Title: The Continentalist No. V, [18 April 1782]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To:

[Fishkill, New York, April 18, 1782]

The vesting Congress with the power of regulating trade ought to have been a principal object of the confederation for a variety of reasons. It is as necessary for the purposes of commerce as of revenue. There are some, who maintain, that trade will regulate itself, and is not to be benefitted by the encouragements, or restraints of government. Such persons will imagine, that there is no need of a common directing power. This is one of those wild speculative paradoxes, which have grown into credit among us, contrary to the uniform practice and sense of the most enlightened nations. Contradicted by the numerous institutions and laws, that exist every where for the benefit of trade, by the pains taken to cultivate particular branches and to discourage others, by the known advantages derived from those measures, and by the palpable evils that would attend their discontinuance—it must be rejected by every man acquainted with commercial history. Commerce, like other things, has its fixed principles, according to which it must be regulated; if these are understood and observed, it will be promoted by the attention of government, if unknown, or violated, it will be injured—but it is the same with every other part of administration.
To preserve the ballance of trade in favour of a nation ought to be a leading aim of its policy. The avarice of individuals may frequently find its account in pursuing channels of traffic prejudicial to that ballance, to which the government may be able to oppose effectual impediments. There may, on the other hand, be a possibility of opening new sources, which, though accompanied with great difficulties in the commencement, would in the event amply reward the trouble and expence of bringing them to perfection. The undertaking may often exceed the influence and capitals of individuals; and may require no small assistance, as well from the revenue, as from the authority of the state.
The contrary opinion, which has grown into a degree of vogue among us, has originated in the injudicious attempts made at different times to effect a REGULATION of PRICES. It became a cant phrase among the opposers of these attempts, that TRADE MUST REGULATE ITSELF; by which at first was only meant that it had its fundamental laws, agreeable to which its general operations must be directed; and that any violent attempts in opposition to these would commonly miscarry. In this sense the maxim was reasonable; but it has since been extended to militate against all interference by the sovereign; an extreme as little reconcileable with experience, or common sense, as the practice it was first framed to discredit.
The reasonings of a very ingenious and sensible writer,

   Hume. Essay Jealousy of Trade.

 by being misapprehended, have contributed to this mistake. The scope of his argument is not, as by some supposed, that trade will hold a certain invariable course independent on the aid, protection, care or concern of government; but that it will, in the main, depend upon the comparative industry moral and physical advantages of nations; and that though, for a while, from extraordinary causes, there may be a wrong ballance against one of them, this will work its own cure, and things will ultimately return to their proper level. His object was to combat that excessive jealousy on this head, which has been productive of so many unnecessary wars, and with which the British nation is particularly interested; but it was no part of his design to insinuate that the regulating hand of government was either useless, or hurtful. The nature of a government, its spirit, maxims and laws, with respect to trade, are among those constant moral causes, which influence its general results, and when it has by accident taken a wrong direction, assist in bringing it back to its natural course. This is every where admitted by all writers upon the subject; nor is there one who has asserted a contrary doctrine.
Trade may be said to have taken its rise in England under the auspices of Elizabeth; and its rapid progress there is in a great measure to be ascribed to the fostering care of government in that and succeeding reigns.
From a different spirit in the government, with superior advantages, France was much later in commercial improvements, nor would her trade have been at this time in so prosperous a condition had it not been for the abilities and indefatigable endeavours of the great COLBERT. He laid the foundation of the French commerce, and taught the way to his successors to enlarge and improve it. The establishment of the woolen manufacture, in a kingdom, where nature seemed to have denied the means, is one among many proofs, how much may be effected in favour of commerce by the attention and patronage of a wise administration. The number of useful edicts passed by Louis the 14th, and since his time, in spite of frequent interruptions from the jealous enmity of Great Britain, has advanced that of France to a degree which has excited the envy and astonishment of its neighbours.
The Dutch, who may justly be allowed a pre-eminence in the knowledge of trade, have ever made it an essential object of state. Their commercial regulations are more rigid and numerous, than those of any other country; and it is by a judicious and unremitted vigilance of government, that they have been able to extend their traffic to a degree so much beyond their natural and comparitive advantages.
Perhaps it may be thought, that the power of regulation will be left placed in the governments of the several states, and that a general superintendence is unnecessary. If the states had distinct interests, were unconnected with each other, their own governments would then be the proper and could be the only depositaries of such a power; but as they are parts of a whole with a common interest in trade, as in other things, there ought to be a common direction in that as in all other matters. It is easy to conceive, that many cases may occur, in which it would be beneficial to all the states to encourage, or suppress a particular branch of trade, while it would be detrimental to either to attempt it without the concurrence of the rest, and where the experiment would probably be left untried for fear of a want of that concurrence.
No mode can be so convenient as a source of revenue to the United States. It is agreed that imposts on trade, when not immoderate, or improperly laid, is one of the most eligible species of taxation. They fall in a great measure upon articles not of absolute necessity, and being partly transferred to the price of the commodity, are so far imperceptibly paid by the consumer. It is therefore that mode which may be exercised by the fœderal government with least exception or disgust. Congress can easily possess all the information necessary to impose the duties with judgment, and the collection can without difficulty be made by their own officers.
They can have no temptation to abuse this power, because the motive of revenue will check its own extremes. Experience has shown that moderate duties are more productive than high ones. When they are low, a nation can trade abroad on better terms— its imports and exports will be larger—the duties will be regularly paid, and arising on a greater quantity of commodities, will yield more in the aggregate, than when they are so high as to operate either as a prohibition, or as an inducement to evade them by illicit practices.
It is difficult to assign any good reason why Congress should be more liable to abuse the powers with which they are intrusted than the state-assemblies. [The frequency of the election of the members is a full security against a dangerous ambition, and the rotation established by the confederation makes it impossible for any state, by continuing the same men, who may put themselves at the head of a prevailing faction, to maintain for any length of time an undue influence in the national councils. It is to be presumed, that Congress will be in general better composed for abilities, and as well for integrity as any assembly on the continent.
But to take away any temptation from a cabal to load particular articles, which are the principal objects of commerce to particular states, with a too great proportion of duties, to ease the others in the general distributions of expence; let all the duties whether for regulation or revenue, raised in each state, be creditted to that state, and let it in like manner be charged for all the bounties paid within itself for the encouragement of agriculture, manufactures, or trade. This expedient will remove the temptation; for as the quotas of the respective states are to be determined by a standard of land, agreeable to the  article of the confederation, each will have so much the less to contribute otherwise as it pays more on its commerce.
An objection has been made in a late instance to this principle. It has been urged, that as the consumer pays the duty, those states which are not equally well situated for foreign commerce, and which consume a great part of the imports of their neighbours, will become contributors to a part of their taxes. This objection is rather specious, than solid.
The maxim, that the consumer pays the duty has been admitted in theory with too little reserve; frequently contradicted in practice. It is true, the merchant will be unwilling to let the duty be a deduction from his profits, if the state of the market will permit him to incorporate it with the price of his commodity. But this is often not practicable. It turns upon the quantity of goods at market in proportion to the demand. When the latter exceeds the former, and the competition is among the buyers, the merchant can easily increase his price and make his customers pay the duty. When the reverse is the case, and the competition is among the sellers, he must then content himself with smaller profits, and lose the value of the duty or at least of a part of it. Where a nation has a flourishing and well settled trade this more commonly happens than may be imagined, and it will, many times, be found that the duty is divided between the merchant and the consumer.
Besides this consideration, which greatly diminishes the force of the objection, there is another which intirely destroys it. There is strong reciprocal influence between the prices of all commodities in a state, by which they, sooner or later, attain a pretty exact ballance and proportion to each other. If the immediate productions of the soil rise, the manufacturer will have more for his manufacture, the merchant for his goods; and the same will happen with whatever class the increase of price begins. If duties are laid upon the imports in one state, by which the prices of foreign articles are raised, the products of land and labour within that state will take a proportionable rise; and if a part of those articles are consumed in a neighbouring state, it will have the same influence there as at home. The importing state must allow an advanced price upon the commodities, which it receives in exchange from its neighbor in a ratio to the increased price of the article it sells. To know then which is the gainer or loser, we must examine how the general ballance of trade stands between them. If the importing state takes more of the commodities of its neighbour, than it gives in exchange, that will be the loser by the reciprocal augmentation of prices—it will be the gainer, if it takes less—and neither will gain, or lose, if the barter is carried on upon equal terms. The ballance of trade, and consequently the gain, or loss, in this respect will be governed more by the relative industry and frugality of the parties, than by their relative advantages for foreign commerce.
Between separate nations, this reasoning will not apply with full force, because a multitude of local and extraneous circumstances may counteract the principal; but from the intimate connections of these states, the similitude of governments, situations, customs, manners—political and commercial causes will have nearly the same operation in the intercourse between the states, as in that between the different parts of the same state. If this should be controverted, the objection drawn from] the hypothesis of the consumer paying the duty must fall at the same time: For as far as this is true it is as much confined in its application to a state within itself, as the doctrine of a reciprocal proportion of prices.
General principles in subjects of this nature ought always to be advanced with caution; in an experimental analysis there are found such a number of exceptions as tend to render them very doubtful; and in questions which affect the existence and collective happiness of these states, all nice and abstract distinctions should give way to plainer interests and to more obvious and simple rules of conduct.
But the objection which has been urged ought to have no weight on another account. Which are the states, that have not sufficient advantages for foreign commerce, and that will not in time be their own carriers? Connecticut and Jersey are the least maritime of the whole; yet the sound which washes the coast of Connecticut has an easy outlet to the ocean, affords a number of harbours and bays, very commodious for trading vessels. New-London may be a receptacle for merchantmen of almost any burthen; and the fine rivers with which the state is intersected, by facilitating the transportation of commodities to and from every part, are extremely favorable both to its domestic and foreign trade. Jersey, by way of Amboy has a shorter communication with the ocean, than the city of NewYork. Princes bay, which may serve as an out port to it, will admit and shelter in winter and summer vessels of any size. Egg-harbour on its southern coast is not to be despised. The Delaware may be made as subservient to its commerce as to that of Pennsylvania, Gloucester, Burlington, and Trenton, being all conveniently situated on that river. The United Provinces with inferior advantages of position to either of these states, have for centuries held the first rank among commercial nations.
The want of large trading cities has been sometimes objected as an obstacle to the commerce of these states; but this is a temporary deficiency that will repair itself with the encrease of population and riches. The reason that the states in question have hitherto carried on little foreign trade, is that they have found it equally beneficial to purchase the commodities imported by their neighbours. If the imposts on trade should work an inconvenience to them, it will soon cease by making it their interest to trade abroad.
It is too much characteristic of our national temper to be ingenious in finding out and magnifying the minutest disadvantages, and to reject measures of evident utility even of necessity to avoid trivial and sometimes imaginary evils. We seem not to reflect, that in human society, there is scarcely any plan, however salutary to the whole and to every part, by the share, each has in the common prosperity, but in one way, or another, and under particular circumstances, will operate more to the benefit of some parts, than of others. Unless we can overcome this narrow disposition and learn to estimate measures, by their general tendency, we shall never be a great or a happy people, if we remain a people at all.


