which we have proposed or agreed to will stand thus “More especially each party shall have a right to carry their own produce, manufactures & merchandize in their own or any other vessels to any parts of the dominions of the other where it shall be lawful for all persons freely to purchase them, and thence to take the produce, manufactures & merchandize of the other, which all persons shall in like manner be free to sell them paying in both cases such duties, charges & fees only as are or shall be paid by the most favored nation. Nevertheless the King of Prussia and the United States & each of them reserve to themselves the right where any nation restrains the transportation of merchandize to the vessels of the country of which it is the growth or manufacture to establish against such nation retaliating regulations; and also the right to prohibit in their respective countries the importation and exportation of all merchandize whatsoever when reasons of state shall require it. In this case the subjects or citizens of either of the contracting parties shall not import nor export the merchandize prohibited by the other. But if one of the contracting parties permits any other nation to import or export the same merchandize the citizens or subjects of the other shall immediately enjoy the same liberty. Nor shall this article derogate from the laws of the city of Konigsberg which forbid traffic between foreigners within the limits of their jurisdiction.”
				Art. 5. We agree that the fifth article shall stand in the form proposed, to wit, “the merchants, commanders of vessels, or other subjects or citizens of either party shall not within the ports or jurisdiction of the other be forced to unload any sort of merchandize into any other vessels, nor to receive them into their own, nor to wait for their being loaded longer than they please.”
				Art. 8. Agreed to omit the words “and without being obliged to pay any duties charges or fees whatsoever, or to render any account of their cargo” and to substitute those proposed, to wit, “and without being obliged to render any account of their cargo, or to pay any duties charges or fees whatsoever, except those

established for vessels entered into port and appropriated to the maintenance of the port itself, or of other establishments for the safety and convenience of navigators, which duties charges & fees shall be the same, & shall be paid on the same footing as in the case of subjects or citizens of the country where they are established.”
				Art. 9. We agree to the amendment proposed by adding to this article these words “the antient & barbarous right to wrecks of the sea shall be entirely abolished with respect to the subjects or citizens of the two contracting parties.”
				Art. 10. By the laws of the United States copied in this instance from those of England, aliens are incapable of holding real estate. When an estate of that nature descends to an alien, it passes on by escheat to the State. The policy of the United States does not permit the giving to the subjects of any other power a capacity to hold lands within their limits, which was proposed by the project formerly delivered to Mr Adams. But they are perfectly willing to relieve such persons from all loss on this account by permitting them to sell the inheritance and withdraw the proceeds without any detraction. Again, tho’ with them it is a fundamental principle that every man has a natural right to quit the country in which either chance or choice has placed him, and to become a member of any other where he thinks he can be happier, and the laws of some of them direct the particular form in which it is to be done, & therefore these States can pass no laws to prevent the emigration of their fellow-citizens, yet they will respect the principles of other governments where the practice is different. We consent therefore to add to the end of this clause, from the 8th of the project these words “and exempt from all rights of detraction on the part of the government of the respective States.” But this article shall not derogate in any manner from the force of the laws already

published or hereafter to be published by his Majesty the King of Prussia to prevent the emigrations of his subjects.
				Art. 12. Agreed to omit the clause “on the other hand enemy vessels shall make enemy goods” &c to the end of the article & to leave that question undecided.
				Art. 13. The stipulation “to pay a reasonable compensation for the loss such arrest shall occasion to the proprietors” is not so determinate as to save the necessity of a future arrangement. It was thought questionable whether any mode which might now be thought of, might not, by a change of circumstances, before the case should arise, become inapplicable: and that arrangements would then be easily & amicably taken for doing justice to the individuals interested. We are ready however to receive a proposition for defining the mode at this time. We agree also to the addition proposed to this clause, to wit, “but in the case supposed of a vessel stopped for articles heretofore deemed contraband, if the master of the vessel stopped will deliver out the goods supposed to be of contraband nature he shall be admitted to do it, & the vessel shall not in that case be carried into any port, nor further detained, but shall be allowed to proceed on her voyage.”
				Art. 19. A clause in the treaty with France, the first the United States ever entered into, renders necessary the exception subjoined to this Article. It has not been repeated, nor is

proposed to be repeated in any subsequent treaty. If any antecedent treaties would require a like exception on the part of his Prussian Majesty, we shall chearfully concur in its insertion, the case being either particularly specifyed or generally described. The practice of carrying prizes into neutral ports & there selling them, is admitted by the usage of nations, & can give offence to none where they have not guarded against it by particular contract. Were the clause now under consideration to be so changed as to exclude the prizes made on the enemies of either from being sold in the ports of the other, and that kind of stipulation to take place generally, it would operate very injuriously against the United States in cases wherein it is not presumed his Majesty would wish it. For suppose them to be hereafter in war with any power in Europe, their enemy, tho’ excluded from the ports of every other State, will yet have their own ports at hand, into which they may carry & sell the prizes they shall make on the United States, but the United States under a like general exclusion, having no ports of their own in Europe their prizes in those seas must be hazarded across the ocean to seek a market at home: an incumbrance which would cripple all their efforts on that element, & give to their enemies great advantage over them.
				Art. 21. Agreed to add as proposed “but by the judicatures of the place into which the prize shall be conducted.”
				Art. 25 Agreed to add as proposed “but if any such Consuls shall exercise commerce, they shall be submitted to the same laws & usages to which the private individuals of their nation are submitted in the same place”.
				Upon the whole it will be seen that we accomodate ourselves to the amendments proposed to the 2d. 3d. 5th. 8th. 9th. 10th. 12th. 13th. 21st & 25th articles, that we agree to the amendments proposed to the 4th. article with certain qualifications, and we cannot but hope that the 4th & the 19th articles so amended & qualified may be permitted to stand.

				We have the honor to be with sentiments of the highest respect Sir your most obedt & most hble. Servts

						John AdamsB. FranklinT. Jefferson

					His Excellency The Baron de Thulemeier &c. &c. &c.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Benjamin Vaughan, 14 March 1785
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Vaughan, Benjamin

