Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jean-Baptiste LeRoy, 2 October 1770
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Le Roy, Jean-Baptiste

Dear Sir,
London, Octob. 2. 1770
I always think it too much to put you to the Expence of Postage for any Letters of mine; and one so seldom meets with private Hands that one can trouble with a Letter, that our Correspondence must suffer long Interruptions.
Your last Favour was dated July 4. recommending to me, and to Sir John Pringle, your Friend the Baron Darcy; to whom we should have gladly render’d any Civilities in our Power here; if we could have seen him. He very obligingly brought or sent to my House your Letter, with the Book and Pump Machine; but I was abroad, and no Note was left of his Lodging. As Dr. Matty had before at the Coffeehouse mention’d to me his Arrival, I went immediately to the Museum, two Miles from my House, to enquire for him of the Doctor, who could give me no Satisfaction. He had seen him, but knew not where he lodged. After enquiring at some other Places, I went to Sir John Pringle’s, who had not seen him or heard of his being in London, but suppos’d we might learn where to find him at the French Ambassador’s. Sir John undertook to make that Enquiry, went accordingly, and was told by M. Francois, that Baron Darcy had indeed been there, and had left a Letter, but no Note of his Lodging, and had not call’d since, so that he could not tell where he might be found. Perhaps my Writing all this may seem too particular; but it is to assure you, that we should have shown all possible Regard to your Recommendation if the Gentleman had put it in our Power.
We are both exceedingly mortify’d at the Disappointment of our Expectations of seeing you here in London. But still hope, that if it is too late this Year, you will not fail to give us that Pleasure early in the next. The Affairs of America keep me still here as you supposed, and I do not now think of going home till May or June 71. Sir John and I have made no long Excursion together this Summer. If we had, I think we should have taken Paris in our way, as you French People above all the rest of Mankind have the Art of making Strangers happy, and we are never more so than when among you.
I am much obliged to you for sending me the Chandelier à Pompe; and also for the Book of Abbé Galliani. Your Brother’s excellent Work contains a great deal of curious Information; my Thanks and best Wishes attend him.
The late Comet had something singular in its Appearance. I long to receive your Ideas of those wonderful Bodies, which you promis’d some time since to favour me with. I find many Difficulties in attempting to explain their Phenomena.
Capt. Frey did me the Favour the other Day to take a Packet for you, which had been made up Six Weeks, waiting for an Opportunity to send it. It contains some of our American Observations of the Transit of Venus. I had sent you some others before, which I hope you received, tho’ they had not come to hand when you wrote to me in May last.
I am happy to think that the Translation of my Book will have the Advantage of your Inspection: For as your Language is now almost universal, and will make me more known than any other, I wish to appear in it under as few Disadvantages as possible; and by what little I perused of the Manuscript, I had reason to fear that my Meaning was not always clearly taken by the Translator. I am ashamed to request that you should be at so much Trouble; but your thorough Examination and Correction of the whole, would oblige me infinitely.
Sir John Pringle has charged me, that whenever I write to you, I should, with mine, join his Respects and best Wishes for your Health and Prosperity. With the sincerest Esteem and Affection, I am, my dear Sir, Your most obedient and most humble Servant
B Franklin
M. Le Roy

Addressed: A Monsieur / Monsieur Le Roy / aux Galeries du Louvre / à Paris.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 3 October 1770
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

My dear Child,
London, Oct. 3. 1770
I received your kind Letter of Aug. 16. which gave me a great deal of Satisfaction. I am glad your little Grandson recovered so soon of his Illness, as I see you are quite in Love with him, and your Happiness wrapt up in his; since your whole long Letter is made up of the History of his pretty Actions. It was very prudently done of you not to interfere when his Mother thought fit to correct him; which pleases me the more, as I feared, from your Fondness of him, that he would be too much humoured, and perhaps spoiled. There is a Story of two little Boys in the Street; one was crying bitterly; the other came to him to ask what was the Matter? I have been, says he, for a pennyworth of Vinegar, and I have broke the Glass and spilt the Vinegar, and my Mother will whip me. No, she won’t whip you says the other. Indeed she will, says he. What, says the other, have you then got ne’er a Grandmother?
I am sorry I did not send one of my Books to Mr. Rhodes, since he was desirous of seeing it. My Love to him, and to all enquiring Friends. Mrs. West was here to day, and desired me to mention her Love to you. Mr. Strahan and Family are all well, always enquire how you all do, and send their Love. Mrs Stevenson is at present in the Country. But Polly sends her Love to you and Mrs Bache and the young Gentleman. My Love to all. I am, a[s ever,] Your affectionate Husband
B Franklin

Addressed: To / Mrs Franklin / at / Philadelphia / viâ New York / per Packet / B Free Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Mary Parker, 6 October 1770
From: Parker, Mary
To: Franklin, Benjamin

N York October 6th 1770
Since writing the foregoing My Daughter is returned from Philadelphia without the Comptrollers Books: Mr. Foxcroft Intends to bring them himself; when he does shall Answer yours as particularly as I can. I received yours with a protested bill of Mr. Vernon. Your Letter and bill I (by the Next post) sent to Mr. Foxcroft; who I suppose (and make no Doubt) will do what is needful therein. When my Daughter left Philadelphia Mrs. Franklin and Mrs. Bache were very well. So is the Governor and his Lady; he is now at Amboy to Meet the Assembly.
As Soon as Mr. Foxcroft returns my Books Shall Draw out and Send you a General Account of the Post Office Affairs, also an Account of the Different Post Masters in as particular a Manner as I am able from the books; with your own Account as it Stands in Mr. Parkers books.
Inclosed is a Small Account Due me, shall take it as a favour youl git Some one to receive for me. After my best wishes and prayers for your health and Happiness, give me leave to Subscribe myself with Gratitude your Most faithful and Obliged Humble Servant
Mary Parker
Benjamin Franklin Esqr.

Addressed: Benjn. Franklin


Title: Thomas Coombe, Jr., to His Father, 8 October 1770: extract
From: Coombe, Thomas, Jr.
To: Coombe, Thomas, Sr.

London Ocr: 8th 1770
I dined with Dr. Franklin the Day before yesterday, when he desired to be kindly remembered to you. My Affection for the good old Dr. increases every Time I visit him, which I do very frequently. An Anecdote just occurs which will make you smile. Calling to’ther Day to ask Dr. Franklin “how he did,” I found him sitting, with only a single Cap on—the Day was cold—and the Dr. usually wore a double one. Upon this, I undertook to remonstrate, and received for Answer, that “his Head grew warm”. I said that “Dr. F was never accounted hot-headed.” “Aye (says he) but Nature seems to think so, for she is taking all the Hair off my Head.” An hundred other such Things come from him in an Evening. He told me some time ago, that Christians did not debate about the Essentials, but about “the Paper and Packthread of Religion.”


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Noble Wimberly Jones, 9 October 1770
From: Jones, Noble Wimberly
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
9th. October 1770
Your very kind favours I duly received and should have answered them respectively, only that I waited in expectation of transmitting the sum then supposed necessary, trust however to your goodness to excuse the omission being at that time disappointed; your unparralell’d kindness in so readily complying with the request (through me) of the Assembly demands as it heartily has our most sincere and best thanks. By Mr. Crouch I receiv’d agreable to your last The Mace which is in the Oppinion of all that has seen it extreemly neat and Ellegant the Gouns also quite compleat and in very good order. You will herewith Sir, receive in part recompence of these kind offices two setts of Bills of Exchange vizt. one on Mssrs. Greenwood & Higginson £100 and the other on John Campbell Esquire Kings Agent for this Province £20 which doubt not will be respectively honourd. Please to accept my best thanks for the Pamphlets and Speeches &c. you favour’d us with, the subject on which they are Wrote cannot but render them very pleasing and agreable to an American Mind.
Permit me Sir to assure you that the Assembly esteem themselves extra happy in being represented by a gentleman of your known Integrety, whose sentiments coincide with theirs and every true American, and every branch of the Legislature express their highest approbation of your past conduct and greatfully accept the continuance you kindly offer of those faithful endeavours to serve the Province for the future.
That you may long enjoy health and prosperity to receive the warmest acknowledgements of a greatful Assembly of Georgia is the very sincere Wish of Dear Sir Your Most Obliged and Obedient humble Servant
N W Jones
To Benjamin Franklin Esqr.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Noble Wimberly Jones, 10 October 1770
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Jones, Noble Wimberly

Sir,
London, Oct. 10. 1770
The within is a Copy of mine that went with the Gowns and Mace, which I hope got safe to hand. One of the Bills, (that for the Mace) contain’d, by the Silversmith’s Mistake, an Article of Buckles that should not have been in it. The true Amount of that Bill,

  on Account of your Province, is only
- - - - - - - - - -
£88
  8s.
  1d.

That for the Gowns was
  - - - - - - - - - -
  19
  4s.
  9d.

  107
  12s.
  10d.

A War with Spain is just now talk’d of here as inevitable. And a Disposition to accommodate amicably all Differences with the Colonies begins to shew itself more strongly among Persons in Power. The American Agents will not fail, as it is both their Duty and Interest, to cultivate as much as possible that Disposition. With great Respect, I am, Sir, Your most obedient and most humble Servant,
B Franklin
Honble. N. W. Jones, Esqr


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Joseph Galloway, 10 October 1770
From: Galloway, Joseph
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Philada. Octr. 10. 1770
This will be deliver’d to you by Mr. William White for whose Parents, as well as himself, I have a particular Regard. His Arrant to London is with Design to finish his Studies in Divinity, and to obtain Orders in the Church. If great Goodness and Rectitude of Heart, improved by a virtuous and liberal Education, and free from the Vices and Licentiousness too frequently the Attendants on unguarded Youth, render a young Gentleman fit for the great and important Duties of Religion, I have good Reason to beleive, the Object of this Letter will not prove an inferiour Ornament to the Sacred Profession. Under this Opinion of him, permit me, to recommend him to your Advice Assistance and Friendship. I will not offer an Apology on this Occasion, as I well know the Pleasure you recieve in lending your Aid to Mankind in general, but to Youth in particular, in their laudable Pursuits, will more than compensate for any Pains you may be at in performing the benevolent Office. I am with much Esteem your most obedient humble Servant
Jos. Galloway

Addressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esquire / Deputy Post Master General of / North America in / Craven Street / London / per Favor / Mr. White
Endorsed: White


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Deborah Franklin, 11 October 1770: Four Letters of Introduction
From: Franklin, Deborah
To: Franklin, Benjamin

In early October, 1770, four young men left Philadelphia together for London, two to study law and two to seek ordination in the Church of England. All were family friends of the Franklins, and for each Deborah wrote a note of introduction to her husband. The notes were written on the same day, and we have arranged them in the alphabetical order of the bearer’s last name. She fully realized what a remarkable group it was (“I donte remember such a wortheyer Cargo never wente from this plase”), and she was confident that Franklin would appreciate its arrival.

