Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 9 February 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					ca. 9 February 1812

 After the signature of the definitive treaty on Wednesday, the third day of September, 1783, we all went according to invitation, and Mr. Hartley with us, to Versailles, and joined all ambassadors who had signed the other treaties, and dined amidst mutual congratulations, with the Comte de Vergennes.
There appeared to us, however, a littleness, too much resembling low cunning, to become a great nation and a great monarch, in two instructions to Mr. Hartley, 1st. Not to accept the mediation of the two imperial courts. 2d. Not to sign the treaty at Versailles, with the other ambassadors, when the other treaties were signed.
We were however, glad of the first, because it relieved us from the ungracious necessity of refusing the mediation; or, if we had accepted it, from the more disgraceful necessity of refusing or neglecting to make the ambassadors the usual presents—for we had no money to spare for the purchase of the gold tobacco boxes, set with pictures and diamonds. As to the second, it excited no sensations in us, but a little ridicule. Mr. Hartley glossed these things over with ingenuity and good humor. We knew they were not his own projects, and received his apologies with equal good humor. Another thing however, gave us some uneasiness. Mr. Hartley told us that the king would send us presents of five hundred pounds each. This gave us pain: for to refuse it, would be considered as an affront to his majesty; and to accept it, without returning the compliment to the British minister or ministers, would have been a meanness of which we could not and would not be guilty; and we had no money to spare for such uses. So much was said against it, that we never saw the presents and heard no more about them.
On the next day after the signature of the definitive treaty, we received from the British minister the following letter.
Paris, Sept. 4, 1783.
Gentlemen—It is with the sincerest pleasure that I congratulate you on the happy event which took place yesterday, viz—The signature of the definitive treaty between our two countries. I consider it as the auspicious presage of returning confidence; and of the future intercourse of all good offices between us. I doubt not, that our two countries will entertain the same sentiments, and that they
will behold with satisfaction the period which terminates the memory of their late unhappy dissensions; and which leads to the renewal of all the ancient ties of amity and peace. 1 can assure you that his Britannic majesty and his confidential servants, entertain the strongest desire of a cordial good understanding with the United States of America, and that nothing may be wanting on our parts to perfect the great work of pacification. I shall propose to you, in a very short time, to renew the discussion of those points of amity and intercourse which have been lately suspended to make way for the signature of the treaties between all the late belligerent powers which took place yesterday. We have now the fairest prospects before us, and an unembarrassed field for the exercise of every beneficent disposition, and for the accomplishment of every object of reciprocal advantage between us.
Let us then join our hearts and hands together in one common cause, for the reunion of all our ancient affections and common interests. I am, gentlemen, with the greatest respect and consideration, your most obedient servant,

Signed, D. Hartley.
To their Excellencies the Ministers Plenipotentiaries of the United States.
On the next day we prepared and sent an answer to Mr. Hartley, the first draft of which here follows:
Passy, 5th Sept. 1783.
Sir—We have received the letter which you did us the honour to write yesterday.

Your friendly congratulations on the signature of the definitive treaty, meet with cordial returns on our part; and we sincerely rejoice with you in that event by which the Ruler of nations has been graciously pleased to give peace to our two countries.

    We are no less ready to join our endeavors than our wishes with yours, to concert such measures for regulating the future intercourse between Great Britain and the United States, as, by being consistent with the honor and interest of both, may tend to increase and perpetuate mutual confidence and good will. We must, nevertheless, candidly inform you, that we consider our commission as terminated, and therefore without further authority from congress, will not be able to sign and conclude. All we can at present do, is, to confer with you, and recommend to congress such propositions as may appear to us to merit their assent. And we shall propose to them to send a commission to Europe, without delay, for these important purposes.

    The unrestrained course already given by the states to the British commerce with them, and the unconditional liberation of prisoners, at a time when more caution would not have been singular, are marks of liberality and confidence which we flatter ourselves will be equalled by the magnanimity of his majesty and the people of Great Britain.

    We have communicated to congress the warm and repeated friendly  assurances with which you have officially honoured us, on these subjects, and we are persuaded that the period of their being realized will have an auspicious and conciliating influence on all the parties in the late unhappy dissensions. We have the honor to be, Sir, with great respect and esteem, your most obedient and humble servants. Signed.

    John Adams,
    B. Franklin,
    J. Jay.
    Copy of the letter to Mr Hartley, with the alterations.
    Sir—We have received the letter you did us the honor to write, yesterday. Your friendly congratulations on the signature of the definitive treaty meet with cordial returns, on our part; and we sincerely rejoice with you in that event by which the ruler of nations has been graciously pleased to give peace to our two countries.
    We are no less ready to join our endeavors than our wishes with yours to concert such measures for regulating the future intercourse between Great Britain and the United States, as by being consistent with the honor and interest of both, may tend to increase and perpetuate mutual confidence and good will.
    We ought, nevertheless, to apprise you that as no construction of our commission could at any period extend it, unless by implication, to several of the proposed stipulations; and as our instructions respecting commercial provisions, however explicit, suppose their being incorporated in the definitive treaty—a recurrence to congress previous to the signature of them, will be necessary, unless obviated by the dispatches we may sooner receive from them.
    We shall immediately write to them on the subject, and we are persuaded that the same disposition to confidence and friendship which has induced them already to give unrestrained course to British commerce, and unconditionally to liberate all prisoners, at a time when more caution would not have appeared singular, will also urge their attention to the objects in question, and lead them to every proper measure, for promoting a liberal and satisfactory intercourse between the two countries.
    We have communicated to congress the repeated friendly assurances with which you have been officially honored us, on these subjects; and we are persuaded that the period of their being realized, will have an auspicious and conciliating influence on all the parties in the late unhappy dissentions. We have the honor to be, sir, with great respect and esteem, your most obedient and humble servants. Signed.
    John Adams,
        B. Franklin,
    John Jay.

    To David Harley, Esq—Sept. 7, 1783.Sir,
    We have the honor of transmitting herewith enclosed an extract of a resolution of congress of the first of May last, which we have just received.
    You will perceive from it that we may daily expect a commission in due form for the purposes mentioned in it, and we assure you of our readiness to enter upon the business whenever you may think proper. We have the honor to be, with great respect and esteem, sir, your most obedient humble servants.
    Signed, John Adams,
    B. Franklin
    J. Jay.
    By the United States, in Congress assembled,
    May 1st, 1783
    On the report of a committee to whom was referred a letter of February 5th, from the honorable John Adams—
    “Ordered, That a commission be prepared to Messrs. John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, and John Jay, authorizing them, or either of them in the absence of the others, to enter into a treaty of commerce between the United States of America and Great Britain, subject to the revisal of the contracting parties, previous to its final conclusion, and in the mean time, to enter into a commercial convention to continue in force one year.”
    [N.B. this part only was sent to Mr. Hartly]
    That the secretary of foreign affairs lay before congress, without delay, a plan of a treaty of commerce and instructions relative to the same, to be transmitted to the said commissioners. Signed

    Cha. Thomson, Sec’y.
    By the United States in Congress assembled,
    June 12, 1783.
    The committee to whom was referred a report of the secretary of foreign affairs, on a letter of the 20th of March last, from Mr. Dumas, and sundry papers enclosed, report—
    That it appears from the said letter and the papers enclosed, that propositions have been made on the part of the states general, to the ministers of the United States of America at Paris, in order to render an express stipulation in favor of the freedom of navigation less necessary in the treaty of peace between Great Britain and the United Provinces of the Netherlands—either to accede to the treaty of the armed neutrality already concluded between some powers of Europe, or to enter into similar engagements with France, Spain, and the United Provinces of the Netherlands—or in case France and Spain should refuse to enter into a convention founded on the principles of the armed neutrality, or wish to delay it till after the general peace; to form a separate convention for similar purposes between the United Provinces of the Netherlands and the United States of America.
That the answers to these propositions do not appear from the papers transmitted; though there is room to infer from Mr. Dumas’ letters of the fourth and eighteenth of February, that the two first of these propositions were encouraged by our ministers, and that the states general proposed to act in consequence thereof, and had made the last proposition in order to be prepared in case either or both of the two first should fail.

    It appears from the report of the secretary for foreign affairs, that no powers are at present vested in any person in Europe, to agree to any treaty similar to that entered into by Russia, Sweden, Denmark, and the united provinces of the Netherlands, after the peace shall be concluded. The resolution of the 5th of October, 1780, empowers the ministers of these states, if invited thereto, to accede to such regulations conformable to the spirit of the declaration of Russia, as may be agreed upon by the congress expected to assemble in pursuance of the invitation of her Imperial majesty. Our ministers received no invitation; and special powers were afterwards given to Mr. Dana, which in their nature, superseded that resolution. Mr. Dana was by his commission and instructions, empowered to sign the treaty or convention for the protection of commerce in behalf of the United States, either with her imperial majesty, in conjunction with the other neutral powers, or, if that shall be inadmissible, separately with her imperial majesty, or any of those, that is, those neutral powers, the treaty being only made to continue during the war. His powers terminated with the war or at most extended only to sign it, with the neutral powers, and not to form a new separate treaty.
Whereupon congress came to the following resolution:

    Whereas the primary object of the resolution of October 5, 1780, and of the commission and instructions to Mr Dana relative to the accession of the United States to the neutral confederacy, no longer can operate, and as the true interest of the states requires that they should be as little as possible entangled in the politics and controversies of European nations; it is inexpedient to renew the said powers either to Mr Dana, or to the other ministers of these United States in Europe—but inasmuch as the liberal principles on which the said confederacy was established, are conceived to be in general favorable to the interests of nations, and particularly to those of the United States, and ought in that view to be promoted by the latter, as far as will consist with their fundamental policy:
    Resolved, That the ministers plenipotentiary of these United States for negotiating a peace, be and they are hereby instructed, in case they should comprize in the definitive treaty any stipulation amounting to a recognition of the rights of neutral nations, to avoid accompanying them, by any engagements which shall oblige the contracting parties to support these stipulations by arms. A true copy,

