Title: To John Adams from Charles William Frederic Dumas, 30 November 1794
From: Dumas, Charles William Frederic
To: Adams, John

					Monsieur,
					La haie 30e. Nov. 1794.

				L’arrivée de Messieurs vos fils, & de l’honorée vôtre du 11e. 7br. qu’ils m’ont remise, a été une apparition bien agréable pour moi, qui suis presque moisi d’âge & de solitude.—Mon amitié leur est acquise & par leurs chers parens, & par leur propre mérite: je voudrois pouvoir leur en donner les preuves les plus fréquentes; mais vous savez combien je suis noir à certains yeux, auxquels je ne desirerai jamais de paroître blanc.—Je crois fermement que la providence fera finalement tourner “en bien” les troubles de notre monde moral, come elle fait tourner en bien les volcans & les tremblemens du physique. En attendant, en me témoignant que les Américains sont heureux, vous me rendez aussi heureux qu’on peux l’être où je suis. Dieu les bénisse de plus en plus par la Démocratie la mieux représentée possible.Je vous félicite, Monsieur, d’être délivré de cette truande de fievre dont vous avez eu à vous plaindre. Puissiez-vous, avec Madame Adams, à qui je présente mes meilleurs respects, jouïr, au milieu d’une florissante postérité, de toutes les bénédictions qui peuvent précéder l’imortalité.—Ma famille, sensible à votre obligeant souvenir, partage mes voeux, & le respect avec lequel je suis, / Monsieur / Votre très-humble & / très-obéissant serviteur

					Cwf Dumas


Title: From John Adams to Giuseppe Ceracchi, 2 December 1794
From: Adams, John
To: Ceracchi, Giuseppe

Philad. Dec. 2. 1794.

Il Vice-Presidente degli Stati Uniti presenta i suoi complimenti a Mr. Ceracchi: ha ricevuto e trasmetterà a Mr. Adams come richiesto un medaglione in marmo in elegante cornice dorata. Mentre egli ammira la durevolezza della materia e la squisitezza dell’arte, non può che dolersi che esse non venissero piuttosto impiegate ad immortalare qualche altra testa più meritevole di esser tramandata alla posterità.
Translation
Philadelphia Dec. 2, 1794
The Vice-president of the United States presents his compliments to Mr. Ceracchi: he has received and will transmit to Mrs. Adams a medallion in marble in an elegant gilded frame. While he admires the durability of the material and the delicacy of the art, he regrets that they do not immortalize some other head more worthy of being transmitted to posterity.


Title: To John Adams from John Quincy Adams, 3 December 1794
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, John

N. 4.
My Dear Sir
The Hague December 3. 1794.

I enclose herewith a letter from Mr: Dumas, which he requested me to transmit. The old Gentleman’s health appears to be very good, and he looks not older than he did when you saw him last. But oppression has had its proverbial effect upon him, and he can write think nor talk about any thing but representative democracy and Joel Barlow.
Last Week at Leyden I saw our old friend professor Luzac, who is at this time Rector Magnificus of the University. He received us with great cordiality, and I found him in his political sentiments moderate and rational. The instance is rare, and accordingly he suits neither of the parties in this Country. The "Tories call him Whig, and whigs a Tory," Because he neither wishes to be the slave of the ruling power, nor to see his Country liberated by means of being conquered.
There has been much talk about Peace; sometimes with, sometimes without mediation. one day Sweden and Denmark are to be joint mediators; the next the United States alone are to perform that part. This moment we are told the Baron de Stael has left Stockholm; and the moment after we find it is Mr: Jay who has gone from London to Paris. Amidst all these reports, there is no real prospect of Peace whatever.
If The affairs of this Country had not been so often retrieved from the very brink of the precipice, I should think them at this moment absolutely desperate. They all think them so, and Mr: Fagel the greffier has been at London ever since I arrived here, to solicit ineffectually their inexorable ally to join in a negotiation for Peace.
The subserviency of these people to the will of Great-Britain is not at this time altogether voluntary. They cannot disencumber themselves of their protectors. It is their misfortune to be defended by thirty thousand allies who would be more fatal as enemies than they are serviceable as friends. There is but a single step in the transition, and from the conduct of the british troops, one would imagine they had already taken it. It is hardly possible to conceive how much their assistance is dreaded. The Cities shut their Gates against them; all ranks of people equally detest and shun them, and with what Justice I am unable to say the unpopularity of the commander is not less conspicuous than his rank.
As I do not hear of any vessel for Philadelphia, we shall reserve the Martens, and one or two other recent publications to send to Boston, where we suppose you will be after the 4th: of March.—We shall write however by every opportunity.
The british Ambassador here, Lord St: Helen’s, alias Fitzherbert, did not return my visit of notification.  he gave an entertainment yesterday, intended for the Duke of York, who was expected here but did not come. The Court of the Stadtholder assisted at this Entertainment. The Ambassador sent me an invitation. I sent him for answer that I was engaged, as was really the fact.—I shall see him no more.
This circumstance is in itself so trivial that I have not mentioned it to the Secretary of State, in my Letter of yesterday to him. I do not wish to commence a diplomatic career by splitting hairs of etiquette.
Yet I am desirous that the circumstances should be known to Mr Randolph’s, and to the President. If you will please to communicate it to the former, the object will be answered.
I am Dear Sir in all duty and affection, your Son.
John Q. Adams


Title: From John Adams to Charles Carroll, 10 December 1794
From: Adams, John
To: Carroll, Charles

Dear Sir
Philadelphia December 10 1794

The Bearer of this Letter William Cranch is a Nephew of mine, and to me very much like one of my sons, and I should therefore think my self, in a sort, wanting in parental affection if I suffered him to go to Anapolis, without a Letter of introduction to you.  He is destined to settle at least for some years in the Federal City, to the Prosperity of which, his Education, Talents Application and Virtues, may make him very Useful. Permit me to solicit your Patronage in his favour in proportion to his merits.
Some of our most important Characters are imitating your Example, by retiring from the national Government. It is indeed so tedious anxious, irksome and unthankful a service, that I wonder We do not all resign and go home.
Thank God, We did, by dint of hard Battles, last Winter, preserve Peace, and at present there seems little disposition for War. The fit is over.
I hope in time to be as happy upon my farm as you are, though mine is but a speck and your is an Empire: But whether that should happen or not, I shall ever be, my Dear sir / your Friend and servant
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Médéric Louis Élie Moreau de Saint-Méry, 15 December 1794
From: Saint-Méry, Médéric Louis Élie Moreau de
To: Adams, John

Sir
philadelphia 15th Xre. December 1794.

We dare Recommend to your Goodness, our new Establishment in this city. a man who Seeks So carefully about the happiness of his native country, a man who by his works fixs his pride to Instruct his countrymen, owes perhaps a parcel of Benevolence to one enterprise directed towards human felicity.
We are with the utmost respect / Sir / of your Excellency / the very obedient & very humble / servants.
Moreau de St. méry & Co.


Title: To John Adams from Henry Marchant, 19 December 1794
From: Marchant, Henry
To: Adams, John

