Title: The Colonist’s Advocate: XI, [2 March 1770]
From: Colonist’s Advocate
To:

[March 2, 1770]
The Genuineness of the following Extract from a North American Letter may be depended on. The Strain of it will shew, whether it is written by one most attached to the Ministry or to the People, and consequently whether the Information it contains is to be taken strictly, or with Allowances. One Thing I know, (though I suppose our wise Grenvillians will give little Attention to it) that the following, and many other Letters from America, agree but too well with what is now the common Talk of those native Americans occasionally resident here, who have long in vain opposed the Revenue Acts. “It is Time (they say) for us to be quiet. As Well-wishers to America, we ought to rejoice at Measures which will put our Countrymen upon what must in the End enrich and aggrandize them, though to the heavy Loss of the Mother Country, who sets the Colony Trade at Defiance. If the Colonists must pay Duties to the arbitrary Pleasure of an Assembly, in which they are not represented, it is Time they should think of what otherwise would not have come into their Minds for many Ages. It is Time they should apply to Manufactures, by which they may enable themselves to pay the Mother Country’s Taxes, and lessen the Demand for her Tax-loaded Manufactures.” Thus the Friends of America now talk; and this it seems our Government’s noble Firmness will bring it to: Accordingly our British Manufacturers, thrown out of Employment at home, are removing to America, and carrying with them their various Arts, which have made us the Glory of all Lands, and our Goods are daily coming back unpacked, on our Merchants’ Hands to the Ruin of our Country. No Matter: The Ministry have found Half a Dozen new Places for a few of their unprovided Friends. But I had almost forgot the Letter. Here it follows:
“As to Politics, I can write nothing new. The mutinous, seditious Spirit seems to have subsided, but a determined Resolution has taken Place to forbear Importation, and it seems to be supported with an Unanimity and Steadiness that exceeds their Expectations, and unless something satisfactory is soon done, I am persuaded all commercial Connection and Dependance on the Mother Country will be lost in a few Years, and political Connection, it is not likely, will long survive it. It would surprize you to see the Difference in American Manufactures. Mr.—— has lately had a Suit of Cloaths made off of his own Sheep, spun and wove in his own House; a good Piece of Cloth. It is Half the Breadth of Broad Cloth, and stands him in 4s. 6d. Sterling per Yard every Thing reckoned in; so that the Notion of the Impossibility of American Manufactures from their Expensiveness does not hold good.”
Suppose this Spirit of manufacturing to spread through all America, and, in Consequence, their Want of our Commodities to lessen annually, till, in a few Years hence, our Colony Trade be annihilated, instead of being (as I have in one of my former Papers shewn it most probably would) doubled, that is amounting to Three or Four Millions clear annual Gain to the Mother Country; I say, supposing this to prove, as is reasonably to be expected, the Effect of our late wise and just Treatment of our American Brethren; I ask, whether the Annals of Government round this Globe can furnish an Instance of so prodigious a Loss voluntarily incurred by a Nation, for the sake of so small an Advantage in Prospect as Eight Thousand Pounds to come annually into the Treasury, and Bread for five Men to collect that pitiful Pittance?


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Perkins, 12 March 1770
From: Perkins, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir.
Boston March 12th. 1770
When I imagin myself possess’d of any new Thought I think it, in the first place, due to your Inspection and accordingly have inclos’d my Conjectures on the Caudae Cometive; to gether with the small Tract on Epidemic Colds.
I confess there is something unnatural in phylosophic Speculations at a Time when the Nation is involv’d in such Disorder and Confusion; and in accosting you with them in the midst of your weighty Employments, the businesses of State; in which you are so much needed; but Gratitude for very many Favours would not suffer me to be any longer Silent: They are too many for me to enumerate; the many former ones, and the latter of the Thermometer; Your Effigies; and Collection of Papers; together with the honour you have done some of my Thoughts; Of all which I retain the most gratefull Sense. Sincerely wishing you all that may render Life most happy, and desireable, I am Sir Your most obliged, most obedient and Humble Servant
John Perkins
Dr: Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Perkins, 12 March 1770
From: Perkins, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Boston March 12 1770
Just as I was about inclosing my papers it came in my head to mention to you a notion I have sometimes had that Pit-Coal is a vegitable production as of Grass or other Herbage of which the rich and fat Soil of our fresh Marshes is form’d. We know that these are constantly filling up by the Annual Supplys of this kind so that perhaps many places that were formerly Boggs or Marshes are now uplands over which Travelers pass without imagining they were ever otherwise.
What gave occasion to these Thoughts at first was the accounts the Irish at their first coming among us many years Since, gave of their Boggs. They assure me that on drying the Substance of them they make tollerable Fewel and the better as the lower they digg it. The bottom parts dry blackest and yield a Sulphureous Smoke nearly approaching that of Pit-Coal.
I should like to visit the Coal-Mines to see the Nature and Circumstances of them Or to gain by Conversation with those who are well acquainted with them some further insight concerning these Subterraneous Stores. I am Sir, as ever, Your most humble Servant
Jno Perkins

Endorsed: Dr Perkins.  March 12, 1770


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jane Mecom, 15 March 1770
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Mecom, Jane

Dear Sister,
London, 15 March, 1770.
I received your kind little letter of January 3d from Philadelphia. I am glad your visit thither proves agreeable to you. Since your family is so much reduced, I do not see why you might not as well continue there, if you like the place equally with Boston. It would be a pleasure to me to have you near me; but your own discretion must govern you. I propose, God willing, to return this summer. With true regard, I am ever Your affectionate brother,
B. Franklin.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Cadwalader Evans, 17 March 1770
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Evans, Cadwalader

Dear Friend
London, Mar. 17. 1770
I received your Favour of Nov. 27. and thank you for the Information it contained relating to the Society. Mr. Ewing has transmitted to me Copies of the Observations of the Transits of Venus and Mercury which were made in Pensilvania. Those you sent me, made by Messrs. Biddle & Bayley, will, with the others, be printed, I suppose, in the next Volume of the Transactions of the Royal Society here.
Our Friends James and Wharton, your quondam Patients, seem in pretty good Health here at present. Mr. Wharton had got a Habit of Complaining that he was not well in almost every Company; and, as is always the Case, he everywhere found somebody who would officiously prescribe to him, and he too readily made Trial of their Prescriptions; so that he was forever physicking and never better. I have persuaded him to keep his Ails to himself, and he passes now for a well Man.
I am glad the Silk Books were agreable to you, and likely to be useful. With great and sincere Esteem, I am, my dear Friend, Yours very affectionately
B Franklin
Dr. Cadwalader Evans

Addressed: To / Dr Cadr. Evans / at / Philadelphia / per Capt Falconer
Endorsed: March 17th. 1770.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from David Hall, 17 March 1770
From: Hall, David
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Philadelphia March 17, 1770.
The last Letter I had the Pleasure of receiving from you, was dated April 14, 1767, since which I have wrote you twice, but have not been favoured with an Answer to either of those Letters. In that Letter you acknowledged the Utility of settling our Accounts, and promised to forward the Paper of Remarks you made, on looking over the Settlement by Mr. Parker, on your Behalf, with me, by the next Opportunity; but, tho’ it is now very near three Years since, I have not yet received it, no Doubt owing to the continual Hurry you are in. For my own Part, I am not yet sensible of any Mistakes, or Omissions, other than what have been already taken Notice of, but still ready to rectify what is wrong in the Accounts, and to add whatever may have been omitted.
When you left Philadelphia, you thought you would return Time enough before our Contract should end, to settle the Affairs of the Partnership yourself, and tho’ it has been now expired above four Years, you are not yet returned, and may still be longer necessarily detained in England on the Business of the Province. And as we are now both growing old fast, and one, or both, may be taken off before the Settlement is accomplished, which may prove most inconvenient to our Families; I think nothing further need be said to urge you to comply with my Request, in sending your Remarks, with Orders for Mr. Parker to finish the Affair in the Manner you may imagine is right.
In my Letter to you, of January 27, 1767, I sent you a State of our Accounts from February 1, 1766, to that Date; which State you will be pleased to take no Notice of, farther than the Balance of £993 11s. 6d., thought to be due to me from you, by Mr. Parker’s Settlement; as, in the Room of that, I have now sent you an exact Account of all the Money received for our Partnership, from February 1, 1766, to February 16, 1770. Likewise an Account of all the Monies received by Mrs. Franklin from me, from February 1, 1766, to March 16, 1770, for which I have her Receipts. All which have been most carefully taken [as] by the Books will appear, viz.

For the Gazette, from February 1, 1766, to February 16, 1770 – – –
£1457
8s.

For Public Work, received June 18, 1767, of Samuel Preston Moore Esqr.
318
5s.

By Cash received for Work done, as credited in the Leidger, in the above mentioned Time
389
  14s.
  1d.

  £2165
  7s.
  1d.

Account of Money received by Mrs. Franklin.

March 8, 1766,
  Cash – – – – –
£200

July 12, - -
Ditto – – – – –
91

November 25,
Ditto – – – – –
50

December 27,
Ditto – – – – –
160

January 18, 1768,
Ditto – – – – –
100

September 1,
Ditto – – – – –
30

March 16, 1770,
Ditto – – – – –
45

  To Sundries out of the Shop – – – – –
11
  3s.
  6½d.

  £687
  3s.
  6½d.

