Title: The Organization of John Van Etten’s Company, 12 January 1756
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

The three documents printed together here illustrate how a company of provincial troops was organized in 1756 and, in general, what was expected of its members. All three are in the hand of William Franklin, who accompanied and assisted his father throughout the period of service on the frontier. The first manuscript has some corrections and additions in Benjamin Franklin’s hand and is signed by him.

I

  At Bethlehem, in the County of NorthamptonJanuary 12, 1756.
  To Capt. Vanetta, of the Township  of Upper Smithfield
Sir.

1. You are to proceed immediately to raise a Company of Foot, consisting of 30 able Men, including two Serjeants, with which you are to protect the Inhabitants of Upper Smithfield assisting them while they thresh out and secure their Corn, and scouting from time to time as you judge necessary on the Outside of the Settlements, with such of the Inhabitants as may join you, to discover the Enemy’s Approaches and repel their Attacks.
2. For the better Security of the Inhabitants of that District, you are to post your Men as follows, Eight at your own House, Eight at Lieutenant Henshaw’s, Six with a Serjeant at Tishhoch, and Six with another Serjeant at or near Henry Cortracht’s, and you are to settle Signals or Means of suddenly alarming the Inhabitants and convening your whole Strength, with the Militia of the District, on any necessary Occasion.
3. Every Man is to be engag’d for one Month, and as the Province cannot at present furnish Arms or Blankets to your Company, you are to allow every Man enlisting, and bringing his own Arms and Blanket, a Dollar for the Use thereof over and above his Pay.
4. You are to furnish your Men with Provisions, not exceeding the Allowance mentioned in the Paper herewith given you, and your reasonable Accounts for the same shall be allowed and paid.
5. You are to keep a Diary or Journal of every Day’s Transactions, and an exact Account of the Time when each Man enters himself with you, and if any Man desert or die, you are to note the Time in your Journal, and the Time of engaging a new Man in his Place, and submit your Journal to the Inspection of the Governor when required.
6. You are to acquaint the Men, that if in their Ranging they meet with, or are at any Time attack’d by the Enemy, and kill any of them, Forty Dollars will be allow’d and paid by the Government for each Scalp of an Indian Enemy so killed, the same being produced with proper Attestations.
7. You are to take Care that your Stores and Provisions be not wasted.
8. If by any Means you gain Intelligence of the Designs of the Enemy, or the March of any of their Parties towards any Part of the Frontier, you are to send Advice thereof to the Governor and to the other Companies in the Neighbourhood, as the Occasion may require.
9. You are to keep good Order among your Men, and prevent Drunkenness and other Immoralities, as much as may be, and not suffer them to do any Injury to the Inhabitants whom they come to protect.
10. You are to take Care that the Men keep their Arms clean and in good Order, and that their Powder be always kept dry and fit for Use.
11. You are to make up your Muster-Rolls at the Month’s End, in order to receive the Pay of your Company, and to make Oath to the Truth thereof before a Justice of the Peace, and then transmit the same to the Governor.
B Franklin

II
Establishment of the Pennsylvania Forces.

  For Capt. Vanetta’s Company of Upper Smithfield Northampton County
}

Captain 7s. 6d. per Day
  Lieutenant 5s. 6d. per Day
  Serjeants 2s. per Day
  Private Men at the Rate of Six Dollars per Month.
The Company to consist of a Captain, Lieutenant, 2 Serjeants, and 28 private Men.

The Province furnishes a Gun, Ammunition, and a Blanket for each Man, to be return’d when the Service is over. But as the Commissioners cannot at present procure Arms or Blankets, they agree to allow 7s. 6d. for the Use of a Gun and a Blanket to each Man for the Time they are engag’d in the Service, or Half that Sum for either of them.
Provisions allowed to the Forces, vizt:

  10 lb. and ½ of Bread or Meal
}
per Week

  3 lb. of Pork

  3 lb. of Beef, and

  1 lb. of Fish, (mackrel)

1 Gill of Rum per Day for each Man; half to be given in the Morning, and half in the Evening.
Note, That when Fish is wanting a Pound of Beef shall be allow’d instead thereof: and if Pork be wanting 4 lb. of Beef shall be allowed instead of the 3 lb. of Pork.
By Order of the Commissioners
 Endorsed: For Capt. Vanette

III
Jan. 12th. 1756
We the Subscribers do hereby engage ourselves to serve as Soldiers in his Majesty’s Service under the Command of Captain John Vanetta, for the Space of one Month; and whoever of us shall get drunk, desert, or prove cowardly in Time of Action, or disobedient to our Officers, shall forfeit his Pay. This Agreement we make in Consideration of being allow’d at the Rate of Six Dollars per Month Wages, One Dollar for the Use of a Gun and Blanket to each Man who shall furnish himself with them, and the Provision and Rum mentioned in a Paper hereunto annex’d.

hisWilliam X MirrellMark
Patrick Nixon

[Charles Mclear]
a Run away Servant
  John Kinnan  Sergeant

hisNeil X MaginlyMark
John Stull Sergeant

hisWilliam W KellyMark
FRANZ DELON

Benony Heath

Wilem Danse
Richad Pigot

John Cornelus
Michael Fetter

Peter Lennerd
hisHugh H ClarkMark

Cornelius Jewell
William Battey [?]

James Mcconel
Thor Broudge

Jacob Rupart [?]
Francis Wright

Colmen Combs
William Wright

John Hide
Thomas Little

hisSamuel GiveinsMark
James Gray

  Connerine  his marke

hisPaul RichMark
Henry Cole

THOMAS HIZOTH

x signed by nearly 50 soldiers
Jaeme F molen his marck

Steward MACKEE

Gert Van Bunsschaten
Steward Kee Sar[geant?]

John Davens

Jaems Van Bunsschaten

Elias Decker

GIDON VAN Aken

John Cortright

Benjamen Cortright

Samuel GRAY

FRANCES M Gee [M’Gee?]

James Everinghaim

Jeremiah Kittle

PITER + RosenCrans


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Robert Hunter Morris, 14 January 1756
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Morris, Robert Hunter

Sir
Bethlehem, Jany. 14 1756
As we drew near this Place, we met a Number of Waggons, and many People moving off with their Effects and Families from the Irish Settlement and Lehi Township, being terrified by the Defeat of Hays’s Company, and the Burnings and Murders committed in the Township on New Year’s Day. We found this Place fill’d with Refugees, the Workmen’s Shops, and even the Cellars being crouded with Women and Children; and we learnt that Lehi Township is almost entirely abandoned by the Inhabitants. Soon after my Arrival here, the principal People of the Irish Settlement, as Wilson, elder Craig, &c. came to me, and demanded an Addition of 30 Men to Craig’s Company, or threatned they would immediately one and all leave their Country to the Enemy. Hays’s Company was reduc’d to 18 Men, (and those without Shoes, Stockings, Blankets, or Arms) partly by the Loss at Gnadenhütten, and partly by Desertion. Trump and Aston had made but slow Progress in building the First Fort, complaining for want of Tools, which it was thought the People in those Parts might have supply’d them with. Wayne’s Company we found posted at Nazareth agreeable to your Honour’s Orders. I immediately directed Hays to compleat his Company, and he went down to Bucks County with Mr. Beatty, who promised to assist him in Recruiting. His Lieutenant lies here lame with frozen Feet, and unfit for Action: But the Ensign with the 18 Men is posted among the present Frontier Inhabitants to give some Satisfaction to the Settlement People, as I refus’d to increase Craig’s Company. In my turn, I have threaten’d to disband or remove the Companies already posted for the Security of particular Townships, if the People would not stay on their Places, behave like Men, do something for themselves, and assist the Province Soldiers. The Day after my Arrival here, I sent off 2 Waggons loaded with Bread, and some Axes, for Trump and Aston, to Nazareth, escorted by Lieut. Davis, and the 20 Men of McLaughlin’s that came with me; I ordered him to remain at Nazareth to guard that Place, while Capt. Wayne whose Men were fresh proceeded with the Convoy. To secure Lyn and Heidleberg Townships, whose Inhabitants were just on the Wing, I took Trexler’s Company into Pay, (he had been before commission’d by Mr. Hamilton) and I commission’d Wetterholt, who commanded a Watch of 44 Men before in the Pay of the Province, ordering him to compleat his Company. I have also allow’d 30 Men to secure the Township of Upper Smithfield, and commission’d Van Etten and Hinshaw as Captain and Lieutenant. And in order to execute more speedily the first Design of erecting a Fort near Gnadenhutten, to compleat the Line, and get the Rangers in Motion, I have rais’d another Company under Capt. Charles Foulk, to join with Wayne in that Service; and as Hays, I hear, is not likely soon to recruit his Company, I have ordered Orndt to come up from Rockland in Bucks County to strengthen this Part of the Province, convoy Provisions, &c. to the Companys who are and will be at work over the Mountains, and quiet the Inhabitants, who seem terrified out of their Senses.
The Arms and Blankets wrote for to New-York are not yet arriv’d; but I hear that 100 Guns and 150 Blankets are on the Road sent me by Mr. Colden; those of Mr. Walton’s being sold before. I have consulted Mr. Parsons, and, if the Waggons come to Day, it is proposed that I proceed tomorrow, with Wayne’s Company, which is return’d, Foulk’s, and the 20 Men of McLaughlin’s, to Gnadenhutten, to lay out the intended Fort, and endeavor to get it dispatch’d. Capt. Wayne tells me, that Trump expects the first Fort will be finished next Week. I hope to get this done as soon, having more Tools; tho’ at this Season it seems to be fighting against Nature. But I imagine ’tis absolutely necessary to get the Ranging Line of Forts compleated, that the People may be secur’d as soon as possible in their Habitations, and the internal Guards and Companies dismiss’d, otherwise the Expence and Loss to the Province will be intolerable.
I want much to hear the Event of the proposed Treaty, and the Determination your Honour and the Commissioners may have come to, for the Encouragement of Volunteer Scalping Parties. I am, with dutiful Respect, Sir,
[Your Honour’s most obedient humble Servant B Franklin]
P.S. If you should think fit to post the Regulars at Easton, and in Smithfield Township, I think they would be of use there, and so far on their Way to Albany when they are to return in the Spring.
Govr. Morris.
 Endorsed: Benjn: Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 15 January 1756
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

