Title: From Benjamin Franklin to the Massachusetts House of Representatives, 7 July 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Massachusetts House of Representatives

By forwarding the Hutchinson letters Franklin had jeopardized his position in London; by writing this one he exposed himself, without knowing it, to eventual prosecution. The letter was addressed to the Speaker but intended for the House, where it was not read until January, 1774. Long before that, however, its contents became known.
The point of the letter was that the quarrel with the mother country was coming to a crisis and the time for restraint was past. The King’s ministers were by now so thoroughly antagonized, Franklin argued, that they would never voluntarily redress American grievances. The argument was questionable, for Dartmouth at the time did have in mind a number of conciliatory moves. But Franklin either did not know of them or ignored them as trivial. He called for a united front of all the colonies, whether achieved by a continental congress or other means, to compel Britain to recognize American rights. The impact of his letter came from this endorsement of a congress.
“The hint of a Congress is nothing new,” Hutchinson wrote Dartmouth in September; “it is what they have been aiming at the two last Sessions of the General Court. …” Their agitation was due largely to receipt of the Virginia resolves, and by summer was being actively promoted through intercolonial correspondence. Dartmouth’s conciliatory proposals could not survive such a congress, the Governor realized, but opposition to it in the House of Representatives had been strong. Then Franklin’s letter arrived. The next meeting of the House, Hutchinson reported, was now likely to endorse a congress. “The plausibility with which it is recommended by their Agent will I think make many converts and my chief hopes are that many of the other Colonies will not join if the proposal should be made by this.”
Part of Franklin’s letter was condensed and reworked, with a change of emphasis, in a paragraph of the Boston Gazette of Sept. 27, 1773. In October Hutchinson obtained a copy of the entire document and sent it to Dartmouth. Franklin believed that there was nothing treasonable in any of his communications to Massachusetts, but about this one the American Secretary thought otherwise. In June, 1774, he instructed the Governor’s successor, General Gage, to obtain the original so that Franklin might be prosecuted. The manuscript was not found. Cushing, unlike whoever had started Hutchinson’s letters on their way to publicity, kept Franklin’s to himself; after reading them to the House, Gage reported, he “puts them in his Pocket as his own private Correspondence.” That pocket turned out to be private enough to protect the agent.

Sir,
London, July 7. 1773
The Parliament is at length prorogu’d without meddling with the State of America. Their Time was much employ’d in East India Business: and perhaps it was not thought prudent to lay before them the Advices from New England, tho’ some threatning Intimations had been given of such an Intention. The King’s firm Answer (as it is called) to our Petitions and Remonstrances, has probably been judged sufficient for the present. I forwarded that Answer to you by the last Packet, and sent a Copy of it by a Boston Ship the beginning of last Month. Therein we are told “that his Majesty has well weighed the Subject matter, and the Expressions contain’d in those Petitions; and that as he will ever attend to the humble Petitions of his Subjects, and be forward to redress every real Grievance so he is determined to support the Constitution, and resist with Firmness every Attempt to derogate from the Authority of the supreme Legislature.”
By this it seems that, some Exception is taken to the Expressions of the Petitions as not sufficiently humble; that the Grievances complain’d of are not thought real Grievances; that Parliament is deem’d the Supreme Legislature, and its Authority over the Colonies, suppos’d to be the Constitution. Indeed this last Idea is express’d more fully in the next Paragraph, where the Words of the Act are us’d, declaring the Right of the Crown with the Advice of Parliament, to make Laws of sufficient Force and Validity to bind its Subjects in America in all Cases whatsoever.
When one considers the King’s Situation, surrounded by Ministers, Councellors, and Judges learned in the Law, who are all of this Opinion; and reflect how necessary it is for him to be well with his Parliament, from whose yearly Grants his Fleets and Armies are to be supported, and the Deficiencies of his Civil List supplied, it is not to be wondered at that he should be firm in an Opinion establish’d as far as an Act of Parliament could establish it, by even the Friends of America at the Time they repeal’d the Stamp-Act; and which is so generally thought right by his Lords and Commons, that any Act of his, countenancing the contrary, would hazard his embroiling himself with those Powerful Bodies. And from hence it seems hardly to be expected from him that [he] should take any Step of that kind. The grievous Instructions indeed might be withdrawn without their observing it, if his Majesty thought fit so to do; but under the present Prejudices of all about him, it seems that this is not yet likely to be advised.
The Question then arises, How are we to obtain Redress? If we look back into the Parliamentary History of this Country, we shall find that in similar Situations of the Subjects here, Redress could seldom be obtained but by withholding Aids when the Sovereign was in Distress, till the Grievances were removed. Hence the rooted Custom of the Commons to keep Money Bills intirely in their own Disposition, not suffering even the Lords to meddle in Grants, either as to Quantity, Manner of raising, or even in the smallest Circumstance. This Country pretends to be collectively our Sovereign. It is now deeply in debt. Its Funds are far short of recovering their Par since the last War: Another would distress it still more. Its People diminish as well as its Credit. Men will be wanted as well as Money. The Colonies are rapidly increasing in Wealth and Numbers. In the last War they maintained an Army of 25000. A Country able to do that is no contemptible Ally. In another War they may do perhaps twice as much with equal Ease. Whenever a War happens, our Aid will be wish’d for, our Friendship desired and cultivated, our Good will courted: Then is the Time to say, Redress our Grievances. You take Money from us by Force, and now you ask it of voluntary Grant. You cannot have it both Ways. If you chuse to have it without our Consent, you must go on taking it that way and be content with what little you can so obtain. If you would have our free Gifts, desist from your Compulsive Methods, acknowledge our Rights, and secure our future Enjoyment of them. Our Claims will then be attended to, and our Complaints regarded. By what I perceiv’d not long since when a War was apprehended with Spain, the different Countenance put on by some Great Men here towards those who were thought to have a little Influence in America, and the Language that began to be held with regard to the then Minister for the Colonies, I am confident that if that War had taken place he would have been immediately dismiss’d, all his Measures revers’d, and every step taken to recover our Affection and procure our Assistance. Thence I think it fair to conclude that similar Effects will probably be produced by similar Circumstances.
But as the Strength of an Empire depends not only on the Union of its Parts, but on their Readiness for United Exertion of their common Force: And as the Discussion of Rights may seem unseasonable in the Commencement of actual War; and the Delay it might occasion be prejudicial to the common Welfare. As likewise the Refusal of one or a few Colonies, would not be so much regarded if the others granted liberally, which perhaps by various Artifices and Motives they might be prevailed on to do; and as this want of Concert would defeat the Expectation of general Redress that otherwise might be justly formed; perhaps it would be best and fairest, for the Colonies in a general Congress now in Peace to be assembled, or by means of the Correspondence lately proposed after a full and solemn Assertion and Declaration of their Rights, to engage firmly with each other that they will never grant aids to the Crown in any General War till those Rights are recogniz’d by the King and both Houses of Parliament; communicating at the same time to the Crown this their Resolution. Such a Step I imagine will bring the Dispute to a Crisis; and whether our Demands are immediately comply’d with, or compulsory Means are thought of to make us Rescind them, our Ends will finally be obtain’d, for even th[e odiu]m accomp[anyin]g such [compulsory] Attempts [will contribute to unite and strengthen us,] and in the mean time all the World will allow that our Proceeding has been honourable.
No one doubts the Advantage of a strict Union between the Mother Country and the Colonies, if it may be obtain’d and preserv’d on equitable Terms. In every fair Connection each Party should find its own Interest. Britain will find hers in our joining with her in every War she makes to the greater Annoyance and Terror of her Enemies; in our Employment of her Manufacturers, and Enriching of her Merchants by our Commerce; and her Government will feel some additional Strengthening of its Hands, by the Disposition of our profitable Posts and Places. On our side, we have to expect the Protection she can afford us; and the Advantage of a common Umpire in our Disputes thereby preventing Wars we might otherwise have with each other, so that we can without Interruption go on with our Improvements and increase our Numbers. We ask no more of her, and she should not think of forcing more from us. By the Exercise of prudent Moderation on her part, mix’d with a little Kindness; and by a decent Behaviour on ours, excusing where we can excuse from a Consideration of Circumstances, and bearing a little, with the Infirmities of her Government as we would with those of an aged Parent, tho’ firmly asserting our Privileges, and declaring that we mean at a proper time to vindicate them, this advantageous Union may still be long continued. We wish it, and we may endeavour it, but God will order it as to his Wisdom shall seem most suitable. The Friends of Liberty here, wish we may long preserve it on our side the Water, that they may find it there if adverse Events should destroy it here. They are therefore anxious and afraid lest we should hazard it by premature Attempts in its favour. They think we may risque much by violent Measures, and that the Risque is unnecessary, since a little Time must infallibly bring us all we demand or desire, and bring it us in Peace and Safety. I do not presume to advise. There are many wiser Men among you, and I hope you will be directed by a still superior Wisdom.
With regard to the Sentiments of People in general here concerning America, I must say that we have among them many Friends and Well-wishers. The Dissenters are all for us, and many of the Merchants and Manufacturers. There seems to be even among the Country Gentlemen a general Sense of our growing Importance, a Disapprobation of the harsh Measures with which we have been treated, and a Wish that some Means may be found of perfect Reconciliation. A few Members of Parliament in both Houses, and perhaps some in high Office have in a Degree the same Ideas, but none of these seem willing as yet to be active in our favour, lest Adversaries should take Advantage and charge it upon them as a Betraying the Interests of this Nation. In this State of things, no Endeavours of mine or our other Friends here “to obtain a Repeal of the Acts so oppressive to the Colonists or the Orders of the Crown so destructive of the Charter [rights] of our Province in particular,” can expect a sudden [succe]ss. By degrees and a judicious Improvement of Events [we may] work a Change in Minds and Measures, but otherwise such great Altera[tions are] hardly to be look’d for.
I am thankful to the House for the Mark of their kind Attention in repeating their Grant to me of Six Hundred Pounds. Whether the Instruction restraining the Governor’s Assent is withdrawn or not, or is likely to be I cannot tell, having never solicited or even once mention’d it to Lord Dartmouth, being resolved to owe no Obligation on that Account to the Favour of any Minister. If from a Sense of Right, that Instruction should be recall’d and the general Principle on which it was founded is given up, all will be very well: but you can never think it worth while to employ an Agent here if his being paid or not is to depend on the Breath of a Minister, and I should think it a Situation too suspicious and therefore too dishonourable for me to remain in a single Hour. Living frugally I am under no immediate Necessity; and if I serve my Constituents faithfully tho’ it should be unsuccessfully I am confident they will always have it in their Inclination and sometime or other in their Power to make their Grants effectual.
A Gentleman of our Province, Capt. Calef, is come hither as an Agent for some of the Eastern Townships to obtain a Confirmation of their Lands. Sir Francis Bernard seems inclin’d to make Use of this Person’s Application for promoting a Separation of that Country from your Province and making it a distinct Government, to which purpose he prepared a Draft of a Memorial for Calef to present setting forth not only the hardship of being without Security in the Property of their Improvements, but also the Distress of the People there for want of Government, that they were at too great a Distance from the Seat of Government in the Massachusetts to be capable of receiving the Benefits of Government from thence, and expressing their Willingness to be separated, and form’d into a new Province, &c. With this Draft Sir Francis and Mr. Calef came to me to have my Opinion. I read it, and observ’d to them that tho’ I wish’d the People quieted in their Possessions and would do any thing I could to assist in obtaining the Assurance of their Property, yet as I knew the Province of the Massachusetts had a Right to that Country, of which they were justly tenacious, I must oppose that part of the Memorial if it should be presented. Sir Francis allow’d the Right, but propos’d that a great Tract of Land between Merrimack and Connecticut Rivers which had been allotted to Newhampshire might be restord to our Province by order of the Crown, as a Compensation. This he said would be of more Value to us than that Eastern Country, as being nearer home, &c. I said I would mention it in my Letters, but must in the mean time oppose any Step taken in the Affair before the Sentiments of the General Court should be known as to such an Exchange if it were offer’d. Mr. Calef himself did not seem fond of the Draft, and I have not seen him, or heard any thing farther of it since, but I shall watch it.