Title: Army Agreement Certified by Alexander Hamilton, 30 April 1782
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Schuyler, Philip,Duer, William
To:

[Albany] April 30, 1782. Certifies a contract made by Philip Schuyler, on behalf of the United States, and William Duer, contractor for the posts “north of Poughkeepsie in the State of NewYork,” for supplying the Army with meat.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Vicomte de Noailles, [April–June 1782]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Noailles, Vicomte de

[April–June, 1782]

Esteem for your talents and acquirements, is a sentiment which from my earliest acquaintance with you, my dear viscount, I have shared in common with all those who have the happiness of knowing you; but a better knowledge of your character has given it in my eyes a more intrinsic merit, and has attached me to you by a friendship founded upon qualities as rare as they are estimable. Averse as I am to professions, I cannot forbear indulging this declaration, to express to you the pleasure I feel at receiving, after an inexplicable delay, the letter you were so obliging as to write me before your departure from Boston. It was of that kind which is always produced by those attentions of friends we value, which, not being invited by circumstances nor necessitated by the forms of society, bespeak the warmth of the heart; at least, my partiality for you makes me fond of viewing it in this light, and I cherish the opinion.
I was chagrined to find that you left us with an intention not to return. Though I should be happy if, by a removal of the war, this country should cease to be a proper theatre for your exertions, yet if it continues to be so, I hope you will find sufficient motives to change your resolution. Wherever you are, you will be useful and distinguished; but the ardent desire I have of meeting you again, makes me wish America may be your destination. I would willingly do it in France, as you invite me to do; but the prospect of this is remote. I must make a more solid establishment here before I can conveniently go abroad. There is no country I have a greater curiosity to see, or which I am persuaded would be so interesting to me, as yours. I should be happy to renew and improve the valuable acquaintances from thence which this war has given me an opportunity of making; and though I would not flatter myself with deriving any advantage from it, I am persuaded it is there I should meet with the greatest number of those you describe, who, &c.: but considerations of primary importance will oblige me to submit to the mortification of deferring my visit.
In the mean time, I should be too much the gainer by a communication with you, not gladly to embrace the offer you so politely make for writing to each other.
The period since you left us has been too barren of events to enable me to impart any thing worth attention. The enemy continues in possession of Charleston and Savannah, and leaves us master of the rest of the country. It is said the assemblies of the two invaded states are about meeting to restore the administration of government. This will be a step to strengthening the hands of General Greene and counteracting the future intrigues of the enemy. Many are sanguine in believing that all the southern posts will be evacuated, and that a fleet of transports is actually gone to bring the garrisons away; for my part, I have doubts upon the subject. My politics are, that while the present ministry can maintain their seats and procure supplies, they will prosecute the war on the mere chance of events; and that while this is the plan, they will not evacuate posts so essential as points of departure, from whence, on any favourable turn of affairs, to renew their attack on our most vulnerable side; nor would they relinquish objects that would be so useful to them, should the worst happen in a final negotiation. Clinton, it is said, is cutting a canal across New-York island, through the low ground about a mile and a half from the city. This will be an additional obstacle; but if we have otherwise the necessary means to operate, it will not be an insurmountable one. I do not hear that he is constructing any other new works of consequence. To you who are so thoroughly acquainted with the military posture of things in this country, I need not say that the activity of the next campaign must absolutely depend on effectual succours from France. I am convinced we shall have a powerful advocate in you. La Fayette, we know, will bring the whole house with him if he can.
There has been no material change in our internal situation since you left us. The capital successes we have had, have served rather to increase the hopes than the exertions of the particular states. But in one respect we are in a mending way. Our financier has hitherto conducted himself with great ability, has acquired an entire personal confidence, revived in some measure the public credit, and is conciliating fast the support of the moneyed men.

His operations have hitherto hinged chiefly on the seasonable aids from your country; but he is urging the establishment of permanent funds among ourselves; and though, from the nature and temper of our governments, his applications will meet with a dilatory compliance, it is to be hoped they will by degrees succeed. The institution of a bank has been very serviceable to him. The commercial interest, finding great advantages in it, and anticipating much greater, is disposed to promote the plan; and nothing but moderate funds, permanently pledged for the security of lenders, is wanting to make it an engine of the most extensive and solid utility.
By the last advices, there is reason to believe the delinquent states will shortly comply with the requisition of congress for a duty on our imports. This will be a great resource to Mr. Morris, but it will not alone be sufficient.
Upon the whole, however, if the war continues another year, it will be necessary that congress should again recur to the generosity of France for pecuniary assistance. The plans of the financier cannot be so matured as to enable us by any possibility to dispense with this; and if he should fail for want of support, we must replunge into that confusion and distress which had like to have proved fatal to us, and out of which we are slowly emerging. The cure in a relapse would be infinitely more difficult than ever.
I have given you an uninteresting but a faithful sketch of our situation. You may expect from time to time to receive from me the progress of our affairs, and I know you will overpay me.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Robert Morris, 2 May 1782
From: Morris, Robert
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Office of FinancePhilda. May 2d. 1782
Sir

Mr. Charles Stewart late Commissary general of Issues has informed me ⟨that⟩ you are disposed to quit the military line for the purpose of ⟨en⟩tering into civil life. He at the same time induced me to believe ⟨that⟩ you would accept of the Office of Receiver of the continental taxes ⟨for⟩ the state of New York. The intention of this letter is to offer you that ⟨app⟩ointment. The duties of the Office will appear in a great degree from the publications made by me on this subject. In addition it will be necessary that you correspond with me frequently and give accurate accounts of whatever may be passing in your State which it may be necessary for this Office to be acquainted with. But this and other things of that sort will be more fully communicated after you shall have signifyed your acceptance of the Office. For the trouble of executing it I shall allow you one fourth pr Cent on the monies you receive. The amount of the quota called for from New York for the current year is as you know three hundred and seventy three thousand, five hundred and ninety eight Dollars. I shall be glad to know your determination as soon as possible. I make to you no professions of my confidence and esteem because I hope ⟨they⟩ are unnecessary, but if they are, my wish that you would accept the Offer I make is the Strongest evidence I can give of them.
I pray you Sir to believe me very respectfully    Your most Obedi⟨ent⟩ and Humble ⟨Servant⟩

Robt. Morris


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Robert Morris, 4 May 1782
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Morris, Robert

[Albany, May 4, 1782. On May 20, 1782, Morris wrote to Hamilton: “I have received your Letter of the fourth Instant.” Letter not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Robert Morris, 15 May 1782
From: Morris, Robert
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Philadelphia, May 15, 1782. Sends a circular to the “Receivers of Taxes Eastward of Hudsons River” instructing them on the manner of transmitting notes, bank notes, and Morris notes to the Office of Finance in Philadelphia. Appoints John Brown of Philadelphia “Messenger by whom you are from Time to Time to transmit the Bank Notes which you may receive.”