My dear Child
Bethlehem, Jan. 15. 1756
We move this Day for Gnadenhutten. If you have not Cash sufficient, call upon Mr. Moore, the Treasurer, with that Order of the Assembly, and desire him to pay you £100 of it. If he has not Cash in hand Mr. Norris, (to whom my Respects) will advance it for him. We shall have with us, about 130 Men, and shall endeavour to act cautiously, so as to give the Enemy no Advantage thro’ our Negligence. Make yourself therefore easy. Give my hearty Love to all Friends. I hope in a Fortnight or three Weeks, God willing, to see the intended Line of Forts finished, and then shall make a Trip to Philadelphia, and send away the Lottery Tickets, pay off the Prizes, &c. tho’ you may pay such as come to hand of those sold in Philadelphia, of my signing. They were but few, the most being sold abroad, and those that sold them and receiv’d the Money will pay off the Prizes. I hope you have paid Mrs. Stephens for the Bills. I am, my dear Child, Your loving Husband
B Franklin
 Addressed: To / Mrs Franklin / Philadelphia / per favr. of / Mr Davis


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Timothy Horsfield, 16 January 1756
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Horsfield, Timothy

Dear Sir
Hayes’s Jan. 16. 1756
I received your Favour, and thank you for your kind Cautions.
The Bearer, Mrs. McClean, is recommended to me as an Object of Charity, proper to receive some part of that sent from below. She requests a Line from me to you, which I give, not doubting but you will consider her in the Division, so far as may be proper. My Respects to good Mrs. Horsefield, Mr. Spangenberg, Mrs. Edmonds, Mr. Bomper, &c. I am, Sir Your humble Servant
B Franklin
 Addressed: To / Timothy Horsfield Esqr / Bethlehem
Endorsed: Mr: Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Timothy Horsfield, 24 January 1756
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Horsfield, Timothy

[Fort Allen, January 24, 1756]
Foulk with his Company March this Day to build another Fort between this and Fort Lebanon in the Forks of Shuylkill. He is to be assisted by Traxlers Company and a Detachment of Wetherhold’s, which also leaves us this day. My Son with Hay’s Company and Arndt’s Marches in a few Days to Surfass’s Place (where Trump is also Expected) to Erect another Fort between this and the Fort Hamilton Near Brodheads.
I purpose to remain here between them till both are finished, with Wayne, and the Detachment of Davis, that I may be able to Supply and Assist on either Side, as Occassion requires.
This is the present State of Our Affairs of which please to Inform Our Friends as I cannot now write to them.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 25 January 1756
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

My Dear Child,
Gnadenhathen, January 25, 1756.
This day week we arrived here, I wrote to you the same day, and once since. We all continue well, thanks be to God. We have been hindered with bad weather, yet our fort is in a good defensible condition, and we have every day, more convenient living. Two more are to be built, one on each side of this, at about fifteen miles distance. I hope both will be done in a week or ten days, and then I purpose to bend my course homewards.
We have enjoyed your roast beef, and this day began on the roast veal; all agree that they are both the best that ever were of the kind. Your citizens, that have their dinners hot and hot, know nothing of good eating; we find it in much greater perfection when the kitchen is four score miles from the dining room.
The apples are extremely welcome, and do bravely to eat after our salt pork; the minced pies are not yet come to hand, but suppose we shall find them among the things expected up from Bethlehem, on Tuesday; the capillaire is excellent, but none of us having taken cold as yet, we have only tasted it.
As to our lodging, ’tis on deal feather beds, in warm blankets, and much more comfortable than when we lodged at our inn, the first night after we left home, for the woman being about to put very damp sheets on the bed we desired her to air them first; half an hour afterwards, she told us the bed was ready, and the sheets well aired. I got into bed, but jumped out immediately, finding them as cold as death, and partly frozen. She had aired them indeed, but it was out upon the hedge. I was forced to wrap myself up in my great coat and woollen trowsers, every thing else about the bed was shockingly dirty.
As I hope in a little time to be with you and my family, and chat things over, I now only add, that I am, Dear Debby, Your affectionate husband,
B. Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to ——, 25 January 1756
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: ——

Dear Sir,
Fort Allen, at Gnadenhutten Jan: 25: 1756.
We got to Hays’s the same Evening we left you and reviewed Craig’s Company by the Way. Much of the next morning was spent in exchanging the bad Arms for good, Wayne’s Company having joined us. We reachd however that night to Uplinger’s, where we got into good Quarters.
Saturday morning we began to march towards Gnadenhutten and proceeded near two miles; but it seeming to set in for a rainy day, the Men unprovided with great Coats, and many unable to secure effectually their Arms from the wet, we thought it most adviseable to face about, and return to our former Quarters, where the Men might dry themselves and lie warm; whereas had they proceeded they would have come in wet to Gnadenhutten, where Shelter and Opportunity of drying themselves that night was uncertain. In fact it raind all day and we were all pleased that we had not proceeded. The next Day, being Sunday, we march’d hither where we arrived about 2 in the afternoon, and before 5 had inclosed our Camp with a strong Breast work, Musquet Proof, and with the Boards brought here before by my Order from Drucker’s Mill, got ourselves under some Shelter from the Weather. Monday was so dark with a thick Fog all day, that we coud neither look out for a Place to build, or see where Materials were to be had. Tuesday morning we lookd round us, pitchd on a Place, markd out our Fort on the Ground, and by 10 o’Clock began to cut Timber for Stockades, and to dig the Ground. By 3 in the afternoon, the Logs were all cut and many of them halled to the Spot, the Ditch dug to set them in 3 Feet deep, and that Evening many were pointed and set up. The next Day we were hinderd by Rain most of the Day. Thursday we resumd our Work, and before night were pretty well enclosed, and on Friday morning the Stockado was finished, and Part of the Platform within erected, which was compleated the next morning, when we dismissd Foulk’s and Wetterholt’s Companies, and sent Hays’s down for a Convoy of Provisions. This Day we hoisted your Flag, made a general Discharge of our Pieces, which had been long loaded, and of our two Swivels, and named the Place Fort Allen in Honor of our old Friend. It is 125 Feet long, 50 wide, the Stockadoes most of them a Foot thick, they are 3 Foot in the Ground and 12 Feet out, pointed at the Top, the Figure nearly as follows.

This is an Account of our Weeks Work, which I thought might give you some Satisfaction.
Foulk is gone to build another, between this and Schuylkill Fort, which I hope will be finished (as Trexler is to join him) in a Week or 10 Days. As soon as Hays returns, I shall detach another Party to erect another at Surfas’s, which I hope may be finished in the same Time, and then I purpose to end my Campaign, God willing, and do myself the Pleasure of seeing you in my Return. I can now add no more than that I am with great Esteem and Affection Dear Friend Yours affectionately
B Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Robert Hunter Morris, 26 January 1756
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Morris, Robert Hunter

Sir
Fort Allen at Gnadenhutt Jany. 26. 1756.
We left Bethlehem the 10th: Instant with Foulk’s Company, 46 Men, the Detachment of M’Laughlin’s 20, and 7 Waggons laden with Stores and Provisions. We got that night to Hays’s Quarters, where Wayne’s Company joined us from Nazareth.
The next Day we marched cautiously thro’ the Gap of the Mountain, a very dangerous Pass, and got to Uplinger’s but twenty one Miles from Bethlehem, the Roads being bad, and the Waggons moving slowly.
(After giving an Account of the weeks Work almost verbatim as in the foregoing, he proceeds)
This present Monday we are erecting a third House in the Fort to accommodate the Garrison.
As soon as Capt. Hays returns with the Convoy of Stores and Provisions, which I hope may be to morrow, I purpose to send Orndt and Hays to Haeds to join Capt. Trump in erecting the middle Fort there, purposing to remain here between them and Foulk, ready to assist and supply both, as occasion may require, and hope in a week or ten Days, weather favouring, those two Forts may be finished and the Line of Forts compleated and garrisoned, the Rangers in Motion, and the internal Guards and Watches disbanded, as well as some other Companies; unless they are permitted and encouraged to go after the Enemy to Sasquehannah.
At present the Expence in this County is prodigious. We have on Foot, and in Pay, the following Companies.

Trump – – – – – –
50

Men

  Aston – – – – – –
50

  Wayne – – – – – –
55

  Foulk – – – – – –
46
}
without the Forks

  Trexler – – – – – –
48

  Wetterhold – – – – – –
44

  Orndt – – – – – –
50

  Craig – – – –
30
}
in the Irish Settlements

  Martin – – – –
30

  Van Etten – – – –
30

Minisinks

  Hays – – – –
45

Detachment of M’Laughlin
20

  Parsons – – – –
 24

at Easton

522

This, Sir, is a particular Account of our Transactions, and the present State of Affairs in this County. I am glad to learn by your Favour of the 21st: just received, that you have Thoughts of coming to Bethlehem, as I may hope for an Opportunity of waiting upon your Honour there, after our Works are finished, and communicating every thing more fully. I now only add that I am, with dutiful Respect Sir Your Honour’s most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
To Govr. Morris.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Samuel Rhoads, 26 January 1756
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Rhoads, Samuel

Dear Friend
Fort Allen, Jan. 26, 1756.
I am extreamly oblig’d by your kind Concern express’d for my Safety and Welfare. We march’d hither with the greatest Caution, thro’ some passes, however, in the Mountains, that were very dangerous, if the Enemy had oppos’d and we had been careless. Hitherto God has bless’d and preserved us. We have built one pretty strong Fort, and by the End of next Week, or in ten Days, hope to finish two more, one on each side of this, and at 15 Miles Distance. These I suppose will compleat the projected Line from Delaware to Susquehanah. I then propose, God willing, to return homewards and enjoy the Pleasure I promise myself, of finding my Friends well. Till then, adieu; My love to all the Wrights. Yours affectionately
B. Franklin.
 Addressed: To / Mr. Saml Rhoads / Philada


Title: [Benjamin Franklin?] to ———, 26 January 1756
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: ——

[Gnadenhütten, January 26, 1756]
Wednesday we were hinder’d almost all Day by Rain. Thursday most of the Stockades were set up. Friday all inclosed to the Gate, and Part of the Platform round the Inside made. Saturday the Platform was finished, and two Swivels mounted. Sunday had a Thanksgiving Sermon, hoisted the British Flag, fired three Vollies, and the Swivels, and named the Place Fort Allen.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Parsons, 26 January 1756
From: Parsons, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

This Morning Mr. Horsfield sent 2 Waggons here for Bread and I have delivered 24 Barrels to them being as much as they could load. There is yet remaining here 8 Barrels of Bread; the Rimains of one Barrel of Pork and part of a Cask of Fish and about 25 or 30 Gallons of Rum in the Hogshead. Mr. Horsfield tells me that their Cooper has no House to work in and cant furnish the 5 Gallon Cags which I applied to the Brethren for. So that I see no way of sending any Rum to the Capts. Trump and Aston but in a Waggon (except Mr. Morgan sends up some filled with Rum, which I desired him to do when he next sent any Rum this Way) or else a Waggon must go on purpose, which is hardly worth the while for the Rum only.
Capt. Martin, I hear, has been sick of a Pleurisey near a Week past and it is doubted if he will recover. I am the more concerned about him as I think him much more to be confided in than any of the Rest. I wish it was possible for me to be any way helpful to you nothing would give me greater pleasure. Please to give my Compliments to all the Gentlemen with you. I am Dear Sir Your most humble Servant
Wm: Parsons
 Addressed: For / Benjamin Franklin Esquire / Commander in Chief of all the / Forces in Northampton County / To the Care of Timothy Horsfield Esqr. / at Bethlehem