Be pleased to present my dutiful Respects to the House, and believe me, with sincere and great Esteem, Sir, Your most obedient and most humble Servant.
B Franklin
Thos Cushing Esqr


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jane Mecom, 7 July 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Mecom, Jane

Dear Sister,
London, July 7. 1773.
I believe it is long since I have written any Letters to you. I hope you will excuse it. I am oppress’d with too much Writing, and am apt to postpone when I presume upon some Indulgence.
I received duly yours of Jan. 19. Apr. 20. May 5 and May 15.
Our Relations Jenkins and Paddock came to see me. They seem to be clever sensible Men.
Is there not a little Affectation in your Apology for the Incorrectness of your Writing? Perhaps it is rather fishing for Commendation. You write better, in my Opinion, than most American Women. Here indeed the Ladies write generally with more Elegance than the Gentlemen.
By Capt. Hatch went a Trunk containing the Goods you wrote for. I hope they will come safe to hand and please. Mrs. Stevenson undertook the Purchasing them with great Readiness and Pleasure. Teasdale, whom you mention as selling cheap, is broke and gone. Perhaps he sold too cheap. But she did her best.
I congratulate you on the Marriage of your Daughter. My Love to them. I am oblig’d to good Dr. Cooper for his Prayers.
Your Shortness of Breath might perhaps be reliev’d by eating Honey with your Bread instead of Butter, at Breakfast.
Young Hubbard seems a sensible Boy, and fit, I should think for a better Business than the Sea. I am concern’d to hear of the Illness of his good Mother.

If Brother John had paid that Bond, there was no Occasion to recal it for you to pay it; for I suppose he might have had Effects of our Fathers to pay it with. I never heard how it was managed. Mrs. Stevenson presents her Respects, and I am ever Your affectionate Brother
B Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jonathan Williams, Sr., 7 July 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Williams, Jonathan Sr.

Dear Cousin,
London, July 7, 1773.
In looking over your Letters I find in that of Nov. 12, mention of a Prize of £20 which you have drawn. It never came into my Hands, and I cannot find that Smith, Wright and Gray know any thing of it. If I knew the No. of the Ticket, I could enquire farther.
I am much obliged by your Care in Hall’s Affair and glad you have recovered so much of that Debt, and are likely to get the rest. I hope it will be of Service to my dear Sister. The Goods for her were sent per Capt. Hatch, in a Trunk consign’d to you.
I wish you Success in your new Plan of Business, and shall certainly embrace every Opportunity I may have of promoting it.
Upon your Recommendation I went to see the black Poetess and offer’d her any Services I could do her. Before I left the House, I understood her Master was there and had sent her to me but did not come into the Room himself, and I thought was not pleased with the Visit. I should perhaps have enquired first for him; but I had heard nothing of him. And I have heard nothing since of her. My Love to Cousin Grace and your Children; I am Your affectionate Uncle,
B Franklin
Jonathan Williams, Esq.

Addressed: To / Jonathan Williams, Esqr / Mercht / Boston


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jonathan Williams, Jr., 7 July 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Williams, Jonathan Jr.

Dear Jonathan,
London, July 7, 1773.
I rejoiced to learn by yours of Dec. 26, that your Business went on so prosperously, and that you keep Touch so well with my good Neighbour Mr. Warren. I think that by persisting steadily in your Plan, you will find the Profits encrease yearly, and become at length very considerable. And all along you will have the Satisfaction of doing your Business with Ease and Safety.
Henry’s Father and Mother, were at first very unhappy about their naughty Boy, but are now better Satisfied. He was certainly unfit for you; I hope he will do better in the Business you have provided for him. It will be good in you to keep an Eye over him, and advise him, and countenance him as far as he may deserve it.
I shall be glad if I can be serviceable to your Father in the Commission way. I delivered your Letter to Miss Barwell. She retains a great Regard for you and desires me to tell you, that it would give her Pleasure to have any Opportunity of serving you: but that it is not likely any East India Ships will be sent to America; and I cannot learn that the Company ever consign Goods there: but shall enquire farther.
Mrs. Stevenson, Mr. and Mrs. Hewson and Miss Dolly Blount are all well, and desire to be kindly remembered to you. Mrs. Hewson has now two fine Boys. I am ever, Your affectionate Uncle,
B Franklin

Pray make some Enquiry after Mr. Cowan, and get the enclos’d Letter to his Hands if you can.
Jonathan Williams, Junr.