My Dear child
Ocktober the 11 1770
the bairer of this is the Son of Dr. Phinis Bond his only Son and a worthey young man. He is a going to Studey the Law he desired a line to you I beleve you have Such a number of worthey young Jentelmen as ever wente to gather. I hope to give you pleshuer to See such a number of fine youthes from your one [own] countrey which will be an Honour to their parentes and Countrey. I am my Dear child your Afeckshonet wife
D Franklin

Addressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr / Craven Street / London / per favor of / Mr Bond

My Dear Child
ocktober the 11 1770
the bairer of this is Mr. T Hopkinson Son of your old friend and a young man as is as good as lives he asked a line to you from me his mother and he dranke tee on Satter day laste. I supose he has letters to you from his friends to you he will tell you a boute your Grand son as he is a quinted with him. I am your Afeckshonet wife
D Franklin
Mr Hopkison

Endorsed: Hopkinson Recommendations of White, Bond, Hopkinson and Rush

My Dear Child
Ocktober the 11 1770
the bairer of this is Dr. Rushes Brother a young [man] of a good Carreckter live with Mr. Dickison severel years is Coled a hones young man heard his friends desierd I wold write to you. I have told I Cold not write as I am not Capabel of writin a boute my selef I Cold not deney him and his relashons and severel young nabors is a going in Capt. Folkner. I am your afeckshonet wife
    D Franklin
Mr Rush

Endorsed: Rush

My Dear Child
ocktober the 11 1770
the bairer of this is Mr. White the only Son of our Nabor White. I beleve he is as worthey a young Jentelman as ever wente over to Ingland he desired a line to you tell good Mrs. Stephen Son I donte remember such a wortheyer Cargo never wente from this plase I hope thay will be a credit to us I am your Afeckshonet wife
D Franklin
Mr. White

Addressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr / Craven Street / London / per favor of / Mr White
Endorsed: White


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Fitzmaurice, 12 October 1770
From: Fitzmaurice, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir,
Isle Wight Octr. 12. 1770
You must do Doctor Hawkesworth and me the Justice to believe that we were very much mortified at being deprived of the pleasure which we were happy in the thought of enjoying from your Company here. What has added to our mortification has been the being deprived of that satisfaction which God forbid but that we sho’d enjoy with the rest of our fellow Creatures, of abusing you as plentifully as we were disposed to suppose there might have been room for doing, this pious intention the politeness and sincerity of your excuse obliges us to lay aside. But, for the next Summer the Doctor and I propose to carry a similar engagement with you into execution in a manner that may possibly prove more successfull.
Sir Chas. Knowles, who left us about a fortnight ago, has been obliged, from some un-foreseen inconvenient circumstances to postpone the trial of his Experiment and likewise to adopt a different Situation for the purpose from that which he originally intended, instead of making it in this neighbourhood he has been induced to prefer other Downs on the opposite side of the Water which being nearer to Portsmouth will prove, it seems, in many respects more Convenient. The object of his intended Experiment is to ascertain with precision the force and direction of the Wind. It w’d be difficult for me to describe the nature of a Machine which having never seen I can not say that I understand as well as I c’d wish. When I mentioned your desire to Sir Chas., he seemed not less desirous of describing his Ideas to you himself than he is of carrying those Ideas into execution, so that Dr. Hawkesworth and myself have each of us promised that we w’d bring you together the first Opportunity.
As to the aspersion thrown upon the Doctor’s Maggy, the best Characters he sees are not free from reproach, and comforts himself that the Accident may one day or other bring his Maggy into the first Company. He sets out from hence, much to my concern, on Sunday next, but desires me to present his best respects to you ’till such time as he has an Opportunity of presenting them in person.
The War like preparations in this part of the World seem to grow fainter and fainter daily, so that I am not without hopes but that in profound peace I may have an Opportunity, after Xmas of assuring you in person myself of the truth and Esteem with which I have the pleasure of subscribing myself, Dear Sir, Most faithfully and Sincerely Yours &c
Thoms. Fitzmaurice


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Richard Bache, 14 October 1770
From: Bache, Richard
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Philada. 14th: October 1770.
I did myself the pleasure of writing you a few Lines the other day per packet. Mr. Thomas Hopkinson has strongly sollicited to be the Bearer of a few Lines, and tho’ I am conscious that any Introduction of him from me to you, will have but little Weight, yet I cannot help complying with his Request. I must at the same time trouble you with the inclosed Letter for my Mother, which you will be pleased to forward per first post. I am with due Respect Dear Sir Your Affectionate Son
Richd Bache

Addressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr. / London. / per favor Mr. / Thos: Hopkinson.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Deborah Franklin, 14 October 1770
From: Franklin, Deborah
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[My Dea]r Child
Ocktober the 14 1770
I have bin so much taken up of Laite I Cold write only a line or two which I desired Billey to in close in his letter to you, to tell you that when he and mrs. Franklin is in town I am much taken up; the laste I got Mr. Beach to excues me to you for we had Several friends in the house and this day I am told Folkner Sailes on Satter day. So I muste write when I Can as to aney thing of publick Affairs I leve to your friends to give you an acounte. This is to tell you Mr. Beach and Salley is gon to Burlinton to See Mrs. Franklin as Shee did not go to Amboy and I thinke Shee will cume down to the Roses. Yisterday came the a Counte of the Death of our verey kind Friend Mr. White Feld it hurte me indeaid you will See all a bought him in the Papers and in the Same paper Came the a Counte of the Deth of John Mecum. Hough is our Sister Mecum but Shee is much Suported and Shee has a dubel Shair of Sperrites I am a fraid Shee is angarey with me but I Cante tell for what Shee thinkes I donte thinke quite as Shee dus but I love her and will as long as I live. I did reseve a letter by two Ladeys by the way of Scotland it was a wrong time I fair as everey bodey has laid all finery is laid on sid I did all in my power but that is but Small. I have Seen our friend Rhodes he is much plesed with your writing to him his wife and Dafter much plesed as did our old friend mrs. Paskel Shee cumes to See as Shee is verey fond of your Grand Son the day he was Crisond he was taken in to her house as did his unkill and ante and Pason Petters and mrs. paskel rememberd that Salley was carreyed to her house the firste time [s]he wente oute.
Our Dear mrs. Grasce is in town Shee and mrs. Suel and her Dafter mrs. Hunte. Shee loves you as well as ever. Shee is a fine woman in dead and has a fine Son her mother and Shee Lay in att the Same time I wente to See them all thow I donte visit more. I Send you a barrel of Cranbarey I Cold not get aney thing eles it is two airley in the Seson but I Shall have an opertunety Soon I hope. I hear mr. Bambridg is Cume to his Fathers house near Frankford. I give you Joy in the marraige of all your friends marraigis be So kind as to tell our Dear Polley if I Cold Write I wold Say much and to our good mrs. Stephenson I give her as much Joy as Shee wish or deseyer and our Kinswoman I wishe her all hapeynes mrs. Franklin knows the Captin but I Cante Say aney thing more only I hope them all hapeynes. I Cante Say aney thing more of our [Gran]dson then he is sound [torn] teeth and has maney readey to a peer he walkes Strong [torn] not with oute [torn] for he is verey prudent and will hold by everey bodey. He has charmin fine eyes and a fine littel mouth in [torn] Lovelay. Laste evening Mr. Bache and Salley retarnd from B[urling]ton. Mrs. Franklin is well thay thoute Shee wold a Cume down to the rosses but shee did not as shee desires to Cume down and Stay Sume time as Soon as the Assemby rises att amboy. I had Miss Parker att our House for 6 weeks her mother is to Cume and live att Woodbridg Jenkey as you onse told me is hansumer then my Dafter and as I Sed then Shee was hansumer the [than] two dafters Such as mine. Shee is a fine Gorle in dead. Senes I wrote the a bove I Saw Mr. Banbridg he did not Stay as he had Severel letter to deliver he looks verey well he lefte a letter for Billey and mr. Suell was in the room I gave it to him to take Cair of it to Send it to him. Capt. Folkiner ofred to due aney kind ofis but I told him I did not desier to give him aney trubel. Franklin had bin to See him and mrs. Folkener and we talked of a hobbey Horse but it is as you plees. It wantes but a verey few day of 6 years Senes you lefte home and then you thought it wold be but Seven munthes. Be plesd to tell Mr. Whorton I did Send the in closed I Sente to his House I have Seen Mrs. Moungomorey Senes Shee arived her edest Son deyed her Husbands Corpes is brot and bureyed in this plase I told you Shee had Sente me a worke bag from Lisbon Billey did fawl in Love with it and I presented it to his wife I hope it was well. I had Sum thing eles but it is Sliped my mind and I am to write to Sister Macum as I have dun a Small Caske of Poke melos and muste Send them a way today and write to her. I did not write a boute mr. Foxcrofte as I remember Senes he went and as he is to be hear Soon I say aney thing a boute him only that he has a verey a greabel Ladey and he may be verey happey. Salley will write So I donte say aney thing of her or Mr. Beach only that thay air well and our Dear King bird. Mr. Hall has bin un well I wente to See him yisterday he Ses he is better agen. Cusin Molley is in a bad Staite of helth and look verey poorly as yousal. Capt. Sparkes loste his wife laste week our frand Rhodes is gon to N york to be thair a while with her as her mother is not a bell to go so he and his dafter hannah is gon all my old friend air well I cante menshon them by name [torn] Person is a going with this vesill Shee desired a line to you but I fair [torn] write Shee has bin in London ones you was thair my beste Compley m[ents to] all our friends as those menshoned [torn] I muste [torn] this has bin writ in Severel day and now I Can tell your Son has a temted to walke a lone but he is verey Caushou[s] and is verey Cairfull he has be gon to tolke he has a Swet voyse he Ses babey and Coles his maid mamah and his mother he Coles mamah the boy Bob and is quit fond of his father thay whip top and play marbels and Sing and maney other Such things. Salley has desired me to Send to you for a Doz. pair of the beste of fine white threed Stocking and large mens for her to present to a portickler friend of hers. I told her to write her Selef but Shee insiste on me to due it for her now I muste due her the Caireckter as to Say Shee has bin one of the best mother I ever Saw Shee wonte Spile her Son Shee ones has whiped his ones and twise he has bin behind the dore and is Sadley afraid and dus what he is bid. I thing you wold be much plesd Billey is verey much plesd with them boath and mrs. Franklin verey hapey with them all So and Ses Sister is the best mother. Thay [are] to Cume and Stay with us a time and then thay muste go and Stay att Burlinton but you will Cume and See hough thay all So hapey with this one Child.
I observe what you Say a boute the 6 tees you tell me of. Mr. Beach is in my mes he drinke Sage and Balms laste evening I reseved a letter from Sister Jeney I was a littel Jeles which proseded from two much love Shee tells me that our Cusin Polley Ingersole was deliverd of a Ded Son after be in Ill for days. Polley marreyed a Weste Indey man his name is Jarvis an elderly man. Sister did not like him but he was thought rich.
I shall write to her next week this is Sonday afternoon and I a lone this evening I Send it of [off] my love to good Mrs. Stephenson and as I have Sed be fore everey bodey. I hope your Dear arme is well. As to the hurte I had with Sliping down Dr. Shippins Stairs is worse and dus everey falls and I Sufer pain. My Dear child I hope you will not Stay longer then this fall I muste Conclud your Afeckshonet wife
D Franklin
My beste Compleymente to Sir John Pringal for his regard to my kingbird and my Selef.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Israel Pemberton, 17 October 1770: résumé
From: Pemberton, Israel
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[Oct. 17, 1770. Is going on a long journey and wants Franklin to pay the balance due from five years’ ground rent of property in Pewter Platter Alley. The total rent was £101 5s., of which Franklin had paid £60 in 1769, leaving £41 5s. due.]