					My dear Friend
					Passy, March 14. 1785

				Among the Pamphlets you lately sent me, was one intitled Thoughts on Executive Justice. In return for that I send you a French one on the same Subject, Observations concernant l’Execution de l’Article II de la Declaration sur le Vol. They are

both address’d to the Judges, but written as you will see in a very different Spirit. The English Author is for hanging all Thieves. The Frenchman is for proportioning Punishments to Offences.
				If we really believe, as we profess to believe, that the Law of Moses was the Law of God, the Dictate of divine Wisdom infinitely superior to human, on what Principles do we ordain Death as the Punishment of an Offence, which according to that Law was only to be punish’d by a Restitution of Fourfold? To put a Man to Death for an Offence which does not deserve Death, is it not Murder? And, as the French Writer says, Doit-on punir un délit contre la société, par un crime contre la nature?
				Superfluous Property is the Creature of Society. Simple and mild Laws were sufficient to guard the Property that was merely necessary. The Savage’s Bow, his Hatchet, & his Coat of Skins, were sufficently secured without Law by the Fear of personal Resentment & Retaliation. When by virtue of the first Laws Part of the Society accumulated Wealth & grew Powerful, they enacted others more severe, and would protect their Property at the Expence of Humanity. This was abusing their Power, & commencing a Tyranny. If a Savage before he enter’d into Society had been told, Your Neighbour by this Means may

become Owner of 100 Deer, but if your Brother, or your Son, or yourself, having no Deer of your own, and being hungry should kill one of them, an infamous Death must be the Consequence; he would probably have preferr’d his Liberty, & his common Right of killing any Deer, to all the Advantages of Society that might be propos’d to him.—
				That it is better 100 guilty Persons should escape, than that one innocent Person should suffer, is a Maxim that has been long & generally approv’d, never that I know of controverted. Even the sanguinary Author of the Thoughts agrees to it page 163, adding well, that “the very Thought of injured Innocence, and much more that of suffering Innocence, must awaken all our tenderest and most compassionate Feelings, and at the same time raise our highest Indignation against the Instruments of it.— But, he adds, there is no Danger of either from a strict Adherence to the Laws.”— Really?— Is it then impossible to make an unjust Law?— And if the Law it self be unjust, may it not be the very “Instrument” which ought to “raise the Author’s, & every body’s, highest Indignation.” I read in the last Newspaper from London, that a Woman is capitally convicted at the Old Bailey for privately stealing out of a Shop some Gause value 14 Shillings and threepence. Is there any Proportion between the Injury done by a Theft value 14/3, and the Punishment of a human Creature by Death on a Gibbet? Might not that Woman by her Labour have made the Reparation ordain’d by God, in paying four-fold? Is not all Punishment inflicted beyond the Merit of the Offence, so much Punishment of Innocence? In this light, how vast is the annual Quantity of not only injured but suffering Innocence, in almost all the civilized States of Europe!

				But it seems to have been thought that this kind of Innocence may be punish’d by way of preventing Crimes. I have read indeed of a cruel Turk in Barbary, who whenever he bought a new Christian Slave, ordered him immediately to be hung up by the Legs & to receive an 100 Blows of a Cudgel on the Soles of his Feet, that the severe Sense of the Punishment, and Fear of incurring it thereafter, might prevent the Faults that should merit it.— Our Author himself would hardly approve entirely of this Turk’s Conduct in the Government of Slaves, and yet he appears to recommend something like it for the government of English Subjects, when he applauds* [in the margin: *Page 105.] the Reply of Judge Burnet to the convict Horsestealer, who being ask’d what he had to say why Judgment of Death should not pass against him, & answering that it was hard to hang a Man for only stealing a Horse, was told by the Judge, “Man thou art not to be hang’d only for stealing a Horse, but that Horses may not be stolen.” The Man’s Answer, if candidly examin’d, will I imagine, appear reasonable, as being founded on the Eternal Principle of Justice & Equity, that Punishments should be proportion’d to Offences: and the Judge’s Reply brutal and unreasonable; tho’ the Writer “wishes all Judges to carry it with them whenever they go the Circuit, and to bear it in their Minds, as containing a wise Reason for all the penal Statutes which they are called upon to put in Execution:—” it at once illustrates, says he, the true Grounds “and Reasons of all capital Punishments whatsoever, namely, that every man’s Property as well as his Life, may be held sacred and inviolate”. Is there then no difference in Value between Property and Life? If I think it right that the Crime of Murder should be punished with Death, not only as an equal Punishment of the Crime, but to prevent other Murders, does it follow that I must approve of inflicting the same Punishment for a little Invasion of my Property

by Theft? If I am not myself so barbarous, so bloody-minded and revengeful, as to kill a Fellow Creature for stealing from me 14/3, how can I approve of a Law that does it? Montesquieu, who was himself a Judge, endeavours to impress other Maxims; he must have known what humane Judges feel on such occasions, and what the Effect of those Feelings; and so far from thinking severe & excessive Punishments prevent Crimes, he asserts, as quoted by our French Writer, page 4. that
				“L’atrocité des loix en empêche l’execution.
				“Lorsque la peine est sans mesure, on est souvent obligé de lui préférer l’impunité.
				“La Cause de tous les relâchemens, vient de l’impunité des crimes, & non de la moderation des peines.”—
				It is said by those who know Europe generally, that there are more Thefts committed and punish’d annually in England, than in all the other Nations put together. If this be so, there must be a Cause or Causes, for such Depravity in our common People. May not one be, the Deficiency of Justice & Morality in our national Government, manifested in our oppressive Conduct to Subjects, & unjust Wars on our Neighbours.— View the long-persisted-in unjust monopolizing Treatment of Ireland at length acknowledged! View the plundering Government exercis’d by our Merchants in the Indies! The confiscating War made upon the American Colonies! and to say nothing of those upon France and Spain, view the late War upon Holland, wch was seen by impartial Europe in no other Light than that of a War of Rapine & Pillage, the Hopes of an immense & easy Prey being its only apparent & probably its true & real Motive & Encouragement. Justice is as strictly due between neighbour Nations as between neighbour Citizens. A Highwayman is as much a Robber when he plunders in a Gang, as when single; and a Nation that makes an unjust War is only a great Gang. After employing your People in robbing the Dutch, is it strange that being put out of that Employ by the Peace, they should continue

robbing, and rob one another?— Piraterie, as the French call it, or Privateering, is the universal Bent of the English Nation at home and abroad, where ever settled. No less than 700 Privateers were, it is said, commission’d in the last War!— These were fitted out by Merchants to prey upon other Merchants who had never done them any Injury. Is there probably any one of those privateering Merchants of London, who were so ready to rob the Merchants of Amsterdam, that would not as readily plunder another London Merchant of the next Street, if he could do it with the same Impunity? The Avidity, the alieni appetens, is the same, it is Fear alone of the Gallows that makes the Difference. How then can a Nation which among the honestest of its People has so many Thieves by Inclination, and whose Government encourag’d & commission’d no less than 700 Gangs of Robbers; how can such a Nation have the Face to condemn the Crime in Individuals, and hang up 20 of them in a Morning. It naturally puts one in Mind of a Newgate Anecdote. One of the Prisoners complain’d that in the Night somebody had taken his Buckles out of his Shoes. What the Devil, says another, have we then Thieves among us?— It must not be suffer’d. Let us search out the Rogue, & pump him to death.—
				There is however one late Instance of an English Merchant who will not profit by such ill-gotten Gains. He was it seems part Owner of a Ship which the other Owners thought fit to employ as a Letter of Marque, and which took a Number of French Prizes. The Booty being shar’d, he has now an Agent here, enquiring by an Advertisement in the Gazette, for those who suffer’d the Loss, in order to make them, as far as in him lies, Restitution.— This consciencious Man is a Quaker. The Scotch