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Robert Morris, 18 May 1782
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Morris, Robert

Albany May 18. 17⟨82⟩
Sir

I had this day the honor of receiving your letter of the 2d. instant and am much obliged by the mark of your confidence, which it contains; and to Col Stewart for his friendly intentions upon the occasion.
My military situation has indeed become so negative that I have no motive to continue in it; and if my services could be of importance to the public in any civil line I should chearfully obey its command. But the plan which I have marked out to myself is the profession of the law; and I am now engaged in a course of studies for that purpose. Time is so precious to me that I could not put myself in the way of any interruptions unless for an object of consequence to the public or to myself. The present is not of this nature. Such are the circumstances of this state, the benefit arising from the office you propose would not during the war exceed yearly one hundred pounds; for unfortunately, I am persuaded it will not pay annually into the Continental treasury above forty thousand pounds; and on a peace establishment this will not be for sometime to come much more than doubled. You will perceive Sir that an engagement of this kind does not correspond with my views and does not afford a sufficient inducement to relinquish them.
I am not the less sensible to the obliging motives which dictated the offer, and it will be an additional one to that respect and esteem with which I have the honor to be very truly Sir    Yr. most Obed & humble servant


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Robert Morris, 20 May 1782
From: Morris, Robert
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Office of Finance [Philadelphia] 20 May 1782
Sir,

I have received your Letter of the fourth Instant and am very much obliged by the Attention shewn to the Subject of it. Your Sentiments on the Occasion I entirely approve and indeed before this reaches you you will probably have seen that the Letter has been republished in one of the Philadelphia Papers. I should readily consent to the Publication of many others which I have written on the same Subject and am fearless of any Injury they can do us abroad. Foreigners are already acquainted with our Circumstances and so are our Enemy. The People are kept in Ignorance of their true Interests by those Men who having little Objects of their own in View are regardless of the general Cause.
I am Sir    your most obedient and humble servant

RM.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Robert Morris, 4 June 1782
From: Morris, Robert
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Office of Finance [Philadelphia] 4th. June 1782
Sir

I have received your favor of the eighteenth of May. I am much obliged by the friendly Sentiments you express for me which be assured I shall retain a gratefull Sense of. I see with you that the Office I had the Pleasure of Offering will not be equal to what your own Abilities will gain in the Profession of the Law but I did intend that the whole Sum should have been paid altho the whole quota of the Taxes had not been collected by the state, consequently the object is greater than you supposed and the business might probably be effected without more attention than you could spare from your Studies, if so, I should still be happy in your acceptance and will leave the Matter open untill I have an Opportunity of hearing from you upon the Subject.
I pray you to believe that I am with unfained Esteem    Your Most Obedient Servant

Robt. Morris
Colo Alexr. Hamilton at Albany


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Major General Henry Knox, [7 June 1782]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Knox, Henry

[Albany, June 7, 1782]
Dr. General

We are told here that there is a British officer coming on from Cornwallis’s army to be executed by way of retaliation for the murder of Capt Huddy. As this appears to me clearly to be an ill-timed proceeding, and if persisted in will be derogatory to the national character I cannot forbear communicating to you my ideas upon the subject. A sacrifice of this sort is intirely repugnant to the genius of the age we live in and is without example in modern history nor can it fail to be considered in Europe as wanton and unnecessary. It appears that the enemy (from necessity I grant but the operation is the same) have changed their system and adopted a more humane one; and therefore the only justifying motive of retaliation, the preventing a repetition of cruelty, ceases. But if this were not the case, so solemn and deliberate a sacrifice of the innocent for the guilty must be condemned on the present received notions of humanity, and encourage an opinion that we are in a certain degree in a state of barbarism. Our affairs are now in a prosperous train, and so vigorous, I would rather say so violent a measure would want the plea of necessity. It would argue meanness in us that at this late stage of the war, in the midst of success, we should suddenly depart from that temper with which we have all along borne with as great and more frequent provocations. The death of André could not have been dispensed with; but it must still be viewed at a distance as an act of rigid justice; if we wreak our resentment on an innocent person, it will be suspected that we are too fond of executions. I am persuaded it will have an influence peculiarly unfavourable to the General’s character.
If it is seriously believed that in this advanced state of affairs retaliation is necessary let another mode be chose. Let under actors be employed and let the authority by which it is done be wrapt in obscurity and doubt. Let us endeavour to make it fall upon those who have had a direct or indirect share in the guilt. Let not the Commander in Chief considered as the first and most respectable character among us come forward in person and be the avowed author of an act at which every humane feeling revolts. Let us at least have as much address as the enemy, and, if we must have victims, appoint some obscure agents to perform the ceremony, and bear the odium which must always attend even justice itself when directed by extreme severity.
For my own part my Dear Sir I think a business of this complexion intirely out of season. The time for it, if there ever was one, is past.
But it is said the Commander in Chief has pledged himself for it and cannot recede. Inconsistency in this case would be better than consistency. But pretexts may be found and will be readily admitted in favour of humanity. Carelton will in all probability do something like apology and concession. He will give assurances of preventing everything of the kind in future. Let the General appear to be satisfied with these assurances. The steps Carleton is said to have taken to suppress the refugee incursions will give the better color to lenity.
I address myself to you upon this occasion because I know your liberality and your influence with the General. If you are of my opinion I am sure you will employ it—if it should not be too late. I would not think a letter necessary, but I know how apt men are to be actuated by the circumstances which immediately surround them and to be led into an approbation of measures which in another situation they would disapprove. Mrs. Hamilton joins me in compliments to Mrs. Knox; believe me to be very truly & Affecty Dr. Sir    Yr. Obed ser

A Hamilton
Albany   June 7   82


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Robert Morris, [17 June 1782]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Morris, Robert

[Albany, June 17, 1782]
Sir,

The letter, which you did me the honor to write me of the 4th. instant came to my hands too late to permit me to answer it by the return of the same post. The explanation you give of your intention in your late offer makes it an object that will fully compensate for the time it will deduct from my other occupations. In accepting it I have only one scruple, arising from a doubt whether the service I can render in the present state of things will be an equivalent for the compensation. The whole system (if it may be so called) of taxation in this state is radically vicious, burthensome to the people and unproductive to government. As the matter now stands there seems to be little for a Continental Receiver to do. The whole business appears to be thrown into the hands of the County treasurers, nor do I find that there is any appropriation made of any part of the taxes collected to Continental purposes, or any provision to authorise payment to the officer you appoint. This however must be made. There is only one way in which I can imagine a prospect of being materially useful that is in seconding your applications to the State. In popular assemblies much may sometimes be brought about by personal discussions, by entering into details and combating objections as they rise. If it should at any time be thought adviseable by you to empower me to act in this capacity, I shall be happy to do every thing that depends on me to effectuate your views. I flatter myself, to you Sir, I need not profess that I suggest this not from a desire to augment the importance of office but to advance the public interest.
It is of primary moment to me as soon as possible to take my station in the law, and on this consideration I am pressing to qualify myself for admission the next term which will be the latter end of July. After this if you should think an interview with me necessary I will wait upon you in Philadelphia. In the mean time I shall be happy to receive your instructions, and shall direct my attention more particularly to acquiring whatever information may be useful to my future operations. I have read your publications at different times; but as I have not the papers containing them in my possession, it will be necessary that their contents should be comprized in your instructions. A meeting of the Legislature is summoned early in the next month at which, if I previously receive your orders, it may be possible to put matters in train.
I am truly indebted to you Sir, for the disposition you have manifested upon this occasion; and I shall only add an assurance of my endeavours to justify your confidence and prove to you the sincerity of that respectful attachment with which I am Sir    Yr most Obed serv

AH
Albany June 17. 1782


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Marquis de Lafayette, 29 June 1782
From: Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Paris June the 29th 1782
My dear Hamilton

How it Happens that I still am in Paris, I Hardly Can Myself Conceive and What is More Surprising, there are two frigates Going, Neither of Which Will Carry Your friend to America. Don’t think However, dear Hamilton, I Am So Much Alterd as to Be Kept Here By pleasure or private Affairs. But in the present Circumstances the American Ministers Have insisted Upon My Remaining some time longer at this Court Where they Say I May Render Myself More Useful to our Cause than I Can possibly Be in America during an Inactive Campaign. My Return However is only deferd for a few weeks, and after some Answers Have Arrived from England, Which I think will discover the views of, But Not Yet Produce a Reconciliation With Great Britain, I intend embarking for Philadelphia where I Hope to land in the first days of September.
This stroke of Count de Grasse Has Greatly deranged My schemes. I Hoped for 40 [Charles Town] and perhaps for Better than that—But Nothing Untill 6 [Jamaica] was done. 40 [Chs. Town] I much expected. 9 [The Spaniards] don’t like 54 [America]. We must previously Have 40 [Chs. Town], and then to put them in good Humour do some thing about 8 [West Indies]. Both of which are not yet done, and after that I Hope—But at all events this Campaign will Be Very inactive, I think. However they are going to take Gibraltar, and Will Gather So Many Means of doing of it, that it is Said they will Succeed. After this trial, the forces of the House of Bourbon will Be distributed with a Better scale. 46 [Negotiations] is Going, and 47 [Peace] expected, But not, I think, immediately.
You have a good Chance, and I Believe You Have time to Be one of the 125 [Commissioners]. Jefferson does not Come. Mr Laurens, I am told, intends to Return Home, and I Cannot Conceive, (entre nous) what He is About. Mr Adams thinks His presence is Wanting in Holland. I thought I Had Better Give You these intelligences.
Not a Word from You, Since we parted in Virginia, But I am a Good Natured Man and Will not Get tired to speak to a deaf Man. My Best Respects to Your Amiable lady—to Mrs Carter, Mrs Schuyler, Miss Peggy. My affectionate Compliments to your old father in law.
Adieu, Most affectionately Your forever    devoted friend

Lafayette


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Robert Morris, 2 July 1782
From: Morris, Robert
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Office of Finance [Philadelphia] 2 July 1782
Sir,