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from the Pennsylvania Assembly Committee of Correspondence, 19 October 1770
From: Pennsylvania Assembly Committee of Correspondence
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir,
Philadelphia, October 19, 1770.
In Pursuance of the Directions of the House of Assembly to the Committee of Correspondence, we inclose you their Resolves, appointing us that Committee, and you the Agent to solicit and transact the Affairs of this Province in Great-Britain for the ensuing Year.
Upon considering the Instructions given by preceding Assemblies, the present House find them so full, as well on the important Matters which relate to the general Rights and Liberties of America, as those which concern this Province, that they think it unnecessary to repeat them; and, as nothing new has occured, they content themselves at present with recommending them to your serious Attention.
The Experience they have had of your Abilities and Fidelity, leaves them no Room to doubt that you will at all Times exert your utmost Endeavours to obtain Redress of every Aggrievance which in any wise affects the Rights and Liberties of the Colonies, and to promote the Welfare of this Province. We are, with great Regard, Your assured Friends and very humble Servants,
Joseph Galloway, Speaker.Thomas Livezey,Joseph Fox,Samuel Rhoads,Joseph Watson,Isaac Pearson.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Harvard College, 22 October 1770
From: Harvard College
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Octor 22, 1770.
That the Thanks of this Board be given to Dr. Franklin for his repeated good Services to this College, and particularly in his Care of a valuable achromatic Telescope lately received thro’ his hands: and that Professor Winthrop Transmitt this Vote to Dr. Franklin.


Title: Resolution of the Massachusetts House of Representatives Appointing Benjamin Franklin as Agent, 24 October 1770
From: Cushing, Thomas
To:

This resolution marks the beginning of Franklin’s most troubled agency. The root of trouble was the inability of the two chambers of the General Court, the Council and the House of Representatives, to agree on a single agent. For years, in consequence, each had its own, William Bollan for the Council and Dennys DeBerdt for the House, and the latter’s position was questionable: Lord Hillsborough had already expressed doubt of his status, on the ground that the House had appointed him only to oppose the Stamp Act. When he died in the summer of 1770 a single provincial agent, named by an act of the legislature and the governor as Franklin had been named in Georgia, was as remote a prospect as ever. Some members of the House saw no point in having an agent at all, to lobby fruitlessly against the measures of an obdurate Parliament. The majority wished to continue, but was divided over who the agent should be. The faction led by James Otis and Samuel Adams, after rejecting several candidates as too moderate, came up finally with the name of Arthur Lee. He was a Virginia-born and Scottish-trained physician, then studying law in London, who had first achieved prominence by his letters to the press against the Stamp Act, and in the fall of 1769 had begun a series of articles in London papers, signed Junius Americanus, which were effective propaganda against the Townshend Acts.
Franklin was also in the running, and the contest narrowed to one between him and Lee, the two chief American propagandists in London. Some attacked Franklin for having too many agencies already, others for being the father of a colonial governor and hence too friendly to officialdom. But his reputation was enhanced by his recent answers to Strahan’s queries, which were circulated by Samuel Cooper; and Franklin was eventually chosen by a considerable majority. As a sop to the opposition, however, Lee was named as his alternate to serve in the event of his absence or death. This subordination bitterly antagonized the younger man, who was soon accusing Franklin of being Hillsborough’s tool. The action of the House, in short, first yoked together two colleagues who were not designed for that yoke. They bore it for a decade, as agents first for Massachusetts and then for the infant United States, and it sorely galled them both.

  In the House of Representatives Octo. 24th: 1770.
  Wednesday, 3 o’Clock. P.M.
The House according to Order proceeded in the Choice of an Agent, and upon sorting and counting the Votes it appeared that Dr. Benjamin Franklin was chose by a majority.
It was then moved, and thereupon Resolved, That Dr. Benjamin Franklin be, and hereby is appointed and authorized (on behalf of this House) to appear before his Majesty in Council, in the several Houses of Parliament, and at any other Board whatever in Great Britain, there to plead and defend as the Exigency of the Case, and the Service of the Province may require, for the Space of one Year, agreable to such Directions or Instructions as from Time to Time he may receive from the House, (or from such Committee as may be by them authorized and appointed for that Purpose,) entirely relying on his Vigilance and the Exertion of his utmost Endeavors, to support the constitutional Rights of this House, and of the Province, and to guard against, and (as far as in him lies) to obviate whatever may have a Tendency to prejudice the same.
Thomas Cushing Speaker

Endorsed: Dr Franklin’s appointment as Agent to the House of Representatives Massachustes. 1770


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Joseph Priestley, 26 October 1770
From: Priestley, Joseph
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Leeds 26th. Octr. 1770
I think myself happy in an opportunity of giving you a species of pleasure, which I know is peculiarly grateful to you as the father of modern electricity, by transmitting to you an account of some very curious and valuable improvements in your favourite science. The author of them is Mr. Henly, in the Borough, who has favour’d me with the communication of them, and has given me leave to request, that you would present them to the Royal Society.
In my history of Electricity, and elswhere, I have mention’d a good Electrometer, as one of the greatest desiderata among practical electricians, to measure both the precise degree of the electrification of any body and also the exact quantity of a charge before explosion with respect to the size of the electrified body or the jar or battery with which it is connected; as well as to ascertain the moment of time, in which the electricity of a jar changes, when, without making an explosion, it is discharg’d by giving it a quantity of the contrary electricity. All these purposes are answer’d, in the most complete manner, by an electrometer of this Gentleman’s contrivance, a drawing of which I send you along with the following description.
The whole instrument is made of Ivory or wood. (a) is an exceeding light rod, with a pith ball at the extremity, made to turn upon the center of a semicircle (b), and so as always to keep pretty near the limb of it, which is graduated: (c) is the stem that supports it, and may either be fixed to the prime conductor or be let into the brass knob of a Jar or Battery, or set in a stand, to support itself.