As you mentioned in one of your Letters, some Time ago, no Doubt you have a large Sum of Money owing you from our Customers, which I should be very glad to be instrumental in recovering, both on your Account and my own, because wherever you lose, I must also be a Sufferer, and yet I cannot devise how to get it, or the greatest Part of it, in, the People lie so scattered, the Sums, most of them so small, many of the People dead, others left the Country, and a great Number of them pretend to have paid Posts, &c. on our Account. And as to impowering People to receive for us, we have succeeded so poorly in that Way, that I don’t know but it will be better to trust it with the Multitude, than to let it get into the Hands of a few Individuals, we might appoint to collect for us, as Fifty or One Hundred Pounds might be a Temptation to be roguish, when Thirty, Forty or Fifty Shillings will not. It is true, there are certainly a Number of very honest Men in the different Quarters of the Country, but then such Men have generally Business enough of their own to mind, and would hardly care to be troubled with ours.
John Jones, one of our Posts, who, you may remember, was impowered to collect for us in the Lower Counties, has never yet finished his Collection, as he pretends, and puts off coming to a Settlement from Time to Time. Chapman, the Post for the Eastern Shore, Maryland, I believe paid all the Money he received for us, which amounted to but little more than One Hundred Pounds. And about Twelve Months before our Partnership ended, Mr. William Goodwin, of Baltimore County, Maryland, was recommended to me as a very honest Man, and would gather in our Gazette Money on the Western Shore; upon which I got the Accounts made out, to the Amount of about Eight Hundred Pounds, and sent them to him, and tho’ I believe he was most faithful, and, at the same Time, very industrious, yet all he was able to collect for us in two Years, neated only £53 2s. 8d., which he paid, and delivered up the Accounts, after having gone through a good Deal of Fatigue. Thus, Sir, you see what a bad Prospect we have of getting in our News Money, or any tolerable Proportion of it.
I should be glad to hear from you immediately on the Receipt of this, and that you would let me know when you think I may have the Pleasure of seeing you here.
My Wife, who has now been in a poor State of Health for these fourteen Years, is still but poorly, tho’ rather better than she has been for some Years past, owing, we imagine, to the great Benefit she received from the Bristol Bath, last Summer. My eldest Son, Billy, is now turned of Eighteen, is learning the Printing Business with me, promises pretty well, and, in all Probability, will be a very stout Man, being now very little short of six Feet high. My Daughter Debby, tho’ but just turned of Fifteen, is well grown too, being something taller than her Mother; she was seized with the Palsy in one Side last Summer, which frightened us a good Deal; but we sent her to the Bristol Bath, where, by the Blessing of God, she recovered, and is now very hearty. And David, the youngest, past Fourteen, is still at the Academy, is but small as to Heighth, but well set. They all, with their Mother, desire to be remembered in the most affectionate Manner to Mr. Franklin. I hope you will excuse my taking up any of your Time about them.
Your own Family are all well. I saw Mrs. Franklin this Day. Mrs. Bache, and her Child (a fine Boy) are at Burlington, both well, as is Mr. Bache. If you have any Thing in the News Way, should be much obliged to you for it; and to hear from you frequently, will be most agreeable to me. In the mean Time, you may believe me to be, Dear Sir, Yours most affectionately,
David Hall.

Addressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr. / At Mrs. Stevenson’s in Craven-Street / London / Via Liverpool / By the Speedwell / Capt Le Cocq / Q.D.C.
Endorsed: Letter from D Hall to B.F. dated March 17th 1770


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Thomas Gilpin, 18 March 1770
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Gilpin, Thomas

Sir
London March 18. 1770
I receiv’d your Favour by the Hand of Mr. Abel James. An Accident happen’d to it in his Chest by the Breaking of a Bottle of some Liquid that obliterated part of it. I see however that it contains some good Remarks on the Advantages of Canals for internal Navigation in our Country, to which I heartily wish Success. What you tell me of the Practicability of navigating down Sasquehanah pl[eases] me extremely, as hitherto I had understood that to be impossible.

I wrote to you last Summer that I purpose to show your Machine to the Society of Arts. Since their Meeting I have till now been otherwise too busy to attend to such Things: but I lately pack’d it in its Box and sent it to their Store and am next Week to meet a Commitee of theirs to explain it to them. Many ingenious Men [have] seen it at my House and were much pleas’d with it. What they chiefly admire is not the Construction of the Sails but the Application of a single Crank to three separate Pumps.
I suppose you may not have had an Opportunity of knowing that the Manner of fixing your Sails, tho truly invented by you, has before been thought of by others. I did myself about 25 years ago make a little Model for W. Masters who had thoughts of executing it in large for Use. It was in all respects the same, except the Cord and Spring to each Sail which are in yours, and which I think may be a great Improvement; and except that I plac’d my Sails upright on their Ends; which I mention now for your Consideration whether the Force or Purchase is not thereby greater, no Part of it being so near the Center of Motion as when they lie on their Sides, and fall inwards; but of this I would not be positive. In a second Model I plac’d six Sails instead of four, for which there is good room when so plac’d upright, and I thought the Motion might thereby be more equable. A Friend of mine in Maryland, Mr. H Jones, to whom I had communicated this horizontal Windmill wrote a Paper about it which he printed, and with some Alterations erected a large one on his Land intending to apply it to the grinding of Corn; he nam’d it the Elephant from its suppos’d Strength: and when used in a Current of Water, which he also propos’d, would then have it call’d the Whale; but before his Elephant was finish’d a great Storm shatter’d it to Pieces, and he never repair’d it. My Son has now a Dr[aft?] of those Sails of mine done by Lewis Evans, in an 8vo manuscript Volume of Inventions collected by him. There is both a Plan of the Arms and Sails in their several Positions, and an upright View of them as applied to a travelling Carriage, which he fancied might be moved by them. My Son will readily shew it to you if you desire to see it.
Horizontal Windmills are not any where in general Use, except, as I have heard, in Poland. The Form there, is this. The Sails are all fix’d (in such a Position with regard to the Axis as the Radii of a Circle are to its Center) and upright Boards are fix’d all round them so as to throw the Wind to most Advantage against the Sails, let it come which way it will.

A the Axis. a, b, c, d, e, f, g, h, the Sails fix’d to the Arms. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, the standing Boards to throw the Wind against the Sails.
I have seen but two horizontal Windmills in all my Travels. The first was at Rhodeisland, where the Sails were in the Form of the Foresail and Mainsail of a Sloop, four little Masts with such Sails were fix’d upright on the four Ends of a horizontal Cross; the Sails fill’d and jib’d successively as the Cross went round: It was over a Turner’s Work Shop and the Application was to drive a large Lathe for turning heavy Mortars of Lignum Vitae. The other is now here at Knightsbridge near London, on the Top of a House for manufacturing painted Oil Cloths, and is used for grinding the Colours. The horizontal Wheel is in an octagon Tower with a Roof, but open all round the Sides; the Vanes are fix’d as in the Polish Mill; but to make it go, there are moveable Shutters, sufficient when properly plac’d to prevent the Wind acting on the coming Side of the Sails, and by leaving half the Tower open suffer it to act on the going side. This needs Attention and Care to shift the Shutters as the Wind changes and therefore seems not so good as the Polish Mill; nor is either of them so good as yours.

The Advantages of a Horizontal Windmill seem to me to be that the Building need not be so high as for the vertical one, therefore not so strong, therefore not so expensive; and it is always ready to receive the Wind from any Quarter, without the Trouble and Machinery necessary to bring the others about to face the Wind. But probably the others have the Advantage in some other respects which has continued them in general Use: their Force perhaps is greater.
I shall be glad to see your Contrivances for stopping or regulating its Motion. I dare say they are very ingenious. I once saw a very simple and as I thought it a very clever Method of regulating a Motion where the Power was applied unequally. It was this. From the Top of the upright Axis is hung two moveable Arms, with a Weight at the End of each. When the Axis began to turn, the Weights naturally receded farther from the Center rising higher at the same time; the greater the Force applied, the larger Circle they describ’d; and as the Force abated they sunk and describ’d smaller Circles in Proportion. By this Means the Excess of the Force applied was spent in raising the Balls and occasioning them to describe a greater Circle, whereby they pass’d thro’ more Space in the same Time, instead of its occasioning more Revolutions of the Axis in the same Time: thus those Revolutions continued to be equable. And this applied to your Windmill, by lengthening the Axis upwards to give room for hanging the Weights might I imagine occasion an equality of Motion always regulating itself, tho’ the Wind should be squally and unequal.
It must give you Pleasure to see the Contrivance of horizontal Wind mills become generally useful, and therefore you will excuse my mentioning a Manner of constructing them that almost every Farmer may execute without the help of any Workman, and which, or something like it, I have had an imperfect Account of as used in China.
  Pumps in your ingenious Manner, tho’ very proper for Mines, &c. when skilful Persons could readily be had to repair them, might neither suit the Purse nor be so easily kept in order by the common Countryman, and so the Use of them would not generally obtain for the Purpose of Watering Lands. Suppose then that in an open Field by the Side of a Brook or Pond, one of those Windmills is to be fix’d in the cheapest and easiest Manner to raise Water: A short Stake drove into the Ground might receive the lower Point of the Axis, its upper End might be supported by Cords made of Leatherwood Bark carried out on all Sides and fasten’d to Pins drove into the Earth: If the Arms are to be six it might be cut three square above and below where the Arms are applied to it, which might be of Saplins, the Buts a little flatted next to the Axis, and bound on; their small Ends being out every way to make the Circumference of the Circle. The Sails might be of Reed or Rush Mats extended on slight Frames and hung above and below by bits of Rope or Cord. An open Trough of plain Boards laid slanting up from the   Water, and a Number of little square Boards nearly fitting that Trough, fix’d at proper Distances to a small Rope in the Manner of a Chain Pump, and kept going by the Motion of the Axis, might bring the Water continually from the lower End of the Trough to the upper, and there discharge it into the Channel made to carry it away. If one Set of these Vanes does not raise it high enough, as they are cheap and easily made a second or third, or any Number might be used in different Parts of the Field one taking the Water from the Level where the other leaves it. Any Man with Hands might mend such a Machine when out of order. And in the Season of the Year when they would not be wanted to Work, they might easily be taken to pieces, and the Parts carried in under Shelter to preserve them from the Weather. This Idea I submit to your Consideration, and am with much Esteem, Your most humble Servant
B Franklin

          A very bad Drawing, but may help a little to explain my meaning.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to [Charles Thomson], 18 March 1770
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Thomson, Charles

This well-publicized letter arrived in America in May, at the height of the controversy over whether to relax or maintain the nonimportation agreements now that Parliament had repealed most, but not all, of the Townshend duties. An extract containing virtually the entire letter was sent to Boston and promptly printed and reprinted there, while Thomson was using the original to good purpose in Philadelphia. On May 15 Galloway laid before the Assembly his letter from Franklin of March 21, printed below, and it too had great effect on rallying the waverers to stand fast. Although the rally was short-lived, Franklin was credited with it on one side of the Atlantic and blamed for it on the other; in Britain his intervention brought on him, as might be expected, the accusation of betraying his position as an officer of the crown.