I yesterday received your Letter of the seventeenth of June and am very happy to find you have determined to accept the office I had the Pleasure of offering to you. I enclose the commission, Instructions &ca. together with a Bond for Performance of the Duties which I must request you to fill up, execute with some sufficient Surety and transmit. The complaint you make of the System of taxation, in New York might I beleive very justly be extended, for tho’ it may be more defective in some than in others it is I fear very far from perfect in any. I had already heard that no part of the Taxes were appropriated to continental Purposes, but I expect that the Legislature will when they meet make such appropriations as well as lay new and I hope Productive Taxes for the purposes of Paying what may remain of their quotas. It gives me a singular pleasure to find that you have yourself pointed out one of the principal objects of your appointment. You will find that it is specified in the Enclosure of the fifteenth of April. I do not conceive that any interview will be necessary, tho’ I shall always be happy to see you when your Leisure and convenience will admit. In the mean time I must request you to exert your talents in forwarding with your Legislature the Views of Congress. Your former situation in the Army, the present situation of that very army, your connections in the state, your perfect knowledge of men and measures, and the abilities which heaven has blessed you with will give you, a fine opportunity to forward the public service by convincing the Legislature of the necessity of copious supplies, and by convincing all who have claims on the Justice of Congress that those claims exist only by that hard Necessity which arises from the Negligence of the States. When to this you shall super add the conviction that what remains of the War being only a War of Finance solid arrangements of Finance must necessarily terminate favorably not only to our Hopes, but even to Our Wishes, then Sir the Governments will be disposed to lay and the people to bear those Burthens which ⟨are⟩ necessary, and then the Utility of your office, and of the Officer ⟨wil⟩l be as manifest to other’s as at present to me.
I am with perfect Respect    Your most obedient & Humble Servant

Robt Morris
Alexander Hamilton EsquireReceiver of Taxes for New York


Title: The Continentalist No. VI, [4 July 1782]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To:

[Fishkill, New York, July 4, 1782]

Let us see what will be the consequences of not authorising the Fœderal Government to regulate the trade of these states.
Besides the want of revenue and of power, besides the immediate risk to our independence, the danger of all the future evils of a precarious union, besides the deficiency of a wholesome concert and provident superintendence to advance the general prosperity of trade, the direct consequence will be, that the landed interest and the labouring poor will in the first place fall a sacrifice to the trading interest, and the whole eventually to a bad system of policy, made necessary by the want of such regulating power.
Each state will be afraid to impose duties on its commerce, lest the other states, not doing the same, should enjoy greater advantages than itself; by being able to afford native commodities cheaper abroad, and foreign commodities cheaper at home.
A part of the evils resulting from this would be: A loss to the revenue of those moderate duties, which, without being injurious to commerce, are allowed to be the most agreeable species of taxes to the people.
Articles of foreign luxury while they would contribute nothing to the income of the state, being less dear by an exemption from duties, would have a more extensive consumption.
Many branches of trade hurtful to the common interest would be continued for want of proper checks and discouragements.
As revenues must be found to satisfy the public exigencies in peace and in war, too great a proportion of taxes will fall directly upon land and upon the necessaries of life, the produce of that land.
The influence of these evils will be, to render landed property fluctuating and less valuable, to oppress the poor by raising the prices of necessaries, to injure commerce by encouraging the consumption of foreign luxuries, by encreasing the value of labor, by lessening the quantity of home productions, enhancing their prices at foreign markets, of course, obstructing their sale and enabling other nations to supplant us.
Particular caution ought at present to be observed in this country, not to burthen the soil itself and its productions, with heavy impositions; because the quantity of unimproved land will invite the husbandmen to abandon old settlements for new, and the disproportion of our population for some time to come, will necessarily make labor dear, to reduce which, and not to increase it, ought to be a capital object of our policy.
Easy duties therefore on commerce, especially on imports, ought to lighten the burthens, which will unavoidably fall upon land. Though it may be said, that on the principle of a reciprocal influence of prices, whereon the taxes are laid in the first instance, they will in the end be borne by all classes; yet it is of the greatest importance that no one should sink under the immediate pressure. The great art is to distribute the public burthens well and not suffer them, either first, or last, to fall too heavily upon parts of the community; else distress and disorder must ensue. A shock given to any part of the political machine vibrates through the whole.
As a sufficient revenue could not be raised from trade to answer the public purposes, other articles have been proposed.
A moderate land and poll tax, being of easy and unexpensive collection, and leaving nothing to discretion, are the simplest and best, that could be devised.
It is to be feared, the avarice of many of the landholders will be opposed to a perpetual tax upon land, however moderate. They will ignorantly hope to shift the burthens of the national expence from themselves to others; a disposition as iniquitous as it is fruitless. The public necessities must be satisfied; this can only be done by the contributions of the whole society. Particular classes are neither able nor will be willing to pay for the protection and security of the others; and where so selfish a spirit discovers itself in any member, the rest of the community will unite to compel it to do its duty.
Indeed many theorists in political œconomy have held, that all taxes, wherever they originate fall ultimately upon land; and have therefore been of opinion, that it would be best to draw the whole revenue of the state immediately from that source, to avoid the expence of a more diversified collection, and the accumulations which will be heaped in their several stages upon the primitive sums advanced in those taxes, which are imposed on our trade.

   The merchant it is said will have an advance on the duty he pays, the shop keeper a further advance &c.

 But though it has been demonstrated, that this theory has been carried to an extreme, impracticable in fact, yet it is evident, in tracing the matter, that a large part of all taxes, however remotely laid, will by an insensible circulation, come at last to settle upon land; the source of most of the materials employed of commerce.
It appears from calculation made by the ablest masters of political arithmetic, about sixty years ago, that the yearly product of all the lands in England amounted to £42,000,000 sterling, and the whole annual consumption, at that period, of foreign as well as domestic commodities, did not exceed £49,000,000, and the surplus of the exportation above the importation £2,000,000; on which sums, must arise all the revenues in whatever shape which go into the treasury. It is easy to infer from this, how large a part of them must directly, or indirectly be derived from land.

Nothing can be more mistaken, than the collision and rivalship, which almost always subsist between the landed and trading interests, for the truth is they are so inseparably interwoven, that one cannot be injured, without injury, nor benefitted, without benefit to the other. Oppress trade, lands sink in value, make it flourish, their value rises, incumber husbandry, trade declines, encourage agriculture, commerce revives. The progress of this mutual reaction might easily be delineated, but it is too obvious to every man, who turns his thoughts, however superficially, upon the subject, to require it. It is only to be regretted that it is too often lost sight of, when the seductions of some immediate advantage or exemption tempt us to sacrifice the future to the present.
But perhaps the class is more numerous than those, who not unwilling to bear their share of public burthens, are yet averse to the idea of perpetuity, as if there ever would arrive a period, when the state would cease to want revenues and taxes become unnecessary. It is of importance to unmask this delusion and open the eyes of the people to the truth. It is paying too great a tribute to the idol of popularity to flatter so injurious and so visionary an expectation. The error is too gross to be tolerated any where, but in the cottage of the peasant; should we meet with it in the senate house, we must lament the ignorance or despise the hypocrisy, on which it is ingrafted. Expence is in the present state of things entailed upon all governments. Though if we continue united, we shall be hereafter less exposed to wars by land, than most other countries; yet while we have powerful neighbours on either extremity, and our frontier is embraced by savages, whose alliance they may without difficulty command, we cannot, in prudence, dispense with the usual precautions for our interior security. As a commercial people, maritime power must be a primary object of our attention, and a navy cannot be created or maintained without ample revenues. The nature of our popular constitutions requires a numerous magistracy, for whom competent provision must be made; or we may be certain our affairs will always be committed to improper hands; and experience will teach us, that no government costs so much as a bad one.

We may preach till we are tired of the theme, the necessity of disinterestedness in republics, without making a single proselyte. The virtuous declaimer will neither persuade himself nor any other person to be content with a double mess of porridge,

   It was a custom with the Lacedaemonians when any new Senator was elected, to present him at their public tables with a double allowance as a mark of distinction.

 instead of a reasonable stipend for his services. We might as soon reconcile ourselves to the Spartan community of goods and wives, to their iron coin, their long beards, or their black broth. There is a total dissimulation in the circumstances, as well as the manners, of society among us; and it is as ridiculous to seek for models in the simple ages of Greece and Rome, as it would be to go in quest of them among the Hottentots and Laplanders.
The public, for the different purposes, that have been mentioned, must always have large demands upon its constituents, and the only question is whether these shall be satisfied by annual grants perpetually renewed—by a perpetual grant once for all or by a compound of permanent and occasional supplies. The last is the wisest course. The Fœderal Government should neither be independent nor too much dependent. It should neither be raised above responsibility or controul, nor should it want the means of maintaining its own weight, authority, dignity and credit. To this end permanent funds are indispensable, but they ought to be of such a nature and so moderate in their amount, as never to be inconvenient. Extraordinary supplies can be the objects of extraordinary grants; and in this salutary medium will consist our true wisdom.
It would seem as if no mode of taxation could be relished but that worst of all modes which now prevails, by assessment. Every proposal for a specific tax is sure to meet with opposition. It has been objected to a poll tax, at a fixed rate, that it will be unequal, as the rich will pay no more than the poor. In the form under which it has been offered in these papers, the poor properly speaking are not comprehended, though it is true that beyond the exclusion of the indigent the tax has no reference to the proportion of property; but it should be remembered that it is impossible to devise any specific tax, that will operate equally on the whole community. It must be the province of the legislature to hold the scales with a judicious hand and ballance one by another. The rich must be made to pay for their luxuries; which is the only proper way of taxing their superior wealth.
Do we imagine that our assessments opperate equally? Nothing can be more contrary to the fact. Wherever a discretionary power is lodged in any set of men over the property of their neighbours, they will abuse it. Their passions, prejudices, partialities, dislikes, will have the principal lead in measuring the abilities of those over whom their power extends; and assessors will ever be a set of petty tyrants, too unskilful, if honest, to be possessed of so delicate a trust, and too seldom honest to give them the excuse of want of skill. The genius of liberty reprobates every thing arbitrary or discretionary in taxation. It exacts that every man by a definite and general rule should know what proportion of his property the state demands. Whatever liberty we may boast in theory, it cannot exist in fact, while assessments continue. The admission of them among us is a new proof, how often human conduct reconciles the most glaring opposites; in the present case the most vicious practice of despotic governments, with the freest constitutions and the greatest love of liberty.
The establishment of permanent funds would not only answer the public purposes infinitely better than temporary supplies; but it would be the most effectual way of easing the people. With this basis for procuring credit, the amount of present taxes might be greatly diminished. Large sums of money might be borrowed abroad at a low interest, and introduced into the country to, defray the current expences and pay the public debts; which would not only lessen the demand for immediate supplies, but would throw more money into circulation, and furnish the people with greater means of paying the taxes. Though it be a just rule, that we ought not to run in debt to avoid present expence, so far as our faculties extend; yet the propriety of doing it cannot be disputed when it is apparent, that these are incompetent to the public necessities. Efforts beyond our abilities can only tend to individual distress and national disappointment.