The moment that this little apparatus is electrified, the rod (a) is repelled by the stem (c) and, consequently, begins to move along the graduated edge of the semicircle (b); so as to mark with the utmost exactness, the degree in which the prime conductor etc. is electrified, or the height to which the charge of any Jar or battery is advanced; and as the materials of which this little instrument is made are very imperfect conductors, it will continue in contact with any electrified body, or charged Jar, without dissipating any of the electricity.
If it should be found, by trial in the dark, that any part of this instrument contributes to the dissipation of the electric matter, (which when the electrification was very strong, I once observ’d mine to do) it should be baked a little which will presently prevent it. If it is baked too much it will not receive electricity readily enough; and then the motion of the index will not correspond with sufficient exactness, to the degree in which the body to which it is connected is electrified; but this inconvenience is easily remedied by moistening the stem and the index; for the semicircle cannot be too dry.
I find by experience, that this electrometer answers all the purposes I have mentioned with the greatest ease and exactness. I am now sure of the force of any explosion before a discharge of a Jar or battery, which I had no better method of guessing at before, than by presenting to them a pair of Mr. Canton’s balls, and observing their divergency at a given distance. But the degree of divergency was still to be guessed at by the eye, and the balls can only be applied occasionally; whereas this Instrument, being constantly fixed to the prime conductor or the battery, shews without any trouble, the whole progress of the charge; and, remaining in the same situation, the force of different explosions may be ascertained with the utmost exactness before the discharge.
If a Jar be loaded with positive electricity, and I want to know the exact time when by attempting to charge it negatively, it first becomes discharged, I see every step of its approach to this state by the falling of the Index; and the moment I want to seize, is the time when it has got into a perpendicular situation, which may be observed without the least danger of a mistake. Accordingly I find that, in this case, not the least spark is left in the Jar. If I continue the operation, the Index after having gained its perpendicular position, begins to advance again, and thereby shews me the exact quantity of the opposite electricity that it has acquired.
Considering the admirable simplicity, as well as the great usefulness of this instrument, it is something surprising that the Construction should not have occurred to some electrician before this time. Nollet’s and Mr. Waits’s invention of threads, projecting shadows upon a graduated board, resembled this apparatus of Mr. Henly’s, but was a poor and awkward contrivance in comparison with it; nor was Richmans gnomon, tho’ a nearer approach to this construction, at all comparable to it; and the ingenious author of it had no knowledge of either of those methods when he hit upon this.
I have made a receptacle for this instrument in my prime conductor, and I have also a pedestal in which I can fix it; and by means of which I can very conveniently place it on the wires of a battery.
In either of those situations it answers almost every purpose of an electrometer, without removing it from its place.
I doubt not that you and all other electricians will join with me in returning our hearty thanks to Mr. Henly for this excellent and useful instrument.
Many of the effects of my battery, in breaking of glass, and tearing the surfaces of bodies, Mr. Henly performs by a single Jar, only increasing the weight with which the bodies are pressed, while the explosion is made to pass close under them.
By this means he raises exceeding great weights and shatters strong pieces of glass into Thousands of the smallest fragments. He even reduces thick plate glass by this means to an impalpable powder. But what is most remarkable is that when the pieces of glass are thick, and strong enough to resist the shock, they are mark’d by the explosion with the most lively and beautiful colours, generally covering the space of about an inch in length, and half an inch in breadth.
In some of the pieces which he was so obliging as to send me, these colours lie all intermixed and confused; but in others I observe them to be disposed in prismatic order, in lines parallel to the course of the explosion, and in some (as No. 1) I have counted three or four distinct returns of the same colour.
He has lately inform’d me, that, since he sent me this piece, he has struck these prismatic colours into another mass of glass, in a still more vivid and beautiful manner, the colours shooting into one another. This effect, he says, was produced by making a second explosion, without moving any of the apparatus after the first.
When the glass in which these colours are fixed is examined, it is evident that the surface is shattered into thin plates, and that these give the colours, the thickness of them varying regularly, as they recede from the path of the explosion.
In the middle of some of these coloured spots (as in No 2) some of these thin plates, or scales, are struck off, I suppose by the force of the explosion; and with the edge of a knife they are all easily scraped away, when the surface of the glass is left without its polish (as in No. 3).
The piece of glass on which I have marked these Numbers, as well as that on which he has struck the colours in a still more beautiful manner, Mr. Henly will present to the Royal Society, for the inspection of the members.
Besides these improvements, Mr. Henly has likewise, in a very ingenious manner, diversified several of the more entertaining experiments in electricity, particularly in his imitation of the effects of Earthquakes by the lateral force of explosions; and he has also hit upon several curious facts, that, unknown to him, had been observed before by others. The following particular however I believe is new, Exciting a stick of sealing wax, and using a piece of Tin foil for the rubber, he found that it wou’d electrify positively, as well as glass rubbed with silk and Amalgama.
Wishing we had more such fellow labourers as Mr. Henly, I am Dear Sir your oblig’d Humble Servant
J Priestley
To Doctor Franklin
An Account of a new Electrometer contrived by Mr. William Henly and of several electrical experiments made by him, in a letter from Dr. Priestly F.R.S. to Dr. Franklin F.R.S.

Endorsed: Read May 28. 1772


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Winthrop, 26 October 1770
From: Winthrop, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir,
Cambr., Octr 26. 1770.
I received your favors of June 6 and July 9 at the same time. I am very glad to find your admirable invention of Lightning Rods is coming into fashion in England, and cannot but think your circulating particular directions for making them, by the magazines will greatly promote the use of them. I have on all occasions encouraged them in this country, and have the satisfaction to find, that it has not been without effect. A little piece I inserted in our news papers last summer induced the people of Waltham (a town a few miles from hence), to fix rods upon their steeple, which had just before been much shattered and set on fire by lightning. They are now becoming pretty common among us, and numbers of people seem convinced of their efficacy.
I received the Transactions for 1768, but was disappointed in not finding the Print which I had requested, with them. I hope you will soon meet with a good opportunity to send it. The Achromatic Telescope is come safely. It is very elegant and I believe, by the trials I have hitherto made of it, a very good one. I have the honor to transmit to you the thanks of the Corporation for the repeated instances of your kindness to the College. I suppose Mr. Hubard has or will direct the payment out of moneys in the hands of Mr. Mauduit. The Galilean glasses did arrive from Philadelphia the end of May last, accompanied with a very polite Letter from Mr. Galloway dated in August preceding. I am directed to thank Mr. Ellicott for them, which I shall do by this conveyance if possible.
I thank you very kindly for the care of my papers and in forwarding Mr. Maskelyne’s obliging Letter and the Nautical Almanac for 1770 to me. I am greatly obliged to that Gentleman for his favorable acceptance of my dissertations and for the valuable present of that Almanac, which I find a most useful performance; and shall be very glad of that for 1771, if he has sent it to you, as you intimate he talked of doing. I will do my self the honor to write Mr. Maskelyne, when I have any observations that seem worth laying before him.
I look on my self as under singular obligation for your friendship in communicating my paper on the aberration to the Rev. Mr. Price, before you ventured it in public. It gives me pleasure to find my self supported by so judicious a person. I have with satisfaction perused his paper on that subject, which you inclosed to me; but that I may not swell your Letter shall throw what I have to say upon it into a separate paper; which if you think worth while, may be sent to Mr. Price.
Upon this occasion Sir give me leave to mention to you, that a year or two ago I was informed by some Gentlemen of our Corporation, that you had intimated a desire to Mr. Nathaniel Rogers when in London, that Mr. Price should have a Doctorate from the College. The Gentlemen appeared ready to fall in with your proposal; but hearing nothing further from you upon it, nothing has been done in the affair. I know, Gentlemen here have the highest opinion of Mr. Price’s merit: I know too, they will be glad upon all opportunities to express the sense they have of their obligations to you. If you should think proper to signify a desire of this kind, I cannot think the affair would meet with any difficulty. At least I would do all in my power to promote it.
I congratulate my Countrymen on the judicious choice our Representatives made yesterday of Dr. Franklin for their agent in this Time of difficulty. I have no doubt every thing will be done that is possible to be done, to avert the cruel blow aimed at our Charter rights by those implacable enemies to this Province and to the general cause of Liberty. I am with the most entire esteem and respect Dear Sir Your most obliged and most humble Servant
John Winthrop
P.S. I send by the Bearer of this 52s. sterling for the Volume of Transactions for 1769.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Cushing, 31 October 1770
From: Cushing, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir.
Province of the Massachusetts Bay Oct: 31: 1770
In pursuance of the directions of the House of Representatives of this His Majesty’s Province, I have the pleasure to Inform you that they have made choice of you as their Agent in Great Britain for the purposes mentioned in the Vote which I now transmit you. I am directed also to acquaint you that the House will write you more fully by the next Conveyance and will then furnish you with such Instructions or directions as may be necessary, entirely confiding in your Ability Fidelity and Zeal in Execution of the Trust Committed to you. I am with great Esteem Your most humble Servant
Thomas Cushing Speaker
Benjamin Franklin Esqr

Endorsed: T. Cushing to Dr. B. Franklin anouncing his appointment to the agency of Massachusetts 1770


Title: An Expostulation, 3 November 1770
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

For the Public Advertiser
An American, to those Englishmen who virulently write and talk against his Countrymen, sends this Expostulation:
If it be true, as some of you say it is, that our Non-Importation Agreements are not observed, but that we clandestinely import and consume as much British Goods as ever, why are you so angry with us, and why do you propose compelling us to trade with you by Force?
If, as others of you say, we do indeed generally forbear importing at present, but must soon from Necessity be obliged to break our Agreements, can’t you have a little Patience?
Can you Englishmen think your abusing us in all the British Papers as Rebels, Knaves, Fools, Traitors, &c. &c. will put us into a better Humour, make us more inclined to come to your Shop, buy your Superfluities, and follow your Fashions?
Are you absolutely certain that there are no possible Means whereby we may supply ourselves with Conveniences and Necessaries without importing them from Britain?
If through the high Price of Labour, Manufactures are, as you assert, impracticable in America, cannot you be quiet, and let us convince ourselves of our own Folly by Experience, since that will make our future Commercial Connexions with you still stronger, and discourage future Attempts when perhaps become more practicable? Is it mere Good-will to us, and Fear of our hurting ourselves by such Attempts, that you take such Pains to prove they cannot succeed? Or is it to convince Government that we may be used very ill, without the least Danger of Prejudice to your Trade and Manufactures?
  If those Colonies, that entered into the Non-Importation Agreement, have done it, as some of you assert, because they are in bad Circumstances, deep in Debt to your Merchants, and on the Verge of Bankruptcy, can their refusing to take more of your Goods, and get deeper into your Debt, be so heinous a Crime as to provoke your calling down upon them National Vengeance?