Dear and honored Sir,
Newport Decr. 19th. 1794

I venture again upon the Score of your Candour and Friendship, at the Commencement of another Session of Congress, to draw upon You, for some share of that Time, which I hope more important Concerns, will suffer You to bestow; at least I solicit for the Crumbs which may fall from the political Table.—During the Recess from the last Sessions, the Ship has been tossed by violent Gales, and the Crew have been roughly handled.—The very Captain has been threatned;—His Zeal, Knowledge, Prudence, Power, nay His very Heart and Intentions have been questioned, in a Cause wherein His own Honor, Fortune and Life have been interested, equally, if not more than all the People on Board.  But the Ship has nearly weathered the Storm, and those who blew it up, begin to sink in Their Hopes, and fall back into the Cloud They had produced.—It is to be lamented that after Days spent, warning upon a Question of Decisiveness,—The Executive and the Senate, should not find Themselves more decidedly supported;—and every Hope destroyd of Jacobin self-created Societies.  I hope however They may not derive much Courage from the Manner in which the Subject has been handled, or in which it finally stands—If Chief Justice Jay should be mainly successful; I think the Enemies to Our Peace, will be totally overthrown.—The Convention of France seem to be drawn into a Necessity, of soon comeing to a full Tryal with the Jacobins.—The Decission must be most important;—more so than any Battle fought against the foreign Powers opposed to Them.—
Pray may we learn what are the two Features of Judge Jays negotiation;—may we expect a satisfactory settlement of the Posts?—And in the Issue of legal Decissions, if Captors,—Their Bondsmen &c are unable to render Satisfaction,—or Tricks shall have been played off, by inadequate Valuations of Property condemned &c, will the Government of Britain yield the Satisfaction justly due?
If at any Time I ask improper Questions, You will answer them or not, or in such Manner as you please:—No improper use however will be made of them;—Nor Your Name committed—
A British Subject files a Libel before a Court of Admiralty here, setting forth that on the 27th. day of July 1794. He was Owner of a certain Brig & Cargo.  That on the high Seas duly presenting her Voyage; She was chased and taken into Custody by the Master, Mariners and Marines of two armed Vessells, by Persons to them unknown—That afterwards on theday ofthe P. Brig was brought into the Dist. ofunder the Care of J. B. as Master thereof,—That the said Brig was afterwards on theday ofsold atwithin said Dist. for the Sum ofby order of the sd. J. B. and the neat Proceeds thereof put into the Hands of W. P. and are now remaining in His Hands;—and even further, that since the 5th. day of June 1794, one of the said Vessells called the S. was wholly and originally fitted out, and that the Force of the other of said Vessells called the S. P. was increased and augmented by adding to the number of Guns and Gun Carriages on Board the same at the Port of C. in the Dist of S.C. with an Intent to be imployed in the Service of the Repo. of France to cruise and commit Hostillities upon the Subjects of the King of G. Britain, with whom the U.S. are at Peace; And on the same 27th. day of July 1794. there was on Board the said armed Vessells as Mariners and Marines diverse Citizens of the U.S. to wit on Board the Vessell called the S.P.12, and on Board the sd. Vessell called the S.21 all of whom were entend on Board the same Vessells at sd. C, since the sd. 5th. day of June 1794. and were aiding and assisting in the taking of the said Brig; And praying Restoration out of the Proceeds arising from the sd. Sale, and that the sd. W.P. be compelled to give Caution to pay the Money, if Restoration shall be adjudged &c.
Upon the foregoing Statement, is the same Cognizable by the Admiralty Courts of the U.S.—And if Cognizable, and the Facts should be well supported, ought Restoration to be adjudged?—
I have a Petition upon Your Table lodged at the last Sessions;—This Application was very disagreable to me, but I found an absolute Necessity for it, unless I would either beggar my Family, or reduce myself to a Condition of living, not only much below the Œconomical Prudence of former Times, but lay myself under a denial of every social Friend to my Table.—I did hope to preserve my hard Earnings in my Profession, for the small Advancement of my Family, or Their Support when I should be called from Them;—but I have been obliged to spend every Farthing of the Profits of my private Interest in the Expences of my Family, restricted in Our Expences more than it ever had been. And how moderate that had ever been, Our Members in Congress well know.—Every Person living by Salaries, must have experienced the rapid strife of the necessaries of Life to, at least 25 per Cent: Unhappy is the State of Widows and Orphans and those who live by the Interest of Their Money or on Salaries;—And I expect, what with the unmerited Abuse, and the Neglect experienced by the Servants of the Publick, all who are honest and do not speculate, or peculate, will be driven from Their Offices.  This I will endeavour to bear up against, while I have any good Company with all the Fortitude in my Power. But my Petition is not grounded on the general Evil or Calamity; but in what I presume was a Mistake, or for want of Information at my first Appointment, or rather when the Salary for the Judge of this District was first fixed.—We had no Members in Congress,—This state was under a Cloud; It’s Productiveness to the Preveance was not properly conceived of;—nor the Proportion of publick Business which It’s Officers would have:—Yet the House of Representatives at that Time put the Salary at 1000 Dollars;—A mere Motion in the Senate without the least Argument or Discussion reduced it to 800 Dol: as appears by Your Journals.—I wish your perusal of that Petition and your Opinion of its Merits and Success.—If the Principles I have stated in it are right, there is the most forcable Reason as I conceive, that I should be considered for the past, as well as the future.—Should it be said I ought to have applied before, Our Members can answer, that my Application to Them, was made long ago; but such has been the Multiplication of Business publick and private; that They modestly from Time to Time gave way under the Apprehension, it would finally make no Odds on that Score.—However the Matters stated in my Petition may strike Others; They are Facts, and strike my Mind (interested indeed) very forcably—If I can be placed upon a just Proportion as to living with my Brethren;—I will struggle with Them as before observed in the general Disadvantages, till I find I cannot live by what the publick may afford me, with my own Resources:—But I wish Congress to sever the partial Situation I am in, as I conceive from a Want of proper Information and Representation at first, from the general Inconvenience all Officers under Salaries are under—
You will kindly excuse this disagreable Subject.—I have hitherto been sparing upon it; and do not mean to repeat it.—If Mrs. Adams is with you, I beg you to present mine, and my Familys Respects to Her—With unremitted Regard and Respect I am dear Sir, your sincere / Friend and Servant
Henry Marchant


Title: To John Adams from John Quincy Adams, 21 December 1794
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, John

5.Dear Sir
The Hague December 21st. 1794.

I hear of a vessel to sail in two or three days from the Texel, and cannot lose any opportunity to write you directly from hence at this time; as the severity of the season will in all probability soon close the rivers and suspend the expedition of any more vessels for a month or two.
But I have nothing very material to say. In my letters as well to the Secretary of State (which I am afraid have been longer if not more frequent than he will think was necessary) as to yourself hitherto, I have endeavoured to give a view of the present state of parties, opinions and measures of this Country at the present moment. Upon this subject there is nothing to add and as to the article of news, I shall soon cease writing any thing relative to it; since I find that the intelligence which might be supposed to bear the best marks of authencity is as frequently erroneous as any other.
We have at this moment a rumour which has darted like lightening through the whole Province of Holland, and which is propagated in such a manner, that there can be no doubt but it is indirectly countenanced by the Court It is that two Commissioners are appointed to proceed immediately to Paris for the negociation of a peace, and Mr: Brantzen the former Ambassador extraordinary in France, and Mr: Repelaar a burgomaster of Dort, are named as the persons. This intelligence is probably not true; but it is affirmed with the most undoubting confidence by people connected with the court, and has given great Spirits to the Orange partizans.
I say it is probably not true, because it is hardly conceivable that Britain should consent to a separate negociation on the part of this Country, or that she should join in a general negociation as yet. and it is equally difficult to suppose that the Court here, that is the governing power should so far disencumber itself from british thraldom, as to negociate separately and in a public manner for peace without their consent.
To say that the Government of Great Britain has great influence over the counsels of this Country, would be inaccurate. The observation that Louis the fourteenth had great influence in France, or Frederic the Great in Prussia would be thought ridiculous.
In my Letter to the Secretary of State (N. 13.) I have stated the motives which operate to maintain this british efficacy, at a time when the circumstances of the Country so imperiously command a peace with the french republic: and have explained as clearly as I can the singular concurrence of events which has reconciled the policy of the ruling power with the most ardent wishes of the patriotic party.
But the adherents of the Stadtholder who are not immediately dependent upon him or his family, and those whose principal property is not in the british funds, are not satisfied with that extreme devotion to an ally which would involve their ruin in the continuance of the war. They loudly call for Peace, which necessarily implies the abandonment of their present alliance; and it is found expedient to amuse them with expectations, which in all probability it is never intended to realize.
The report of a truce upon the Waal, at the request of General Pichegru is connected with that of the Commissioners to go to Paris, and is equally suspicious. About ten days since, an attempt was made by the french army to cross that river in several different places but without success. The season begins to grow severe; the canals through the country are already closed; the weather still continues cold, and a few more such days as the present may construct a bridge for the french army which will make it impossible to prevent their passage. In that case there is little doubt but they will advance as far as Utrecht.
Among the difficulties with which the Government is compelled to struggle, the want of money is one of the most important. The weight of taxation with which these Provinces are burdened in ordinary times is well known to you. It has already been aggravated to the extremity of sufferance, yet the public treasury is empty. The public credit of course is proportionably impaired. The obligations of the Province of Holland, which you have always known at par and generally higher, have depreciated to 55 and even 50 per cent. New loans have been attempted and totally failed. The dangerous and extreme resource of a paper currency has already been resorted to, and an emission of five millions of guilders has taken place to supply the impending contingency of public payments. The circulation of this paper it is said will be voluntary as to the people in general, and compulsive only upon the people persons in office. But this regulation must be intended only to facilitate the introduction of the paper to the public, and there is little reason to doubt that its acceptance in all payments will be enforced very soon by the sanction of the Law.
But if this republic is so nearly much exhausted, that of France appears to be nearly in the same condition. The price of several necessary articles of life published in the Paris papers proves the fact, even with every proper allowance for the depreciation of the Assignats. The scarcity of bread at this early period after the produce of the Harvest, is unquestionably great in many parts of that Country; probably in all. The parties in the Convention, become more and more inveterate against each other. The Jacobins though suppressed have left a powerful party behind them. Peace upon honourable terms with all the combined powers except Britain is professedly the object of the moderates, and amid the discordant symptoms of the public opinion, their system appears upon the whole to be the most popular.
I have as yet received no Letters from America. As the present situation of this Country may perhaps in some measure interrupt a direct communication from thence, I must urgently solicit you to write me by the way of England. Please to enclose your letters under cover either to Mr: Pinckney or Mr: Johnson our Consul at London As long as the present state of affairs continues, that will probably be the most expeditious mode of conveyance.
I  perceive that the Dutch Resident at Philadelphia does not write to his constituents so frequently, nor give them so particular accounts of American affairs, as would be necessary to give them entire satisfaction. If he is well disposed towards our Country, and would be likely to make a just representation of things I could wish he had some friend who should in a delicate manner intimate this circumstance to him. It would certainly render him a service, and might be useful to the interests of the United States. If he has prejudices against us, it may be as well to let him receive the knowledge of this fact from his employers. I shall submit to your judgment whether it is proper that it should be known to the President, and the Secretary of State from me. I have not mentioned it in my official Letters, nor confidentially to any person but yourself, from the consideration which I think is due from me to the person holding the station in America correspondent to my own in this Country. If you think the communication can be of any public utility, I must request of your goodness to make it, and can only add the assurance that I am with invariable duty and affection / Your Son
John Q. Adams


Title: To John Adams from Pierce Butler, 25 December 1794
From: Butler, Pierce
To: Adams, John

Sir
Charleston Decbr. the 25th. 1794

I had the honor on my arrival in this City the 22d. Inst, to receive Your letter, Covering a desire of a Number of Gentlemen of Senate.  The great respect I bear these Gentlemen woud induce a prompt compliance with their requisition, if my state of health, and the inclement season woud Admit of my traveling to Philadelphia—I observe by the Public Print’s that there is a Quorum—I can not then be missd—
Wishing You the Compliments of the Season, and many happy returns of it I have the honor to be with great respect / Sir / Yr. Most Obedt. Servt

P Butler


Title: From John Adams to François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 30 December 1794
From: Adams, John
To: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan

Dear Sir
Philadelphia Decr. 30. 1794

I received this morning, your kind favour of the 9th. of this month dated at Kempwick at the Oneida Lake. Your Letters always give me Pleasure, both as they contain interesting Reflections, upon public Affairs and as I take an interest in every Thing that relates to yourself and your family, believing as I do, your inflexible Integrity and wishing you every Prosperity.
I am very glad, the Council of Appointment, have made you a Judge and that you have accepted the Appointment, because I believe you will do honour to them and service to the state, and the United States.
I have not a Copy of the Discourses on Davila and I know not where to find one, except in a Volume of Fermo’s Gazette which he presented to the senate. If I knew how to procure you the sight of them I would chearfully do it, because you discover a curiosity to see them.—They have never been thought of any Value. They never were taken any notice of, by the Public. They are forgotten except by you, and you had better not be singular.
If the History of All Ages and Nations coinciding with the known Constitution of human Nature, could bring “the Doctrine of The Defence to the greatest degree of moral Evidence, the Example of France would not be necessary for that Purpose. Experience is lost upon Men. Les sottises des Peres sont perdues pour leurs Enfans. Il faut que chaque generation fasse les siennes” so Said the late King of Prussia, and Solomon in all his glory never wrote a more certain Truth.
You have uttered an Awful Truth. I tremble when I transcribe it. “Three Years longer continuance of this Anarchical Despotism and the hopes of enjoying civil and political Liberty, will be lost forever for more than twenty Millions of Men.”
I Say with you “rather the laborious Life of a forgotten Farmer, in the Town of Quincy, than all the Splendor of this World, whether at Paris or Philadelphia.”
You need not ask me Permission to grant me favours, for such are sincerely esteemed every Letter from you, by your / real Friend
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Jeremy Belknap, 2 January 1795
From: Belknap, Jeremy
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Boston Jany 2 1795

A regard to the reputation of our Country induces me to address you at this Time.
Dr Kippis has published a Life of Capt Cooke the famous navigator and in Vol. ii. p. 268 has given at large the directions issued in March 1779 by Dr Franklin then in France to all commanders of armed Ships in the American service, in case they Should meet Capt Cooke at Sea not to consider him as an Enemy but to treat him & his people with all civility and kindness assuming them that “in so doing they would not only gratify the generosity of their own dispositions but obtain the approbation of the Congress.”
The Dr’s remarks on this recommendation are to me astonishing “In the confidence which he expressed with respect to the approbation of Congress he happened to be mistaken, As the members of that assembly, at least the greater part of them, were not possessed of minds equally enlightened with that of their ambassador, he was not supported by his masters in this noble act of humanity, of love to science, & of liberal policy.  The orders he had given were instantly reversed; and it was directed by Congress that especial care Should be taken to seize Capt Cooke, if an opportunity of doing it occurred.  All this proceeded from a false notion that it would be injurious to the United States for the English to obtain a knowledge of the opposite coast of America.”
By a note in the next page he seems to have obtained this account from Sir Joseph Banks.
Had this assertion been made by any of the ministerial hireling pamphleteers it might be passed over with contempt; but as it comes from so respectable an authority as Dr Kippis supported by Sir Jos Banks, it must be regarded as a very serious charge against this Country—I have conversed with several persons, since I saw it, & among others with your worthy Lady—all join in reprobating the account as false & injurious—But I wish to submit the matter to your cool & candid opinion—I am informed that Dr Kippis is your friend & correspondent & I know you are a friend to America & to truth.  Let me therefore request of you to tell me, whether there is any thing in the Journals, open or secret, of Congress which can be construed into a foundation for such a report—or whether there is any memory of any thing like it in the mind of any persons who were in Congress in the year 1779—Whether any notice has been taken of the assertion by any person in Brittain or America, & finally in what manner & by whom it may (if false) be most effectually contradicted.
I am Sir with great respect / Yr very humble servt
Jeremy Belknap


Title: From John Adams to Jeremy Belknap, 16 January 1795
From: Adams, John
To: Belknap, Jeremy

Dear Sir
Philadelphia January 16. 1795

Your kind Letter of the 2d. was brought to me from the Post office this morning, and I thank you for your Attention to the Reputation of our Country.
I have Shewn your Letter to Mr Henry Mr Elsworth and other Members of Congress in 1779 and 1780 and to some others, and there is not one who remembers any Thing like the account which Dr Kippis has given.
I will however take other Measures for ascertaining Facts and transmit the Result to you as soon as I can.  Dr Franklins Recommendation to American Ships of War, to respect Captain Cook, as far as I remember any thing of it was universally approved and applauded by all Americans without Exception.
I have been often a delighted Hearer of Dr. Kippis in the Pulpit, and have often met him in Company at my own House and at the Tables of other Persons, and never without an high opinion of his Candour as well as his Information.  He has written nothing I believe but what he honestly thought to be true but he has been misinformed.  I will do all in my Power to enable you to undeceive him, and disabuse the Public.
Accept of this short answer for the present, and a Copy of The French Weights and Measures for yourself and another for the Accademy if you think it of importance enough.
I am Sir with great Esteem and / regard your Friend & humble Sert.

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Henry Marchant, 16 January 1795
From: Adams, John
To: Marchant, Henry

Dear Sir
Philadelphia January 16. 1795

I received your kind Letter of the 19. Ult. with Pleasure, as I ever have and always shall receive all your Letters.  Our Acquaintance and I hope I may say Friendship is almost forty years old, and I am more attached, than the Adage to Old Friendships even than to old Wine.
The Questions which now agitate, not only this Country but all Europe, especially France England Holland Switzerland Scotland Ireland relative to popular voluntary Associations, do not Seem to be to have been considered with the maturity nor discussed with the Discernment, they require.  The Legality of such Self Created Societies had been admitted in Terms too unqualified, and without the necessary Restrictions and Limitations, in some Places, and denied in too general and universal Language in others. in Switzerland they have hanged, banished and imprisoned for twenty Years, for social festivities that We should think perfectly innocent.  In Scotland they have transported to South Wales, in some instances for Societies not very reprehensible.—But in our own dear Country Some Gentlemen roundly assert the Right of the People to meet when where and in what Numbers they please to appoint Presidents & secretaries: to keep Records; to correspond with whom they please: to say what they please; to resolve and write what they please and to publish it in Pamphlets & Newspapers when they will; to circulate it far and wide; to condemn & censure at their Pleasure any Law, or any Magistrate; for the express purpose of creating discontent and sowing discord between the People and their Rulers.  Private Societies for Conversation, for petitioning the Legislature, or for instructing Representatives, peaceably & decently held are lawful enough: but as soon as they do an unlawful Act, they become in the Eye of the Law and of Reason unlawful Assemblies from the Beginning.—And I fear, that in this Country the Government will be obliged to resort sooner or later to Prosecutions against some of these People for Libels, or for Riots and unlawful assemblies, or perhaps for Treason, But enough of these Vermin.
Pray My Dear Friend Let Us learn to be patient on the score of foreign Negotiations—It They must be Secret, till it is they are mature—I know no more than you, of Mr Jays Negotiations.
As You State the Case, I should think Restoration ought to be adjudged.—The cursed Pirates from Charleston ought to have more done to them than stopping their Plunder.
On the subject of your Petition I have consulted several of the Senaters and shewn them your Letter.  No Man has pretended to say he thought it unreasonable: But every Body dreads to say a Word on any such subject there are Such Numbers complaining and petitioning for increase of pay.  The Value of Money is not now one half of what it was in 1789, When the salaries were fixed.  I shall certainly promote your Petition as much as I can—But you know that it is very rarely that I can do any Thing.
We go on, much as We did, when you and I were together in Congress, disputing forever and about equally divided in every Thing.  I suppose it will be always nearly so.  No Matter; if the Result is Obeyed all will be well: but when the Minority take it into their heads to be disobedient, I know not where We shall find a Remedy.  specially if the Minority should have any Auxiliaries—But—
I am my dear sir, most heartily your / Friend and humble servant

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Alexander Hamilton, 16 January 1795
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Adams, John

Sir.
Treasury Department January 16th. 1795

I beg leave through you to inform the Senate..... that pursuant to the second Section of the Act establishing the Treasury Department which expressly makes it the duty of the Secretary of the Treasury “to digest and prepare plans for the improvement and management of the Revenue and for the Support of public Credit”... I have digested and prepared a plan, on the basis of the actual revenues, for the further support of public Credit, which is ready for communication to the Senate.
This plan embraces a further provision for the unsubscribed Debt, a provision for converting with the consent of the Creditors the foreign into Domestic Debt, a provision for augmenting the Sinking Fund so as to render it commensurate with the intire Debt of the United States, suggestions for giving effect to the Act of the last Session granting a million of Dollars for the purposes of foreign intercourse; with some auxiliary propositions.
With perfect respect / I have the honor to be / Sir, / Your Obedient Servant

Alexander HamiltonScy. Of the Treasy.


Title: To John Adams from Alexander Hamilton, 20 January 1795
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Adams, John

Sir
Treasury Department January 20, 1795

Agreeably to the order of the Senate, I have the honor to transmit the plan for the support of Public Credit announced in my letter of the 16th instant together with sundry Statements connected with it—and to be Sir / Your most obedient & / humble servant

A Hamilton


Title: From John Adams to James Madison, 23 January 1795
From: Adams, John
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Philadelphia January 23. 1795

Will you be so good as to read the inclosed Letter from Dr. Belknap and tell me, from your Recollection of what passed in Congress in 1779 1780 & 1781, whether there is any Colour for the Imputation cast on our Country by Dr Kippis.  I cannot say as Dr Belknap has been informed that Dr Kippis is my Correspondent. I never wrote a Letter to him or received a Letter from him that I recollect.—I visited him and he visited me I often heard him in his Pulpit, and frequently met him in society in London, and ever conceived and entertained a good opinion of his Candour, and a great Idea of his Information.—I doubt not he wrote what he believed: but he has certainly been misinformed.  I doubt not he will readily correct his Error, as soon as he shall be convinced of it. And if you will be so obliging as to recollect what passed within your Knowledge relative to Dr Franklin’s Recommendation, and write it to me, I will convey it to Dr Belknap and perhaps take some other Measures to shew that Dr Franklins Liberality of sentiment was never censured, but on the Contrary was admired by his Fellow Citizens.
With great / Esteem I have the Honour to / be, Sir your most obedient

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Alexander Hamilton, 23 January 1795
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Adams, John

Sir,
Treasury Department January 23d 1795

In obedience to the Resolution of the Senate of the United States of the 18th of February 1793—I have the honor to transmit to you herewith—A Report on the Memorial of a number of the Inhabitants of the States of Connecticut & Rhode Island, praying that a Light House may be erected at the expence of the United States, on Watch Hill in the State of Rhode Island.
I am Sir, / With the truest respect & / esteem, / Your most Obedient Servant
Alexander HamiltonSy Of the Treasy