Addressed: To / Mr Jonathan Williams, junr. / Mercht / Boston
Endorsed: Letter from doctr Franklin July 7—1773


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Alexander Colden, 7 July 1773: résumé
From: Colden, Alexander
To: Franklin, Benjamin

<General Post Office, New York, July 7, 1773: Has received Franklin’s letter of April 7 by the Lord Hyde, packet, and is glad to know that the accounts sent on March 3 have arrived; had hoped to hear by the Duke, packet, that they had been approved, but did not. Encloses Willing & Morris’s second Bill on Harris [Herries] & Co. for £15; the first went by the Mercury, packet, on June 2. Also encloses the following first bills: Archimedes Georges on Curtis & Lovell, merchants of Bristol, for £113 sterling in favor of John Bours, endorsed by him and Thomas Vernon; and Captain Norris Goddard on Anthony Todd for £69 in favor of Colden.
His father, who visited him last Monday, “Continues to Enjoy a Surprising State of health and flow of Spirits,” and joins with him and David and Mrs. Colden in sending sincere compliments.>


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from George Morgan, 8 July 1773
From: Morgan, George
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Philada. July 8th 1773
The Cause only can sufficiently appologise for the hasty Letter which I took the Liberty to trouble you with the 4th or 5th of last May, which with the one I inclosed for my Partner Mr. Samuel Wharton I hope came safe to your Hands. In a Matter so interesting, I am assured that your Humanity will plead my Excuse.

It would take up too much of your Time to descend into the Particulars of Mr. Whartons Treatment of Mr. Baynton, who as he was himself a Stranger to Deceit, placed the most implicit Confidence in Mr. Wharton, who has not only betrayd his Trust in many Instances, but insultingly laugh’d at the Weakness of those who reposed it to him. This is aggravated from the Consideration of Mr. Whartons Ingratitude, which can only be equal’d by his Vanity and Cunning. I pray of you Sir to excuse this Warmth of Expression. They are serious Truths and I feel most sensibly the Effects thereof, in the Loss of one of the best of Friends.
Should Mr. [Wharton] be in England on Receipt hereof, permit me to beg the favour of you to give him the Perusal of it, and a Copy if he desires it, And that you will in behalf of Mr. Bayntons distress’d and numerous Orphans, receive from Mr. Wharton such Instrument of Writing as he will condescend to give, declarative of (what he has ever studiously secreted from Mr. Baynton Viz) how far or what share he is interested in Mr. Whartons Negociations or Acquisitions in England. Our different numerous Letters to him (which I beg he will allow you to peruse) particularly mine dated Novr. 1769 Novr. 22d. 1771 Jany 3d and 13th, April 27th, May 17 (left open by Capt. Falconer) and Novr. 2d. 1772 and February 1st. 1773, will fully explain our Demands on this Head, None of which he has ever deign’d to reply to in an explicit Manner.
I would wish to avoid all Disputes and Difficulties with Mr. Wharton. Had he acted as a Man of honour or even common honesty, there would never have been any between Us.
Inclosed is an Extract of a Letter dated Novr. 27th 1769 from the worthy late Dr. Evans to Mr. Wharton which had he seriously consider’d and candidly complied with, Mr. Baynton would have been this day alive and in perfect Health.

Should you be able to obtain any Satisfaction from Mr. Wharton you will confer a lasting Obligation on all Mr. Bayntons Friends and particularly on Dear Sir Your most Obedient and most humble Servant
G M
To Benja. Franklin Esqr.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to a Committee of the Managers of the Philadelphia Silk Filature, 14 July 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Managers of the Philadelphia Silk Filature

Gentlemen,
London, July 14. 1773
Inclos’d is the Broker’s Account of Sales of the last Silk, Accounts of Charges, and my Account Current. The Price is not so high as we might have expected if the Ruin of Paper Credit here had not occasioned such a Scarcity of Currency as put a Stop to a Great Part of the Silk Business as well as other Businesses that were carried on by Credit beyond their natural Bounds. Two Months Time was given to the Buyers, and I have now received the Money. You may therefore draw for the Ballance of the Account £210 10s. 5½d. on me, or in Case of my Absence on Browns & Collinson, Bankers, with whom I shall leave an Order to honour your Bill. I hear by several Hands that our Silk is in high Credit; we may therefore hope for rising Prices, the Manufacturers being at first doubtful of a new Commodity, not knowing till Trial has been made how it will work. I most cordially wish Success to your generous and Noble Undertaking, believing it likely to prove of great Service to our Country, and am, with great Esteem, Gentlemen, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
Messrs Abel James and Benja Morgan

Addressed: To / Messrs Abel James and Benja. Morgan / at / Philadelphia / Per Capt. All
Endorsed: Letter from B Franklin dated 14th. July 1773 inclosg Acct. Sales of Silk and his Acct. Current
Copied on the Minutes


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Foxcroft, 14 July 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Foxcroft, John

Dear Friend,
London, July 14. 1773.
I received yours of June 7. and am glad to find by it that you are safely return’d from your Virginia Journey, having settled your Affairs there to Satisfaction, and that you found your Family well at New York.
I feel for you in the Fall you had out of your Chair. I have had three of those Squelches in different Journeys, and never desire a fourth.
I do not think it was without Reason that you continu’d so long one of St. Thomas’s Disciples; for there was always some Cause for doubting. Some People always ride before the Horses Head. The Draft of the Patent is at length got into the Hands of the Attorney General, who must approve the Form before it passes the Seals. So one would think much more time can scarce be required to compleat the Business: But ’tis good not to be too sanguine. He may go into the Country; and the Privy Councellors likewise; and some Months pass before they get together again. Therefore if you have any Patience, use it.

I suppose Mr. Finlay will be some time at Quebec in settling his Affairs. By the next Packet, you will receive a Draft of Instructions for him.
In mine of Dec. 2. upon the Post Office Accounts, to Apr. 1772 I took Notice to you, that I observed I had full Credit for my Salary, but no Charge appear’d against me for Money paid on my Account to Mrs. Franklin from the Philadelphia Office. I supposed the Thirty Pounds Currency per Month was regularly paid, because I had had no Complaint from her for want of Money: and I expected to find the Charge in the Accounts of the last Year, that is to Ap. 5. 1773. But nothing of it appearing there, I am at a loss to understand it, and you take no Notice of my Observation above mention’d. The great Ballance due from that Office begins to be remark’d here, and I should have thought the Officer would for his own sake not have neglected to lessen it, by showing what he had paid on my Account. Pray, my dear Friend, explain this to me.
I find by yours to Mr. Todd, that you expected soon another little One. God send my Daughter a good Time, and you a Good Boy. Mrs. Stevenson is pleas’d with your Remembrance of her, and joins with Mr. and Mrs. Hewson and my self in best Wishes for you and yours. I am, ever, Yours affectionately
B Franklin
Mr FoxcroftPer Capt Osborne


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Franklin, 14 July 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, William