If the Colonists are indeed generally such bad Paymasters; if your Factors and Agents among them find such infinite Difficulties in getting in your Debts; if the People of America are such a set of Hypocrites, Knaves and Cheats as you represent them to be, why, in the Name of Common-sense, are you so desirous of continuing the Commerce with them? Why in such Rage at their refusing it? Why in such Raptures when you heard that a few in New York had broken through the Agreement?
If the American Trade is of so little Consequence to this Nation, as others of you tell us, that your Merchants and Manufacturers do not miss it, that additional Demands from other Countries more than supply the Loss of it, and that it is not therefore of the smallest Importance whether the Americans are pleased or displeased with any Treatment they may receive from Britain, would you then punish them for doing you no Injury? If the Trade be only advantageous to them, cannot you leave them (like froward Children that quarrel with their Bread and Butter) to punish themselves by going without it?
On the other Hand, if our Commerce and Friendship are of some Advantage to you, while you are exasperating this Country against the Colonies by Misrepresentations and Falsehoods, if you are at the same Time by your Abuses so exasperating that Country against this, as that they will from Resentment exert themselves more earnestly to give Encouragement, and finally should succeed in every Manufacture, as they have already in several, will your Country then think that you have been doing it Service?
Don’t you suppose it possible that civil Dissentions may encourage foreign Insults? Can you conceive the least Use in destroying all mutual Regard and Affection between Britain and America? Can you imagine a more diabolical Employment than that of fomenting Mischief, sowing the Seeds of Civil War, provoking a Prince against his Subjects, Fathers against their Children, and promoting deadly Feuds between different Branches of the same Family?
Do you think it impossible that England may ever need Assistance from the Colonies? Do you think it quite out of the Course of human Affairs that Britons should ever have Occasion to seek an Asylum in America? Would it not be more comfortable to you and your Children to find there Liberty and Friends, than Slavery and Enemies?


Title: The Rise and Present State of Our Misunderstanding, 6–8 November 1770
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

To the Printer of the London Chronicle,
Sir,
Much abuse has lately been thrown out against the Colonies, by the Writers for the American part of our Administration. Our Fellow Subjects there are continually represented as Rebels to their Sovereign, and inimical to the British nation; in order to create a dislike of them here, that the harsh measures which have been taken, and are intended against them, may not be blamed by the People of England. Therefore to prevent our being led into mistakes in so important a business, it is fit that a full and particular account of the rise and present state of our misunderstanding with the Colonies should be laid before the Public. This, from the opportunities I have had, and the pains I have taken to inform myself, I think I am enabled to do, and I hope I shall do it with truth and candor.
The fact then is, that there is not nor has been any rebellion in America. If the rescue of a seizure by Smugglers, or the drubbing an Informer or low Custom-house Officer, were rebellion, England, Scotland, and Ireland, might be said to be in rebellion almost every week in the year; and instances of that kind are much fewer in America than here. The Americans were ever attached to the House of Hanover, and honour their present gracious Sovereign sincerely. This is therefore a groundless calumny. Nor have they any enmity to Britain: they love and honour the name of Englishman; they were fond of English manners, fashions, and manufactures; they had no desire of breaking the connection between the two countries, but wished a perpetual intercourse of good offices, commerce, and friendship. They are always willing to give aids to the Crown in proportion to their abilities: They think, however, and have always thought, that they themselves have alone the right of granting their own money, by their own Representatives in Assembly met, and that the Parliament of Britain hath no right to raise a revenue from them without their consent.
The Parliament hath, nevertheless, of late made several attempts to raise such a revenue among them.
Heretofore, whenever the Colonies thought themselves aggrieved by British government, they applied for redress by humble petition; and it was usual to receive and consider their petitions, and give them a reasonable answer.
They proceeded in the same manner on the late occasions. They sent over petitions after petitions to the House of Commons, and some to the House of Lords. These were scarce any of them received. Some (offered while the acts were under consideration) were refused on this reason, that it was against an order of the House to receive petitions against money bills; others, because they contained expressions that called the right of Parliament in question; and therefore, it was said, no Member dared to present them. Finding the petitions of separate Colonies were not attended to, they thought to give them more weight by petitioning jointly. To this end a congress of Committees from all the Assemblies was held at New York, when petitions to the King and both Houses of Parliament were agreed to and sent hither. But these could not be received, or were rejected, on the pretence that the congress was an illegal assembly which had no right to petition. Lastly, on occasion of the Duty Act, the Assemblies proposed by a correspondence with each other to obtain attention, by sending at the same time similar petitions. These were intended to the King their Sovereign, requesting his gracious influence with his Parliament to procure them redress. But this they were told by the American Minister was a Flagitious attempt! All the Governors were by him directed to prevent it, or to dissolve the Assemblies that persisted in it; and several of them were accordingly dissolved. And of those petitions that nevertheless came hither and were presented, it is said that no notice was ever taken, or any answer given to them.
By this management the ancient well contrived channel of communication between the head and members of this great Empire, thro’ which the notice of grievances could be received that remedies might be applied, hath been cut off. How wisely, the Publick will judge. History of a similar conduct in the Ministry of Spain with regard to the Low Countries, makes one doubt a little the prudence (in any Government how great soever) of discouraging Petitions, and treating Petitioners (how mean soever) with contempt.
Instead of preventing complaints by removing the causes, it has been thought best that Soldiers should be sent to silence them.
The Soldiers have behaved in such a manner as to occasion more complaints.
They took possession of the publick building in which the Assembly or Parliament of New England usually convenes, obliged the Members to pass through lanes of men in arms to get to their Chamber, disturbing them in their debates by drumming and piping in and round the House, and pointed the cannon against the doors, treating the Province and People with every indignity and insult, proper to provoke their resentment, and produce some rash action that might justify making a massacre among them. And they have fired upon and murdered several of the inhabitants.
The Americans, upon the treatment their Petitions had repeatedly received, determined to petition no more: But said to one another, “We are too remote from Britain to have our complaints regarded by the Parliament there, especially as we have no share in their Election, nor any Representatives among them. They will not hear us, but perhaps they will hear their own people, their Merchants and Manufacturers, who are maintained and enriched in some degree by the commerce with our country. Let us agree to with-hold that commerce till our grievances are redressed. This will afford those people a foundation for petitioning, and they will be attended to as they were on a former occasion, and meet with success.” This reasoning and expectation were the sole foundation of the Non-Importation agreements in America, and not any enmity to Britain.
In this expectation it seems they were mistaken. The Merchants trading to North America not well liking the Ministry, unwilling to solicit or be obliged to them for any thing, and hoping soon to see a change for others more to their mind, were backward in petitioning the Parliament. And when they did petition, the City being out of favour at Court, their Petition was very little attended to, and produced no effect. To prevent the Manufacturers from taking any part in the affair, they have been artfully amused with assurances that the Colonies could not long subsist without the trade, that manufactures among themselves were impossible, that they might depend there would be an extraordinary demand for goods as soon as the total want of conveniencies should compel the Americans to resume the commerce; and therefore they would do well to be quiet, mind their business, and get a great stock of goods beforehand to be ready for that demand, when the advanced price would make them ample amends for the delay.
In the mean time the Merchants in America have reaped great advantages. They have sold off most of the old goods that lay upon their hands; they have got in most of their debts from the people, and have in a great measure discharged their debt to England, that bore a heavy interest; this they have done at an advantage of near 20 per cent. in most of the Colonies, by the lowness of exchange, occasioned by the non-importation; and this nation has lost near that proportion (if I am rightly informed) on all the money drawn for these by British Agents, to pay and provide for the troops and ships of war, and to discharge other expences of contingent service. This loss must amount to a very great sum, besides the loss in commerce.
Many of these Merchants in America, however, having nearly compleated these points, and seeing the main end of their agreement, (the total abolition of the duties) not likely to be so soon obtained as they expected, begin to grow uneasy under the delay, and are rather desirous of altering the agreement made against general importation, and reducing it to the exclusion of those commercial articles only, on which the duties are, or shall be imposed. But the generality of the people in America, the artizans in the towns, and the farmers throughout the country, finding the non-importation advantageous to them all; to the artisans, as it occasions fuller employment, and encourages the beginners that introduce new arts; and to the farmers, as it prevents much useless expence in their families, and thereby enables them more expeditiously to improve their plantations to the raising a greater produce, at the same time that it is a spur to domestic industry, in such manufactures as though not fine, are now become fashionable and reputable, and from their superior strength are much more serviceable than the flimsy fineries that used to be made for them in Britain; and all feeling the advantage of having had money returned into the country for its produce, from Spain, Portugal, Italy, (and even from England since the balance of trade has turned against her) instead of those British superfluities for which all that cash was formerly remitted, or ordered into England. I say, the generality of the people in America, pleased with this situation of things, and relishing the sweets of it, have now taken the lead in a great degree, out of the hands of the Merchants, and in town and county meetings are entering into solemn resolutions not to purchase or consume British commodities, if they are imported, till the acts they esteem injurious to their privileges are repealed: and that if any Merchants do import before that time, they will mark them as enemies to their country, and never deal with them when the trade shall be opened. This is now become a restraint upon the Merchants. A party, however, of those at New-York, have broken through the agreement, and ordered goods; and the Merchants here, who had long lain idle, being rejoiced at this opening, have sent them over immense quantities, expecting a quick sale and speedy returns. But the event is yet very uncertain. The trade of New-York was chiefly with East New Jersey and Connecticut, their two neighbouring Colonies, and these have resolved to have no farther dealings with that city. Several counties, too, of the Province of New-York, and the greatest part of the inhabitants of the city itself, have protested against the infraction of the agreement, and determined not to buy or use the goods when they arrive. So that the exporters begin now to apprehend that their sanguine hopes will be disappointed. And as Rhode Island has returned to the agreement, some think it not unlikely that New-York may do the same.
What remedy, if any, the wisdom of Parliament shall think fit to apply to these disorders, a little time will shew. Mean while, I cannot but think that those writers, who busily employ their talents in endeavouring to exasperate this nation against the Colonies, are doing it a very ill office: For their virulent writings being dispersed among the inhabitants of the Plantations (who read all our papers and pamphlets, and imagine them of greater estimation here than they really are) do in some degree irritate the Colonists against a country which treats them, as they imagine, think so injuriously: And on our side, as nothing is likely to be well done that is done in anger; as customers are not naturally brought back to a shop by unkind usage; as the Americans are growing, and soon will be, a great people, and their friendship or enmity become daily of more and more consequence; as their fisheries, their coasting trade, their West-Indian and European Trades, greatly increase the numbers of English seamen, and thereby augment our naval power; as their joint operations with our’s in time of war must make the whole national effort more weighty and more effectual; as enmities between countries, fostered and promoted till they have taken root, are scarce ever to be eradicated; and, when those countries are under the same Prince, such enmities are of the most mischievous consequence, encouraging foreign enemies, weakening the whole empire, and tending to its dissolution; therefore I cannot but wish, that no steps may be taken against the Colonists, tending to abridge their privileges, alter their charters, or inflict punishments on them, at the instance of angry Governors, discarded Agents, or rash indiscreet Officers of the Customs, who, having quarrelled with them, are their enemies, and are daily irritating Government here against them, by misrepresentations of their actions, and aggravations of their faults, with much malice: I hope the great principle of common justice, that no man should be condemned unheard, will not by us be violated in the case of a whole people; and that lenient measures will be adopted as most likely to heal the wound effectually: For harsh treatment may increase the inflammation, make the cure less practicable, and in time bring on the necessity of an amputation; death indeed to the severed limb, weakness and lameness to the mutilated body.
N.N.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Samuel Cooper, 6 November 1770
From: Cooper, Samuel
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir,
6. Novr. 70.
My State of Health, and Excursions upon that Account into the Country must be my Excuse for not taking an earlier Notice of your very obliging Packet of 8th June, for which I return you my particular Thanks. Your Letter and Replies to Mr. Strahan’s Questions gave me great Pleasure, tho the closing and prophetic Part coming from one so capable of discerning amidst the Uncertainties of Futurity which may probably take Place, could not but impress me with melancholy Ideas. Some of them have since been realised, but may Heav’n forbid a further Fulfillment. In this Wish I doubt not of your own hearty Concurrence; for I do not take you to be of the Turn of Swift’s Physicians of whom he some where says,