Title: William Weyman to Deborah Franklin, 26 January 1756
From: Weyman, William
To: Franklin, Deborah

Madam,
N: Y: Jany. 26. 1756.
Inclos’d you have £19 4s. 0d., Philadelphia Currency, which please to give me Credit for. I have long since expected Obrien; but find the Ice has hindered him: I should therefore take it as a particular Favour you would put 18 or 20 Ream of News Paper on board the Boats, or send it as the Waggons come now, from Opposite to Philadelphia. I beg Madam, you will not disappoint me; if its possible for you to order it without Inconveniency to your self. And when Obrien sails from your City, please to put as much on board of him, both News and brown Paper as you possibly can spare. I have been obliged to use Law Paper for the News several Weeks. I am respectfully Madam, your most Humble Servant
W Weyman
 Addressed: To / Mrs Franklin
Endorsed: W Weyman with Cash £19.4.0 Jan. 26. 56


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 30 January 1756
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

My Dear Child,
Fort Allen, at Gnadenheutten,Jan. 30, 1756
Every other day, since we have been here, it has rained more or less, to our no small hindrance. It rained yesterday, and now again to day, which prevented our marching: so I will sit down half an hour to confer a little with you.
All the things you sent me, from time to time, are safely come to hand, and our living grows every day more comfortable: yet there are many things we still want, but do not send for them, as we hope our stay here will not be long.
I thought to have wrote you a long letter, but here comes in a number of people, from different parts, that have business with me, and interrupt me; we have but one room, and that quite public: so can only add, that I have just received yours, Sally’s, and Grace’s letters, of the 25th, with one from Mr. Hughes, and one from Mr. Thomson: present my respects to those gentlemen, (and excuse my not writing, as I have nothing material, and much hurried,) and love to all our friends and neighbors. Billy presents his duty to you, and love to his sister: all the gentlemen their compliments, they drink your health at every meal, having always something on the table to put them in mind of you. I found among the newspapers, Mr. Shoen’s bills of exchange, which should not have been sent up here; I suppose it was by mistake, and mention it, that you need not be troubled to look more for them. I am, dear girl, Your loving husband,
B. Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Augustus Gottlieb Spangenberg, 30 January 1756
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Spangenberg, Augustus Gottlieb

Reverend Sir!
Fort Allen Janry: 30th: 1756.
I receiv’d your Favour of the 29th: relating to the unhappy Refugees at Bethlehem, with a Copy of their Address to the Commissioners.
I imagine the Commissioners will refer the Matter to me, as I am in the County. And it is my Opinion, that such as are in real Necessity should be supply’d with Meal and Meat and I will pay any reasonable Accounts of yours for that Service, and endeavour to put the Matter on a right footing when I come to Bethlehem, which I purpose in about a Week God willing.
I am Reverend Sir, Your most obedient Servant
Sign’d Benj: Franklin
 Endorsed: Wilden-Krieg. Die refugees b[e]tr[effend]


Title: Thomas Lloyd to ———, 30 [31?] January 1756
From: Lloyd, Thomas
To: ——

Dear Sir
Fort Allen at Gnadenhutten Jan. 30[31?]. 1756
I now sit down to give you an Account of Part of the Operations of our Campaign. It will hardly be more difficult for you to understand it than for me in our present Situation to transmit it to you. We marched on Wednesday Jan. 15 from Bethlehem for Gnadenhutten beyond the Mountains in Order to erect a Fort there with Seven Waggons and a Cart escorted by Capt. Foulke with 47 Men were joined on the Road by Capt. Wayne with 53 and a Detachment of 22 from McLaughlins Company and arrivd that Night at Hayes’s where Ensign Sterling attended our Coming with 23 Men. Jan. 16th this Days March was attended with more Danger and Difficulty than the former on Account of the Narrow Pass thro’ the Mountains made by the Lehi where the Rocks over hang the Roads on each Side and render it practicable for a very small Number to destroy a Thousand, we reconnoitred took Possession of the Passes and arrivd all safe at Uplingers which is situate just beyond the Gap at Sunset. 17th this Morning were reinforcd by a Party of Capt. Wetherholds about 20 in Number we are now in the Country of an Enemy against whom all possible Caution is absolutely necessary and scarce sufficient to prevent Surprizes. This day before we marchd the Several Companies were drawn up on a Parade and attended with orderd Firelocks in the most solemn Manner to an excellent Prayer and animating Exhortation delivered by the Revd. Mr. Beatty and immediately after began their March which was conducted by Mr. William Franklin with great Order and Regularity in the following Manner first the Scouts rangd the Woods and Mountains in the Front in a Semi Circular Line Lieut. Davis of McLaughlins led the advancd Guard of 22 Men the Van follow’d at about 200 Paces distance commanded by Wetherhold. Capt. Wayne led the Centre where marchd the General the Chaplain and all the Waggons Baggage &c. which Capt. Foulke with 47 Men followed and the Rear Guard was brought up by Ensign Sterling. We had besides Scouts out on each Flank and Spies on every Hill. In this Manner our Line of March extended a full Mile and made a pretty Appearance from the Hills. This day an excessive hard Rain obligd us to return to Uplingers where in the Night we were alarmd by 2 Centinels firing at 2 Indians who escapd and appeard no more. Sunday 18th Part of our Rout this day was thro’ the worst Country I ever saw. Hills like Alps on each Side and a long narrow Defile where the Road scarcely admitted a single Waggon at the Bottom of it a rapid Creek with steep Banks and Bridge made of a single Log situated so that the Indians might with Safety to themselves from the Caverns in the Rocks have cut us all off notwithstanding all Human Precaution. Yet we arrivd safe at Gnadenhutten about 12 o Clock and immediately employd our Men in form[ing] a Camp and raising a Breast Works to defend it. Here all round appears Nothing but One continued Scene of Horror and Destruction. Where lately flourished a happy and peaceful Village is now all silent and desolate the Houses burnt the Inhabitants butchered in the most Shocking Manner their mangled Bodies for want of Funerals exposd to Birds and Beasts of Prey and all Kinds of Mischief perpetrated that wanton Cruelty can invent. We have ommitted Nothing since our Arrival that can contribute to the Happiness and Security of the County in General. Mr. Franklin will at least deserve a Statue for his Prudence Justice Humanity and above all for his Patience. It is impossible to convey you an Idea of the Temper of these People who are daily endeavouring to impede all Measures for their own Safety and studious of Nothing but to improve the general Calamity to their own private Interest. A Party who left Bethlehem the same Day we did have been defeated not far from us and all but two perishd. We have just recievd Information of a Fire seen two Nights ago near the Place where they were slain and where we shall march tomorrow to erect another Fort. Shoud we come accross them we hope notwithstanding their superior Numbers to convince them that Pennsylvanians when justly incensd can defend their Frontiers without the Assistance of either New England Men or Regulars and pour with redoubled Fury that Vengeance on their Heads which they have so justly merited by their Infedelity and their Crimes. I for my Part am determind to scalp all I lay my Hands on with unrelenting Rage and there are few in our Troops will shew them more Mercy. I am Sir with the utmost Respect Your most obligd humble Servant
Thomas Lloyd
 Endorsed: Thos. Lloyd’s LetterCopy Dr. Lloyd’s Letter


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from ——: The Dispute over Commissions for the Militia, [January 1756]
From: ——
To: Franklin, Benjamin

The author of this document, which survives among Franklin’s papers, might have been any one of several well-informed members of the anti-proprietary party who was in Philadelphia at the end of December 1755. The handwriting has not been identified. The manuscript consists of three pages, the first two of which are numbered 5 and 6, and the text ends about three lines from the bottom of the last (unnumbered) page. Interlineations and cancellations show the document to have been a draft, but whether it was intended for a personal letter or for some other purpose (such as an account to be sent to England for the use of the Assembly’s agent) is not clear. In any case, its obvious purpose was to describe the obstructive tactics used by Governor Morris and his supporters to circumvent as much as possible the operation of the Militia Act. The last of the events described, Morris’ departure for Reading, took place on the morning of Dec. 31, 1755, the same day that Franklin and his fellow commissioners left Bethlehem to meet him there. Presumably the paper was written in Philadelphia soon afterwards.