Title: To John Adams from Jeremy Belknap, 24 January 1795
From: Belknap, Jeremy
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Boston Jany 24 1795

I thank you for your favour of the 16th recd this day. It is a great pleasure to me to find that none of the Gentn. of Congress in the years 1779 & 80 remember any such thing as Dr K has asserted.  Our present Govr who was then a delegate says the same—I shall ask Mr Gerry when I see him—& shall wait with as much patience as the nature of the subject will admit for your farther communications.
Since I wrote to you on this subject I have been again wounded by an unmerited reflection on our Country from the pen of the late Secy of War; and have tho’t it my duty by the advice of 2 or 3 judicious friends, publickly to detect his mistake.  In the Centinel of this date you may see my address signed with my initials.  It is certainly well intended & I hope will be well received. I mean to be a fair antagonist & therefore beg you to deliver him the enclosed (if he should be at Phila) after you have read & sealed it.
I thank you for the memoir on weights & measures—one Copy Shall be delivered to the Secy of the Academy.  It is not improbable that some of our dablers in the Apocalypse may set down the new Standard of weights & measures as “the mark of the beast” if “no man is to buy or sell” but by that Standard. But how they will contrive a decimal division of 666 I know not.
I should not think it strange if the French in their rage for decimals should make a reform in the Zodiac as well as in the calendar and reduce the signs to ten, corresponding to their ten months.  In that case the Lion must be rejected as an emblem of monarchy.  The ram and the bull will be deemed aristocrats—& possibly the Goat unless he Should serve as an emblem of Liberty.—The scales will probably be retained for their equality, & the twins & fishes for the sake of Fraternity. The virgin I suppose will be united with the Waterer to make her prolific & the motley figure of the Archer may with some propriety be called Marat or represent the Jacobins.
Will you be so good as to tell me whether the President when he sent a proclamation for Thanksgiving to one Governor expected that it would be reinforced by his authority & that of the Council? We have now 2 proclamations handed to us to be read in public—one is distributed by the Marshal of the district—the other having the order of Govr & Council at the top by the Sheriff!  The latter is printed by Adams & Larkin at the Expense (I suppose) of the State!
I am, Dear Sir, with great Esteem & respect / your obliged friend & hble servt
Jeremy Belknap


Title: To John Adams from William Vernon, 24 January 1795
From: Vernon, William
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Newport Rhode-Island Jany. 24th. 1795.

I was honoured with your most obliging Favor of the 6th. Decemr.—Please to accept of my unfeigned Thanks for your Application to the Commissioners from the Court of Spain, Don Joseph de Viar and Don Joseph de Jandenes for Permission for the Ship Ascention to proceed to the Havanna with empty Casks & Hoops—
It is with the utmost Regret that I perceive, by their polite Answer to our Memorial, that it was inconsistent with their Authority to grant Licences for the Purposes of our Prayer; and only authorized to give Permission for Provisions when the City was in Want thereof; but they, being well informed that the King’s Magazines and the Market were plentifully supplied, shou’d suspend granting Permissions until the Beginning of February, at which Time we should have the Preference upon Application therefor in Writing.
I am, unhappily, largely interested in the Debts one in the Havanna of near 24,000 Dollars, and have no Prospect of realizing the Money without getting a Vessel admitted: It therefore becomes necessary to make fresh Application, agreeable to the Commissioners Letter of the 9th Decemr.—for that Purpose we have sent forward to Philadelphia the Bearer Captn. Saml. Chase, Master of the Ship, who will deliver you the Letter referr’d to, and beg with Solicitude your friendly Interest in obtaining our Request, on which our Property principally depends.  And as it appears that no Permissions can be grated but for Vessels carrying Provisions and the Season of the Year renders it almost impossible to proceed to Delaware or New York, the Owners will at their own Expence and Risque freight five or six Hundred Barrels of Flour from New-York to Newport and ship on Board the Ascention for the Havanna on Account of the King at the most moderate Freight; or otherwise, will purchase, and deliver at the Havanna, to the Government, said Flour, they paying for the same, at the Havanna, only the first Cost, and what Freight may be thought reasonable; or no Freight, if it may be the means of granting our Memorial.  We flatter ourselves that upon one or the other of those Proposals, though the means of your Influence, we shall obtain the Permission.—It gives us Pain to be so troublesome, but the Exigency of the Case requires our Exertions.
With every Consideration of the firmest Attachment of Respect and Gratitude / I am / Your most obedient /  and most humble Servant

Wm. Vernon
PS. The Owners of the Ship would rather the Privilege of carrying said Flour, or any other Provisions, on their own Accot. even shou’d it be attended with considerable Expence in procuring that Privilege


Title: To John Adams from Samuel Meredith, 27 January 1795
From: Meredith, Samuel
To: Adams, John

Sir
Treasury of the United States January 27th: 1795

My Treasury Account for the quarter ending the 30th: of September last having passed the Offices, permit me, through you, to lay it before the Honorable the Senate.—
My Account of Expenditures in the War Department for the quarter ending the 31st: of December last is now at the Treasury for Settlement; when it is completed, I shall take the earliest Opportunity of Submitting it to your Inspection.
I am Sir / With perfect Respect / Your most humble servant

Saml Meredith Treas of the United States


Title: To John Adams from Timothy Pickering, 30 January 1795
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Adams, John

Sir
Department of War, January 30th 1795

The President of the United States has instructed me to communicate, in confidence, to the Senate, the dispatches from Major General Wayne herewith transmitted, dated the 23d of December last, and which were received on the 28th instant.
I have the honor to be, / Sir, / with great respect, / Your obedient Servt:
Timothy PickeringSecy. Of War


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Priestley, January 1795
From: Priestley, Joseph
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Jan. 1795

I take the opportunity of my son’s going to Philadelphia to once more to beg your concurrence in the attempts we are making to remove several disadvantages we at present labour under in this place.  A petition to incorporate the town is now I understand before Congress, or perhaps the state of Pennsylvania.  This I suppose will pass without difficulty.  But what I particuly wish your kind assistance in, is the extension of the post from Reading to this place, with the reduction of the present high price of postage.  We have a scheme of sending a post coach to Reading, and by the same means the letters, and small parcells may be brought.
Several inconveniences arise from the want of a better communication with Philadelphia, especially with respect to my philosophical pursuits.  But then I have more leisure here, and live at much less expence.  My sons are settling as farmers in this neighbourhood; so that I have a prospect of being as happily situated here as I can expect to be anywhere; and truly thankful I am to have found such an asylum, after being harrassed as I have been in England.  As, however, I have no wish to have any privilege of voting & Law, I have no thoughts of being naturalized, but propose to live as a peacable stranger.
I am / Dear Sir Yours sincerely

J Priestley—


Title: To John Adams from James Madison, 3 February 1795
From: Madison, James
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Philada. Feby. 3. 1795

I have been induced to this delay in acknowledging your letter of the 23d, inclosing one to you from Mr. Belknap of the 2d. Ulto. by a desire to obtain from my memory all the information it might have ever possessed in relation to the error in Docr. Kippis’ life of Capt: Cook.
I was not a member of Congress till March 1780. It is probable therefore that, if his directions to American Commanders, in favor of Capt. Cook, issued, as is stated, in March 1779, they must have been transmitted to that Body, and undergone its consideration, before I could have been present.  After I became a member, nothing was ever done on the subject, as far as my memory can inform me. I do not even recollect that the subject ever fell incidentally, under any public discussion.  I have however a pretty strong impression, that it  occasionally entered into the conversation of the members, as it often did into that of intelligent Citizens out of doors, and that I never heard a sentiment uttered which did not applaud the magnanimity of the idea  which considered Capt: Cook’s expedition as consecrated to the general good of all Mankind, and consequently not included in the hostilities between particular nations.
I beg leave to suggest to you, Sir, if it has not already occurred, that Mr. Charles Thomson, will be more likely than any other individual to answer the wishes of Mr. Belknap. Besides the general accuracy to be expected from him, he must a Secretary to Congress be particularly intimate with every thing that passed in that assembly.
With the highest respect and esteem, I have the honour to be, Sir, / Your most obedient, humble servant

Js. Madison Jr
P.S. I have shewn the above to Mr. Muhlenbourg the Speaker, and Mr. Boudinot, a member of the house of Representatives. The former was  a Member of Congress during the years 1779, 80, & 81; The latter from July 1780 to the peace in 1783. Both of them concur in what I have stated, and recollect nothing more particular on the subject.


Title: From John Adams to Jeremy Belknap, 4 February 1795
From: Adams, John
To: Belknap, Jeremy

Dear Sir
Philadelphia Feb. 4. 1795

I have recd your kind Letter of Jan. 24. and have read, Sealed and sent as you desired your Letter to General Knox, for whose bold Expressions, upon which you have remarked I was always sorry. I presume he did not mean that our Population had been destructive to Indians like the Cruelties of Pizarro &c. but that it had prevented their Population as much. The Expressions however were not well weighed, and as they appeared at the moment of the Retreat of a worthy Man and faithful servant of the Public, I regretted them more than I should have done at any other time.
Your witty Reform in the Zodiack, in Conformity to French Innovations is entertaining and instructive enough to be committed to the Public, but in these perilous times I dare not venture upon any Experiments.
Pray in the Proclamation you sent me, are the Armies of Massachusetts placed at the Right had or the Left of those of the United States? I know my Friend so well as to believe, that if his heart was omnipotent, He would govern Boston in Town Meeting Assembled, Boston would govern Massachusetts, Massachusetts would govern New England, New England would govern the Continent, and the Continent would govern the World—This to be sure is a System of Patriotism and Republicanism! And I believe upon the whole, it would not be intentionally ill governed.
Relative to Dr Kippis’s Misrepresentation, I inclose you Letters between Mr Madison & me—I shall write to Mr Thompson, and send you his answer. I should have done it a week ago, if I had not waited for Mr Maddisons answer, which I thought might render it unnecessary.
I am, dear sir, yours

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 5 February 1795
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Philadelphia Feb. 5. 1795

The inclosed Pamphlet and Papers I have received this Week from the Author, with his request to transmit them to you.  I have before transmitted in the Course of this Winter, another Packet from the same Writer; but have as yet no answer from you: so that I am uncertain whether you have recd. it.
Mr Jays Treaty with Britain is not yet arrived at the Secretary of States Office, though there is some reason to suppose it is arrived at New York.
You will see by the Changes in the Executive Department that the Feelings of officers are in a Way to introduce Rotations enough, which are not contemplated by the Constitution. Those Republicans who delight in Rotations will be gratified in all Probability, till all the Ablest Men in the Nation are roted out.  To me these Things indicate something to be amiss somewhere.  If Public offices are to be made Punishments, will a People be well served?  Not long I trow.
I am sir with great Regard / your most obedient
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Elias Boudinot, 5 February 1795
From: Boudinot, Elias
To: Adams, John

Febry 5h 1795—

Altho’ previous led for a considerable Time, I did not take my Seat in Congress till July 1781 & Continued therein till November 1784—from a faint Remembrance of hearing the protection given to Capt. Cook talked of, either in Congress or among the Members in private Conversation, I have retained the Idea, that the magnanimity of the Measure was generally approved—
Elias Boudinot


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 6 February 1795
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Monticello Feb.6.1795.