They rather chuse that I should die,
Than their Predictions prove a Lie;

and yet I am afraid I shall not soon see you thoroly refuted by Events. So many hope to find their own Interest in Misrepresentations, so many seem willing to be deceiv’d, and so much Art is employ’d to make Whatever is tho’t convenient appear just and true, that the happy Day for establishing the Prosperity of Britain, by composing the Troubles, and securing to her the united affections of America seems to be at too great a Distance. We ought not however to be discourag’d from employing the most likely Means to promote so desireable an End. Such a Means I esteem the choice which our House of Representatives have made of you to be their Agent——Your Letter came most seasonably for this. I communicated it with great Caution knowing the Delicacy the Times require: I allow’d however some of the leading Members of the House; in Confidence to read your Sentiments. They exprest the highest Satisfaction. And tho it was objected that you were Agent for other Provinces, and we ought to enlarge the Number of our Friends, and that you and your Son the Governor, held Places of Importance under the Crown, and tho the House from various Causes had been much divided respecting an Agent, yet such was their Opinion of your Abilities and Integrity, that a Majority readily confided the Affairs of the Province at this critical Season to your Care. I am this Moment told the Vessel is just upon sailing. I must break off. You see the Hurry of this Script——but it is to a Friend. I shall write more fully soon. Your very respectful and obliged Humble Servant
Saml Cooper
Dr FranklinCopy to Dr Franklin

Endorsed: To Dr Franklin  6. Novr –70.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from the Massachusetts House of Representatives, 6 November 1770
From: Massachusetts House of Representatives
To: Franklin, Benjamin

These instructions introduced Franklin to the boiling cauldron of resentment in Massachusetts. Anger was directed at more than the troops in Boston—at what the colonists took to be the helplessness of the civil authority before the military, the secret and false reports sent home, the subordination of the legislature to an executive controlled by undisclosed instructions from London, the arbitrary power of the admiralty courts and the threat to the whole legal system of the province. These grievances, whatever their reality, combined to create among the leaders in Boston a mood that already foreshadowed rebellion. Through Samuel Cooper, Franklin had urged them to put their faith in the crown, for he was not yet ready to abandon hope of redress from the throne. They were. Such hope seemed to them mere romanticism; they made no distinction between royal and ministerial policy, which they regarded as a threat to their property and their rights. Although they had chosen as their new agent a moderate who still preached restraint, their own sense of restraint was wearing extremely thin.

  Sir,
Province of the Massachusetts Bay Novembr. 6th, 1770
The House of Representatives of this his Majesty’s Province, having made Choice of you to appear for them at the Court of Great Britain, as there may be Occasion, it is necessary that you be well informed of the State and Circumstances of the Province, and the Grievances it labours under, the Redress of which will require your utmost Attention and Application.
You are sensible that the British Parliament has of late years thought proper to raise a Revenue in America without our Consent, by divers Laws made expressly for that Purpose: and to dispose of the Monies raised, for the Administration of Justice and the Defence of the Colonies: The Reasons and Grounds of our Complaint against these Acts, are so well known and understood by you, that it is needless for us to mention them at this Time.
The Measures which have been taken by the American Assemblies, to obtain the Repeal of these Acts, though altogether consistent with the Constitution, and clearly within the Bounds of the Subjects Rights, have been nevertheless disgustful to Administration at home; to whom we have been constantly represented, by Servants of the Crown, and others on this Side the Water, in the most disagreable and odious Light.
Whether this Province has been considered as having a Lead among the other Colonies, which they have never asserted; or whether it is because Governor Bernard, the Commissioners of the Customs, and others who have discovered themselves peculiarly inimical to the Colonies, have had their Residence here, Certain it is that the Resentment of Government at home has been particularly pointed against this Province. For it is notorious, that we have been charged with taking inflammatory measures tending to create unwarrantable Combinations, to excite an unjustifiable Opposition to the constitutional Authority of Parliament, and revive unhappy Divisions among the Colonies, and we have frequently been censured as disobedient to Government, for Parts of Conduct taken by us, in no wise dissimular to those which have been taken by other Colonies, without the least Censure or Observation.
While Administration appeared to have conceived undue Prejudices against us, our Enemies here, have not failed to take every Measure to increase those Prejudices: and particularly by representing to the King’s Ministers that a Spirit of Faction had so greatly and universally prevailed among us, as that Government could not be supported, and it was unsafe for the Officers of the Crown to live in the Province and execute their Trust, without the Protection of a military Force. Such a Force they at length obtained; the Consequence of which was a Scene of Confusion and Distress for the Space of seventeen Months, which ended in the Blood and Slaughter of his Majesty’s good Subjects.
It was peculiarly mortifying to us, to see the whole System of civil Authority in the Province yeilding to this most dangerous Power: And at the very Time, when the Interposition of the civil Magistrate was of the most pressing necessity, to check the wanton and bloody Career of the Military, the Lieutenant Governor himself declared, as Governor Bernard had before, that “he had no Authority over the King’s Troops in the Province;” and his Majesty’s Representative in Council became an humble supplicant for their Removal out of the Town of Boston! What would be the Feelings of the Subjects in Great Britain, if contrary to their Bill of Rights, and indeed to every Principle of civil Government; Soldiers were posted even in their Capital, without the Consent of their Parliament? And yet the Subjects of the same Prince in America, who are intitled to the same Freedom, are compelled to submit to as great a military Power as Administration shall be pleased to order, to be posted among them in a time of profound Peace, without the Consent of their Assemblies. And this military Power is allowed to trample upon the Law of the Land, the common Security, without Restraint. Such an Instance of absolute, uncontrouled military Tyranny must needs be alarming to those, who have before in some Measure enjoy’d, and are still intitled to the Blessings of a free civil Government, having never forfeited the Character of loyal Subjects.
After the fatal Tragedy of the 5th. of March last, the Regiments under the Command of Lt. Colonel Dalrymple were removed from the Town of Boston, to the Barracks on Castle Island, in Consequence of a Petition of the Town to the Lt. Governor, and his Prayer to the Colonel. Since which in Pursuance of Instruction to the Lt. Governor the Garrison there in the Pay of the Province has been withdrawn, and a Garrison of his majesty’s Regular Troops placed in their Stead: and by the inclosed Affidavits [in the margin: Capt. Phillips and Mr. Hall’s] it appears, that merely in Obedience to Instructions the Lieutenant Governor has made an absolute Surrender of that Fortress to Colonel Dalrymple: and altho’ the Surrender was made by him ostensively as Lieutenant Governor, yet even the Shew that was made of the Authority of the Governor, served only to make the Surrender the more solemn and effectual; the Governor by Charter has the Right of committing the Custody and Government of the Fortress to such Person or Persons as to him shall seem meet; But he has given up this Right to Colonel Dalrymple, by vesting him with the Power of garrisoning the Fortress with such Person or Persons as to him shall seem meet; and so far forth he has in an Instance of the greatest Importance, divested himself of the Government of this Province.
We cannot help observing upon this Occasion, that the Instructions which have of late been given to the Governor, some of them at least, have directly militated, as in the present Instance, with the Charter of the Province; and these Instructions are not always adapted to promote his Majesty’s Service, or the Good of the People within this Province, but often appear to be solely calculated to further and execute the Measures and enforce the Laws of a different State; by which Means his Majesty’s Colonies may be entirely subjected to the absolute Will of his other Subjects in Great Britain, for which there can be no Pretence of Right, but what is founded in meer Force.
By Virtue of such positive Instructions, the General Assembly of the Province has been removed from its ancient, established and only convenient Seat in Boston, and is still obliged to hold its Sessions at Harvard-College in Cambridge, to the great Inconvenience of the Members, and Injury of the People, as well as Detriment of that Seminary of Learning, without any Reason that can be assigned but Will and Pleasure. And thus the Prerogative of the King, which is a Trust reposed in him, to be improved only for the Welfare of his Subjects, is perverted to their manifest Injury.
And what is still more grievous is, that the Governor of the Province is absolutely inhibited, as we are told, from laying before the Assembly any Instructions which he receives, even such as carry in them the evident Marks of his Majesty’s Displeasure; by which means the House of Representatives cannot have it in their Power to obtain here that precise knowledge of the Ground of our Sovereign’s Displeasure, which they are in Reason and Justice entitled to; nor can the ministry be made responsible for any Measures they may advise to in order to introduce and establish an illegal and arbitrary Government over his Majesty’s Subjects in the Colonies.
We have an Instance of this Kind now before us; the Lieutenant Governor of the Province having in his Speech at the Opening of this Session given a dark Hint of something intended against the Province: and when the House of Representatives earnestly desired him to explain it, that they might have a clear understanding of what was intended therein, he declared, as he had before done in other like Cases, that he was not at Liberty to make publick or to communicate to them by Speech or Message an Order of his Majesty in Council, which he had received, altho’ in Consequence therof the State of the Province was to be laid before Parliament. And yet, extraordinary as it may appear, he at the same Time, by a message declared, that although he was not at Liberty to lay the Order before the House, he was very ready to give all the Information in his Power, to any Committee they might think proper to appoint of the Facts and Grounds upon which it was founded, so far as should be consistent with his Instructions.