Dear Sir
London March 18th. 1770
Your very judicious Letter of Novemr. 26th. being communicated by me to some Member of Parliament, was handed about among them, so that it was sometime before I got it again into my Hands. It had due Weight with several, and was of considerable Use. You will see that I printed it at length in the London Chronicle with the Merchants’ Letter. When the American Affairs came to be debated in the House of Commons, the Majority, notwithstanding all the Weight of ministerial Influence, was only 62 for continuing the whole last Act; and would not have been so large, nay, I think the Repeal would have been carried, but that the Ministry were persuaded by Governor Bernard and some lying Letters said to be from Boston, that the Associations not to import were all breaking to Pieces, that America was in the greatest Distress for Want of the Goods, that we could not possibly subsist any longer without them, and must of course submit to any Terms Parliament should think fit to impose upon us. This with the idle Notion of the Dignity and Sovereignty of Parliament, which they are so fond of, and imagine will be endanger’d by any farther Concessions, prevailed I know with many to vote with the Ministry, who otherwise, on Account of the Commerce, wish to see the Difference accommodated. But though both the Duke of Grafton and Lord North were and are in my Opinion rather inclined to satisfy us, yet the Bedford Party are so violent against us, and so prevalent in the Council, that more moderate Measures could not take Place. This Party never speak of us but with evident Malice; Rebels and Traitors are the best Names they can afford us, and I believe they only wish for a colourable Pretence and Occasion of ordering the Souldiers to make a Massacre among us.
On the other Hand the Rockingham and Shelburne People, with Lord Chatham’s Friends, are disposed to favour us if they were again in Power, which at present they are not like to be; tho’ they, too, would be for keeping up the Claim of parliamentary Sovereignty, but without exercising it in any Mode of Taxation. Besides these, we have for sincere Friends and Wellwishers the Body of Dissenters, generally, throughout England, with many others, not to mention Ireland and all the rest of Europe, who from various Motives join in applauding the Spirit of Liberty, with which we have claimed and insisted on our Privileges, and wish us Success, but whose Suffrage cannot have much Weight in our Affairs.
The Merchants here were at length prevailed on to present a Petition, but they moved slowly, and some of them I thought reluctantly; perhaps from a Despair of Success, the City not being much in favour with the Court at present. The manufacturing Towns absolutely refused to move at all; some pretending to be offended with our attempting to manufacture for ourselves; others saying that they had Employment enough, and that our Trade was of little Importance to them, whether we continued or refused it. Those who began a little to feel the Effects of our forbearing to purchase, were persuaded to be quiet by the ministerial People; who gave out that certain Advices were receiv’d of our beginning to break our Agreements; of our Attempts to manufacture proving all abortive and ruining the Undertakers; of our Distress for Want of Goods, and Dissentions among ourselves, which promised the total Defeat of all such Kind of Combinations, and the Prevention of them for the future, if the Government were not urged imprudently to repeal the Duties. But now that it appears from late and authentic Accounts, that Agreements continue in full Force, that a Ship is actually return’d from Boston to Bristol with Nails and Glass, (Articles that were thought of the utmost Necessity,) and that the Ships that were waiting here for the Determination of Parliament, are actually returning to North America in thier Ballast; the Tone of the Manufacturers begins to change, and there is no doubt, that if we are steady and persevere in our Resolutions, these People will soon begin a Clamor that much Pains has hitherto been used to stifle.
In short, it appears to me, that if we do not now persist in this Measure till it has had its full Effect, it can never again be used on any future Occasion with the least prospect of Success, and that if we do persist another year, we shall never afterwards have occasion to use it. With sincere regards I am, Dear Sir, Your obedient Servant,
B. Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Edward Nairne, 19 March 1770
From: Nairne, Edward
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir:
Cornhill March 19. 1770
When You did me the pleasure of calling on me last week, I mention’d to You that I had been trying to freeze water in which different quantities of Sea Salt had been dissolv’d, You then said You wish’d I had tasted the Ice, for it was thought to be fresh; At that time I had not tasted it, but since have tried the following Experiment; I took two ounces (averdupoise) of common Sea Salt and dissolv’d it in three pints and a half wine measure of Thames water, which I think is the proportion of Salt in Sea water according to Mr. Canton. I then put some of this salted water in a wide Stone dish about the depth of an inch and set it out on the leads, in hopes it woud be froze by morning, the next morning it was froze about the thickness of ½ an inch. I then took out the Ice and put it in a seive and wash’d it in a large Cistern of Thames Water, and afterwards let the water drain from it. Then I put the Ice in a Bason and kept it in a warm Room till it was dissolvd, and on tasting the dissolvd Ice I found it was so fresh, that if I had not put the Salt to the water my Self I Shoud not have suspected there had ever been a grain of Salt mixd with the water. I have sent You three Vials, in that markd A, is the dissolv’d Ice. In the Vial B is some of the same salted water that was not set out to freeze. In the Vial C is some of the water that was left in the dish that I took the Ice out of, (which appears to the taste to be considerably salter than that in the Vial B). I have tried the experiment twice and find the result exactly the same, the Thermometer out of doors between 7 and 8 o Clock Yesterday and this morning which were the times I washd the Ice was at 25 degrees of Farenheits. If You think this Experiment not conclusive Your objections would greatly oblidge Your most Obedient Humble Servant
Edwd. Nairne
P.S. The Salted water has been filtrated but the dissolvd Ice has not been filtrated.
To Dr. Franklin

Addressed: To / Dr: Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from the New Jersey Assembly Committee of Correspondence, 27 March 1770
From: New Jersey Assembly Committee of Correspondence
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Burlington March 27th. 1770.
In our last we inform’d you of a Bill, that pass’d the House and Council for amending the practice of the Law which the Governor did not then think proper to assent to, and directed you not to solicit the Royal Assent to a Bill pass’d and sent over in 1765; In this Session a Bill has been agreed upon by the whole Legislature, Intitled “An Act to provide a more effectual remedy against excessive Costs in the recovery of Debts &c”. As this Bill will, we expect be opposed, perhaps by some holding offices, not so much that it will abridge the Fees of the office, altho’ it will be made the pretence, but will affect them as practising Attorneys, We request you will use your utmost Interest in preventing such opposition proving effectual, for which purpose we have by the direction of the House, given you the earliest intelligence. We are very anxious to hear the resolutions of Parliament upon the Acts laying Duties &ca. And the determinations of his Majesty’s Ministers upon the Laws, we recommended to you in our last, and are, Sir, Your very Humble Servants

Hendk. Fisher
Cortd: Skinner

Ebenez Miller

Aaron Leaming

Abrm. Hewlings

Jos. Smith

Dr. Franklin.

Addressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr. / Agent for the Colony of New Jersey, / London.
Endorsed: Committee of N Jersey Ass[embly] March 27. 1770


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to [Joseph Smith?], 12 April 1770
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Smith, Joseph

  April 12, [1770]
  P.S.

Yesterday I attended the Board of Trade and the Objections to the Bergen Act were repeated by my Lord Hillsborough, viz. that it related to private Property; in a Course of Trial at Law, which was stopt by the Act. I alledg’d that it was only a supplementary Act for compleating a Business directed by a former Act and partly executed, which former Act had received the Royal Approbation. His Lordship answered, that in the former there was the Consent of all Parties; but to this Act, one Side not only did not consent, but had opposed and entred a Caveat against it, notwithstanding which it had been passed. I mentioned that the Opposer had approv’d and solicited the former Act, and this was only to finish, &c. To which it was answered, that in this the Commissioners were totally changed, it was a new Sett. On the whole I endeavoured to clear the Legislature from any Suspicion of Injustice or Partiality, they having had only the Publick Peace in View, &c &c. But it seem’d determin’d to report the Act as unfit for his Majesty’s Approbation.
The Paper-money Act then came on, when I was told that an Act of the same kind pass’d by Governor Colden in New York had been considered by His Majesty’s Law Servants who had reported it repugnant to the Act of Parliament inasmuch as it made the Bills a legal Tender to the Treasurer in Discharge of Publick Debts, whereas the Statute says they shall be a legal Tender in no Case whatever. I urg’d that it was impossible to suppose that the Parliament intended to leave the Governments at Liberty to refuse their own Bills; that this Act of New Jersey only oblig’d the Loan-Offices that issued the Bills to receive them again when tender in Discharge of the Mortgages on which they had been issued, &c. On which I was cut short with this, That the Board could not judge of the Intention of an Act of Parliament but by its Words, and if a Colony Act was against the Words of an Act of Parliament, that was sufficient to obstruct its being allowed. However, I was told, that it was their Lordship’s Purpose to report the Matter specially, viz. That this Act of New Jersey contain’d a Clause similar to that in the Act of New York, on Account of which the latter had been repealed; and so submit it to his Majesty. Thus ended that Matter.
Mr. Charles, I understand, is urged by Lord Dunmore, to petition the Parliament to explain that Act. He has been unwilling to do it without express Orders from his Province, as our Business in the Confirmation of Laws is constitutionally with the Crown only; and applying to Parliament to obtain Leave of the King to pass Colony Acts, would be a Novelty, and possibly be hereafter attended with disagreable Consequences: And the Ministry, who procured the Act, were the properest to procure its Explanation. I think he was right. He has however, as I understand, lately received such Orders, and will now petition, in order if he succeeds, to obtain an Allowance of the Act passed by Sir Henry Moore, previous to that by Governor Colden. Should this be done, the Removing of the Objection with regard to that Act will operate in our favour likewise; and if done before ours is actually repealed, we may still obtain the Royal Assent. But I have little Expectation of it, as I know that Paper Currency in general are much against the Grain here.
I [mov’d] for their Lordship’s favourable Reporting two former Laws, that for Septennial Assemblies and that for giving Representatives to the Counties of Morris Cumberland and Sussex, which they were pleased to say should be taken into speedy Consideration. I mention’d too the Desire of Assembly, that the Act for amending the Practice of the Law might not as yet be pass’d upon, as they had in Contemplation the forming one that might be better adapted to the purpose of which Notice was taken. And I shall continue my best Attention to these Affairs of your Province on all Occasion.
Mr. Jackson is now appointed Counsellor to the Board of Trade. All Colony Acts are submitted to the Examination of that Officer; and as he well understands our Affairs, and is a Friend to America, I hope we shall not hereafter be pestered with ignorant frivolous Objections to our Laws, as heretofore has sometimes been the Case.
BF.
I send you inclosed Govr Pownall’s Speech in Parliament, when he mov’d for the total Repeal of the last Duty Act; only 20 were printed. Also his State of the Case of America as to the Military Power there.

