Title: Advertisement by the Pennsylvania Committee of Safety, 28 July 1775
From: Safety, Pennsylvania Committee of
To:

Early in May the voluntary organizations of associators took form in Pennsylvania, and by the end of June the Assembly endorsed them, promised to arm and pay them, and created the committee of safety to supervise the working of the new system. On July 18 Congress embodied in a series of resolutions a plan for organizing, supplying, and officering the militia in each colony. Responsibility for carrying out the plan was delegated to the local committee of safety when the assembly or convention was not sitting. The Pennsylvania committee, in implementing the plan, worked in three main areas: the issuance of commissions; the rules and regulations for governing the associators; and the organization of the companies and battalions, the encouragement of enlistment, and the identification of those who refused to join. The first is the subject of the advertisement that follows. The other two are discussed in editorial notes below, August 19 and 26, 1775.
Three days after publishing its advertisement the committee agreed on the wording of the commissions for militia officers. The printed form opened with a paraphrase of the Congressional authorization, and left blanks for name, rank, etc., but none for the date. The form for naval officers, of vessels to defend the Delaware, was adopted on August 26. Five commissions that Franklin signed as president of the committee have come to light.

Committee of Safety, Philadelphia, July 28, 1775.
Whereas the Continental Congress have, by their resolves of the 18th instant, recommended, that all officers above the rank of a Captain be appointed by their respective provincial Assemblies or Convention, or in their recess by the Committees of Safety, appointed by said Assemblies or Conventions.
The Committee of Safety, appointed by the Assembly of Pennsylvania, do therefore request the Committees of the City and Liberties of Philadelphia, and of the several counties in this province, to make a return to the Committee of Safety at Philadelphia, of all the officers of the Military Association, in order that commissions may be made out for them, agreeable to the above resolve of the Continental Congress.
And the several Committees are further requested to make return to the Committee of Safety, of the number of the Associators, and also of the Non-associators within their respective districts.
  Signed by order of the Committee.
B. Franklin, President.
A true Copy from the Minutes, W. Govett, Clerk C.S.


Title: Proposed Resolution by Congress, [July? 1775]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

This resolution, as Paul Smith has pointed out, is impossible to date but may reasonably, if conjecturally, be ascribed to July, 1775. The preamble, cramped at the top of the page, seems to have been drafted after the resolution itself. The unexplained “as aforesaid” in both, and the note at the end, suggest that the draft was to be inserted in a longer set of propositions, now lost, which Franklin intended to submit to Congress. He mentioned in early July what might have been one of them, and it also had to do with reparations. The subject of quitrents and purchase money was on his mind at the time, when his friends in the Walpole Company were attacking the crown’s proprietary rights in lands obtained from the Indians; and the course he is advocating would have robbed those rights of their value.

[July (?), 1775]
And whereas altho’ the Conquest of Canada, and Louisiana [insert cropped and illegible] was effected as aforesaid by the said [?] Force and Expence of America with Britain, the latter hath seized the whole acquired Territory as its own, excluding us from any Share in the Property, without the least regard to Equity or Justice
Resolved, That in case such Satisfaction as aforesaid is refused, all the Lands in America claimed by the Crown, and all the Quitrents now unpaid to the same, shall be considered as liable to an Appropriation for that purpose. And all Persons from whom such Payments of Quitrents are now due, or who have purchased Lands from the Crown, and have not yet paid the Purchase-money, are advised to withold the same; and all Persons wanting Lands are advised to forbear Purchasing of the Crown, till such Satisfaction shall be made; that if Heaven shall finally bless our Endeavours in this just War with Success, as much as possible may be saved towards such Indemnification.
between Pages 4 & 5


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Strahan, 2 August 1775
From: Strahan, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

London, August 2. 1775.
Having wrote You April 8. June 7. and July 5. this is the Fourth Letter I have sent you since you left Us. I have in Truth Nothing new to convey to you, and only write now in Consequence of my Promise of doing so every Packet till your Return, which I still hope will be towards the Fall.
It was with the utmost Concern I heard the News of the late Battle at Boston, not only on Account of the Loss on both Sides, but as it widens the Breach, and renders all Hopes of Reconciliation more difficult and more distant than ever. Here is now a civil War broke out in good earnest, the final Consequences of which nobody can pretend to ascertain. What Pity it is that no Means can be found to stop it’s Progress. For after we have slaughtered and distressed one another till we are weary, the Contest must end either in a final Separation, which I believe neither Side wishes for, or in an Accommodation, which may as well be proposed now, as at the Conclusion of a bloody, expensive and unnatural Civil War. I have only therefore to repeat my earnest Sollicitations, that you will exert every Nerve to prevent the farther Effusion of Christian Blood, and to promote a final and just Settlement of our Differences, such as may leave America every Species of Liberty they can reasonably wish for, and Brittain the just Supremacy over her Colonies, to which you say yourselves she is entitled, and which equally tends to the Happiness and Protection of the whole Empire. But I am afraid this is not the Time for the Voice of Reason to be attended to. Moderation cannot indeed be expected to grow amidst such violent Convulsions; but I hope you will not cease to do your best to put a Period to the Distresses of your Native Country, which as it is the chief Seat of the War must suffer prodigiously, should it be much longer protracted.
Here I will not say we are unanimous, but nearly so, to carry on the War with the utmost Vigor. Great Preparations are making to send more Troops and more Ships with all possible Expedition. The Honor and Dignity of the Crown, as well as the Commercial Interests of this Kingdom are, in the Opinion of the most dispassionate and impartial, all at Stake, and merit our utmost Exertions. You will doubtless smile at our Credulity, and think that you are able to repel every Force we can bring against you. Perhaps you may; but not without paying dearly for it in a Variety of Ways, which may render ultimate Victory itself a dear Purchase. Every Part of the British Empire must sensibly feel, and be affected by the weakening of the Whole, and whether Success leans to the one Side or to the other, we shall all, in the long Run be considerable Losers.
I hear the Congress are once more to address the King. If they do, and they should propose such Terms as can be deemed in any Shape admissible, a Stop may still be put to this Carnage, and all may yet be well. But as this Address is like to be the last Overture to Accommodation, I hope You have taken Care that it is conceived in proper Terms. Doubtless it would be submitted to your Correction. You know full well the Temper of the People here, and you must be sensible that your Countrymen may have in many Instances mistaken the Voice of Faction for the real Sense of the Nation at large. Even a Change of Ministry, an Event which I still think at a very great Distance, would make no material Alterations in the Measures now pursuing. I hope therefore you will not much lean to this Conception. By no Means think of insisting upon Conditions to which the British Legislature cannot listen, but come over next October or November, when the Parliament will certainly meet, with such fair and equitable and moderate Proposals as will shew to all Mankind how desirous, how sollicitous, you are to put an End to the Quarrel. In this case you may depend on the zealous Support and Assistance of all good Men, in which Number I reckon our gracious Sovereign, as well as a very great Majority of His Servants, who I am certain as they have no Interest earthly in taking Part against you, are excellently well disposed to do every Thing in their Power in Consistence with what they conceive to be their indispensable Duty, to spread the Blessings of British Liberty in the fullest Extent, to the most remote Corners of their Master’s Dominions.
I have not yet had the Pleasure to hear from you, but expect it soon. I am in Expectation of seeing you here before Winter, and that you will be the happy Instrument in the Hands of Providence of restoring Peace and Harmony and Unanimity to British Subjects every where.
Will. Strahan.
To Dr. Benjamin Franklin.Copy.

Docketed: London, August 2, 1775 Copy of a Letter from William Strahan Esqr to Dr Benjamin Franklin


Title: Bond from David Weatherby, 2 August 1775: résumé
From: Weatherby, David
To: Franklin, Benjamin

<August 2, 1775: Weatherby, a Philadelphia linen printer, binds himself and his heirs to pay Franklin or his assigns £ 44 in Pennsylvania currency. If £ 22 in the same, with interest, is paid within a year the obligation will be void. Sealed and delivered in the presence of Richard Bache and James Bryson.>


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Ebenezer Hazard, 3 August 1775
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hazard, Ebenezer

Sir,
Philada. Aug. 3. 1775
I received your Application to be appointed Postmaster of New York, and have seen a Recommendation of you by your Provincial Congress, to which I shall pay due Respect by appointing you accordingly as soon as Commissions and Instructions can be printed, and things got in Readiness to carry the Post through. In the mean time I wish to receive from you an Account of the present State of its Management, as far as is within your Knowledge; and am, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
Mr Hazard

Addressed: To / Mr Hazard / Postmr / New York / per favour of / Mr Lewis.
Endorsed: Letter Dr. Benja. Franklin Augst. 3d. 1775


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from “a Freeman and Associator,” [between 3 and 19 August? 1775]
From: “A Freeman and Associator”
To: Franklin, Benjamin

In the summer of 1775, while a subcommittee of the Pennsylvania committee of safety was wrestling with the organization of the associators, the rank and file of fledgling soldiers in Philadelphia were voicing three main concerns. Two of them, their pay and the treatment of those who refused to volunteer, are discussed in the headnote on the report of the full committee below, September 29, 1775. The third, military authority and discipline, is the subject of this letter. The committee has undertaken to formulate regulations for the associators, the author says; he is therefore writing after the subcommittee began its work on August 3. The latest date of the letter depends on what he means by the “Laws of War” in the first sentence. He describes them as arbitrary because they vest in the officers an absolute power over men’s lives. This description does not fit the articles adopted by the committee on August 19 and, in virtually the same form, by the Assembly in November; they provided for courts martial composed of enlisted men as well as officers, and empowered to punish with nothing more than a fine or dismissal. The description does fit the articles for the continental army adopted by Congress the previous June. The writer, it seems reasonable to assume, did not yet know what the committee would propose, but feared that it would use for Pennsylvania a Congressional model that was alien to the nature of “a free cival Constitution.” If this assumption is correct, he was presumably offering his alternative plan at a time when it had the best chance of a hearing, in other words while the subcommittee was at work on its draft. The plan itself has disappeared, but its purport can be conjectured from what he says about it.