This letter has hitherto been published only in an extract, which omitted a long section at the beginning and a somewhat shorter one at the end. The beginning is of particular interest, because in it Franklin discussed his view of settlers’ rights, as opposed to the rights of the crown, in land acquired from the Indians. That view came extremely close to denying royal sovereignty.
The starting point of his discussion was a legal opinion that applied to India. In 1757 a petition from the East India Company raised the question of title to land that the Company had conquered in Bengal, and evoked an opinion from Attorney General Pratt, later Lord Camden, and Solicitor General Yorke. The lawyers distinguished between two kinds of territory, that acquired by conquest, in which the crown had both sovereignty and title to the land, and that acquired by peaceful cession, in which the crown was sovereign but did not have proprietary rights. The critical sentence that applied to the second kind was as follows: “In respect to such places as have been, or shall be acquired by treaty, or grant from the Mogul, or any of the Indian Princes, or governments, Your Majesty’s letters patent are not necessary, the property of the soil vesting in the Company by the Indian grants, subject only to Your Majesty’s right of sovereignty over the settlements, as English settlements, and over the inhabitants, as English subjects, who carry with them Your Majesty’s laws, whenever they form colonies, and receive Your Majesty’s protection, by virtue of Your Royal Charters.”
This sentence was later applied to American Indians. It was legally applicable, however, only on two conditions: first, that the tribal hunting grounds were not conquered territory; second, that the tribes were analogous to Indian princes in possessing full sovereignty, so that they might cede their lands to the king’s subjects by treaty. Neither condition had a sound basis in law. The first one ignored the background, for the lands in question were conquered because the French had surrendered them in the Peace of Paris; the second one flew in the face of the accepted doctrine that savages might cede only to the king. But speculators ignored such niceties. The publication of the book Franklin mentions by Willem Bolts, in March, 1772, brought the opinion and its tempting sentence into public view. On April 1, 1772, some one, perhaps William Trent, “copied” the critical sentence and doctored it to make it seem more applicable to American Indians. It was sent across the Atlantic and taken to the Illinois country, where speculators used it in negotiating for a large cession that the Indians eventually made to the Illinois Land Company; and by the spring of 1773 the doctored opinion was also circulating on the eastern seaboard. William Franklin must have obtained a copy, wondered how the speculators were using it, and enclosed it in his missing letter of April 5. His father remarked that the document contained “some small variations” from the original, with which he was obviously familiar. He seems to have taken for granted that the opinion, in whatever form, applied to America.
In that case it provided a legal buttress for the view that he had long held in private and, as this letter makes clear, had expressed to Samuel Wharton as early as 1769. When colonists acquired land from the Indians, he believed, they held it as their own with no obligation to the crown. But since 1769 his thinking, as he said, had gone considerably beyond that of the lawyers—and, as he did not say, beyond that of many Americans who were not lawyers at all. He now propounded the thesis that such acquisition of land gave the settlers three options: to remain under the king’s sovereignty, to accept that of the Indians, or to create by right of purchase a state of their own. He accepted what he took to be the Pratt-Yorke opinion as it applied to land title, in other words, and rejected its premise that the crown remained sovereign.