Presbyterians were formerly as tender, for there is still extant an Ordinance of the Town Council of Edinburgh, made soon after the Reformation, forbidding “the purchase of Prize Goods under Pain of losing the Freedom of the Burgh for ever, with other Punishment at the Will of the Magistrate, the Practice of making Prizes being contrary to good Conscience and the Rule of treating Christian Brethren as we would wish to be treated: and such Goods are not to be sold by any godly Men within this Burgh” The Race of these godly Men in Scotland is probably extinct, or their Principles abandoned, since as far as that Nation had a Hand in promoting the War against the Colonies, Prizes & Confiscations are believ’d to have been a considerable Motive.—
				It has been for some time a generally receiv’d Opinion, that a military Man is not to enquire whether a War be just or unjust; he is to execute his Orders. All Princes who are dispos’d to become Tyrants must probably approve of this Opinion, & be willing to establish it. But is it not a dangerous one? since, on that Principle, if the Tyrant commands his Army to attack and destroy, not only an unoffending Neighbour Nation, but even his own Subjects, the Army is bound to obey. A Negro Slave in our Colonies, being commanded by his Master to rob or murder a Neighbour, or do any other immoral Act, may refuse, and the Magistrate will protect him in his Refusal. The Slavery then of a Soldier is worse than that of a Negro! A consciencious Officer, if not restrain’d by the Apprehension of its being imputed to another Cause, may indeed resign; rather than be employ’d in an unjust War; but the private Men are Slaves for Life, and they

are perhaps incapable of judging for themselves.— We can only lament their Fate; and still more that of a Sailor, who is often dragg’d by Force from his honest Occupation, and compell’d to imbrue his Hands in perhaps innocent Blood. But methinks it well behoves Merchants, Men more enlightned by their Education, and perfectly free from any such Force or Obligation, to consider well of the Justice of a War, before they voluntarily engage a Gang of Ruffians to attack their Fellow Merchants of a neighbouring Nation, to plunder them of their Property, & perhaps ruin them & their Families, if they yield it, or to wound, maim & murder them if they endeavour to defend it.— Yet these Things are done by Christian Merchants, whether a War be just or unjust; and it can hardly be just on both sides.— They are done by English and American Merchants, who nevertheless complain of private Thefts, and hang by Dozens the Thieves they have taught by their own Example.—
				It is high time for the sake of Humanity that a Stop be put to this Enormity. The United States of America, tho’ better situated than any European Nation, to make Profit by Privateering, most of the Trade of Europe with the West Indies passing before their Doors, are, as far as in them lies, endeavouring to abolish the Practice, by offering in all their Treaties with other Powers, an Article engaging solemnly that in Case of future War no Privateers shall be commission’d on either Side, and that unarm’d Merchant Ships on both sides shall pursue their Voyages unmolested. This will be a happy Improvement of the Law of Nations. The Humane and the Just cannot but wish general Success to the Proposition.—
				With unchangeable Esteem & Affection, I am, my dear Friend Ever yours

					B Franklin
					Mr Vaughan


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Benjamin Vaughan, 15 March 1785
From: Vaughan, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Benjamin

					My dearest sir,
					London, March 15, 1785.

				In reply to your favor of the 5th: instt. I send you the Extract from the English translation of Kæmpfer’s history of Japan Vol. 2nd. Book 5. c. 6. p. 444–5, as follows. “The candles brought in at night, are hollow in the middle; the wick, which is of paper, being wound about a wooden stick, before the tallow is laid on. For this reason also the candlesticks have a punch

or bodkin at top, which the candles are fixed upon. They burn quick, and make a great deal of smoke & stink, because the oil or tallow is made out of the berries of bay-trees, camphire trees, and some others of this kind. ’Tis somewhat odd & ridiculous to see the whirling motion of the ascending smoke followed by the flame, when the candle is taken off from the punch at the top of the candlestick.”
				I wish that you would at your leisure make the trial of a solid candle with three or four very thin wicks, placed sufficiently contiguous for the flames of each to touch. You may snuff the wicks in pairs, or perhaps altogether. After being lighted a short time, the wicks will be found to carry their several flames at a great distance above the melting substance of the candle.
				Our Irish propositions go on much better than I expected. After a series of contests in the West India meetings, we carried a question this day by 86 to 31, for which see the papers of tomorrow. I hope the neutrality of our body will leave the Irish resolutions a safer, though it is likely to be still a tumultuous passage, through our house of Commons. Ministry seem to have overlooked the relation this question bore to the West India interest.— As a friend to free trade this intelligence above will not displease you.
				I have sent a bottle of Blackrie’s lixivium through Mr Nepean, and shall send another on Monday by a private opportunity.— Castor oil, you may always have genuine & fresh, when your stock declines, as I can command abundance, & for no occasion so zealously.
				I beg you will remember me very affectionately to your grandson, whom I thank for his book, which I have sent to a

friend prior to my own reading.— No bookseller would touch the former pamphlet on the same subject sent by him.
				I am, my dearest sir, Your ever faithful, respectful, & devoted,

						Benjn. Vaughan

				Addressed: A son Excellence / Monsieur Franklin, / &c &c &c / a Passy, / pres Paris.


Title: Editorial Note
From:
To:

Editorial note. During the spring of 1748 GW undertook a journey that introduced him for the first time to an area which was to play an important part in his career. In March of that year he had an opportunity to join a party engaged by Lord Fairfax

   Thomas Fairfax, sixth Baron Fairfax of Cameron (1693–1781), was born at Leeds Castle, County Kent, and educated at Oriel College, Oxford. Somewhat of a recluse and misogynist, he led a quiet life at Leeds Castle until about 1733, when an awakening interest in his inheritance in America interrupted his fox hunting and horse breeding. In 1735 he went to Virginia to protect his estate against attack by the colonial legislature. Successful in his efforts, he returned to England in 1737, but in 1747 settled permanently in Virginia and for the rest of his life engaged in the development of the proprietorship. In 1752 he established Greenway Court, his permanent residence in the Shenandoah Valley, where he lived the life of a country gentleman and participated actively in the affairs of his domain. He served as a justice of the peace in all the counties created in the proprietorship and as a county lieutenant in the Virginia militia. Although he probably leaned somewhat to the British side during the Revolution, his activities were carefully neutral and he was in no way molested by the Patriots. He died at Greenway Court in 1781.