Endorsed: Letter from Dr. Franklin April 12.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Samuel Cooper, 14 April 1770
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Cooper, Samuel

Dear Sir,
London, April 14. 1770
I suppose Govr. Pownall acquaints you with what has pass’d this Session relating to our American Affairs: All Europe is attentive to the Dispute between Britain and the Colonies; and I own I have a Satisfaction in seeing that our Part is taken every where; because I am persuaded that that Circumstance will not be without its Effect here in our Favour. At the same time the malignant Pleasure other Powers take in British Divisions, may convince us on both sides of the Necessity of our Uniting. In France they have translated and printed the principal Pieces that have been written on the American Side of the Question; and as French is the political Language of Europe, it has communicated an Acquaintance with our Affairs very extensively. Mr. Beaumont, a famous Advocate of Paris, the Defender of the Family of Calas, wrote the Reflexions d’un Etranger desinteressé, which I send you. The Manuscript is an original Letter from a Gentleman (of Note I am told) as far off as the Austrian Silesia, who, being concern’d for us, wrote it to the Parliament, directing it to the late Speaker. The Speaker read only the first Side, was offended at the Freedom and Impertinence (as he call’d it) and return’d the Letter to the Office refusing to pay the Postage. Accept it as a Curiosity. I send you also a late Edition of Molineux’s Case of Ireland, with a new Preface shrewdly written. Our Part is warmly taken by the Irish in general, there being in many Points a Similarity in our Cases. My Respects to Mr. Bowdoin, and believe me ever, Dear Sir, Yours affectionately
B Franklin
Revd. Dr. Cooper


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Timothy Folger, 14 April 1770
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Folger, Timothy

Dear Kinsman
London, April 14. 1770
Enclos’d with this, I send you a Map of the Island of St. John’s made from actual Survey, with a particular Map of one of the Shares, which the Owner desires to have settled, and will give you any Terms you please. In haste, I am, Yours affectionately
B Franklin
Capt. Folger

Endorsed: Dr. Benjn. Franklin’s letter to Timothy Folger


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 20 April 1770
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

My dear Child
London, April 20. 1770
This will be delivered to you by Miss Farquarson and Miss Smith, the one bred a Miliner, the other a Mantuamaker, who, by the Advice and Consent of their Friends, go to Philadelphia, with an Intention of following their respective Businesses there. They are Persons of good Character, and very well recommended to me; therefore I recommend them warmly to you and my dear Daughter, desiring you would show them all Civility as Strangers, and afford them your best Advice and Countenance in the Prosecution of their Design, which will greatly oblige Your affectionate Husband
B Franklin
Mrs. Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Francis Hopkinson, 23 April 1770
From: Hopkinson, Francis
To: Franklin, Benjamin

My dear Sir
Phila. April 23d. 1770
My Lord North being at the Head of Affairs and having show’d an Inclination in my Favour upon an Application made in my Behalf by Mrs. Johnson makes me flatter myself that, something or other may possibly be obtain’d for my Benefit. To this purpose I have wrote to the Bishop of Worcester, and as he is in the Country during the Summer Season have told him that you will be so kind as to let him know by a Line if any proper Opening should offer. When a Person is asking a Favour they may as well put in for a great Matter as a small One. I have therefore thought that if Beckford should compleat what he has been so long about and really and truly die, an immediate and close Application by my Friends for the Collectorship of this Port might possibly meet with Success. If you are not pre-engaged in this Matter may I presume so far upon your Friendship as to Request that you would keep a watchful Eye upon that Post, and if it lies in your Way give me your Interest. I am more than half inclin’d to take a Trip Over to England so as to return in the Fall either to push my Fortune in this Way or to settle a more enlarg’d Plan of Trade. With Compliments to my good Friends Mrs. Stevenson and Daughter I am obliged for want of Time to conclude more hastily than I intended with Assuring you that I am at all Events Your sincere and affectionate Friend
F. Hopkinson

Addressed: To / Dr Franklin / Craven Street / London / per Packet
Endorsed: F. Hopkinson April 23. 1770


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Parker, 23–24 April 1770
From: Parker, James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honoured Sir
New York, April 23[–24]. 1770
Yours of Feb 10. by the Harriot Packet, I just received. She and the Lord Hide Packet came both in at Once. My last to you was the 8th March, by Capt. Munds, who had lain here a long While: Since that having received some Money from Boston and Bills being low here, only 65, I laid it out in a Bill for £150 Sterling drawn by Wats and McEvers, on Harley and Drummond, the first of which I now send you; Also another Bill I just received from Quebec for £100 Sterling J Drummond, on Nesbit, Drummond and Franks, Esqrs in London, the first of which I send you. The 2d of each I shall send per the Harriot. I also send the 2d of a Bill for £250 Sterling the first of which was sent by Capt. Munds. I hope them all safe to your Hands. Of this last Bill for £250, Sterling which cost 67½ (£135 this Money) is on Account of B. Mecom’s Books sold at Auction the Remainder Post-Office Money. The Auctioneer was obliged to repair to Philadelphia before we had finally settled, and he promised to be here again shortly, otherways that Account should have been sent you, tho’ there will be little more coming any Way. Holt and I were beginning to make some Settlement, but we are in Trouble other ways, and I so poorly that little Progress has yet been made. I have Hopes we shall proceed, tho’ I fear I shall get but little. I think he does not get a-head any Thing; and I less.
Agreeable to your Request, I wrote to Quebec, for the Papers that have your Examination in, and this is the first Opportunity I have had to send them since I received them. I hope them safe to your Hand, and that they will be agreeable. Is it consistent to have some Post-Horns sent us——the Posts are out of them? None to be got here.
I have now a melancholly Tale to tell: Lewis Jones, the young Man who was assigned to you from London, and by you assigned to me, having served out his Time with me, left me directly after. He first got to work with the Robinson’s. After that he got to Mr. Gaine’s, where he work’d something more than one Year, got a Wife among the poorer sort, but never came near me after he first left me——perhaps from a Fraca I had with him a little before his Time was out on this Occasion. At the Time my Son went for England, there was a Company of Players here. Gaine did all their Work, and printed their Tickets: soon after my Son was gone, one of the Actors found a Number of Counterfeit Play Tickets, as they were done with the same Flowers as the true ones, he applied to Gaine about them. Lewis Jones had been that Night at the Play with one of those Tickets given him by one of Gaine’s Hands: they impeach’d Lewis, and Lewis said he had got them of my Son, who had been then 10 Days absent. The injured Player then came to me, but after canvassing the Matter with him, I demenstrated, to him that the Counterfeits were done with the same Flowers and Types that the true Ones were done; and that they could not be possibly done in my House, as I had not the same Flowers——tho’ Gaine was so base, as to suppose they might be done at my House. Altho ‘my Son was bad enough, yet I thought it unmanly Usage, and afterwards putting it close to Lewis, he cleared Sammy, and own’d he had them of Gaine’s Lad. Lewis was soon after free, and he came no more near me. About 3 Weeks ago, he was apprehended and taken up, for Uttering Counterfeit Jersey Bills. What the Evidence is I know not, but tis said several Bills he has pass’d away is return’d on him, and I was told, that Saturday last, three Bills of Indictment were found against him on which he has been arraign’d, and this Afternoon I hear he is to have his Trial, when its generally thought he will be convicted, and I know of no Instance of that Sort in this Colony ever being pardoned.
So far Monday P M.

Tuesday April 24.
Last Night Lewis Jones was tried on two of the Indictments: about 9 o’clock at Night, his Friends came to me, pleading for me to assist him with a Character, &c. I had not been out of my Room for 8 Days, and I could scarce crawl. I went, and the Court indulged him by Waiting till I came. I related how he came to this Country, and spoke all I could in his Favour, and the Judge gave as favourable a Charge as a Man could do, on which the Jury acquitted him, on those two Indictments; but there is still another to come on this Day, which I hear has a more unfavourable Aspect. If, he should be found guilty, I think he will certainly be hang’d. I have done all I can, out of Regard for his Parents, who I know must pungently feel the Grief it must occasion to them. If his Trial is over before this Letter is sealed I will acquaint you of his Fortune: as it is probable none else will yet write his Friends about it. Printers ought to be doubly on their Guard with respect to counterfeit Bills, as the Probability of Truth is much against them. As to Lewis, he never was any Advantage to me, but as my Son informed me, his Father was peculiarly kind to him in London. I should be ungrateful if I did not do my Possibles in Favour of his unhappy Son; and wish my Ability was such as would enable me to do more. With this I must close at present, and am with Respects Your most obliged Servant
James Parker.
PS. Lewis is acquitted.

Addressed: For / Dr Benjamin Franklin / Craven-Street / London / per Lord Hide Packet / Capt. Goddard.
Endorsed: J. Parker April 23. 1770 about Lewis Jones.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Parker, 25 April 1770
From: Parker, James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honoured Sir
Newyork Wednesday Night April 25, 1770
Some Hours after I had sent my Letter to the Office to go with this Packet, Mr. Colden’s young Man brought me the inclosed Bill of Exchange for £50 Sterling which he offered me as he had just bought it @ 62½——and it being 2½ per Cent. cheaper than any to be got, I took it drawn this Day, Henry Thompson on Messrs. Pearson & Baillie of Liverpool——on which I instantly wrote this, as the Mail closes in an Hour.
Lewis was just now here, he came to thank me for the Assistance I had given him, to help him escape &c. He intreated I would not write the News to his Father——he promises Amendment of Life, so I submit to you not to acquaint his Friends with it. He may thank your Name for the Judge’s favourable Opinion of him, from Your most obliged Servant
James Parker.

Addressed: To / Dr Benjamin Franklin / Craven Street / London / per Lord Hide Packet


Title: Circular to American Postmasters, 26 April 1770: résumé
From:
To:

[General Post Office, North America, April 26, 1770. An unsigned circular letter, by order of the Deputy Postmaster General, enclosing the table of postal rates established by act of Parliament and instructions for handling foreign mail, and enjoining the recipients to observe them.]