    Signed, Elias Boudinot.
    From the President of Congress to B. Franklin.
    Philadelphia, June 18, 1783.
    Sir,
    I have the honor of enclosing you an official letter, directed to our ministers plenipotentiary at Paris.
    The resignation of the late secretary for foreign affairs, occasioned by his preference of the chancellorship of the state of New-York, which he could not hold longer, and retain his secretaryship, has cast the business of his office upon me, till a successor is elected, which I hope will speedily take place.
    As part of the resolution of congress of the 18th instant, enclosed in that letter, is of a secret nature, I have wrote it in cyphers; but not having that of Mr. Livingston. I thought it best to use Mr. Morris’ to you, which he has obligingly supplied me with; so that the ministers will be indebted for your decyphering of it.
    Your letter to Mr. Livingston of the 15th of April, enclosing the two medals, came to hand this morning.
    I am sorry to find that you have cause for similar complaints to those we have been making, for two months past, on the subject of want of intelligence. We have not heard from   any of our commissioners at Paris, since February, excepting a letter from Mr. Laurens, though our anxiety and expectations have been wrought up to the highest pitch.
    I feel myself much indebted for your polite compliment of the medal; it is thought very elegant, and the devise and workmanship much admired. You will be pleased, sir, to accept of my acknowledgments on this occasion. As I doubt not but the copper one was designed for Mr Livingston personally, I shall send it to him by the first convenient opportunity. He is a worthy deserving character, and the United States will suffer greatly by his resignation; though I think him justified in attending to the calls of his private affairs.
    You will receive herewith a number of our late newspapers, in which are inserted many resolves, associations, &c from all parts of the country, which I earnestly wish could be kept out of sight—But the truth is, that the cruelties, ravages, and barbarisms of the refugees and royalists, have left the people so sore, that it is not yet time for them to exercise their good sense and cooler judgment. And that cannot take place while the citizens of New-York are kept out of their city and despoiled daily of their property, by sending off their negroes by hundreds in the face of the treaty. It has been exceedingly ill judged in the British to retain New-York so long, and to persist in sending away the negroes, as it has irritated the citizens of America to an alarming degree.
    I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect and esteem, sir, your most obedient and very humble servant, Signed,
    Elias Boudinot.
    The Hon. Commissioners for settling Peace,
    Philadelphia, June 23, 1783.
    Gentlemen—I am sorry to inform you, that by the resignation of Mr. Livingston as a minister of foreign affairs, it has become necessary, that you should receive the resolutions of congress, relative to your Mission, through my hands. The disadvantage arising form this necessity, until a successor to that worthy gentleman is appointed will be yours; as it is impossible for me to do more than barely to transmit the acts of congress necessary for your information.
    Enclosed you have one of the fist of May last and another of the 12 inst. which I hope will get safe to hand time enough for your government. The commission and instructions referred to in the first not being ready, it was thought best to forward the resolution without delay, that you might know what was intended in the present important period of your negotiation—We have been much surprised that we have not received any communication from you, since the cessation of hostilities, except a letter of the fifth of April from Mr Laurens. I have the honor to be, with the most perfect consideration and esteem, gentlemen, yours, &c.
    Signed, Elias Boudinot.
    To David Hartley, Esq.
    Passy, Sept. 7, 1783.
    My dear friend—The enclosed letters to you and Mr. Fox were written before I saw you yesterday. On my return home last night I found despatches from congress, which may remove the difficulties we were entangled with. Mr. Adams will be here this morning, when you will hear from us. I am ever yours sincerely.
        Signed, B. Franklin.
	    To David Hartley, Esq.
    Passy, Sept. 6, 1783
        My dear friend—Enclosed is my letter to Mr. Fox. I beg you would assure him that my expressions of esteem for him are not mere professions. I really think him a great man; and I would not think so, if I did not believe he was at bottom, and would prove himself a good one.—Guard him against mistaken notions of the American people. You have deceived yourselves too long with vain expectations of reaping advantage from our little discontents. We are more thoroughly an enlightened people, with respect to our political interests, than perhaps any other under heaven. Every man among us reads, and is so easy in his circumstances as to have leisure for conversations of improvement, and for acquiring information. Our domestic misunderstandings, when we have them, are of small extent, though monstrously magnified by your microscopic newspapers. He who judges from them, that we are upon the point of falling into anarchy, or returning to the obedience of Britain, is like one being shewn some spots in the sun, should fancy that the whole disk would soon be overspread with them, and that there would be an end of day-light. The great body of intelligence among our people, surrounds and overpowers our petty dissensions, as the sun’s great mass of fire, diminishes and destroys his spots. Do not therefore any longer delay the evacuation of New-York, in the vain hope of a new revolution in your favor, if such a hope has indeed had any effect in occasioning the delay. It is now nine months since the evacuations were promised. You expect with reason that the people of New-York should do your merchants justice, in the payment of their old debts, considering the injustice you do them, in keeping them so long out of their habitations and out of their business, by which they might have been enabled to make payments.
There is no truth more clear to me than this, that the great interest of our two countries is a thorough reconciliation. Restraints on the freedom of commerce and intercourse between us can afford no advantage equivalent to the mischief they will do, by keeping up that ill humour and promoting a total alienation. Let you and I, my dear friend, do our best towards advancing and securing that reconciliation. We can do nothing that will in a dying hour afford us more solid satisfaction.
	    I wish you a prosperous journey, and a happy sight of your friends. Present my best respects to your good brother and sister, and believe me ever, with sincere and great esteem, yours affectionately.

    Signed, B Franklin.
        To the Hon. Charles Fox.
	    Passy, Sept 5, 1783.
    Sir,
            I received in its time the letter you did me the honor of writing to me by Mr. Hartly—and I cannot let him depart without expressing my satisfaction in his conduct towards us, and applauding the prudence of that choice which sent us a man possessed of such a spirit of conciliation, and of all that frankness, sincerity, and candor, which naturally produce confidence, and thereby facilitate the most difficult negotiations. Our countries are now happily at peace, on which I congratulate you most cordially—and I beg you to be assured that as long as I have any concern in public affairs, I shall readily and heartily concur with you in promoting every measure that may tend to promote the common felicity.
With great and sincere esteem and respect, I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient and humble servant,
		    Signed, B. Franklin.
    To D. Hartley, Esq.
            Passy, Sept. 7, 1783.
		    My dear friend—Enclosed I send you an extract of a letter to me from the president of congress, in which you will observe the moderate disposition of that Body towards the royalists, with the causes of aggravation in the people against them—I am always invariably, yours most sincerely. Signed,

    B. Franklin.
            Extract of a letter from Elias Boudinot, Esq. president of congress, to B. Franklin, datedJune 15, 1783.
		    You will receive herewith, a number of our newspapers, in which are inserted many resolves and associations, &c. from all parts of the country, which l earnestly wish had not been made, but the truth is that the cruelties, ravages and barbarisms of the refugees and loyalists, have left the people so sore, that it is not yet time for them to exercise their good sense and cooler judgment—and this cannot take place while the citizens of New York are kept out of their city, and despoiled daily of their property by the sending off their negroes by hundreds, in the face of the treaty. It has been exceedingly ill judged in the British to retain New-York so long, and to persist in sending away the negroes, as it has irritated the citizens of America to an alarming degree. I am, &c.
	    I hope I shall be pardoned here for two or three remarks illustrative of the character of the grand Franklin, and vindicatory of his colleagues:
	            1. Although he had not a livre at his command, but what was furnished by my orders by my bankers at Amsterdam, he undertook to fabricate, at public expence, a medal, in total secrecy. Neither Mr. Jay, Mr. Laurens, nor myself, had the least intimation or suspicion of it till it was published, though it is certain he had long studied it, and written to his friend in England the bishop of St Asaph, and his son-in-law, Sir William Jones, upon the subject, who had furnished him with his motto, "Non sine diis, animosus infans." He sent it to public-ministers and crowned heads and received compliments and presents in return, honorary, however not lucrative. For this medal, which has been generally if not universally pronounced by unadulterated Americans, a monument of sordid adulation, Dr. Franklin alone is responsible, not one of his colleagues, neither Mr. Jay, Mr. Laurens nor myself, having had any suspicion of it, till it was made public to the world.
			    2. There was an heroic kind of friendship, like that between Theseus and Peritheous, Achilles and Patroclus, Nisus and Euryalus, or, to speak more familiarly, between John Lowell and Jonathan Jackson, between Dr. Franklin and Mr. Hartley. The doctor, though he had written to congress to be recalled from the court of France, and expected that Adams would have been appointed his successor at the court of Versailles, had secret hopes and expectations that he should be appointed to the court of St. James. This I had reason to believe, from many little hints and accidental inadvertent escapes in conversation; particularly one. Not long before Mr Hartley’s final return to England, he sent messages to us all that he was sick and confined to his bed, and wished us to visit him, having something to communicate to us. Dr Franklin, Mr Jay and myself, soon appeared in his chamber, where we found him in bed, but very loquacious. After imparting his business, and a multitude of prattle, he singled me out. A report had been spread, I knew not by whom, that congress had appointed me to go to England. “So, Mr Adams,” said Mr Hartley to me, “I understand you are going to England as public minster.” Indeed! said Adams, but how does that appear? “I am informed that congress has appointed you.” I know nothing of it, was my answer. The report indeed was wholly unfounded, for congress never appointed any one to go to England till two years afterwards. Mr Hartley and his family had always hitherto treated me with the same politeness and apparent cordiality which he had shewn to either of my colleagues, but upon this occasion to my utter astonishment, he broke out upon me with the utmost rudeness, “I can tell you, if you do go, you will lead a miserable life there; you shall, I know, if the newspapers can make you uneasy.” Mr Jay was astonished, but Dr Franklin appeared grieved as well as surprised. I bore it for once like a stoic; but it convinced me that Mr Hartley had enjoyed many sweet conversations with his “dear Moses,” as he called him, upon the pleasure they should enjoy among their old friends in London. Nor did I wonder at it, or much blame either of them for it. Nothing could be more natural. I had afterwards a full confirmation of Mr. Franklin’s desire to be sent to England, from several of his friends, particularly Dr Price, one of his most confidential correspondents, who told me that he had expressed in his letters to him and several of his friends, an earnest desire to be sent to England. It seems my commission for making peace and a treaty of commerce with Great Britain, were not the only commissions which he envied me.
	    I have long since forgiven all his injuries to me; but the most perfect forgiveness is entirely reconcileable with recording facts, from which moral, social and political truths and maxims, of so much importance to all men, and especially to ambassadors and all other public men, may and cannot fail to be drawn by every thinking man. Not to mention the propriety of vindicating my character from the reproach recorded in history, as well as transmitted down by tradition, of not being beloved by my venerable colleague.
	            Notwithstanding Mr Hartley’s threat, I do not impute to him the scurrilities, like those of Calender and Hamilton, with which the newspapers teemed in London against me during the first years of my residence there. These were the base effusions of the tories, who had long before sworn that “Hancock and Adams should” forever “be words of shame,” and they and their disciples, on both sides the Atlantic, have incessantly labored to fulfil their oath, to this day. Vain and idle malice! When mock funerals, and marble monuments, and plaister busts, and all the miserly theatrical and aristocratical tricks and artifices shall be held in derision, the names they reprobate will be recollected with tenderness and gratitude. The names of Hancock and Adams, like
			    "The sweet remembrance of the just,
    "Shall flourish when they sleep in dust.”