The product of the three forgoing articles will be as little as can be required to enable Congress to pay their debts, and restore order into their finances. In addition to these—
The disposal of the unlocated lands will hereafter be a valuable source of revenue, and an immediate one of credit. As it may be liable to the same condition with the duties on trade, that is the product of the sales within each state, to be creditted to that state, and as the rights of jurisdiction are not infringed, it seems to be susceptible of no reasonable objection.
Mines in every country constitute a branch of the revenue. In this where nature has so richly impregnated the bowels of the earth, they may in time become a valuable one; and as they require the care and attention of government to bring them to perfection, this care and a share in the profits of it, will very properly devolve upon Congress. All the precious metals should absolutely be the property of the Fœderal Government, and with respect to the others, it should have a discretionary power of reserving in the nature of a tax, such part as it may judge not inconsistent with the encouragement due to so important an object. This is rather a future than a present resource.
The reason of allowing Congress to appoint its own officers of the customs, collectors of taxes, and military officers of every rank, is to create in the interior of each state a mass of influence in favour of the Fœderal Government. The great danger has been shown to be, that it will not have power enough to defend itself and preserve the union, not that it will ever become formidable to the general liberty. A mere regard to the interests of the confederacy will never be a principle sufficiently active to curb the ambition and intrigues of different members. Force cannot effect it: A contest of arms will seldom be between the common sovereign and a single refractory member; but between distinct combinations of the several parts against each other. A sympathy of situations will be apt to produce associates to the disobedient. The application of force is always disagreeable, the issue uncertain. It will be wise to obviate the necessity of it, by interesting such a number of individuals in each state in support of the Fœderal Government, as will be counterpoised to the ambition of others; and will make it difficult for them to unite the people in opposition to the just and necessary measures of the union.
There is something noble and magnificent in the perspective of a great Fœderal Republic, closely linked in the pursuit of a common interest, tranquil and prosperous at home, respectable abroad; but there is something proportionably diminutive and contemptible in the prospect of a number of petty states, with the appearance only of union, jarring, jealous and perverse, without any determined direction, fluctuating and unhappy at home, weak and insignificant by their dissentions, in the eyes of other nations. Happy America! if those, to whom thou hast intrusted the guardianship of thy infancy, know how to provide for thy future repose; but miserable and undone, if their negligence or ignorance permits the spirit of discord to erect her banners on the ruins of thy tranquillity!


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Comfort Sands and Company, 8 July 1782
From: Comfort Sands and Company
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Fishkill [New York] July 8th, 1782
Sir

We was Hond. with your favor of the 23 Ult but two or three days ago, it is impossible for us to give you an exact account of the Money laid out in this State. Flour is almost the only Article purchased in it. Sometimes a little Beef. In the Course of the year we may purchase 15,000 Barrels of Flour, which will Amt. to about 60.000 Dolrs., the greatest part of which we draw Bills for, and is paid in Phila. Very few Bank Notes is Circulated by us, as the Farmers will not take them, and the Traders we give our own Drafts to which Answer our purposes better. The bulk of the Money we have brought on here has gone to the Eastern States for Beef Cattle, this they can furnish better than this State & all our Contracts for Beef is with Gentlemen from the State of Massachusetts. Any further information that you may want from us, we shall with pleasure give you—and Remain with great Respect Your most Obedt Servts.

Comfort Sands & Co.
Col Alex. Hamilton


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Robert Morris, 12 July 1782
From: Morris, Robert
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Office of Finance [Philadelphia] 12 July 1782.
Sir,

I inclose you the Copy of my circular Letter to the several States of the twenty fifth of July 1781. The Answers I have received have been very few and very short of the Objects so that I have not been able to Act as I wished for want of necessary Information. I must beg you to take the most speedy and effectual Means in your Power to enable me to form a proper Judgment on such of the Subjects referred to as the actual State of Things renders it important to know.
I am Sir    your most obedient and humble Servant

RM


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Robert Morris, 19 July 1782
From: Morris, Robert
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Office of Finance [Philadelphia] 19th. July 1782.
Sir,

I have found it necessary to draw Bills on Mr. Swanwick in favor of different People and payable at various Periods. These are Bills of Exchange in the common Form and must be negotiated by Indorsements. You will always receive them in like Manner with my other Notes or Bank Notes and remit them which you can do without cutting them as they will be paid only to the Indorsee.
I am Sir your most obedient Servant

RM.


Title: Resolution of the New York Legislature Calling for a Convention of the States to Revise and Amend the Articles of Confederation, [20 July 1782]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To:

[Poughkeepsie, New York, July 20, 1782]

The Senate again resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole, to take into Consideration the State of the Nation; and after some considerable Time spent therein, the President resumed the Chair, and Mr. Ten Broeck from the said Committee, delivered in a Report; which he read in his Place, and delivered in at the Table, where it was again read, considered by Paragraphs, and agreed to. Whereupon the Senate came into the following Resolutions, viz.
Resolved, That it appears to this Legislature; after full and solemn Consideration of the several Matters communicated by the Honorable the Committee of Congress, relative to the present Posture of our Affairs, foreign and domestic, and contained in a Letter from the Secretary for foreign Affairs respecting the Former, as well as of the Representations from Time to Time made by the Superintendent of the Finances of the United States, relative to his particular Department—That the Situation of these States is in a peculiar Manner critical, and affords the strongest Reason to apprehend from a Continuance of the present Constitution of the Continental Government; a Subversion of public Credit; and Consequences highly dangerous to the Safety and Independence of these States.
Resolved, That while this Legislature are convinced by the before-mentioned Communications, that notwithstanding the generous Intentions of an Ally from whom we have experienced, and doubtless shall still experience all possible Support; Exigencies may arise to prevent our receiving pecuniary Succours hereafter, in any Degree proportioned to our Necessities—They are also convinced from Facts within their own Knowledge, that the Provisions made by the respective States for carrying on the War, are not only inadequate to the End, but must continue to be so, while there is an Adherence to the Principles which now direct the Operation of public Measures.
Resolved, That it is also the Opinion of this Legislature, that the present Plan instituted by Congress for the Administration of their Finances, is founded in Wisdom and sound Policy—That the salutary Effects of it, have already been felt in an extensive Degree; and that after so many violent Shocks sustained by the public Credit, a Failure in this System, for Want of the Support which the States are able to give, would be productive of Evils too pernicious to be hazarded.
Resolved, That it appears to this Legislature, that the present British Ministry, with a Disposition not less hostile than that of their Predecessors, taught by Experience to avoid their Errors, and assuming the Appearance of Moderation, are pursuing a Scheme calculated to conciliate in Europe, and seduce in America—That the œcomical Arrangements they appear to be adopting, are adopted to enlarging the Credit of their Government, and multiplying its Resources, at the same Time that they serve to confirm the Prepossessions and Confidence of the People; and that the Plan of a defensive War on this Continent, while they direct all their Attention and Resources to the Augmentation of their Navy, is that which may be productive of Consequences ultimately dangerous to the United States.
Resolved, That it is the Opinion of this Legislature, that the present System of these States, exposes the common Cause to a precarious Issue, and leaves us at the Mercy of Events over which we have no Influence; a Conduct extremely unwise in any Nation, and at all Times, and to a Change of which we are impelled at this Juncture, by Reasons of peculiar and irresistable Weight; and that it is the natural Tendency of the Weakness and Disorders in our national Measures, to spread Diffidence and Distrust among the People, and prepare their Minds to receive the Impressions the Enemy wish to make.
Resolved, That the general State of European Affairs, as far as they have come to the Knowledge of this Legislature, affords in their Opinion, reasonable Ground of Confidence, and assures us, that with judicious vigorous Exertion on our Part, we may rely on the final Attainment of our Object; but far from justifying Indifference and Security, calls upon us by every Motive of Honor, good Faith and Patriotism, without Delay, to unite in some System more effectual, for producing Energy, Harmony and Consistency of Measures, than that which now exists, and more capable of putting the common Cause out of the Reach of Contingencies.
Resolved, That in the Opinion of this Legislature, the radical Source of most of our Embarrassments, is the Want of sufficient Power in Congress, to effectuate that ready and perfect Co-operation of the different States, on which their immediate Safety and future Happiness depend—That Experience has demonstrated the Confederation to be defective in several essential Points, particularly in not vesting the fœderal Government either with a Power of providing Revenue for itself, or with ascertained and productive Funds, secured by a Saction so solemn and general, as would inspire the fullest Confidence in them, and make them a substantial Basis of Credit—That these Defects ought to be without Loss of Time repaired, the Powers of Congress extended, a solid Security established for the Payment of Debts already inured, and competent Means provided for future Credit, and for supplying the current Demands of the War.
Resolved, That it appears evidently to this Legislature, that the annual Income of these States, admitting the best Means were adopted for drawing out their Resources, would fall far short of the annual Expenditure; and that there would be a large Deficiency to be supplied on the Credit of these States; which, if it should be inconvenient for those Powers to afford, on whose Friendship we justly rely, must be sought for from Individuals, to engage whom to lend, satisfactory Securities must be pledged for the punctual Payment of Interest, and the final Redemption of the Principal.
Resolved, That it appears to this Legislature, that the aforegoing important Ends, can never be attained by partial Deliberations of the States, separately; but that it is essential to the common Welfare, that there should be as soon as possible a Conference of the Whole on the Subject; and that it would be adviseable for this Purpose, to propose to Congress to recommend, and to each State to adopt the Measure of assembling a general Convention of the States, specially authorised to revise and amend the Confederation, reserving a Right to the respective Legislatures, to ratify their Determinations.
Ordered, That Mr. Paine carry a Copy of the aforegoing Resolutions, to the Honorable the House of Assembly, and request their Concurrence thereto.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Robert Morris, 22 July 1782
From: Morris, Robert
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Office of Finance [Philadelphia] July 22nd. 1782
Sir