 to survey his properties on the South Branch of the Potomac River. Fairfax was the proprietor of the Northern Neck of Virginia, which encompassed the area between the Potomac and Rappahannock rivers from the Chesapeake Bay to the headwaters of the two rivers. The grant for the proprietorship of the Northern Neck was originally made in 1649 by the exiled Charles II to John Culpeper, first Baron Culpeper of Thoreaway, and others as a reward for their support. No effort was made to implement the grant during the period of Cromwell’s rule, but it was revived in 1660 when Charles II returned to England. The Culpeper interest in the proprietary passed to Lord Culpeper’s son Thomas and to other relatives. By 1662 there was evident opposition in Virginia to the grant because of its interference with headright grants made by the colony. But by 1689, Thomas, Lord Culpeper, after serving for a time as governor of Virginia, had obtained a crown renewal of the grant and had secured the rights of all the

proprietors except those of other members of the Culpeper family. Upon his death in 1689 the Northern Neck proprietorship was left to his wife and his only legitimate child, Catherine. In 1690 Catherine married Thomas Fairfax, fifth Baron Fairfax of Cameron, bringing the Northern Neck into the possession of the Fairfax family. The deaths of the fifth baron in 1710 and of Lady Culpeper in 1719 left Thomas Fairfax, sixth Baron Fairfax, the sole proprietor of the Northern Neck.

   For the involved history of the Northern Neck proprietary, see FREEMANDouglas Southall Freeman. George Washington: A Biography. 7 vols. New York, 1948–57., 1:447–525; BROWNStuart E. Brown, Jr. Virginia Baron: The Story of Thomas 6th Lord Fairfax. Berryville, Va., 1965., 26–66; HARRISON [2]Fairfax Harrison. The Proprietors of the Northern Neck: Chapters of Culpeper Genealogy. Richmond, Va., 1926.; DICKINSON [2]Josiah Look Dickinson. The Fairfax Proprietary: The Northern Neck, the Fairfax Manors and Beginnings of Warren County in Virginia. Front Royal, Va., 1959., 1–30.

 By the time Lord Fairfax had permanently settled in Virginia in 1747, there had been extensive occupation of his lands, with ensuing uneasiness on the part of the settlers concerning the validity of their claims and a desire on the part of Lord Fairfax to confirm title to his property in the area. In 1746 the western boundary of the proprietary had been surveyed, under conditions of great difficulty, and with the confirmation of the boundary the settlers began to request valid grants from the proprietor.

   For a description of the hardships endured by the surveyors of the 1746 boundary, see BROWNStuart E. Brown, Jr. Virginia Baron: The Story of Thomas 6th Lord Fairfax. Berryville, Va., 1965., 104–8; LEWISJohn W. Wayland, ed. The Fairfax Line: Thomas Lewis’s Journal of 1746. New Market, Va., 1925.. Members of the expedition included Col. William Fairfax and George William Fairfax, William Beverley, Col. Lunsford Lomax, Peter Hedgeman, Peter Jefferson, Joshua Fry, and James Genn.

 By 1747 surveyors for Fairfax were active

      in the area of the Rappahannock, the Shenandoah, and the South Branch of the Potomac. GW’s association with the powerful Fairfax family grew out of the marriage of his half brother Lawrence, owner of Mount Vernon, to Ann Fairfax, daughter of Col. William Fairfax.

   William Fairfax (1691–1757) was born in Toulston, Yorkshire, Eng., the son of Henry and Anna Harrison Fairfax. He was a first cousin of Lord Fairfax. As a young man William served briefly in the British army and held a royal appointment in the Bahamas. While he was stationed there he married Sarah Walker, daughter of Maj. Thomas Walker of the British army. In 1725 he received an appointment as collector of customs at Salem and Marblehead and moved to Massachusetts. Sarah died in 1731 and he then married Deborah Clarke of Salem. In 1734 Lord Fairfax’s perennial dissatisfaction with his land agents in Virginia led him to offer the post to his cousin, who accepted and moved to Virginia in the same year. He subsequently built Belvoir about 1741 on the banks of the Potomac near Mount Vernon.

 Whenever

possible GW escaped from the austerity of his mother’s home at Ferry Farm to the pleasant plantation life of his brother’s house. While he was staying with Lawrence at Mount Vernon, GW was a frequent visitor at Belvoir, the beautiful estate of William Fairfax some four miles from Mount Vernon. He soon became an intimate of the family and formed in particular a warm friendship with George William Fairfax,

   George William Fairfax (1724–1787) was born at Providence in the Bahamas, the son of William and Sarah Walker Fairfax, was educated in England, and returned in 1746 to America to join his father in Virginia. He frequently acted as estate agent for Lord Fairfax. He served as a burgess from Frederick County 1748–49 and 1752–55, was a colonel in the Frederick militia 1755–56, and a member of the council in 1768. In 1759 he inherited Toulston Manor in Yorkshire from his uncle. After his father’s death he was owner of Belvoir. In 1773 the Fairfaxes went to England and never returned to Virginia. During the years they lived at Belvoir they were among GW’s closest friends, and after they went to England he took on the management of their Virginia estate. His admiration for George William’s wife, the lovely and vivacious Sally Cary Fairfax, has given rise to persistent legends of romantic infatuation.

 Colonel Fairfax’s son. It was natural, therefore, when George William was sent as Lord Fairfax’s agent on a surveying trip, that GW should be asked to accompany him. It is uncertain when GW’s interest in surveying as a career began. For a time in 1746 he had considered the possibility of going to sea, but the determined opposition of his mother and her family had compelled him to seek a career closer to home.

   At first GW’s mother appeared to favor his ambition to go to sea, but she soon wavered. “I am afraid Mrs. Washington will not keep up to her first resolution. She seems to intimate a dislike to George’s going to Sea & says several Persons have told her it’s a very bad Scheme. She offers several trifling objections. . . . I find that one word against his going has more weight than ten for it” (Robert Jackson to Lawrence Washington, 18 Sept. 1746, NjMoHP: Smith Collection). In Dec. 1746 Mary Ball Washington requested advice from her brother in England, Joseph Ball. His reply of 19 May 1747 lent effective support to his sister’s campaign to keep her son at home: “I understand you are advised, and have some Thoughts of putting your son George to sea. I think he had better be put aprentice to a Tinker; for a Common Sailor before the Mast, has by no means the Common Liberty of the Subject; for they will press him from a Ship where he has 50 shillings a month and make him take Three and twenty; and cut him and staple him and use him like a Negro, or rather, like a Dog. And as for any Considerable Preferment in the Navy, it is not to be expected, there are always so many Gaping for it here, who have Interest, and he has none” (DLC: Joseph Ball Papers).

 Surveying in eighteenth-century Virginia promised a respectable and lucrative

career to a young man without a large estate. As early as Aug. 1745, in his “School Exercise Book,” GW had made notes on “Surveying or Measuring of Land,” including examples of plats with fields, trees, and streams.

