Title: From John Adams to William Tudor, Sr., 7 March 1819
From: Adams, John
To: Tudor, William, Sr.

Dear Sir
Quincy March 7. 1819

On the 20 of January 1768 the House of Representatives appointed a committee to prepare a petition to the King & letters to his ministers & a letter to the agent knowing that Such a committee was appointed & that they were buisily employed in preparing these representations meeting Mr Otis one morning I asked him how do you proceed with your petitions & letters he answered I have drawn them all up & given them to Sam to quieuwieuh them whether this word is Arabec or Seminola I know not. I believe it was an original odity of his own invention. These letters were printed in London by Almmon in 1768 in a pamphlet These lettres from beginning to end demonstrate the roughcast of James Otis & the polish & burnish of Samuel Adams the 1st. is a petition to the king In every sentence of this Petition the hand of Otis is visible. In page 8 in this paragraph particularly “with great sincerity permit us to assure you Majesty that your subjects of this province ever have & still continue to acknowledge your Majesty’s high court of Parliament the supreme legislative power of the whole empire. The superintending authority of which is clearly admitted in all cases that can consist with the fundamental rights of nature & the constitution to which your majesty’s happy subjects in all parts of your empire conceive they have a just and equitable claim” The next letter is to the Earl of Shelburn this letter also in every paragraph demonstrates the hand of Mr. Otis page 15 “It is the glory of the British constitution that it has its foundation in the law of God & nature it is essentially a natural right that a man shall quietly enjoy & have the sole disposal of his own property this right is engrafted into the British Constitution & is familiar to the American subjects, & your Lordship will judge whether any necessity can render it just & equitable in the nature of things that the supreme legislative of the empire should impose duties subsidies tallages & taxes internal or external for the sole purpose of raising a revenue upon subjects that are not and can not, considering their local circumstances, by any possibility be equally represented & consequently whose consent can not be had in Parliament the security of right & property is the great and of a Government surely then such measures as tend to render right & property precarious tend to destroy both property & government for these must stand or fall together. Property is admitted to have an existence in the savage state of nature & if it is necessary for the support of Savage life it becomes by no means less so in civil society the house entreat your lordship to consider whether a Colonist colonies can be concieved to have any property he may call his own if it may be Granted away by any other body with out his consent And they submit to your Lordships judgment whether this was not actually done when the act for granting to his majesty certain duties for paper glass & other articles for the sole & express purpose of raising a revenue in America was made. It is the judgment of Lord Coke that the Parliament of Great Brittain cannot tax Ireland quia millite ad parliamebitum non mittant & Sir William Jones an eminent jurist declared it as his opinion to king Charles the 2nd: “that he could no more grant a commission to levy money on his subjects in Jamaica without their consent by an assembly than they could discharge themselves from their allegiance to the Crown” I have selected this paragraph merely as a specimen but every other sentence in the letter carries demonstrative marks of the hand of James Otis. The next letter was to General Conway dated feb 18. 68 This letter also bears indellible marks of the hand of James Otis Page 22 “The house is at all times ready to Recognize his majesties high court of Parliament the supreme legistative Power over the whole Empire its superintending authority in all cases consistent with the fundamental rules of the Constitution is as clearly admitted by his majesties subjects in this province as by those within the Relm” This paragraph is an infallible stamp of the then character of James Otis’s opinions. This opinion was not mine; I could not and would not have consented to it, for long before this time I was fully convinced that Parliament had no legal & constitutional authority over us in any case whatsover. Page 23d. “It is the glory of the British Prince & the happiness of all his subjects that their constitution hath its foundation in the immutable laws of nature and as the supreme legislative as well as the Supreme Executive derives its authority from that Constitution it should seem that no laws can be made or executed that are repugnant to any essential law in nature. Hence a British subject is happily distinguished from the subjects of many other states in a just & well grounded opinion of his own safety which is the perfection of political liberty.” This whole paragraph is James Otis in perfection. the sense of every line of it is his; it may be thought a minute criticism but it is characteristic & infallible. Otis & the majority of the Committee derived all authority from the constitution Samuel Adams would have derived it only from the people The People with him were everything & Constitutions nothing Otis & Adams however might have agreed in expression for it is certain that no constitution can be made by any other power than the people. The letter proceeds—page 23—“It is acknowledged to be an unalterable law in nature that a man should have the free use and sole disposal of the fruit of his honest industry subject to no control.“The equity of this principle seems to have been too obvious to be misunderstood by those who framed the Constitution into which it is engrafted as an established law. It is conceived that this principle gave rise in early time to a representation in Parliament where every individual in the Realm has since been and is still considered by acts of Parliament—As present by himself Or by his representative of his own free election; consequently the aid afforded these to the Sovereign is not in the nature of a tribute but the free & voluntary gift of all.”
All the subsequent Paragraphs of this letter carry indellible marks of Otis’s hand, Smoothed with the oily brush of S. A.
The next letter is to the Marquis of Rockingham Jany 22—1768 page 28th “Your Lordship is pleased to say that you will not adopt a system of arbitrary rule over the Colonies nor do otherwise than strenuously resist whose attempts shall be made to throw off—that dependency to which the Colonies ought to submit. And your Lordship with great impartiality adds, “not only for the advantage of Great Brittain but for their own real happiness & safety.”
This House my Lord have the honor heartily to join with you in Sentiment & they speak the language of their constituents. So sensible are they of their happiness & safety in their union with & dependence upon the mother country—that they would by no means be inclined to accept—of an independency if offered to them” This was the Sentiment of James Otis & of a majority of that committee & of their constituents but whether it was cordially the sentiment of Sam’l Adams at that time I submit to the judgment of his grandson. I could not have consented to that paragraph, without limitations & explanations. If we could have been sure of continuing our old connection I Should have prefered it to independence—but rather than submit to the sovereign authority of parliament I would not only have accepted independence if offer’d but would have fought for it if refused.” page 29th. “My Lord the superintending power of that high court (the parliament) over all his majestys subjects in the empire and all cases which can consist with the fundamental rules of the constitution was never question’d in this province nor as the house conceive in any other—but in all free states the constitution is fix’d it is from thence that the Supreme legislative as well as the Supreme executive derives its authority—neither of them can break through the fundamental rules of the constitution without destroying their own foundation. It is humbly conceived that all his Majestiys happy Subjects in every part of his wide extended dominions have a just & equitable claim to the rights of that constitution upon which a government itself is formed & by which Sovereïgnty & allegiance is ascertained & limited your Lordship, will allow us to say that it is an essential right of a British Subject engrafted into the Constitution or if your Lordship will admit the expression—a sacred & unalienable natural right quietly to enjoy & have the sole disposal of his own property &c” This & all the subsequent paragraphs in this letter are but abridgements of the sentiments uttered by Otis in 1761. in his arguments against the execution of the deterrant Acts of trade. The next letter is to Lord Camden page 33. “If in all free states the constitution is fixed and the supreme legislative power from thence derives its authority can that power overleap the bounds of the constitution without subverting its foundation—? If the remotest Subjects are bound by the ties of allegiance which this people & their forefathers have ever acknowledged are they not by the rules of equity entitled to all the rights of that constitution which ascertains & limits both sovereignty and allegiance? If it is an essential unalterable right in nature engrafted into the British constitution as a fundamental law; & ever held sacred and irrevocable by the subjects within the realm that what is a mans own is absolutely his own & that no man hath a right to take it from him without his consent:—May not the subjects of this province with a decent firmness which has always distinguished the happy subjects of Britain plead & maintain this natural constitution? The superintending authority of his majestys high court of parliament—over the whole empire in all cases which can consist with the fundamental rights of the constitution was never question’d in this Province nor as this house conceive in any other.”
Here Mr Otis. Mr. Adams & the whole committee are undoubtedly in an error they made too ample a concession: the authority of parliament had always been question’d & always disputed untill the year 1675. when it was denied not only by Gov Winthrop Leverett & the legislature of the colony & it was ever after question’d by the best informed & thinking men both in this province & in many others if not in all “but they intreat Your Lordships reflection one moment on an act of parliament pass’d in the last Session & another in the 4th of his present majestys reign both imposing duties on his subjects in America which as they are imposed for the sole & express purpose of raising a revenue are in effect taxes. The position that taxation & representation are inseparable is founded on the immutable laws of nature—but the Americans had no representation in the parliament when they were taxed are they not then unfortunate then in these instances in having that separated which God & nature had joined? Every other paragraph in the letter is demonstrative of the hand of Otis. page 36th “A power without a check is always unsafe & in some future time may introduce an absolute government into America. The Judges of the land here do not hold their commissions during good behaviour—is it not then justly to be apprehended. that at so great a distance from the throne the foundation of national justice with salaries altogether independent of the people—an arbitrary rule may take effect, which shall deprive a bench of justice of its glory & the people of their security”—.
The next letter is to the Earl of Chatham “Feb’y 2d ’68. This is principally a letter of complement but it may not be amiss to quote a sentence or two. page 38—“It must afford the utmost satisfaction to the distrest colonists to find your Lordship so explicitly declaring your sentiments in that grand principle in nature ‘that what a man hath honestly acquired is absolutely & uncontrolably his own’ this principle is established as a fundamental rule in the british constitution which eminently hath its foundation in the laws of nature & consequently it is the indisputable right of all men more especially of a british subject to be present in person or by representation in the body where he is taxed; but however fixed your Lordship—& some others may be in this cardinal point it is truly mortifying to many of his majestys free & loyal Subjects that even in the british parliament that sanctuary of liberty & justice a different Sentiment seems of late to have prevailed” The rest of the letter is but a repetition of the complaints in former letters & a representation of the merits of the colonies in all former times in the public Service—The next is a letter to the Commissioners of the treasury. this in general is a repetition of the substance of the former letters a little varied in expression page 45 “They complain ‘of the duties levied by the offensive Acts of parliament as imposed with the sole & express purpose of raising a revenue and are to be applied in the first place for the making a more certain and adequate provission for the charge of the administration of justice & support of civil government &c &c” The next letter is a circular letter to the Speakers of the respective houses of representatives & burgesses on this continent a copy of which was also sent to Dennis De Bundt Esqr their agent—“by order of the house that he might make use of it if necessary to prevent any misrepresentation of it in England this letter is but a kind of recapitulation of the sentiments of the former letter— The letter to the Earl of Shelburne which follows dated Jan’y 22d ’68 This letter relates to proceedings between Gov Bernard & the house relative to a letter of his Lordship which the house had been permitted to hear but not to see & relative to charges against them which had been supposed to have been prefered by Bernard himself I shall quote but one paragraph from their vindication of themselves for having left out the judges from their legislative council “The non election of several gentlemen of distinguished character & station was by no means the effect of party prejudice private resentment or motives still more blameable but the result of calm reflection upon the danger that might acrue to our excellent constitution & the liberties of the people form too great an union of the legislative executive & judiciary powers of government which in the opinion of the greatest writers ought always to be kept Separate nor was this a new opinion formed at a certain period but it has been the prevailing sentiments of many of the most sensible & unexceptionable gentlemen in the province for many years past upon principles which your lordships thorough knowledge of the constitution & the just balance of the several powers of government this house is assured will justify.” The last letter dated Jan’y 12th. ’68—is to Dennis de Bardt Esqr agent for the house page 59 “The fundamental rules of the Constitution are the grand security of all british subjects & it is a security which they are all equally entitled to in all parts of his majestys extended dominions. The Supreme legislative in every free State derives its power from the constitution by the fundamental rules by which it is bounded & circumscribed. As a legislative power is essentially requisite where any powers of government are exercised it is conceived the Several legislative bodies in America where erected because their existence & the free exercise of their power within their several limits are essentially important & necessary to preserve to his majestys subjects in America the advantages of the fundamental laws of the constitution. When we mention the rights of the subjects in America & the interests we have in the british constitution in common with all other british subjects—We cannot justly be suspected of the most distant tho’t of an Independency on Great Britain some we know have imagined this of the colonists & others perhaps may have industriously propagated it & raise groundless & unreasonable jealousies of them but it is so far from the truth that we apprehend the colonies would refuse it if offered to them & would ever deem it the greatest misfortune to be obliged to accept it. They are far from being insensible of their happiness in being connected with the mother country & of the mutual benefits derived from it to both &c &c” Here Mr. Tudor let me pause whatever Mr. J Otis or Mr. S Adams or Col Otis—or Major Hawley—or Mr. Samuel Dexter—the illustrious Committee who sanction’d these letters thought at that time. I could not have given my unquallified consent to the foregoing paragraph for I certainly had distant thoughts of an Independency of Great Britain long before I ever saw the face of any one of that committee—even as long ago as the years 1755—56—& 57. when living at Worcester & knowing that miserable conduct of Shirley, Braddock—Loudon. Webb, & others in conducting the war & managing American Affairs I ardently wished that we had nothing to do with Great Britain. & firmly believed that the American Colonies if left to themselves & suffered to unite might defend themselves against the French much better without Great B— than with her. Now we will proceed with our quotations from the letter “It is the glory of the B constitution—that it hath its foundation in the law of God & nature—It is an essential national right that a man shall quietly enjoy—& have the sole disposal of his own property—this right is adopted into the constitution; this natural & constitutional right is so familiar to the American subjects that it would be difficult if possible to convince them that any necessity can render it just equitable & reasonable in the nature of things that the parliament should impose duties, subsidies, talliages, & taxes, upon them, internal or external, for the sole purpose of raising a revenue—. The reason is obvious because they cannot be represented & therefore their consent cannot be constitutionally had in Parliament.” They then they remark upon the declaratory act & the subsequent revenue acts which I pass over to page 63 “It is observable that though many have disregarded life & contemned liberty yet there are few men who do not agree that property is a valuable acquisition wh’ ought to be held sacred. Many have fought & bled & died for this, who have been insensible in all other obligations—those who ridicule the ideas of right & justice, faith & truth among men will put a high value upon money— property is admitted to have an existence even in a savage state of nature—the bow the arrow & the tomahawk, the hunting & the fishing ground, are species of property as important to any American savage, as pearls, rubies, & diamonds, are to the Mogul or a nabob in the east, or the lands, tenements, hereditaments, messuages, gold & silver of Europeans. & if property is necessary to the support of savage life it is by no means less so in civil Society—The Utopian Schemes of levelling—& the community of goods are as vissionary & impracticable as those wh’ vest all property in the crown are arbitrary, despotic, & in our government unconstitutional. Now what property can the Colonist be conceived to have if their money may be granted away by others without their consent” To do justice to this letter I must transcribe every word of it; but I have already, you will think, transcribed too much tho’ every line is a diamond. We will pass to page 65—“Our ancestors were in one respect not in so melancholy a situation as we their posterity are. In those times the crown & the ministers of the crown without the intervention of parliament demolished charters & levied taxes on the colonies at pleasure— Gov Andross in the time of James 2—declared that wherever an Englishman sets his foot—all he hath is the Kings. & Dudley declared, at the council board, & even on the sacred seat of justice, that the privilege of englishmen not to be taxed without their consent and the laws of England, would not follow them to the ends of the earth. It was also in those days declared in-council that the Kings subjects in New England did not differ much from slaves—& that the only difference was that they were not bought & sold—But there was even in those times an excellent attorney General. Sir W—Jones who was of another mind & told King James that he no more grant a commission to levy money on his subjects in Jamaica—tho’ a conquored island without their consent by an assembly, than they could discharge themselves from their allegiance to the English Crown. But the misfortune of the colonists at present is—that they are taxed by parliament without their consent. This while the Parliament continues resolved to tax us will ever render our case in one respect—more deplorable & remediless under the best of Kings than that of our ancestors was under the worst. They found relief by the interposition of parliament—lent by the intervention of that very power—we are taxed and can appeal for relief from their final decission to no power on earth—for their is no power on earth above them” For the rest of this admirable letter I must refer you to the printed vol. in which it is found, rich as it is, both in stile & matter: upon an attentive & careful review of all these letters I can find nothing to ascribe to Mr. Adams every sentence and every word of them appears to me to be Mr. Otis’s They are but an abridgement a concise compendium of Mr. O’s argument against the execution of the acts of trade in 1781—seven years before these letters were written— If Mr. O himself had not informed me that he had given them all to Mr. S A. to be revised I should not have suspected that Mr. Adams had anything to do in the composition of them for Mr. O. was as severe a critic & as capable of writing well as any man of that time he only did not love to revise correct & polish. If Mr. A. had really any share in these compositions it must have been only in the collocation of words. “Proper words in proper places” is a definition of Style. Swift, in these four words has express’d the essence of a learned, acute, & celebrated treatise of Dionisious Hallicarnuscensis concerning the arrangement of words, this arrangement of words is indeed a matter of Great consequence. Hume Robertson & Gibbon, owed more their fame to this than to their accuracy or impartiality: woe to the writer, in this age of the world who is rash enough to despise or neglect it—If Mr. Adams had nay share in the composition of these letters it was merely in the arrangement of Mr. O’s words—
I am Sir your humble servant
JA—