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Noble Wimberly Jones, 2 May 1770
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Jones, Noble Wimberly

Sir,
London, May 2. 1770
Your Favour of Feb. 21. was duly delivered to me by Mr. Preston. I immediately bespoke the Mace agreable to your Orders, and was assured it should be work’d upon with Diligence, so that I hope to have it ready to send with the Gowns by a Ship that I understand goes directly to Georgia sometime next Month. By the Estimation of the Jeweller who undertook it, the Cost will not exceed £80. What the Gowns will amount to, I have not yet learnt; but suppose £100 will be more than sufficient for the whole.
I esteem myself highly honour’d by your Government, in being appointed, as you inform me, a second time their Agent. I shall rejoice in any Opportunity of rendring effectual Service to the Province. I beg you will present my thankful Acknowledgements to the several Branches of your Legislature, and assure them of my faithful Endeavours in the Execution of any Commands I may receive from them. With great Respect, I am, Sir, Your most obedient and most humble Servant
B Franklin
N. W. Jones Esquire, Speaker of the honble. Commons House of Assembly.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Robert Rogers, 4 May 1770
From: Rogers, Robert
To: Franklin, Benjamin

During the French and Indian War Robert Rogers and his Rangers had become a byword on both sides of the Atlantic. They had raised more havoc and killed more of the enemy, Franklin wrote in 1759, than all the British regulars had. After the war Rogers fell on bad times. In the autumn of 1764 Franklin, it is said, offered to recommend him to the government; Rogers accepted the offer and came to London to seek advancement. In 1765 he secured the command of Michilimackinac, and returned to take up his new post. While there he wrote a long report, dated May 27, 1767, in which he surveyed the resources of the region for lucrative trade with the Indians and concluded that Michilimackinac should be made into a separate government. In 1768 he was arrested at the fort, court-martialed in Montreal for treasonable dealings with the French, and acquitted. He returned to London in the following year, harried by his creditors, and bombarded the government with petitions and memorials for a variety of projects, among them the old plan for a province of Michilimackinac. Franklin was only one of the many friends and acquaintances whom he tried to enlist in his campaign. There is no indication that he succeeded; two years later he was committed to the Fleet Prison for debt.

Sir
4th of May 1770
The following is an Estimate and account of the Peltry and Firr Trade in the District of Michilimakinac made from many Years carefull Observation whilst I commanded in that Country.
As I have another Copy desire you will make any Use of this that you think proper. I am Sir with the Greatest Respect Your most Obedient Humble Servant
Robert Rogers
To Doctr. Frankland


Title: Agreement to Admit the Ohio Company as Co-Purchasers with the Grand Ohio Company, 7 May 1770
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

As soon as word got about that the Grand Ohio Company had asked in January for a grant of twenty million acres, rival claimants to western lands became intensely active in London. The Mississippi Company, represented by Arthur Lee, had a claim that overlapped that of the new company; the agent for Virginia urged that nothing be done until that province could be heard from; the Pennsylvania proprietors asked for full information because their interests might be affected. None of these moves turned out to be dangerous to Franklin and his fellow promoters, but another threat acquired at least some nuisance value. The Ohio Company of Virginia had been allotted a half-million acres in the area in question by the provincial council, and was attempting to get the grant confirmed; its London agent, George Mercer, had protested to the Board of Trade as early as December 18, 1769, against permitting the new company to encroach. The Board seems to have turned a deaf ear, as it had to Mercer’s earlier importunings. In the spring, discouraged about his prospects, he decided to merge his company with the Grand Ohio on the best terms he could, and those he obtained are set forth in the agreement below. They apparently satisfied him, for on the following day he withdrew his protest to the Board of Trade.

May 7, 1770
We the Committee of the Purchasers of a Tract of Country for a New Province on the Ohio in America do hereby admit the Ohio Company as a Co-Purchaser with us for Two Shares* of the said Purchase in consideration of the Engagement of their Agent Col. Mercer to withdraw the application of the said Company for a Separate Grant within the limits of the said Purchase. Witness our hands this 7th day May 1770
Thomas WalpoleT. PownallB. FranklinSaml Wharton

* The whole being divided into seventy-two equall Shares—by the words “two shares” above is understood two Seventy Second parts of the Tract so as above Purchased.
Thomas WalpoleT. PownallB. FranklinSaml Wharton


Title: Ordinance of Georgia Reappointing Benjamin Franklin as Agent, 10 May 1770
From: Jones, Noble Wimberly,Habersham, John
To:

[May 10, 1770. The ordinance appoints Franklin for a year from June 1, 1770. Except for the difference of dates the wording is virtually identical with that of the ordinance printed above, February 27, which renewed the appointment until June 1, 1770. The same clerks attested the passage of the act through the Commons House and the Upper House, on May 1–3, 1770, and on May 21 Thomas Moodie again certified that this was a true copy. The same group of fourteen men was named as the Assembly’s Committee of Correspondence, except that John Graham and James Read replaced Lewis Johnson and Clement Martin. The ordinance was signed as before by Jones, Habersham, and Wright.]


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Parker, 10–14 May 1770
From: Parker, James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honoured Sir
NYork, May 10. 1770
This only covers the 2d of each of three Setts of Bills of Exchange, the first of which I sent per Lord Hide Packet, Capt. Goddard, the 23d and 25th of last Month, not having any new Acquisitions or Receipts since: One is for £150 Sterling Wats & McEvers on Harley and Drummond——Another for £100 Sterling from Quebec, Colin Drummond on Nesbit, Drummond & Franks; and the other for £50 Sterling H. Thompson on Pearson & Bailie of Liverpool. This last was sent me by Mr. Colden just as the last Packet was going, and cost but 62½——All upon the Post-Office Account. I believe Bills might be had of private Drawers in general for 62½——but good and publick ones are 65 yet. Money indeed grows very scarce here. The Duke Packet, Capt. Goodridge arrived here the 3d Instant I had not a Word from you; I hope you are well, Suppose she is to sail the Beginning of June. Its now eight Months since I have been able to walk well, and I dont know if I ever shall again be able, so that it was Time I quitted the Land-Waiter’s Place, when I could scarce crawl. I wish I could get into some warmer Climate in my Old Age; but as ’tis not likely I can hold long, it is little Matter where I be——a few Days more, it will be all over with me. I shall try to do my Duty while here, and leave the rest to Providence.
In my last I acquainted you with Lewis Jones’ Affair. He being happily got clear, came to thank me, and intreated me not to acquaint his Father. Indeed, I never wrote at all to his Father; and in a Day or two after, finding it would not either be safe or beneficial to him to stay here; he solicited Help to go off: I contributed as much as I could, towards getting him a Passage to So. Carolina, where he will get Employ, and if he behaves well think he may retrieve some of his bad Fortune. My Son told me Mr. Jones had been kind to him in London. I think I have paid that Debt in part at least.
May 14. PS. Having represented to Mr. Colden, that as Bills were low now, I should be glad to take Advantage of it, to send all I could; for that if Importation took place again, it was thought they would infallibly rise; he this Day sent me £300 this Mony, with which and some Money I had already, I immediately purchased a Bill of £200, Sterling which cost but 62½, being the lowest they have been known for many years, drawn by Wats & McEvers, on Harley & Drummond, dated this Day, the first of which I inclose you, and the 2d shall send the first Opportunity.
Mr. Bell the Auctioneer not returned yet from Philadelphia. The Amount of the Whole of the Sales of B. Mecom’s Books came to £175 this Money, but the Commissions, Duty, Rent of a Room, &c. not yet settled, so cannot tell what more will be coming, if any. All our best Respects await you, and Mr. Foxcroft, wishing you Health and Happiness, I am Your most obliged Servant
James Parker

Addressed: For / Dr Benjamin Franklin / Craven-Street / London per the Harriot Packet / Capt Lee
Endorsed: J. Pa[rker] May 10. 1770


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from the Georgia Assembly Committee of Correspondence, 11 May 1770
From: Georgia Assembly Committee of Correspondence
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Savann[ah in Georgia, 11 May 1770]
As we expect a Ship is now at Cockspur Road at the entrance of this River bound for England and as we hope to get this on board we embrace the Opportunity of acquainting you that two Ordinances have been passed by the General Assembly, one reappointing you Agent for this Province passed the 27th. Febry last ending the first June next and another passed yesterday for another year ending the 1st. June 1771. We have not a moments time (the Boat waiting to Carry this on board) to say any thing on Publick Business of which we have several Matters in Charge and will be prepared to go by a Ship now here that will sail in all [likelihood?] this Month with Copies of the Ordinances properly authenticated. There is £100 provided for you [this] present year and inclosed you have our Governor’s Certificate for one hundred Pounds Sterling (for payment of which you will apply to John Campbell Esqr. his Majestys Agent for this Province) for your Service from June 1768 to 1st. June 1769.

We are Sir &ca.
J Habersham

Noble Jones

J: E Powell

N W Jones

Wm Ewen

Philip Box

Rd Cunym. Crooke

To Benjamin Franklin Esqr.  Agent for the Province of Georgia in London.


Title: Account with James Parker, 1 May 1769, to 14 May 1770: résumé
From: Parker, James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[The accounts of Parker’s remittances as comptroller of the Post Office run from May 1, 1769, to May 14, 1770; the sixteen bills of exchange listed total £1,1899 19s. 1d. The endorsement, in Franklin’s hand, refers to Parker as the “late Comptroller.”]