Sir
[Between August 3 and 19?, 1775]
As the laws of war are very arbitrary; and vest an absolute Power in the Hands of one Class of men, over the Lives of another who have no voice among them, and as the Association of freemen can and Ought to be conducted on the principles of freedom, the enclos’d plan is submitted to your Consideration and that of the Committee of Safety. The plan is partly that design’d for one of the Companies of this city before it was known that the Committee of Safety would undertake to form any plan, and it is now laid before you with the utmost humility and Deference, and without the most distant view or Desire of dictating or directing, but purely to lay before you a Plan which would be generally approv’d by the privates, and which is principally design’d to hint to you that the plan which would Approach nearest to that of a free cival Constitution would meet with the highest Approbation and be most likely to answer the ends of our Association.
The Plan is neither perfect nor intended as such. It is laid before you more to shew you that Plans have been thought of and something of this kind Generally Approv’d as far as it has been talk’d of, than with any other view. Submitting to your Superior Wisdom and discernment, I beg leave to subscribe myself Your Most Obedient Humble servant
A Freeman and Associator
To Mr. Benjn. Franklin Esqr. Present [President?]

Addressed: To / Benjn. Franklin Esqr. / Present
Endorsed: Proposals for Regulating Militia


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Samuel Chase, 4 August 1775
From: Chase, Samuel
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir:
Annapolis. Augt. 4th. 1775
Colo. Harrison yesterday having informed Me that a Constitutional Post Office is now established, and that You are appointed the Head of that Department, the present Deputies I doubt not will be removed, particularly in this City and Baltimore Town.
Give Me Leave to recommend Mr. York as a Rider from Philadelphia. I never heard an Imputation on his Character and We have experienced his Diligence Sobriety, Punctuality and obliging Behavior. Our Letters have been frequently trusted to his Care and always delivered, I cannot therefore but wish he may be employed. I am Sir with Respect Your Most obedient Servant
Saml. Chase

Addressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr. / Philadelphia
Endorsed: Mr. Chace is one of the Delegates from Maryland.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Edward Bancroft, 7 August 1775
From: Bancroft, Edward
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Downing street London Aug. 7th. 1775
I had lately the honour of acquainting you by Capt. Read with some particulars which I now confirm, and although but little of importance has since occurred I am induced to trouble you again with a few suggestions respecting the Title of the different Indian Tribes of America to the property and Jurisdiction of their Territories. You will doubtless remember that our Friend Mr. Wharton had collected and put together some important Facts and Observations relating to this subject, and as his sentiments thereon were perfectly agreable to my own we composed and printed, soon after your departure, a small Pamphlet, in vindication of the Rights of the Aborigines of America; one of which, Mr. Thomas Wharton was desired to shew you; and least that may have miscarried, another is herewith sent for your acceptance; not that I suppose any new arguments will be necessary for your Conviction on this Topic; being satisfied from the Liberality and extensive Circuit of your Reflections, as well as from particular Conversations with which you have favoured me, that you have long perceived the absurdity of all distinctions between the Temporal Rights of mankind founded on any supposed defect in their Religious Opinions, and have rejected those pretensions on which Former Popes availing themselves of the ignorance and Superstition then prevailing over all Europe, arrogantly assumed a right to dispose of the Persons and Countries of unbelieving Nations in Asia Africa and America; a right which is now universally ridiculed by all whose minds are emancipated from the shackles of superstitious prejudice. And indeed the aborigines of America being the Primitive Occupiers of that Continent, and having obtained the possession of it, from the Creator and most rightful disposer of the Earth, without that injustice and violence by which other Nations have frequently acquired their Territories, were by the Laws of Nature and Nations justly intituled to the full and Absolute Dominion and Property of that Continent. Before America had been discovered, the Inhabitants could not possibly have owed any Allegiance or Subjection to any foreign state; and nothing could be acquired by a discovery of Countries previously inhabited and Possessed; and therefore the American Indians must still have an indisputable Title to the Jurisdiction and Property of all Parts of that Continent, which have not been obtained from them by Purchase, Cession, or justifiable Conquest. This Truth was indeed so well known, and so sensibly felt by the first Settlers in our Colonies, that tho’ protected by Grants from the Crown they appear never to have relied on those Grants, nor to have considered them as any other than Political Distributions of Country, which gave them no title to the Soil until it should be fairly obtained from the Indians themselves. And the same maxims were likewise adopted by the Lords of Council, in their decision respecting the appeal of the Moheagan Indians against the Coloney of Connecticut; and in truth the British Government on many occasions, and particularly in the Negociations with the Court of France in 1755, and in the Purchase of Lands on the Ohio, made in behalf of the Crown, from the six Nations in 1768 has publickly acknowledged and Confirmed the Title of the Indian Nations of America to their respective Countries. The King has indeed from Political Views assumed a right of restraining the Indians from Conveying their Lands to any but those who may be authorized by the Crown to purchase them; every reason however, and every Principle of Justice, supporting the Limited right, which is thus allowed them, must operate as strongly, in favour of their full and unlimited Right over the Lands in question. For as the Property of the Indians in their respective Territories, is original and underived, except from the Divine Creator, it must by a necessary consequence be full, absolute, exclusive, and indefeasable. I write not indeed to Convince you of these truths, of which you are already satisfied, but to suggest to you a particular application of them. You know it has been generally though unthinkingly beleived here, that the Lands on which our Colonies in America have been settled, were before such settlement, The Property of the British State, and that this has been assumed as a fundamental Proposition by almost every writer in favour of Parliamentary Supremacy, and that the dependance and subjection of the Colonies to the Legislature of Great Britain has been from thence most strongly, though erroneously infered and maintained. A Regard therefore to the Civil Rights of our Countrymen in America, as well as to that equal and Common justice which belongs to the Indians demands that this fundamental and pernicious Error should be speedily and Publickly Corrected and Exploded; which could not be so properly and effectually done as by that respectable Body the Congress, whose Declaration in support of the absolute right of the Natives to their Territories, would for ever exterminate this Error in America, and probably in Europe likewise. There is besides another Consideration which should, I think, induce the Congress to this proceeding. There can be no doubt, but if the present hostile invasion of the Colonies should be prosecuted, which there is every reason to believe will be the case, so long as their is any hope of success, and if the Forces to be sent from hence should be found unequal to this unnatural purpose, that endeavours will be used to excite the Indians of America, to butcher the Inhabitants of the Colonies, to the end, that by an accumulation of distress and Carnage, they may the sooner be reduced to submission. These execrable attempts however might I think be effectually frustrated and the Affections of the Indians unalterably secured if the Congress should publickly assert and maintain the full and Absolute Right of the Natives to Sell and Convey their Lands to such Purchasers as may offer the best Prices, without any of those restraints from the Crown, which have hitherto rendered this (almost the only) property of the Indians, of but little value to them. You know sir, how jealous the Natives have long been of our intentions towards them on this Subject and I think an Act of so much justice, and so essentially conducive to their most important Intrests, could not fail to Conciliate their Friendship to those, who should thus espouse their Cause, and Assert their Rights. This indeed is now rendered the more expedient by the pernicious Views of Government manifested in the Quebec Act, and in the expressions which lately escaped from the Ministerial Speakers against Lord Camden’s Motion. To bind all the future settlements of British America in Chains of Despotism appears to have been the design of that part of the Act which so enormously extends the Limits of Quebec; but the ministry being Conscious of the Rights of the Indians have cautiously worded this part of the Act; which declares “that all the Territories, Islands and Countries in North America belonging to the Crown of Great Britain, bounded” within the Limits therein described, shall “be annexed to and made part and parcel of the Province of Quebec.” And therefore if it be proved, as may easily be done, that the Countries of the Indians within those Limits, do not belong to the Crown of Great Britain but, to the different Indian Nations by whom they are possessed and who have been often treated with as independant Allies, these Countries will then be detached from the Province of Quebec and rescued from the Despotism which must otherwise be imposed upon them and also from those Quit Rents and other Reservations which have lately accompanied all Royal Grants in America, and which are so frequently adduced to support the supremacy of Parliament, as has been already mentioned.
I shall however respectfully submit the justice of these Observations, the use to which they may be capable of being applied, and the time and manner of their application to your Superior Wisdom. And have only to add to the Communications of my former Letter that Five regiments, containing in all, about fifteen hundred men, are soon to proceed from Ireland to America. I strongly hope however, that the ill success, which I am perswaded will attend all the attempts of the Army and Navy in America this summer, may at the commencement of next Winter, compel the present ministry to Quit the Helm, which they have so unwisely and wickedly conducted, and that they may be succeeded by others who will contribute to a permanent and equitable reconciliation between Great Britain and the Colonies. I shall be happy at all times to hear of your Welfare and to receive and execute any Commands with which you may think fit to honour me. I am with great Esteem and respect Dear Sir Your much Obliged and most Devoted Humble Servant
Edwd. Bancroft
Dr. Franklin


Title: The Pennsylvania Committee of Safety to a Commissioner and Three Assessors of Bucks County, 8 August 1775: résumé
From: Pennsylvania Committee of Safety
To: Commissioner and Three Assessors of Bucks County

<August 8, 1775: In answer to your letter of July 29 the committee directs you to provide 300 stand of arms and accoutrements as voted by the Assembly. We will provide you with patterns, which you will take care to have followed in the manufacture; we will settle your accounts and have the treasurer pay you. If any opposition develops, inform us and give us the names, so that measures may be taken against such enemies of their country’s safety. Addressed to Theosophilus Foulke, commissioner, and to James Chapman, Jno. Vandegrift, and Jacob Bidleman, assessors, and signed by Franklin as president of the committee.>


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Philip Schuyler, 8 August 1775
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Schuyler, Philip

Sir,
Philada. Augt. 8. 1775. 5 PM.
Your Letter to the President of the Congress, arrived here just now by an Express from Albany, and is brought to me, the Congress being adjourn’d and all the Members out of town but my self. I have taken the Liberty of looking into it, to see if it required any Service from hence in our Power to render. I wish we had more Powder to send you as you desire: But all hitherto arriv’d is gone to Boston, and an Order is left here for sending 5 Ton more thither as soon as it comes in. I hope the second Parcel sent you from hence, which had been delay’d on the Road by some Mismanagement, has got safe to you before this time. I shall immediately forward your Letter to the President who is now I suppose in the Camp before Boston. Wishing you Success in your arduous Undertakings, and a safe Return with Health, Happiness and Honour, I am, very respectfully Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
Gen. Schuyler