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 10 February 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Mr Dreamer!
Quincy Feb. 10 1812

your Dream is out, and the Passage you read in the History that Richard was reading is come to pass: notwithstanding you said you believed no History but the Bible.Mr Mediator! You have wrought Wonders! You have made Peace between Powers that never were at War! You have reconciled Friends that never were at Enmity! You have brought again Babylon and Carthage long Since into Existen  annihilated, into Fresh Existence! Like the Pythoness of Endor you have called up Spirits from the vasty deep of Obscurity and Oblivion, to a new acquaintance with each other!Mr Conjuror! In Short the mighty defunt defunct Potentates of Mount Wallaston Wollaston and Monticello, by your Sorceries and Necromances, are again in Being. Intercource and Commerce have been restored by your Magic, between Neutrals, whose Interests and Reputation has been long Sacrificed by the Systems of Retalliation adopted by two hostile and enraged and infuriated Factions.
Huzza! you will Say, but what does all this Rhapsody mean? Nothing more nor less than that a Correspondence of thirty five or thirty Six years Standing interrupted by various Causes for thirty five or Six some time, has been renewed in 1812 and no less than four Letters have already passed between the Parties; Those from Jefferson written with all the Ellegance, purity and Sweetness, I would rather Say Mellifluity or Mellifluidity of his Youth and middle Age: and what I envy Still more with a firmness of Finger and a Steadiness of Chirography, that to me is lost, forever.
I Shall now flatter you or mortify you: I care not much, which. Two or three days ago, I met at Dr Vintons in this Town a Review of your Lectures. I lent the Copy you Sent me to our Lt Governor and his Lady, and have not Seen it Since. The Review is written I know not by whom; but I Suspect by Some young Phisitians of Boston. I assure You We have a Number of young Fellows in Boston whom you might justly be proud to boast, if they had been your Pupils, I had not time to read the whole, nor any Part with much Attention: but I was pleased to See and proud to See that they did you as much Justice as I could have done in Conscience. They explicitly and decidedly acknowledge your Superiority to every other Physician that is or has been in America: but they remonstrate with a Modesty and diffidence, in them extreamly amiable and becoming, against your disrespect for the learned Languages. In this I have the honour to unite with them in heart Soul, understanding and Voice. God forbid that Greek Should ever be forgotten on This Globe, to which it is the greatest honour; the glory of all other Nations Since it, having been derived from it.
Compose yourself, Rush. Richard will do well. Young Men must judge for themselves in the last resort. The Authority of Parents must not always be absolute. I have, pested, as peevishly and fretfully as you do, against Johns Mission to Holland; his Mission to Russia, and even against his Professorship at the University. I always thought and believe it Still not only that it would have been more for his Interest but more for the public Good that he Should have devoted himself to his Profession. I have grieved and So have all his Friends and Enemies too that he did not, in deed he could not accept the Seat of a Judge. The World was not made for Us Old Men. Young Men have their Views and Feelings and must Judge for themselves: and I believe their decisions are more correct and impartial than ours.
Adieu

John Adams
P.S. I have made two new Words you See, Mellifluity and Mellifluidity. As an independent Nation We have as good a Right to Coin Words as well as Money as the English have or ever had. We are no more bound by Johnsons Dictionary, than by the common or Statute or Cannon Law of England. I approve Jeffersons Word “Belittle” and hope it will be incorporated into our English American Dictionaries. I hope however that The English will not drive Us to the Necessity of imitating the Policy of our Ancestors, by rejecting Words merely because they are English; as they rejected The Word Parish, for Precinct Church for Meeting, and in many other Instances.
We ought to have an American Dictionary; after which I Should be willing to lay a Tax of an Eagle a Volume upon all English Dictionaries that Should ever be imported.


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Waterhouse, 11 February 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Waterhouse, Benjamin

My Dear Friend
Quincy February 11th. 1812.

In answer to your Letter of the Eighth I can only say that Societies Since as I have never been of any Use to any of our learned Societies Since their Institution, except perhaps in a present of Books to one of them. I should be extremely unhappy to have reason to suspect that I had done them any harm.
My Course of Life and perpetual Avocations have been such that I never could turn my thoughts to such Subjects and Trually do not think myself qualified, at this time of life to intermeddle in any of the disputes among Scientific People at this day.
I should rejoice to see Governor Gerry at the head of the most respectable Societies in the State or the Nation: but in general I am avers to unnecessary Innovations especially those of questionable Utility. I am doubtful whether a Multiplication of litterary Institutions or even of Universities is good Policy.
France has but one Accademy of Sciences England but one Royal Society: and I have often heard it said in both those Countries, that the Respectability and Utility, of those Institutions have been owing to their being national and Singular. You know the Pains and means that have been exerted employed in England—to prevent a third University from being erected in the Kingdome, By a Law of the Corporation both in Oxford and Cambridge every Candidate before his Admission into the University is required to take an Oath that he never will in the whole Course of his Life give his Consent to the Erection of any other University into the Kingdome than those two.
It is high time for me to resign my Station in the two Societies in which I act. My Age and increasing dissabilities conspiring with the Circumstances of my Family, Urge the Resignation and I should be very sorry to leave those Companies engaged in disputes with any of the Members.
I wish I lived nearer to you and could converse with you oftener: but as that is impossible I can only wish you well.
It has been said that Knowledge produces Peace and harmony and Union: but it seems to me the most learned Men are the most disputations.
The men of Letters in France and England are not the most Concordant, Read Marmontel’s Life.
believe me with respect and Friend / Frendship ever yours

John Adams
PS I have always thought that the Academy of Arts and Sciences has been ruined by Divisions; had the Historical and Agricultural Societies not Seceded or Seperated from the Academy, it would now have been rich, and very respectable: but the two Suckers have drawn the Life Blood from the Trunk. Whether this has been owing to an Aristocratical or a Democratical Spirit of Levelling you may judge


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 12 February 1812
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir,
Philadelphia Feb: 12th 1812