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Gilpin, 17 May 1770
From: Gilpin, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Esteemed Friend
May 17th 1770
By letters received here yesterday by Falconer, Sparks and Friend the inclination of altering the non importation agreement is discouraged tho I still think some regulations will be made on the 5th of June and if wisely done I believe it will be for the best for then it may be confidently expected that the colonies will abide by the measures they have adopted and do without one half the manufactures of Great Britain the consequence of which will be that considerable capital employed in trade will be converted to manufactures of our own as indeed has been the case already in many instances and when once these are established they will not be easily destroyed but will daily decrease the demand for foreign articles, invite the artists of England to settle among us and confirm the self-dependance and prosperity of the colonies.
Certain it is that by the adoption of a wise and paternal conduct towards us Great Britain may eminently accelerate her own prosperity and unite it with those of her colonies so that both may proceed in a happy union she as the affectionate parent and we as dutiful children: that there are many intemperate persons on both sides there is no question and it is undeniable that there are some here who would prefer offensive measures; altho’ it seems to me that every law imposed upon us by Great Britain may be rendered nugatory and the repeal of it compelled by firm defensive conduct without distressing ourselves or losing our valuable trade and in this too we should not weaken the cause by giving grounds to believe that we are actuated by ambition or revenge or afford our enemies an opportunity to triumph in our adopting measures so high that we might be compelled to rescind or be beaten from them and especially from our non importation agreement. I remain respectfully Thy sincere friend
T. Gilpin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from the Georgia Assembly Committee of Correspondence, 23 May 1770
From: Georgia Assembly Committee of Correspondence
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Savannah in Georgia 23d May 1770
The 11th. Instant we wrote you a Short Line by the Britannia Captain Deane of which you have now a Copy inclosed principally to acquaint you of your being reappointed by the General Assembly Agent to sollicit the Affairs of this Province in Great Britain for the Present year ending the first day of next month and also of your being reappointed for the ensuing year ending the first day of June 1771 and with this you will receive authenticated Copies of the two ordinances empowering you to Act in that Capacity and at the same time We enclosed you our Governors Certificate payable by the Kings Agent for this Province (John Campbell Esqr.) for one Hundred pounds Sterling for your allowance as Agent ending the first of June last and you have now a second Certificate and as soon as the Publick Treasurer can invest the like Sum provided for you in the last Tax Act in a Bill payable in England it will be transmitted.
Perhaps it may be necessary to make an Apology for an Intermission in our Correspondence with you as a Committee which however you will be pleased to believe did not arise from the least doubt of your Intention or Abilities to serve us but from Circumstances arising from the Dissolution of the late Assembly which are now subsided.
You will see by a Copy of the Resolutions of the Commons House of Assembly enclosed to which the Upper House agreed the Matters we have in Charge to recommend to your Sollicitation and to that end We have sent you a Copy of an Act for the better ordering and Governing Negroes and other Slaves &ca to which the Governor has Assented but with a suspending Clause till his Majestys pleasure is known thereupon agreable to an Instruction to him for that purpose. You will please to refer to the Committees Letter of the 19th. May 1768 in which they informed you that an Act similar to this had been disallowed by his Majesty but that the Reasons for such disallowance was not communicated to the Governor, and therefore we were at a loss to know how to frame another that might be unexceptionable and at the same time answer our local Circumstances; since which we have understood that the Council to the Board of Trade reported that slaves should be made real Estate, and go with the Lands they were employed upon. In a young and extensive Country like this, Where Property must necessarily be frequently Aliened and new Settlements daily made, many cogent Reasons might be urged against such a Measure but as we are informed our Governor has fully given his Reasons to remove this Objection which have been approved of, We need not add thereupon and have only to remark that in our unavoidable Situation this Law is of the utmost Importance and without it we cannot well subsist and as the greatest Care has been taken to frame it on the most humane Principles that the Nature of such a Law can admit we can make no doubt but it will meet with his Majestys Royal and speedy Approbation which you will please to lose no time in solliciting.
The next matter under Consideration is the Address of the Commons House to the Governor requesting him to issue Writs for the electing a Representative for each of the Four new Southern Parishes of St. David St. Patrick St. Thomas and St. Mary lying between the Rivers Alatamaha and St. Mary. These were part of the Lands ceded by Spain to his Majesty by the last Treaty of Peace and were annexed by his Royal Proclamation to this Province but as the Governor did not think himself authorized to add to the number of Representatives without an Instruction from the Crown for that purpose in which Opinion his Majestys Council concurred tho’ you will see by his Answer to the said Address of which you have now a Copy that he thought it right and just that every Parish should be represented as also did the Council, and therefore We are perswaded he has stated or will state the Matter to Government and We have no doubt but he will receive orders to issue Writs accordingly and it may be proper to acquaint you that in the last Tax Act these four Parishes are expressly exempted from paying any because not Represented, and as all Taxation should be equal and not partial we cannot conceive that there can be any Objection to obtain the Redress requested.
We are now to acquaint you that the Commons and Upper Houses of Assembly have passed a Bill intitled an Act to amend an Act intitled an Act to ascertain the manner and Form of electing Members to represent the Inhabitants of this Province in the Commons House of Assembly of which the Governor said he would Consider being framed as we understand contrary to a Royal Instruction and afterwards both Houses presented an Address to him rquesting him to use his utmost Endeavours to obtain an Instruction from his Majesty permitting him to assent to a Law of the same Tenor and purport, a Copy of which with his Answer a Copy of the Bill not assented to and of the Law it was intended to amend passed the 9th. of June 1761 are herewith transmitted that by comparing them you may be the better furnished with the Reasons that induced the Assembly to pass the Amendment Bill, which among others was to make the Qualifications of the Electors and Elected more equal and better adapted to our local Circumstances. In the subsisting Law you will observe that a person possessed of fifty Acres of Land tho’ in some Instances not worth five Pounds is qualified to Vote when another Person not having 50 Acres of Land tho’ possessed of Town Lots and Buildings to the Value of a thousand fold more cannot an Impropriety which we think will appear at first View to require an Amendment and the same reasoning must hold good as to the Qualification of the Elected, as it is no difficult matter for a Person wanting to be a Representative to get five hundred Acres of Barren or Lands of little Value to qualify him for that purpose tho’ perhaps in every other respect he is very improper to Act in that Capacity. The method of balloting for Representatives has been found very Salutary in other Provinces on this Continent particularly in South Carolina and has prevented undue and improper Influence of designing Men who have got themselves Elected too often, not to serve, but to distress Government and carry on their own private and selfish Views. We are apprehensive that the Clause for limiting the Duration of the Assembly for three Years in the proposed Bill may meet with Objections tho’ the same Clause is in the Election Law in South Carolina and has never that we know of been attended with the least Inconvenience to the Public Good and you know that in Pensylvania some of the Northern Provinces and some of the West India Islands the Assemblys are chosen annualy. In this Climate where the Inhabitants are so often subject to change their Situation three Years is a long time to attend, and even this Term has been found extremely inconvenient to many who tho’ well disposed and qualifyed to serve their Country have declined Acting and if the Duration should remain undetermined by Law we may and shall be deprived of the Service of some of the most usefull Members of the Community. We do not urge this Matter from the Conduct of our present Governor whom we have no reason to believe would keep the Assembly sitting longer than three Years and perhaps the same Reasons operate with him as We have offered and would his Instructions admit of his Assenting to the proposed Bill We are of Opinion he would not object to it.
The Committee have another matter in Charge of which they write to you in a seperate Letter. We need not say that any expence you may find necessary in the execution of the Business recommended to you by the Committee will be reimbursed you with thanks. We are Sir Your most Obedient Servants


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Humphry Marshall, 28 May 1770
From: Marshall, Humphry
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Esteemed Friend
Chester County Pensilvania the 28thof the 5th mo 1770
I Recieved thy favour of the 18th. of the 3d mo. Last In Which thou informs me that “The Nation Seems Besotted With the Fancy that We Cannot Possily Do Without them, and must of Course Comply at Last.” I am almost ready to Doubt that our merchants Will not hold out Long Enough tho’ there Seems Spirit and Resolution Enough in Some of them to Do it. But there is Somany Weaklings and Such that have had no other Way to Get a livelyhood and So loath to turn their hands to any other Employments that its Hard to Judge What Will Be the Event. But I may Inform thee that there appears a Spirrit of Industry among the People Both in our Province maryland, and Virginia I having Lately Been through Part of Both of them Provinces, and had an oppertunity of Conversing With the People, on that Subject. Our people Seems to make a great Noise about raising Silk how it will turn out I Know not. But I think not very Well this Season because We have had a severe frost So late this Spring as to kill the first Shooting of the Budds of our Mulberry. I am Greatly obliged to thee for thy Complying With my request to thee Concerning the Getting and Sending me a Small reflecting Telescope Which I have Received in Good order With the other Instruments, for [which] I Look on my Self much Indebted to thee and highly Favoured and Gratefully acknowledge the Kindness, and if it Should Ever be in my Power to oblidge thee as much I hope I Shall Do it With Pleasure. Thou Will its Possible Reccieve Later accounts than mine by the Same Vessells by my Living Distant from the City hath not an opportunity to Write So late [as] the people Who Live in the City. The inhabitants in the City at this time Seems to Be resolute to not import till the Whole affairs of Duties is taken off. I hope they Will Continue in their Resolutions. I Like wise hope that although the Duties Should be all taken of that there Will Be Such a Spirit of resentment Raised in the people of America against Being Brought under Slavery to a British Ministry, that Would impose Burdens on them; that they Won’t Easily forget it But remember to be Industrious to Manifacture Every article that they Conveniently Can that is Necessary for their own Consumption; By the Latest accounts We have yet from your Side there Seems to be Great Confusion amongst the Great ones in England it’s well if matters Settles [down?] Without Some Blood being Shed on the one Side or the other. Thy Real Well Wisher in Haste
Hump. Marshall

Addressed: To / Benjamin Franklin / in London / per Favour of / Capn. Sparkes
Endorsed: May 28. 1770  Humphry Marshal


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Mary Stevenson, 31 May 1770
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson

Dear Polly
Thursday May 31. 70
I receiv’d your Letter early this Morning, and as I am so engag’d that I cannot see you when you come to-day, I write this Line just to say, That I am sure you are a much better Judge in this Affair of your own than I can possibly be; in that Confidence it was that I forbore giving my Advice when you mention’d it to me, and not from any Disapprobation. My Concern (equal to any Father’s) for your Happiness, makes me write this, lest having more Regard for my Opinion than you ought, and imagining it against the Proposal because I did not immediately advise accepting it, you should let that weigh any thing in your Deliberations. I assure you that no Objection has occur’d to me; his Person you see, his Temper and his Understanding you can judge of, his Character for any thing I have ever heard is unblemished; his Profession, with that Skill in it he is suppos’d to have, will be sufficient to support a Family; and therefore considering the Fortune you have in your Hands, (tho’ any future Expectation from your Aunt should be disappointed) I do not see but that the Agreement may be a rational one on both sides. I see your Delicacy; and your Humility too; for you fancy that if you do not prove a great Fortune you will not be belov’d; but I am sure that were I in his Situation in every respect, knowing you so well as I do, and esteeming you so highly, I should think you a Fortune sufficient for me without a Shilling. Having thus more explicitly than before, given my Opinion, I leave the rest to your sound Judgment, of which no one has a greater Share; and shall not be too inquisitive after your particular Reasons, your Doubts, your Fears, &c. For I shall be confident whether you accept or refuse, that you do right. I only wish you may do what will most contribute to your Happiness, and of course to mine; being ever, my dear Friend, Yours most affectionately
BF.
Don’t be angry with me for supposing your Determination not quite so fix’d as you fancy it.