Dear Son,
London, July 14. 1773.
I received yours of April 5. and suppose I must have answered it, tho’ I find no such Answer in my Letter Book. I shall now however just take Notice of some Passages.
The Opinion of Pratt and Yorke when Attorney and Sollicitor General is undoubtedly a good One, so far as it allows the Indian Power of Grant in their own Lands. It has been lately printed here at large in Bolts’s Book on Indian Affairs. There are some small variations in your Extract. I gave the same Opinion to Mr. Wharton when he arrived here with respect to the Retribution Grant, and advised his not applying for a Confirmation, which I thought not only unnecessary, but what would be attended with infinite Delay and Difficulty thro’ the Chicane of Office. My Advice farther was to proceed immediately to sell and settle the Lands, without supposing any Occasion for such Confirmation; and he has since frequently acknowledged the Propriety of the Advice, and wished he had followed it. But he then thought Purchasers would not have been satisfy’d with the Right, and therefore fell upon the Method of Proposing the Purchase from the Crown of a large Tract in Company, that should include it, so to avoid the Question; and by reserving to all their private Rights that might be included in the great Purchase, the Property under the Retribution Grant should be secured to the Grantees. This was the Plan of our first Petition for the 2,500,000 Acres.
But my Opinion, as being somewhat of a Civilian, goes a little farther than that of those great Common Lawyers, differing also in some Respects. For I think
1. That it is the natural Right of Men to quit when they please the Society or State, and the Country in which they were born, and either join with another or form a new one as they may think proper.
The Saxons thought they had this Right when they quitted Germany and established themselves in England. And if this had not always been a Right, there could at this Day have been but one Rightful Government in the World. All the rest would be but Desertions and Sub Desertions from that One, subject to be reclaim’d and punish’d for Desertion.
2. Those who thus quit a State, quit [Submission?] to its Protection, but do not therefore become its Enemies.
[3.] If they purchase Territory in another Country, it may [be only?] on Terms of submitting to the Sovereignty and Laws before established therein or, Freedom from that Sovereignty may be purchas’d with the Land. This latter I take to be the Case[?] with respect[?] to Lands purchas’d of the Indian Nations in America.
4. If a Freedom from the Sovereignty is purchased with the Land, the Purchasers may either introduce there the Sovereignty of their former Prince, if they chuse it as needing his Protection; or they may erect a new one of their own, if they are sufficient to their own Defence.
According to these Principles I thought the Retribution Grant to the Traders good without a Confirmation here. They having a Right to take, and Government here no Right to forbid their Taking Grants from Indians of Property on which it had previously no Claim. And I think that any Englishman or Number of Englishmen may if they please purchase Lands of an Indian Nation unite with it and become Subject to its Government; or if they do not chuse that, and their Numbers be sufficient, they may, purchasing with the Lands a Freedom from Indian Authority, erect a new State of their own.
I have heard Nothing here of the Purchase you mention in the Ilinois Country: but you see from the above that I should make no question of the Validity of such Purchases. I imagine however, that since Government begins to taste the Advantage of Selling Lands in America, it will soon begin to think of monopolising them, by some Means or other, and preventing all private Purchases.
As to Mr. Wharton’s preventing your having a Share of [the] Retribution Tract, knowing nothing of your Agreement or its Foundation, I know not what to say to it. But I wonder there should be any Talk of excluding you from the Ohio Affair, having always paid up your Share of the Expences with Mr. Galloway’s and my own, for which I have Receipts under the Hands of Trent and Wharton: And I think it not in their Power.
Of late I have had very small Concern in Conducting the Business. I seldom see Mr. Wharton, and hear only by the bye what is carrying on. He is not only shy of me himself, but I suspect that thro’ his means some of my other Friends are render’d cool to me. As this however is mere Suspicion I take no Notice of it. About a Fortnight since he came to me to justify himself on Account of [an] open Letter sent to him thro’ my Hands by Mr. Morgan. He then told [me] that only a Council was wanting to be got together to refer the Gr[ant to the] Attorney General. Yesterday I met with him and [torn] at [Mr. Todd’s at?] Walthamstow, where we dined. Messrs. Walpole [torn]. He then told me that with great Difficulty he had at [last completed it?] and got the Draft into the Attorney General’s Hands. He [torn] always full of the infinite Difficulties he meets with [and his skill in?] surmounting them. Mr. Walpole afterwards told [us that the? Bu]siness was now in a fair way of being speedily concluded; and his Accounts have weight with me; as I know his Interest with the Ministry has been the principal Means of getting us thus far, and on that I most rely for getting us through. [In the margin: Tho’ Wharton’s Industry ought to be allow’d its Share.] Being in a mixt Company, we could not speak much of the Affair. It is reported that Col. Mercer is to be Governor and some other Officers are mentioned of whom I know nothing. Some of the Partners begin to see Mr. W. in an unfavourable Light, and one of them came to me to day to communicate his Doubts about the Fairness of W.’s Proceedings, of which more in my next. I shall soon begin to stir a little more in the Business, apprehending it may be of use for the common Interest of the Company.
I wonder to hear by yours of Apr. 28, that the Tea Urn was without Handles. Are there not Rings or something to lift it by? If there are, those may be covered with Cane or some what that will prevent the Heat’s passing to the Hand.
There can be nothing in the Story of a Present bought for the Indians. I must have heard of it, as our Shares of the Money would have been wanted. I am sorry that Capt. Falconer should on my Letter sell his Interest. I am sure I did not advise it, but only caution’d him against talking or thinking too sanguinely about the Affair, it being still an Uncertainty.
I wish I could have return’d with Capt. All, believing as I do, your Character of him to be a just one. But some Business will detain me till the September Packet, in which I now seriously think of Embarking. Sir J.P. had Thoughts of going to Italy; and perhaps I might have taken that Journey with him, and embark’d at Leghorn. But he is gone to Scotland.
There was more Craft than Friendship in my old Friend’s sending to purchase your Share, which you mention in yours of April 30. Perhaps I resent it as much as you do.
I know not how to explain the Conduct of Lord Dunmore in granting Lands as you say on the Kanhawa. Perhaps it is a Mistake.
I am glad to find by yours of May 4 that you have been able to assist Josiah Davenport a little; but vex’d that he and you should think of putting me upon a Solicitation which it is impossible for me to engage in. I am not upon Terms with Lord North to ask any such Favour [from him.] Displeased with something he said relating to America, I have never been at his Levees, since the first. Perhaps he has taken that amiss. For [the last week we] met occasionally at Lord Le Despencer’s, in our Return from [Oxford, w]here I had been to attend the Solemnity of his Installation, and He seem’d studiously [to avoid] speaking to me. I ought to be asham’d to say that on such [occasions] I feel myself to be as proud as any body. His Lady indeed was more [gracious. She came,] and sat down by me on the same Sopha, and condescended to enter into a Conversation with me agreably enough, as if to make me some Amends. Their Son and Daughter were with them. They staid all Night, so that we din’d, supp’d, and breakfasted together, without exchanging three Sentences. But had he ever so great a Regard for me, I could not ask that Office, trifling as it is, for any Relation of mine. And detesting as I do the whole System of American Customs, believing they will one Day bring on a Breach through the Indiscretion and Insolence of those concern’d in the Collection, I should never wish to see one so near to me engag’d in that Business. If you think him capable of acting as Deputy-Secretary, I imagine you might easily obtain that for him of Mr. Morgann. He has lately been with me, is always very complaisant, and understanding I was about returning to America, requested my Interest to obtain for him the Agency of your Province. His Friend Sir Watkin Lewes who was formerly Candidate for the same great Place, is now High Sheriff of London, and in the way of being Lord Mayor: The new Sheriffs elect, are, (could you think it?) both Americans, viz, Mr. Sayre, the New Yorker, and Mr. W. Lee, they say a Virginian, and Brother to Dr. Lee.
I now come to your last, of May 31. I send you Home’s Essays, with a little Piece on the Principles of Vegetation, and a Parcel of Magazines and Pamphlets. We are trying to get the Bellmetal Skillets, [in the margin: and if they can be had in time shall send them per this Ship,] but understand they are not much us’d here.
I am glad you stand so well with Lord Dartmouth. I [am] likewise well with him, but he never spoke to me of augmenting your Salary. He is truly a good Man, and wishes sincerely a good Understanding with the Colonies, but does not seem to have Strength equal to his Wishes. Between you and I, the late Measures have been, I suspect, very much the King’s own, and he has in some Cases a great Share of what his Friends call Firmness. Yet, by some Painstaking and proper Management, the wrong Impressions he has received may be removed, which is perhaps the only Chance America has for obtaining soon the Redress she aims at. This entirely to yourself.
And now we are among Great Folks, let me tell you a little of Lord Hillsborough. I went down to Oxford with and at the Instance of Lord Le Despencer, [who] is on all occasions very good to me, and seems of late very desirous of my Company. Mr. Todd too was there, who has some Attachment to Lord H. a[nd in] a Walk we were taking told me as a Secret that Lord H. was much chagrin’d at being out of Pla[ce, and] could never forgive me [for] “Writing that Pamphlet against his [report] about the Ohio. I assur’d him, says Mr. T. that I know you did not write [it and the consequence is, that] he thinks I know the contrary and wanted to im[pose upon him in your favour; and so I] find he is now displeas’d with me and for no other C[ause in the World. His friend] Bamber Gascoign too, says, that they well know it [was written by Dr. Franklin, who was] one of the most mischievous Men in England.” That same Day Lord H. called upon Lord L[e D. whose chamber and mine were together] in Queen’s College. I was in the Inner Room shifting, and heard his Voice, but did not then see him as he went down Stairs immediately with Lord Le Dr. who, mentioning that I was above, he return’d directly and came to me in the pleasantest Manner imaginable. “Dr. F. says he, I did not know till this Minute that you were here, and I am come back to make you my Bow! I am glad to see you at Oxford, and that you look so well, &c.” In Return for this Extravagance I complimented him on his Son’s Performance in the Theatre, tho’ indeed it was but indifferent; so that Account was settled. For as People say, when they are angry, if he strikes me, I’ll strike him again. I think sometimes it may be right to say, if he flatters me I’ll flatter him again. This is Lex Talionis, returning Offences in kind. His Son however (Lord Fairford) is a valuable young Man, and his Daughters Lady’s Mary and Charlotte most amiable young Women. My Quarrel is only with him, who of all the Men I ever met with is surely the most unequal in his Treatment of People, the most insincere, and the most wrong-headed; witness besides his various Behaviour to me, his Duplicity in encouraging us to ask for more Land, when we first ask’d only for 2,500,000 Acres, ask for enough to make a Province, were his Words, pretending to befriend our Application, then doing every thing to defeat it, and reconciling the first to the last by saying to a Friend, that he meant to defeat it from the Beginning, and that his putting us upon asking so much was with that very View, Supposing it too much to be granted. Thus, by the way, his Mortification becomes double. He has serv’d us by the very Means he meant to destroy us, and tript up his own Heels into the Bargain.
Mr. Dagge, the Solicitor, who is one of our Partners; and who begins of late to dislike Wharton for assuming to himself all Merit in every thing, and on other Accounts told me yesterday that the Pamphlet above mentioned was drawn up between Messrs. Walpole, Wharton and himself. That Wh. had a good deal of Cleverness in furnishing Facts, but was for every now and then for putting some Things in contrary to his Advice who was sure they would do harm; that persisting in his Opposition, Wharton was very uppish and peremptory with him, to a degree of Insolence. That Mr. Walpole too was offended with his Behaviour, and once angrily threw the Papers on the Floor saying he would have nothing more to do with the Business. That then Wh. was all Submission and Compliance; and so they went on. Dagge added, That he never had met with a Man who on the first Acquaintance struck him so advantageously as Wharton, but that he had now a very different Opinion of him, and was sure that if we did not take care he would chouse us all. Dagge dines with me tomorrow, and I shall hear a little more. He says, if we succeed all is owing to Walpole. I write these Things for your Information only. Keep them intirely to your self.
I will communicate your Postscript to Mr. Hopkinson. He is in the Country at present.
Mr. Elphinstone, tho’ Schoolmasters are apt to flatter the Friends of Children, was only just in speaking highly of Billy. I am much satisfied both with his Learning and Behaviour, and Elphinstone seems to value himself so much on improving him that I have hesitated about sending him to Eaton, which otherwise I should be inclin’d to do. Tho’ I every day hear Complaints of the Great Schools and even of the Universities, for the Relaxation of all Discipline, the viciousness of the Youth, and Extravagance of the Expence. Yet imagining that the Knowledge of Men is best learnt by a Boy in a Croud of Boys, a Knowledge, which, as Pope says,
Is, tho’ no Science, fairly worth the seven,
I have been strongly for sending him first to Eaton and then to Oxford. But I fear the Expence will be too great for you, as they tell me he cannot live at Eaton for less than two Hundred Pounds a Year, nor at Oxford well for less than three. Perhaps I shall take him over with me, and leave you to judge for yourself when you have seen him.
I am now working closely to prepare for the Voyage, and shall allow my self no more Country Pleasure this Summer. Several Friends have urg’d me to pass some time with them, at their Country Places, particularly Mr. Sargent, M. Fitzmaurice, Mr. Steele, and Mr. Dagge, besides the Bishop of St. Asaph and Lord Le Dr. whose kind Invitations I received on the same Day and send them to you as flattering a little my Vanity (and of course yours) to find my Company solicited by two Peers, a Spiritual and a Temporal at the same time. This too will show you that if I were dispos’d to be idle I could pass my time agreably enough; for at all their Houses every one seems desirous of contenting me. Wycomb too is quite a Paradise, and Twyford another—with more Saints in it.
I inclose you a Letter Mr. Strahan left with me to send per last Packet, but being out of Town when that was dispatch’d I omitted it. I wrote to you before, that he also begins to be suspicious of W. and is much for my Staying here; but I have too many Reasons for wishing to see home.
I shall communicate to Mr. Hopkinson what you write concerning the Mission at Trenton.
The other Day Hayne’s Son brought me the enclosed. I talked with him a little about his Expedition to New Jersey. [He] seems quite as silly as his Father, so that the Family consists [of] two Fools and a Madwoman. I understood from Lord D. that [they] had sent over an Attorney to procure the necessary Information to enable them to sue for the Estate; but this Simpleton tells me they have sent no body but Lord Dartmouth himself has sent over one Lieut. Webb, who formerly lived there, expressly on this Business, and has promised him if he succeeds that he shall have Conferment.
My eyes are tired. I am ever Your affectionate Father
B. [Franklin]

It is long since I have heard from Mr. Galloway. I purpose writing to him per Sutton.
Per Capt. Osborne or perhaps Sutton


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to George Morgan, 14 July 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Morgan, George