Title: From John Adams to Alden Bradford, 12 March 1819
From: Adams, John
To: Bradford, Alden

Dear Sir
Quincy March 12th 1819

There has been some misunderstanding between us. I fear the mistake was originally mine; the “Appeal to the world” was not the pamphlet I intended. In the discourses on Davilla publish’d—in the year ’89 page 87th. beginning I find this paragraph: Americans! Rejoice &c continued to the words “alteration of the constitution” In the margin of this vol—appears in my hand writing these words “This Boston pamphlet was drawn by the great James Otis”, Mr. Otis had lucid intervals even to this time & afterwards his memory as strong, his understanding as clear and the love of his country as ardent as ever. The pamphlet itself is so plain a copy of his mind in his best estate that no other person could have written it. It is not at all improbable that Mr. Adams & Mr. Otis—together may have composed the “Appeal to the world”
I have Sir the honor to be your / most obedient humble servant

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to John Taylor, 12 March 1819
From: Adams, John
To: Taylor, John

Worthy Sir—
Quincy March 12—1819

The painful difficulty of holding a pen which has been—growing upon me for many years & now in the middle of the 84th year of my age has become insupportable must be my apology—not only for terminating my Strictures upon your enquiry but for the necessity I am under of borrowing another hand to acknowledge the receipt of your polite & obliging letter of Feb’y 20th. I have never had but one opinion concerning banking from the institution of the first in Philadelphia by Mr. Robert Morris & Mr. Governeur Morris—& that opinion has uniformly been that the banks have done more injury to the religion, morality, tranquility, prosperity, and even wealth of the nation, than they ever have done or ever will do good; they are like party spirit the delusion of the many for the interest of a few. I have always thought that Sir Isaac Newton and Mr. Locke a hundred years ago at least had scientiffically demonstratively settled all questions of this kind. Silver & gold are but the commodities as much as wheat and lumber—the merchants who study the necessity & feel out the wants of the community can always import enough to supply the necessery circulating currency as they can broadcloths or sugar—the trinkets  of Birmingham & Manchester—or the hemp of Liberia. I am old enough to have seen a paper currency anihilated at a blow in Massachusetts in 1750, and a silver currency takings its place immediately & supplying every necessity & every convenience I cannot enlarge upon this subject; it has always been incomprehensible to me that a people so jealous of their liberty & property as the Americans should so long have borne impositions with patience and submission which would have been trampled under foot in the meanest village in Holland or undergone the fate of Woods half pence in Ireland. I beg leave to refer you to a work which Mr. Jefferson has sent me translated by himself from a French Manuscript of the Count Destutt Tracy. His Chapt. “Of Money” contains the sentiments that I have entertained all my life time. I will quote only a few lines from the anylytical table page 21—“It is to be desired that coins had never borne other names than those of their weights & that the arbitrary denominations are called  monies of account as £—S—d. &c. had never been used but when these denominations are admitted and employed in transacteions called to diminish the quantity of metal to which they answer by an alteration of the real coins is to steal & it is a theft which even injures him who commits it—A theft of a greater magnitude & still more ruinous is the making of paper-money it is greater because in this money there is absolutely no real value it is greatermore ruinous because by its gradual depreciation during all this time of its existence it produces the effect which would be produced by an infinity of successive deteorations of the coins; all these iniquities are founded on the false idea that money is but a sign.” Permit me to recommend this vol. to your attentive perusal.
Athough an intimacy & a friendship between Mr. P. Henry & me in 1774 & continued till his death—& I have a tender veneration for his memory yet I would not strip the laurels from other men to decorate his brows. Indulge me Sir in the vanity of enclosing to You a copy of an original letter from Mr. H. to me now in my hand dated—May 20th. 1776. I had sent him a copy of that Marble covered pamphlet which I once sent to you entitled thoughts on government &c and it is of that he acknowledges the receipts & expresses his opinion—. If you can contribute anything Sir to convince or persuade this nation to adopt a more honest medium of commerce you will have the most cordial wishes for your success / of your obliged & / most obedient humble / servant—

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Mordecai M. Noah, 15 March 1819
From: Adams, John
To: Noah, Mordecai M.