[January 1756]
[hence?], that next morning in several places of the Town the G[overnor] was found hangd in Effigie, one in particular was put in the pillory and underneath it the Governors Name wrote at full length.
After the people were dispersed Mr. Peters sent to John Lawrence (who was Captain of that Ward whose Names Rous had delivered in) desiring him with his Lieut. and Ensign to come and secure their Commissions, which were made out for them; But J. Lawrence sent back word that he scorned to receive it on conditions disagreeable to the people and that he would receive his Commission on the same terms the Captains of the other wards did and on none else.
In the Evening the Trustees of the Academy met at the Coffee house about their Lottery, and as the most of them had been concerned in the Public transactions of the day in one way or another the Conversation naturally turned upon that. The opinion generally prevailed that the people ought to have given in a Certificate in writing signed by some of the Inspectors that the Officers were duly elected. (For to the List of Officers names and numbers of Voters delivered to the Governor by John Ross none had signed their names, thinking it unnecessary as above 500 living witnesses appeared in person to testify to the Truth of it. Peters and Cadwalader likewise affirmed that had that List been signed by proper persons, the Commissions would have been issued out immediately. Hereupon Wm. Master motioning to T. Bond they withdrew and taking aside Mr. Allen and Tho. Lawrence who was present, (being concerned in the Lottery) proposed that Tho. Lawrence should wait on the Governor immediately and in their Names ask his Honour whether a Certificate signd by two or three persons of each ward would satisfy him, assuring him that they were not for enflaming the Minds of the people but it was their Opinion the people would never concent that their Names should be given in as he had desired: But if a Certificate of the Officers being duly elected would satisfy him, they would use their utmost Endeavours to obtain that and would set about it early in the Morning. After a few Hours stay Tho. Lawrence returned and reported, That as the Council had given their Opinion the Governor could not recede from it without their advice but that he would call them in the Morning. Early on Tuesday Morning Wm. Masters and T. Bond met and resolved if possible to have another meeting of the Officers, and according[ly] give Notices for the Officers elect and some of the principal Members of each Ward to convene at the Widow Jones’ at 11’ a Clock. At the time appointed a considerable number came, most of them very much disaffected and insensed at the Governor for the Usage they had received the day before. Some declared they would not [serve. When?] their warmth was a little abated a Certificate was drawn up and signed by two or three persons of each ward, setting forth That agreeable to an Act of Assembly of this Province the freemen of the City of Philadelphia had chosen such persons (naming them) Officers for their respective wards. This was sent up to the Governor by John Ross and Tho. York, with a request that his Honour would please to grant Commissions if he had no Objection against the Men chosen. They on their Return reported that they had delivered the Certificate and made the request and that the Governor’s Answer was, As the Council had chalked out a way for his proceeding he could not deviate from it without consulting them, but that he would immediately summon a Council and if the Gentlemen would call on him at 3 oClock in the afternoon he would give them a definitive Answer. That he could not call a Council till he had the Certificate to lay before them. The Gentlemen who carried the Certificate to the Governor had been likewise desired to acquaint him that (in case the Commissions were granted) the Officers would gladly escort him out of town. To this he replied that he was much obliged to the Gentlemen but the time of his setting forward was very uncertain perhaps it might be at 8 oClock this Evening or perhaps, to morrow morning before day.
In the afternoon the Officers with a number, out of each Ward again meet, and J. Ross and Tho. Yorke again wait on the Governor for his final resolve, about dusk they return and acquaint the people that the Governor had laid the Matter before his Council that they had seen cause to recede from their Opinion of yesterday; that of the Officers of the eight Companys he objected against two viz. Danl. Rundle and Geo: Bryan: that he approved of the Officers of the Artillery Company, but as we had no Artillery but what was private property and as there was no mention of them in the Act (adding something more about prerogative) he did not at present think proper to grant them Commissions.
Between nine and ten next Morning Notice was given that the Governor intended to set out in an hour or twos time, and that if any of the Gentlemen who yesterday offered their service were inclined to go, he should be glad of their Company. About an hour after he rode up front street attended by the Sheriff and most of the Officers. The Independant Captain took place of the rest being (as he himself afterwards told) ordered to do so by the Governor.
It is worthy Observation, with what difficulty the Governor has been dragged into a Compliance with this Law. First there is a Bug bear raised, the dread of the Military Law being extended to the Militia. And when this does not frighten, then a Condition insisted on inconsistent with the Intention of the Law and contrary the custom of the province. Tho’ I am apt to think (and indeed the reasons which the Governor himself assigned for making this demand seem to confirm my opinion) that this Condition was so strenuously insisted on only with a design to impress the former Terror the deeper in people’s Mind, and thereby prevent the Law from being carried into Execution. But when the people were neither disposed to comply nor willing to be put off with these Shams; Then a Council must be called, and their Opinion imposed on the people. Tho his backwardness in calling his Council shews that that was only a Contrivance to gain time. First he is to have a Council in the Morning, then tis put off to the Afternoon again he can’t do it for want of the Certificate, tho’ he had promised to call them that he might take their Advice whether a Certificate would be sufficient, and whether it would be worth while to draw one up [above: prepare one]. By the use the Governor makes of his Council, one would be apt to imagine that they were an essential part of the Government and that nothing could be done without them. But how would it surprize to know that they are no better than Cyphers and that the Governor may act with or without or even contrary to their Opinion. However as they were good staulking horses he resolved to Use them. They answered the same purpose to him that Eve did to Adam or the Devil to Eve. Indeed they were more complaisant than either E. or the D. for they were willing to bear the Odium of the Governors actions. Some of them told the people in the Evening the Governor was not to be blamed, if there was any fault, it ought to be imputed to them for they advised him. Tho this you’ll say was the least they could do for one who had given them so much Importance, and instead [of] Cyphers had made them necessary Agents (if you’ll not please to call them Tools) in the State.
As Bryan and Rundall were the only persons objected against some were curious to know the Reason. A Certain person took the Liberty to ask one of the Council why they refusd their Commissions. Upon which he told him the Council were desirous that a harmony should subsist between the G: and the Officers and that they were informed Rundal was on the Grand Jury when the Bill was presented against Lewis Evans for calling the G. a traytor and that he had strenuously opposed the profering the Bill. But did you not consider said the person that he was then on his Oath and obliged by this solemn [above: sacred] Obligation to act agreeable to truth and his Judgement. But that, (said the Counsellor) was not all for he not only opposed the Bill, but added some bitter expressions against the Governor. And as to Bryan he was reputed to be concerned in that vile paper calld Tit for Tat.


Title: Provincial Commissioners: Orders for Payment, [9 February 1756–18 March 1756]
From: Provincial Commissioners
To:

Charles Norris, brother of the speaker, was a trustee of the General Loan Office and the officer responsible for making payments from the funds raised by the various acts for issuing paper currency. Among his papers are nine volumes containing over 2000 receipted orders for  payment signed by commissioners in charge of war-time expenditures, 1755–65. During Franklin’s service as commissioner under the £60,000 act of Nov. 27, 1755, and the £30,000 act of Sept. 21, 1756 (see above, p. 284 n, and below, p. 515 n), Norris paid some 357 orders which survive in this file, 174 of them signed by Franklin with other commissioners. Two of these may have been signed before the paper bills authorized by the £60,000 act had actually been printed. On Jan. 6, 1756, James Hamilton, Franklin, Joseph Fox, and John Hughes, the four commissioners who were with the governor at Reading, signed one directing the trustees of the General Loan Office to pay £5000 to Evan Morgan. A second order, signed by Hamilton, Franklin, Morgan, and Fox, directed that £5000 be paid to John Hughes. Both papers are in Franklin’s hand, but the date on the second, Jan. 29, 1756, is in another hand and must have been added later, since Franklin was at Fort Allen on that day. These orders are numbered “1” and “2,” but the routine signing of similar documents began on February 9, after he had returned from the frontier.
The normal form for an order (occasionally in Franklin’s hand, often in that of his son William) was simply an authorization to pay John Doe a specified amount in pounds, shillings, and pence for indicated services or goods provided to the province, and was signed by the commissioners present when the payment was approved. Though there were seven commissioners business was usually conducted by four or five of them, occasionally by six, and only rarely did Speaker Isaac Norris sign as a commissioner. Upon receiving the order the payee took it to the General Loan Office where an officer, usually Charles Norris, made the payment, the payee receipted the order with the date, and the paper thence became part of the Loan Office files.
Since the commissioners’ minutes, if any were kept, have not survived, nothing can be said of Franklin’s role as distinct from that of the other commissioners except that his signature records his presence at their meetings on certain days, and his assent to the payments thus signed. As the list below and others in this and the next volume show, some of the payments seem merely routine and probably occasioned little or no discussion, while others probably were considered at length. Since this was the first year that commissioners exercised such authority and was a period of crisis in the province, it is likely that procedures were less routine than they became later, but the orders provide no clues as to possible disagreements among the commissioners. They do furnish, however, the fullest available record of the work of the commissioners in organizing and maintaining the defenses of Pennsylvania and in handling the various emergency situations which arose. For this reason the orders signed while Franklin was a commissioner and present in Philadelphia are listed as a part of his personal record.
At some time in the past the entire file of orders, 1755–65, was arranged alphabetically by the names of the payees. The present editors have identified and listed chronologically those for the year 1756 when Franklin was a commissioner. Except for the two very early orders mentioned above, they fall into six groups:
1. February 9 to March 18, while Franklin was in Philadelphia between his service on the frontier and his journey to Virginia on post office business; 38 orders.
2. March 19 to May 8, while he was on his Virginia trip; 105 orders.
3. May 11 to June 16, when he was at home between his return and his departure for New York; 66 orders.
4. June 18 to July 22, between his going to New York and the exhaustion of the funds appropriated under the £60,000 act; 34 orders.
5. October 4 to November 5, from the time when new funds became available under the £30,000 act to the departure of a majority of the commissioners to attend the Indian conference at Easton; 38 orders. No orders were signed from July 23 to October 3 inclusive.
6. November 23 to December 29, between the return from Easton and the virtual exhaustion of funds under the £30,000 act; 74 orders.
The orders signed during the first, third, fifth, and sixth periods above are presented in this and the next volume under the dates of the earliest order in each group. To conserve space they are listed, rather than printed in full, each entry showing its date, the name of the payee, the purpose for which the payment was authorized, and the amount. Dates on which payees receipted the orders are not shown, but with rare exceptions the latter appear in the accounts which the Loan Office trustees submitted to the Assembly and which are printed in Votes, 1755–56, pp. 167–72. In many instances original orders describe in some detail the goods or services provided; here the descriptions are often considerably condensed and no attempt is made to preserve the exact wording except when quotation marks are used. Virtually all the activities represented are covered, in general if not in particular, by other documents in this volume. A major exception is illustrated in the first entry below; this and others like it which provide for “Maintaining French Neutrals” refer to the Acadian exiles sent to Pennsylvania as to other colonies, where they became a public responsibility.
All the orders signed during periods when Franklin was in Philadelphia are listed, even though there are some he did not sign, either because he was himself the payee or because, presumably, he was absent from a particular meeting of the commissioners during the whole or a part of its session. Orders which he did not sign are indicated by an asterisk (*).

Date
Payee
Purpose
Amount

February

£
s.
d.