I have received your letter dated at Albany the 13th, Instant, as I can have no doubt but that your Efforts will be applyed to promote the Public Interests, I hope the Journey you propose to Poughkepsie may prove every way agreable to your Wishes.
I am Sir    Your Most Obedient Servt.

Robt Morris
Alexander Hamilton Esqr.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Major General Henry Knox, 24 July 1782
From: Knox, Henry
To: Hamilton, Alexander

New Windsor [New York] 24 July 1782

I have been waiting my dear Hamilton, for a Crisis in the case of the intended retaliation for the murder of Huddy before I answer’d your favor of the 7th of last month. But it has yet to have arrived. A Captain of Cornwallis’s Army was brought up to the Jersey line by a mistake of General Hazens in lieu of an unconditional prisoner as a subject for execution. As this person is of considerable family it was thought proper to let his importance have all the influence possible, to obtain the delivery or the execution of the guilty person in New York. Fortunately for this a Captain of the 57 Regt has since been taken without any terms who probably will be the unhappy sufferer. Sir Guy Carleton in a late letter to the General says “the trial of Lippincot is finished and he shall soon forward the proceedings with some other documents” by which a conclusion may be fairly drawn that the Court martial have not found him guilty. From some conversations which I have had with the General on the subject he appears to think that it is impossible for him to recede from his first determinations, but that he shall not put [it] into execution untill every other method has been tried in vain.
As soon as he receives the proceedings from Genl Carelton he will probably repeat the demand he made to Genl Clinton that the guilty be punished before the innocent. After this possibly something may turn up to procrastinate the matter still further. You cannot but know that this affair has created much ill blood between the tories and regular troops in New York and this rancour seems to increase as the matter is protracted, and their fears alarmed. Therefore to agitate it with [out] coming to the ultimate point is in our favor.
My sentiments on frequent executions at this or any other period are very similar to yours. I am persuaded that after reflexions will convince dispasionate and enlightened minds that executions have been too frequent, under the color of the Laws of the different states and they will hereafter be recited to sully the purity of our cause. In the present case, I am pretty well convinced that, the representations, and the light in which the murder of Huddy has been received on both sides the lines will prevent a repetition of the crime and so far render retaliation unnecessary. But yet it will be difficult for the General circumstanced as he is with his own declarations, the resolution of Congress on the subject and the expectations of the people, to find reasons to justify him to the publick for a total suspension of the matter. If it can be done consistently he will be happy, not [to] be obliged to have recourse to a measure, the execution of which must cost him great pain.
We have no news. The General has not yet returned from Philadelphia where he has been to make some plans with Count de Rochambeau. However The affair [in] the West Indies is so important as to affect American operations. I am afraid we shall only be able this ⟨year beginning⟩ to eat Beef and drink Whiskey.
My dear Sir—with compliments to Mrs Hamilton    Your affectionate & Obt Servant

H. Knox
Colonel Hamilton


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Robert Morris, 27 July 1782
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Morris, Robert

[Albany, July 27, 1782. On August 28, 1782, Morris wrote to Hamilton: “I have duly received your several Favors of the Twenty second & twenty Seventh of July, and tenth and thirteenth of August.” Letter of July 27 not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Lieutenant Colonel John Laurens, [July 1782]
From: Laurens, John
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[South Carolina, July, 1782]

I am indebted to you, my dear Hamilton, for two letters; the first from Albany, as masterly a piece of cynicism as ever was penned, the other from Philadelphia, dated the 2d March; in both, you mention a design of retiring, which makes me exceedingly unhappy. I would not wish to have you for a moment withdrawn from the public service; at the same time, my friendship for you, and knowlege of your value to the United States, make me most ardently desire, that you should fill only the first offices of the Republic. I was flattered with an account of your being elected a delegate from N. York, and am much mortified not to hear it confirmed by yourself. I must confess to you, that, at the present state of the War, I shd. prefer your going into Congress, and from thence, becoming a Minister plenipotentiary for peace, to your remaining in the Army, where the dull System of seniority and the Tableau would prevent you from having the important commands to which you are entitled; but at any rate I wd. not have you renounce your rank in the Army, unless you entered the career above-mentioned. Your private affairs cannot require such immediate and close attention; you speak like a pater familias surrounded with a numerous progeny.
I had, in fact, resumed the black project, as you were informed, and urged the matter very strenuously, both to our privy council and legislative body; but I was out-voted, having only reason on my side, and being opposed by a triple-headed monster that shed the baneful influence of Avarice, prejudice, and pusillanimity in all our Assemblies. It was some consolation to me, however, to find that philosophy and truth had made some little progress since my last effort, as I obtained twice as many suffrages as before.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Richard Kidder Meade, 1 August 1782
From: Meade, Richard Kidder
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[August 1, 1782. On August 27, 1782, Hamilton wrote to Meade: “I thank you my dear Meade for your letter of the first of this month.” Letter not found.]


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to The New-York Packet, [1 August 1782]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: New-York Packet

[Albany, August 1, 1782]

THE SUBSCRIBER has received nothing on account of the quota of this state for the present year. Published agreeable to the instructions of the Superintendant of Finance.

Alexander HamiltonReceiver of Continental Taxesfor the State of New-York
Albany, August 1, 1782


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Udny Hay, 3 August 1782
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Hay, Udny

Albany Aug. 3d. 1782
Dr. Sir

Mr. Morris, some time since, in a circular letter to the states, among other things, requested to have an account of all the money, provisions, transportation, &c., furnished by this state to the United States, since the 18th. of March, 1780.

I have been very happy to hear, that this business has been intrusted to your hands, for I am sure, feeling its importance, you will give it all the dispatch in your power.
I have written to the Governor on the subject, but lest other occupations should delay his attention to it I must request you to inform me precisely what part of the matter has been intrusted to your management, and what progress you have been able to make.
I shall also thank you to send me the amount of any certificates or paper money in any shape, which, through your office, have passed into circulation, distinguishing the different species.
You will do me a favour by letting me hear from you as soon as possible.
I am with sincere esteem    Your Obedient servant

A Hamilton

I must still trouble you with an additional request which is that you let me know as exactly as possible the gross product of each supply-bill in your department in specie value and the amount of all expences on each. This I want with a view to the subjects we have been speaking of.

AH


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Robert Morris, 3 August 1782
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Morris, Robert

[Albany, August 3, 1782. On the back of a letter which Robert Morris wrote to H on July 22, 1782, H wrote: “Ansd. Aug 3d.” Letter not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Gerard Bancker, 5 August 1782
From: Bancker, Gerard
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[August 5, 1782. The last item on the “List of Papers delivered by Alexander Hamilton to Thomas Tillotson Esquire relative to the office of Receiver of Taxes for the state of New York,” November 10, 1782, was described as a “letter from Mr. Banker state Treasurer dated August 5th. 1782 informing of what was to be expected from the state.” Letter not found.]