Dear Sir
March 15th. 1819

I have to thank you for another valuable publication your travels in “Europe & Africa” which though I cannot see well enough to read I can hear as well ever & accordingly have heard read two thirds of it & shall in course hear all the rest—It is a magazine of ancient & modern learning of judicious observations & ingenious reflections I have been so pleased with it that I wish you had continued your travels into Syria Judea & Jerusalem. I should attend more to your interesting remarks upon those interesting countries than to those of any traveller I have yet read—If I were to let my  imagination loose I Should wish you had been a member of Napoleons Institute at Cairo nay farther I could find it in my heart to wish that you had been at the head of a hundred thousand Israelites indeed as well disciplin’d as a French army—& marching with them into Judea & making a conquest of that country & restoring your nation to the dominion of it—For I really wish the Jews again in Judea an independent nation For as I believe the most enlighten’d men of it have participated in the ameliorations of the philosophy of the age, once restored to an independent government & no longer persecuted they would soon wear away some of the asperities & peculiarities of their character possibly in time become liberal Unitarian Christians for your Jehovah is our Jehovah & your God of Abraham Isaac & Jacob is our God I am Sir with respect & esteem / your obliged humble servant
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from J. H. Tiffany, 18 March 1819
From: Tiffany, J. H.
To: Adams, John

					Venerable Sir.
					Schoharie Bridge, N.Y. 18 March, 1819.

				Will you be pleased to accept of the accompanying political charts of 6 tables or sheets; & may I solicit your Suggestions of improvement & correction of the plan & matter? I hope, to be enabled to furnish a more ample & correct edition in 1821.The Appendix will contain matters not susceptible of tabular exhibition; & among other things, definitions of political terms to which certain & uniform Signification should be annexed—To claim & maintain our Rights, we must know them;—they can only be known by definition. None can define them with such perspicuity & authority as those who concieved & accomplished the objects of the American revolution.May I therefore, assume to ask of you definitions, appropriate to the American genius & institutions, of the terms—

1. Liberty2. REPUBLIC: {vide Federalist. No. 10. 39. 64. Mr Hamilton’s letter to Mr Pickering. 3d Niles’ Reg. p. 148. T. Paine &ca.3. Constitution: {Notes on Virginia, Federalist No. 39. 40. “Rights of Man.” &c4 Government.5 Politics.The 1st. & 2d. are particularly interesting. It is quite probable that some of these are defined in your “Defence of the Am. Const.”; but it is my misfortune never to have had an opportunity to see these volumes & they are now become very rare.Sir Yours— / With very great respect—

					J. H. Tiffany.


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 21 March 1819
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

               Dear Sir
               Monticello Mar. 21. 19.

            I am indebted to you for mr Bowditch’s very learned mathematical papers, the calculations of which are not for every reader, altho’ their results are readily enough understood. one of these impairs the confidence I had reposed in La Place’s demonstration that the excentricities of the planets of our system could oscillate only within narrow limits, and therefore could authorise no inference that the system must, by it’s own laws, come one day to an end. this would have left the question of infinitude, at both ends of the line of time, clear of physical authority.Mr. Pickering’s pamphlet on the pronunciation of the Greek, for which I am indebted to you also, I have read with great pleasure. early in life the idea occurred to me that the people now inhabiting the antient seats of the Greeks and Romans, altho’ their languages in the intermediate ages had suffered great changes, and especially in the declensions of their nouns, and in the terminations of their words generally yet having preserved the body of the word radically the same, so they would preserve more of it’s pronunciation. that at least it was  probable that a pronunciation, handed down by tradition, would retain, as the words themselves do, more of the original than that of any other people whose language has no affinity to that original. for this reason I learnt, and have used the Italian pronunciation of the Latin. but that of the modern Greeks I had no opportunity of learning until I went to Paris. there I became acquainted with two learned Greeks, Count Carberri and mr Paradise, and with a lady, a native Greek, the daughter of Baron de Tott, who did not understand the antient language. Carberri and Paradise spoke it. from these instructors I learnt the modern pronunciation, and in general, trusted to it’s orthodoxy. I say, in general, because sound being more fugitive than the written letter, we must, after such a lapse of time, presume in it some degeneracies, as we see there are in the written words. we may not indeed be able to put our finger on them confidently, yet neither are they entirely beyond the reach of all indication. for example, in a language so remarkable for the euphony of it’s sounds, if that euphony is preserved in particular combinations of it’s letters, by an adherence to the powers ordinarily ascribed to them, and is destroyed by a change of these powers, and the sound of the word thereby rendered harsh, inharmonious & unidiomatical, here we may presume some degeneracy has taken place, while therefore I gave into the modern pronunciation generally, I have presumed, as an instance of degeneracy, their ascribing the same sound to the six letters, or combinations of letters η, ι, υ, ει, oι, υι, to all of which they give the sound of our double e, in the word meet, this useless equivalence of 3. vowels and 3. diphthongs did not probably exist among the antient Greeks; and the less probably as, while this single sound, ee, is over-charged by so many different representative characters, the sounds we usually give to these characters and combinations would be left without any representative signs. this would imply either that they had not these sounds in their language, or no signs for their expression. probability appears to me therefore against the practice of the modern Greeks of giving the same sound to all these different representatives, and to be in favor of that of foreign nations, who, adopting the Roman characters, have assimilated to them, in a considerable degree, the powers of the corresponding Greek letters. I have accordingly excepted this in my adoption of the modern pronunciation. I have been more doubtful in the use of the αυ, ευ, ηυ, ωυ, sounding the υ, upsilon, as our f. or V. because I find traces of that power of v, or of u, in some modern languages. to go no further than our own, we have it in laugh, cough, trough, enough. the county of Louisa, adjacent to that in which I live; was, when I was a boy, universally pronounced Lovisa. that it is not the gh which gives the sound of f. or v. in these words is proved by the orthography of plough, through, thought, fraught, caught. the modern Greeks themselves too, giving to υ, upsilon, in ordinary the sound of our ee strengthen the presumption that it’s anomalous soun of f or v. is a corruption. the same may be inferred from the cacophony of ηλαφνε (elavne) for ηλαυνε (elawne) Αχιλλεφς (Achillefs) for Αχιλλευς (Achilleuse) ηφς (eves) for ηϋς (eeuse) οφκ (ovk) for ουκ (ouk) ωφτος (ovetos) for ωϋτος (o-u-tos) Ζεφς (zevs) for Ζευς (zuse) of which all nations have made their Jupiter; and the uselessness of the υ in ευφωνια, which would otherwise have been spelt εφωνια. I therefore except this also from what I consider consider as approvable pronunciation.Against reading Greek by accent, instead of quantity, as mr Ciclitira proposes, I raise both my hands. what becomes of the sublime measure of Homer, the full sounding rythm of Demosthenes if, abandoning quantity, you chop it up by accent? what ear can hesitate in it’s choice between the two following rythms?Τὸν δ’απαμειβὸμενος προςεφὴ πόδας ωκὺς Αχιλλεύς, andΤόν δ’απαμειβομενός προςεφή ποδας ώκυς Αχίλλευς.the latter noted according to prosody, the former by accent, & dislocating our teeth in it’s utterance; every syllable of it, except the first and last, being pronounced against quantity. and what becomes of the art of prosody? is that perfect coincidence of it’s rules with the structure of their verse merely accidental? or was it of design, & yet for no use.On the whole I rejoice that this subject is taken up among us, & that it is in so able hands as those of mr Pickering. should he ultimately establish the modern pronunciation of the letters without any exception I shall think it a great step gained, and giving up my exceptions shall willingly rally to him; and as he has promised us another paper on the question whether we shall read by quantity or by accent, I can confidently trust it to the correctness of his learning and judgment. of the origin of accentuation I have never seen satisfactory proofs. but I have generally supposed the accents were intended to direct the inflexions and modulation of the voice; but not to affect the quantity of the syllables.—you did not expect, I am sure, to draw on yourself so long a disquisition on letters and sounds. nor did I intend it. but the subject run  before me, & yet I have dropped much of it by the wayI am delighted with your high approbation of Tracy’s book. the evils of this deluge of paper money are not to be removed until our citizens are generally and radically instructed in their cause & consequences, and silence by their authority the interested clamors and sophistry of speculating, shaving & banking institutions. till then we must be content to return, quoad hoc, to the savage state, to recur to barter in the exchange of our property, for want of a stable, common measure of value, that now in use being less fixed than the beads & wampum of the Indian, and to deliver up our citizens, their property and their labor passive victims to the swindling tricks of bankers and mounte bankers. if I had your permission to put your letter into the hands of the editor (Milligan) with or without any verbal alterations you might chuse, it would ensure the general circulation, which my prospectus and prefatory letter will less effectually recommend. there is nothing in the book of mine but these two articles, and the note on taxation in page 202. I never knew who the translator was: but I thought him some one who understood neither French nor English: and probably a Caledonian, from the number of Scotticisms I found in his MS. the innumerable corrections of that cost me more labor than would  a translation of the whole de novo; and made at last but an inelegant altho’ faithful version of the sense of the author. Dios guarde á V.S. muchos años.