9
Joseph Fox
Maintaining French Neutrals
1000
0
0

17*
Benjamin Franklin
£2000 bills of exchange in London
3500
0
0

  21
Capt. Edward Croston
Advance for provisions
50
0
0

  21
John Smith
Provisions bought by Wm. Buchanan
400
0
0

  23
Samuel McCall, Sr.
Part payment, arms and ammunition
400
0
0

  24
Capt. George Croghan
Pay, 4 cos. west of Susquehanna
77
7
0

  24
Capt. Thomas McKee
Service to the province
30
0
0

  26
Adam Deshler
Provisions for Capt. Wetterhold’s co.
59
18
11½

26*
Benjamin Franklin
£850 bills of exchange in London
1487
10
0

  26
Capt. John Trump
Pay and expense of his co.
228
17
2

  27
Lt. Patrick Davis
Pay for his detachment of McLaughlin’s co.
74
14
11

  [27]
Capt. James Martin
Pay for self and co.
244
19
6

  27
Conrad Weiser
1 mo. pay, Capt. Christian Busse’s co.
178
11
0

March

1*
William Jones
Cattle for troops in Northampton Co.
129
0
0

1*
Townsend White
Guns, powder, lead for back inhabitants
173
19
6

  2
Capt. George Aston
Services of his co.
240
15
4

  2
John Atkins
Services of team at Ft. Hamilton
11
3
2

8*
Benjamin Franklin
Settlement, cash disbursed for province
198
16
11

  9
James Galbreath and Barnabas Hughes
Provisions and tallow furnished soldiers
202
8
0

  10
James Coultas
Advance to finish repairs at battery
200
0
0

11*
Benjamin Franklin
Guns and blankets bought at N.Y.
287
6
10½

  11
Benjamin Kendall
25 guns
44
2
8

11*
Richard Peters
Presents to Indians in town
81
16
11

11*
William Rush and John Hall
Guns made for the province
100
0
0

  11
Joseph Turner
Per order of gov., arms sent to back country and building fort at Shippensburg
671
0
7½

  12
James Hamilton
Money advanced to the province
1954
12
0

  12
William West
For Adam Hoops, provisioner west of Susquehanna
400
0
0

13*
Benjamin Franklin
Money advanced to the province
97
5
7

  15
Capt. William Craig
Pay in full for his co.
256
13
3

15*
Capt. George Croghan
In full, account against
213
11
10

  15
Lt. James Hyndshaw
Pay for co., Feb. 15 to March 15
127
12
0

15*
Evan Morgan
To pay public housekeeper for quartering regulars from N.Y.
89
3
0

15*
John Phillips
3 pr. swivel guns and 280 lbs. shot
25
18
0

15*
Capt. George Reynolds
Pay for co. to time of discharge
75
15
0

15*
David Sissholtz
Blockhouse “removed within Ft. Norris” by Col. Clapham
15
0
0

  15
Capt. Henry Wagoner
Pay for co. to time of discharge
134
5
0

18*
Frederick Weiser
Full pay, Capt. Busse’s co. to Mar. 8
134
17
0

18*
Frederick Weiser
Balance due Conrad Weiser for victualling Busse’s co.
33
6
0


Title: Pennsylvania Assembly: Address to the Governor, 11 February 1756
From: Pennsylvania Assembly
To:

On Sept. 19, 1755, Gen. William Shirley had ordered his officers in Pennsylvania “in the Strongest Manner to avoid” enlisting indentured servants: protests against the practice were mounting, and in any case the approach of winter lessened the need to fill the regular regiments. By mid-winter, however, rumors of French military reinforcements in Canada and plans for the spring campaigns had revived the need for men, and by Jan. 21, 1756, on Shirley’s order, servants were again being enlisted in the Middle Colonies. The Pennsylvania Council and Governor Sharpe of Maryland protested to Shirley immediately, and on February 7, the first day Franklin is recorded as present in the Assembly following his return from the frontier, that body received a strongly worded petition objecting to the practice. Franklin and others were appointed to draft “an Address to the Governor, representing the great Inconvenience and Hardships the Inhabitants of this Province labour under by Reason of the Inlistment of Servants.” It was brought in on the 10th and sent to the governor the next day.

May it please the Governor,
[February 11, 1756]
The House being informed, by Petition from the Masters, that a great Number of bought Servants are lately inlisted by the Recruiting Officers now in this Province, and clandestinely or by open Force conveyed away, to the very great Oppression of the said Masters, and Injury to the Province; we beg Leave to lay this Grievance before the Governor.
We presume that no one Colony on the Continent has afforded more free Recruits to the King’s Forces than Pennsylvania; Men have been raised here in great Numbers for Shirley’s and Pepperell’s Regiments, for Halket’s and Dunbar’s, for the New-York and Carolina Independent Companies, for Nova-Scotia, and even for the West-India Islands. By this, and the Necessity we are under of keeping up a large Body of Men to defend our own extensive Frontiers, we are drained of our hired Labourers; and as this Province has but few Slaves, we are now obliged to depend principally upon our Servants to assist us in tilling our Lands. If these are taken from us, we are at a Loss to conceive how the Provisions that may be expected out of this Province another Year, for the Support of the King’s Armies, are to be raised.
We conceive that this Province could not possibly have furnished the great Numbers of Men and Quantity of Provisions it has done for the King’s Service, had it not been for our constant Practice of importing and purchasing Servants to assist us in our Labour. Many of these, when they become free, settle among us, raise Families, add to the Number of our People, and cultivate more Land; and many others who do not so settle are ready and fit to take Arms when the Crown calls for Soldiers. But if the Possession of a bought Servant, after Purchase made, is thus rendered precarious, and he may at any Time be taken away from his Master at the Pleasure of a Recruiting Officer, perhaps when most wanted, in the Midst of Harvest or of Seed-time, or in any other Hurry of Business, when another cannot be provided to supply his Place, the Purchase, and of Course the Importation, of Servants will be discouraged, and the People driven to the Necessity of providing themselves with Negroe Slaves, as the Property in them and their Service seems at present more secure. Thus the Growth of the Country by Increase of white Inhabitants will be prevented, the Province weakened rather than strengthened (as every Slave may be reckoned a domestick Enemy) one great and constant Source of Recruits be in a great Measure cut off, and Pennsylvania soon be unable to afford more Men for the King’s Service, than the Slave Colonies now do.
The Injury complained of extends not only to those whose Servants are actually inlisted, but even to those whose Servants are not inlisted; since they must humour them in every Thing lest they should be provoked to inlist, which they daily threaten in case they are disobliged; and grow idle, neglectful, insolent and mutinous, and occasion many Disorders in the Families they belong to. Besides, while this Practice continues, many leave their Masters on Pretence of going to inlist, and not being pursued, as their Masters are discouraged by the Difficulty of recovering them, they often go quite off without inlisting, so that the Master is injured, and no Service arises to the King.
That Burdens may be chearfully borne by the Subject for the Honour of the Prince or the Publick Welfare, we apprehend they ought to be equitably laid. But this Inlisting of Servants is a most severe, unequal and oppressive Tax on Particulars, often falling on People in low Circumstances, who have been put to great Difficulties in raising Money to buy a Servant or two to assist in working their Plantations; and losing those Servants they are unable to buy others: Or, if they have bought them on Credit, are unable to pay, sued for the Money, and ruined.

We beg Leave farther to add, that we conceive the Inhabitants of this Province have a legal Property in the Time and Service of the Servants brought into America and purchased here under Acts of Parliament, or becoming Servants by our own Laws. That they have as true and as just a Property in the Servant bought, as they had before in the Money with which he was purchased. That the taking the Servants from us either by open Force or private Practice, is a Violation of that Property and our Rights, a manifest and grievous Injustice and Oppression. And that the Magistrates who have refused to assist the Masters with the Civil Authority in recovering their Servants, have egregiously failed in Point of Duty.
We therefore request the Governor, that he would be pleased to acquaint General Shirley with these Proceedings of the Officers under his Command. We know the Practice is contrary to his Judgment, having now before us his Disapprobation of it, expressed in very strong Terms, under his Hand, of which we send a Copy herewith to the Governor. We have therefore great Reason to hope, that at the Governor’s Instance, he will do the People of this Province strict Justice, by causing an immediate Restitution to be made of all the Servants taken from us under Colour of his Authority; and effectually discourage the Practice for the future.

We farther request, that the Governor would issue his Proclamation, strictly charging all Magistrates and Officers, Civil and Military, to be aiding and assisting to the Inhabitants in securing or recovering their Servants when any Attempts shall be made to take them away.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Jane Mecom, 12 February 1756
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Mecom, Jane

Dear Sister
Philadelphia, 12 February, 1756.
I condole with you on the loss of our dear brother. As our number grows less, let us love one another proportionably more.
I am just returned from my military expedition, and now my time is taken up in the Assembly. Providence seems to require various duties of me. I know not what will be next; but I find the more I seek for leisure and retirement from business, the more I am engaged in it.
Benny, I understand, inclines to leave Antigua. He may be in the right. I have no objection.
My love to brother, and to your children. I am, dearest sister, Your affectionate brother,
B. Franklin.


Title: Robert Charles to Pennsylvania Assembly Committee of Correspondence, 16 February 1756
From: Charles, Robert
To: Pennsylvania Assembly Committee of Correspondence

Each October from 1751 through 1756 Franklin was appointed to the committee to correspond with the Assembly agents in England. In addition to representing the Assembly in the continuing dispute with the Proprietors, the agents often responded to inquiries from British officials seeking information about the province. Thus, the King’s ministers turned to them in considering ways of drawing non-British settlers in the colonies into the war plans for 1756. Alarmed at the protest he knew would arise to measures tending to perpetuate rather than dissolve the “foreignness” of the Germans in Pennsylvania, agent Robert Charles informed the Committee of Correspondence of the proposals. The letter from which the following is an extract, together with its enclosures, may have been among those read in the Assembly on May 25, 1756.

[Golden Square, February 16, 1756]
The Earl of Loudon, a Nobleman of amiable Qualifications, and of great Character as an Officer, is appointed to command in Chief in America: I hope, under his Lordship’s Direction, Matters will be put on a proper Footing for the Security of the Colonies; and your Province cannot do any thing more acceptable here, or pursue a wiser Measure for its own Interest, than by strengthening his Lordship’s Hands in carrying on the Service of the Crown.
The Parliament have likewise voted a Sum for raising an American Regiment of 4000 Men; and as it is proposed to get foreign Protestants from the great Numbers of Germans who are amongst you, to enlist and mix in this Corps, a Proposal has been made for the Employment of some foreign Officers; two Schemes on this Subject have been communicated to the Agents for North-America, whereof, and of my Observations thereon, I herewith send Copies. The Ministry are determined to carry this Measure into Execution, and for this End a Bill is now before Parliament, to enable His Majesty to grant Commissions to the foreign Officers who shall be employed in this Regiment; to which, considering the present Situation of Affairs in America, and the exposed State of your Colony, and some of the Southern Ones, I did not think it prudent to give any farther Opposition.