Endorsed: Benja Franklin  August 8th  Recd. 14th


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Bromfield, 12 August 1775
From: Bromfield, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir.
London 12th Augst: 1775.
With pleasure your friends received the agreable inteligence of your safe arrival and health.
Inclos’d I return a Letter for you directed to our care. From different accounts I am pleased to observe, the great unanimity that prevails thr’o the Continent; your advise was never more wantd, hope it will tend to restore that invaluable blessing to which our unhappy Colonies have been so long strangers. From the best accounts we can collect, think the Ministry still seem determined to pursue rigerous measures, more troops and Men of War are going, to protect those already there till the spring, when a large reinforcment of fresh ones are to accomplish all there designs, (little thinking) What we must naturaly suppose will happen before that period arrives, from a total stopage in the Trade to America; but supposing it possible to be otherways, it is my Opinion, there Attemps to inforce theese measures by the sword is impracticable. It is evident they have got so far in the Mire as not to be able to return back with any degree of Credit to themselves, therefore seem determin’d to pursue, th’o it may terminate in the ruin of both Countrys. Since the battle of the 17 June our reproch of Cowardice however, is wiped off.
The Publick papers woud inform you of the death of our poor freind Mr. Quincy, it was great concern to us; We lament him as an agreable acquaintance and a sincere freind to the Interest of his Country; had a satisfaction however to think his papers fell into the hands of the Congress.
I sincerely wish a continuance of your unanimity. May Peace be established upon a firm and lasting Basis, so ardently Wishes Your sincere friend and Most Humble servant
Thos: Bromfield

Addressed: To / Doctor Franklin / In / Philadelphia / per Capt. Newman Who is desired to deliver this with his own hand
Endorsed: Mr Bromfield Aug. 12. 75


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Martin Howard, 12 August 1775
From: Howard, Martin, Jr.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir.
Newbern 12th. Augst. 1775.
I recieved your favour by Mr. Caswel. When I wrote and informed you that I had recieved your Money of Mr. Cooke, I did not tell you the Truth. Mr. Cook was largely indebted to me, and gave me a Mortgage of a small House which I believe is his whole Property but not equal in Value to half the Sum he owes me, I included your Debt in this Mortgage, and when I wrote you, doubted not from his as well as from my then prosperous Situation of paying it with Ease as soon as I should recieve your Directions, but soon after our Courts became shut and the succeeding Distresses of this and the other Parts of America have not passed by without affecting me, and in my present situation I cannot pay it. It is proper to acquaint you that Mr. Cooke did not recieve your Money as my Clerk, he acted as an Attorney upon his own Bottom and in 1765 when I was precipitately hurried to England he took charge of all Papers in my Possession and unhappily for me and many others made a very unfaithful Use of them.
I mention these Circumstances to you that you may acquit me in foro Conscientiae, not with an Intention to evade paying you what I have incautiously made myself chargeable with, but merely to obtain your Indulgence till better Times. As soon as Order and Government is restored here I shall instantly pay you, in the mean Time the little I possess, if I am permitted to possess it, will but just keep myself and Family above Indigence. I am Sir Your most Obedient and humble Servant
M. Howard.

Addressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr. / in / Philadelphia. / favored by Colo. Caswel. / Free R Cogdell
Notation: New Bern 23d. Novemr. 1775


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Henry Tucker, 12 August 1775
From: Tucker, Henry
To: Franklin, Benjamin

The imperial crisis, long before it erupted in war, began to affect parts of the empire that were remote from the quarrel; and one of them was Bermuda. The small island, with a population of only 12,000, was in danger of being crushed between the upper and nether millstone. The embargo that the Continental Association laid on trade with other British possessions promised, once it went into effect, to paralyze the islanders’ commerce and cut off their provisions. Their only recourse, unwelcome as it was to the many Loyalists among them, was to reach some measure of accord with the Americans even at the cost of annoying the British. Colonel Henry Tucker, himself half-American and the head of one of the great Bermuda clans, undertook to organize the negotiations. He prepared the way by instructing his son St. George, who was practicing law in Virginia, to get the ear of some of that colony’s delegates and suggest to them that Bermuda might be useful. Then in May, 1775, the Colonel arranged for the election of a group of representatives to carry the islanders’ case to Congress. Meanwhile, as an earnest of good faith, Bermuda prohibited exports to the British West Indies.
In July the delegation, headed by Tucker, reached Philadelphia. On the 11th it presented Congress an address that expressed guarded sympathy with the colonial cause, but insisted that Bermuda was too insignificant to take sides in the struggle, and begged for some means of procuring food when the American embargo took effect. Congress, unimpressed, answered six days later; it asked for statistics on previous imports of provisions and enclosed a copy of the resolution, introduced by Franklin on the 14th, that exempted from the embargo ships exporting produce and returning with arms or ammunition. This move forced Tucker to bargain. He knew that powder was on hand in the royal magazine at St. George, and he apparently agreed with Franklin to trade it for exemption from the embargo. The Colonel returned at once to Bermuda, and on August 15th he and his friends carried out his side of the agreement: the powder was seized and shipped to Charleston and Philadelphia.

Dear sir
Bermuda Augt. 12th 1775
Your very Acceptable favours of the 18th and 25st July I reced and embrace the earliest opportunity to Return you my thanks (as also those of our Deputies) for the ready and obliging manner in which you were pleased to present our Address to the Congress and we flatter ourselves that through your Assistance and their own good disposition towards us we shall obtain our reasonable request, which we shall be extremely glad to be Confirm’d in as it wou’d in a great measure relieve us from that Anxiety of mind which at present prevails among us. I have agreeable to your request Sketch’d out a plan for supplying us with provissions which I think will effectually prevent any part of them being exported to the West India Islands, but shou’d any thing more be required of us, We shall readily Comply with it.
[The] Resolve of the Congress that you enclosed will undoubtedly engage many people to attempt the Supplies of powder &c. but the great difficulty in obtaining it will make the Quantities but small, as there is not the least probability of geting any at the English Islands, and the Dutch and French (as we are inform’d) have laid such Severe penalties on those that shall carry any from their ports that it will be almost impracticable to put such a Scheme in Execution to any Considerable extent. Whatever Quantity comes to this place I shall Endeavour to secure that it may be sent to America. My Son St. George Tucker (a Youth lately call’d to the Bar at Williamsburgh, but on Account of the Courts being stop’d is now here till times alters) informs me of a Letter he wrote to Mr. Randolph late President of the Congress and Mr. Jefferson one of the Delegates for Virginia, representing the State of this Island, and proposing to them whether a plan may not be concerted to the Advantage of America by making this Island a Medium for Trade of Non-enumerated goods between the American Collonies and Foreign Ports, as we are under no restriction in reshipping such goods to any parts: this wou’d not only be a means of disposing of large Quantities of your produce but woud also open a Door for the obtaining Powder &c. for no Doubt so soon as the Dutch and French Feels the want of provissions they will Suffer Powder to be exchanged for them. But shou’d this plan be adopted by the Congress it shou’d be conducted with great Prudence and Secrecy and committed to the transaction of a very few. I have wrote pretty full upon this Subject to Mr. Robt. Morris Chairman of your Committee of safety and have desired him to consult you, which I dare say he will do. My Son has also wrote to Mr. Jefferson and I flatter my Self if it is thought practicable it will be readily adopted; and it will give me great pleasure in being any ways Instrumental in Assisting the General cause of America.
It has been intimated here by Capt. Trimingham that the people of Phila. blamed us very much for laying a prohibition on provissions, but I am convinced if they knew the true Motives they wou’d approve of it. As soon as the Account of the Engagement at Lexington reach’d us a report prevailed that the Port of New York was Shut up and all the other ports of America were likewise to be so in a few days. This Occasion’d many people as well Natives as strangers imediately to be exporting provissions to the West Indies expecting a great Market there, which allarm’d the people that they Addressed the Governor to call the Legislature imediately which he did and in Consequence thereof a Law passed to prohibit the Exportation of provissions, and I am fully Assured had not this been done [torn] we shou’d have been in a most distress’d Situation f[or at the?] time of passing the Law there did not exceed a Months supply of Corn in the Island. I was greatly Shock’d at hearing the great Carnage that was made in the late Battle and most Sincerly hope some Expedient will be found to Accomodate Matters and prevent the further effusion of Blood. Our Deputies desire their Compliments to yourself and Mr. Dickinson. Wishing You health and happiness I remain Dear Sir Your most Obedient humble servant
Henry Tucker
Benja: Franklin Esqr:


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Samuel Ward, 12 August 1775
From: Ward, Samuel
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Providence 12th. Augst. 1775
On my Return I found the People of Connecticut in Arms for sixty Miles, a Fleet of twelve Sail of Men of War and Transports had been at the Mouth of Newlondon Harbor, an Attack was expected from them but they only went to Fishers Island and got about 1000 Sheep and Lambs and 30 head of indifferent horned Cattle the only fat ones being brought off a few Days before; The Wretch who owns the Island sold this Stock undoubtedly for his Tenant had made yards down by the Sea and got his Sheep and Cattle ready for them before they landed, the People deeply resent his Behaviour: The Fleet then stood for Gardners Island but a Number of armed Men probably prevented their Landing for they got no Stock save at Fishers Island: Wallace and Ayscough a Part of this Fleet returned to Newport and again terrified the People by making every Preparation as if they intended instantly to fire upon them: They stopped the Ferry Boats strictly examined every Person and took down the Names. They had heard of my Return and expected I should have gone to Newport and were in Hopes of getting one Delegate into their Possession; They took the western Post Rider and propose to send the Mail to Boston. I hope no Letters of Consequence may be in it but however that may be this shews the Impropriety of the Posts passing those Ferries. I wish the People in Warren Bristol and Newport all the Advantages of an easy and speedy Communication but every private View ought to submit to the general Good and that in my Opinion absolutely requires that our Mails shoud be untouched unless at the proper Offices; By going [by?] the Narragansett Road (and if a Man of War sh[ould?] be at Newlondon crossing the upper Ferry) the Danger would be avoided save for the Newport Letters and the People and their Correspondents should write nothing a Discovery of which would injure their Country. The principal Gentlemen in this Town desired Me to write to You and request You to direct the Posts for the future to resume the narragansett Road. I doubt not but You will take the Affair into Consideration and give such orders as the public Safety may require.
A Mr. Otis who in the Act of Assembly which I gave You was appointed Depy. Postmaster in Newport has moved out of Town and Mr. Solomon Southwick the Printer a sincere Friend to his Country is appointed by the Assembly in his Room whom I doubt not You will continue.
I was at home one Night on my Way here. Nancy who is at Bror. Greene’s is unwell. I have a good Mind to take her with Me to Philadelphia [to] see whether a long Journey and an entire Change of Air will not restore her the rest of my Family were all well: Mrs. Mecom I had not the Pleasure of seeing. She was gone to Worcester with Mrs. Greene who was not very well. Bror. Greene and all the rest were well, your Letter I left at his house.
The Love of Liberty triumphs in this Town over all other Considerations, every thing for the common Defence is pursued with immense Ardor every Danger is despised and every Difficulty surmounted and at the same time they are thus attentive to the general Interest of America. They are taking more effectual Measures for their own immediate Safety; Batteries on each Side of the River are opened in such advantageous Situations as will easily destroy any Ships which may attempt to come near the Town. Make my Compliments to Mr. and Mrs. Beach and such of my Acquaintance as may ask after Me. I am Dear Sir Your most affectionate Friend and humble Servant
Sam Ward

Addressed: To / Dr. Benjamin Franklin / Postmaster General / in / Philadelphia
Stamped: FREE / N*YORK*AU:28
Endorsed: Govr Ward


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Franklin, 14 August 1775
From: Franklin, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honoured Father,
Perth-Amboy, Augst. 14, 1775
I wrote to you by the Stage on Thursday last since which I have not heard from you.
As you were so kind as to say that you had no objection to doing any thing for me that might be in your Power respecting the Lands in the Traders Grant from the Indians, I send you enclosed a Copy of a Letter on that Subject from Mr. George Morgan, together with my Answer open, which after Perusal, please to Seal and Deliver. I should be glad of your Sentiments respecting the Contents as soon as your Leisure will permit.

I have read Messrs. Walpole and Sargent’s Letter to you, and observe that since you left England they have received the strongest Assurances that as soon as the present Great Dispute is settled our Grant shall be perfected; and that they request that their Plan of Possessing and Leasing the Lands contracted for with Government may be “kept as private as possible, for should it be known on their side of the Water it might rather prejudice us than do us any service.” I think it proper therefore to suggest to you that, in my Opinion, it is hardly possible that such a Transaction will be kept so secret as they think necessary, and consequently that you and Major Trent ought to weigh well the Consequences before you adopt the Measure. I wonder Trent should make as an Excuse for not clearing the Judgement to Tilghman, or paying the Jersey Debt for Croghan, that he has nothing of Croghan in his Hands, when by Croghan’s Letter to me the Judgement to Tilghman was principally, if not solely for a Debt of Trent’s own, and, by his Acct. against Trent, there is a Ballance due to him of about £17 or 1800. Mr. Bernard Gratz (your Neighbour) has the Acct. and a Power to receive the Ball. and to pay it to me. Do send for him and he will shew it to you and make you acquainted with the Affair of the Judgement. He lately promised to write to me as soon as he could get Trent’s Answer. Do let him know that I have not yet had a Line from him.
We are all well and join in affectionate Duty to you and Love to the Family. I am, Honoured Sir, Your ever dutiful Son
Wm: Franklin

P.S. I should be glad to have a Line from you by the Post to let me know if I may expect to see you here, whether you approve of my coming to Philada, and when it will be proper Billy should be there in order to go to the College.
The above and enclosed were copied by him.

Addressed: To / Dr. Franklin / Philadelphia
Burlington 16th. August 1775 reced and forwarded the 17th By Mr. Wright By Sir your obedt. Nephew
J. F. Davenport

Endorsed: W F. Aug. 14 75.


Title: The New York Provincial Congress to the Pennsylvania Committee of Safety, 16 August 1775: résumé
From: New York Provincial Congress
To: Pennsylvania Committee of Safety

<New York, August 16, 1775: A ship we sent for powder some three months ago has not returned, and our small stock is exhausted by supplying the camp before Boston with 1655 pounds and Ticonderoga with 300; all we could procure in this city has gone to eastern Long Island. We must ask for the loan of a ton or as much more as you can spare, which we will replace from the first we receive; we request that the powder be sent immediately, in a tight cask, in care of the Newark committee. Addressed to Franklin and the other members of the committee and signed by P. V. B. Livingston as president.>


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from D[avid Williams], [between 16 and 31 August 1775]
From: Williams, David
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My dear friend
[Between August 16 and 31, 1775]
As some relief to you in your present circumstances, I wish you could have seen with what pleasure your letter to me, was read Yesterday by our friendly Society. We are removed from Slaughters T. to the Swan at Westminster bridge. We have made a valuable addition to our number in Mr. Raspe whom you have seen in Germany, and who has been here a few weeks. He seemed to join us most sincerely in every expression of regard for you; and in regretting the unhappy measures which have separated us. I expect him every moment with a little parcel which is to accompany this letter. Major Dawson is made Lieutenant Governor of the Isle of Man; and probably fixed there some time. We are not likely to have him soon amongst us but we rejoice he is not to be called upon to fight the Americans. Mr. Knott has not yet been heard of; at least amongst our acquaintance. We consider all our absent members as belonging to us; we cherish that affection for them which seems to characterise our little Club; and will probably continue it as long as we live.
We are extremely out of humour with the measures which are pursued; but fear there is not virtue or spirit in this Country to resist them. John Bull is become a meer Ass, and will bear till his back is broken. I was myself exceedingly affected by the last letter from the Congress to the people of England. It drew tears from me, and the company I read it to, several times. I declare that I do not remember to have read in any language passages so truly pathetick and excellent as some parts of the letter but it was to the people here like the whistling of the wind. They are callous to all the best sentiments of the human heart and references to public Spirit, love of general liberty, and even friendship and Justice, might do for Romances; but must not be expected to influence their Actions.
Your venerable Assembly and I sincerely look upon it, as one of the wisest and best that was ever brought together, may make America happy, by securing it’s [torn] cannot produce in [torn] the virtues which alone could save [torn.]
I have lett my house at Chelsea [torn] Park street Grosvenor Square; where [torn] your next letter. The Design of [torn] liturgy is revived [?], and by several [torn . . . pro]pose to introduce it, this Winter. I [torn] Copy when it is ready. I shall certainly [torn] read it with the sincerity and warmth, with which I [wish?] you health, success, and happiness. I remain Dear Sir, most affectionately yours
D [Williams]


Title: The Pennsylvania Committee of Safety to George Washington, 17 August 1775
From: Pennsylvania Committee of Safety
To: Washington, George

Sir
Philadelphia August 17th 1775
The Committee of Safety for this City and Province, being informed on saturday last, that a Ship from Cork had come up to Gloucester with some passengers, Officers of the Ministerial Army, and a Quantity of Cloathing for that Army at Boston, immediately sent down Capt: Bradford with thirty Men to take those Officers prisoners, and at the same time an Armed Boat, to bring up the Cloathing, both which orders were accordingly executed. The Officers we have enlarged upon their written Parole, to render themselves at your Camp; and two Soldiers taken with them, being their Servants, on the Parole of Major French the Principal Officer, Copies of which Paroles are enclosed. The Major requested when he signed the Parole that we would for his Justification give him a Certificate of his making a Claim in behalf of himself and the others, and that his Claim was not admitted. We gratified him in this, and a Copy of our Certificate is Also enclosed. They were allowed to take with them their own Baggage, but the Baggage of some other Officers now in Boston, which he also requested, was refused, on account of the detention of the Effects of our Friends there by General Gage. So this Baggage with the Cloathing (an Invoice whereof is also enclosed) which we understand is for two Regiments, is Stored, to remain for the Direction and disposition of the Congress. The Officers and Soldiers are to set out for your Camp on Tuesday the 22nd inst. accompanied by two respectable Gentlemen of this City Capt. Willing and Capt. Wharton, whom we beg leave to recommend to your notice, who will protect the Officers on the Road and forward their Journey.
No more Gun powder is yet arrived here. On the 10th Instant we sent 2200 weight to General Schuyler, which was all we could possibly spare. With great Esteem and Respect, we have the Honour to be, Sir, Your most Obedient humble Servant
  By Order B Franklin, Presidt.

P.S. With this you will also receive a packet directed to an Officer of The Ministerial Army, which we have not open’d, but submit it to your discretion.


Title: The New York Provincial Congress to the Pennsylvania Committee of Safety, 18 August 1775: résumé
From: New York Provincial Congress
To: Pennsylvania Committee of Safety

<New York August 18, 1775: Reconsidering the paragraph of General Washington’s letter that we forwarded yesterday has given us too much reason to think that the British troops are bound for New York. No pains should be spared to make the city as strong as possible, and we urge you to keep your militia ready to march at a moment’s notice. Postscript: Another letter from General Washington has just arrived. The total inactivity of the British troops for the past four weeks suggests, in his opinion, that they intend to move elsewhere, and New York is generally given out as their destination. Addressed to Franklin and the other members of the committee and signed by P. V. B. Livingston as president.>


Title: Editorial Note on the Pennsylvania Committee of Safety’s Articles of Association, 19 August 1775
From:
To:

In August the committee continued the work, begun in its advertisement on July 28, of implementing Congress’ plan for the militia, and on August 3 appointed a subcommittee of seven, including Franklin, to draft rules and regulations for the associators and an admonition to nonassociators to enlist promptly. On August 17 the draft of the rules was submitted to the full committee, and after two days of discussion and amendment it was adopted. It took the form of articles that the associators were to sign, and covered in detail the standards of deportment and the procedures for airing grievances, for enforcing discipline, and for trial and punishment by courts martial. The general subject of a voluntary militia had long concerned Franklin. But we have no evidence that he contributed anything to the highly specific articles of the draft and the finished product.