The time which has intervened between the receipt of your favor, covering D’Ivernois’ letter, and this answer, needs apology, but this will be found in the state of the case.  I had received from him a letter similar to that you inclosed. as the adoption of his plan depended on our legislature, and it was then in session, I immediately inclosed it to a member with a request that he would sound well the opinions of the leading members, and if he found them disposed to enter into D’Ivernois’ views, to make the proposition; but otherwise not to hazard it.  it is only three days since I have received from him information of his proceedings. he found it could not prevail.  the unprepared state of our youths to receive instruction thro’ a foreign language, the expence of the institution, and it’s disproportion to the moderate state of our population, were insuperable objections.  I delayed myself the honor of acknoleging the receipt of your letter, till I might be able to give you at the same time the result of the proposition it forwarded.  I have explained this to M. D’Ivernois in the inclosed letter, which my distance from any sea-port, & the convenience of your position will I hope excuse my committing to your care.—I have found so much tranquility of mind in a total abstraction from every thing political, that it was with some difficulty I could resolve to meddle even in the splendid project of transplanting the academy of Geneva, en masse, to Virginia; and I did it under the usual reserve of sans tirer en consequence.  In truth I have so much occupation otherwise that I have not time for taking a part in any thing of a public kind, & I therefore leave such with pleasure th to those who are to live longer & enjoy their benefits.  Tranquility becomes daily more and more the object of my life; and of this I certainly find more in my present pursuits than in those of any other part of my life.  I recall however with pleasure the memory of some of the acquaintances I have made in my progress through it, and retain strong wishes for their happiness.  I pray you to accept with kindness those which I sincerely entertain for you, & to be assured of the high respect & esteem with which I am Dear Sir / Your most obedt. / & most humble sevt

Th: Jefferson


Title: To John Adams from John Trumbull, 6 February 1795
From: Trumbull, John
To: Adams, John

Sir
Hartford Feby. 6th: 1795

I received yours of the 24th. of Jany. with the enclosures, & esteem myself honored by your confidence.
The general idea among us relative to the treaty with Great Britain has been, that Dr. Franklin scarcely extended his ideas beyond the hopes of a long truce, guaranteed by our Allies, without the acknowlegement of our Independence, or a settlement of the line of our Inland boundaries:—That Mr. Jay, tho’ opposed to this opinion, could hardly hold the Doctor at bay—That your arrival changed the scene, and that all the merit of the Treaty, & all the advantages we obtained were to be ascribed only to You & Mr. Jay—But as he appeared first to act in opposition to Franklin, perhaps he may have received on that account, a greater share of praise.  Your communications explain the whole, & You may depend on my keeping secret that part of your letter marked with crotchetts.
The President’s speech, I perceive has roused the Democratic Societies in every part of the Union.  What effect their addresses may have elsewhere, I know not—We consider them in the nature of dying speeches & confessions. Willcox of New York writes that the President has given them a Resurrection—I hope it will not prove a Resurrection unto life.
The Bone for the Democrats was sent us on its first publication.  Though evidently written in haste, & in some parts in a style of levity & vulgarity, it contains many passages of keen satire & highwrought humour, that would not have disgraced the pen of a Swift or a Cervantes.  I will hazard no conjecture concerning the Writer or Writers, though many strokes exactly resemble the manner of some of our Connecticut Gentlemen, now at Philadelphia—One advantage we have certainly gained from the President’s speech, that the opposers of the Democratical Societies now dare to attack them openly with the utmost severity of censure.
It seems that the high salaries, which occasioned so much clamour, cannot retain your chief Executive Officers in their places.  I am sorry that Hamilton resigns—for tho’ I believe my friend Wolcott can fully supply his place, I fear you cannot find an equal second for that department.
It is a happy circumstance that our Government is completely organized—That the Funds, the Bank, the Duties &c are too firmly established to be overturned by a Democratic Majority in the House of Representatives.  If the existence of the Government depended on a Vote of that House, it could only be obtained from the fears, not the goodwill, of the present Members. But as the Machine is so nearly perfected, they cannot wholly stop its progress, tho’ they may occasionally craze its chariot-wheels.  The long debates in Congress about matters of the most trivial importance, & the petulance, passion & party-spirit constantly displayed, degrade them in the eyes of the People.  No good can be done in the present session,  & I believe no capital mischief—and this is the utmost of my expectation.
My health is yet very indifferent, and the cold season has almost wholly confined me.  I fear I shall never be capable of much farther service, unless, as Atterbury says, in angulo cum libello.—With the most affectionate Respect, I am Yr. most Obedt. Servt.

John Trumbull


Title: To John Adams from Richard Cranch, 10 February 1795
From: Cranch, Richard
To: Adams, John

Dear Brother
Quincy Feby. 10th. 1795.

The enclosed Letter to the Honble: Mr. Brown a Senator from Kentucky, I would ask the favr. of you to deliver to him: It is about the late Mr. Thos. Perkins’s affairs, who died at Kentucky. I have desired Mr Brown to inform me (when he has Leisure for it) what is become of the Lands that were located to Mr Perkins, and whether or not there is any Estate of his remaining for his Heirs. I am in some degree interested, as I supply’d him to some amount when he first went to Kentucky, for which he engaged to interest me in a part of the Lands that should be located to him. The Honble: Harry Innes Esqr. (then Attorney Genl. of the District of Kentucky) informed me, by Letter of March 27th. 1787, that Administration on Mr. Perkins’s Estate had been granted to him. If you should chance to have any oportunity of helping forward this matter by putting it into such a train as might produce the desir’d Information, I should thank you for attending to it. I am, with all the Sentiments that of Affection and Esteem that moral and intellectual Worth demand, your obliged Brother.

Richard Cranch.P:S. Your Mother and Mrs. Adams, with the rest of our Connections are well. Mrs. Adams has recd Letters from your Sons in Holland of the 13th. of Decr., but I have not seen them. Your Sons were well, and Holland not taken.


Title: From James Mathers to John Adams, 11 February 1795
From: Mathers, James
To: Adams, John,United States Senate

					To the President and Senate of the United States of America in Congress assembled.
					Philadelphia February 11th: 1795—

				The Petition of James Mathers their doorkeeper respectfully sheweth.That in consequence of the enhanced price of House Rent and of all the necessaries of life, the maintenance of a large family has become extremely buthensome—and altho’ your Petitioner has pursued the strictest œconomy he finds his present compensation inadequate to their support—Your Petitioner therefore, though very unwillingly, is again impelled to address you on the subject, and to pray you to take the circumstance alluded to into consideration, and to make him such further compensation as your Honorable Body shall think proper.

					James Mathers


Title: To John Adams from John Quincy Adams, 12 February 1795
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, John

N.6
Dear Sir.
The Hague February 12. 1795.