Sir,
London, July 14. 1773
I received yours of May 4. inclosing one for Mr. Wharton. I sent it to him, requesting that he would let me know what I should write to you upon it. He call’d upon me soon after, and assur’d me, that tho’ there had been some Misunderstanding with Regard to the Partners, [the] Aff[ection be]tween him and Mr. Baynton, [torn] thinking they could much better be settled [torn] forborn to write about, yet his Inte[ntion had invariably?] been to do every thing that should be de[cided upon? torn] as both you and Mr. B Family would be [torn.] I condole with you on the Loss of that good Man; and am Sir, Your most obedient Servant
B F
Mr MorganPer Capt. Osborne


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Benjamin Rush, 14 July 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Rush, Benjamin

Dear Sir,
London, July 14. 1773.
I received your Favour of May 1. with the Pamphlet for which I am obliged to you. It is well written. I hope in time that the Friends to Liberty and Humanity will get the better of a Practice that has so long disgrac’d our Nation and Religion.
A few Days after I receiv’d your Packet for M. Dubourg, I had an Opportunity of forwarding it to him by M. Poissonnier, a Physician of Paris, who kindly undertook to deliver it. M. Dubourg has been translating my Book into French. It is nearly printed, and he tells me he purposes a Copy for you.
I shall communicate your judicious Remark relating to Air transpir’d by Patients in putrid Diseases to my Friend Dr. Priestly. I hope that after having discover’d the Benefit of fresh and cool Air apply’d to the Sick, People will begin to suspect that possibly it may do no Harm to the Well. I have not seen Dr. Cullen’s Book: But am glad to hear that he speaks of Catarrhs or Colds by Contagion. I have long been satisfy’d from Observation, that besides the general Colds now termed Influenza’s, which may possibly spread by Contagion as well as by a particular Quality of the Air, People often catch Cold from one another when shut up together in small close Rooms, Coaches, &c. and when sitting near and conversing so as to breathe in each others Transpiration, the Disorder being in a certain State. I think too that it is the frowzy corrupt Air from animal Substances, and the perspired Matter from our Bodies, which, being long confin’d in Beds not lately used, and Clothes not lately worne, and Books long shut up in close Rooms, obtains that kind of Putridity which infects us, and occasions the Colds observed upon sleeping in, wearing, or turning over, such Beds, Clothes or Books, and not their Coldness or Dampness. From these Causes, but more from too full Living with too little Exercise, proceed in my Opinion most of the Disorders which for 100 Years past the English have called Colds. As to Dr. Cullen’s Cold or Catarrh à frigore, I question whether such an one ever existed. Travelling in our severe Winters, I have suffered Cold sometimes to an Extremity only short of Freezing, but this did not make me catch Cold. And for Moisture, I have been in the River every Evening two or three Hours for a Fortnight together, when one would suppose I might imbibe enough of it to take Cold if Humidity could give it; but no such Effect followed: Boys never get Cold by Swimming. Nor are People at Sea, or who live at Bermudas, or St. Helena, where the Air must be ever moist, from the Dashing and Breaking of Waves against their Rocks on all sides, more subject to Colds than those who inhabit Parts of a Continent where the Air is dryest. Dampness may indeed assist in producing Putridity, and those Miasms which infect us with the Disorder we call a Cold, but of itself can never by a little Addition of Moisture hurt a Body filled with watry Fluids from Head to foot.
I hope our Friend’s Marriage will prove a happy one. Mr. and Mrs. West complain that they never hear from him. Perhaps I have as much reason to complain of him. But I forgive him because I often need the same kind of Forgiveness. With great Esteem and sincere Wishes for your Welfare, I am, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
Dr. Rush

Addressed: To / Dr Rush / Philadelphia / Per Capt. Sutton
Endorsed: B. Franklin July 14 1773


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 15 July 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

My dear Child,
London, July 15. 1773
I sent you per Capt. All the last Voyage some Netting Lace of our poor Cousin’s Making in Buckinghamshire: You have not mention’d how you liked it; but I now send the Remainder.

The Silk Committee were so good as to make me a Present of 4 pound of Raw Silk. I have had it work’d up with some Addition of the same Silk into a French Grey Ducape, which is a fashionable Colour either for an old or young Woman. I therefore send it as a Present to you and Sally, understanding there is enough to make each of you a Negligée If you should rather incline to sell it, it is valued here at 6s. 6d. per Yard; but I hope you will wear it.
Desirous of making a little Room upon my Shelves, I have filled a Case with such Books as I have no present Use for, and sent it per Capt. All. There are in the Case, besides the Curtains and Gown return’d, sundry Parcels directed, which I desire Son Bache would take care to deliver; there are also two Indian Garments called Poncho’s which I desire you to lay up till my Return, and to put the Books into my Library. Enclos’d is the Dyer’s Account.
I congratulate you on Sally’s safe Delivery of another Son. I hope he will prove another Pleasure to you. My Love to her and her Children. O how I long to see you all.
I received your kind Letters of April 6. and 28, and May 15. Dr. Small often enquires how you do. Capt. Ourry is gone to Scotland. Mrs. Stevenson, Mr. and Mrs. Hewson, all present their Respects to you. I believe I told you that Mrs. Hewson has another Son. Mrs. Stevenson was all along wishing for a Granddaughter for herself and another for you. When I told her your new Grandchild was a Boy as well as hers, She says, How provoking!
Ben is an early Scholar, not yet quite four Years old. I hope he will prove a good One. I am ever, my dear Debby Your loving Husband,
B Franklin

Addressed: To / Mrs Franklin / at / Philadelphia / per / Capt All


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Joseph Smith, 15 July 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Smith, Joseph

Sir,
London, July 15. 1773
I am much obliged by your kind Care in receiving what the Assembly have been so good as to allow me. Please to
Mr Smith

[Franklin’s memorandum:] Wrote to Abel James and Govr. Franklin in Recommendation of Morris Birkbeck a Quaker who goes over to look for lands.


Title: Note on an Advertisement for Land on the Ohio River, 15 July 1773
From:
To:

The advertisement, dated July 15, 1773, and signed by George Washington at Mount Vernon, was printed in The Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser and in the Pennsylvania Gazette; it solicited applications for land grants in twenty thousand acres at the mouth of the Great Kanawha River. Its authorship has been attributed to Franklin, with no evidence but with admiration for his skill in propaganda. How Washington could have enlisted that skill, particularly when the tract in question lay within the area for which the Walpole Company was negotiating, is not explained. The attribution is a flight of fancy.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Richard Bache, 25 July 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Bache, Richard

Dear Son,
London, July 25. 1773
I wrote to you per Capt. Osborne, and have little to add, but that I had yesterday a Line from Preston expressing their Joy on the News I had communicated to them of their new Relation, that they were all well, and should write to you in a few Days via Liverpoole.

This will be delivered to you by Messrs. John Hewson and Nathaniel Norgrove, who are recommended to me as sober industrious young Men, and very ingenious in their Business of Calico or Linen Printing; I wish they may meet with Encouragement to carry it on among us, as there is a great deal of Linen worn in our Country, and a great deal of printed goes from hence. I therefore recommend them to your Civilities and Advice, as they will be quite Strangers there. I imagine some of the neighbouring Villages will suit best for them to work in, perhaps Germantown, or Derby. I am, Your affectionate Father
B Franklin
Mr Bache


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Samuel Cooper, 25 July 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Cooper, Samuel

Dear Sir,
London, July 25th. 1773.
I wrote to you on the 7th Instant pretty fully, and am since favor’d with yours of June 14.
I am much pleased with the Proposal of the Virginia Assembly, and the respectful manner in which it has been received by ours. I think it likely to produce very salutary Effects.
I am glad to know your Opinion that those Letters came seasonably and may be of publick Utility. I accompanied them with no Restriction relating to myself; My Duty to the Province as their Agent I thought required the Communication of them as far as I could; I was sensible I should make Enemies there, and perhaps might offend Government here; but those Apprehensions I disregarded. I did not expect, and hardly still expect, that my sending them could be kept a secret: But since it is so hitherto, I now wish it may continue so, because the Publication of the Letters contrary to my Engagement, has changed the Circumstances. If they serve to diminish the Influence and demolish the Power of the Parties whose Correspondence has been and would probably have continued to be so mischievous to the Interests and Rights of the Province, I shall on that Account be more easy under any Inconveniencies I may suffer, either there or here, and shall bear as well as I can the Imputation of not having taken sufficient Care to insure the Performance of my Promise.
I think Government can hardly expect to draw any future Service from such Instruments, and one would thence suppose they must soon be dismiss’d. We shall see.
I hope to be favoured with a Continuance of your Correspondence and Intelligence while I stay here; it is highly useful to me, and will be, as it always has been, pleasing every where. I am ever, Dear Sir, Your obliged and most obedient humble Servant,
B Franklin
Revd. Doctor Cooper.