Title: The Pennsylvania Committee of Safety to the New York Provincial Congress, 19 August 1775: résumé
From: Pennsylvania Committee of Safety
To: New York Provincial Congress

<Philadelphia, [August 19, 1775]: We have received your request for gunpowder. After we had furnished all we could spare to the army and neighboring colonies, we heard from General Schuyler that he was in need and sent him 2200 pounds in care of the Albany committee. We did not then know, as he probably did not when he wrote, that a huge quantity had arrived in New Jersey from South Carolina and been forwarded to him, so that our supply will be unnecessary. It has not in all likelihood gone beyond Albany and might, if you apply to him, be brought back for your use. Signed by Franklin as president.>


Title: Editorial Note on the Pennsylvania Committee of Safety’s Regulations for Associators and Nonassociators, 26 August 1775
From:
To:

The drafting subcommittee appointed on August 3, to implement Congress’ plan for the militia, completed its work on the 25th. The next day the full committee debated, revised, and adopted its report, which endorsed the Congressional plan, encouraged nonassociators to enlist, requested from the county committee lists of those who had and had not joined, established rules for appointing officers and determining seniority, and set up guidelines for organizing companies and battalions. Again, as with the subcommittee’s articles of association (above, August 19), we have no evidence that Franklin contributed to these regulations.


Title: Memorandum on the Use of Pikes, 26 August 1775
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

The Pennsylvania committee of safety, almost immediately after its creation in June, 1775, began to consider arming the associators with pikes. In early July it asked to see models, and ordered a prototype made according to Franklin’s design. His memorandum was approved on August 26 and soon bore modest fruit, for on the 30th the committee distributed the first of the weapons and the following February appropriated £100 for manufacturing more. Pikes were also in use in Washington’s nondescript army, from its earliest days through the summer of 1776. They were signs, among many, of an improvised war, and slowly disappeared as the infantry acquired firearms.

26th Augt. 1775
It has been regretted by some great Soldiers, particularly by Marshal Saxe, that the Use of Pikes was ever laid aside, and many experienc’d Officers of the present Times agree with him in Opinion, that it would be very advantageous in our modern Wars to resume that Weapon; its length reaching beyond the Bayonet; and the compound Force of the Files, (every Man laying hold of the presented Pike) rendring a Charge made with them insupportable by any Battalion arm’d only in the common Manner. At this time therefore, when the Spirit of our People supplies more Men than we can furnish with Fire Arms, a Deficiency which all the Industry of our ingenious Gunsmiths cannot suddenly supply; and our Enemies, having at the same time they were about to send regular Armies against undisciplin’d and half-arm’d Farmers and Tradesmen, with the most dastardly Malice endeavour’d to prevail on the other Powers of Europe not to sell us any Arms or Ammunition; the Use of Pikes in one or two Rear Ranks is recommended to the Attention and Consideration of our Battalions. Every Smith can make these, and therefore the Country may soon be supply’d with Plenty of them. Marshal Saxe’s Direction is, that the Staff be 14 feet in Length, and the Spear 18 Inches, thin and light; The Staff to be made of Pine, hollowed for the sake of lightness, and yet to retain a degree of Stiffness; the whole to weigh not more than 7 or 8 pounds. When an Army is to encamp, they may (he observed) be used as Tent Poles, and save the Trouble of carrying them. The Committee of Safety will supply Samples, to those Battalions who are dispos’d to use them. Each Pikeman to have a cutting Sword, and where it can be procur’d, a Pistol.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Robert Morris, 29 August 1775
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Morris, Robert

Dear Sir,
Brunswick, Augt. 29. 1775
Understanding since I came hither that 4 Waggon Loads of Gunpowder for New York, which had been landed at the Neversinks, pass’d thro’ here last Friday, I have dispatch’d an Order to our Waggoner, whom I pass’d yesterday at Trenton, to return back with the Ton we spar’d, since it will not be wanted at New York, and may be wanted with us. I hope our Committee will approve of this. If not I ought to pay the Expence. With great Esteem, I am Sir, Your most obedient Servant
B Franklin

Addressed: To / Mr Robert Morris / Mercht / Philadelphia
Endorsed: from Doctr. Franklin Brunswick 29th. augt: 1775 recd 31st. augt. 1775
Notation: Dr. Benjamin Franklin Signer of the Declaration


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Peter Van B. Livingston, 29 August 1775
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Livingston, Peter Van B.

Sir,
Perth-Amboy, Augt. 29. 1775
The Committee of Safety acquainted you by a Letter dated the 26th Instant, that we had ordered a Ton of Gunpowder to be sent you agreable to your Request. It left Philada. early on Sunday Morning, and yesterday I overtook the Waggon on the Road at Trenton, and left it proceeding on the Journey. But being informed this Morning at Brunswick that 4 Waggon-Load of Powder had passed thro’ that Place on Friday Evening for your City, and supposing it to be the Powder which you mention’d as having been expected but not arrived, which occasioned your sending to us; and as we have still too little at Philadelphia; I thought it best to stop that Powder and send it back again, and wrote accordingly to the Waggoner by a Person just setting out for Trenton. I write this therefore that you may not expect it at Newark in consequence of our Letter. With great Respect and Esteem, I am, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
P. V. B Livingston, Esqr


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Joseph Priestley, [August? 1775]: extract
From: Priestley, Joseph
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[August (?), 1775]
I thank you for Dr. Smith’s excellent Sermon. If it be not impertinent, give him my most respectful compliments and thanks. I think to get it printed.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Lord Le Despencer, 3 September 1775
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Le Despencer, Francis Dashwood, Baron

Philada. Sept. 3. 1775.
I hope my dear Friend continues well and happy, with good Mrs. Barry and the little ones. I had a short Passage hither, arrived safe, was made very welcome by my old Friends and Countryfolks, and have constantly enjoyed my usual Health and Spirits. As I flatter myself you still retain your former Regard for me, I suppose this small News concerning me, will not be unpleasing to you.

We have here a little musical Club at which Catches are sometimes sung, and heard with great Pleasure: But the Performers have only a few old Ones. May I take the Liberty of requesting your Lordship to send me half a Dozen of those you think best among the modern? It would add to the Happiness of a Set of very honest Fellows. With sincere Respect and Affection, I am ever, my dear Lord, Your Lordship’s most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
Lord LeDespencer


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Franklin, 6 September 1775
From: Franklin, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honoured Father,
Perth-Amboy Septr. 6, 1775 Wedy. Morng.
I hope this will find you safe at Home, and that you met with no Accident on your Journey.
Yesterday Evening Thomas found the Enclosed Letter for you in the Bar of one of the Taverns in this Town.
Enclosed is a Copy of the Exposition of the Resolution of the House of Commons which you requested. I also send you the Minutes of the two last Sessions of the New-Jersey Assembly, in which you will see what I have said to them respecting the present unnatural Dispute between G.B. and her Colonies, and also what passed between us respecting my Letter to Lord Dartmouth.
The Bearer waiting impatiently I have but just Time to add that Betsy joins me in Duty to you and Love to Mr. and Mrs. Bache, Master William, and the Children. I am ever Your dutiful and affectionate Son
Wm: Franklin

Addressed: To / Dr. Franklin / Philadelphia
Endorsed: W F Sept. 6.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to David Hartley, 12 September 1775
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hartley, David

Dear Sir,
Philada. Sept. 12. 1775
I have this Day received your Favours per Capt. Falconer, of which more in my next. With this I send you a number of Newspapers and Pamphlets, by which you will see Things are become serious here. Your Nation must stop short, and change its Measures, or she will lose the Colonies for ever. The Burning of Towns, and firing from Men of War on defenceless Cities and Villages fill’d with Women and Children: The exciting the Indians to fall on our innocent Back Settlers, and our Slaves to murder their Masters; are by no means Acts of a legitimate Government: they are of barbarous Tyranny and dissolve all Allegiance. The Insolence of your Captains of Men of War is intolerable. But we suppose they know whom they are to please. I shall endeavour to procure the Petitions so that you may have them against Winter: they cannot be collected suddenly. With the highest Esteem, I am Yours most affectionately
Pray present my Respects to Mr. Burke, to whom, and to you I shall write fully by the first safe hand.

Addressed: To / David Hartley Esqr / Golden Square / London
Endorsed: from Dr F


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jonathan Williams, Jr., 12 September 1775
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Williams, Jonathan Jr.

Dear Jonathan,
Philada. Sept. 12. 1775.
I this Day receiv’d yours per Capt. Falconer, and am vastly oblig’d by your Industry in Packing and Dispatching my Things. Their Arrival makes me very happy; tho’ they are not yet come on shore. I have not before written to you, imagining you would hardly be found there; but now I find by Mr. Alexander’s Letter (to whom my best Respects) that he advises you to stay, for the Chance of something turning up to your Advantage. I have lately heard from your Father. He has made a temporary Exchange of Houses and Furniture with a Mr. Putnam of Worcester, who now resides at your House in Boston, and your Family at his House in Worcester, where they were all well about two Weeks since. My Sister is at Warwick with Mrs. Greene. She left her House lock’d up with the Furniture in it, but knows not whether she shall ever see it again. I like your Conduct with Respect to the Jersey Petition. The first Copy had indeed been presented before, by Mr. Lee, but that you could not know. If you determine to stay in England, I shall do what I can to throw Business in your Way: But whether America is ever again to have any Connection with Britain either Commercial or Political is at present uncertain. All depends upon that Nation’s coming to its Senses. Here we are preparing and determined to run all Risques rather than comply with her mad Demands.
Mr. Fergusson, who will deliver this, is a Gentleman of amiable Character in this Country, who visits England on some Business of his own. If you can do him any Service, you will oblige me by it. I recommend him warmly to your Civilities: and likewise Mr. Stockton who goes over with him intending to study Law in the Temple.
I desire to be affectionately and respectfully remembered to Mrs. Hewson, Miss Dolly Blunt, Mrs. Falconer, Mrs. Barwell and all our other Female Friends. I am hurried and can now only add that I am ever Your affectionate Friend and Uncle
B Franklin