Title: Pennsylvania Assembly: Reply to the Governor, 20 February 1756
From: Pennsylvania Assembly
To:

Through the winter of 1755–56, Indian attacks along the frontier and negotiations to regain their allegiance took place simultaneously. The Indians were dependent on the white man, and had to choose between the French and English; hence in the face of growing French power, their associations with the English became more and more difficult. The traditional subservience of the Delaware, Shawnee, and other Pennsylvania Indians to the Six Nations weakened, and the loyalty even of the Iroquois themselves waned, especially among their westernmost nation, the numerous Senecas. This deterioration caused distrust in the Indian country and divided counsels in Philadelphia. On the one hand, if there was some probability of substantial numbers of Indians remaining loyal, it was necessary to provide them with presents, give their warriors arms, and prevent attacks upon them by infuriated frontiersmen. On the other hand, if the Indians were not to be trusted and they continued their attacks, war against them seemed inevitable. Governor Morris sought to confront increasing Delaware hostility with strong military force and at the same time strengthen ties with the Iroquois, who he hoped in turn would compel Delaware and Shawnee obedience. This reversal of traditionally pacific Indian policy, if carried out resolutely, would amount to a betrayal of the Indians who had trusted in Pennsylvania’s professions of friendship, and would alienate any remaining loyal Indians.
In the midst of these uncertainties, Sir Charles Hardy, who had assumed office as governor of New York in September 1755, wrote Morris, Feb. 9, 1756, suggesting a Pennsylvania contribution to a present for the Iroquois as an effective way to prevent defections and depredations in that province. On February 16 Morris transmitted this letter to the Assembly recommending compliance with the suggestion “in order to keep up and Strengthen our Alliance with [the Iroquois], and engage them to be more earnest and ready to assist us against these Savages that have done and are still committing the Murders and horrid Ravages amongst our back Inhabitants.” Franklin and others, appointed on the 19th, brought in the message here printed which was approved and sent to Morris the next day.

May it please the Governor
[February 20, 1756]
As Sir Charles Hardy does not propose to set out from New-York, for the Meeting he intends to hold with the Six Nations, till the latter End of next Month, we apprehend no Inconveniences can ensue from our not giving a determinate Answer to the Governor’s Message of the Seventeenth Instant, which may be resumed as the Advices we now daily expect to receive from General Johnson may render it necessary.
By the Papers and Accounts the Governor has been pleased to lay before us on this Occasion, it appears that great Numbers of Indians were expected at the Treaty to be held with the Six Nations; and from General Johnson’s Knowledge and known Abilities in conducting Indian Affairs, we may reasonably expect a happy Issue of that Treaty; but whatever it may be, we shall be better able to determine the Part this Province ought to act in this Matter, when Scarroyady and Andrew Montour return with an Account of the Dispositions of the Indians towards us at this critical Conjuncture, and the Result of General Johnson’s Treaty with the Six Nations, which are now very soon expected.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Elizabeth Hubbart, 22 February 1756
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hubbart, Elizabeth

Dear Child
Philadelphia, February 22, 1756.
I condole with you, we have lost a most dear and valuable relation, but it is the will of God and Nature that these mortal bodies be laid aside, when the soul is to enter into real life; ’tis rather an embrio state, a preparation for living; a man is not completely born until he be dead: Why then should we grieve that a new child is born among the immortals? A new member added to their happy society? We are spirits. That bodies should be lent us, while they can afford us pleasure, assist us in acquiring knowledge, or doing good to our fellow creatures, is a kind and benevolent act of God—when they become unfit for these purposes and afford us pain instead of pleasure—instead of an aid, become an incumbrance and answer none of the intentions for which they were given, it is equally kind and benevolent that a way is provided by which we may get rid of them. Death is that way. We ourselves prudently choose a partial death. In some cases a mangled painful limb, which cannot be restored, we willingly cut off. He who plucks out a tooth, parts with it freely since the pain goes with it, and he that quits the whole body, parts at once with all pains and possibilities of pains and diseases it was liable to, or capable of making him suffer.
Our friend and we are invited abroad on a party of pleasure—that is to last for ever. His chair was first ready and he is gone before us. We could not all conveniently start together, and why should you and I be grieved at this, since we are soon to follow, and we know where to find him. Adieu.
B. F.


Title: Position of Troops in Northampton County, [23 February 1756]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

[February 23, 1756]

Capt. Vanetten at Minisinks, a Lieut. and

30
Men

Capt. Craig at Fort Hamilton

41

Lieut. Wetterhold at Broadhead’s

26

Ensign Sterling at Wind Gap Teet’s House

11

Capt. Orndt at Fort Norris

50

Capt. Wayne at Fort Allen

50

A Sergeant at Uplingers and

5

An Ensign of Wetterhold’s at Drucker’s Mill and

15

A Lieut, in Allen Township and

15

Capt. Foulk at the new Fort, not named,between Fort Allen and Fort Lebanon
}
63

Capt. Trexler (has posted himself contraryto Orders within the Mountain)
  }
53

Capt. Martin (in the Settlement above Easton)

 30

389

Capt.
Trump’s Company
50
}
reduc’d

Aston’s
  50

Parson’s, Guard at Easton
  24

Col. Clapham will wait on your Honour immediately, and acquaint you with further Particulars of the State of the Forces in Northampton County.
To the Governor.
 Addressed: To / The Governor


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Robert Hunter Morris: Commission, 24 February 1756
From: Morris, Robert Hunter
To: Franklin, Benjamin

After the bitter year-end controversy over commissioning the officers elected under the terms of the new militia law, the matter rested for a month while Governor Morris and the law’s chief proponent, Benjamin Franklin, were absent from Philadelphia. On February 12, a week after Franklin’s return to the city, he was elected colonel, William Masters lieutenant colonel, and John Ross major of the City Regiment. After searching in vain for a way to nullify or disregard the election, the governor and his Council approved the organization of the City Regiment on the thirteenth, and Morris issued the commission printed here eleven days later.
That Franklin’s command of the militia touched basic points in the power struggle between the Assembly and proprietary party is made abundantly clear in reports to Thomas Penn from his officers in Pennsylvania: early in January 1756 William Peters told him that the “Friends and their prime Minister Mr F———” were busy putting the militia law into effect, but suspicions were widespread that the “mighty Favourite Mr. F———has a design to dupe” both the Quakers and the Proprietors and assume full personal power in the province. At the same time William Allen and Israel Pemberton, unlikely bedfellows, were said to be joined in opposing Franklin’s popularity. When Morris decided “against all reason and without advice” to approve Franklin’s commission, Richard Peters asserted that Morris “will lose all Character,” to which Penn replied that “I much wonder the Governor would appoint Mr. Franklin Colonel. He should never have any commission given to him till it is certain he has changed his sentiments.” After the City Regiment had been organized for two months, Peters wrote that “The City is in an infinite distraction all owing to the Officers of the Militia puffed up and now solely directed by Colonel Franklin,” and that Franklin was determined to get rid of the proprietary “Yoke as he calls it.” Furthermore, by controlling militia officer elections and in turn using their influence in the general elections, Franklin would secure a set of Assemblymen “he may turn and twist as he pleases.” Thus, Peters was convinced the Militia Act had to be disallowed to curtail Franklin’s power.

[February 24, 1756]
By THE HonourableRobert Hunter Morris, Esq;
Lieutenant Governor and Commander in Chief of the Province of Pennsylvania and Counties of New-Castle, Kent and Sussex on Delaware.
To Benjamin Franklin Esqr. Greeting.
Reposing especial Trust and Confidence, as well in your Care, Diligence and Circumspection, as in your Loyalty and Courage, I Have Nominated, Constituted and Appointed, and I do by Virtue of the Powers and Authorities unto Me given, hereby Nominate, Constitute and appoint You the said Benjamin Franklin Colonel of a Regiment of Foot-Militia formed in and called the Regiment of, the City of Philadelphia
You are therefore to take the said Regiment into Your Charge and Care, as Colonel thereof, and duly to Exercise both the Officers and Soldiers of that Regiment in Arms. And as they are hereby Commanded to obey You as their Colonel So are You likewise to observe and follow such Orders and Directions, from time to time, as You shall receive from the Commander in Chief for the time being, of the said Province, or any other Your Superior Officer or Officers, according to the Rules and Discipline of War, in Pursuance of the Trust reposed in You. And for Your so doing this shall be Your Commission.

Given under my Hand and Seal at Arms, at Philadelphia, the twenty fourth Day of February in the twenty ninth Year of his Majesty’s Reign, Annoque Domini 17 56.
By His Honours Command.
  Richard Peters Secretary  Robt: H: Morris

Endorsed: Be it remembered that on the Twenty Eighth Day of February 1756 the within named Benjamin Franklin took the Oaths of Allegiance Supremacy and Abjuration made and subscribed the usual Declaration of Fidelity &c. as prescribed by Law, and also took an Oath faithfully to execute and discharge the Trust in him reposed by the within Commission.
Before Richard Peters
duly authorized for that purpose by Dedimus Potestatem under the Great Seal of the Province.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Timothy Horsfield, 1 March 1756
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Horsfield, Timothy

Dear Sir
Philada. March 1. 56
Orders are gone up to relieve Capt. Wayne’s Company. I suppose he will apply here for his Pay.
Capt. Arndt should make out his Muster Roll on Oath, and send his Journal &c. according to the Instructions given him, before he demands his Pay. However you may pay him Fifty Pounds in part; and let him know, that the Remainder will be paid when the Commissioners have his Muster Roll laid before them.
It is not worth while to send up a Waggon with a Cag of Rum to Mr. Parsons. If he had bought some on Account of the Province he need not have doubted its being allow’d in his Account.

My Respects to good Mrs. Horsfield, &c. I am, with much Esteem Dear Sir, Your most obedient Servant
B Franklin
Please to pay Nicholas Oplinger Fifteen Pounds Nine Shillings and Eight pence half penny and take his Receipt in full to the 20th of February past.
 Addressed: To / Timothy Horsfield Esqr / Bethlehem
Endorsed: Benja Franklin Esqr. March 1. 56


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Augustus Gottlieb Spangenberg, 1 March 1756
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Spangenberg, Augustus Gottlieb

Reverend Sir
Philada. March 1. 1756
As the Forts are built, and the Ranging Companies in Motion beyond the Mountains, to cover the Inner Parts of the Country, I think the People may now very safely stay at their Places. The Government is at a great Expence to afford them this Defence; If they have no regard to it, but run away in so shameful and cowardly a Manner every time an Indian or two appears in any Part of the Province, and abandon their Plantations, I believe the Government will not think it worth while to keep up those Guards merely to secure empty Houses and uncultivated Fields, but will demolish the Forts, withdraw the Companies from your Frontier, and send them to other Parts to defend a better and more manly People. Of this be pleased to acquaint them; and farther that the Commissioners desire no Allowance may be made of Provisions on Account of the Government to any Refugees at your Place after this time; for some of them, as long as they can live in Idleness with you, and be fed, will think little of returning to their Places, or of the Duty of caring and labouring for their own Livelihood.

The £100 advanc’d your Brethren was only to prevent your being in Advance for us: It is to be accounted for when we settle, and what Provisions you have furnish’d to the Poor according to my Letter will be allowed. I am, with the greatest Respect, Reverend Sir, Your most obedient Servant
B Franklin
Mr. Spangenberg
 Endorsed: Diaconat. Indianer Krieg. in Sp. weg der Flüchtlinge.