I did not require the anecdote you have communicated to me in your letter of last month to know that I had incurred the hatred of General Washington. It was violent & descended with him to the grave. For its not being perpetuated in the history of his life, I am indebted to the worthy and amiable Judge Washington. I will give you a history of its cause in as short a Compass as possible.
During the session of Congress in Philadelphia in the year 1774 I met Mr Washington at the Coffee house at the time he was generally spoken of as Commander in chief of the American Army, And informed him that his Appointment would give universal Satisfaction to the citizens of Pennsylvania, and hoped he would not decline it. I had reason to beleive that he considered this opinion ever Afterwards as an expression of Attachment to his military Character never to be cancelled, and that a subsequent Change of that Opinion was an evidence of insincerity. The Sequel of this letter will show that I was not singular in this respect.
In the Summer of 1775 or thereabouts I dined in company with general, then Col: Stevens on his way from Virginia to the Camp. I sat next to him. In a low tone of Voice he asked me who constituted General Washington’s famil military family. I told him Col: J Reed & Major Thos: Mifflin. “Are they Men of talents” said he? “Yes”, Said I. “I am glad to hear it said the general, for genl: Washington will require such men about him—he is a weak man. I know him well. I served with him during the last french War.”
After the defeats and retreats of our Army in the year 1776 I went out as a volunteer physician to genl: Cadwallider’s Corps of Philadelphia Militia. During this excursion I rode with Gener Col: J. Reed from the  at Bristol to Head Quarters on the Delaware nearly opposite to Trenton. On our Way he mentioned many instances of General Washington’s Want of military Skill, and ascribed most of the Calamities of the campaign to it. He concluded by saying “he was only fit to command a regiment.” General Gates informed me in March 1777 that Patrick Henry of Virginia had said the same things of him when he was appointed Commander in chief.
A little later than this time Genl Mifflin told me “he was totally unfit for his situation,—that he was fit only to be the head Clerk of a London Countinghouse” and as a proof of his assertion, mentioned the time he wasted with his pen, and particularly noticed his having Once transcribed a letter to Congress of three Sheets of paper, only because there were two or three erasures in the original.
The brilliant affair at Trenton in Jany 1777 dissipated all the impressions which those Opinions and Anecdotes of Genl: W: had exerted in my mind, notwithstanding I received them from men who knew him intimately, and who both in cabinet and in the field, & who were his personal friends.—
In April or May 1777 I accepted of the Appointment of Physician General of the military hospitals of the United states under the direction of Dr Shippen. Here I saw Scenes of distress shocking to humanity and disgraceful to a civilized Country. I can never forget them. I still see the Sons of our yeomanry brought up in the lap of plenty, and domestic Comforts of all kinds, shivering with Cold upon bare floors without a blanket to cove them, calling for fire,—for water,—for suitable food and and for medicines—and calling in vain, I still hear their the complaints they utter against their Country,—I hear thier Sighs the thier Sighs for thier fathers fire Sides, and for a mother or Sisters Care. Thier dying groans still peirce my ears. I see them expire.—While hundreds of the flower of the youth of our Country were thus perishing under the most accumulated Sufferings, Dr Shippen the Director General of the hospitals, and whose business it was to provide all the articles necessary for thier comfort, was feasting with the General Officers at the Camp, or bargaining with tavern keepers in Jersey or Pennsylvania for the S of Madeira Wine from our hospital stores, and bought by him for the Use of the Sick. Nor was this all. No Officer was ever sent by General W: to command, or preserve discipline in our hospitals (a practice universal in European Armies) ) in consequence of which many of our Soldiers sold their blankets, muskets, and even cloathing, for the necessaries of life, or for ardent Spirts. In this situation of our hospitals, I addressed two letters to General W—the One complaining of the above Abuses, and pointing out their remedies—in the Other impeaching Dr Shippen of malpractices. I expected a Court Martial would be ordered to inquire into Dr Shippen’s Conduct in Consequence of my second letter. In this I was disappointed. Both my letters were sent to Congress, and a Committee was appointed by them to hear my Charges against the Director General. On my Way to York tower, where the Congress then sat, I passed thro’ the Valle Army at Valley forge, Where I saw similar marks of filth, Waste of public property and Want of discipline which I had recently Witnessed in the hospitals. General Sullivan (at whose quarters I breakfasted) said to me “Sir—this is not an Army—it is a Mob.” Here a new Source of distress was awakened in my Mind. I now felt for the Safety and independance of my Country, as well as for the Sufferings of the Sick under my Care. All that I had head from General Stevens, Col Reed V Mr Mifflin and some others, was now revived in my Mind. At Yorktown I found Alarm, and discontent among many Members of Congress. While there, I wrote a short Account of the state of our hospitals and of the Army to Patrick Henry and concluded my letter by quoting a speech of General Conway’s unfriendly to the talents of the Commander in Chief. This letter Patrick Henry transmitted to General W—and hence the cause and only cause of his hostility to me.
My Charges against Dr Shippen were soon dismissed by the Committee of Congress, in consequence of which I resigned my Commission of physician General.
In the year 1779 Dr Morgan dragged Dr Shippen before a Court Martial at Morristown agreeably to an order of Congress where I was summoned as a Witness. During the tryal several members of the Court were changed,—a thing I believe never done in such Courts, nor in juries except in Cases of Sickness and death. The Doctor was acquitted, but without honor; and by a majority of but one Vote. Soon after this Cold & bare acquittal, he resigned. Genl W: afterwards gave a him a Certificate approving of his conduct while Director General of the hospitals which the Doctor published in One of our newspapers about the year 1780.
The State of the Army hospitals at the hospitals time I passed thro’ time I left there may easily be conceived, off from the following fact. Mr Morris informed me that the expenses of the medical department were five millions of dollars during the last year Dr Shippen presided over them. The year After his resignation they amounted only to One Million,—estimating both sums I in gold & silver Coin. The state of the Army when I passed thro’ it may be conceived, off from the declaration of Baron Stuben who passed thro’ it a few Weeks After me. He said that more Cloaths were destroyed in it than would be sufficient for the largest Army in Europe.—
Feeling no Unkindness to G Washington during the years of the War after 1777, and after the peace, I cordially joined in all the marks of gratitude, and respect showed to him from time to time by the Citizens of Philadelphia. I first pointed the public Attention to him out as the future President of the United States in several of our newspapers While the convention was sitting which framed the Constitution at the same time that I mentioned your Name as Vice president. These Acts were the effects of a belief that the Councils of Stuben, Green & Hamilton, aided by his own experience had qualified him for his Station, and of a conviction that he always acted honestly and faithfully to promote the best interests of his Country. In Addition to my writing with in public Acts of respect to him, I entertained him while he presided in the Convention, and treated him with the Utmost respect while he was President of the United states. At no time After the year 1777 however did I believe him to be the “first in War” in our Country. In Addition to the testimonies of Stevens Reed & Mifflin, I had directly or indirectly the testimonies of Green, Hamilton; Col: Tilghman—your Son in law & of many Other of the most intelligent Officers Who served under him, to the Contrary. Nor have I never dared to join in the profane and impious incense which has been offered to his patriotism and moral qualities by many of our Citizens. So far Were I to believe to mention all that I have heard of his “heart”—and from some of his friends too, it would appear  that he was not possessed of all the divine Attributes that have been ascribed to him. But eno’ But eno’ of this hateful Subject! Is its not believ Help me to blot the knowledge and recollection of every thing Connected with it from my Memory.—
The venerable Charles Thompson now above 80 years of Age, now and then calls to see me. I once suggested to him to write secret Memoirs of the American Revolution. “No—No said he I will not.—I could not tell the truth without giving great offence. Let the World admire our patriots and heroes. Thier supposed talents and Virtues (where they were ) so) will by commanding invitation will serve the Cause of patriotism, and of Our Country.” I concur in this Sentiment, and therefore I earnestly request that you will destroy this letter as soon as you read it. I do not even wish it to be known that General W: was deficient in that Mark of true Greatness which so preeminently characterized Julius Cæsar, Henry the 4th: of France, and Frederick the 2nd: of Prussia,—the talent to forgive.
Brutus said near the close of his life, “I early devoted myself to let my Country, and I have ever since lived a life of liberty of Glory.” Your Correspondent early devoted himself to the Cause of humanity. He has lived in a constant Succession of Contests with ignorance, and prejudice and Vice, and in all which his only Objects were to lessen the miseries and promote the happiness of his fellow man, and yet he has lived a life constantly exposed to malice and persecution. “Blessed are they who are persecuted for righteousness sake.” I have derived great Comfort and support from this passage of Scripture, for I believe it applies to all those persons who suffer from thier zeal (Whether successful or not) in the Cause of truth, humanity, and justice in the present World.
When Calvin heard that Luther had called him “a Child of the devil,” he coolly replied “Luther is a Servant of the most high God.” In Answer to the epithet which G: Washington has applied to me, I will as coolly reply, He was the highly favoured instrument whose patriotism and name contributed greatly to the establishment of the independence of the United states.
Adiue! my dear friend. I repeat again, or rather I intreat again, that you will destroy this letter as soon you have read it.
From your ever / Affectionate & grateful / friend
Benjn Rush
PS: March 9th: In your letters to me which are to follow the receipt of this, take no Notice of any thing that is contained in it beyond an expression of your Satisfaction, or dissatisfaction with my defence of my Conduct in the Above Affair. This must be done without mentioning Names. My reason for this request are is—All my family have descended with the multitude down the Stream created by the homage paid to GW: and I have taken no pains to bring them back again. He is welcome to their praises and Admiration. They know only that I am not one of his idolaters, and that I ascribe the Success of our Revolution to a Galaxy an illustrious band of Statesmen—philosophers—patriots & heroes. They know likewise from your history of GW, “ten talents” in one of your letters, that we agree in ascribing honor where it to all to whom honor is and due, and not to any One citizen or soldier of the United states.
I hope the Chain which now connects Quincy with Monticello continues to brighten by every post.


Title: To John Adams from William D. Williamson, 12 February 1812
From: Williamson, William D.
To: Adams, John

Hond. & Dear Sir,
Bangor, (Hancock Co. Me) Feby, 12. 1812

Acquainted with your ready disposition to communicate information, tho unacquainted with you personally, I would, with due deference, beg leave to make of you a few enquiries.  Previously, however, I would give assurance, that all means, within my power, have been used to get the wished-for information, without encroaching, in this way, upon your moments: I have consulted the different histories of this commonwealth, & several aged men of my acquaintance on the questions, but without success.The enquiries I would respectfully make are these—
1. When councillors, under the second Charter to Massachusetts, were negatived by the Govr.; how was the vacancy, for that year, filled?
2. I find that the old tenor—bills  (first issued in 1690,) had so depreciated by 1742, that 50% were worth no more than an oz of silver: that in the latter year, a new discription of paper money was emitted, called the “new tenor,” which it was intended should not depreciate; & that all of both tenors was redeemed in 1749: Now my enquiry is, had the new tenor so depreciated, in 1749, that both the “old” & the “new tenor”—were redeemed at the same rate?  viz 50% for oz. of Silver?
3. From 1774 when the Provincial assembly renounced Gage as governor,—to the adoption of our State-constitution, 1780: who signed commissions & performed the Executive trust in Massachusetts?  How did the Comtt. proceed in forming, adopting & ratifying our State−constitution?  Who draughted it?  What month & day of the month, of 1780, did it come into operation?  What were the qualifications of voters for the first Gov. Senators, & Representatives, under the Constitution?  What month did the worthy Hancock take the chair?—Were those who held commissions under the coliny govt: prior to the Revolution, commissioned anew under the constitutional govt.?—Who draughted the Constitution of the U. States?—
I hope your excellency will not consider these enquiries impertinent nor unimportant; as to me, desirous of becoming acquainted with all the particulars of the beloved govt. under which I live, they appear highly interesting.  I would also add, tho with much diffidence, that I am engaged in writing what may be sooner or later of use to my fellow−citizens: Any answers, or helps therefore relative to the above enquiries, with which, I might from your treasury of information be favored, will be very gratefully received, by your ever warm friend & humble Servant.
Wm: D. Williamson


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 17 February 1812
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir/
Philadelphia Feb: 17th. 1812

I began a long & confidential letter to you two weeks ago upon the Subject of one of your late  letters, but an unusual pressure of business has prevented my finishing it. Judge of my the nature & extent of my engagements, when I add, that after lecturing twice, and visiting my normal number of patients this day, and entertaining some of my pupils at tea, I have since written six Answers to letters for medical advice, and to persons who have applied to me for recommendations for Appointments in the new army.—
Mr: Norton called upon us on his way to Washington. We Consigned him to the good office of our son Richard.
I rejoice in the correspondence which has taken place between you and your Old friend Mr Jefferson. I consider you and him, as the North and South poles of the American Revolution.—Some talked, some wrote—and some fought to promote & establish it, but you, and Mr Jefferson thought for us all. I never take a retrospect of the years 1775 and 1776 without associating your opinions, and Speeches, and Conversations with all the great political, moral and intellectual Atchievements of the Congresses of those memorable years.
I admire, as do all my family, the Wonderful Vivacity, and imagery of your last letters. Some men’s minds wear well, but yours dont appear to wear at all. O! king live for ever! said the Eastern natives to their Monarchs!—Oh Live—live—my venerable friend  (to use a less extravagant Spanish salutation) a thousand years) to make your family and friends around you happy, and to instruct and delight with your letters
Yours truly and / Affectionately
Benj Rush
PS: Expect the letter begun two weeks, ago, shortly.