I shall write to you fully, and to Mr. Alexander by next Opportunity.
  Deliver the inclos’d yourself. I have given you a little Recommendation to the good Bishop.
  [On the verso:] miss’d finding M[r. Fergus]son to give him this. Enquire for him at the Coffee house.
  Addressed: To / Mr Jonathan Williams / at Mrs Stevenson’s / Craven street / London / per favour of Capt. Loxley

  [In Loxley’s hand:] Mr. Shakespeare please deliver the enclos’d to Mr. D. Barclays care opposite Bow Church and will obloige yours &c
B L
Chapeside 108

Endorsed: Doctor Franklin Phila 12th Sept. 1775. recvd Decr 1.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jonathan Shipley, 13 September 1775
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Shipley, Jonathan

My dear Friend
Philada. Sept. 13. 1775.
I write but seldom to you, because at this time the most innocent Correspondence with me may be suspected, and attended with Inconvenience to yourself. Our united Wishes for a Reconciliation of the two Countries, are not I fear soon to be accomplished; for I hear your Ministry are determin’d to persevere in their mad Measures, and here I find the firmest Determination to resist at all Hazards. The Event may be doubtful, but it is clear to me that if the Contest is only to be ended by our Submission, it will not be a short one. We have given up our Commerce; our last Ships, 34 Sail, left this Port the 9th Instant: And in our Minds we give up our Sea Coast (tho’ Part may be a little disputed) to the barbarous Ravages of your Ships of War; but the internal Country we shall defend. It is a good one and fruitful. It is, with our Liberties, worth defending, and it will itself by its Fertility enable us to defend it. Agriculture is the great Source of Wealth and Plenty. By cutting off our Trade you have thrown us to the Earth, whence like Antaeus we shall rise yearly with fresh Strength and Vigour.
This will be delivered to you by Mr. Jonathan Williams, a Nephew of mine, whom I left in my Lodgings. Any thing you think fit to send me, may be safely trusted to his Care and Discretion. He is a valuable young Man, having, with great Industry and excellent Talents for Business, a very honest and good Heart. If he should stay in London, I beg leave to recommend him to a little of your Notice.

I am here immers’d in so much Business that I have scarce time to eat or sleep. The Winter I promise my self will bring with it some Relaxation. This Bustle is unsuitable to Age. How happy I was in the sweet Retirement of Twyford, where my only Business was a little Scribbling in the Garden Study, and my Pleasure your Conversation, with that of your amiable Family! With sincere and great Esteem and Respect, I am ever, my dear Friend, Your affectionate and most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
Lord Bp. of St. Asaph

The Perfidy of General Gage in breaking his Capitulation with Boston and detaining their Effects.
The Firing of Broadsides from Men of War into defenceless Towns and Villages fill’d with Women and Children.
The Burning of Charlestown wantonly without the least Reason or Provocation.
The encouraging our Blacks to rise and murder their Masters. But above all,
The Exciting the Savages to fall upon our innocent Outsettlers, Farmers, (who have no Concern in, and from their Situation can scarce have any Knowledge of this Dispute) especially when it is considered that the Indian Manner of making War, is by surprizing Families in the Night, and killing all, without Distinction of Age or Sex!*
These Proceedings of Officers of the Crown, who it is presumed either act by Instruction, or know they shall please by such Conduct, give People here a horrid Idea of the Spirit of your Government.
*What would be thought of it, if the Congress should hire an Italian Bravo to break into the House of one of your Ministers, and murder him in his Bed? All his Friends would open in full Cry against us as Assassins, Murderers and Villains, and the Walls of your Parliament House would resound with their Execrations! Of these two damnable Crimes which is the greatest?


Title: The York County Committee to the Pennsylvania Committee of Safety, 14 September 1775: résumé
From: York County Committee
To: Pennsylvania Committee of Safety

<In committee, York, September 14, 1775: We return you the number of associators whose names we have received, 3,349; there are others whose names we do not know. We cannot list precisely the nonassociators, but will do so as soon as possible. Those of them whose names we have, like the associators known to us, “are chiefly taxable”.
We enclose the proceedings of the committee and officers of the county militia companies. The divisions or battalions were formed, and the seniority of each was set, by unanimous vote according to the date when the majority of its companies associated. We, who are members of one or another battalion, are aware that fixing seniority by lot would create confusion and injure the cause, and therefore hope that commissions will be granted according to the regulations adopted. The convenience of the county and the men was considered in forming the battalions, which as you will see from the enclosed papers are of unequal numbers but none of less than five hundred. The first three are large enough for regiments, but give them whatever name you think proper. We send you the names of the officers to be commissioned according to seniority, as agreed in their battalions. Although one battalion has but five companies, each is large enough to act as a grand division until it can be divided according to the men’s wishes; the field officers, when commissioned, will be of great help, and attention must be paid to the townships of each battalion.
Those appointed officers the people generally find acceptable. Captain James Dill and his company officers and some others, we are told, are dissatisfied with Matthew Dill as colonel of the fifth battalion, and have written to you about a new election. The Colonel was chosen fairly, without dispute, and a second election would merely encourage faction, “which we happily avoided in this county”.
We enclose the names of officers of minutemen, those in the county who are prepared to be the first called into service. Determining their order of call by lot would be inexpedient, because the companies vary in their discipline, length of training, and active complements; and the lot might fall on those upon which the community cannot rely. Minutemen should therefore be chosen on an individual basis.
“There are nearly 100 persons associated in Germany Township, but as there is some little confusion concerning their offices, we shall defer sending their names for some time.” Addressed to Franklin and the committee and signed with seventeen names “and others”.>


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Foxcroft, 15 September 1775
From: Foxcroft, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My Dear Friend
New york Septr. 15th. 1775
By Mr. Dashwood who arrived Yesterday in the Harriott Packet Captn. Lee I rec’d a most Friendly and Polite Letter from our mutual good Friend Ld. Le Despencer wherein He approves of every step I have taken in those troublesome times, which if I mistake not will give you pleasure. I am very sorry to find by a Letter from your Son that some People has had the Curiosity to pry into our Correspondence. There was nothing of Politicks. I told you that whenever business would permitt you to comply with your promise that you would make the Family at Bellview Happy perticularly your Daughter, you would have oblijed me by a Line on your intented Visit to amboy. I would have met you if I had been able but I believe I was confined to my Room about that time and for upwards of three Weeks with a constant Fever and Ague, it has pull’d me down but I can bear it. Inclosed you have his Majestys Answer to the City Address. Ld. Le Despencer concludes his Letter as follows. “Whenever you write to Dr. Franklin assure him of my Sincere good will and Esteem. I fear much I shall not see him here so soon as he assured me I should.” Mr. Dashwood begs his Compliments. I am and ever shall be Your assured Friend and oblijed humble Servant
John Foxcroft
To Benjn: Franklin Esqr

Addressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr. / at / Philadelphia / J: Free: Foxcroft
Endorsed: J. Foxcroft


Title: Editorial Note on the Secret Committee, 18 September 1775
From:
To:

On September 18, 1775, Congress established what became one of its principal institutions for waging the war, the secret committee. Its nine members, Franklin among them, were elected the next day. Their chief responsibility was to obtain arms and ammunition, and the methods of doing so had been worked out some months earlier. Nonexportation had been relaxed to permit produce, with a few exceptions, to be carried abroad whenever the ship returned with war material of equivalent value; and Congress had made contracts with individual merchants to import gunpowder at a set commission. The committee thus moved into a sphere of action in which the rudiments of procedure had been established.
Two-thirds of the original members were delegates who were also active merchants, but this mercantile majority shrank somewhat when the membership was enlarged. Meetings usually consisted of the bare quorum, five. The chairman, Samuel Ward, was the most assiduous attender until his death from smallpox in March, 1776. In that period the next most faithful member was Franklin; of the thirty-seven meetings when those present were recorded, from the inception of the committee until his departure for Canada in late March, he was at twenty-nine. After his return in June, however, he seems to have given up attending.
The documents that survive from the six months in which he was active are few and far between. They consist of one letter from the committee that he did not sign, one to it that he probably did not see, an export licence, and six contracts, some of which he signed; a much greater number of contracts, which were the committee’s central business, are minutely described in its minutes but have since disappeared. We summarize those extant documents with which Franklin was clearly connected, and omit the others. His exposure to contracts, whether we print them or not, must have been educational in the ways in which merchants competed with each other and pulled strings in Congress. After Franklin arrived in France he asked, when it suited his purposes, to be “excus’d from any Concern in Matters of Commerce, which he so little understands.” But no one who had served on the secret committee was so innocent as he implied about the business side of conducting a war.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Ebenezer Hazard, 25 September 1775
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hazard, Ebenezer

Sir
Philada Sept. 25. 1775
It seems the more necessary to establish speedily a Post to Albany, as we have an Army on your Frontiers. I hope you have found a Rider willing to go on more reasonable Terms than those mention’d in yours of the 6th. appear to be, compar’d with what is given to the New London Riders. But if there are Reasons why he should have more, of which you can best judge, agree with him and let him proceed as soon as possible.
Mr. Goddard is expected in a few Days from the Southward, where he went to settle those Offices. As soon as he returns we shall open the Office here, and proceed regularly Northwards. By him I shall send your Commission and Instructions. I am Sir Your most humble Servant
B Franklin
I request your Care of the Enclos’d, and a Packet with the same DirectionMr Hazard

Addressed: To / Mr E. Hazard / Postmr / New York
Endorsed: From B Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Joseph Reed, 25 September 1775
From: Reed, Joseph
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Camp at Cambridge Sept. 25. 1775
After congratulating you upon an Appointment which is but a small Acknowledgement of the many signal Services you have rendered your Country, I beg leave to mention to you that by some Accident or Misconduct in the Offices the Generals Letters for these 2 Months past to his Family and Friends in Virginia have miscarried. Some very important Business as well respecting his own Estate as another committed to his Care has suffered in Consequence so much that he is exceedingly uneasy, and would take it as a particular Favour if such Regulations were immediately made as would prevent the like in future. He apprehends this Failure is between Philad. and Alexandria. Besides the Vexation and Disappointment attending his Circumstance there may be Danger of there being made an ill Use of at such a Time as this.
We have had no Occurrence of any Consequence in this Camp for several Days. There was a very heavy Cannonade upon Roxbury last Saturday Morning but with no Effect. In the mean Time a Number of Flat bottom Boats are building that if a favourable Oppor[tunit]y should present we may be ready to embrace it. I am &c.
J Reed
B. Franklin, Esqr.