Since the date of my last Letter, (December 25: 1794.) a revolution has taken place, the substance of which had been for some time expected, but the forms of which have been infinitely milder, than had ever entered the imagination of any man. The french Army of the North, after a brilliant and successful campaign from March till December, had at length reached the banks of the Waal, and was for several weeks arrested in its progress, by the natural barriers which at all times have constituted the most important defence of these Provinces. Just at that period a succession of weather almost without example both in point of severity and of duration, fastened all the waters of the Country, and while it constructed a safe and easy passage for the french Republicans, into the Heart of Holland, it rendered the resource of inundations impracticable to their enemies.
The existing Government of this Union, was not prepared for an Event like this. The troops of the Republic capable of opposing the march of the enemy, were already reduced by the events of the war from 50,000 to less than 15000 men. Of their allies, the Austrians gave them but little assistance, the Prussians, none at all, and the British were considered as a burthen rather than a defence.
The prevalence of British Councils was however unimpaired in the cabinet. It had been proposed as early as October, to send Commissioners to Paris to negociate a Peace. A consent to receive them had already then been obtained but the compliance of the British Government with the measure, was thought indispensable, and could not be obtained.
It is presumed however that it was finally granted, as the measure was taken. Two Commissioners were dispatched to Paris, but their authority was not commensurate with the exigency of affairs. The speech of the King of Great Britain at the opening of his Parliament seems to disapprove the step, but his Ambassador here still continued his Legislative functions, and two commissioners of the french Republic, who in consequence of his instructions had been kept in confinement since last May, were not liberated from Prison, even after the departure of the deputies upon their pacific mission.
The Armistice which was the primary object of their negotiation, could not be obtained. The Waal and the Rhine became passable upon the Ice, and the passage of the former was accordingly effected by the French. On the 8th: of January a council of War was held at Utrècht consisting of the Austrian, Hanoverian, British & Dutch Generals and the British Ambassador. The result of it was one more effort of resistance on the part of the Allies. The actions of the 9th: and 10th: were severe; but their issue only served to prove the insufficiency of the allied forces for the defence of this Country. From that period, they gave up the point and have since then been employed in executing their retreat into Germany. The Province of Utrecht capitulated, and the french troops entered the City on the 7th:
The next day, the Stadholder and his family left the Hague, and embarked in fishing boats at Schevening for England. He had previously demanded and obtained of the States General the dismission of his two sons as Generals in the service of the Republic. He then requested, and received from the States General, and from the States of Holland, leave of absence for an indefinite time, and declared his intention to return and resume the functions of his offices whenever circumstances may permit, and testified his regret that he had not been able hitherto to serve the Republic more effectually.
The plan of operations, at Amsterdam, the execution of which had no doubt been previously concerted, so as to avoid the appearance of a conquest, commenced on the day of the Stadholder’s departure from the Hague.
A Dutch officer appeared with an order from the General of the Batavian Corps in the french service, to the Commander of the Garrison then in that City, directing him and his Garrison to lay down their arms, and he exhibited to the Regency, a Commission constituting him, Commandant of the place. The former Garrison consisted altogether of troops, who had already been made prisoners of War by the french upon the frontiers, and had stipulated not to serve against them during this War. The Regency sensible that any further resistance to defend their authority cou1d end only in their total destruction, directed the then Commander to surrender according to the summons, and received the Batavian from the french Army as Commandant of the City.
About thirty french hussars were then introduced within the Walls, who took their station, before the Stadhouse, on the morning of the 19th: the three coloured flag was hoisted on that building; the tree of liberty was erected before it; And an immense crowd of people had collected together about it.—A revolutionary Committee, consisting of ten persons, self-constituted, or at least whose origin is traced no further, after appeared in front of the house; one of their Members read to the crowd people there assembled a list of twenty-one names, of persons appointed nominated by the revolutionary Committee, to constitute the Assembly of Provisional Representatives of the People of Holland Amsterdam. He then demanded of the people, whether they approved the nomination, and was answered by a general shout of acquiescence.
From that moment the provisional Representatives, deemed themselves vested, with the whole power of the Sovereign People of Amsterdam. And they commenced their functions by sending word to the former Regency, that the people had no further occasion for their services.
Since that time they have distributed their accumulated powers into a variety of Committees, for instance of Public Safety, of General Vigilance, of Justice, of Finance, and of trade and Navigation; besides constituting a Mayor to superintend the police of the City.
In all the other Cities of the Province a similar revolution was effected in the course of a few days. In all, the ancient Regencies either did in fact, or by a revolutionary section were supposed to have surrendered their authority into the hands of the People. A list of new names was always ready to be presented for acceptance, in order to substitute a provisional authority correspondent to that which was annihilated, and where the approbation of the audience, was not testified by acclamations, their silence was taken for consent.
While this operation was going through, the admission of the french troops was also taking place.
The internal Revolution at Amsterdam, you will observe was effected on the 19th: of the month. The next day the General of the Army and the Commissaries of the National Convention, arrived and were received as friends. The latter immediately published a Proclamation to the Batavian People. They declared that they came as friends and allies. That they would respect the persons, the property and the opinions of every individual: That the independence of the Batavian People should not be violated That in the exercise of its Sovereignty, that People alone should reform or modify the Government, and that all excesses between the Inhabitants should be prevented.
In this manner was a total revolution of the Sovereignty within, and the introduction of a foreign army of seventy thousand men, effected in this Province, within the course of a week, and without the shedding of a drop of blood, without violence, and almost without tumult. the crisis of transition lasted but a day, and was attended only with noise. Since then the usual tranquility has been uninterrupted; every thing about us has the same appearance that it had before—Excepting that instead of Orange flags, and cockades, and pictures, are substituted french soldiers, the three-coloured ribband, and the tree of liberty.
But although the Sovereign of the ancient Constitution was no more, its Deputations constituting the States of Holland, and all their Derivatives, yet existed. The revolution was hitherto confined to the municipal, establishments, and it became necessary to extend it to the Provincial government. The fundamental principle of the new system was pursued, as closely as could be without great inconvenience. The new municipal regencies in the several cities, deputed from each of their own bodies three or four persons to meet together and administer the Government of the Province. These deputies from ten or twelve Cities (for the revolution was not then completed in all) assembled at the Hague on the 26th of January. They took possession of the Hall, where the States of Holland had always held their session, having first sent word to the Pensionary Van de Spiegel, and to all the former members of the equestrian order, that none of them would be admitted to their deliberations. They chose Peter Paulus of Rotterdam President for a fortnight; assumed the title of the Assembly of provisional Representatives of the People of Holland, and made an express acknowledgment of the Sovereignty of the People, and the rights of Men and Citizens. They also declared that as an immediate consequence from these principles, The States of Holland and West-Friesland consisting of an Equestrian order and voting Cities, as also all hereditary offices of Stadholder, Captain and Admiral-General were annulled, and they determined that the votes in their Assembly should be personal and not by Cities. They abolished also the Gecommitteerde Raad, and divided their functions between three Committees of their own body. They recalled all the members of the Province in the Colleges of the Generality, and appointed three of their members, to take the Seat of the Province in the States-General, and hold it as long as the present confederation shall continue.
The example of this Province, has been imitated in those of Utrecht, Guelders and Over-Yssel. Isaland has capitulated, and as soon as the passage is opened for the french troops the new system, will in all probability be adopted there.
The troops of their friends are quartered upon the inhabitants of the Cities. The discipline of the army is rigorous, and well observed. The only complaint I have heard against it is its being too severe. The examples of capital punishments which have been inflicted in more than one of the cities upon soldiers guilty of the most trifling thefts; are painful to a people among whom the penalty of Death is very seldom executed, and reserved for the most enormous crimes.
The Pensionary Van de Spiegel, the Grand-Baillif of the Hague, Bentinck, the deputy Greffier of the States-General Lelyveld, two brothers of the Greffier Fagal, and three members of the Regency of Leyden, are under arrest. All the members of the Regencies dismissed, are forbidden upon the severest penalties, to go out of the Province. Some of them are held to be responsible for considerable deficiencies in the public Treasury’s, and others are supposed to be liable to criminal prosecutions.
When the revolution shall have pervaded the seven Provinces, it is expected that a Convention will be chosen to form a new Constitution. The Sovereignty of the People, the equality of individuals, universal suffrage, a single Assembly and Committees, will form the basis of the future Government.
The Communication with foreign Countries is suspended, and that with France is not yet fully restored. We are therefore in a great measure deprived of external intelligence.
The direct Commerce with the United States, will I hope be soon revived and receive greater encouragements than it has ever yet had. Whatever the motives of the former Government might be, it is certain that their regulations were very unfavourable to the Navigation of our Country. The friendly dispositions of those who have now succeeded are the more unequivocal, because they rest upon the foundation of their interest, and even of their necessities.
Among the members of the present Administrations are many of your former friends. The President of the provincial Assembly, Mr: Taulus, particularly requested you me to present you the testimony of his remembrance. Even the cautious aversion of Mr: William Willink to public employment has been obliged to yield to the exigency of the times. He is upon the Committee of Finance at Amsterdam, and reluctantly submitted to the established regulation, which permits no man to decline the task of public service assigned to him.
The apartments of the Princess of Orange, are occupied by the Commissaries of the National Convention, who are styled the Representatives of the french People. They received the visit from the Minister of the United States at Amsterdam, where he happened to be at the time of their arrival. They assured him that they considered it altogether as a fraternal visit, and expressed themselves in terms of the utmost civility, towards the United States, their President and Vice-President. They appear to be well pleased with Mr: Monroe; but as to his Predecessor … they spoke of him, too, more than once.
The General in chief of the Northern Army Pichegru, is lodged in the building, called the old Court. In the course of three years he has risen from the rank of a Serjeant of Artillery, to that in which he now appears, and in which he has performed a campaign unparalleled, in the History of Europe. He avoids as much as possible every appearance of public display; his dispatches to the Convention are remarkable for the modest simplicity with which he relates the most important successes, and he appears to prefer conversing upon any subject rather than that connected with his own exploits.
This disposition may be in some degree the result of a natural temper, but it may be partly attributed to a system, taught by the fatal experience of so many preceding Generals.
It is impossible to foresee what effect the Events herein related will produce upon the system of Europe. The king of Prussia has a Minister at Paris. The Imperial Diet has determined upon a negotiation for Peace. The People of England begin to be impatient for the same object. Spain is reduced to the last extremity, and all Europe is exhausted and tired of the desolating War in which it has been so long involved. But the perseverance of the British Ministry, concurring with the inveteracy of the french nation, will produce one Campaign more; and it is yet uncertain whether this Republic will be permitted to remain in future neutral, or whether it is only taken from one side of the scales, to be thrown into the other. If she ceases to be a belligerant power, her present situation will open a very advantageous commerce to American enterprize. If she only changes sides in the war, an equally promising source of speculation will be opened, but will then depend partly upon the Justice of another maritime power. The treaty signed on the 19th: of November last, must before this have been the subject of discussion and of decision in America. Whether ratified or not many important points and sources of difference will remain undecided. At present it is more than ever the interest of the island to avoid a serious misunderstanding with the United States; they on their part stand upon advantageous ground, to resent any violation of their neutral rights. The present state of affairs, will make their reclamations for entire Justice, compatible with Prudence, and if it should be denied, the means of increasing their federative strength, will perhaps be in their hands.
I am my Dear Sir, in all possible duty and affection, your Son.

John Q. Adams.