               Th: Jefferson


Title: To John Adams from Caesar Augustus Rodney, 28 March 1819
From: Rodney, Caesar Augustus
To: Adams, John

					Venerable & Dear Sir,
					Wilmington March 28th. 1819.

				In the late irreparable loss, you have sustained by a severe dispensation of Divine Providence, I sincerely sympathise with you; but hope that time, reason & religion have administered their consolations, and restored your mind. Permit me to enclose you copies of two letters, from my uncle to my father, at memorable epochs in our Revolutionary annals. The first from New–York when the Stamp Act Congress was sitting there, in 1765. and the other last from Philada. on the birth day of independence. I am in possession of an unbroken chain of their correspondence from 1763. to 1783.Whether my uncle was a competent judge of the characters & talents of the Congress of 1765. you can best determine, because you knew him well, in public life. But the high compliment he pays them was sincere on his part.I am still confident that I shall find the Letters of Mr. Otis, and think they must be only mislaid, with some others from the most ditinguished friends of the Revolution.You may, probably, have read my report on S. America. In tracing the steps of Genl. Miranda, a subject was brought more distinctly to my veiw, than heretofore, that requires explanation, and upon which you may perhaps shed light. It is stated in the Edinburgh Reveiw vol. XIII pages 289–292. that a treaty was once proposed, & the heads of it are given, the object of which, was, to render S. America independent. Some letters have been published from Miranda to the late Gnl. Hamilton, & one, from him, to Miranda, on the subject. The state of our country at that period, renders the story not improbable. But I should be glad to know if there were any real foundation for it.Pardon my repeated obtrusions, & attribute them to my enthusiasm in the cause of our own revolution, & my zeal in that of the Independence of South America.With great veneration & regard / Yours Very Respect. &

					C. A. Rodney


Title: To John Adams from William Willis, 30 March 1819
From: Willis, William
To: Adams, John

                            Respected & Dear Sir
                            New Bedford 3d Mo. 30th. 1819

                        I have some time wished, and from day to day intended to write you a letter: And your esteem’d favor of the 21st of last month encreas’d that desire. But whenever I have place’d paper before me for that purpose, my hand has been arrested by an afflicting thought, that by expressing my condolence for the trying loss you have met with, I might open in your bosom a healing wound. But a confidence that expressions of sincere respect for one whose memory must be ever dear to you, cannot at any time be unwelcome to your ear. And also an assurance of you possessing a large share of that Christian fortitude, and resignation, which afford a healing balm to the afflicted mind, have encouraged me to break through the barriers which before arrested my pen.Although your loss, Sir, is irreparably great: Although those virtues which endear’d your Amiable Consort to all her acquaintance, endear’d her still more to you. Yet you have the consoling reflections, that the same virtues endear’d her also to that Saviour, who was able to transport her to those realms where pain and sorrow can never enter. And where you have the enlivening hope of meeting her again, in a State of never–ending blissWhen an overruling Providence Seperates from us by death, our dearest connexions; how allieviating is the confidence, that our loss, is their gain. And that the Beneficent Author of their being has call’d them from a world of woes, to regions of everlasting joy and Peace. And I am very confident, Sir, that no person who has been depriv’d of a belov’d partner of his bosom, ever had greater reason to believe, than you have, that yours has join’d the company of Celestial Spirits in “a City not made with hands eternal and on high”.That the Almighty Being who has thus depriv’d you of a deservedly belov’d consort, may aid you by his consoling Spirit; and render serene the evening of your days, is the prayer of / Your very Sincere / Respectful freind

                            Willm Willis

                     Enclosure

					Respected & Dear Sir
					New Bedford 3d Mo. 30th 1819

				While acknowledging the satisfaction I experienced in perusing your esteem’d letter of the 21st of last month, I have to confess the very ungrateful return I have made you, in yielding so far to the solicitations of some of my fellow members of the Auxiliary Society, as to submit a Copy of it for the press.The printer being about republishing a letter of yours written upwards of thirty–six years past, and lately publish’d in the Palladium; And a desire being express’d, that your letter to me might appear with it, I was drawn inconsiderately to consent to it. And must rely entirely upon your goodness to pardon me, for the liberty I have taken.I found an almost insurmountable difficulty in writing you, before the committing of this fault, which is express’d in my other letter of this date; And it is perhaps the additional difficulty, which has rous’d me to exertion. I have frequently in passing through the journey of life, hesitated to encounter obstacles; when increasing impediments have awaken’d me to action.The present prosperous State of our belov’d Country, And the prospects of its continuance Affords a Subject for general congratulation. But party bitterness, and invective which have been poured forth without measure in consequence of the approaching election in this State, is are deeply to be regretted. They are a disgrace to our Country, and I fear, will if persisted in, deter men of principle from consenting to be candidates for office.What a discourageing picture to be held up to the advocates of Republicanism throughout the world, is furnish’d by the News–paper electioneering abuse of party writers, on the present occasion. Errors are magnified, or perverted into crimes, and virtues are either pass’d over in silence, or are shaded by the darkening mists of calumny. And even the peaceful mansions of the Dead, are invaded, and their faults brought to view in order to blacken the party to which they belong’d. Where these things will end, I know not: But while they continue, the real good of our country must be overlook’d, and party prejudice manage the affairs of State.Believe me Sir with / Respectful best wishes / Your Assured friend

					Willm Willis


Title: From John Adams to John Rhea, 31 March 1819
From: Adams, John
To: Rhea, John

Sir
Quincy March 31st. 1819

I have received with great pleasure, your favour of March 9th. with the inclosed of Copy of a Speech, and of a circular Letter The speech is to me both in point of eloquence and information at least, as satisfactory as anything I have read upon the Subject—The Letter is a Concise comprehensive and marsterly compendium of the state of the Government and the prosperous circumstances of the Nation extremely proper to be transmit’ed by a Representatave to his Constituents—
Be pleased to accept my thanks for the favour you have done me in sending them to your / obliged humble Servant
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to J. H. Tiffany, 31 March 1819
From: Adams, John
To: Tiffany, J. H.

Sir
Quincy March 31st 1819

Your Political Chart is a happy thought—and an invention as useful as it is ingenious, accept my best thanks for the present you have made me of it—and for your obliging favour of March the 18th. which came to my hand but yesterday—
As I have always have been convinced that abuse of Words, has been the great instrument of Sophistry and Chicanery—of party, faction and Division in Society:—the time has been when I would have attended you with pleasure, in your pursuit of Correct definitions.
Liberty and Republick are two words which you have judiciously chosen but my forces are exausted and my days well nigh spent I therefore can be of no service to you.—
Dr Price has defined Civil Liberty as distinguished from Physical Moral, and Religious, Liberty—“to be the power of a Civil Society to Govern itself, by its own discretion or by laws of its own making by the majority in a collective body or by fair Representations”
I would define liberty to be a power to do as we would be done by the definition of Liberty as doing whatever the laws permit I would deffine LibertyI would define Liberty to be a power to do as we would be done by—the definition of Liberty to be the Power of doing whatever the Laws permit, meaning the Civil Laws—does not appear to be Satisfactory—but I would rather refer you to other writers than to any thing of my own—Sidney, Harrington: Lock, Montiesquieu, and even Hobbs, are worth consulting, and many others.—
Custom is said to be the standard of the meaning of words—and for the purposes of Common parlance, it may answer well enough—but where science is Concerned some thing more technical must be introduced. The Customary meanings of the word Republic and Common-wealth have been infinite. They have been applied to every Government under Heaven that of Turkey and that of Spain as well as that of Athans and of Rome of Geneva and St Marino. The Strict definition of a Republick is that, in which the Sovereignty, resides in more than one Man—a Democracy then is a republick as well as an Aristocracy or any mixture of both
The Federalist is a valuable Work and Mr Madison’s part in it as respectable as any other—but his distinction between a Republick, and a democracy, cannot be justified. A Democracy is as really a republick, as an Oak is a Tree—or a Temple a Building—there are in strickness of Speech and in the Soundest technical Language democratical and Aristocratical Republicks, as well as an infinite variety of Mixtures of both—
I have been obliged to borrow a hand to give you this assurance of the Gratitude and respect of your obliged humble Servant
John Adams—


Title: To John Adams from Henry Channing, 31 March 1819
From: Channing, Henry
To: Adams, John

					Dear Sir,
					New–London, Conn. March 31st. 1819.

				Your favour of Jany 29th. directed to me in Boston, was forwarded, and received a short time after.It is always a high gratification to be honoured with a line from one, whose character and public services are held in grateful recollection.I take the liberty of enclosing the papers of 24th and 31st inst. presuming you will be, at least amused by a curious exhibition, which may be called dramatic, without signature, in the paper of 24th—It was evidently designed to burlesque the republican party, now a majority in this state. The “oven” mentioned, I understand, denotes the republican party in  origin with Kirby, Granger &c. which was cked,  or cut off—but is represented as  again—referring to the present republicans. ans” refer to those who have left the other party & joined the republicans. Some of these took this step early in the late war, from disgust at the violent measures of opposition to the national government.—“Conspirators” refer to republicans generally. The “essence of blarney—and vicar of Bray”, refer to a certain Chesterfieldian, courtier, who has recently entered the race of popularity, from those called feds. I presume it particularly refers to E. Perkins, placed in the present Council by republicans, last May.In the paper of 31st. this day, the epilogue, written by a certain ardent friend of yours (which, of course, I mention confidentially) will doubtless bring to your recollection the cautious, trimming policy of Connectit. on days which “tried men’s souls.” The sale of the western reserve with the management connected with it, ought not to be forgotten—This meets due notice in the “epilogue.”Accept renewed assurances of great respect and affection, from

					H. Channing.

					P.S. Permit me to remark that my address is that of a plain citizen—never deserving that of Revd.—


Title: From John Adams to Ebenezer Green, 2 April 1819
From: Adams, John
To: Green, Ebenezer

Norfolk Ss:
Quincy 2d April 1819

Memorandum of Agreement made the 2d day of April in the year of our Lord 1819, between John Adams of Quincy in the County of Norfolk Esqr and Ebenezer Green of said Quincy Yeoman. It is covenanted and agreed by & between the parties to submit all Accounts and demands between them, to the determination of Messrs Josiah Bass, James Hall and George Beale all of Quincy—the Report of whom or any two of whom to be binding upon the parties hereto.
In testimony whereof we have hereunto put our hands & seals the day and year abovewritten.