   DLC:GW.

 It is probable that he received some instruction in surveying, possibly from James Genn,

   James Genn was a prominent surveyor of Prince William County. His home was on the Falmouth Road near present-day Catlett. In 1746 he had assisted in the survey of the boundaries of the Northern Neck and in 1747 had surveyed Lord Fairfax’s boundaries on the South Branch and on the Greenway Court manor. He was also an extensive landowner in Orange County; on 21 July 1748 he was issued grants in that area by Lord Fairfax for 1,080 acres (Northern Neck Deeds and Grants, Book G, 93–95, Vi Microfilm).

 before the journey over the mountains, but in any case the chance to acquire practical experience under the supervision of a skilled surveyor was not to be missed. On 11 Mar. 1748, with George William Fairfax and the rest of the surveying party, he set out for the South Branch of the Potomac. The group was led by experienced surveyor James Genn, with Henry Ashby and Richard Taylor as chainmen, Robert Ashby as marker, and William Lindsey as pilot. GW’s journal of the trip was kept in a small notebook measuring 6 × 3¼ inches. Together with the entries for the “Journey over the Mountains,” GW kept in this book accounts of the group’s surveying activities for the period. Because of changes in the terrain, most of the surveying entries are now meaningless and will be omitted from the diary.

   On the recorded grants based on these surveys James Genn’s name appears as the surveyor (see Northern Neck Deeds and Grants, Book G, Vi Microfilm).

 However, in each case the name of the person for whom the survey was made will be noted. Also contained in the notebook, but obviously dating from a somewhat later period, are random notes and memoranda, copies of correspondence, and even one poem. This material will be considered in the chronological series of the Papers.


Title: [Diary entry: 11 March 1748]
From: Washington, George
To:

Fryday March 11th. 1747/8. Began my Journey in Company with George Fairfax Esqr.; we travell’d this day 40 Miles to Mr. George Neavels in Prince William County.


Title: [Diary entry: 12 March 1748]
From: Washington, George
To:

Saturday March 12th. This Morning Mr. James Genn the surveyor came to us. We travel’d over the Blue Ridge to Capt. Ashbys on Shannondoa River. Nothing remarkable happen’d.


Title: [Diary entry: 13 March 1748]
From: Washington, George
To:

Sunday March 13. Rode to his Lordships Quarter about 4 Miles higher up the River we went through most beautiful Groves of Sugar Trees & spent the best part of the Day in admiring the Trees & richness of the Land.


Title: [Diary entry: 15 March 1748]
From: Washington, George
To:

Tuesday 15th. We set out early with Intent to Run round the sd. Land but being taken in a Rain & it Increasing very fast obliged us to return. It clearing about one oClock & our time being too Precious to Loose we a second time ventured out & Worked hard till Night & then returnd to Penningtons we got our Suppers & was Lighted in to a Room & I not being so good a Woodsman as the rest of my Company striped my self very orderly

& went in to the Bed as they call’d it when to my Surprize I found it to be nothing but a Little Straw—Matted together without Sheets or any thing else but only one Thread Bear blanket with double its Weight of Vermin such as Lice Fleas &c. I was glad to get up (as soon as the Light was carried from us) & put on my Cloths & Lay as my Companions. Had we not have been very tired, I am sure we should not have slep’d much that night. I made a Promise not to Sleep so from that time forward chusing rather to sleep in the open Air before a fire as will Appear hereafter.


Title: [Diary entry: 16 March 1748]
From: Washington, George
To:

Wednesday 16th. We set out early & finish’d about one oClock & then Travell’d up to Frederick Town where our Baggage came

  to us. We cleaned ourselves (to get Rid of the Game we had catched the Night before) & took a Review of the Town & then return’d to our Lodgings where we had a good Dinner prepar’d for us Wine & Rum Punch in Plenty & a good Feather Bed with clean Sheets which was a very agreeable regale.


Title: [Diary entry: 17 March 1748]
From: Washington, George
To:

Thursday 17th. Rain’d till Ten oClock & then clearing we reached as far as Major Campbells one of there Burgesses about 25 Miles from Town. Nothing Remarkable this day nor Night but that we had a Tolerable good Bed [to] lay on.


Title: [Diary entry: 20 March 1748]
From: Washington, George
To:

Sunday 20th. Finding the River not much abated we in the Evening Swam our horses over & carried them to Charles Polks in Maryland for Pasturage till the next Morning.


Title: [Diary entry: 21 March 1748]
From: Washington, George
To:

Monday 21st. We went over in a Canoe & Travell’d up Maryland side all the Day in a Continued Rain to Collo. Cresaps right against the Mouth of the South Branch about 40 Miles from Polks I believe the Worst Road that ever was trod by Man or Beast.


Title: [Diary entry: 25 March 1748]
From: Washington, George
To:

 Fryday 25th. 1748. Nothing Remarkable on thursday but only being with the Indians all day so shall slip it. This day left Cresaps & went up to the Mouth of Patersons Creek & there swum our Horses over got over ourselves in a Canoe & travel’d up the following Part of the Day to Abram Johnstones 15 miles from the Mouth where we camped.


Title: [Diary entry: 26 March 1748]
From: Washington, George
To:

Saterday 26. Travelld up the Creek to Solomon Hedges Esqr. one of his Majestys Justices of the Peace for the County of Frederick where we camped. When we came to Supper there was neither a Cloth upon the Table nor a Knife to eat with but as good luck would have it we had Knives of [our] own.


Title: [Diary entry: 28 March 1748]
From: Washington, George
To:

Monday 28th. Travell’d up the Branch about 30 Miles to Mr. James Rutlidge’s Horse Jockey & about 70 Miles from the Mouth.


Title: [Diary entry: 29 March 1748]
From: Washington, George
To:

Tuesday 29th. This Morning went out & Survey’d five Hundred Acres of Land & went down to one Michael Stumps on the So. Fork of the Branch. On our way Shot two Wild Turkies.


Title: [Diary entry: 30 March 1748]
From: Washington, George
To:

Wednesday 30th. This Morning began our Intended Business of Laying of Lots. We began at the Boundary Line of the Northern 10 Miles above Stumps & run of two Lots & returnd to Stumps.


Title: [Diary entry: 31 March 1748]
From: Washington, George
To:

Thursday 31st. Early this Morning one of our Men went out with the Gun & soon Returnd with two Wild Turkies. We then went to our Business. Run of three Lots & returnd to our Camping place at Stumps.


Title: A Journal of my Journey over the Mountains began Fryday the 11th. of March 1747/8
From: Washington, George
To:

Fryday March 11th. 1747/8. Began my Journey in Company with George Fairfax Esqr.; we travell’d this day 40 Miles to Mr. George Neavels in Prince William County.