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to the County Treasurers of the State of New York, 5 August 1782
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: County Treasurers of the State of New York

Circular
Albany Aug. 5th. 1782
Sir

It will be of great utility to the state and is essential to the execution of my instructions from the Superintendant of Finance, that I should be able to ascertain as speedily as possible, the expense attending the collection of taxes within this state. In order to this I shall be much obliged to you to send me without delay an account of what you have received in your county since the beginning of the year 80 to this time, as well for the taxes laid for county purposes as for those imposed by the legislature, and of the expences of every kind attending the collection; those of the supervisors assessors the allowance to the collectors and to yourself.
When I assure you I want this information for an important purpose I doubt not you will forward it to me as speedily as it can be prepared and with as much accuracy as circumstances will permit; by doing which you will serve the public & oblige Sir    Your most Obed ser

A HamiltonReceiver of C Tfor the State of N.Y.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from James McHenry, 11 August 1782
From: McHenry, James
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Baltimore 11th. Augt. 1782

If you are not in the humor to read a long letter do, prithee, give this to the child to play with and go on with your amusement of rocking the cradle. To be serious, my dear Hamilton, I have been thinking of late upon my own situation, and this had led me as often to think of yours. Some men, I observe, are so born and tempered that it is not till after long bustling and battling it in the world (and some scarcely then) that they come to learn a little prudence. Much I begin to suspect that you and I want a great deal of this quality to bring us on a level with our neighbours and to carry us chearfully through life. Have we not both of us continued long enough in the service of the public? Should not I exercise my profession or some profitable business, and should not you, putting of[f] the politician, exert yourself only to acquire a profession? I find that to be dependent on a father is irksome, because I feel that it is in my power to be independent by my own endeavours. I see that the good things of this world are all to be purchased with money, and that the man who has money may be whatever he pleases.
Hamilton, there are two lawyers in this Town, one of which has served the public in the General Assembly for three years with reputation, and to the neglect of his practice. The other has done nothing but attend to his profession, by which he has acquired a handsome competency. Now the people have taken it into their heads to displace the lawyer who has served them till he is become poor, in order to put in his stead the lawyer who has served himself and become rich. Let me add to this anecdote, a bon mot of our friend Fleury’s. Talking to me the other day, you are a Senator said he, pray what is your salary. I told him it might perhaps defray about two thirds of ones expences, while attending the Senate, and that we were only paid during our attendance, provided one was unmarried and lived frugally. Then, said he, I pity Maryland, for her Senate must be composed chiefly of rich fools. What is the moral of all this, my dear friend, but that it is high time for you and I to set about, in good earnest, doing something for ourselves.
I hear you are chosen a delegate to Congress; will you forgive me for saying that I would rather have heard that you had not been chosen. If you accept of the office, there is a stop to any further studying of the law, which I am desirous you should finish, because a few years practice at the bar, would make you independent, and do you more substantial good than all the fugitive honors of Congress. This would put it in your power to obtain them and to hold them, with more certainty, should you still be inclined to risque in a troubled sea. The moment you cease to be a candidate for public places, the people will lament your loss, and wait with impatience till they can persuade a man of your abilities to serve them. In the mean time you will be doing justice to your family. Besides, you know that there is nothing at present to be had worthy your acceptance. The negotiators for peace have been long since appointed. The great departments of Government are all filled up. Our foreign ministers sit firm in their seats. It is not to be expected that any new ministers will be created before a peace. And when this comes, be assured, long residence and large possessions in this country will preclude superior merit.
I wish therefore, my dear friend, that I could prevail upon you to avoid a disappointment and a loss which I think I foresee. For should you go to Congress, you will lose another year of time that is become more precious than ever, and retire perhaps in disgust, to renue your studies, and to those domestic endearments which you will regret to have forsaken. How would it vex me to learn that you had exclaimed in the stile of an English cardinal—If I had but served my family as faithfully as I have the public, my affairs would have been to-day in a very different order.
It appears to me, Hamilton, to be no longer either necessary or a duty, for you and I, to go on to sacrifice the small remnant of time that is left us. We have already immolated largely on the alter of liberty. At present our Country neither wants our services in the field or the cabinet; so that it is incumbent upon us to be useful in another line. By pushing your studies to a conclusion, you at once perfect your happiness. But I wander, nor recollect whilst my own life runs on in idleness and small follies, that I stand in most need of this advice which I am presuming to offer. You have a wife and an increasing offspring to urge you forward, but I am without either—without your incitements to begin a reform, or your perseverance to succeed. Write me than what you are doing—what you have done,—and what you intend to do, that I may endeavour to follow your example. And be full, for I really intend to be wise, and you shall be my Apollo.
I have been a second time on the point of gaining immortality—by a fever. It seized me a little after the arrival of the French troops here, and has only permitted me to come abroad a few days since. Mrs. Carter and Miss Peggy are with us, and of course you will think I have been often with them. But I must tell you something of your relations. Mr. Carter is the mere man of business, and I am informed has riches enough, with common management, to make the longest life very comfortable. Mrs. Carter is a fine woman. She charms in all companies. No one has seen her, of either sex, who has not been pleased with her, and she has pleased every one, chiefly by means of those qualities which make you the husband of her Sister. Peggy, though, perhaps a finer woman, is not generally thought so. Her own sex are apprehensive that she considers them, poor things, as Swifts Vanessa did; and they in return do not scruple to be displeased. In short, Peggy, to be admired as she ought, has only to please the men less and the ladies more. Tell her so. I am sure her good sense will soon place her in her proper station.
My dear Hamilton adieu. Remember a man who lives in this world without being satisfied with it. Who strives to seem happy among a people who cannot inspire happiness, but who thinks it unbecoming the dignity of man to leave his post merely because it does not please him. I am melancholly you perceive. This plaugy fever has torn me to pieces, and my mind yet shares in the weakness of my body. But I will recover spirits as I recover strength. In the mean while do not fail to write me. Again my friend and philosopher adieu—

James McHenry

I wrote you between my fevers on the affair of Chase, which letter I inclosed to Secretary Trumbul. Has it been received? It contained what you asked for.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from George Clinton, 13 August 1782
From: Clinton, George
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Poughkeepsie [New York] Augt. 13th. 1782
Sir

I have received your Letter of the 3d. Instant. I am not authorized to direct the Printer to deliver any of the Laws except a certain number of Setts which are by Law directed for particular Purposes. I have however mentioned your Desire to the Gentlemen of the Committee appointed to superintend the printing and distribution of them and requested them to furnish you with a Sett which I doubt not will be complied with.
Some short time before the appointment of a Superintendant of Finance I transmitted to Congress the most perfect Information I was able to collect of many of the Matters mentioned in your Letter and it was my Intention from time to time to have continued these communications to Mr. Morris: but our Laws remaining so long unprinted, the dispersed Situation of the different public Officers and the Difficulty from this Circumstance as well as the want of authority in some instances to command the necessary Returns, rendered it a Business, if not impracticable, requiring more time and attention than the indispensable Duties of my Office afforded Leizure to bestow. I shall however be happy to give you every Aid in my Power to facilitate it. The Laws with the Returns which have lately been made by the different public Officers and may be found on the Files of the Legislature and in the Treasurers Office, will answer most of the Questions stated. The answers to the others appear to me to depend in some measure on matter of Opinion and, as the operation of our Laws is often obstructed and the intended Consequences defeated by unforeseen Events arising from our embarrassed Situation, they cannot be given with any great Degree of precision.
You will readily perceive Sir that the Treasurer from the nature of his Office is not, except in Cases provided for by Law, subject to my controul. I am persuaded however that he as well as the Clerks of the Legislature will readily give you every Information and Assistance consistent with the Duties of their respective Offices.
I am with great Respect & Esteem    Sir Your most Obedient Servant

Geo. Clinton
Colo. Alexr. Hamilton


Title: Enclosure: To Robert Morris, [13 August 1782]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To:

To the Governor
for salary
£ 1600

To the Chancellor
do
400

To the Secretary of State & Clerks about
300

To the Attorney General
by estimation
100

To the Chief Justice
salary
400

  Puisne Justices each 350£ do
700

  for travelling expences by estimation 40 days
100

  in the year at 12/ per day each

  Auditor
300

  Aide De Camp to the Governor Lt. Col Pay & rations
360

  Occasional do. at the same rate

Delegates to Congress 34/ pr day while attending and 6 days going and coming abt
1500

Treasurer
Salary
300

Members of Legislature 8/ per day, upon an average [– –] members for 88 days   ⟨including coming &c.⟩;
1936

two Clerks of do. each 20/ a day for 72 days
144

     time actually together

two Door Keepers each 10/ pr day
do
72

Printer for printing laws &c. about
300

      Incidental expences

8412

To the poor annually about
500

6588

To the Indians do
600

⟨charges⟩; of Militia expresses occasional officers & other   occasional demands allowd
6088
3500

15884

Regtr
say
£ 12000

£ 15000

Transmitted a copy of the above to Mr. Morris
Aug. 1782


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Lieutenant Colonel John Laurens, [15 August 1782]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Laurens, John

[Albany, August 15, 1782]

I received with great Pleasure, My Dear Laurens, the letter which you wrote me in  last.

Your wishes in one respect are gratified; this state has pretty unanimously delegated me to Congress. My time of service commences in November. It is not probable it will result in what you mention. I hope it is too late. We have great reason to flatter ourselves peace on our own terms is upon the carpet. The making it is in good hands. It is said your father is exchanged for Cornwallis and gone to Paris to meet the other commissioners and that Grenville on the part of England has made a second trip there, in the last instance, vested with Plenipotentiary powers.
I fear there may be obstacles but I hope they may be surmounted.
Peace made, My Dear friend, a new scene opens. The object then will be to make our independence a blessing. To do this we must secure our union on solid foundations; an herculean task and to effect which mountains of prejudice must be levelled!
It requires all the virtue and all the abilities of the Country. Quit your sword my friend, put on the toga, come to Congress. We know each others sentiments, our views are the same: we have fought side by side to make America free, let us hand in hand struggle to make her happy.
Remember me to General Greene with all the warmth of a sincere attachment.
Yrs for ever

A Hamilton
Albany Aug. 15. 1782
Col Laurens


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from William Duer, 16 August 1782
From: Duer, William
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Albany August 16th. 1782
Sir,

You wish to be informed what, I conceive, will be the Amount of the Monies necessary for defraying the Charges of the Northern Contract, from the first of April to the last day of December; and what Proportion of that Sum will be Expended within the State.
Unless a Considerable Reinforcement of Troops should be ordered into this Quarter (of which at present there does not appear a great Probability) I do not imagine the Monthly Issue of Rations during the Term of the Contract will average more than Sixty Six thousand:

This at the Contract Price amounts for the Space of nine Months to
Dollrs.
52,717½

Of this Sum according to the best Estimate I can form,
23,760

will be remitted to the Eastern States for the Proportion of Beef, Salt, and Liquor Imported thence; which leaves,
28,957½

Ballance of Expenditures within this State.