Title: The York County Committee to the Pennsylvania Committee of Safety, 27 September 1775: résumé
From: York County Committee
To: Pennsylvania Committee of Safety

<York, September 27, 1775: Two months ago the York committee started searching for some one to make saltpetre and found two men, Baltzer Moody and George Garver, who began the work in August. They dug in stables, outhouses, etc.; and the committee lent them money. Yesterday they delivered the 117 pounds of saltpetre that accompany this letter: they would have had more if the recent storm had not injured their earth. Mr. Owen Biddle is requested to settle the bill. The saltpetre is perhaps as good as that imported from Europe, and the bounty or price will presumably be the same. “A Quantity of earth is now Collecting, and we hope to see the Business prosecuted with Spirit.” Addressed to Franklin, Biddle, and the committee of safety and signed by Thomas Hartley, David Kennedy, and John Houston.>


Title: Proposals for Conscientious Objectors: Two Drafts, [before 29 September 1775]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

The outbreak of hostilities created political problems in Pennsylvania that continued to vex the province for a year or more. Compulsory military service was unknown, and the inauguration of voluntary service on a larger scale than ever before raised the acute question of what to do about those who would not serve. Franklin had confronted that question in both the previous wars, when he had been one of the chief advocates on the one hand of a volunteer militia, and on the other of the right of those with religious scruples to stand aloof. By 1775 the situation had changed drastically from that of twenty years before. The crisis was far graver, and the need for all to support the war effort in some way was far more imperative. The Quakers no longer had the political power, furthermore, to maintain the absolute constitutional rights that Franklin had once assigned them. His views were changing with the times but, it turned out, not so fast as public opinion.
The proposals are two drafts in his hand of documents that he believed conscientious objectors might sign; one applied to all of them, the other to Quakers alone. They are attempts, like his suggestions about the Moravians in his letter above of June 2, to find a compromise between religious scruples and the need to support the military. We presume, with no concrete evidence, that both proposals were drawn up for discussion in the committee of safety, or perhaps in the subcommittee charged with admonishing nonassociators to enlist. If so they were written during the summer, when the issue of religious scruples was much to the fore, and prior to Sept. 29, when the Assembly received the report from the committee of safety that is the following document; for that report contains, over Franklin’s signature, a much harsher proposal than these: that nonassociators be taxed. The idea of asking them for voluntary assistance was out of date by then, as the associators’ anger mounted against those who neither served nor paid.

[Before September 29, 1775]
We whose Names are hereunto subscribed, being conscienciously scrupulous of bearing Arms, and of taking away the Life of Man by the Use thereof; but desirous by all peaceable Means in our Power, of preserving as much as may be the Lives of our Fellow Citizens who are about to expose themselves to danger for the common Benefit of our Country; and understanding that there are many Services necessary and highly useful which may well be performed by Persons of our consciencious Persuasion; do hereby engage with each other, and with our Countrymen, that we will not in any time of danger, attempt separately to secure ourselves our Families and private Property, by withdrawing them from Situations of Danger, while others are engag’d in the common Defence; nor take any Measures for such purpose but in Concert with the Publick: but we will attend if in Cities or Towns with Fire Engines, Buckets, &c. to extinguish Fires; with Carriages or Boats to remove Women, Children and sick Persons; and if in the Field, with Spades and Mattocks or Wheelbarrows to cast up and remove Earth for the Purpose of Defence, or with Litters for carrying off wounded Men to places where they may receive Assistance: And we confide in the Equity and Generosity of our Countrymen, that they will allow us to have fulfill’d by these willing Services the Duty of good Citizens.
We the Subscribers, being of the People called Quakers do hereby declare, That our forebearing to associate in Arms with the Regiment of this City, is not owing to any Want of Loyalty to our King or Love to our Country, or Affectionate Regard for our Fellow-Citizens; And being thankful for the Indulgence shown to us by the Law, and willing to manifest our Readiness to do what Service we can towards the common Security, do agree as follows.
1. That in case of any Alarm, we will not till it is thought generally necessary attempt to leave the City, nor carry off our Families and Effects while others are generously employ’d in its Defence; but will abide therein and share the Fate of our Fellow Citizens, range our selves with the Regiment, and take such Posts as shall be appointed us by the Colonel or Commanding Officer, in order to perform the following Services; viz. To extinguish Fires in the City, whether kindled by the Enemy from without, or by traiterous Inhabitants within; To convey Intelligence as Expresses or Messengers. To suppress Insurrections of Slaves or disaffected Persons during an Attack. To carry off in time of Engagement the Wounded from the Batteries, Wharffes, or other Places of Action, into some Place of Security and take Care of them. To assist in constructing Breastworks and other Cover against the Enemies Shot, for preserving Life. To carry Refreshments to such as are on Duty. To assist in conveying away to such Place of Safety as the Colonel shall appoint the Women Children Sick aged and infirm Persons of the City: And at other Times when there is no Alarm To join in securing the Powder House, and relieving the Regiment in Watching and Guarding the same.


Title: The Pennsylvania Committee of Safety: Report to the Pennsylvania Assembly, [29 September 1775]
From: Pennsylvania Committee of Safety
To: Pennsylvania Assembly

During the summer the associators were growing more and more restive. Those of the city of Philadelphia took exception in July to Congress’ plan for the militia, and later to the plan formulated by the committee of safety. By the beginning of autumn they were focusing on two grievances, that they were insufficiently compensated for their sacrifice of time and the hardship entailed for their families, and that the obligation to serve was not universal. On September 27 the privates of more than thirty companies, in an address to their officers, argued that the Assembly had no right to delegate to the committee of safety, or the committee to exercise, the power of legislating for them, and that they would not submit to any military law of the Assembly unless it applied to the community as a whole. The officers forwarded this address to the house on the same day, along with a memorial of their own in which they asked for legislation “to oblige every Inhabitant of the Province either with his Person or Property to contribute towards the general Cause.” Two days later the committee of safety submitted the report below.
The Assembly referred this call to action to its successor, and then adjourned. The new legislature debated the matter for more than a month, and on November 15 finally adopted a program for the militia. It contained rules and articles of association similar to those that the committee of safety had drafted earlier, but with two crucial additions. First, provision was made for paying the soldiers when on watch or called to active duty, and for supporting their families when in need. Second, for the first time in provincial history a tax was imposed, as suggested here, on all able-bodied men of military age who refused to serve.

  [September 29, 1775]

  To the Honourable the Representatives of the Freemen of the Province of Pennsylvania, in General Assembly met, The Memorial of the Committee of Safety,
  Respectfully sheweth,
That the said Committee, in Obedience to the Orders of the House, have taken upon them the Execution of the important Trust committed to them, and have proceeded to such Measures as appeared to them necessary to effectuate the Purposes for which they were appointed; the Minutes of their Transactions, together with an Estimate of the Expences incurred for the putting of this Province into a proper State of Defence, are with great Deference submitted to the Consideration of the House. From these it will appear, that the Sum of Money, granted by the House at their last Sessions, has been either wholly expended or remitted for the Purchase of Arms and Ammunition; and that a considerable Sum is still necessary to fulfil the Engagements already made for the above Purposes, and for the Paying and Victualling of the Men in the Service.

It must be obvious to the House, that much yet remains to be done to accomplish their salutary Intentions, particularly if the British Ministry should obstinately persist in their present arbitrary Measures. Should this be the Case, (which from the present Appearance of Things seems but too probable) this Opportunity may perhaps be the only one we shall be possessed of to prepare the necessary Means for the Defence of our just Rights; for there can be no Doubt that vigorous Exertions will be made to intercept future Supplies. The Committee therefore apprehend it to be their indispensable Duty earnestly to recommend it to the House to grant such further liberal Aids, at their present Sessions, as may in their Wisdom be judged adequate to the Exigencies of the Province at this very important Crisis. They beg Leave also to represent to the House that there appears to be an immediate Necessity for constructing a Magazine or Magazines to receive the Powder already in the Province, and such as may arrive hereafter; large Quantities are shortly expected, and there is no Place where it can be stored with Safety, or any way guarded against Accidents, which that Article from its Nature must be exposed to, and which it is of considerable Moment to prevent.
The Committee having thus laid before the House the Steps they have already taken, and their Opinion of some Measures which appear proper to be adopted, beg Leave, before they conclude this Report, to submit to the House a Matter interesting to the public Welfare: The Military Association entered into by Numbers of the good People of this Province, has received the Approbation of the House, and undoubtedly deserves every Encouragement, as a Body of Freemen, animated by a Love of Liberty, and trained to the Use of Arms, afford the most certain and effectual Defence against the Approaches of Slavery and Oppression. It is wished therefore that this Spirit could have been more universally diffused; but the Associators complain, and, with great Appearance of Reason, that whilst they are subjected to Expences to accoutre themselves as Soldiers, and their Affairs suffer considerably by the Time necessarily employed in acquiring a Knowledge of the military Art, very many of their Countrymen, who have not associated, are entirely free from these Inconveniences; they conceive that where the Liberty of all is at Stake, every Man should assist in its Support, and that where the Cause is common, and the Benefits derived from an Opposition are universal, it is not consonant to Justice or Equity that the Burdens should be partial. The Committee therefore would submit it to the Wisdom of the House, whether, at this Time of general Distress and Danger, some Plan should not be devised to oblige the Assistance of every Member of the Community; but as there are some Persons, who, from their religious Principles, are scrupulous of the Lawfulness of bearing Arms, this Committee, from a tender Regard to the Consciences of such, would venture to propose that their Contributions to the common Cause should be pecuniary, and for that Purpose a Rate or Assessment be laid on their Estates equivalent to the Expence and Loss of Time incurred by the Associators. A Measure of this Kind appears to be founded on the Principles of impartial Justice, calculated to appease the Complaints which have been made, likely to give general Satisfaction, and be of Course beneficial to the great Cause we are engaged in.
Your Committee beg Leave to represent, that it will be necessary to appoint a Commodore or Commander in Chief of the armed Boats, which has been delayed hitherto out of Respect to your Honourable House. Signed by Order of the Committee,
B. Franklin, President.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to a Friend in London, [3 October? 1775]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

[October 3?, 1775.]
Tell our good friend, Dr. P——e, not to be in any pains for us, (because I remember he had his doubts) we are all firm and united. As I know he is a great calculator, I will give him some data to work upon: ministry have made a campaign here, which has cost two millions; they have gained a mile of ground; they have lost half of it back again, they have lost fifteen hundred men, and killed one hundred and fifty Yankies. In the mean time we have had between sixty and seventy thousand children born. Ask him how long it will take for England to conquer America?