Title: Queries on the Plan of Association, 4 March 1756
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

When Governor Morris signed Franklin’s commission as colonel of the Philadelphia City Regiment on Feb. 24, 1756, he knew very well its importance in the complex and continuing struggle over defense, which at this time centered on implementation of the Militia Act, and was conducted at two levels. First, there was an open dispute over the method of enlistment and regulation: whether or not service was to be compulsory, whether officers were to be appointed or elected, to what extent the stern British regulations on military discipline were to apply. Less open but no less significant, was the struggle between the proprietary interest and the Assembly party for control of the forces raised. Both sides, of course, were fully alert to the power entailed in such control if, as expected, war was declared on France.
When it proved impossible to forestall Franklin’s command over 1000 more or less armed militiamen, the governor and his friends established independent companies led by their partisans. The first, in December, was commanded by William Vanderspiegle, and by March 25, 1756, four more had been mustered in Philadelphia, and at least eight more in the other counties. Vanderspiegle’s company held its first review on February 19 to the “entire satisfaction” of Morris, who may have delayed twelve days in signing Franklin’s commission to prevent him from mustering his regiment, thereby letting the independent company claim the honor of holding the first review.
Franklin’s command had its first regimental review on very short notice, Saturday, February 28, in State House Square, after which it marched through the city streets. The regiment halted before the Academy where “a considerable Number of the Inhabitants,” leaders and adherents of the independent companies, had gathered “to consult upon some Expedient for rendering the Use of Arms more universal, and the Province more secure.” The militiamen expected to hear the propositions brought forward at the meeting “but were disappointed; the Proposers having too precipitately packed up their Papers, and dispersed themselves.” The hurriedly ordered review itself doubtless presented an unexpected challenge to the sponsors of the meeting, and in view of the militia’s hostility to the independent companies, the regiment’s armed appearance at the doors of the meeting would hardly be welcomed. Later the sponsors provided the newspapers with the “Plan of Association” agreed to at their meeting “under three several Heads of Horse-Exercise, Foot-Exercise, and the Artillery-Exercise, belonging to the old Association Battery,” together with the governor’s certificate of approval. These documents were printed in both newspapers, preceded by an account of the affair and followed by a series of challenging queries. Both the Plan of Association and the Queries are unsigned, but it seems probable that Franklin drafted the latter piece—his opponents certainly thought so at the time. The Plan, the governor’s certificate, and the Queries are reprinted here in the order in which they appeared in the newspapers.

An Association for promoting Military Discipline among the Freemen of Pennsylvania, who are not WILLING and DESIROUS to act under the present Militia Law.
Whereas the weak and defenceless State of this Province, has long been Matter of just and real Concern to every thinking Person among us, especially since the Commencement of the late unjustifiable Encroachments of the French and their Savage Allies; And whereas a War between the English and French Nations seems at present unavoidable, which will expose this rich and flourishing City to Invasions from Sea, and the other Parts of the Province to cruel Ravages by Land, if proper Measures of Security are not speedily concerted; And whereas but few of the People seem inclined to muster under the present Militia Law, and to put themselves under Officers that propose to act in Pursuance of that Law; And whereas it is nevertheless absolutely necessary and expedient that those who are scrupulous in this Respect, should have an Opportunity of acquiring the Military Exercise, in a Manner agreeable to themselves, provided it be not repugnant to any positive Institution of their Country. Wherefore, we the Subscribers, Freemen of the City and County of Philadelphia, enter into this Voluntary Association for accomplishing ourselves in Military Discipline, that we may be ready to appear in the Service of our Country whenever we are necessarily called thereto. And that there may be nothing to create Uneasinesses among us, nor to interrupt our Design of acquiring the Military Exercise, the following are declared to be the fundamental Articles, and essential Principles of this Association, viz.
1. That we will remain entirely INDEPENDENT of the present Militia Law, in every Shape and Sense. For, as we cannot believe that the Law will ever answer the Purposes of Defence, and, if it were carried into Execution (which we scarce think practicable) would leave the People of this Province on a very unequal Footing, so we cannot think it expedient to act under a Law which we must necessarily disapprove of, especially as every Individual is, by the Law itself, left to his own free Choice, either to act under it, or not. And as we do not blame those who think proper to pursue a different Plan from ours, and charitably believe that many of them may do so from a very laudable Motive; so we hope they will grant us the same Indulgence, and allow us an equal Right of following our own Judgment, in Matters where we are equally concerned and free.
2. That we will be under such Officers, as we shall chuse, and his Honour the Governor shall be pleased to commission, for the Troop or Company to which we respectively set our Names. That we will associate with Capt. Vanderspeigle’s, and any other Independent Companies, so as to be afterwards formed into one or more Regiment, or Regiments, under such Field Officers as the several Captains, Lieutenants and Ensigns (thus commissioned and associated) shall chuse, and his Honour the Governor be pleased to commission, for that Purpose. But such Officers shall have no Power to lead us to any Duty or Service without our own Consent, unless a proper Militia Law is first obtained, equally binding on all his Majesty’s Subjects of this Province, who being equally free, are therefore intitled to equal Privileges and Immunities.
Philadelphia, Feb. 28, 1756.

This Plan of Association having been offered to my Consideration, by several Gentlemen of this City, I think it necessary to signify my Approbation of it, as an Expedient that will contribute to the publick Safeyt, by promoting Military Discipline among those who do not chuse to act under the present Law.
Robert Hunter Morris.
Feb. 25, 1756.

Queries on the above.
1. Whether when the whole City is invited to a Meeting on any Project, and scarce Fifty get together to countenance it, they are more properly called a considerable than an inconsiderable Number?
2. Whether keeping up a Clamour of the weak and defenceless State of the Province, after Sixty Thousand Pounds has been granted and appropriated for its Defence, and so many Forts built on the Frontier, and Troops taken into Pay; has any Meaning in it, and what that Meaning can be?
3. Whether representing this City in publick Papers, as being, at the same time, both rich and defenceless, is least agreeable to Truth or to Prudence, the Way to deter, or invite an Enemy?
4. Whether a Regiment of Militia, well trained, consisting of near 1000 Men, 50 Pieces of Cannon, and a strong Battery, are to be looked upon as nothing towards the Defence of such a Place as this?
5. Whether the Appearance of such a Regiment under Arms, at three or four Hours Warning, be not a full Proof, that the Assertion in the above Paper, viz. “few of the People seem inclined to muster under the present Militia Law,” is an egregious Mistake?
6. Whether it was not proper to shew our Military Projectors (since they seemed ignorant of it) that there was such a Regiment in Being; for so, by knowing how much was done, they might be better able to judge what was wanting?
7. Whether inviting a Number of People to a Consultation, and shutting the Doors in their Faces, as soon as they appear, be a Compliment or an Affront?
8. By whose Order was this done, and what Right had HE to order it?
9. Are not our Laws fram’d by Assemblies of our own chusing?
10. Did the Governor propose any Amendment to our Militia Law, before he passed it?
11. Have the People petitioned the Assembly for any Amendment to that Law, and been refused?
12. Could not these Projectors have met and exercised themselves in the Use of Arms, without affronting in express Terms the Laws and Legislature of their Country?
13. May not the Military Exercise as well be learnt under the Sanction of the Law as without it?
14. Is not making Trial of a Law, by endeavouring to carry it into Execution, the best Way of discovering whether the Law is practicable or impracticable, will or will not answer its Purpose? And if, on such Trial, it be found defective; would not the actual Experiment made, give more Weight to an Application for Amendment?
15. And would not that Weight be still greater, the more generally the Experiment was made?
16. Do those good Men who have generously taken up Arms for the Defence of their Country, and the Officers that have taken so much Pains to discipline them, deserve, for so doing, to be discountenanced, and meet with every Kind of Discouragement and Obstacle that Power and Party Views can throw in their Way?
17. If the Projectors intend nothing but the Use of their own Liberty, in learning the Exercise of Arms, can they not enjoy that Liberty, without endeavouring to divide and break the Force already formed under Sanction of the Law; and without solliciting the People to sign an Engagement, not to act under the Law; thereby restraining them in the Liberty they have of acting under the Law if they should chuse it?
18. Whether Union be not very necessary to us all at this Juncture?
19. Whether dividing us is the Way to unite us?
20. Whether an Association and solemn Agreement, not to be obliged “to do any Duty or Service,” be not a very droll Kind of an Association; and copied from Poet Bayes, in the Play called the Rehearsal, viz.
“Bayes, I bring out my Bull, and my Bear; and what do you think I make them do, Mr. Johnson?
“Johnson, Do! why, fight, I suppose.
“Bayes, See how you are mistaken now! I would as soon make them dance. No, egad, Sir, I make them do——no earthly Thing.”


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Elizabeth Hubbart, 5 March 1756
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hubbart, Elizabeth

Dear Betsey
Philada. March 5. 1756
Excuse my not writing to your good Mama and my other Friends. I am excessively hurried, and not very well.

I shall send a Commission to Cousin Tuthill. I am going shortly to Virginia if nothing hinders, and could be glad to have the State of the Office Accounts and the Ballance, that I may settle it with Mr. Hunter.
Pray desire him to put Huske’s Bond in Suit. Perhaps it may be recovered, as the King’s Debts always have the Preference.
The Lottery draws next Monday.
Adieu. Love to all. I am, Your affectionate Papa  B Franklin
 Addressed: To / Mrs. Eliz Hubbard / Post Office / Boston / Free


Title: Reply to the Plan of Association, [6 March 1756]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

Among Franklin’s papers is a draft paragraph in his hand countering the assertion in the Plan of Association of the independent companies that the Militia Act had produced few enlistments. Obviously intended as a compliment to the German volunteers in his regiment, the paragraph appears, in an almost literal translation, in the Philadelphische Zeitung, March 6, 1756.