By such Conduct in the Ministry it appears, that we again may be accused and censured by Parliament, as we have heretofore been, and perhaps suffer the greatest Injury without knowing our Accusers, or the Matters that may be alledged against us.
At the same Time, by an Order of Parliament that the names of Persons giving Intelligence to Ministry which may at any time be laid before Parliament, shall be made secret even to the Members themselves, the greatest Encouragement is given to Persons inimical to the Province, to send home false Relations of Speeches and Proceedings, in publick Assemblies and elsewhere, containing injurious Charges upon Individuals as well as publick Bodies; Some of which have been transmitted home under the Seal of the Province, without the least notice given to those Bodies, or to any but the few in the Secret, to attend and cross examine such Witnesses. And thus even the Parliament itself may be misled into Measures, highly injurious and destructive to the Province, by the Calumny and Detraction of those, who are not and cannot be known, and whose Falsehoods, therefore cannot be detected. So wretched is the State of this Province, not only to be subjected to absolute Instructions given to the Governor to be the Rule of his Administration, whereby some of the most essential Clauses of our Charter vesting in him Powers to be exercised for the Good of the People are totally rescinded, which is in reality a State of Despotism; but also to a Standing Army, which being uncontrouled by any Authority in the Province, must soon tear up the very Foundation of civil Government.
Moreover we have the highest Reason for Complaint that since the late parliamentary Regulations of the Colonies, the Jurisdiction of the Court of Admiralty has been extended to so enormous a Length, as itself to threaten the very Being of the Constitution. By the Statute of 4 Geo. 3: Chap. 15. all Forfeitures and Penalties inflicted by this or any other Act, relating to the Trade and Revenue of the British Colonies and Plantations in America which shall be incurred there, may be prosecuted, sued for and recovered in any Courts of Admiralty in the said Colonies. Thus a single Judge, independent of the People, and in a civil Law Court, is to try these extraordinary Forfeitures and Penalties without a Jury; whereas the same Statute provides, that all Penalties and Forfeitures which shall be incurred in Great Britain, shall be prosecuted, sued for and recovered in any of his majesty’s Courts of Record in Westminster or in the Court of Exchequer in Scotland respectively. Here is the most unreasonable and unjust Distinction made between the Subjects in Britain and America, as tho’ it were designed to exclude us from the least Share in that Clause of Magna Charta, which has for many Centuries been the noblest Bulwark of the English Liberties, and which cannot be too often repeated. “No Freeman shall be taken, or imprisoned, or deprived of his Freehold or Liberties or free Customs, or be outlaw’d or exiled or any otherwise destroyed nor will we pass upon him nor condemn him but by the Judgment of his Peers or the Law of the Land.”
These are some of the insupportable Grievances which this Province has long been labouring under, and which still remain altogether unredressed: For although they have been set forth in the clearest Manner by humble Petitions to the Throne, yet such an Ascendancy over us have the Officers of the Crown here in the Minds of Administration that our Complaints are scarcely heard, our very Petitions are deemed factious, and instead of obtaining any Relief, our Oppressions have been more aggravated, and we have Reason to apprehend will still be increased.
For by the best Intelligence from England we are under strong Apprehensions, that by Virtue of an Act of Parliament of 7. Geo. 3. which empowers his Majesty to appropriate a Part of the Revenue raised in America, for the support of Government and the Administration of Justice in such Colonies where he shall judge it necessary, Administration is determined to bestow large Salaries upon the Attorney General, Judges and Governor of this Province; whereby they will be made not only altogether independent upon the People, but wholly dependent upon the Ministry for their Support. These Appointments will be justly obnoxious to the other Colonies, and tend to beget and keep up a perpetual Discontent among them. For they will deem it unjust as well as unnecessary to be obliged to bear a Part of the Support of Government in this Province, when it is now as it always has been amply and honorably supported by the People here. And the making those Officers thus independent will be to introduce into this Province an arbitrary Administration in the State, and even in the Courts of Law: especially if Designs are also meditating to make other very important Alterations in our Charter, by appointing the Council from home, whereby the Executive will be rendered absolute and the Legislative totally ineffectual to any valuable Purpose. The Assembly is in all Reason sufficiently dependent already upon the Crown: One Branch annually for its Being as it is subject to the negative of the Governor and both Branches for every Grant and Appropriation of their money, and also for their whole Defence and Security as he is Captain General and has by Charter the sole military Command within the Province: All civil Officers are either nominated and appointed by him with the Advice and Consent of his Majesty’s Council, or if elected they are subject to his negative. And our Laws after being consented to by his Majesty’s Governor, are by the first Opportunity from the making thereof to be transmitted to his Majesty for his Approbation or Disallowance. Three years they are subject to the Revision of the Crown Lawyers in Britain, who may always be Strangers to our internal Polity, and sometimes disaffected to us; and at any Time within the three years, his Majesty in his Privy Council may if he thinks proper reject them, and then they become utterly void. Surely the Parliament cannot even wish for greater Checks both upon the Legislative and Executive of a Colony, unless we are to be considered as Bastards and not Sons; a Step further will reduce us to an absolute Subjection. If Administration is resolved to continue such Measures of Severity, the Colonies will in time consider the Mother State as utterly regardless of their Welfare: Repeated Acts of Unkindness on one Side, may by Degrees abate the Warmth of Affection on the other, and a total alienation may succeed to that happy Union, Harmony and Confidence which had before always subsisted, and we sincerely wish may always subsist. If Great Britain instead of treating us as their Fellow Subjects, shall aim at making us their Vassals and Slaves, the Consequence will be, that altho’ our Merchants have receded from their non importation Agreement, yet the Body of the People will vigorously endeavor to become independent on the Mother Country for their Supplies, and sooner than she may be aware of it, may manufacture for themselves. The Colonies like healthy young Sons, have hitherto been chearfully building up the Parent State, and how far Great Britain will be affected, if they should be rendred even barely useless to her, is an Object which we conceive is at this very Juncture worth the Attention of a British Parliament.
Inclosed are the Proceedings of his Majesty’s Council of this Province upon an Affidavit of Mr. Secretary Oliver, which this House apprehend has a Tendency to make a very undue Impression on the Minds of his Majesty’s ministers and others respecting the Temper and Disposition of the People, previous to the tragical Transaction of the Town of Boston on the 5th. of March last. You are therefore desired, so to improve them as to prevent such unhappy Consequences from taking Effect.
Your own Acquaintance with this Province, and your well known warm attachment to it, will lead you to exert all your Powers in its Defence: And as the Council have made choice of Mr. Bolland for their Agent, you will no doubt confer with him, and concert such measures as will promote our common Interest. Your Abilities we greatly confide in; but if you shall think it for the Advantage of the Province to consult with and employ Council learned in the Law, the Importance of your Agency, will be a Motive sufficient for us to acquiesce in such Expence on that Account, as your own Judgment shall dictate to you to be necessary. In the name and by order of the House I am with respect your most humble Servant
Thomas Cushing Spkr.

PS. The House have made Choice of Dr. Lee as their Agent in case of your Death or Absence from Great Britain.
Benjamin Franklin Esqr

Endorsed: No. 1. 1770 Agent To Dr Francklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jane Mecom, 7–9 November 1770
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Mecom, Jane

Dear Sister,
London, Nov. 7[–9]. 1770
I received your kind Letter of July 6. and was glad to hear (since you chose to return) that you were got so well home. I hope the Hurt you receiv’d will be attended with no bad Consequences. My Arm, that had given me no Uneasiness for several Years, has lately began again to pain me, from a slight Strain, and I am now afraid will continue to do so as long as I live, since it has not mended for some Months past. But as I grow old, being now near 65, it is a Comfort that nothing can pain me long. You had not I hope, any Offence at Philadelphia, that induc’d you to leave it so soon. I must stay here this Winter but hope to be in that dear Place pretty early in the next Summer, being quite uneasy under so long a Banishment from my Country and my Family. I have been for a great part of my Day engag’d abroad in the Bustle of Publick Business: It is time now, that I should return home, spend the Evening with my Friends, and be ready to go chearfully to Bed. My Respects to Dr. Cooper, Love to Cousin Jenny, and believe me ever, Your affectionate Brother
B Franklin
I condole with you on the Death of my dear old Friend Mr. Whitefield which I have just heard of.

Nov. 9. –70
  Since writing the above I have received yours of Sept. 29. by our Kinsmen, who are safe arrived, and lodge with Mrs. Stevenson.  We shall endeavour to make their Residence here as agreable to them as possible. Be in no Concern about any Abuses I receive here in the Newspapers. ’Tis the Fashion to roast one another, and I sometimes take a little of that Diversion myself. I inclose you a Newspaper or two which you may show to Dr. Cooper: but if you think you see any thing of mine there, don’t let it be publish’d as such; for I am obnoxious enough here already on Account of some Letters I wrote to Philada. I will endeavour to get the Books you desire, but suppose it will be difficult.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Foxcroft, 10 November 1770: résumé
From: Foxcroft, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[Philadelphia, Nov. 10, 1770. Encloses a bill of exchange from the Quebec post office for £50 and will send the duplicate by Capt. Osborne.]