   The two dates used by GW are explained by the difference between New Style and Old Style dating. Until 1752 England, Ireland, and the colonies followed the Julian Calendar (Old Style). Under England’s interpretation of the Julian Calendar the new year began on 25 Mar. Because the year under the Julian Calendar was 365 days 6 hours, by the sixteenth century a considerable surplus had accumulated, moving the vernal equinox from 21 to 11 Mar. The error was corrected in 1582 by the Gregorian Calendar (New Style), adopted by most European countries. By 1752, when Great Britain adopted the Gregorian Calendar, the displacement was 11 days.

   George Neville (Neavil) (d. 1774), a planter and land speculator, had settled on Cedar Run, then in Prince William County (now in Fauquier County), as early as 1730. Although Neville was not licensed to keep an ordinary until 1759, the location of his house at the juncture of the Carolina Road and a branch of the Dumfries Road made it a convenient stopping place for travelers. As early as 1743, Neville had acquired a tract of 181 acres in Prince William and had also made extensive purchases of land in Frederick County. In 1750 GW was engaged to survey for him some 400 acres of “Waste & ungranted Land” in Frederick belonging to the Fairfax proprietary and adjoining George William Fairfax’s property (warrant for survey, 13 Oct. 1750, DLC:GW; survey, 30 Oct. 1750, owned by Mr. Sol Feinstone, Washington Crossing, Pa.). The deed to Neville from Lord Fairfax is dated 20 Nov. 1750 (Mr. Sol Feinstone).

Saturday March 12th. This Morning Mr. James Genn the surveyor came to us. We travel’d over the Blue Ridge to Capt. Ashbys on Shannondoa River. Nothing remarkable happen’d.

   John Ashby (1707–1789) was a member of a prominent frontier family. His father, Thomas Ashby, had settled in Stafford County in 1710 and moved to what is now Fauquier County before 1748. In 1741 John Ashby married Jean Combs of Maryland and moved with his father to the banks of the Shenandoah, where the Ashby Tract lay along the river just below the mouth of Howell’s Run. He was widely known as an Indian fighter, serving as captain in the 2d Virginia Rangers which from 1752 to 1754 maintained headquarters at Fort Ashby at the juncture of the Potomac River and Patterson’s Creek. In 1752 he was elected to the Frederick Parish vestry. After Braddock’s Defeat in July 1755 Ashby carried news of the disaster to Williamsburg. He participated in the Battle of Point Pleasant in 1774 and shortly after went

      to Kentucky, where he spent several years locating and improving a grant of 2,000 acres he had received from Virginia for his services in the Indian wars.

Sunday March 13. Rode to his Lordships Quarter about 4 Miles higher up the River we went through most beautiful Groves of Sugar Trees & spent the best part of the Day in admiring the Trees & richness of the Land.

   It has usually been suggested that the party proceeded on 13 Mar. to Fairfax’s land across the Shenandoah—the area known as Greenway Court (FREEMANDouglas Southall Freeman. George Washington: A Biography. 7 vols. New York, 1948–57., 1:212–13; WRITINGSJohn C. Fitzpatrick, ed. The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1745–1799. 39 vols. Washington, D.C., 1931–44., 1:6). It is more likely that GW was referring to land owned by Lord Fairfax on the east side of the river in the vicinity of Howell’s Run (see DICKINSON [1]Josiah Look Dickinson. “The Manor of Greenway Court.” Proceedings of the Clarke County Historical Association 8 (1948): 44–55., 48–55).

Monday 14th. We sent our Baggage to Capt. Hites (near Frederick Town) went ourselves down the River about 16 Miles to Capt. Isaac Penningtons (the Land exceeding Rich & Fertile all the way produces abundance of Grain Hemp Tobacco &c.) in order to Lay of some Lands on Cates Marsh & Long Marsh.

   Jost Hite (d. 1760) was born in Strasbourg, Alsace, and emigrated to America about 1710, settling first in the vicinity of Kingston, N.Y. About 1716 he moved to Pennsylvania and in 1731 purchased a tract of nearly 40,000 acres from John and Isaac Van Meter in what soon became Frederick County, Va. In 1732 he moved to his Virginia lands with 16 other families of settlers. He was a member of the first Frederick Parish vestry. Hite was one of the leading

land speculators and developers in Frederick, eventually settling families on a tract amounting to 94,000 acres. His land purchases involved him in a dispute with Lord Fairfax over ownership of his grants. The case continued in the courts for 50 years and was settled in Hite’s favor in 1786, 26 years after his death.

   Frederick Town is now Winchester, Va.

   Isaac Pennington came to the Shenandoah Valley, probably from New Jersey, about 1734 and settled a tract of some 600 acres on the south bank of Buck Marsh Run, near present-day Berryville, Va. He was a member of the first grand jury empaneled in Frederick County in May 1744 (CARTMELLT. K. Cartmell. Shenandoah Valley Pioneers and Their Descendants: A History of Frederick County, Virginia, From its Formation in 1738 to 1908. Winchester, Va., 1909., 23). In 1750 GW surveyed a tract of land for him in Frederick County (survey for Pennington, 23 Oct. 1750, NN: George Washington Newspaper and Catalogue Clippings Box). Pennington sold his holdings in Frederick County, including most of the site of Berryville, to Gabriel Jones of Augusta County and John Hite of Frederick County in 1754 and moved to South Carolina in the fall of that year (CHAPPELEAR [1]Curtis Chappelear. “Early Grants of the Site of Berryville and Its Northern Vicinity.” Proceedings of the Clarke County Historical Association 8 (1948): 17–38., 17–18).

Tuesday 15th. We set out early with Intent to Run round the sd. Land but being taken in a Rain & it Increasing very fast obliged us to return. It clearing about one oClock & our time being too Precious to Loose we a second time ventured out & Worked hard till Night & then returnd to Penningtons we got our Suppers & was Lighted in to a Room & I not being so good a Woodsman as the rest of my Company striped my self very orderly

& went in to the Bed as they call’d it when to my Surprize I found it to be nothing but a Little Straw—Matted together without Sheets or any thing else but only one Thread Bear blanket with double its Weight of Vermin such as Lice Fleas &c. I was glad to get up (as soon as the Light was carried from us) & put on my Cloths & Lay as my Companions. Had we not have been very tired, I am sure we should not have slep’d much that night. I made a Promise not to Sleep so from that time forward chusing rather to sleep in the open Air before a fire as will Appear hereafter.