Addressed: To / The Revd Doctor Cooper / Boston


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Thomas Cushing, 25 July 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Cushing, Thomas

Sir,
London, July 25. 1773.
I am favour’d with yours of June 14 and 16. the latter containing some Copies of the spirited Resolves of the Committee upon the Letters. I see from your Account of the Transaction, that you could not well prevent what was done. As to the Rumour that other Copies were come from England, I know that could not be. It was an Expedient to disengage the House. I hope the Possession of the Originals, and the Proceedings upon them will be attended with Salutary Effects to the Province, and then I shall be well pleased.
I observe what you mention, that no Person besides Dr. Cooper and one of the Committee know they came from me. I did not accompany them with any Request of being myself conceal’d; for, believing what I did to be in the Way of my Duty as Agent, tho’ I had no doubt of its giving Offence, not only to the Parties expos’d, but to Administration here, I was regardless of the Consequences. However, since the Letters themselves are now copied and printed, contrary the Promise I made, I am glad my Name has not been heard on the Occasion; and as I do not see it could be of any Use to the Publick, I now wish it may continue unknown—tho’ I hardly expect it. As to yours, you may rely on my never mentioning it, except that I may be oblig’d, perhaps, to show your Letter in my own Vindication, to that Person only who might otherwise think he had reason to blame me for Breach of Engagement.
It must surely be seen here, that after such a Detection of their Duplicity in pretending a Regard and Affection to the Province while they were undermining its Privileges, it is impossible for the Crown to make any good Use of their Services, and that it can never be for its Interest to employ Servants who are under such universal Odium. The Consequence one would think should be their Removal. But perhaps it will be to Titles, or to Pensions, if your Revenue can pay them. I am, with great Esteem, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
PrivateHonble. Thomas Cushing, Esqr


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Franklin, 25 July 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, William

Dear Son,
London, July 25. 1773
I wrote to you pretty fully per Osborne, since which I attended the Hearing at the Council Board against the Report of the Board of Trade on the Complaint of Mr. Livius. I think I sent you a Copy of the Complaint and Answer among the Pamphlets, containing also the Report. The Time was only sufficient to hear the Counsel for Govr. Wentworth and against the Report. They seem’d to make a pretty good Case of it, but there is no judging till the other side is heard, which will be next Thursday. Gilbert Francklin, whom you may remember as Partner to Anthony Bacon, is making Interest to be Governor in Case Wentworth is removed, and some of the Board of Trade are his Friends. It is doubtful what the Issue will be; but the Expence must be great to the Governor tho’ he should be continued, and Livius if he fails will be half ruined.
I paid into the Hands of Mr. Walpole yesterday Six hundred Pounds, being for Mr. Galloway’s Share, yours and mine, £200 each, which is for the Purchase-money, and the overplus towards the Charges. I enclose your Receipt. The Idea given me was that the Patent will pass the Seals in a few Days, when the Money is to be paid; but I have just now learnt from the Council Office that the Form put into the Attorney General’s Hands by Mr. Wharton, is objected to by the Attorney on Account of its making the Proprietors all joint-tenants, so that those who die will lose their Shares and the Survivors take, which the Attorney supposes could not be the Intention of the Grantees, and for these Reasons he and the Sollicitor General have return’d the Draft to the Council disapprov’d, so that there must be a new Reference, for which a Council must be got together, and that can scarce be done till the next Meeting of Parliament. Before I heard this I ask’d Maj. Trent who drew the Draft. His Answer was, it was somebody Mr. Wharton got to do it, he could not tell who. Dagge is dissatisfied that he was not consulted and thinks it should have been shown to Mr. Jackson, to him, and to all of us. Blair, Clerk of the Council, made a Remark on the Occasion a little particular. That Man, says he, speaking of Wharton, is too fine, he outwits himself. I want to see the Draft, that I may know what this meant. Keep all this to yourself.

I have sent you in Capt. Sutton a Box containing two Skillets and two small Kettles of Bellmetal, the latter being recommended here rather than Skillets, but if you don’t chuse them send them to your Sister, or one of each. The Box is fill’d up with some Pamphlets, which you may send to my House, or keep them till my Return.
There is another Box for you from Mr. Sergeant which I receiv’d with the enclos’d Note. I think he told me it was to contain a little Present of Wine. My Love to Betsey. I am ever Your affectionate Father
B F.

I shall write to Mr. Galloway per the Packet of next Week. My Respects to him.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Franklin, 29 July 1773
From: Franklin, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honoured Father,
New york July 29th. 1773
I arrived here on Monday Evening last when I had the Pleasure of receiving yours of June 2. by the Packet. I am on my Way to Albany with Mrs. Franklin, who wanted a Jaunt this Summer on Account of her Health; and I have some Business to transact there likewise.
I am surprized the Grant was not made out when you wrote. By the May Packet Wharton wrote that every Thing would be compleated so that he should certainly leave England by the End of the Month or the Beginning of June at farthest. Mr. McRabie (Neave’s Partner) has, I am told, wrote that as soon as the Grant passed the Seals, Wharton would receive as much Money for Lands in the new Colony, as would be sufficient to discharge all the Demands of Baynton & Wharton’s Creditors. And Thos. Wharton has actually paid, or agreed to pay, all the Money allowed by the Trustee for the Maintenance of Wharton’s Family during his Negotiations in England, which puzzles the Creditors to account for.

Our Chief Justice is just returned from Rhode Island, without being able to do any Thing in Execution of the Commission he went upon, as they could obtain no Evidence worth relying on. He tells me that Govr. Hutchinson is made very unhappy by the Publication of his Letters to Whately, and the consequent Treatment he has received, and talks of going to England. It is said by some that you sent the Letters over, and by others that it was Mr. Temple. I suppose it must be the latter. Govr. H. told the Chief that the Party against him [was] much elated on receiving some Letters from you [and?] you went so far as to advise them t[o be bold?] in insisting on their Independency. [But the?] Govr’s. Party, on the other hand, are or pretend to [be] in hig[h Spirits?] at the Advices they have received from England. The Govr. is gloomy and low spirited, and seems by no means pleased with his Situation.
I have not Time to add more, nor even to copy this, as the Capt. of the Sloop has just sent me Word he is waiting for me. Betsy joins in Duty with, Honoured Sir, Your ever dutiful Son
Wm. Franklin

Addressed: To / Dr. Franklin / Craven Street / London / per Packet


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Jonathan Williams, Jr., 29 July-4 August 1773
From: Williams, Jonathan Jr.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear and honoured Sir
Boston July 29 [-Aug. 4]. 1773
I was desired to send Mrs. Stevenson 6 Boxes of Sperma Ceti Candles, but as they will not admit a less quantity than 22 lbs. [?] to be shipt, was obliged to send her 9: which I have shipped on board the Lydia Capt. Hood directed to you as per the inclosed Bill of Lading. Mrs. S will appropriate the amount to the Payment of an Organ I desired you to procure for me in my last: such an one as you bought for Mrs. Foxcroft. I hope you will excuse the trouble I give you in the matter and shall be particularly obliged by your sending it as soon as it is finished. I inclose a Schedule of my account with Mr. Warren, that you may judge of my Conduct with regard to that Gentleman. My constant aim is, and shall be, to be as punctual as I can and I think I have done my utmost endeavours. I stick to my ready money plan, and do not intend to part from it, tho’ cannot do so much Business as if I trusted, but at this time that is particularly hazardous, for Goods are so very low for Cash, that no person that is able to pay will ask a Credit. I therefore conclude that my Goods in my Store are better than if they were in Debts, as I always have more by me than sufficient to pay what I owe. My Father gives his Duty to you and asks the favor of you to send him the following Books, Vizt

The Auroa
}
by Jacob Behmen, and any other of his works.

The Mystery of Magnum

The Threefold Life

also The Works of William Law, his Appeal to all that Doubt, on Regeneration, and on divine knowledge. These are not to be had in this Country, or we would not be thus troublesome: and he begs he may not be disappointed. Please to pay for them out of the Surplusage of the Candles.