Title: To John Adams from Samuel Allyne Otis, 23 February 1795
From: Otis, Samuel Allyne
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Philada. Feb 23d 1795

Probably this will find you very happy with your Lady & family, to whom the residents at 198 desire kind remembrances—
We had a curious election of pro tem—Mr Izard had in no trial more than one or two votes—The first tryal the Candidates were Livermore, Langdon & Tazewel. The 2d trial Livermore carried it. Who declined—A 3d trial was made and Tazewell & Langdon became candidates. The 4th time Tazewell had a majority. He is a man of education and a gentleman and will probably discharge himself handsomely—Whether chastisment or alurement would have been best on the present occasion I am not possitive, but rather fear this will make the subject incorrigible.
The treaty continues to be expected, whilst the ordinary business is various & pressing.
Your friends continue to regret your early departure, but I hope another year, as you are determined to bring Mrs Adams with you, I hope you will continue the Session.
I have the honor to be / your most obedient / humble Sert
Sam A. Otis


Title: To John Adams from François D’Ivernois, 24 February 1795
From: D’Ivernois, François
To: Adams, John

					Monsieur
					Londres ce 24 fevr. 1795

				Chaque jour ajoute à l’impatience avec la quelle j’attens une premiere réponse aux lettres que j’ai eu l’honneur de vous adresser; et cette impatience est singulierement accrue par celle qu’éprouvent en Suisse ceux de mes compatriotes aux quels j’ai communiqué mes démarches en Amérique.J’apprens que quelques Genevois actuellement dans les Etats Unis, ont formé de leur coté un autre projet d’y fonder une nouvelle Geneve, et quoique la plupart d’entr’eux ne connaissent vraisemblablement encore ni le projet que je vous ai communiqué, ni les ressources sur les quelles je le fonde; j’espere qu’il ne me sera point difficile d’associer leurs moyens à ceux que je cherche à rassembler d’ici pour cette intéressante entreprise, si quelqu’un des Etats Unis l’adopte, sous le rapport le plus important, savoir la transplantation de notre Université.J’ai l’honneur de vous adresser un exemplaire de la traduction Anglaise du tableau des malheurs de Geneve. Les additions que renferme cette  traduction & son Postscript prolongé jusqu’au 1er Janvier, vous mettront à meme Monsieur, d’apprécier le nouveau degré de confiance que peut … accorder l’amérique au projet que je vous ai soumis. Ce projet est vivement accœuilli de l’élite de mes compatriotes, dont depuis le dernier pillage, l’émigration n’est plus sujette aux entraves que j’avais dabord redoutées. J’apprens qu’un de nos hommes de lettres les plus distingués s’occupe dans ce moment d’un ouvrage Français sur les Etats Unis extrait de Jefferson Morse Cooper & & pour servir de manuel & d’instruction à tous les infortunés du Continent qui tournent leurs regards vers l’amérique, libre, et qui n’entendent pas la langue Anglaise.Permettez moi Monsieur, de vous prier de faire remettre à leurs adresses les exemplaires inclus. Cette traduction a fait ici dans tous les partis une impression plus profonde que je n’avais osé m’en flatter; & j’ai donné ordre qu’on envoyat 200 exp. de cette premiere Edition Anglaise à Philadelphie par la Molly qui partira dans peu de jours. L’impression que ce petit Ecrit pourra produire sur les Américains de toutes les opinions, ne me sera assurement pas moins précieuse que les suffrages qu’il a obtenu dans ce payz cy.J’ai l’honneur d’etre avec un profond respect / Monsieur / Votre tres humble / & tres obéissant serviteur

					F d’Ivernois


Title: To John Adams from Oliver Wolcott, Jr., 26 February 1795
From: Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.
To: Adams, John

Sir
Treasury Department February 26th. 1795

I have the honour to transmit a Return of the exports of the United States, for the year ending the 30th of September 1794; with a Letter relative thereto from the Commissioner of the Revenue, of this date.
I have the honour to be / with perfect respect, / Sir / Your Obedient Servant

Oliv: Wolcott Jr.Secy. of the Treasy


Title: From Richard Claiborne to John Adams, 26 February 1795
From: Claiborne, Richard
To: Adams, John,United States Senate

				To the honorable the President and Senate of the United States—

					February 26th. 1795—

				The Memorial of Rd. ClaiborneRespectfully shewethThat your Memorialist—conceiving that very great honour and utility will result to these States from facilitating the introduction of Machines and Manufactories from abroad—begs leave to pray of your honorable House to pass a Law authorising the Importation of Inventions—and allowing to Original Importers a certain privilege in proportion to that allowed by the Patent Law to Inventors—whereby many useful discoveries will be brought over to America and be carried into public operation—whereas—otherwise—the Arts will find but a slow progress hither—as no persons will interfere in such pursuits when they are aware that they can derive no security for their efforts in the United States—and your Memorialist will ever pray—

					Rd. Claiborne


Title: To John Adams from Jeremy Belknap, 2 March 1795
From: Belknap, Jeremy
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Boston March 2d 1795

Your favours of Jany 23 & Feb 4 enclosing a Certificate from the Secretary’s office & Mr Madison’s answer, with the History of Geneva have been duly recd & I thank you for them; I am now waiting for Mr Thomson’s answer which must be decisive, tho’ enough may be said without it to satisfy every person not excepting Dr Kippis himself.  When I shall have recd this I will draw up something & send it to you for your revisal, before it goes any further.
Inclosed is a set of queries sent to me by a Mr Tucker, Professor of Law in the College at Williamsburg—I had a few Copies struck off & have distributed them among such Gentn. as I think can give me the requisite Information.  Is it in your power to assist me? Was you as a Lawyer concerned in any Causes where Negroes sued for freedom before the Revolution? What arguments were used on either side? & how did the matter terminate? Do you remember a Petition in 1773 for the liberation of all the blacks? How was it supported & treated in the Genl Court?
The two Proclamations which we had for the late Thanksgiving have made some noise among us.  Some of my Brethn read the President’s only, Others read it with the Gov’s endorsement. I was among the former & have had the honor of being pointed at in the Chronicle for it; but I have not tho’t it worthy of an answer.  A Mr Bradford of Rowley has printed a democratic Sermon as a Contrast to Osgoods.  I am told he is Brother to David Bradford  Pittsburg Shays.
I suppose the placing of the State’s arms & those of the U.S. was a fancy of the Printer’s—but I cannot say which is so placed as to have the superiority.
The Castle flag was not hoisted nor the Guns fired on the President’s birth day!
What I said of the Zodiac was intended for no one’s inspection but your own.
I am sir with great Respect your / most obedt servt

            Jeremy Belknap

PS.  Any little pamphlet that you may have to spare will be acceptable—
I send you one of J Winthrop’s which is more popular than his first—


Title: To John Adams from George Washington, 3 March 1795
From: Washington, George,Randolph, Edmund
To: Adams, John

Philadelphia March 3. 1795.

The Secretary of State does himself the honor of requesting the favor of an acknowledgment that the enclosed summons has got safe to hand.
United States March 3. 1795.
The President of the United States to the Vice President of the United States, and President of the Senate
Certain matters touching the public good, requiring that the Senate shall be convened on Monday the 8th of June next; you are desired to attend at the Senate Chamber in Philadelphia on that day, then and there to receive and deliberate on such communications as shall be made to you on my part

Go: Washington


Title: To John Adams from William Vernon, 5 March 1795
From: Vernon, William
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Newport Rhd. Isd. 5th. March 1795

I was honoured with your most obliging favours of the 6th. Decr. & 29th. Janry. on the subject of obtaining permission from the Ministers of Spain, for the Ship Ascention, S. Chase Master, to Enter the Port of Havanna.—The week past we had, by a special messenger, that we had sent on to Philadelphia, with the required, authenticated certificates, the honour of receiving, from His Excellency Don Joseph de Jandenes a polite Letter accompanyed with his Permission for sd. ship &ce &ce.
The Owners of the Ship are convinced, that through your kind influence only, the grant was obtained, and desire me in their Names, to return You, their thanks of gratitude, joined with my peculiar obligations to you sir for this favour.
You very truely observe, that many of our Contemporaries are droping off.  One of my Collegues Mr. Deshon & the Continental Agent Mr. Bradford are in the number.  And my much honoured Friend the Cheif Majestrate of Massachusetts, whom I had the pleasure of taking by the hand, in July last at Boston, seems to be very feeble & fast approximating to his dissolution.  We are all of us, making room for Posterity to conduct the affairs of this mighty Republic: I hope a propicious Providence, will grant them Wisdom & every Virtue, to Govern the extensive Dominions and increasing Inhabitants of the United States of America.
I feel my self willing to depart, could I have the satisfaction of imbracing my Son, that Imbarked with You & under your countenace, in the Ship Boston for France in the Year 1778, the many unmerited benefits, that he received, by your notice of him, I have a grateful sense of.  But! alas! he yet remains in that distracted Country: I cannot prevail with him to return, by every indearing Parental soothing or harsh menaces.  Doctr. Franklin, Mr Jefferson, Marquis la Fayatte, Mr Short & many others, have indeavoured to prevail with to return to America, where he might be useful to his Country.—Doctr. Franklin, before he left France Wrote him a Letter, and inserted upon his returning with him, and if he was imbarrassed in his Finances, to let him know the amount, and he would find means to discharge them.  He did not answer his Letter, but ever after shuned his House.—The Doctr. upon his arrival at Philada. inclosed me a copy of the Letter, and advised me in the strongest terms, to cross the Atlantic, and he would furnish me with the means of forceing him away: for he was a subject, worth saveing; as he did not know of any vice, that he was guilty of: and it would be his ruin to remain—
At my time of Life, and not having had the small Pox, detered me from going, and has rendered my Life extreemly unhappy, in being deprived of a Son for Seventeen Years, that I had hopes of being a consolation & not a grief in Old Age.
Mr. Short prevailed with him Three years past, to leave Paris & go to Bordeaux & Imbark for America, which he promised to perform immediately, but has remained there to this day.
The fascinating manners, customs and habits of France, has made such an impression upon his Mind, that he abandons his Country, Parent, an only Brother, Friends & connexions, to gratify, a mistaken Pleasure & happiness, and even to forego the prospect, of ever receiving a farthing of my Estate, (which he well knows) unless he returns before my decease
I beg Sir, you will excuse, this long dis-interesting Letter and believe me, with sentiments of purest truth & sincere regards.
Your most Obedient / and most Humble servt. Wm. Vernon


Title: From John Adams to James Monroe, 6 March 1795
From: Adams, John
To: Monroe, James

Dear Sir
Quincy near Boston March 6. 1795

Permit me to introduce to your Acquaintance and civilities Benjamin Beal Junr. Esqr., a Son of my next Neighbour.  This young Gentleman has been educated at our University and to the Law in the Practice of which he has Spent Some years but finding the Multiplication of Professors in proportion to the diminution of the Business, he has thought proper to turn his Attention to travail and to trade and is bound to France with a Vessell and Cargo of his Fathers who is a Man of Property. Mr Beal is an amiable and agreable young Man and I wish him Success.  Any Attentions with which you may honour him will be gratefully acknowledged by him as well as by me.
Congress has risen without receiving the Treaty with England. Mr Jay has been unfortunate in the Vessells on board of which he sent his Dispatches.
Mrs. Adams joins with me in kind Compliments to Mrs Monroe, and in best Wishes for your Satisfaction and Success in your Mission.
With great Regard I have/ the Honour to be, Sir your / most obedient and most humble / Servant