   On this day the party surveyed a tract of land for George William Fairfax on Cates Marsh and Long Marsh, the “names of small streams which flow from the foothill of North mountain to the Shenandoah river and have along their course considerable meadow or marshy land” (TONER [1]J. M. Toner, ed. Journal of My Journey Over the Mountains; by George Washington, While Surveying for Lord Thomas Fairfax, Baron of Cameron, in the Northern Neck of Virginia, beyond the Blue Ridge, in 1747–8. Albany, 1892., 26).

Wednesday 16th. We set out early & finish’d about one oClock & then Travell’d up to Frederick Town where our Baggage came

  to us. We cleaned ourselves (to get Rid of the Game we had catched the Night before) & took a Review of the Town & then return’d to our Lodgings where we had a good Dinner prepar’d for us Wine & Rum Punch in Plenty & a good Feather Bed with clean Sheets which was a very agreeable regale.

Thursday 17th. Rain’d till Ten oClock & then clearing we reached as far as Major Campbells one of there Burgesses about 25 Miles from Town. Nothing Remarkable this day nor Night but that we had a Tolerable good Bed [to] lay on.

   Andrew Campbell, who lived northwest of Winchester, was one of Frederick County’s most prominent residents. He served as one of the county’s first justices, as a member of the House of Burgesses from Frederick in 1745–47, and as the third sheriff of the county. On 2 Jan. 1744 the Frederick County court licensed Campbell and several other residents to keep ordinaries “at their respective houses” and to “furnish lodgings and food and Liquors at prices fixed by the court” (CARTMELLT. K. Cartmell. Shenandoah Valley Pioneers and Their Descendants: A History of Frederick County, Virginia, From its Formation in 1738 to 1908. Winchester, Va., 1909., 21). Campbell appears to have had a puritanical interest in preserving decorum in Frederick County. The long list of charges laid by him against various citizens range from breaking the Sabbath to “raising a riot” (see NORRIS [1]J. E. Norris, ed. History of the Lower Shenandoah Valley. 1890. Reprint. Berryville, Va., 1972., 83, 85). Retribution finally overtook him. He had served as a vestryman for Frederick Parish since 1745 but in the latter part of the decade charges were laid against him for collecting and appropriating for himself the funds collected for the use of the parish. That there was indeed chicanery afoot in the management of the parish finances is indicated in legislation passed by the House of Burgesses in Feb. 1752. “An Act for dissolving the Vestry of Frederick parish, in Frederick county” charged that the Frederick vestry had collected £1,570 on pretense of building churches in the parish and had “misapplied or converted the same to their own use, and refuse to render any account . . . to the great

impoverishment of the people” (HENINGWilliam Waller Hening, ed. The Statutes at Large; Being a Collection of All the Laws of Virginia, from the First Session of the Legislature, in the Year 1619. 13 vols. 1819–23. Reprint. Charlottesville, Va., 1969., 6:258–60). Campbell eventually “had to run away to Carolina” (MEADE [2]Everard Kidder Meade. “Frederick Parish, Virginia, 1744–1780: Its Churches, Chapels and Ministers.” Proceedings of the Clarke County Historical Association 5 (1945): 18–38.).

Fryday 18th. We Travell’d up about 35 Miles to Thomas Barwicks on Potomack where we found the River so excessively high by Reason of the Great Rains that had fallen up about the Allegany Mountains as they told us which was then bringing down the melted Snow & that it would not be fordable for severall Days it was then above Six foot Higher than usual & was Rising. We agreed to stay till Monday. We this day call’d to see the Fam’d Warm Springs. We camped out in the field this Night. Nothing Remarkable happen’d till sunday the 20th.

   Thomas Barwick (Berwick?) was settled in Frederick County as early as 1744 and served as a juror in the county court in February of that year (CARTMELLT. K. Cartmell. Shenandoah Valley Pioneers and Their Descendants: A History of Frederick County, Virginia, From its Formation in 1738 to 1908. Winchester, Va., 1909., 23).

   Warm Springs is now Bath, or Berkeley Springs, Morgan County, W.Va.

Sunday 20th. Finding the River not much abated we in the Evening Swam our horses over & carried them to Charles Polks in Maryland for Pasturage till the next Morning.

   Charles Polk had land under cultivation in the area as early as 1748 (NORRIS [1]J. E. Norris, ed. History of the Lower Shenandoah Valley. 1890. Reprint. Berryville, Va., 1972., 68).

Monday 21st. We went over in a Canoe & Travell’d up Maryland side all the Day in a Continued Rain to Collo. Cresaps right against the Mouth of the South Branch about 40 Miles from Polks I believe the Worst Road that ever was trod by Man or Beast.

   Thomas Cresap (1694–1790) was born at Skipton, Yorkshire, Eng., and immigrated to America about 1719, settling first in Maryland and later moving to the area of present-day Wrightsville, Pa. There he became a leader of the Maryland forces in the boundary dispute between Maryland and Pennsylvania, 1730–36. His Pennsylvania establishment was burned by Pennsylvanians in 1736, and he moved to the vicinity of Shawnee Old Town (now Oldtown, Md.), where he built a fortified trading post at the crossroads of a series of trails much traveled by Indians and whites. By 1749, when he was one of the organizers of the Ohio Company, Cresap was widely known throughout the frontier as a trader and land speculator, and Shawnee Old Town had become one of the leading frontier trading posts. Cresap acted as a surveyor and agent for the Ohio Company and helped lay out the company’s road from Wills Creek to the Monongahela. He supported the Patriot cause during the American Revolution, in which his more famous son Michael played a leading role on the frontier.

Tuesday 22d. Continued Rain and the Freshes kept us at Cresaps.

Wednesday 23d. Rain’d till about two oClock & Clear’d when we were agreeably surpris’d at the sight of thirty odd Indians coming from War with only one Scalp. We had some Liquor with us of which we gave them Part it elevating there Spirits put them in the Humour of Dauncing of whom we had a War Daunce. There Manner of Dauncing is as follows Viz. They clear a Large Circle & make a great Fire in the Middle then seats themselves around it the Speaker makes a grand Speech telling them in what Manner they are to Daunce after he has finish’d the best Dauncer Jumps up as one awaked out of a Sleep & Runs & Jumps about the Ring in a most comicle Manner he is followd by the Rest then begins there Musicians to Play the Musick is a Pot half of Water with a Deerskin Streched over it as tight as it can & a goard with some Shott in it to Rattle & a Piece of an horses Tail tied to it to make it look fine the one keeps Rattling and the other Drumming all the While the others is Dauncing.

Fryday 25th. 1748. Nothing Remarkable on thursday but only being with the Indians all day so shall slip it. This day left Cresaps & went up to the Mouth of Patersons Creek & there swum our Horses over got over ourselves in a Canoe & travel’d up the following Part of the Day to Abram Johnstones 15 miles from the Mouth where we camped.

   Patterson’s Creek flows into the Potomac about 12 miles below Cumberland, Md. It rises in Grant County, W.Va.