John AdamsEbene GreenSigned, sealed and delivered in presence of  Thomas B Adams


Title: To John Adams from Elkanah Watson, 3 April 1819
From: Watson, Elkanah
To: Adams, John

					Dear Sir
					Albany 3d. Apl. 1819

				I have often regretted I had Not inserted in my Tour in Holland—a Meml. in the original Mss:—dated 20 June 1784. as follows—“Mr. Adam’s mind appeared Settled and intent upon an American Navy—in Our pleasant rides about the Hague—he appeard at times absorb’d in a reverie and at last length wou’d brake silence by exclaiming yes it must be So—12 Sail of the Line would place us in some respects on a footing with Some respectable European Naval powers N In reply I observed for my own part I cannot comprehend the rise of so small a Navy to face the mighty Navy of England”—If it shou’d please GOD to  extend your being a span More—in all probability you will realize your anticipation 35 years ago.Posterity will do you the justice to consider You the Father of Our Navy—wch. has already reflected so much honor on the Nation in its cradle—As I am winding up my 16 year efforts in building up the system of extending Agricultural Societies as well in my Native State as in this State—& as Laws have recently passed in both States to provide respectable Means to be given Out in premiums, and organize Societies & as I find the only  means way of rid riding myself from an oppressive correspondence is to write a book—I have by the Solicitations of gentlemen in different States determind on the Measures—& have taken the liberty again to make use of your Name—by Some agricultural extracts from some of your Letters to me—which I trust you will approve.I am Dr Sr / Yours respectfully / & cordially

					Elkanah Watson


Title: From John Adams to Caesar Augustus Rodney, 4 April 1819
From: Adams, John
To: Rodney, Caesar Augustus

Sir
Quincy April 4th 1819

I thank you Sir for your Condolence in my great affliction.—
And for the Copies of the two letters from your Uncle to you Father—the first in 65. and the last in 76.
 Cæsar Rodney your Uncle was in my opinion a judicious and Sagacious Judge of men and things—I knew only three of the Delegates to the Congress of 65.—General Timothy Ruggles was a Man of a strong mind—but devoted to great Britain.—James Otis possessed as great talents as any Man, as that ever arose in North America—and was wholly devoted to his native Country—Oliver Partridge was a Gentleman of Education but not greatly distinguished—more inclined however to great Britain than to his own Country—Governour McKeen and his talents you knew—these are all that I ever knew—except your Uncle—I have heard that Mr Ogden was distinguished—but he was on the side of Ruggles and great Britain—
On the Subject of great Miranda I could send you a bundle of papers—in Spanish, and in English, and French, but they are two voluminous—the originals , and Copies I cannot make—I published in the Boston Patriot several years ago the most material of them—but they appear not to have been read or considered of any value—a plan was laid by the British Ministry under Mr Pitt to set South America free—And what you have seen in the Edinburgh Review contains some imperfect hints of it only—
A Scotch Gentleman by the name of Briested, in a very large Octavo Volume which he entitled hints on the Bankruptcy of great Britain, If I remember right, in which he has given some account of this hopeful plot—and has charged the defeat of it to John Adams—who thanks him for the honour he did him—for Mr Pitt must have believed John Adams to have been an Idiot and the people of the United States out of their Senses to be duped by his Artifieces into the adaption of an enterprise more Romantick than any we read in the History of Mirandas great Archetype, Model, and example—the Hero of Lamancha—
The History of that mad transaction, I hope will one day be written, but I know not by whom, certainly it cannot be, by your obliged friend / and most humble Servant
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Henry Channing, 7 April 1819
From: Adams, John
To: Channing, Henry

dear Sir
Quincy April 7th 1819

I thank you for your favour of the 31st March and the two newspapers inclosed, the History of the Old Lady and the Epilogue, have entertained and instructed me their wit and humour and Allegory are less malicious and more Significant than is Common in our American political Anama’s—how happens has it happened that Connecticut has monopolized the wit and humour of the Continent it has certainly produced more Attick Salt than all the rest—? have you a mountain, or a Spring, of Attic Salt in Connecticut—
But to be a little more grave the Peace of 80 three and the restoration of the refugee produced a kind of counter revolution—throughout the whole of the thirteen States—the Old Torys with their Aristocratical connections with the assistance of their Old black Regiment of Priests high and low recovered an ascendency for a time and you and I know how they use it—a Volume upon this Subject would not be a amiss—not to mention Banks—nor a million other things I will only hint at one or two in Massachussets—no drinking Gambling young heir ever Squandered the Patrimony of his Ancestors with more Prodigal extravagance and folly than the Massachussets did—of their lands at Chenango and Gen Genesee genesee and some of their lands in the district of Main—I will just hint at one other of their Gambols their Hartford Convention and their remonstrances against the late War—but sir I must restrain my anger against the Tory’s and soften myself into good humour by subscribing myself kindly and / sincerely your obliged friend / and humble Servant.
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to William Willis, 10 April 1819
From: Adams, John
To: Willis, William

dear Sir.
Quincy April 10th 1819

Your Sympathy in my Sorrows, and Condolence in my grief—are soothing to my afflicted Bosom—Sixty years of pure friendship; fifty-four of which, were passed in the Sacred State of Wedlock; are ties that can never be dissolved, and obligations that never can be forgotten, but this is a Subject that I cannot dwell upon—
How my Letter of the 21st of Feby.—may appear in print publick I know not—but as I am not conscious of have written anything amiss—tho it was not written to be printed—I have no concern about it—the Subject is very near my heart—Intemperance is totally distructive of every-other Virtue—Prudence cannot exist with it—Fortitude in its Company can be nothing but Frenzy—and Patience can be nothing but insensibility, and Stupidity—the License of the Press is not more now, than it always has been since my remembrance—I have Smarted under its lashes, and lacerations too much to speak of it with temper—and therefore I shall leave it to the Sober Consideration of this Nation—whose Elections are its greatest Glory—the purity of which is in no little danger from this scourse.—
I am Sir, your obliged Friend and humble Servant
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Elkanah Watson, 14 April 1819
From: Adams, John
To: Watson, Elkanah

Dear Sir,
Quincy April 14th 1819

Your favour of April the 3d is like the recognizance of an old acquaintance after a Separation of several Years.
I lay no serious claim to the title of Father of the navy or of any thing else but my family. Have you seen a history of the american navy written by a Mr Clarke and edited by a Mr Matthew Cary? I gave the names of Alfred, Columbus the Cabots and the Andrewdoria to the first ships that ever sailed under the flag of the United Collonies. My country has been to me so very Capricious and fastidious a mistress that she never would receive my addresses long enough to give me an opportunity of becoming a Father legitimate or illegitimate, of any Child Son or Daughter. You have a much better title to the character of Father of American agriculterial societies you have preached with more success and to greater effect. I claim no Fatherhood but that of a family. I have had six Children Two of whom Heaven took to itself in their Cradles Four grew up and had Familys two have departed and left Children two thank God remain alive. I have now living two Sons; Fourteen Grand Children and five Great Grand Children of this tribe I claim to be a Father but I assure you the duties I owe to this little flock are greater than I can perform with my utmost exertions, anxiety and privation to the satisfaction of my own conscience.
Talk not then to me in future about any other Fatherhood than this for my capacity is inadequate even to this.
I am Sir with an agreeable recollection / of our acquaintance in various Countries your Friend / and humble servant
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to William Tudor, Sr., 15 April 1819
From: Adams, John
To: Tudor, William, Sr.

dear. Sir. William Tudor.
Quincy April 15th 1819

Do not expect to escape so, I have a hundred if not a thousand letters to write you. which however I shall never write, upon the restoration of the tories to this Country, and their subsequent Conduct towards me—of that host of Vagabond Foreigners who have tormented and deceived this Simple American people for four and forty years—for the secret Correspondences’s and Corruption—Civil political Commercial and Ecclesiastical


Title: From John Adams to Mathew Carey, 16 April 1819
From: Adams, John
To: Carey, Mathew

My worthy friend
Quincy April 16th. 1819

Yesterday I recd. from the post Office your vindicia hibernicae and I feel myself under great obligation to you for it, there is not a Subject upon which the attention of mankind can be turned to more advantage and your enterprise in this publication does not less honor to your choice than to the natural patriotic affections of your heart. I have always esteemed and admired the Irish Nation as well as the Scotch & have always lamented the prejudices again both that prevailed in England and America at the same time that I lamented the prejudices of the English Scotch and Irish against my honest countrymen of new–England, it is the fashion of Irishmen to call new Englandmen a sordid people. I could give you instances in which it has been said in my presence by Irishmen in a manner which according to the fashion of the World would have demanded their blood. The Situation of Scotland and Ireland while independant of England exposed them to the intrigues of France Spain and the Pope who were continually plotting underhand Schemes to excite them to Sedetion and rebellion against England as European powers have been these 40 years plotting mischief in America to warp us to their respective purposes—that Ireland has been an oppressed people I have long been convinced and my heart has bled for them and I now rejoice that you have undertaken their vindication. I have read only the preface and first Chapter of your book; but I will read or hear read all the rest if I live, for I well know you indefatigable application to whatever you undertake, and I wish some writer as industrious would undertake the Vindiciæ Americanæ, Old, decayed, and decriped as I am, I could point out to such an author Sources of investigation how the united States of America have been puppets danced upon the wires of France, Spain, England, Ireland, Scotland the Pope & the General of the Jesuits, the Moravians, the Swedenborgians, the Methodists, the England episcopalians and the Scotch Presbyterians. Your observations upon the hollowness of History, have my cordial assent; I should not have omitted even the Quakers or the Anababtists or even the menonists or the Dunkers or the Shaking Quakers.
I am Sir your obliged friend and / humble Servant John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 16 April 1819
From: Adams, John
To: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan

Dear Sir
Quincy April 16th. 1819

I have recd. your kind favour of the 4th. of March and thank you for your kind rememberance of me, but I am overwhelmed with an oppressive correspondance at an age when I can neither write nor read; and this must be my apology for making so unequal returns to you for your goodness.
I rejoice that your energies are so usefully employed. Your translation I am convinced will be useful to the public and I wish you a life long enough to compleat it.
Of myself I have nothing to say but that I still live, and that I remember that “From Malboroughs eyes the tears of dotage flow And swift expires; and drivler and a shew” And that Newton, Franklin and Samuel Adams before my age, were weeping; bedridden, helpless imbeciles.
But while memory remains my friend Mr. Vanderkemp will never be forgotten by his friend
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from D.C. Ballard, 17 April 1819
From: Ballard, D.C.
To: Adams, John

					Respected Sir,
					Boston April 17. 1819

				We respectfully beg leave to ask your notice of the enclosed bill—as agents for Mr Niles, we can safely vouch for its correctness; you will observe it bears date in March 1818 and is receipted. As we did not observe, untill our attention was directed to it by Mr N., that your bill for 13th. vol of “Niles’ Register”, forwarded to us in March 1818 still remained unpaid in our hands, it may be considered necessary, to explain how this omission occurred. When Mr Niles sent the enclosed bill, he remarked, that as but little time would elapse before he should be enabled to forward volume 14 & general index, with bills of same, he thought it best this should be retained by us till the receipt of the other, in order that they might be presented together; but on presentation of the subsequent one this was omitted. Although sorry that our neglect has given us occasion for thus troubling you, yet we should do ourselves injustice, were we not to take advantage of it to express our highest veneration for the coadjutor of Washington, Hancock & others, whom by the grace of God it has been your happiness to survive, to see your country advanced to glory, her sons enjoying prosperity & yourself reaping a rich reward in the gratitude & esteem of your countrymen.The warmest wishes for your health & happiness are tendered by / Your Obt. Serts

					Ballard & Wright


Title: To John Adams from J. H. Tiffany, 20 April 1819
From: Tiffany, J. H.
To: Adams, John

					Venerable Sir.
					Shcoharie Bridge. N.Y. 20 Apl. 1819.

				The great favour by your attention & answer to my letter is peculiarly enhanced by many considerations, & among others, the unfortunate necessity of employing an amanuensis. The public which participates largely in the motive & benefit, must be joined in the Responsibility of gratitude for what you have done—Mankind have a curiosity, an interest & perhaps a right to hear the voice of America & experience upon the themes of government, political liberty & happiness.The same queries where proposed to yourself & to Mr Jefferson, & to none else; and it is highly pleasing that there is such a remarkable similarity in your sentiments & definitions. I hope to be enabled to ascertain whether Mr Madison persists in his former distinctions which you so ably criticise.Many & illustrious have been your days in an epoch which will be a land-mark to remotest futurity; and may it please the Almighty long to continue those days in happiness & utility on Earth!Your very respectful, / Obliged & humb. Sert.

					J H Tiffany


Title: To John Adams from William Tudor, Jr., 25 April 1819
From: Tudor, William, Jr.
To: Adams, John

					Dear Sir.
					Boston April 25. 1819

				Having understood that Dr. Townsend whose wife was formerly intimate in the Otis family might possibly give me some anecdotes of James Otis, I called on him, a day or two since. He said he knew nothing particular but still mentioned two or three things which I wish to mention to you to know if they will recall any thing to your mind that I can make use of—The first thing was the trial of the mate who killed the British officer with the harpoon—In this case, a very interesting one, Otis & yourself were the counsel of the prisoner—Dr T. said he was very young, but attended the whole trial—That the principal labor of the defence laid with you—that Mr Otis when began, said “that so much had been done by you, that it was unnecessary for him to say any thing”; and, that in fact he only quoted some authorities and made a few observations—The official particulars of this cause I can get from the newspapers; but is there any thing in your recollection relating to Mr Otis’s management of the affair that  I can make use of, to illustration his principles or his practise? Dr T. then mentioned his having been at Cambridge when the legislature adjourned there, he came into the chapel where the Representatives sat, just after Brigadier Ruggles had finished a speech—Mr Otis got up much excited and in a stern tone of voice said “Mr Speaker, The liberty of this country is gone, and I’ll go after it”—and immediately left the House—Now I presume this was a moment of mental aberration—Dr T. also told me that there was a very good story which he could not recollect the particulars of, but referred me to a person who could, respecting Mr Otis being consulted by Isaak Thomas who was to print them about some writings to know if they came within the limits of Treason—Do you know any thing of this?—If on any of these points any observation occurs to your mind, if you will place it in your next letter to my Father, it will much oblige me—I am getting together my materials & payments and hope in the course of the summer to get the work into some shape & devote next winter to its correction—I shall esteem it a great privilege to be able to read parts of it to you, and to hear your remarks—I remain with the / highest respect / Your hble sevt

					W. Tudor jr.


Title: To John Adams from Emma Willard, 25 April 1819
From: Willard, Emma
To: Adams, John

					Venerable Sir,
					Troy (N.Y.) April 25 1819

				The writer has no other reason to offer for again interrupting your repose with a letter and a book, but that she considers you as a Father of that country which she dearly loves, and as such she regards you with filial gratitude and reverence: and what we strongly feel nature prompts us to express.—Nature also prompts us to receive with a degree of pleasure those expressions of affection which we know are not dictated by interest. Custom it is true must weaken this pleasure, but I should think could never totally extinguish it. Even the Deity, we have reason to believe, takes pleasure in the heart-felt affection of those who are but worms before him.Among the various circumstances which constitute the history of our country for a few years past, not one has give me more pleasure, then that of  your having lived to experience the full return of that affection and confidence from your fellow citizens, which was ever justly your due. It comes like the beautiful clouds when the sun is low in the west, to cheer the evening of your useful day. But it is not on your account only that I rejoice in this. Amidst the general worship of power, it is cheering to notice that in some instances our countrymen can bow to merit. It gives us courage to believe that there is yet virtue amongst us.I have sent you Sir, Mr. Southwick’s Address to the Apprentices of Albany. I think your benevolence will be gratified by remarking the exertions which great and good men in different parts of the country are making to promote the improvement of our laborious youth. But it was Mr. Southwick’s warm wishes for your happiness in which I fervently unite, that first gave me the idea of sending the work to you. There are many interesting reflections connected with Mr. S’s expressions of veneration for you. As Editor of the Albany Register he probably did more then any other man in this state to prevent your reelection to the Presidency. That he is now your eulogist marks how strongly the affections of this people have returned to you. Mr. Southwick as well as yourself has experienced the ingratitude of his party probably because he too has had the independance and patriotism in some instances to differ from them. Perhaps Mr Southwick also may witness the return of popular favor, as it is now in agitation among a considerable number of the leading opponents of Mr. Clinton to make Mr. S. the opposing candidate for Governor at the next election. Mr. Adams can have no interest in wishing to communicate this fact, or at least in naming me as its author. The plan may be crushed in its infancy and the fruits of it never appear, but if it should go on, it may be pleasant for you Sir as you look over the papers from this state to have a key to manoevres, whose direct object will not in any event be for some time explicitly avowed. Should Mr. S. be put up for governor it is impossible to tell how he would succeed. I cannot but think the people of N. York would be “quarreling with their mercies” to displace Mr Clinton, for his administration has certainly been honourable to the state. Mr. Southwich’s manners are more generally pleasing; he is also a man of undoubted talents. Many instances are told of his active benevolence, and he has been publishing under the signature of Henry Homespun, the Plough Boy an agricultural paper which has been very popular among the people. Perhaps Mr Adams may feel some interest to hear the state of my project to improve female education. For six years I have pursued it with unwearied steps; often repulsed & disappointed, but never discouraged. My expectations of patronage from the state legislature have not been realized. A law passed for the promotion of my object has been rendered abortive by the injustice of those who had the care of a fund, a part of which was appropriated by the legislature to our benefit. The corporation and citizens of Troy have however, on condition of my removing to that place, undertaken to supply in a measure the want of legislation. They are now engaged in making a building suitable to the object.Permit me to express my thanks for your prompt reply to my former letter and for your favorable opinion of my little work. If however it is a trouble for you to answer letters do not, respected Sir, suffer your politeness in this instance to induce you to take that trouble. I am sufficiently rewarded by the pleasure of writing. I know I have committed an error in addressing Mr Adams so much as if I were an acquaintance. Knowing him as I do, being from pictures familiar with his very features, it is difficult for me to realize how very little he knows or has thought of me; yet I could wish he would sometimes recollect me as being / With filial respect and affection / His humble friend and Servant

					Emma Willard


Title: To John Adams from Ann Frances Bulkeley Humphreys, 27 April 1819
From: Humphreys, Ann Frances Bulkeley
To: Adams, John