Endorsed: May 31–70


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Sarah Bache, [May 1770]
From: Bache, Sarah Franklin
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honored Sir
Philadelphia. May [1770]
I am much obliged to you for asking Sir John Pringles opinion about Franklin, it has made me easier, but if it please God to spare him to us, intend having him Inoculated again when he has done cutting Teeth. I take the earliest opportunity of telling my dear Papa I have altered my intention of going to Jamaica, it never was Mr. Baches design to setle there. All the Uneasiness I sufered during his absence made me get a promise of him that we should never more seperate; and that he would take me to Jamaica with him, when his Business called him, and if we had gone it would have been with a full hope of having it in our power to return to Phila. to live in a few years. Mr. Bache never urged me in the least to go, but as he had made the promise, would not go back from it, and left it entirely in my own choice whether to go or stay; your last letter has ditermined me; no Sir, Your Child will not give you pain. She will stay, and prove to you through life what She realy is Your Dutiful and Afectionate Daughter

Addressed: To / Benjamin Franklin Esqr.
Endorsed: Daughter Bache  May 1770


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Gilpin, 1 June 1770
From: Gilpin, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

This extract and three others that follow, from letters by Gilpin of June 8, July 19, and November 15, may or may not have been to Franklin. The extracts hitherto printed in this and the preceding volume are described in the memoir from which they come, written by Thomas Gilpin, Jr. and found among his papers, as addressed to Franklin. These four are not. A fifth included among them, of September 28, was clearly addressed to someone else, because it covered the same ground as Gilpin’s letter to Franklin of that date printed below; hence Gilpin had at least two correspondents in England. Because the author of the memoir did not bother to distinguish them, no editor can distinguish now. We therefore print the four extracts on the chance that they belong within the rubric of the Franklin Papers.

June 1st 1770
Since the repeal was announced and the public sentiment respecting it had time to mature itself the partiality in repealing the several other duties and leaving that on Tea seems to be considered as the effect of weakness in the ministry and an act of ill grace which can answer no end except to confirm the jealousy of their principles and the opinion of their weakness and ill intentions: the measure will drive the Americans into manufactures and frugality, a repugnance to foreign articles and to independence. If the minister was hired to hasten these measures he could do it by no means so effectually as by these he has adopted and in contending for a battle of form he will lose every thing of substance: in despite of the pretended right and laws they have founded on it, we save more by it in one year than the ministry could collect in three: we save in luxury and the gratification of our desires for which we paid a large tax to England without complaint——at present the exchange with England is extremely reduced, produce at a very reasonable price, and the country free from luxury; in this situation it must grow rich and tho’ a few individuals will suffer there is not the least disposition to give up the non-importation agreement. Some would have been glad if a few more articles of general necessity had been permitted as has been done in Maryland, but they seem bent not to relax in the system which has been agreed on.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Smith, Wright & Gray, 5 June 1770: résumé
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Smith, Wright & Gray

[Craven Street, June 5, 1770. Encloses three bills: Watts & McEvers on Harley & Drummond for £150, Colin Drummond on Nesbit, Drummond & Franks for £100, and Henry Thompson on Pearson & Baillie for £50, and asks for a receipt by bearer for £300. Again requests the protest of the bill on Cunningham.]


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jonathan Williams, Sr., 6 June 1770
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Williams, Jonathan Sr.

Dear Cousin,
London, June 6. 1770
Your Favour of Jan. 8 came duly to hand, but I have been so much engag’d during the Sitting of Parliament, that I could not correspond regularly with all my Friends, and have of course trespass’d most with those on whose Good Nature and Indulgence I could most rely. I am however asham’d of being so long silent. It is but the other Day that I enquired after the Fate of your Tickets, when I receiv’d the enclos’d Answer, whereby you will see that the whole Cost has not been lost. I only wish’d to see three O’s more following the Sum. I have not any farther Orders from you, but think to take at a Venture two Tickets more on your Account. If you disapprove, and chuse to rest where you are, signify it by a Line before the Drawing, directed to Messrs. Smith, Wright & Gray; who may then dispose of the Tickets.
I am glad to hear the old Gentleman, your Father-in-Law is still alive and happy. Please to remember me to him respectfully. Probably he can recollect but little of me, as it is a good deal more than half a Century since he has seen me: but I remember him well, a lively, active, handsome young Man, with a fine full flowing Head of Hair. I suppose he must now be near Fourscore.
If I could have given you any Intimation of the Intentions of Government with regard to America that might be depended on, you should have had them in good time for Use in the Views of Trade you hint at. But there have been this last Winter such Changes of Men and of Minds, and such continual Expectations of more and other Changes, that nothing was certain; and I believe that to this Day the Ministry are not all of a Mind, nor determin’d what are the next Steps proper to be taken with us. Some are said to be for severe, others for lenient Measures; others for leaving Things as they now are, in confidence that we shall soon be tired of our Non-Importation Agreements, Manufacturing Schemes, and Self-denying Frugalities, submit to the Duties, and return by degrees to our dear Luxuries and Idleness, with our old Course of Commercial Extravagance, Folly and Good Humour. Which of these Opinions will prevail and be acted on, ’tis impossible yet to say. I only know that generally the Dispute is thought a dangerous one; and that many wish to see it well compromis’d in time, lest by a Continuance of mutual Provocation the Breach should become past healing.
I am much oblig’d to you and Cousin Hubbard for your Kindness to my Friend Hughes, of which he acquainted me, with many Expressions of Gratitude for your Civilities. He would have been very happy in that Station, and in your Acquaintance so nigh him: but he is now remov’d to Carolina. My Love to your good Wife and Children, and believe me ever Your affectionate Uncle
B Franklin
Mr. Jona. Williams

Addressed: To / Mr Jonathan Williams / Mercht / Boston / B Free Franklin
Endorsed: June 6, 1770


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Noble Wimberly Jones, 7 June 1770
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Jones, Noble Wimberly

Sir
London, June 7. 1770
I wrote to you sometime since that I had receiv’d your Orders to procure a Mace and Gowns suitable for your Assembly, and that I hoped to have them ready to go by this Ship. The Gowns are accordingly ready; but the Silversmith has not kept his Time. So I think it best to send the Whole together, which I shall do by the first Opportunity after the Mace is finished. Inclos’d I send the Silversmith’s Note of the Cost of one he lately made. I suppose his Bill for this will not differ very widely. The Gowns cost £19 4s. 9d. With great Respect, I am, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
P.S. With this I send you Copies of two Speeches made by a Member of Parliament who is a Friend of America, in the last Session. On the last, some Expectations were given by the Ministry that the Troops should be withdrawn. The Duty on Tea still remains.
N. W. Jones, Esqr

Endorsed: Dr. Franklin  7th. June 1770


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Samuel Cooper, 8 June 1770
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Cooper, Samuel

This letter contains Franklin’s first extant response to the Boston Massacre. He mentions it in closing, almost in passing, but news of it certainly underlay his discussion of the larger issue of a standing army in America. That discussion led him on to the argument, more carefully worked out than ever before, that for a century past Parliament had usurped an authority over the empire which it did not rightfully possess, because the mother country and the colonies were in fact separate states with coequal legislatures, and were held together only by their loyalty to a common sovereign. Each colony was in a contractual relationship with the crown, expressed in the solemn compact of its charter, and Parliament had no right to alter that compact or impinge on the autonomy that it guaranteed.
This idea of a compact was thoroughly familiar to the colonists and, even though it was largely a fiction, had long played an implicit or explicit role in the development of their thinking about government. They held themselves to be Englishmen who, because they lived outside the realm, were exempt from many of the obligations of those within the realm (such as obedience to the game laws, to church courts, and above all to Parliament) and yet possessed all the rights of Englishmen at home. To the latter, understandably enough, this concept was incomprehensible and intolerable: a people whom they often referred to as their subjects was claiming all their rights and repudiating many of their obligations. The compact theory therefore held no hope of resolving the quarrel, but merely increased misunderstanding on both sides. Yet the theory had great future importance for both. It contained the seeds, for the United States, of divisible sovereignty and balanced government, and for Britain of the Commonwealth of Nations.
Did Franklin believe that this constitutional concept could be applied in practice to the empire of 1770? He did not commit himself, but two points about his argument are worth noting. The first related to Britain: he clearly recognized that his view of the constitution would be anathema to Lords and Commons. The second related to Massachusetts: although he emphasized that loyalty to the King was the colonists’ best protection against a corrupt and hostile Parliament, he failed to point out (though he may have implied) that such loyalty was scarcely consonant with the Bostonians’ attitude toward the King’s agents. These points do not suggest that his logic of empire was a mere polemical exercise; they do, perhaps, suggest that he was too much of a realist to expect his logic to prevail on either side of the Atlantic.