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to David Hartley, 3 October 1775: extract
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hartley, David

Philadelphia, Oct. 3, 1775.
I wish as ardently as you can do for peace, and should rejoice exceedingly in co-operating with you to that end. But every ship from Britain brings some intelligence of new measures that tend more and more to exasperate; and it seems to me that until you have found by dear experience the reducing us by force impracticable, you will think of nothing fair and reasonable. We have as yet resolved only on defensive measures. If you would recall your forces and stay at home, we should meditate nothing to injure you. A little time so given for cooling on both sides would have excellent effects. But you will goad and provoke us. You despise us too much; and you are insensible of the Italian adage, that there is no little enemy. I am persuaded the body of the British people are our friends; but they are changeable, and by your lying Gazettes may soon be made our enemies. Our respect for them will proportionally diminish; and I see clearly we are on the high road to mutual enmity, hatred, and detestation. A separation will of course be inevitable. ’Tis a million of pities so fair a plan as we have hitherto been engaged in for increasing strength and empire with public felicity, should be destroyed by the mangling hands of a few blundering ministers. It will not be destroyed: God will protect and prosper it: You will only exclude yourselves from any share in it. We hear that more ships and troops are coming out. We know you may do us a great deal of mischief, but we are determined to bear it patiently as long as we can; but if you flatter yourselves with beating us into submission, you know neither the people nor the country.
The congress is still sitting, and will wait the result of their last petition.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Joseph Priestley, 3 October 1775: extract
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Priestley, Joseph

Dear Sir,
Philadelphia, 3d Octob. 1775.
I am to set out to-morrow for the camp, and having but just heard of this opportunity, can only write a line to say that I am well and hearty. Tell our dear good friend . . ., who sometimes has his doubts and despondencies about our firmness, that America is determined and unanimous; a very few tories and placemen excepted, who will probably soon export themselves. Britain, at the expence of three millions, has killed 150 Yankies this campaign, which is £20,000 a head; and at Bunker’s Hill she gained a mile of ground, half of which she lost again by our taking post on Ploughed Hill. During the same time 60,000 children have been born in America. From these data his mathematical head will easily calculate the time and expence necessary to kill us all, and conquer our whole territory. My sincere respects to . . ., and to the club of honest whigs at.. . . Adieu. I am ever Yours most affectionately,
B. F.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Strahan, 4 October 1775
From: Strahan, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

London October 4. 1775.
Though I have nothing new to communicate yet as this is the last regular Packett that is to sail from hence for some time at least, I do not choose to let it go without dropping you a Line. I see with Concern that you have accepted of the Place of Postmaster from the Congress, a Step of itself which sufficiently indicates your Opinion, that a Separation will take Place; the Consequences of which, sagacious as you are, you yourself cannot foresee in their full Extent. That a Separation has long been meditated and intended by some People on your Side the Water appears now to a Demonstration, from the great Preparations that have been made for it, from the gross Misrepresentations of your Committees of Correspondence of what is done on this Side (particularly a long circular Letter in the Carolina Gazette of the 18. July, which now lies before me) from the violent and arbitrary Measures that are taken to compel People to sign your Associations, and from the unwarrantable Persecution of all those who hesitate or refuse, or who discover the least Symptoms of Attachment to the British Government. It was indeed no difficult Matter for You to prophecy in the year 1769. much of what has since happened, as you had it so much in your own Power to fulfill that Prophecy. But I am greatly afraid you have carried Things too far, and I am persuaded you will find it so ere long. You are now, I am very sorry to see it, in the Evening of Life embark’d in the. most arduous, most dangerous and most uncertain Task that ever Man engaged in, where Difficulties will of course succeed Difficulties; where various Interests will clash against one another, perhaps unseen; where the Humours of a great Body of People are to be attended to, and if possible, reconciled to the great Plan of Operations; and where the Ambition of a single Individual may, at length, in one Moment overturn that System of Liberty you are now contending. All these you may say are the idle Fears of a Man who has not Judgment or Capacity of Mind to judge of so vast an Undertaking. It may be so, and therefore I shall not trouble you farther upon the Subject than just to tell you once more after all that is past, that I am still of Opinion, that the Ministry of this Country was never disposed to fleece or oppress you, that this unnatural Civil War has been chiefly, if not wholly, occasioned by our wicked Factions at Home, whose Struggles for Places and Power have by degrees carried them such daring Lengths, as have induced and encouraged you to encrease your Demands much beyond what you at first dreamt of. I know not whether you now consider the present Temper of this Country, or indeed deem it worth your Consideration. If however it should turn out that they are unanimous in carrying on this unhappy Contest with the utmost Vigour (as I am apt to think they will) your Labour will be greatly encreased; and even if you should finally prevail, that may not happen till your Country has suffered more than half a Century can recover. In short I see no End to the Publick Calamities attending this Quarrel, tho’ your present Unanimity may seem to you to promise a speedy Issue to the Dispute.
I have lately seen many worthy Men who have been forced to abandon their Homes in almost every part of the Continent, to avoid Confinement, Confiscation of Goods, and even Corporal Punishment. These are uniform and consistent in their Accounts of the Tyranny and Oppression of the leading Powers with you, and give a most lively and striking Picture of the Miseries of Anarchy which every where prevails among you, to which any Form of Government (almost) is infinitely preferable. How to quell that domineering Spirit among those who are now invested with the Reins of Government, or to wrest the Sword out of the Hands of the Military when the Business is done, Hic Labor, hoc Opus est, and is in my Mind one of the greatest Difficulties that now lie before you.

I own I never thought of seeing what I now see, or that Things would come to this pass. You have doubtless weighed every possible Event in your Mind, with all the Consequences that can possibly follow, otherwise you had not at this late Hour of the Day, personally embarked in the Cause, instead of passing the Remainder of your Days in the Exercise of those Studies, and in the Company of such Men, as best suit your Philosophical Turn of Mind. I own I wish your great Talents had found other Employment. But Dis aliter visum est, and there is at present no Remedy. When the Parliament meets, I shall probably send you some Account of their Proceedings, if Opportunity offers; but perhaps you are now upon the Brink of disregarding every Thing that passes here, and think no more of being guided by any of their Determinations. However you may depend on hearing from me, as I do on hearing from you, when you have Time to write, and when you think it can eventually answer any good Purpose. I am sorry to differ from you, toto cælo, in this great Political Dispute; but I can nevertheless subscribe myself with great Truth, Dear Sir, Your affectionate humble Servant
Will: Strahan
To Dr. Franklin,Copy.

Docketed: London October 4 1775. Copy of a Letter from Will: Strahan Esqr to Dr. Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Richard Bache, 19[–24] October 1775
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Bache, Richard

Dear Son
Cambridge Head Quarters, Oct. 19 [-24]. 1775.
We hear you have had an Alarm at Philada. I hope no ill consequences have attended it. I wonder I had no Line from you. I make no doubt of our People’s defending their City and Country bravely, on the most trying Occasions.
I hear nothing yet of Mr. Goddard, but suppose he is on the Road. I suppose we shall leave this Place next Week. I shall not return in Company with the other Delegates, as I must call for my Sister, and we shall hardly be able to travel so fast, but I expect to be at Philada within a few Days of them.
There has been a plentiful Year here as well as with us: And there are as many chearful Countenances among those who are driven from House and Home at Boston or lost their All at Charlestown, as among other People. Not a Murmur has yet been heard, that if they had been less zealous in the Cause of Liberty they might still have enjoy’d their Possessions. For my own Part tho’ I am for the most prudent Parsimony of the publick Treasure, I am not terrified by the Expence of this War, should it continue ever so long. A little more Frugality, or a little more Industry in Individuals will with Ease defray it. Suppose it £100,000 a Month or £1,200,000 a Year: If 500,000 Families will each spend a Shilling a Week less, or earn a Shilling a Week more; or if they will spend 6 pence a Week less and earn 6 pence a Week more, they may pay the whole Sum without otherwise feeling it. Forbearing to drink Tea saves three fourths of the Money; and 500,000 Women doing each threepence Worth of Spinning or Knitting in a Week will pay the rest.
   *How much more then may be done by the superior Frugality and Industry of the Men?
I wish nevertheless most earnestly for Peace, this War being a truly unnatural and mischievous one: but we have nothing to expect from Submission but Slavery, and Contempt. I am ever Your affectionate Father
B F
Love to dear Sally and the Children.

P.S. Oct. 24. We purpose setting out homewards tomorrow. Here is a fine healthy Army, wanting nothing but some Improvement in its Officers, which is daily making.
This Letter should have gone by last Post, but was left by Accident. You may publish the Part of it that is mark’d mentioning no Name. We have just receiv’d Advice of the burning of Falmouth Casco Bay; and are assur’d that Orders are come over to burn, ravage and destroy all the Sea Coast; such is the Government of the best of Princes! If the People of Philadelphia, to be more at their Ease in defending the City should think fit to remove their Families, and some of their Goods, do you after taking Care of Sally and the Children, remember to secure my Account Books and Writings which are in the Glass Desk and two Trunks in my Library. I hope too that the Library may be sav’d; but we must run all Risques, that being to bulky to be remov’d.

Addressed: To / Mr Richard Bache / Postmaster / Philadelphia