					My dear Sir
					Boston April 27th. 1819

				Having heard from Mr. Binon the Sculptor, yesterday, that you had graciously expressed a wish to see a little drama of “The Yankey in England” by our departed friend. I have now the honor to enclose it to you, and present Doolittle to your mercy & indulgence, with the hope that he may now & then excite a smile in your countenance. I am peculiarly interested in poor Doolittle, from the pleasing, though sad recollections, of the amusement he has caused to General Humphreys in forming his character, & of the cheerful moments we passed together in consequence of it: He was never though; I think, quite satisfied with him, as it regarded his importance in the business of the Plot, which was so difficult to unite with his inexperience & want of knowledge of the world: but which seems wanting, regarding him as the principal personage in the Drama. Genl Humphreys had a few copies of it printed, but never published, and I observed that he cautiously collected them together and was not fond of letting them be dispersed; in short, it was evident that he did not intend that they should be introduced into the world without some alteration: he took a copy with him when he last departed from here which he was altering & correcting, & though I have not yet received it, I do not despair just, of finding.Among the multitude of Papers which general Humphreys has left behind him, a great portion of them are official and diplomatic correspondencies. As the death of my lamented friend was so sudden, he left no directions relating to them, & the duty of attending to them devolves upon me. I am at a loss to know if they had best be still preserved, or destroyed? Should you think fit to suggest to me any counsel on that subject, I shall consider it as a very great condescension & will be eternally grateful.I cannot forbear to seize on this same occasion to thank you for the honour confered on me by your Letter, & by the amiable & consoling postscrip of your angelic & much lamented Lady!I have been several times on the point of paying you my homages in person, since the death of my husband; but the awful trials which it hath been pleased almighty God to afflict us with, since we last met, has taken from me the courage to attempt it. Be assured, my dear & respected Sir, of the high veneration & regard with which / I am your Sincere friend / & obedt Sevt

					Ann F. Humphreys


Title: To John Adams from Robert Walsh, Jr., 27 April 1819
From: Walsh, Robert, Jr.
To: Adams, John

					Sir
					Philadelphia April 27th. 1819

				Mr. Mathew Carey of this City did me the favor, this morning, to shew me an interesting letter from you to him, in which you suggest your inclination to promote the aim of any person who might undertake a Vindicia Americana. The misrepresentations made abroad, of this Country, particularly by the writers of Great Britain, have provoked me to engage in an enterprise of that nature; & with a view to the Collection of Materials, I have distributed through the Southern & Western states the printed formule which I have the honor to enclose. The heads of enquiry are not such as I ought to propose to you for explanation, but I think it well you should see the extent of my plan. I am now employed in writing an introduction in which I treat of the general merits of the first Colonists, of the jealousy of the Mother County, her system of defamation &C.&c.I need not say that I shall prize highly any facts or views you may be pleased to Communicate.I have the honor to be, / with the utmost respect, / Sir, / Your obt. faithful servant

					Robert Walsh jr


Title: From John Adams to William Tudor, Jr., 28 April 1819
From: Adams, John
To: Tudor, William, Jr.

Dear Sir
Quincy April 28th 1819.

In answer to your favour of the 25th. I must refer you to one of those letters—I wrote to your Father—in which I have given a particular account—of the trial of Michal Corbett and three other sailors—an accusation of Murder and Piracy on the high Seas—by killing Lieunt—Parton—of the British Frigate the Rose—before a special Court of Vice Admiralty—I have some where amongst my old manuscript Books and papers some minutes relative to this great Cause—imperfet as they are I presume—I will look them up if I can,—but it will perhaps take me some time—it is very true that Mr Otis tho engaged with me in the Cause—left the Whole burden upon me of the labour upon me—of Mr Otis’s impatient answer—to Mr Brigadier Ruggles I know nothing— the anecdote of Isaiah Thomas’s consultation with Mr Otis on a question of treasonable libel— tho very probable is unknown to me—I wish you success in your investigations and shall be glad to hear you read any part of them when you please— I am with much Esteem—your Friend / and humble Servant
John Adams—


Title: From John Adams to Ann Frances Bulkeley Humphreys, 28 April 1819
From: Adams, John
To: Humphreys, Ann Frances Bulkeley

my dear Madam
Quincy 28th 1819

Your letter of Yesterday reached me yesterday me last night— I cannot express in terms strong enough, my thanks to you for it—
The Yankey in England—five hundred years hence will be more esteemed in this Country than all Chaucers Canterbury Tales—it is infinitely Superiour to Sherridons School for Scandall—such a mass of Wit and Character— I know not where to find—Wheather it is conformable to Aristotles rules, I neither know or Care—I caused the greatest part of it to be read to me last Evening and never in my life did I laugh more heartily—or was more seriously affected—
General Humphreys in his friendship for me—was the most disinterested of any friend I ever had—he never was under the least obligation to me of any kind—I know he was the best friend of General Washington—and President Washington he ever had in his family—
I should have long since paid my Respects to you Madam in Person if the circumstances of my family and my great Age, and various infirmeties rendered it impossible nothing would give me greater pleasure than a Visit from you—tho this is too great a favour to request by a Man of my Age—in the Midst of infinite perplexitys, and Various Infirmities—
If any one should doubt what I have said of the importance of General Humphreys to General Washington—and President Washington—and I will give them to you, if life and breath remains to me—
I am my dear Madam—with great Esteem your / Friend and humble Servant

J AdamsAs to General Humphreys papers I most earnestly entrust you never to distroy a single line of his Composition— preserve them as a sa all his writings as a Sacred deposit—if there are any—that you wish to destroy pray give them to me—J. A—


Title: To John Adams from Dummer Sewall, 3 May 1819
From: Sewall, Dummer
To: Adams, John

					Sir,
					 Bath 3d. May 1819. District of Maine.

				At the request of a number of my friends who feel a deep sense of obligations for the distinguished services you have performed for our country on the most important occations, I take the liberty to address you on the interesting subject of the contemplated division of the state of Massachusetts by forming the District of Maine into a seperate State. I the more cherfully comply with this request as I most cordially concur with them in the opinion that the reflections with which you may think proper to favour us on the subject would be of essential servise to the community, should they be favoured with a sight of them.In the contemplation of important changes in our political relations the councel of mature wisdom must ever prove to be the safest guide, and a people disposed to listen to it can hardly fail of pursuing the best course and obtaining the happiest end. So minutely are all  the parts, so fully the great whole of our rights and privileges embraced by our general and state governments, within your view and comprehention that your thoughts on this subject must be held in the highest respect, and I sencearly trust, would tend to produce the most salatury & happy effect.. Permit me to assure you of my belief that all virtuous and reflecting men would be disposed to listen with pleasure and respect to any communications from you on this subject and that none would be more gratified by it than myself. I have the honour to be with great respect / Sir your antient friend

					Dummer Sewall


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Goodsell, 4 May 1819
From: Adams, John
To: Goodsell, Thomas

Dear Sir—
Quincy May 4th 1819

Be pleased to accept my thanks—for an address from the Agricultural Society of the County of Oneida by Alexander Coventry Esqr.—
Tho I have not the honour, of knowing, or being known—either to yourself or Mr Coventry I have not the less obligation to both for this favour—I have been more amused with this Address than with any I have ever read upon such occasions—it has laid open sources of Speculation—and presented objects of Investigation sufficient to occupy the longest life—it seems to have adopted an opinion that in an Antiquity more remote than the Conversion or Birth of Abraham, there existed an intercourse between Chaldea Egypt Chinia and Philada Winchester—now invalued in great obscurity by the distruction, accidental or designed of Ancient Beesords History and Monuments—A period the when Mythological Philosophy of an the Marriage of our Ouranos and ghee and the consequent Astrological Religions of the Host of Heaven—were the Universal worship of Mankind—
This Address has almost excited in me a wish for a longer life— his p its prospects into futurity are so bright Brilliant and Glorious—as to be sufficient to excite the wishes of our Young Men—that they may live a Century to come—yet I do not believe—that they will pass a happier life than that which has been enjoyed by your / Friend and humble Servant
John Adams
P.S. I am not a little surprised that Mr Coventry has omitted the Name of Mr Madison who is not only a President of an Agricultural Society—but has Published an Address as Scientific as any that has appeared
J. A—


Title: From John Adams to Samuel Adams Wells, 7 May 1819
From: Adams, John
To: Wells, Samuel Adams

dear Sir
Quincy May 7th 1819

Your letter of the 3d. has distressed me—It will compel me to disclose truths which will be disagreeable to you—and very unpleasant to me—
Your ardour in support of the honour of your Grand Father—has my Cordial appropriation—we know where to find the precept—Honour thy Father, and Mother, and we know it has been approved by all Ages and Nations—Civil, and Savage, till french philosophers arose—who were pleased to call it prejudice—if we honour our Fathers and Mothers—We often have reason to honour our Grand Fathers, and Grand-Mothers—and if we, no any-thing about them—even of our great Grand Fathers—and great Grand-Mothers—upon this principle I have erected in the Congregational Church-Yard of Quincy a little Monument of Granite over your Grand Fathers—Greate Grand fathers and greate G-F and G-M grave—if you will come and see me I will take a walk with you and Show it to you—Jacobines Democrates Sansculottes, may call this Aristocracy if they please—I dispise their Shiboleths and Seboleths and will pronounce neither—or either—as I please—the manuscript that you have discovered—is perfectly intelligible to me—and if you will come and see me—and bring it with you—I will explain it to you—to your Satisfaction—but I will not as yet commit to writing what I know—and what my consciences dictates—James Otis and Oxinbrige Thatcher were the two Oracles to whom Samuel Adams Josiah Quincy—Joseph Warren and all the other Patriots looked up, and from whom they receivd their information and instructions—
Let me recommend to you the perusal—of a little volume, if you can find it—entitled the True Sentiments of America—contained in a Collection of letters—sent from the house of Representatives frome the Massachusetts Bay—unto several persons of high rank in great Britain—printed in London for L Almon in Piccardilly in  1768—in which the soul of James Otis—appeared Quieuwieued by Samuel Adams—
And if you will Show me the Original manuscript that you allude to—I will demonstrate to you—the Soul of James Otis—Quieuwieued by Samuel Adams—and perhaps a little by Josiah Quincy—I know perfectly well how this buisness was Conducted—
A Quaker in Philadelphia at one of our Presidential Elections—advised to Vote for me—replied “The must know, that we do not affect the Name of Adams”—This Quaker expressed the Sentiments and feelings of All America—the Name of Adams is not Affected in the U.S. of America—your Name of Wells is much less offensive we poor Adams’s must be very careful never to pretend to Claims of more merit than is Strictly and justly our due—the talents and Virtues and Services of your Grand-Father—if throughly known and perfectly understood—are quite enough for any one Man—never pluck the Laurels from any other brow—to decorate his—there has been plunder enough of reputation—let us have nothing to do with it—
I am my dear Sir your Affectionate Friend / and sincere well wisher
John AdamsThe Idea of a Committee of Correspondence was not an original idea of your G-F—how long so ever he might have had it in his mind before he brought it fourth in practice General James Warren of Plymouth first suggested it to him on a Visit—he maid to the General in his one House—this fact your G-F—himself told me with is own lips—and General Warren and his Lady both confermed it with thers—and Mrs Warren has carefully preserved it, in her history—Your Grand Father knew nothing of Statutes or Law Books—but what he learned from James Otis—Oxenbridge Thatcher Josiah Quincy—and perhaps some times from Daniel Leonard—he was not a man of learning or of reading
J A