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 17 February 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Quincy, Feb. 17, 1812.

				I was not long at the Adelphi, but soon removed to private lodgings, which by the way were ten times more public, and took apartments at Mr. Stokdale’s, in Piccadilly, where Mr. Laurens had lately lodged before me.Here I had a great opportunity of learning, for Dr. Bret was at the next door, the state of the current literature of London. I will not enlarge upon this subject at present, if ever. I found it exactly similar to what I had seen in Paris. The newspapers, the magazines, the reviews, the daily pamphlets, were all in the hands of hirelings, men of no character. I will sum up all upon this subject at present, in the words of one of the most active and extensive among the printers and booksellers to me, “Sir, said he, the men of learning in London, are all stark mad.” “There are in this city at least, one hundred men of the best education, the best classical studies, the most accomplished writers, any one of whom I can hire for one guinea a day, to go into my closet and write for me whatever I please, for or against any man or any cause. It is indifferent to them whether they write pro or con.”These were the men both in Paris and London, who preached about the progress of reason, the improvements of society, the liberty, equality, fraternity, and the rights of man. They made their experiment in France; and came very near it in England, Holland, Germany, Switzerland, Geneva, and indeed in all the rest of Europe. It is no wonder, that so many of them concurred with Tacitus and Quintillian, in avowing their doubts whether the world was governed by blind chance or eternal fate. If they had not discarded a much better and more divine philosophy, they would never have reduced the world to this anarchy and chaos.Curiosity prompted me to trot about London as fast as good horses in a decent carriage could carry me. I was introduced by Mr. Hartley, on a merely ceremonious visit, to the Duke of Portland, Mr. Burke, and Mr. Fox; but finding nothing but ceremony there, I did not ask favours or receive any thing but cold formalities from ministers of state or ambassadors. I found that our American painters had more influence at court to procure all the favors I wanted, than all of them. Mr. West asked of their majesties permission to shew me and Mr. Jay, the originals of the great productions of his pencil, such as Wolf, Bayard, Epaminondas, Regulus, &c. &c. &c. which were all displayed in the Queen’s Palace, called Buckingham House. The gracious answer of the king and queen was, that he might shew us “the whole house.” Accordingly, in the absence of the royal family at Windsor, we had an opportunity at leisure, to see all the apartments, even to the queen’s bed-chamber, with all its furniture, even to her majesty’s German bible, which attracted my attention as much as any thing else. The king’s library struck me with admiration; I wished for a weeks time, but had but a few hours. The books were in perfect order, elegant in their editions, paper, binding, &c. but gaudy and extravant in nothing. They were chosen with perfect taste and judgment; every book that a king ought to have always at hand, and as far as I could examine, and could be supposed capable of judging, none other. Maps, charts, &c. of all his dominions in the four quarters of the world, and models of every fortress in his empire.In every apartment of the whole house, the same taste, the same judgment, the same elegance, the same simplicity, without the smallest affectation, ostentation, profusion or meanness. I could not but compare it, in my own mind, with Versailles, and not at all to the advantage of the latter. I could not help comparing it with many of the gentlemen’s seats which I had seen in France, England, and even Holland. The interior of this palace was perfect; the exterior, both in extent, cost and appearance, was far inferior not only to Versailles, and the seats of the princes in France, but to the country houses of many of the nobility and gentry of Great Britain. The truth is, a minister can at any time obtain from parliament an hundred millions to support any war, just or unjust, in which he chooses to involve the nation, much more easily than he can procure one million for the decent accommodation of the court. We gazed at the great original paintings of our immortal countryman, West, with more delight than on the very celebrated pieces of Vandyke and Reubens; and with admiration not less than that inspired by the cartoons of Raphael.Mr. Copely, another of my countrymen, with whom I had been much longer acquainted, and who had obtained without so much royal protection, a reputation not less glorious; and that by studies and labours not less masterly in his art, procured me, and that from the great Lord Mansfield, a place in the house of lords, to hear the king’s speech at the opening of parliament, and to witness the introduction of the Prince of Wales, then arrived at the age of twenty one. One circumstance, a striking example of the vicissitudes of life, and the whimsical antithesis of politics, is too precious for its moral, to be forgotten. Standing in the lobby of the house of lords, surrounded by a hundred of the first people of the kingdom, Sir Francis Mollaeux, the gentleman usher of the black rod, appeared suddenly in the room with his long staff, and roared out with a very loud voice—“Where is Mr. Adams, Lord Mansfield’s friend!” I frankly avowed myself Lord Mansfield’s friend, and was politely conducted by Sir Francis to my place. A gentleman said to me the next day, “how short a time has passed, since I heard that same Lord Mansfield say in that same house of lords, “My Lords, if you do not kill him, he will kill you.” Mr. West said to me, that this was one of the finest finishings in the picture of American Independence.”Pope had given me, when a boy, an affection for Murray. When in the study and practice of the law, my admiration of the learning, talents and eloquence of Mansfield had been constantly increasing, though some of his opinions I could not approve. His politics in American affairs I had always detested.—But now I found more politeness and good humor in him than in Richmond, Cambden, Burke or Fox.If my business had been travels I might write a book. But I must be as brief as possible.I visited Sir Ashton Lever’s museum, where was a wonderful collection of natural and artificial curiosities from all parts and quarters of the globe. Here I saw again that collection of American birds, insects and other rarities, which I had so often seen before at Norwalk, in Connecticut, collected and preserved by Mr. Arnold, and sold by him to Governor Tryon for Sir Ashton. Here also I saw Sir Ashton and some other knights, his friends, practising the ancient but as I thought long forgotten art of archery. In his garden, with their bows and arrows, they hit as small a mark and at as great a distance as any of our sharpshooters could have done with their rifles.I visited also Mr. Wedgwood’s manufactory, and was not less delighted with the elegance of his substitute for porcelain, than with his rich collection of utensils and furniture from the ruins of Herculaneum, bearing incontestible evidence in their forms and figures of the taste of the Greeks, a nation that seems to have existed for the purpose of teaching the arts and furnishing models to all mankind of grace and beauty, in the mechanic arts no less than in statuary, architecture, history, oratory and poetry.The manufactory of cut glass, to which some gentlemen introduced me, did as much honor to the English as the mirrors, the seve China, or the gobeline tapestry of France. It seemed to be the art of transmitting glass into diamonds.Westminster Abbey, St. Pauls, the Exchange and other public buildings, did not escape my attention. I made an excursion to Richmond Hill to visit Gov. Pownal and Mr. Penn, but had not time to visit Twickenham. The grotto and the quin cunce, the rendezvous of Swift, Bolinbroke, Arbuthnot, Gay, Prior, and even the surly Johnson and the haughty Warburton, will never be seen by me, though I ardently desired it.I went to Windsor and saw the castle and its apartments, and enjoyed its vast prospect. I was anxiously shewn the boasted chambers where Count Tallard, the captive of the Duke of Marlborough, had been confined. I visited the terrace and the environs, and what is of more importance I visited the Eaton school; and if I had been prudent enough to negotiate with my friend West, I doubt not I might have obtained permission to see the queen’s lodge. But as the solicitation of these little favors requires a great deal of delicacy and many prudent precautions, I did not think it proper to ask the favor of any body. I must confess that all the pomps and pride of Windsor did not occupy my thoughst so much as the forest, and comparing it with what I remembered of Pope’s Windsor forest.My health was very little improved by the exercise I had taken in and about London; nor did the entertainments and delights assist me much more. The change of air and of diet from which I had entertained some hopes, had produced little effect. I continued feeble, low and drooping. The waters of Bath were still represented to me as an almost certain resource. I shall take no notice of men nor things on the road. I had not been twenty minutes at the hotel du Bath before my ancient friend and relation, Mr. John Boylston called upon me and dined with me. After dinner he was polite enough to walk with me, about the town, shewed me the crescent, the public buildings, the cards rooms, the assembly rooms, the dancing rooms, &c. objects about which I had little more curiosity than about the bricks and pavements. The baths and the accommodations for using the waters were reserved for another day. But before that day arrived, I received dispatches from America, from London, and from Amsterdam, informing me that the drafts of congress by Mr. Morris, for money to be transmitted, in silver, through the house of Le Couteux, at Paris, and through the Havana to Philadelphia; together with the bills drawn in favor of individuals in France, England and Holland, had exhausted all my loan of the last summer which had cost me so much fatigue and ill health; and that an immense flock of new bills had arrived, drawn in favour of Sir George Baring, or Sir Francis Baring, I forget which, of London, and many other persons; that these bills had been already presented, and protested for non-acceptance; and that they must be protested in their time for non-payment, unless I returned immediately to Amsterdam, and