Augt 4th 1773
Since writing the above, we have received your kind Favour to my Father, covering an Account of sundry Goods for my Aunt Mecom, which are not yet out of the Ship. I am much obliged by your Goodness in delivering my letter to Mrs. Barwell, as also for your kind promise of assistance relative to East India Consignments. Please to make my best respects acceptable to her, with every gratefull acknowledgment, for the favorable reception of my letter. If I should not have time to write to Mrs. Blunt, please to remember me to her, with great respect and esteem, as also to all enquiring Friends. All are well on this side and Join in Love and Duty with Your dutifull and Affectionate Kinsman
Jona Williams Jun

Addressed: To / Doctr B Franklin
Endorsed: July 29. and Augt 4. 1773


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Cuthbert, 30 July 1773
From: Cuthbert, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir,
Newcastle on Tyne, July 30, 1773.
The Time elapsed since I had the pleasure of seeing you at the Royal Society and receiving your Commission in regard to the Furniture of our Collieries makes me almost ashamed to sit down to answer it. As soon as I got to Newcastle I made what Enquiry I could for a proper Person to copy and design all their Utensils, and at last found one Mr. Beilby, an Ingenious Drawing-Master here who undertook it and I hope will have executed it to your satisfaction. I got him Leave from the Proprietors to attend Walker our first and greatest Colliery in these parts, about five miles from hence, with an order also for the chief Agents to give him all the Assistance in their power. I have laid his Drawings before several of them who say they are very exact and properly performed, and am only sorry it was not in my power to send ’em you sooner. A Call to some of my own Affairs in another County and a long Illness kept me absent from this Place near Six Months, and I did not immediately find a Conveyance for ’em on my Return. I ventur’d however to deliver ’em ’tother Day to Lady Bewicke, who promis’d me to send ’em to you with the greatest Care, and proposes being in London within a Fortnight. We thought it unnecessary to give an expensive Drawing of the Fire Engine with all its Apparatus and Accoutrements, as it is not only in the shops, but in Desigulier’s Experimental Philosophy. I shall be happy, Sir, if they please you, and am Your most Humble Servant,
J. Cuthbert.


Title: Franklin’s Use of “Prudential Algebra,” [before 3 August 1773?]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

These seemingly random jottings turn out to have more significance than at first appears. They are the only example we have yet encountered of Franklin’s using his private decision-making method, which he had offered to Priestley the year before. It involved listing in separate columns the reasons for and against a given action, then striking out those that balanced each other in importance, then determining which column finally had the greater weight. In the present case he did not follow the method to the letter, but it was clearly at work. He was attacking the problem that engaged him intermittently and often: had the time come to return home? He put down the reasons against in one column, the reasons for in another; instead of deleting items in both, he made crosses beside most of those in the first. What the marks meant is not clear, because he did not mention this variant to Priestley; but it is a reasonable conjecture that he was checking considerations on which he put the most emphasis. In any case the list with crosses outweighed the other, and his “algebra” persuaded him to stay.

[Before August 3?, 1773]

Stay

  Go

S. J. P.—Eur.
×
Recover of F

Finish 5th Edn.
×
Settle with Do. for Ph.O

——Piece on New Stove
×
Get clear of Agys.

——Dialogue
×
Repose

Settle with Mrs. S.
×
Prevent Waste at h

Ohio Business.

Settle with H’s Exrs.

Pap. Money
×

Boston Agy.
×

Beccaria


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Alexander Colden, 3 August 1773: résumé
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Colden, Alexander

<West Wycomb, at Lord Le Despencer’s, August 3, 1773: Has received Colden’s of June 2 enclosing seconds of “sundry Bills acknowledg’d in my last” and the first of Willing & Morris on Harris & Co. for £15. Encloses Ogle’s protested bill on Anderson for £83 10s. 3d., which with charges totals £83 16s. Compliments to Mrs. Colden.>


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Franklin, 3 August 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, William

Dear Son,
  West Wycombe, Lord Le Despencer’s Aug. 3. 1773
I am com hither to spend a few Days and breathe a little fresh Air.
Nothing material has occurr’d since mine per sutton, except the final Hearing at the Cockpit relating to Gov. Wentworth, against whose Conduct the Board of Trade had reported, and the Hearing was at the Instance of his Friends against the Report. Their Lordships have not yet given their Determination, but it is thought he is in no Danger.
As to the Ohio Affair, it is scarce likely to be got through this Summer, for Reasons I have already given you.
Our Paper Money Act not being yet considered here, together with the Massachusetts Affairs, will I believe keep me another Winter in England.
Temple is just return’d to School from his Summer Vacation. He always behaves himself so well, as to encrease my Affection for him every time he is with me. As you are like to have a considerable Landed Property, it would be well to make your Will, if you have not already done it, and secure this Property to him. Our Friend Galloway will advise you in the Manner. Whatever he may come to possess, I am persuaded he will make a good Use of it, if his Temper and Understanding do not strangely alter.
I am in this House as much at my Ease as if it was my own, and the Gardens are a Paradise. But a pleasanter Thing is the kind Countenance, the facetious and very Intelligent Conversation of mine Host, who having been for many Years engaged in publick Affairs, seen all Parts of Europe, and kept the best Company in the World is himself the best existing.
I wear the Buttons (for which I thank you) on [my] Suit of light Gray, which matches them. All the Connoisseurs in natural Productions are puzzled with them not knowing anything similar. With Love to Betsey, I am ever Your affectionate Father
B F


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Noble Wimberly Jones, 4 August 1773
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Jones, Noble Wimberly

Dear Sir,
London, Augt. 4. 1773
I hope you continue well tho’ I have not had the Pleasure of hearing from you since your Favour of Jan. 13. The Seeds I sent you last Year were not as you supposed from that Mr. Ellis who had been your Governor, but from another of the Name, Author of the enclos’d Pamphlet.
I now send you a few more East India Seeds which I had from another Quarter. I hope some of them may be in a vegetating State and prove of Use. With great Esteem, I am ever, Dear Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B F
Noble Wimberley Jones Esqr


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Lewis Fevre, 4 August 1773
From: Fevre, Lewis
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honoured Sir,
Craven-Street, August 4, 1773.
By Monday night’s Post I sent you two Parcels which contained the Acts relating to America, and five Letters or Parcels that came with the Packet: by last night’s Post one Letter; all which I hope you have received. Mr. Oliphant called here this Day, and left with me a Receipt for £800 that Mr. Alexander paid Mess. Brown & Collinson on your Account. Honoured Sir, I am with great Respect, Your Dutiful Servant,
L. Fevre.

Addressed: To / Dr. Franklin.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Charles Jackson, 4 August 1773
From: Jackson, Charles
To: Franklin, Benjamin

<Wednesday, August 4, 1773: An invitation, with apologies for the short notice, to breakfast and dinner tomorrow at Hampstead.>


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Lewis Fevre, 5 August 1773
From: Fevre, Lewis
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honoured Sir,
Craven-Street, August 5, 1773.
Mr. Hay desires to be informed, as soon as possible, if there are to be any Additions to the Psalms, as they have but six Pages more to do, to finish the whole.
This Day Dr. Sheppherd, accompanied by Professor Allamand, called; The latter Gentleman desired me to acquaint you that he should stay three weeks in Town, and that Count Bentwick was arrived. I am, Honoured Sir, with great Respect Your Dutiful Servant,
L. Fevre.

P.S. By last night’s Post I sent you two Letters; The one inclosed here, from Mr. Temple, came last night, but too late for the post, as it was past eleven when the Servant brought it.

Addressed: To / Benjamin Franklin, Esq;


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Margaret Stevenson, 5 August 1773
From: Stevenson, Margaret
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir,
Thursday Augt 5 [1773]
I am much obliged, with your kind inquires, the Cheldren I thanke God, ar All weell and your D and your Lady B— hom i Dinde with a Tusday and Dannke your health, all ar well at Ewell. I am verey well But do not expect to Continu so Long; for I have lifed opon Benns [Beans] and Backon for ten days. I have noe News, Mr. Faver has Bin to the Printers as orderd; he is writing and as you request a line from me I have no grater Pleasuer, Dear Sir, then when I can oblige my Beast frinde. I shall be glad to see you come home well, which is the Sincerr wish of your fathfull Servant
Margt Stevenson

Addressed: Doct. Franklin