Title: To John Adams from François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 10 May 1819
From: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan
To: Adams, John

My Dear and respected Sir!
Oldenbarneveld 10 May. 1819

Although my health is very indifferent, and my eyes soo weak and dim, that within a fortnight, I could Scarce affect any thing, either by labour or in writing—yet I must indulge the gratification of thanking you, for the few affectionate lines with which your kindness favoured me with. My Physician Says—all will be Soon well—the chief remedies are—abstinentia et quiete.Was your life less useful—your merits less distinguished, you would be less vexed by the importune correspondents—but every one is anxious to gather a little of the fruits of Such an adorned garden, and the powerful motive—to resists the Same temptation is—that unasked you have bestowed So much on your friend—and—although I have lost a powerful advocate with you—yet I am not apprehensive, that I Shall or can be Entirely forgotten—
My indisposition, has Since a fortnight prevented me, to do great exertions—nevertheless—Since jan. nearly 1000 pages have been accomplished—The intercourse between N. Engl—principally Boston and Newhaven—was considerable about the middle of the 17-cent: wares and merchandises—even vessels were Send thither, and the payments made in beef—pork—peas—wheat—the two later art.—at the Same price—and in part in loose Seawant.
I Spend—this winter a great part of my time—in ransacking writings of the 15 and 16 Cent—and principally of Italian Literature—and have been well paid—but only regret, that I can do no more—what treasures must there yet be in Italy—to illume Political and Ecclesiastical history—I know not—if Danina, whom I never Saw—has consulted these, and examined th. libraries with regard to their numerous Republican Governments—and Ecclesiastical State—This Herculean task required an Adams—at the time—when you wrote the Defence.
It is evident—that long before Luther and calvin the Seeds of Reformation were Scattered through Italy—and even in germany—with a liberal hand—by numerous individuals, who assaulted clerical power—and undermined its foundation—by Exposing their vices and follies—and gradually initiating men in their natural rights—I could expatiate in particulars—could I tell you Something new—one fact—which Struck me, I will mention—I was before in the opinion—that the fall of the eastern empire—the flight of the greeks to the Italy, was one of the first—and great causes—of the revival of Literature—I never reflected before on the expulsion of the Jews from the east by the Arabs about the middle of the 12 cent—their Settlements in Spain—their Spreading in Italy—and Germany—
I hope, that the political State of Government—will permit your Son—to visit once more—his parental Seat, and that you may be So happy—as to meet in health—this I pray, you may enjoy—till your Summons comes—and it is a high gratification, that I may rest assured, that I Shall not be forgotten—but may even then be recommended to or other—who may—for your Sake—continue their attentions to one—who is and was and Shall remain—as long my heart beats— / My Dear and respected Sir! / Your obliged frend!

Fr. Adr. vanderkemp


Title: To John Adams from J. H. Tiffany, 14 May 1819
From: Tiffany, J. H.
To: Adams, John

					Venerable Sir.
					Schoharie Bridge 14 May 1819.

				Your kind wishes for my success secure my grateful thanks. If I rightly understand the expression “that in your investigations you have had no profit & very little, if any success”, it takes from me all hopes—Who dares attempt, if you had failed!I communicate to you chearfully, those Sentiments of Mr Jefferson alluded to in your last.—He esteems a democracy the only pure Republic, (necessarily limitted to a village &ca) and a republican or popular representative government to be the 2d degree of purity. He thinks that a government democratical, but representative, or at least the full experiment of it, an American discovery; the idea having been taken from the little specimen formerly existing in the English constitution, but now lost.—That although the ancients had just ideas of personal liberty, they had none at all of this form of government but calculated to preserve it. That they betook to a democracy or abandoned themselves to an aristocracy or tyranny independant of the people, & knew no medium. (Federalist N. 63 Aliter) In a subsequent letter he proceeds as follows—“I will however essay the two definitions which you say are more interesting at present; I mean those of the terms liberty & Republic; aware however that they have been so multifariously applied as to convey no precise idea to the mind. Of liberty then I would say, that, in the whole plenitude of its extent, it is unobstructed action according to our wills: but rightful liberty is unobstructed action according to our will, within the limits drawn around us by the equal rights of others. I do not add ‘within the limits of the law,’ because law is often but the tyrant’s will, & always so when it violates the right of an individual.“I would add 2dly. that a pure republic is a state of society in which every member, of mature & sound mind, has an equal right of participation, personally, in the direction of the affairs of the society. Such a regimen is obviously impracticable beyond the limits of an encampment or of a very small village. When numbers, distance or force oblige them to act by deputy, then their government continues republican in proportion only, as the functions they will exercise in person are more or fewer, and as in these exercised by deputy, the right of appointing their deputy is pro hac vice only, or for more or fewer purposes, or for shorter or longer terms.”For the best of reasons Mr Jefferson declines to replunge himself into political speculations & contests; his sentiments are therefore here furnished, at present, for yourself alone. I have sought the opinions of both of you with anxious solicitude, diffident lest I might not have been able to obtain them, yet fully sensible how gratifying they would be to all Americans, if known, & particularly when they are perceived to be so nearly, perhaps in principle precisely, concurrent. Opinions, founded on such unparalelled opportunities of experience & deliberately expressed from stations beyond suspicions of personal interests, must have general & beneficial influences.The Appendix to the Political Chart will, if possible, exclude all that is foreign, & rest upon American sentiments & examples of republican freedom & republican institutions—Accept Sir, my profound respects, / & best wishes for your health / & happiness—

					J. H. Tiffany


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 15 May 1819
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

					Dear Sir
					Monticello May 15. 19.

				your letter of Apr. 2. was recieved in due time, and I have used the permission it gave me of sending a copy of that of Mar. 2. to the editor of Tracy’s Political economy.Mr. S. A. Wells of Boston, grandson of our old friend Saml. Adams, and who proposes to write the life of his grandfather, has made some enquiries of me relative to revolutionary antiquities which are within your knolege as well as mine. I therefore put my answer under your cover, and open for your perusal and animadversion to him if I have committed any error. I fear none where I have taken facts from written notes. in other parts there may be error. when read, will you have the goodness to insert a wafer &c send the letter to the post office? ever and affectionately yours.

					Th: Jefferson


Title: To John Adams from Hezekiah Niles, 18 May 1819
From: Niles, Hezekiah
To: Adams, John

					Honored Sir,
					Baltimore, May 18, 1819

				I have your letter of the 10th in reply to mine requesting the names of those who distroyed the tea in Boston harbor, & regret to believe from it that a record of them is lost, as I cannot now see any possible object of concealing them. But I am not a lawyer, & perhaps even yet, if  surviving, they might be made liable for the offence!The last or 15th vol. of the Register was delayed on account of a large supplement for it. It is now on its way to you, & will be delivered as usual.I enclose to you a number of the Register, which I designed to sent to you at the time it was printed referring to the character of James Otis, communicated by H. Geo. Tucker of Virginia. See the article headed “Revolutionary Matters”—page 2, of the number.With great respect / yours &c

					H Niles


Title: From John Adams to François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 20 May 1819
From: Adams, John
To: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan

Dear Sir
Quincy May 20th 1819

I see by your favour of May 10th that we must all grow Old—but you have not yet experienced one tenth part of the Infirmitys of Old Age—I am very glad your Physician promises you, that all will be well
In your Researches do you find any Evidence of Persecutions of Quakers Anabaptists Witches or any–other Sectary’s amongst your Primitive Dutch Settle’rs in New–york—or amongst the cortier inhabitants of Virginia—Poor New England has been Celebrated through the World for her Persecuting Spirit, but I suspect from what I have accidentally learned here, and there, that Virginia was deeper in the Mire Sunk in that dirt, than she was in that Mire, and that the Dutch in Manhattan were not quite Imaculate—
In your Researches in Italian Literature have you found Simondis Literature of the South of Europe, in four Volumes, which I have read with as much interest as any–thing I have seen this twenty years—the Horrours of Bigotry and persecution especially in Spain are painted in Stronger Colours than I ever beheld.—
I hope for a Visit from my Son and Daughter—I wait for my Summons with Resignation—you may rest assured that you will never be forgotten—tho I have lost my dearest Friend who frequently reminded me of you—and who never forgot you—
I am Sir with unabated Esteem and / affection your Friend

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 21 May 1819
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Quincy May 21st. 1819

All the Literary Gentlemen of this part of the Country have an Ambitious Curiosity to see the Philosopher and Statesmen of Monticello—and they all apply to me for Introductions— and if I had ever received one introduction from you, I should have less scruple of Conscience in granting their requests—in the Stile of our New-England—the Reverend Mr Greenwood the Successor of  Mr Thatcher and Dr Kirkland in the Church of Summer Street Boston, will deliver you this letter with my affectionate respects—
Tho I cannot write I still live and enjoy Life.—The World is dead—there is nothing to Communicate in Religion Morals, Philosophy, or Politicks—I hope your Health is perfectly restored—mine is pritty much like that of Voltaire Frankline and Samuel Adams, at my Age.—
But I am still unalterably your Friend—
J. Adams