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Charles Thomson, 9 March 1795
From: Thomson, Charles
To: Adams, John

Sir,
Harriton, March 9. 1795

“I did not till yesterday receive your letter of the 4 of Feby with the enclosed letter to you from Doctr. Belknap dated Jany 2d 1795”
The Doctr. with an anxious regard for the reputation of his country states, “That Doctr Kippis has published a life of capt. Cook the famous navigator & in vol 2. p268 has given at large the directions issued in March 1779 by Doct Franklin then in France to all commanders of armed ships in the American service, in case they should meet capt Cook at sea, not to consider him as an enemy; but to treat him & his people with all civility and kindness, assuring them that in so doing they would not only gratify the generosity of their own disposition, but obtain the approbation of Congress”
He then says that the author’s remarks on this recommendation were to him astonishing – viz.
“In the confidence which he expressed with respect to the approbation of Congress, he happened to be mistaken. As the members of that assembly, at least the greater part of them, were not possessed of minds equally enlightened with that of their ambassadour he was not supported by his masters in this noble act of humanity, of love to science & of liberal policy.  The orders he had given were instantly reversed and it was directed by Congress that especial care should be taken to seize capt Cook, if an opportunity of doing it occurred.  All this proceeded from a false notion that it would be injurious to the United States for the English to obtain a knowledge of the opposite coast of America.”
He then states that by a note in the next page Doctr Kippis seems to have obtained this account from Sr Joseph Banks.
“Though on reading these remarks I could not hesitate a moment in contradicting them, because Congress never did express a disapprobation of the directions issued by Doct Franklin nor did they ever direct that especial care should be taken to seize capt Cook if an opportunity of doing it occurred: yet I thought it might not be improper to pause & try to find from what source this misrepresentation sprung.
It is true that in the year following viz on the 2 May 1780 Congress passed a new form of a commission for private vessels of war and new instructions to the captains or commanders of the said private armed vessels, in which the ships or vessels together with their cargos belonging to the Inhabitants of Bermuda & other ships & vessels bringing persons with an intent to settle & reside within the United States are expressly exempted from capture and no notice is taken of Capt Cook; but I very much doubt whether, at the time of passing this act, Congress had any knowledge of the directions issued by doct Franklin and I am inclined to think that upon examining the dispatches received from him between March 1779 and this time, it will appear that they had not received any notice of them. Be this as it may. Though from this act in which there is no exception in favour of Capt Cook an inference might be drawn that Congress reversed the orders which their ambassadour had given; yet surely there is nothing in the commission or instructions, and I will add nor in any other act of Congress which will warrant the assertions “That it was directed by Congress that especial care should be taken to seize capt. Cook if an opportunity of doing it occurred. And that all this proceeded from a false notion that it would be injurious to the United States for the English to obtain a knowledge of the opposite coast of America.”
With regard to Doctr K’s note of his having obtained the account from Sir Joseph Banks, As Sir Joseph could not have given it from his own knowledge, but must have had his information from others, I am therefore led to conclude that this has arisen from misinformation or from some of those spurious pieces which were fabricated & published within the enemies lines as acts and resolves of Congress with an intent to vilify Congress or to answer some hostile purpose.
I return to you enclosed Doct. Belknap’s letter and am with respect Sir Your obedient humble Servt

Chas Thomson


Title: To John Adams from Andrew Kippis, 10 March 1795
From: Kippis, Andrew
To: Adams, John

Dear Sr.
Westminster. March 10. 1795

I scarcely know whether the Honour and Favour of your friendly Regards, which You allowed me when You were in England, will justify the Liberty I now take; but I can not help so far rejoicing, as it gives me an Opportunity of testifying my high Esteem and Respect. Their Bearer, Mr Millar, is the Son of a Professor Millar of Glasgow, so well known by his excellent “Historical View of the English Government.” Mr. Millar Junior has for some Time practised as an Advocate at Edinburgh, and with great promise of Ability and Success.  But having appeared as a pleader in  Cause of Liberty, He has been persecuted in  a Manner as hath induced Him to quit his native Country.  He goes over to America with every Thing to recommend Him in point of personal Character and literary Talents. He is excellently qualified for the Department of Education. If You should condescend to give Him any Advice with Respect to what may be proper in his pursuits, I shall esteem it a peculiar Obligation. In the midst of the Desolations of Europe, I rejoice in the prosperity of America, and in the Wisdom and Moderation of its two chief Governors.
With sincere Respects to every part of your Family, I have the Honour to be, / dear Sir, / your most obliged / and obedient Servant,

And: Kippis


Title: To John Adams from Charles Thomson, 17 March 1795
From: Thomson, Charles
To: Adams, John

Sir
Harriton March 17. 1795

The day after receiving your favour of the 20 Feby I wrote the enclosed answer. But as my mind has been so long withdrawn from the occurrences in Congress and so wholly bent on a different object, I was not in haste to send it until I refreshed my mind by looking over the journals.  After all the search I have made and the recollection I am master of I see no reason to alter it.
I have now the pleasure to inform you that I have at length compleated The Translation of what is commonly called the Old testament from the Septuagint version.  Since withdrawing from publick affairs I have gone over it three times, as if I was making a new translation availing myself of my former attempts only as helps.  In the last which I have just finished, I have so far satisfied myself that I believe I shall here rest.  It has been a work of labour but it had amply rewarded me by the satisfaction & pleasure it has given me.
I have gone over The New Testament now in the same manner but have not yet satisfied myself. Whether I shall live to compleat it is uncertain.  But I think it is high time that we had another translation of that invaluable book.  Mrs. Thomson joins me in best wishes for the health and happiness both of you & Mrs. Adams
I have the honour to be / sr /  Your obedt humble servt

Chas Thomson


Title: To John Adams from Jeremy Belknap, 20 March 1795
From: Belknap, Jeremy
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Boston 20. March 1795

By reason of your unexpected return you have missed receiving, a Letter which I wrote to you when I supposed you to have been at Phila; In it I told you that I was waiting for Mr Chas Thomson’s answer to your Inquiry & as soon as I should receive it, would draw up something & submit it to your Inspection. Will you be so good as to tell me whether you have recd any answer from him, or whether you expect one
I am Sir with great Respect / Yr obliged & obedt servt

Jeremy Belknap


Title: From John Adams to Jeremy Belknap, 21 March 1795
From: Adams, John
To: Belknap, Jeremy

Dear Sir
Quincy March 21, 1795

I received, last night, your favour of the 20th and a day or two before had recd that of the 2d. returned to me from Philadelphia. Thanks for Mr Winthrops Prophecies.
I wrote to Charles Thompson on the subject of Cooks Voyage, long enough before I left Philadelphia to have had an answer but none has yet arrived. Mr Thompson is as deeply engaged in Preparing an English Translation of the Septuagint as Mr Winthrop is in unriddling Prophecies, and possibly cannot find time to write upon such Trifles as Dr Kippis’s Sacrifice of the Honour of our Country to his stupid Adulation of Franklin. If I were to study Prophecies I doubt not I should find the Worship of Latria paid by the Presbyterian Parsons in England to Franklin among some of the Traits or Features of  the Whore of Babylon. In their Imaginations, he always appeared to me to have exalted himself above all that was worshipped. and this Circumstance among others contributed somewhat to diminish my Reverence for Presbyterian Parsons.
I have read the Queries concerning the Rise & Progress of slavery but as it is a subject to which I have never given any very particular attention I may not be able to give you so much Information as many others. I was concerned in several Causes, in which Negroes sued for their Freedom before the Revolution. The arguments in favour of their Liberty were much the same as have been urged since in Pamphlets and Newspapers, in Debates in Parliament &c. arising from the Rights of Mankind, which was the fashionable Word at that time. Since when that time they have dropped the “kind.”
Argument might have some Weight, in the Abolition of Slavery in the Massachusetts, but the real Cause was the multiplication of labouring White People, who, would no longer suffer the Rich to employ these Sable Rivals, so much to their Injury. This Principle has kept Negro Slavery out of France England and other Parts of Europe. The common People would not Suffer, the Labour by which alone they could obtain a subsistance to be done by Slaves. If the gentlemen had been permitted by Law to hold Slaves, the common white People would have put the Negroes to Death and their Masters too perhaps.
I never knew a Jury by a Verdict to determine a Negro to be a Slave—They always found them free. As I was not in the General Court in 1773 I have no particular Remembrance of the Petition for the Liberation of all the Blacks, and know not how it was supported or treated.
The common white People, or rather the labouring People, were the Cause of rendering Negroes unprofitable servants. Their Scoffs & Insults, their continual Informations, filled the Negros with Discontent, made them lazy idle, proud, vicious, and at length wholly Useless to their Masters’: to such a Degree that the Abolition of Slavery became a measure of œconomy.
I am, at present in haste your Friend & Sert
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Edmund Randolph, 2 April 1795
From: Randolph, Edmund
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Philadelphia April 2. 1795.

I have the honor of returning to you the letter of Mr. J. Q. Adams. It is one among the many proofs of his attention, penetration and fitness for his present functions; which I feel a sincere pleasure in announcing on all proper occasions.  The President desires me to present his acknowledgements to you for the communication.
It will be agreeable to you to learn, that no intelligence from Amsterdam gives the least reason to expect, that your sons will be placed in any jeopardy by the late catastrophe in Holland; and that our instructions do not require the minister at the Hague to incur the smallest personal danger.
If you are not a subscriber to Bache’s scandalous chronicle, it may be a subject of momentary amusement to be now informed, that it is filled with discussions on the treaty; not one word of which, I believe, is known thro’ a regular channel to any person here, but the President and myself.
I have the honor to be / with great respect, dear sir / Sincerely yours

Edm: Randolph