Dear Sir,
London, June 8. 1770
I received duly your Favour of March 28. With this I send you two Speeches in Parliament on our Affairs by a Member that you know. The Repeal of the whole late Act would undoubtedly have been a prudent Measure, and I have reason to believe that Lord North was for it, but some of the other Ministers could not be brought to agree to it. So the Duty on Tea, with that obnoxious Preamble, remains to continue the Dispute. But I think the next Session will hardly pass over without repealing them; for the Parliament must finally comply with the Sense of the Nation. As to the Standing Army kept up among us in time of Peace, without the Consent of our Assemblies, I am clearly of Opinion that it is not agreable to the Constitution. Should the King by the Aid of his Parliaments in Ireland and the Colonies, raise an Army and bring it into England, quartering it here in time of Peace without the Consent of the Parliament of Great Britain, I am persuaded he would soon be told that he had no Right so to do, and the Nation would ring with Clamours against it. I own that I see no Difference in the Cases. And while we continue so many distinct and separate States, our having the same Head or Sovereign, the King, will not justify such an Invasion of the separate Right of each State to be consulted on the Establishment of whatever Force is proposed to be kept up within its Limits, and to give or refuse its Consent as shall appear most for the Public Good of that State. That the Colonies originally were constituted distinct States, and intended to be continued such, is clear to me from a thorough Consideration of their original Charters, and the whole Conduct of the Crown and Nation towards them until the Restoration. Since that Period, the Parliament here has usurp’d an Authority of making Laws for them, which before it had not. We have for some time submitted to that Usurpation, partly thro’ Ignorance and Inattention, and partly from our Weakness and Inability to contend. I hope when our Rights are better understood here, we shall, by a prudent and proper Conduct be able to obtain from the Equity of this Nation a Restoration of them. And in the mean time I could wish that such Expressions as, The supreme Authority of Parliament; The Subordinacy of our Assemblies to the Parliament and the like (which in Reality mean nothing if our Assemblies with the King have a true Legislative Authority) I say, I could wish that such Expressions were no more seen in our publick Pieces. They are too strong for Compliment, and tend to confirm a Claim [of] Subjects in one Part of the King’s Dominions to be Sovereigns over their Fellow-Subjects in another Part of his Dominions; when [in] truth they have no such Right, and their Claim is founded only on Usurpation, the several States having equal Rights and Liberties, and being only connected, as England and Scotland were before the Union, by having one common Sovereign, the King. This kind of Doctrine the Lords and Commons here would deem little less than Treason against what they think their Share of the Sovereignty over the Colonies. To me those Bodies seem to have been long encroaching on the Rights of their and our Sovereign, assuming too much of his Authority, and betraying his Interests. By our Constitutions he is, with [his] Plantation Parliaments, the sole Legislator of his American Subjects, and in that Capacity is and ought to be free to exercise his own Judgment unrestrain’d and unlimited by his Parliament here. And our Parliaments have Right to grant him Aids without the Consent of this Parliament, a Circumstance which, by the [way] begins to give it some Jealousy. Let us therefore hold fast [our] Loyalty to our King (who has the best Disposition towards us, and has a Family-Interest in our Prosperity) as that steady Loyalty is the most probable Means of securing us from the arbitrary Power of a corrupt Parliament, that does not like us, and conceives itself to have an Interest in keeping us down and fleecing us. If they should urge the Inconvenience of an Empire’s being divided into so many separate States, and from thence conclude that we are not so divided; I would answer, that an Inconvenience proves nothing but itself. England and Scotland were once separate States, under the same King. The Inconvenience found in their being separate States, did not prove that the Parliament of England had a Right to govern Scotland. A formal Union was thought necessary, and England was an hundred Years soliciting it, before she could bring it about. If Great Britain now thinks such an Union necessary with us, let her propose her Terms, and we may consider of them. Were the general Sentiments of this Nation to be consulted in the Case, I should hope the Terms, whether practicable or not, would at least be equitable: for I think that except among those with whom the Spirit of Toryism prevails, the popular Inclination here is, to wish us well, and that we may preserve our Liberties.
I unbosom my self thus to you in Confidence of your Prudence, and wishing to have your Sentiments on the Subject in Return.
Mr. Pownall, I suppose, will acquaint you with the Event of his Motions, and therefore I say nothing more of them, than that he appears very sincere in his Endeavours to serve us; on which Account I some time since republish’d with Pleasure the parting Addresses to him of your Assembly, with some previous Remarks, to his Honour as well as in Justification of our People.
I hope that before this time those detestable Murderers have quitted your Province, and that the Spirit of Industry and Frugality continues and increases. With sincerest Esteem and Affection, I am, Dear Sir, Your most obedient and most humble Servant
B Franklin
P.S. Just before the last Session of Parliament commenced a Friend of mine, who had Connections with some of the Ministry, wrote me a Letter purposely to draw from me my Sentiments in Writing on the then State of Affairs. I wrote a pretty free Answer, which I know was immediately communicated and a good deal handed about among them. For your private Amusement I send you Copies. I wish you may be able to read them, as they are very badly written by a very blundering Clerk. BF
Revd. Dr Cooper.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Samuel Franklin, 8 June 1770
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Samuel

Loving Cousin,
London, 8 June, 1770.
I received your kind letter of the 23d of March. I was happy to find that neither you, nor any of your family, were in the way of those murderers. I hope that before this time the town is quite freed from such dangerous and mischievous inmates.
I rejoice to hear that you and your good wife and children continue in health. My love to them. I still enjoy a considerable share of that blessing, thanks to God, and hope once more to see Boston and my friends there before I die. I left it first in 1723. I made a visit there in 1733; another in 1743; another in 1753; another in 1763. Perhaps if I live to 1773, I may then call again and take my leave.
Our relation, Sally Franklin, is still with me here, is a very good girl, and grown up almost a woman. She sends her love to you and yours. I am, with sincere regard, Your affectionate cousin,
B. Franklin.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Gilpin, 8 June 1770: extract
From: Gilpin, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

June 8th. [1770]
As the late repeal of the acts in England more fully developes itself the singularity of its not taking effect till December next makes it appear the more as if the ministry had adopted a system of traps and decoys. But they have alarmed the game and it will require considerable time if it ever is accomplished to forget the snares; the disposition now seems to be to adhere to the non-importation agreement untill all the acts are repealed and such repeal actually commences. The people will never be reunited while England shall attempt to impose any laws in the making of which they have no voice.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Joseph Galloway, 11 June 1770
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Galloway, Joseph

Dear Sir,
London, June 11. 1770
I wrote to you per Capt. Falconer, and since by the April Packet. None went from hence in May, there being no Boat on this side. It is now long since I have received any of your Favours. I think the last was dated Nov. 8. 1769. I suppose your Indisposition, with too much Business, has prevented your Writing. I am glad to hear from our Friend Dr. Evans, that you think of affording your self more Leisure.
The Parliament is up without repealing the Tea Duty: but it is generally given out and understood that it will be done next Winter. Lord North, I have reason to believe, was for doing it now; but was over-rul’d. A general Act is talk’d of, revising all the Acts for regulating Trade in America, wherein every thing that gives just Cause of Offence to the Colonists may be omitted, and the Tea with its odious Preamble may be dropt, without hurting the Honour of Parliament, which it seems was apprehended if it had been repeal’d this Year. But it is by no means certain yet that such an Act will take place. The Act intended at the Beginning of the Session, and alluded to in the King’s Speech, for punishing the Combinations of Merchants not to import, &c. was never brought forward. I flatter myself I may have had some Share in discouraging it, by representing the Difficulties and even Impracticabilities of carrying such an Act into Execution in the Colonies, showing that Government here would by such a Measure only expose its own Weakness and Imprudence in a fresh Instance, and produce an Effect contrary to that intended, rendering the Agreements more general and more firmly adhered to, by souring still farther the Minds of the People. Towards the Conclusion of the Session Govr. Pownal made another Speech and Motion relating to the military Power kept up in America, a Copy of which I send you inclos’d. It is a curious Question, how far it is agreable to the British Constitution, for the King who is Sovereign over different States, to march the Troops he has rais’d by Authority of Parliament in one of the States, into another State, and quarter them there in time of Peace, without the Consent of the Parliament of that other State. Should it be concluded that he may do this, what Security has Great Britain, that a future King, when the Colonies shall become more powerful, may not raise Armies there, transport them hither, and quarter them here without Consent of Parliament, perhaps to the Prejudice of their Liberties, and even with a View of subverting them?  The House got over Mr. Pownal’s Motion, by a Declaration of the Ministry that the several Matters contain’d in it were already under Consideration of his Majesty’s Law Servants, and that every thing would be done conformable to the Law and the Constitution; that the Troops would not be return’d to Boston, unless call’d for by the Civil Power, &c. I inclose also a Paper he gave me sometime before, proposing a Case to be tried in America; but perhaps that will become unnecessary. On the whole, there seems a general Disposition in the Nation (a particular Faction excepted) to be upon good Terms with the Colonies, and to leave us in the Enjoyment of all our Rights. It is universally thought that no future Impositions on America will ever be attempted here; only it is not to be expected that Parliament should formally renounce its Claim; that, they say, would be inconsistent with its Dignity, &c. And yet I think all this is not quite to be relied on. There is a Malice against us in some powerful People, that discovers itself in all their Expressions when they speak of us; And Incidents may yet arise on either Side of the Water that may give them Advantage, and prevent those healing Measures that all good Men wish to take place.
I hear that a Paper-money Bill was in hand during your last Session, but fail’d. Had it pass’d, it would have been repeal’d here, if the Bills were made a Tender even to the Loan-Office in Discharge of the Mortgages. Poor R. Charles, our former Agent, was put upon an Application to Parliament for an Act permitting the Assembly of New York to make their Bills such a Tender. In the Progress of his Bill it was so alter’d, as to make him apprehend it would be of no Use to the Province, at the same time it was to be consider’d as a kind of private Bill, of which he was to pay the Expence and Fees, amounting (as he told me) to near £200, and he fear’d that would not be approv’d of: In a word he was so bewilder’d and distress’d with the Affair, that he finally put an End to his Perplexities—by a Razor! The Objection to such a Tender was frivolous; for it was certainly never the Intention of the Act of Parliament to forbid the Government’s being oblig’d to take its own Notes. If the Words were so ambiguous or so general as to create a Doubt, such Doubt should have been remov’d by an Explanatory Clause in a Publick Act. But this, tho’ urged by me and others to several Members, could not be attended to; it must be a particular Favour to each Province that should apply for it, acknowledging by such Application the Authority of Parliament over our Legislatures: But perhaps a principal Motive was (at least with some) to make more special Acts for the sake of more Fees.
Mr. Jackson being now appointed Council to the Board of Trade,
   *This Office having been vacant near two Years, is the Reason that many Colony Acts have lain so long here, not pass’d upon; it being that Officer’s Business to peruse them all and Report his Opinion of them in Law Points. Be pleased to communicate this Letter, with my sincere Respects, to the Committee. Your Votes and Laws are rarely sent me.
 thinks his continuing in the Agency of any Province will be judg’d incompatible with that Office, and therefore declines serving us any longer in that Station, but professes a Continuance of his Good-Will to us, and Readiness to assist your Agent with his best Advice on all Occasions. He presses me very much to continue here another Winter, alledging that it may be of great Use, and giving Reasons, that I cannot repeat.
I send you herewith the Remainder of the Votes; and am, with best Wishes for your Health and Prosperity, my dear Friend, Yours most affectionately
B Franklin