I am,    Sir Your Obed: Hble Servt

Wm. Duer
Colo. Alexr. HamiltonReceiver of the Continental Taxes
State of New York


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Robert Benson, 18 August 1782
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Benson, Robert

Albany Aug. 18. 1782
Sir

In obedience to Mr. Morris’s instructions I lately wrote to His Excellency The Governor requesting information on a variety of matters, which it is of great importance to the Financier and to the public to know. The Governor in his answer tells me that the returns lately made by different public officers and on the files of the Legislature will answer most of the questions stated by me.
The principal ones were concerning—
“The supplies of every kind, money provisions forage transportation &c., which have been furnished by this state to the United States since the 18th. of March 1780.
The amount of the different paper Currencies in the state and the respective rates of depreciation.”
You will materially serve the public and personally oblige me by letting me have copies of those returns as speedily as possible. Without these data The Superintendant of Finance, far from being able to liquidate the accounts between the United States and this state, an essential object to both, will be able to form no idea of the comparitive extent of the compliances of the respective states with the requisitions of Congress; consequently he will neither know how to proportion future demands, nor how to regulate any reasonable scheme of finance.
I trust the Governor will have anticipated my request as you are on the spot with him, as he is no doubt convinced that this is a business of importance to the public in general and to this state in particular and as he assures me of his disposition to give me every aid in his power.
If these returns should be on the files of the Assembly and not of the senate, you will do me a particular favour by communicating this letter to Mr. McKesson to whom I make the same request.
I am    with very great esteem &c.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Colonel Timothy Pickering, 20 August 1782
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Hamilton, Alexander

New Windsor [New York] Augt. 20. 1782
Dr. Sir,

I have some bills of exchange drawn by Mr. Morris on John Swanwick, which I am authorized to exchange with the Receivers of the Continental taxes in any of the states eastward of Pensylvania. Mr. Morris informed me that he had advised the receivers of this measure, & directed their taking up the bills whenever they were in cash. By taxes or by loan I expect this state will shortly furnish you with money: I am indebted to the subjects of it by many special engagements, which I am anxious to fulfil. You will therefore greatly oblige me by giving me from time to time information of the money you shall receive, and in order to secure the earliest supply, I would lodge, if you please, some of the bills in your hands. Bank notes or Mr. Morris’s notes will be useful to me, tho’ not so beneficial as cash.
I am, dear sir,    with respect & esteem    Yr. most obedt. servt.

Tim: Pickering QMG
Colo. Alexr. Hamilton


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Richard Kidder Meade, 27 August 1782
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Meade, Richard Kidder

Albany Augt 27th. 1782

I thank you my dear Meade for your letter of the first of this month which you will perceive has travelled much faster than has been usual with our letters. Our correspondence hitherto has been unfortunate, nor in fact can either of us compliment himself on his punctuality but you were right in concluding that however indolence or accident may interrupt our intercourse, nothing will interrupt our friendship. Mine for you is built on the solid basis of a full conviction that you deserve it and that it is reciprocal and it is the more firmly fixed because you have few competitors. Experience is a continued comment on the worthlessness of the human race and the few exceptions we find have the greater right to be valued in proportion as they are rare. I know few men estimable, fewer amiable & when I meet with one of the last description it is not in my power to withhold my affection.
You reproach me with not having said enough about our little stranger. When I wrote last I was not sufficiently acquainted with him to give you his character. I may now assure you that your daughter when she sees him will not consult you about the choice or will only do it in respect to the rules of decorum. He is truly a very fine young gentleman, the most agreable in his conversation and manners of any I ever knew—nor less remarkable for his intelligence and sweetness of temper. You are not to imagine by my beginning with his mental qualifications that he is defective in personal. It is agreed on all hands, that he is handsome, his features are good, his eye is not only sprightly and expressive but it is full of benignity. His attitude in sitting is by connoisseurs esteemed graceful and he has a method of waving his hand that announces the future orator. He stands however rather awkwardly and his legs have not all the delicate slimness of his fathers. It is feared He may never excel as much in dancing which is probably the only accomplishment in which he will not be a model. If he has any fault in manners, he laughs too much. He has now passed his Seventh Month.
I am glad to find your prospect of being settled approaches. I am sure you will realize all the happiness you promise yourself with your amiable partner. I wish Fortune had not cast our lots at such a distance, Mrs. Meade you, Betsy & myself would make a most affectionate & most happy partie quarré.
As to myself I shall sit down in New York when it opens & the period we are told approaches. No man looks forward to a Peace with more pleasure than I do, though no man would sacrifice less to it than myself, If I were not convinced the people sigh for peace. I have been studying the Law for some months and have lately been licenced as an attorney. I wish to prepare myself by October for Examination as a Counsellor but some public avocations may possibly prevent me.
I had almost forgotten to tell you, that I have been pretty unanimously elected by the legislature of this state, a member of Congress to begin to serve in November. I do not hope to reform the State although I shall endeavour to do all the good I can.
Suffer Betsey & me to present our love to Mrs. Meade; she has a sisterly affection for you. My respects if you please to Mr. & Mrs. Fitzhugh.
God Bless you

A Hamilton


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Robert Morris, 29 August 1782
From: Morris, Robert
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Office of Finance [Philadelphia] 29. Augt. 1782.
Sir,

I have for certain Reasons thought it expedient to issue no more Orders on Mr. Swanwick payable at Sight but destroy them as they are brought in. And as the larger Bills of Exchange mentioned in my Letter of the nineteenth of July last tho an excellent Mode of general Remittance will not by Reason of the Greatness of the Sums answer the Ends intended by the States in making my Notes receivable in Taxes, I have thought it alike useful to the Public and convenient to the People to issue Notes in the following Form. At sixty Days from the Date pay on Account of the United States  Dollars to  or Bearer. These Notes are signed by me directed to Mr. Swanwick and are for Sums of one hundred, fifty, thirty and twenty Dollars each of them have in the Body of the Bill in Water Marks. United States and the Bills of one hundred Dollars have a Water Mark 1. & those of fifty 2. those of thirty 3 and those of twenty 4. You will receive them as Cash and when you have Cash you will give it for them in like Manner as for Bank Notes and that without any Regard whether they have any Time still to run or whether the sixty Days are expired.
I am Sir    your most obedient Servant

RM


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Robert Morris, [31 August 1782]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Morris, Robert

[Albany, August 31, 1782]
Sir

I send you herewith all the acts of the Legislature of this state since the Government has been organized; on the margin of which I have numbered all the acts relative to the matters you mention in your letter of July 81 to the states agreeable to the within list. I inclose you the papers of the last week.
The indolence of some and the repugnancy of others make every trifle lag so much in the execution that I am not able at this time to give you any further information. I wish to hear from you on the subjects of my former letters previous to the meeting of the Committee the 15th. of the ensuing month.
I have the honor to be very truly    Sir    Your most Obed serv.

A H
Albany Aug. 31st 1782
To The Honbe. Super. of Finance


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from George Clinton, 2 September 1782
From: Clinton, George
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Poughkeepsie [New York] Septr. 2nd. 1782
Sir

I am favored with your Letter of the 25th. Ulto. previous to which with a view of accelerating the collection of the last Tax I had prepared & have since dispatched a circular Letter to the several County Treasurers urging them & the other Officers concerned to a prompt execution of their Duty or that in Case of Neglect the Penalty of the Law will without favor be put into Execution.
I have not received Information from all the Counties but in this and some others I know the Business is in good Train and am led to hope that the Taxes will be speedily collected & paid in.
My Agents employed to procure Monies on loan had sometime since transmitted me a small Sum but not sufficient to answer the Orders of the Legislature in favor of the Delegates and some other public matters. As the Channel through which this money is procured is subject to interruption & disappointment I cannot at present inform you of any Sum to be depended on; but I expect soon to see or hear from the Gentlemen & you may rest assured of being informed of the Result without delay.
I am with great Respect    & Esteem Sir    Your most Obedt. Servt.

Geo. Clinton
Colo. Hamilton


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Robert Morris, 6 September 1782
From: Morris, Robert
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Office of Finance [Philadelphia] 6th. September 1782.
Sir.

I have received your Favor dated at Albany on the 25th. of last Month, with the Enclosures. I am much obliged by your attention in the Business you allude to, and knowing that your abilities and Zeal to promote the public Good are equal to the most arduous Undertakings I have no doubt but your Endeavours will be successful.
I am Sir    Your most obedient Servant

Robt Morris
Alexr. Hamilton Esqr.Albany.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to the County Treasurers of the State of New York, 7 September 1782
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: County Treasurers of the State of New York

Albany Sepr. 7. 1782
Sir

The fifteenth of this month is the period fixed for the payment of the tax imposed at the last meeting of the legislature for the use of The United States. The public exigencies and the reputation of the state require that every exertion should be made to collect this tax with punctuality and dispatch; and it is therefore my duty to urge you that you employ the powers vested in you, and all your personal influence to induce the collectors to expedite the collection with all the zeal and vigor in their power. While the other states are all doing something, as a citizen of this I shall feel a sensible mortification in being obliged to continue publishg to the others that this state pays nothing in support of the war as I have been under a necessity of doing the two last months. Besides this and other still more weighty considerations a regard to the ⟨subjects of the State itself⟩ demands every exertion ⟨in our power. They have parted⟩ with their property on the public faith and it is impossible for the public to fulfil its engagement⟨s⟩ to individuals unless it is enabled to do it by the equal and just contributions of the community at large.
I am Sir    Your most Obed serv

A H