could be fortunate enough to obtain a new loan, of which my bankers gave me very faint hopes. It was winter; my health was very delicate, a journey and voyage to Holland at that season would very probably put an end to my labours. I scarcely saw a possibility of surviving it. Nevertheless no man knows what he can bear till he tries. A few moments reflection determined me, for although I had little hope of getting the money, having experienced so many difficulties before, yet making the attempt and doing all in my power would discharge my own conscience, and ought to satisfy my responsibility to the public. I returned to London, and from thence repaired to Harwich. Here we found the packet detained by contrary winds and a violent storm. For three days detained, in a very uncomfortable inn, ill accommodated and worse provided, myself and my son, without society and without books, were away three days of ennui, not a little chagrined with the unexpected interruption of our visit to England, and the disappointment of our journey to Bath; and not less anxious on account of our gloomy prospects for the future.On the fourth day the wind having veered a little, we were summoned on board the packet. With great difficulty she turned the point and gained the open sea. In this channel, on both sides the island of Great-Britain, there is in bad weather a tremulous, undulating, turbulent kind of irregular tumbling sea that disposes men more to the male de mer than even the surges of the gulph stream, which are more majestic. The passengers were all at extremities for almost the whole of the three days that we were struggling with stormy weather and beating against contrary winds. The captain and his men, worn out with fatigue and want of sleep, despaired of reaching Helvoet Sluice, and determined to land us on the island of Goree. We found ourselves, upon landing, on a desolate shore, we knew not where. A fisherman’s hut was all the building we could see. There we were told it was five or six miles from the town of Goree. The man was not certain of the distance; but it was not less than four miles nor more than six. No kind of conveyance could be had. In my weak state of health, rendered more impotent by bad nourishment, want of sleep, and wasting sickness on board the packet, I thought it almost impossible, that in that severe weather, I could walk through ice and snow, four miles before I could find rest. As has been said before, human nature never knows what it can endure before it tries the experiment. My young companion was in fine spirits; his gaiety, activity, and attention to me encreased as difficulties multiplied, and I was determined not to despair. I walked on, with caution and moderation, and survived much better than could have been expected, till we reached the town of Goree. When we had rested and refreshed ourselves at the inn, we made enquiries concerning our future rout. It was pointed out to us, and we found we must cross over the whole island of Goree, then cross the arm of the sea to the island of Over Flackee, and run the whole length of that island to the point from whence the boats pass a very wide arm of the sea to the continent, five or six miles from Helvoet Sluice. But we were told that the rivers and arms of the sea were all frozen over, so that we could not pass them but upon the ice, or in ice boats.  Inquiring for a carriage of some kind or other, we were told that the place afforded none better, and indeed none other than boer’s waggons. That this word boer may not give offence to any one, it is necessary to say, that it signifies no more in Dutch, than peasant  in France, or countryman, husbandman or farmer in America. Finding no other vehicle, we ordered a waggon, horses & driver to be engaged for us, and departed on our journey. Our carriage had no springs to support, nor cushions to soften the seats. On hard benches, in a waggon fixed to the axle-tree, we were trotted and jolted over the roughest road you can well imagine. The soil upon these islands is a stiff clay, and in rainy weather becomes as soft and miry as mortar. In this state they have been trodden by horses, and cut into deep rutts by waggon wheels, when a sudden change of the weather had frozen them hard as rocks. Over this bowling green, we rolled, or rather hopped and skipped, twelve miles in the island of Goree, and I know not how many more in Over-flackee, till we arrived at the inn at the ferry, where we again put up. Here we were obliged to wait several days, because the boats were all on the other side. The pains of waiting for a passage were much alleviated here by the inexpressible delight of rest after such violent agitations by sea and land, by good fires, warm rooms, comfortable beds, and wholesome Dutch cheer. And all these were made more agreeable by the society of a young English gentleman, not more than twenty, who happening to come to the inn, and finding we had the best room and the best fire, came in, and very modestly and respectfully requested to sit with us. We readily consented and soon found ourselves very happy in his company. He was cheerful, gay, witty, perfectly well bred, and the best acquainted with English literature of any youth of his age I ever knew. The English classics, English history, and all the English poets were familiar to him. He breakfasted, dined, supped, and in short live with us, and we could not be dull, and never wanted conversation while we staid. As I never asked his name, or his history, I cannot mention either.We were obliged to bid high for a passage, and promise them whatever they demanded. Signals were made and at last an ice-boat appeared. An ice-boat is a large ferry boat placed and fastened on runners. We embarked early in the morning. The passage is very wide over this arm of the sea. We were rowed in the water till we came to the ice, when the skipper and his men, to the number of eight or ten perhaps, leaped out upon the ice and hauled the boat up after them, when the passengers were required to get out of the boat and walk upon the ice, while the boatmen dragged the boat upon her runners. Presently they would come to a spot where the ice was thin and brittle, when all would give way and down went the boat into the water. The men were so habituated to this service that they very dexterously laid hold of the sides and leaped into the boat—then they broke away the thin ice till the boat came to a part thick enough for the passengers to leap in, when the men broke away the thin ice forward and rowed the boat in the water till she came to a place again strong enough to bear, when all must disembark again and march men and boat upon the ice. How many times we were obliged to embark and disembark in the course of the voyage I know not, but we were all day and till quite night in making the passage. The weather was cold—we were all frequently wet—I was chilled to the heart, and looked I suppose, as I felt, like a withered old worn out carcase. Our polite skipper frequently eyed me and said he pitied the old man. When we got ashore he said he must come and take the old man by the hand and wish him a safe journey to the Hague. He was sorry to see that I was in such bad health and suffered so much as he had observed upon the passage. He had done every thing in his power and so had his men, to make it easy and expeditious; but they could do no better. This I knew to be true. We parted very good friends, well satisfied with each other. I had given them what they very well loved and they had done their best for me.I am weary of my journey and shall hasten to its close. No carriage was to be had and no person to be seen; but by accident a beor came along with an empty waggon. We offered him any thing he would ask to take us to the Briel. Arrived there we obtained a more convenient carriage; but the weather was so severe and the roads so rough that we had a very uncomfortable journey to the Hague. Here I was at home in the Hotel Des Etats Unis, but could not indulge myself. My duty lay at Amsterdam among undertakers and brokers, with very faint hopes of success. I was however successful beyond my most sanguine expectations, and obtained a loan of millions enough to prevent all the bills of congress from being protested for non-payment and to preserve our credit in Europe for two or three years longer, after which another desperate draft of bills from congress obliged me once more to go over from England to Holland to borrow money. I succeeded also in that which preserved our credit till my return to America, in 1788, and till the new government came into operation and found itself rich enough.In the course of my correspondence with you I might have related many anecdotes and made many sketches of characters and drawn many portraits at full length, but I have avoided such things as much as I could. I was never a traveller, nor a book-maker, by profession, and shall never be likely to make profit by making a book.Here ends the very rough and uncouth detail of my voyages, journies, labors, perils and sufferings under my commissions for making peace with Great-Britain.I had ridden on horseback often to congress, over roads and across ferries of which the present generation have no idea, and once in 1777 in the dead of winter from Braintree to Baltimore five hundred miles upon a trotting horse, as Dean Swift boasted that he had done, or could do. I had been three days in the gulph stream, in 1778, in a furious hurricane and a storm of thunder and lightning, which struck down our men upon deck and cracked our mainmast; when the oldest officers and stoutest seamen stood aghast, at their last prayers, dreading every moment that a butt would start and all perish. I had crossed the Atlantic in 1779, in a leaky ship with perhaps 400 men on board, who were scarcely able with two large pumps going all the twenty-four hours to keep the water from filling the hold, in hourly danger for twenty days together of foundering at sea. I had passed the mountains in Spain in the winter, among ice and snow, partly on mule-back and partly on foot—Yet I never suffered so much in any of these situations as in that jaunt from Bath to Amsterdam, in January, 1788. Nor did any of those adventures ever do such lasting injuries to my health. I never got over it till my return home in 1788. The trepidation of this hand, in writing this sentence, has as I believe, been caused by it more than by any other error, irregularity, tryal or exertion of my whole life.(As it is not my intention, Messrs. Printers, that my correspondence with you shall be eternal, I have hastened over every thing but documents; and shall continue to be in future, as brief as possible.)