   Abram Johnson received a deed to 309 acres on Patterson’s Creek on 26 Oct. 1748 (Northern Neck Deeds and Grants, Book G, 141, Vi Microfilm).

Saterday 26. Travelld up the Creek to Solomon Hedges Esqr. one of his Majestys Justices of the Peace for the County of Frederick where we camped. When we came to Supper there was neither a Cloth upon the Table nor a Knife to eat with but as good luck would have it we had Knives of [our] own.

   Solomon Hedges. usually called Squire Hedges, a justice of the peace for Frederick County, was a member of a Quaker family from Maryland who were early settlers in Frederick. Hedges was living in the county as early as 1744, when he served on the first grand jury for Frederick in May of that year.

Sunday 27th. Travell’d over to the South Branch (attended with the Esqr.) to Henry Vanmetriss in order to go about Intended Work of Lots.

   The Van Meter family was among the earliest settlers in the Shenandoah Valley. John Van Meter, a New York state Indian trader who carried on an extensive trade among the Delaware Indians, visited Virginia about 1725. With his encouragement his sons Isaac and John obtained extensive grants of land on the South Branch of the Potomac and in the lower Shenandoah Valley in 1730 and brought in a number of settlers. It was their sale of a portion of their lands to Jost Hite in 1731 which precipitated the latter’s legal entanglements with Lord Fairfax. Henry Van Meter, who died about 1759, was a son of Isaac and a nephew of John. He received a deed for 405 acres on the South Branch on 7 June 1749 (Northern Neck Deeds and Grants, Book G, 187, Vi Microfilm). For an account of the Van Meter family, see W.Va. Hist. Mag., 2, no. 2 (April 1902), 5–18.

Monday 28th. Travell’d up the Branch about 30 Miles to Mr. James Rutlidge’s Horse Jockey & about 70 Miles from the Mouth.

   On 29 Mar. the party surveyed a tract of land for James Rutledge (surveying notes, DLC:GW). Rutledge acquired 500 acres in Frederick County in May 1748 (Northern Neck Deeds and Grants, Book G, 56, Vi Microfilm). He was presumably a member of the family that had settled on the South Branch as early as 1734 or 1735.

Tuesday 29th. This Morning went out & Survey’d five Hundred Acres of Land & went down to one Michael Stumps on the So. Fork of the Branch. On our way Shot two Wild Turkies.

   Michael Stump, Sr. (1709–1768), received a grant for Lot No. 3, on the South Fork of the South Branch of the Potomac, on 8 Sept. 1749 (Northern Neck Deeds and Grants, Book G, 227, Vi Microfilm).

Wednesday 30th. This Morning began our Intended Business of Laying of Lots. We began at the Boundary Line of the Northern 10 Miles above Stumps & run of two Lots & returnd to Stumps.

   On this day the party surveyed tracts for Peter Reid, Anthony Regar, Harmon Shoker, and Elias Cellars (surveying notes, DLC:GW).

Thursday 31st. Early this Morning one of our Men went out with the Gun & soon Returnd with two Wild Turkies. We then went to our Business. Run of three Lots & returnd to our Camping place at Stumps.


Title: [Diary entry: 1 April 1748]
From: Washington, George
To:

Fryday April the 1st. 1748. This Morning Shot twice at Wild Turkies but killd none. Run of three Lots & returnd to Camp.


Title: [Diary entry: 2 April 1748]
From: Washington, George
To:

Saterday April 2d. Last Night was a blowing & Rainy night. Our Straw catch’d a Fire that we were laying upon & was luckily Preserv’d

by one of our Mens awaking when it was in a ⟨   ⟩ We run of four Lots this day which Reached below Stumps.


Title: [Diary entry: 3 April 1748]
From: Washington, George
To:

Sunday 3d. Last Night was a much more blostering night than the former. We had our Tent Carried Quite of with the Wind and was obliged to Lie the Latter part of the Night without covering. There came several Persons to see us this day one of our Men Shot a Wild Turkie.


Title: [Diary entry: 4 April 1748]
From: Washington, George
To:

Monday 4th. This morning Mr. Fairfax left us with Intent to go down to the Mouth of the Branch. We did two Lots & was attended by a great Company of People Men Women & Children that attended us through the Woods as we went shewing there Antick tricks. I really think they seem to be as Ignorant a Set of People as the Indians. They would never speak English but when spoken to they speak all Dutch. This day our Tent was blown down by the Violentness of the Wind.


Title: [Diary entry: 7 April 1748]
From: Washington, George
To:

Thursday 7th. Rain’d Successively all Last Night. This Morning one of our men Killed a Wild Turky that weight 20 Pounds. We went & Surveyd 15 Hundred Acres of Land & Returnd to Vanmetris’s about 1 oClock. About two I heard that Mr. Fairfax was come up & at 1 Peter Casseys about 2 Miles of in the same Old Field. I then took my Horse & went up to see him. We eat our Dinners & Walked down to Vanmetris’s. We stayed about two Hours & Walked back again and slept in Casseys House which was the first Night I had slept in a House since I came to the Branch.


Title: [Diary entry: 8 April 1748]
From: Washington, George
To:

Fryday 8th. We breakfasted at Casseys & Rode down to Vanmetris’s to get all our Company together which when we had accomplished we Rode down below the Trough in order to Lay of Lots there. We laid of one this day. The Trough is couple of Ledges of Mountain Impassable running side & side together for above 7 or 8 Miles & the River down between them. You must Ride Round the back of the Mountain for to get below them. We Camped this Night in the Woods near a Wild Meadow where was a Large Stack of Hay. After we had Pitched our Tent & made a very Large Fire we pull’d out our Knapsack in order to Recruit ourselves. Every[one] was his own Cook. Our Spits was Forked Sticks our Plates was a Large Chip as for Dishes we had none.


Title: [Diary entry: 10 April 1748]
From: Washington, George
To:

 Sunday 10th. We took our farewell of the Branch & travelld over Hills and Mountains to 1 Coddys on Great Cacapehon about 40 Miles.


Title: [Diary entry: 11 April 1748]
From: Washington, George
To:

Monday 11th. We Travell’d from Coddys down to Frederick Town where we Reached about 12 oClock. We dined in Town and then went to Capt. Hites & Lodged.


Title: [Diary entry: 13 April 1748]
From: Washington, George
To:

Wednesday the 13th. of April 1748. Mr. Fairfax got safe home and I myself safe to my Brothers which concludes my Journal.


Title: Note on the Digital Edition of This Chapter
From:
To:

This diary chapter includes JPEG images of print edition pages 38–117, the facsimiles of the manuscript fragments for the Barbados Diary. The section “[Manuscript Facsimiles and Transcriptions]” links to about 6 MB of graphics files, and will take some time to load on slower connections.