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Samuel Cooper, 15 November 1770
From: Cooper, Samuel
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir,
Novr. 15. 1770.
I wrote you the 6. Inst. acknowledging the Receit. of your very obliging Packet of June 8th. and mentioning the Use I have made of your Letter &c among some of the leading Men in our H. of Represent. in whom I could confide. They agreed with me that your Principles were incontestible, your reasoning clear and conclusive, and supported by History and Fact. The King has an undoubted Right to absolve any of his Subjects from their Allegiance to himself; certainly then from their Subjection to Parliament, which was evidently done by our Charters. The Security for every reasonable Advantage we can afford our Fellow Subjects in Britain is, that their Sovereign is our’s: That living with them as the superior state he may be suppos’d to have a Predilection for them; that the Consent of a Governor appointed by himself, and removeable at his Pleasure is necessary to constitute a Law; That even these Laws, for I particularly refer to the Massachusetts, the chief Object of Jealousy, and Malice are subject to the Royal Controll by the Advice of a British Council: that the Governor has a Negative upon the Council, not only a Branch of the Legislative, but of that Authority and Influence in other Respects which Negative creates a greater Dependence than the Choice of the Council by the Representatives in Conjunction with themselves: that the Governor has the Appointment of all officers civil and military, (the Advice and consent of the Council having long been reduc’d to a mear Shadow) which creates naturally a great Interest in the lower House, and among the Body of the People in Favor of Prerogative: To all which may be added the natural affection of an infant Colony to the Parent State, unless subdu’d by hard Usage, and the natural Authority deriv’d upon the former by the latter. Whoever takes a View of these Advantages collectively and in all their Extent, as they have in Fact been found to operate, must be convinc’d that had Things been left exactly as they stood before the Stamp Act Britain would have been far from having any just Reason to complain of the Independence of our Constitution. We had indeed scarce any Thing left on the Side of Privilige but the Granting of our own Monies for the Support of Government and the furnishing necessary military Aids to the Crown. This Palladium seems about to leave us; for after all the Complaints made of our Obstinacy and Ungovernableness we are daily paying Taxes not granted by us, but exacted from us for both these Purposes; so that we are in a worse Situation than our fellow Subjects in Ireland——We have an Army quarter’d among us independent of any Supplies to be freely given by us; We have Pensioners not indebted for what they receive to any Grant of our own Parliaments; and this may soon become the Case of our governor, and principal Civil officers: for already Lord Dunmore has a Warrant upon the American for £2000 sterling per Annum, commencing from the Date of his Commission in January last. I doubt not of your best Endeavors to obtain a Redress of so capital a Grievance, and of all others which we have just reason to complain of. The House I am told have addrest a long Letter to you, in which I suppose they will be enumerated. I send you this by a safe hand, Mr. Isaac Smith, a young Gentleman of good Sense, and literary accomplishments; who goes abroad for the Improvement of his Mind, and the enlarging his Observations. With great Esteem, and the warmest Attachment, I am, dear Sir, Your most obedient and most humble Servant
S. Cooper
Dr Franklin.Copy to Dr Franklin.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Gilpin, 15 November 1770: extract
From: Gilpin, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

November 15th [1770]
Politics are now rather at a low ebb: nor do I expect they will revive; it will take some time to restore the public agitation and eradicate the remembrance of what has passed: the cause of injury is yet fresh and like a man that has been prompted to delirium time must be allowed to restore quietude and heal the pain of exertions that have been made. I think the late blunderers here deserve thanks from your side the water as nothing could have been more effectual to weaken the measures and destroy the unanimity which prevailed. A scene of intemperate violence has been too much used instead of the cool unyielding firmness which the state of affairs demanded. We have had summonses by ballots, town meetings, hasty resolutions made and then repealed, proclamations and measures carried by clapping, stamping hissing, hallooing &c; in fact too much of that violence which however it denotes the public feeling is inimical to the adoption of those cool measures which the state of the country and the injuries it was exposed to required.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Joseph Priestley, 21 November 1770
From: Priestley, Joseph
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Leeds 21 Novr 1770.
I took the liberty to trouble you with a line the last post, and being but just able to finish my letter in time, I recollect a mistake in the catalogue of books wanted, which I beg you would rectify as follows,

Vitelliones Optica best edition 1572
Kepler’s Paralipomena in Vitellionem

I also very much want De la Hire’s diffirens Accidents de la vue. But I should think it might be got without a public advertisement. I have already collected from that writer as much as will make a considerable section. I cannot well do without Du Hamel’s History of the French Academy, and tho’ it is inserted among books I have got, it is only in the library at Manchester, and I cannot, without great loss of time, and expence, go and study there. Many other books I foolishly inserted in the catalogue of those I had access to, which are only there, particularly the Petersburg Memoirs which I must absolutely purchase, tho they will cost me, I believe, above £20. I shall give Johnson orders for them this post. I have not yet got Boyle’s Works, and I find a tract of his on colours quoted, but I believe it relates to the chymical production of colours. However it is within my subject, but Johnson, tho he has had my order for Shaw’s Boyle several months, has not yet been able to get it.

I have just dispatched the discoveries of Newton and his Contemporaries, and from his time to the present have such a number of Memoirs, dissertations, tracts, and books on the subject of Light and colours to read, compare, and digest, as, I think, would make any person not practised in the business of arrangement, absolutely despair: Till I had actually taken a list of them, I did not think there had been a tenth or a twentieth part so much upon the subject. And other subjects, I see, will be much times more embarassing than this.
If you be obliged to advertise for the books I think it would be better not to mention my name, but only say A Person being employed &. I am, with the greatest respect Dear Sir your friend and Servant
J Priestley


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Bartram, 24 November 1770
From: Bartram, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My dear worthy friend
November the 24th 1770
I have thy Kind letter of August the 26th before me which Comforted me as comming from my dear intimate ould friend. The pamphlet and espetially the picture of my dear Peter was very acceptable, and now I am furnished with four of our worthies Lineus, Franklin Edwards and Collinson (but I want Dr. Fothergill,) to adorn my new stove and lodging room which I have made very Convenient for thair reception alltho I am no picture Enthusiast. Yet I love to looke at the representation of men of inocency integrety ingenuity and Humanity. I can hear nothing this year whether the King continueth his bounty to me or not: William Young Blusters stoutly and publishes it in the news and perticular advertisements all over the countrey that he is Botanist to thair Majesties the King and Queen of Great Britain.
I have sent according to thy desire a small Box of seeds with a list of them in the Box which I have Consighned to James Freeman who hath two Boxes to dispose of for me. He lives in the same house where our dear Peter formerly lived. This comes with great love and respect from thy Sincear friend
John Bartram
Pray my dear friend squeese out a few lines as often as Convenience will alow to comfort thy ould friend in his new stove room.

Addressed: To / Mr Benjamin Franklin / London / per Mary & Elizabeth / Capt. Sparks
Endorsed: Red Lion Grace Church Street 39


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Life, 30 November 1770
From: Life, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

30th Novr. 1770.
Mr. Life presents his Complements to Dr. Franklin and acquaints him that the Georgia Acts are referred to Mr. Jackson, that Mr. Life has told Mr. Jacksons Clerk that Mr. Life wishes to have an Attendance on Mr. Jackson before he makes his Report, that Mr. Life ever since he received the Papers, has been very busy in some Conveyancy that must be executed by some officers in the Navy, who are going abroad, but hopes to be more at leisure in a Week or Ten Days, and will in the meantime wait on Mr. Jackson and get an Appointment for an Attendance on him and acquaint Dr. Franklin of it.

Addressed: To / Dr. Franklin at Mrs / Stevensons in / Craven Street


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, [November 1770]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

[November, 1770]
This is just to let you know I am well, but so busy that I cannot now write more than to acknowledge the Receipt of your kind Letter of Oct. 14. with Sally’s and Mr. Bache’s, which I shall answer per next Opportunity. Thanks for the Cranberrys. I am as ever Your affectionate Husband
B Franklin

Endorsed: D Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Joseph Smith, 8 December 1770
From: Smith, Joseph
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Respected Friend
Burlington December 8. 1770
Thy several favours of the 19th of March 10th. and 12th. April and 11th of June have been duly received and communicated to the Committee of Correspondence and by them laid before the House of Assembly at a late sessions at Amboy where they gave very general satisfaction.
In answer to that part of thy Letter of 19th March respecting Sherwoods Accounts I may inform thee it has been determin’d by the House not to allow him the Ballance he mentions to be due to him, it was apprehended there was a considerable Ballance in his hands before his Accounts appear’d, which it was said were extravagant the services considered.
In thy Letter of 12 April thee mentions having mov’d “for their Lordships favourable Report on the Act for Septennial Assemblys and that for giving Representatives to the Countys of Morris Cumberland and Sussex which they were pleas’d to say should be taken into speedy Consideration.” and in thy next that of 11 June after mentioning the Repeal of the Paper Money Bill and the Secaucus Law thee says “but the others have received his Majestys Royal Assent.” from which it was imagin’d by some that the two former Acts were allow’d of by the King, but the Governor not recieving any intelligence of it made it doubtful, the Committee of Correspondence would be glad to be inform’d respecting this matter in thy next. No particular Business of the Province that I know of make it at this time necessary for any Directions from the Committee of Correspondence respecting thy Conduct as Agent, the Laws pass’d at the late Session together with the Votes of the House I shall send thee as soon as they are printed when if any Directions should be necessary the Committee of Correspondence will without doubt give them.
I am much Obliged to thee for Gov. Pownal’s Speech &ca. thee was so kind as to send and am Very Respectfully Thy Friend
Jos: Smith
Benjan. Franklin Esqr.

Endorsed: New Jersey Jos. Smith Dec. 8. 1770 Recd Feb. 5. 1771 via Bristol