					John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to William Eustis, 18 February 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Eustis, William

Dear Sir
Quincy February 18th 1812

Give me leave to enclose to you a Letter from a Gentleman whom I knew in former Life but have not lately seen. I knew his Grand Father, his Father, his Uncle and his Brothers and himself all of genuine old New England Blood You probably know personally more of him than I do.
If it should be consistent with the public good in the Presidents opinion and yours I should hear with pleasure of his appointment: but I presume not to advise, having no more particular knowledge of the subject. His name is Jeremiah Niles, Son of Samuel Niles Esqr who you must have known as a Judge of the Common Pleas at Boston.
With much Esteem yours

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 18 February 1812
From: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan
To: Adams, John

My Dear Sir!
Olden barneveld 18 Febr. 1812.

Having been prevented to answer your favours of Dec. 19 Last and Jan. 9 thro Severe head-ache during a forthnight and a Succeeding cold—which is not yet past, I now begin to renew my former course—altho I am compelled to hold in the reins.
In the former you insinuated to have Send me by Col. William Stevens Smith two first vol. of Amer. Acad—with the promise of procuring me this Summer the 3d—for Both which gifts you will receive mÿ cordial thanks.
You mention the Stupendous increase of our State in twenty years when I arrived in it—it did not contain 300000 Souls—more than the half of its increase are Yankees—thus you are better calculated—than I am—if theÿ are prone—to abuse power—and if So—which I do not believe—theÿ would constitute the only race on earth with that Singular Character. It remains however, an undeniable fact, that our vast wild Lands would not now have been cultivated without that hardÿ—entreprising race.
I hope yet and ardently praÿ—that more maÿ be graciously averted—I could wish to end mÿ days in peace. But—whatever maÿ be the result of our Broils—Oneyda Countÿ is in my opinion—as Safe and desirable Spot—as anÿ one in the Union. If I enjoÿ peace and contentment, So Selfish I become as my days advance, and am blessed, that mÿ Friends are happÿ—and wish me So—the intestine feuds and quarrels without or within the 17—or 170 United or Divided States, can but little disturb mÿ repose—At least I presume, it is so—perhaps I deceive my self—and would Soon perceive it, was I placed in other circumstances—but So alas! is man.
The manÿ different titles, which you, ludicrously enough adapt to the vaiegated Sketch of the proposed work maÿ or ought for a great part come in as ingredients—What you remark in the Same Spirit of badinage about Some Individuals—I observe—that although manÿ of them have acted no insignificant parts—it has been only in inferior—or Subordinate Stations—theÿ ought be brought forward—whenever—theÿ were the Secret Springs—by which the great machine was moved—otherwise—their presence—would clog the narrative—Such a work must not be composed in the Spirit of the flemish School—but it ought to be finished by a Michael-Angelo—Its contour must be majestic—everÿ feature expressive of  a masterlÿ workman Ship—and its coloriet fascinating—
You must permit me, my Dear Sir! to defend myself and mÿ friend Luzac—against an insimulation, in which—you will do us the justice—that we did not deserve to be included—Warm Enemies of the Stadholder our hatred towards England was not less ardent—but no intermixture of complaisance and kindness towards france lurked in our Breasts—We were too well acquainted with that Court and Nation, to be duped, and betray’d as our honest frends were—we hated the British—for their Domineering Spirit—altho we admired the Nation. It was our unhappÿ Situation—that with a Brittish alliance we were enslaved bÿ the Stadholder—without it—we became Subjugated by the French. The Foes of Philip the ii were in the Tomb of the Capulets—Rich merchants remained—and all—as you know—was lost.
I received the 2 vol. of Mem: and Quincy Adams Lectures—This is a happy omen for the year 1812—mr Busti Send me Alfieri and mrs Adams a work of her beloved Son. After the Death of mrs Margareth Livingston I could not imagine—that here—I Should receive Such a favor—much less—from your Ladÿ—The manner too enhances the value of the gift—Mappa wished—that the contemplated work was executed—but fears—if your Son declines it, that it Shall never be well undertaken—much less well executed here—It might be done in Europe—I know not—if the Sketch deserves a publication—but if So—I know none Publisher—to answer the purpose—to wit—to make it publicly known—Thus after all it will remain between you—and a few correspondents—to be eaten at lenght by the worms—In my opinion—with the assistance of a few understrappers for the Historical compilations—a man as Q. A—might complete it in 2 or 3 years. The only difficulty he might to have to Struggle with—maÿ be the exuberant luxuriancÿ of his genius—But may hap ignorance of his accomplishment creates this Suspicion—He maÿ possess Sufficient powers to curb it, and write as chaste as Thucydides or Xenophon—If all these wishes are visionarÿ—it matters not—it pleases me—to indulge in these.
I have pervolved the Mem: They are—to Say the least—not inferior to the productions of her Elder Sister—as a Fellow—of that Society—I dare not expose her nakedness—but the President of the Am. Acad—will allow me the libertÿ of my remarks—He would do So—if it was his own work—and then I Should humbly ask Him, to explain to me in plain English—what it is pag. 16 “when eternity itself Shall be absorpt in the Self existence of the Diety—after all things Shall be ingulphed in it.—and yet the blessed Souls escape Save” I can readily excuse this—in Such a worthy man as your Predecessor—but it ought to have been pruned—He wanted one—in casas descendat judius aures—Pag. 419. Datura pericarpüs Sponasis, erectis ovatis. Linn.
This is not fully accurate—it is not only folüs ovatis—but folüs ovatis dentatis.
The dozis is ½ grain in the morning and evening—may be increased to 1½ even 2—but gradatim—by an expert Physician—By making the extract—as a Frend—Dr. v. d. Heuvell—warned me—care Should be taken against the exhalations. Dr Storck did use it with Success in insanity, and Spasmodic cases, He found it noxious in an inveterate epilepsÿ
Pag. 420 Hyoseiamus—has been employ’d with Success by Dr. Storck.
474. Tutsan—the word is Tout-Saint.
vol. ii. Prismatic colours orange—green—purple—composed—Dr. Tenney’s conjecture Struck me bÿ its novelty —and Seeming truth—It might be verified bÿ experiments—I see no impossibilitÿ, to institute them—to ascertain the fallacÿ of the appearance—or evince the truth—either by more prisms—placed in various positions—or bÿ intercepting bÿ a prismatic rod—either of the Suspected colours, and by thus bending receiving these upon another prism—
As I have dared to insinuate—that even the President of the Am. Academÿ could write incorrectlÿ, and it Seems Pres. Bowdoin did So—it must be a Venial Sin to observe it in a Fellow—vol. ii P. ii Pag. 73. I was Struck with Benj. De Witt powers of eloquence—Speaking of Collections of Nat: Hist towards which He contributed “They exhibit in One View the Nat: Hist: of a whole Countrÿ—or of the whole world in proportion to their extent—They open to our eyes numerous pages in the book of Nature, and allow us at once to read her beautiful and marvellous works” But this is nothing yet—how deep dives that daring fellow in the Sea of Bathos, “They present to us an elegant compendiem of the Creation, condensed in the Small Space of a Room” That man never heard at Cambridge Quincÿ’s Lectures—Compare this Tirade with one of J. J. “le cabinet d’Emile est plus riche que ceux des Rois; ce cabinet est la terre entiere. Chaque chose y est a Sa place—Le Naturaliste, qui en prend Soin, a rangé le tout dans un fort bel ordre. D’aubenton me feroit pas mieux. What an exquisitely delicate praise is in that last expression—what grandeur in the former. To avoid a relapse—I intermingle my Studies—by Metastasio—what an amiable and delightful writer is that Abbé—He can make me weep—He often enraptures me.
I include a few additions to the Sketch—it must yet remain incorrect—but I Shall give it up ere long for another Doll
Continue to favour me—as you have done Since more than thirty years with your frendship—you know I am with the highest regard— / your affectionate and high obliged Friend!

Fr. Adr. vander Kemp


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 26 February 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Quincy Feb. 26 1812

I shall expect your long letter; but I ought not to wish it with impatience: for you have such demands upon you for your time that I wonder how you can spare any to write answers to my impertinances, the astonishment of your family at my vivacity—is very just—Rochefaucault says when a mans vivacity increases with years it becomes frenzy at last nothing is indeed more ridiculous than an old man more than three quarters of a hundred rattling like a boy of fifteen at school or at College. I am ashamed of it yet ten to one I shall fall into it again before I finish this letter: for I feel at least fory years younger when I am writing to you—Martinus Scriblerus would pronounce my imagery, to be drawn from a lower deep than the lowest deep of the Bathos there is no delicacy in it. Swift, whose wild imagination could create Brobdignagians and Lilleputions and the thousand wonders of his travels and fables calculate every figure with mathematical exactness and not an image or a metaphor is admitted that is not neat exact and compleat though every word in his prose and verse, comes as natural and flows as easy as water down an uniform inclined plain yet I cannot conceive it possibly could be accomplished without the most profound patience and obstinate determined study—I dare say he copied over all he wrote as often as Demosthenes copied Thucidides, I would not undertake to write one page of Swifts poetry or prose under half a year—And yet Dr Blair has convicted him of breaking Priscians head in a number of instances.
I thank you, Sir and your Lady for your kind civilities to my modest amiable and ingenious young Nephew Mr. Richard Cranch Norton he has gratefully acknowledged his obligations to your family in his letters to his own here. The renovation of an ancient Correspondence has been an agreeable circumstance. It cannot last long, for one party must very soon yield to nature her dues. But I am surprised to find that a winter journey on horseback of ninety miles is performed to visit a plantation! I would not undertake it for the fee simple of the United States with unlimited dominion over thier inhabitants with thier own consent. I am afraid My friend Jefferson has become worldly minded. For my self I care nothing about this world except as it is a part of a system of which the remotest fixed Star in the Gallaxy or in Herschells Nubulae and every satilte about it is as assential to ours yet I am anxious for my children Grand children Country,  Europe at times as Fisher Ames—such incongruous creatures we are and such we must be till we take our lessons from the great teacher—to whom I am desirous of going to school as soon as eternal Wisdom shall think fit

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to John Langdon, 27 February 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Langdon, John

Dear Sir
Quincy Feb. 27th. 1812

Though I have read with regret, the Account of your declining a reelection as Governor of New Hampshire; I am not Surprised at it, nor can you be censured for it. Men who have run So long a Career in public Life as yours ought to be permitted to retire, when their deliberate Judgments require it, Not that it is wise in a Nation to discard or neglect Men on Account of their Age. I have been long of this opinion. So much So, that in 1797 and 1798, My own Judgment was, that the most prudent Thing I could do, would be to call for the List of the old Officers in the Revolutionary Army and nominate every one of them in the Rank he held at the End of the Revolutionary War. They might have declined if they chose.
I have wished that it might have happened that We should meet once more: but this can be of no great Consequence to either of Us or to any others, I wish and pray tranquil Repose and Euthanasia both for my Self and for You.
There is one Expression in your Letter of Decem. 6. 1800, which I wish to review, before We depart; You Speak of “Small Shades of difference in our Politicks.”
Now I know of no difference or Shades of difference in our Politicks, from 1775 when You came first into Congress to this year 1812: excepting Sometimes respecting Men to be elected or appointed to Office. I will now State candidly all I can recollect or ever could recollect of the Conversation that was alluded to by yourself and Mr John Taylor of Virginia.
A President is imprisoned; he is shackled; he is gagged; he can not say a Word in Print in his own defence: if he does the Cry instantly resounds through the World, “That he is ambitious that he is avaricious, that he is Seeking Popularity; that his Principles are mean and Selfish; that his motives are his own Glory &c and Lust of Power, &c.
I was always at my Post at the hour of Adjournment of the Senate. You was the most punctual of the Senators, and John Taylor met Us oftener at the hour than any other Member. Taylor was an eternal Talker. The greatest Talker I ever knew, excepting King George the third: and he had much more Ardor, fire and fluency than his Majesty. We were all frank and Social enough. Taylors perpetual Topick was the French Revolution. There was no End of his Enthusiastic Admiration of the French Revolution; nor of his Panegyricks of the principal Characters, then predominating. His Eulogiums upon Robespierre were without Bounds, excepting when he recollected Barrere. He wished to make these Characters his Models, Upon the whole he Scarcely knew which to prefer: but he rather thought Barrere the most worthy of Imitation, as having more Information Talent and Taste. I pitied Mr Taylor, whom I saw to be a young Man of considerable Intellect a great deal of Spirit, and warm Enthusiasm but perfectly ignorant of the Men he admired and the Circumstances in which they Acted, and the Nation they were employed in destroying. I disputed however but little with Mr Taylor about the Men.
But he admired almost To Adoration the Constitution under which Robespierre and Barrere then acted.—Here I ventured to put in a Word now and then. I Said that Constitution cannot last. It cannot hold France together. “Why! what Alteration is necessary”? Said Tailor. A more permanent Executive and Senate will be indispensable. Said I, “What hereditary.” Hereditary, or at least for Life, Said I—“I do not believe it said Tailor. Nor I neither said Langdon.” I replied Gentlemen you and I too Shall live to See you alter, and acknowledge the Alteration of your Opinions. “What” said Taylor, with a quickness and vivacity which convinced me that he was upon the Catch “and our own Constitution too” I was piqued at this Insolence, this Sophistry, this Jesuitism and answered him, “Yes” and turned upon my heel and went away. He and Tench Cox laid their heads together to publish to the World, that I had declared my opinion for an Hereditary Executive and Senate in the United States. Than which nothing was farther from the Truth. When I Said “Yes” I meant only that he would alter his opinions of our Constitution, to which he was then Supposed to be hostile; at least it was believed that he was very uneasy under it, and discontented with it.
Had I known When you were in Boston, I should either have called upon you, or at least Sent a request to See you at Quincy. But that Opportunity having been lost; it is not very probable another will occur. With the best Wishes for every Felicity to you and yours, I remain, your / Friend and Servant
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from John Langdon, 3 March 1812
From: Langdon, John
To: Adams, John

Dear & respected Sr.
Portsmouth March 3d. 1812

I am honor’d with your letter of the 27th Ult. which has awakened many pleasing sensations in my bosom. The regret you feel on my declining a reelection to the Office I now hold, and the interest you are pleased to take in my Public life for nearly forty years past, demands my most sincere thanks, and what most delights me is, that I am now confirmed in my opinion, that our old friendship has never ceased nor never can. My want of education, and my limitted talents has prevented me from rendering that service to my Country that I could have wished; but I desire to give thanks to that Being (without whom we can do nothing) for his constant support, who has enabled me to pass by honor and dishonor, and steadily persue what I tho’t to be the true interest and honor of my Country.
I now retire from my Office with this pleasing reflection that I have the good will of my fellow Citizens, and that I have in some degree performed my duty.
The last time I was in Boston to attend the funeral of a beloved sister, I returned home immediately of course had no time to pay my respects to a single friend. It would be a great happiness to me to see you er’e we go hence and are here no more. You mention my expressions in my former letter, of “shades of difference in our politics,” indeed they were only shades, for in all essential points we have ever agreed, indeed I had accustomed myself to look up to your opinion. I do not perfectly recollect now what passed in our conversation with Mr. Taylor but as far as my memory serves me the discourse was as you have stated. Experience has convinced me (which I have often mentioned among my friends) that your opinion of the French Revolution years ago, was perfectly correct.
If ever I should be permitted to visit Boston again, shall by the leave of Providence see you. But why may we not indulge a hope that you and your Lady, in the course of the coming season would make a visit to this place and spend a few days with us, indeed it would be a very great gratification.
I beg you Sr. To present my sincere respects to your Lady with thanks for her kind remembrance of us. Mrs. Langdon joins me in the homage of our greatful thanks for the many marks of politeness and attention heretofore shewn us by yourself and Lady.
May the Religion of our Blessed Saviour comfort us here on earth, and that we may all meet hereafter in the Mansions of Glory, is the prayer of / Dear Sr. your Friend & Hbl. Servt

John Langdon


Title: From John Adams to William Gray, 4 March 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Gray, William

Dear Sir
Quincy March 4th 1812

A virtuous amiable and accomplished Lady whom I have known from her birth was married to a virtuous learned and judicious Gentleman with whom I was well acquainted, and whom I as well as all his acquaintance highly esteemed. The husband died and left a young Widow with two Sons. She has devoted her Life to their Education. The youngest Josiah Quincy Guild who will have the honour to present you this Letter after an Education at College and serving some time in a Store in Boston, when business was dull in the time of the Embargo embarked as a Supercargo on a Voyage up the streights. Taken by a French Privateer, carried into Marseilles, he was there at Toulon, Paris, Bordeaux, Toulouse & about a year. He has the French Language and as the times are not very flattering for young Men in Trade at home, he wishes for a voyage.
At the request of his Mother, I have consented to give him this Letter to you. It is intended merely as an introduction. I have not even a Colour of a pretext to take this Liberty, But rely wholly on your goodness to pardon me. If you should find it convenient to converse with him I think you will find him intelligent and ingenuous.
Neither your determination to retire from the hot Climate of Politicks nor the severity of this long Winter have diminished the high Esteem, and great regard of your Friend

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 19 March 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Quincy March 19. 1812

The greatest part of the History in your last Letter was well known to me, and I could write you Six Sheets for your three, full of Anecdotes, of a Similar complexion. I wanted no Satisfaction. If I had, your Letter would have given it.
The great Character, was a Character of Convention. His first Appointment was a magnanimous Sacrifice of the North to the South: to the base Jealousy, Sordid Envy, and ignorant Prejudices of the Southern and middle States, against New England. I know what I Say, and I will not tremble like your old Friend at the danger of “giving offence.”
Mr Widgery, previous to his return home, from our Legislature waited on our Governor Sullivan, pour prendre Congé. The Governor had heard from Some Tatler of a light Speech concerning him Self, and recd his Visitor coldly. W. felt it and discovered Some Sensibility of it, S. irritated, Said “I Set little Value of  on these visits of Ceremony from “Men who Set So little Value upon me, in other Companies.” W. raised his head, and with great dignity Said “Sir!”  “Who made You Governor”? An Explanation ensued and a Reconciliation.
I mentioned a Character of Convention. There was a time when Northern, Middle and Southern Statesmen, and northern Middle and Southern Officers of The Army, expressly agreed to blow the Trumpets of Panegyrick in concert; to cover and dissemble all Faults and Errors; to represent every defeat as a Victory, and every Retreat as an Advancement; to make that Character popular and fashionable, with all Parties in all places and with all Persons, as a Centre of Union, as the Central Stone in the Geometrical Arch.
There you have the Revelation of the whole Mystery. Something of the same kind has occurred in France and has produced a Napoleon and his Empire. And, my Friend, Something hereafter may produce Similar Conventions to cry up a Burr, a Hamilton, an Arnold or a Cæsar, Julius or Borgia. And on Such foundations have been created Mahomet Zingis Tamerlane Kouli, Alexander and all the other great Conquerors this world has produced.
Pray have you not often heard The Honourable Timothy Pickering Speak of The Great Character? I have. And at various Periods of time from 1791 when I lived in Mrs Keppele’s house at the Corner of Arch Street and fourth Street, to 1797 after I was chosen President.
I lament, my dear Friend, that you were not in Congress in 1774 and 1775. A thousand Things happened there in those Years that no Man now living knows but myself. Mr Gerry, Mr Lovel was not there. Gerry not till 1776. Lovel not til 1777.
1774 was the most important and the most difficult Year of all. We were about one third Tories, one third timid and one third true Blue. We had a Code of Fundamental Laws to prepare for a whole Continent of incongruous Colonies. It was done; and the Declaration of Independence in 1776, was no more than a repetition of the Principles, the Rights and Wrongs asserted and adopted in 1774.
Ought not your Philosophical Society to institute an Inquiry into the Truth of the terrible Accounts of Earthquakes at the Southward and Westward. I Suspect Something very wicked at the bottom of most of those Stories that falsis terroribus implent our good Ladies and innocent Children.
Monticello owes a Letter to mare Mont Maromont, or Merry Mount, or Mount Wollaston, for by all these Names the Place has been called.
If You have educated or Suffered to be brought up your Family in Idolatry you ought to read to them that Chapter in the Old Testament which contains Moses’s tremendous Curses against Idolatry.
If I were to write this Letter over again I could make it methodical and correct the grammar, without Sending it to Petersburg.
I am as ever Yours

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to John Adams Harper, 20 March 1812
From: Adams, John
To: Harper, John Adams

Dear Sir
Quincy March 20th. 1812

I have received, under your Frank, Copies of Henry’s full Proofs of his own turpitude and that of the late Governor of Canada, and that of some of the British Ministery; and I thank you for them.
I read a Speech of Mr. Harper in Congress which appeared to me to contain marks of a Mind awake to Principles of Equity Humanity and Benevolence, as well as of Discretion, Patriotism and Sound Policy: which attracted so much of my Attention, as induced me to enquire who the Speaker was, but I was never informed that he was a Relation of mine till I received your Name as a Frank to a Letter from the Post Office.
Surely, there must be Some Secret and misterious Sympathy of Nature between Us, as yet Uninvestigated by Philosophers, Will you pardon my Indiscrition, if I ask the favour of you to inform me, to what branch of the Family of your Name of Baptism you are related. I presume your Mother was an Adams; possibly of a Family of that Name at newington in new Hampshire.
As to this Henry: I am responsible for his Nomination to a Captaincy of Artillery, so I am for the Nomination of Alexander Hamilton to be a Major General. So are the Federal Members of Congress in 1801 for thirty Seven Votes for Aaron Burr to be President—
Not all the Recommendations, of this Adventureer, Henry could induce me to nominate him, till he produced to me his Port-folio, filled with a vast Collection of his Composition. And Compilations on Military Science and on the Artillery Theories Especially which convinced me, that his laborious Studies, and profound Investigations would be very Useful to our young military Officers—
What shall we Say? Shall We sware never to trust any Adventurier, from England Scotland Ireland France Spain Geneva Germany or Italy? Or Shall We say We never will trust an American native? For Arnold and Burr were not only natives but of Ancient and Respectable and Venerable descent—
I beg your pardon for this, and if you disapprove it will offend no more. very Respectfuly I am, Sir your obliged Servant.

John Adams.