[March 6, 1756]
The Assertion in the above Paper, that “but few of the People seem inclined to muster under the present Military Law.” seems however to be a Mistake; for we can with Truth inform our Readers, that on the same Day nine Companies of the Philadelphia Regiment of Foot under Col. Franklin consisting as ’tis said of near 1000 Men, when all together, appeared in Arms, being mustered under Officers commissioned in Pursuance of the Law. And we had the Pleasure to observe, that our German People made a considerable Part of the Body that gave this Testimony of their Loyalty to their King, and Respect to the Laws of their Country. As the Law does not compel any Man to bear Arms, but every one is left to his Liberty, this voluntary Proof of their Zeal for the Publick Good is the more convincing.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to [Elizabeth Hubbart], [18 March 1756]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hubbart, Elizabeth

[Philadelphia, March 18, 1756]
I forgot whose Tickets I sent you; but you can write the names of the Managers, and the Numbers sign’d by each, and the 4th Class will be sent you. … I will get your Brother’s Commission sign’d by Mr. Hunter and send it from Virginia. …


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, [24 March 1756]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

[Hampton, Va., March 24, 1756]

Peter is now quite well.
Present my Duty to Mother, and Love to the Children, and to all Friends. I shall write more particularly per Post. This goes by a Vessel to New York. I am, Dear Debby, Your loving Husband
B Franklin
 Addressed: To / Mrs Franklin / at / Philadelphia / via New-York


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 30 March 1756
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

My dear Child
Williamsburg, March 30. 1756
I wrote to you via New York the Day after my Arrival, acquainting you that I had a fine Journey and Passage down the Bay, being but four Days from Philadelphia to Col. Hunter’s, tho’ stopt near a Day on the Road. I have been well ever since, quite clear of the Dizziness I complain’d of, and as gay as a Bird, not beginning yet to long for home, the Worry of perpetual Business being yet fresh in my Memory. Mr. Hunter is much better than I expected to find him, and we are daily employ’d in Settling our Affairs. About the End of the Week we are to take a Tour into the Country. Virginia is a pleasant Country, now in full Spring; the People extreamly obliging and polite. I return in the Man of War to New York, with Col. Hunter and his Lady; at least this is propos’d; but if a more convenient Opportunity offers, perhaps I may not stay so long as the End of next Month, when that Ship is to sail. Present my Duty to Mother, Love to Billy, Sally and the rest, not forgetting that Goody. My Respects to Mr. Masters, and all the Officers; and in short to all Philadelphia. Mr. Hunter presents his Compliments. I am, my dear Debby, Your loving Husband
B Franklin
P.S. Deliver Col. Hunter’s Money to Mr. Balfour.
[On inside page:] The Prints for Mr. Hall.
 Addressed: To / Mrs Franklin / Philadelphia / per favr of / Mr Balfour


Title: The College of William and Mary: Degree of Master of Arts, 2 April 1756
From: Dawson, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

  [April 2, 1756]
  Praeses et Magistri Collegii Gulielmi et Mariæ in Virginia, Omnibus ad quos hoc praesens Scriptum pervenerit, Salutem in Domino sempiternam.

Quum in Charta regia nobis concessum et confirmatum fuit, ut eos, qui se Literis et Studiis suis praecipue ornarunt, Gradibus academicis decoremus: Quum volumus in hujusmodi Honorem imprimis evehi Virum inclytissimum, quo nobis et Juventuti Virginiensi Exemplum valde egregium proponamus; Quumque Benjaminum Franklin Armigerum nobis commendarunt Gradus Artium Magistri a diversis Collegiis Americanis in earn collatus; quinetiam Honores a Rege Christianissimo, a regia Scientiarum apud Parisios Academia, a regia Societate Londinensi ei accumulati, nec non ejusdem Celebritas et Gloria, ob miras in Philosophia naturali Patefactiones excogitatas, per totam Literarum Rempublicam evulgatae: Idcirco in frequenti Senatu, Die secundo Mensis Aprilis Anno Domini MDCCLVI habito, conspirantibus omnibus Suffragiis, praefatum Benjaminum Franklin Armigerum, Virum omni Laude dignum, Artium Magistrum renunciavimus et constituimus. In Cujus Rei Testimonium huic Diplomati Sigillum Collegij Gulielmi et Mariæ commune apponi fecimus. Dat. Die Men: et An: praedict:


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, [c. 5 April 1756]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

[Hampton or Norfolk, c. April 5, 1756]
I came down here yesterday with Mr. Hunter, who, you must think, is at present pretty well, to be able to ride 35 Miles in an Afternoon. Hearing of this Vessel just sailing for New York, I write a Line to let you know I continue well. This is my Third since my Arrival here, and I hope soon to hear from you. We have almost finish’d our Business together and wait only for the Arrival of the next Post with some Accounts from the Northern Offices [several lines missing; continued vertically in left margin:] Friends. Here is not a Word of [missing] not a Ship arrived, which makes [missing] Embargo. I hope to be at home [missing] Adieu. Your loving Husband [signature missing].
 Addressed: To / Mrs Franklin / Philada


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Richard Kelsick: Certificate as Burgess and Freeman of Norfolk, 10 April 1756
From: Kelsick, Richard
To: Franklin, Benjamin

At THE Borough OF Norfolk the Tenth Day of April One Thousand Seven Hundred and Fifty six
The which Day in Presence of the Worshipfull Richard Kelsick Esquire Mayor of the Borough of Norfolk, John Hutchings, Robert Tucker, Josiah Smith, John Phripp, John Tucker, Wilson Newton, Christopher Perkins, and George Abyoon, Aldermen thereof, Benjamin Franklin Esquire of the City of Philadelphia is made Burgess and Freeman of this Borough and the whole Liberty’s Priviledges and Immunities of a Burgess and Freeman thereof are granted to him in most Ample form as noe is.
Richd: Kelsick, Mayor
[Seal]


Title: Mutiny Act, [15 April 1756]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

On March 3, 1756, the Assembly minutes record that “A Bill for the better Regulation of such Soldiers as are or hereafter may be in the Pay of the Province, was brought in by Benjamin Franklin, by the Leave of the House, and read the first Time, and ordered a second Reading.” Proposed in part as a supplement to the Militia Act of Nov. 25, 1755, the bill sought to meet criticisms of its inadequacy and in particular to provide punishment for mutiny and desertion among troops in active service. Franklin’s own experience on the frontier may have convinced him that such a measure was necessary.
After much discussion the bill was referred to a committee of seven, including Franklin, for amendment, over the objection of four strict Quakers who apparently wanted to kill it entirely. An amended draft under a new title was reported two days later, whereupon, after two readings and “considerable Debate,” the Assembly rejected a third reading in a recorded vote, 17 to 13, Franklin voting in the minority. The folowing morning, speaking as one of the provincial commissioners, Franklin “represented to the House, that there was an absolute Necessity for some Law to be speedily passed for the better Regulation of the Soldiers in the Pay of the Province, or that otherwise they must be disbanded; and therefore moved, that though the Bills which had already been prepared for that Purpose were not agreeable to the Mind of the House, yet that the House should meet again this Afternoon [Saturday], in order to consider if some other Measures could not be fallen upon to answer the good End proposed.” After defeating three motions to adjourn, the Assembly agreed to Franklin’s suggestion and appointed a new committee, consisting of the same members as the last with three additions, “to prepare and bring in another Bill for regulating the Officers and Soldiers commissioned and raised by the Governor for the Defence of the Province.” The bill, brought in on March 16 and passed the next day, had only two votes of strict Quakers recorded against it.
The Assembly adjourned at once and Franklin, acting under instructions, took the bill with him when he left on his journey to Virginia on post-office business and delivered it on the 19th to Morris, who had gone to Newcastle, Del. Franklin was in Virginia throughout all the subsequent negotiations on the measure so had nothing to do with them. Morris referred the bill to his attorney general and then altered it in Council to accord with the Virginia law for the same purpose and sent it back to the Assembly, April 6, when that body had reconvened. The House accepted a proposal to empower the governor to issue commissions for holding general courts martial, but rejected the other amendments. In further negotiations each side made some concessions and then on April 10 Morris asked for a conference with a committee of the Assembly. The speaker and four other members, who formed this group, reported back that the governor’s amendments “might be necessary,” as the Assembly journal recorded their statement, or “were just and ought to be agreed to,” as the Council minutes put it. A further concession by Morris on a shorter duration for the measure than he had wanted led to final agreement. The House accepted the bill as amended and the governor signed it on April 15.
No copy of Franklin’s original bill appears to have survived and the many unspecified changes made before final enactment of the measure prevent identification of his initial proposals. It is apparent, however, that the specification of the forces to which it would apply, the authority for convening general courts martial, and the sharply limited duration of the law were among the amended provisions. Perhaps his major contribution—no small accomplishment itself—consisted in persuading the Assembly to pass any Mutiny Act at all.

  [April 15, 1756]

  An Act for regulating the Officers and Soldiers commissionated and raised by the Governor for the Defence of this Province
Whereas, in Pursuance of the Powers granted by the Royal Charter to our late Honoured Proprietary William Penn, Esquire, and his Successors, and to his or their Deputy or Deputies, the Governor hath thought fit to commissionate a Number of Officers, and raise a considerable Body of Forces under them, for putting a Stop to the cruel and barbarous Ravages and Murders committed by the Indians upon the peaceable Inhabitants of the Frontier Parts and Counties within this Province. And forasmuch as Numbers of armed Men assembled together, without any clear and express Law for their Government, may become dangerous to the King’s Peace, ruinous to each other, and of little Service to the Publick; therefore BE IT ENACTED by the Honourable Robert Hunter Morris, Esq; Lieutenant-Governor under the Honourable Thomas Penn, and Richard Penn, Esquires, true and absolute Proprietaries of the Province of Pennsylvania, and Counties of New-Castle, Kent and Sussex, upon Delaware, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Representatives of the Freemen of the said Province, in General Assembly met, and by the Authority of the same, That all Officers, so as aforesaid commissioned and in Pay, or that shall hereafter be commissioned and in Pay, and such Soldiers as have been regularly enlisted, or shall voluntarily engage, or be enlisted, at any Time after the Publication of this Act, and be paid and maintained by the Crown, at the Charge of this Province, shall be, for their better Government, subject to the same Laws, Rules, Duties and Trials, and be liable to the same Punishments, during the Continuance of this Act, as they would be by Virtue of an Act of Parliament passed in the Twenty-eighth Year of the present Reign, intituled, “An Act for punishing Mutiny and Desertion,” &c. if joined by any of his Majesty’s British Forces.
And FORASMUCH as there is at present no Commission or Warrant from the Crown to the Governor of this Province for the holding General Courts Martial within the same, BE IT FURTHER ENACTED by the Authority aforesaid, That the Governor, or Commander in Chief of this Province for the Time being, may, from time to time, grant Commissions under the Great Seal to any Officers, not under the Degree of a Field Officer, for the holding General Courts Martial within this Province, which shall consist of the same Number of Officers of the like Rank, and shall have the same Powers and Authorities, and shall proceed in the same Manner as in the said Act of Parliament is directed and prescribed; in which Courts Martial all the Offences specified in the said Act of Parliament, and his Majesty’s Articles of War, committed by such Officers or Soldiers, shall be tried and proceeded against in such Manner as by the said Act and Articles is directed; Provided, that all and every Officer or Officers presiding at any Trial or Trials whereupon Sentence of Death shall be adjudged and given against any Officer or Soldier, by Virtue, and in Pursuance of the said Act of Parliament, shall transmit, as soon as may be, to the Governor or Commander in Chief for the Time being, a fair Transcript of their Proceedings and Sentences under their Hands and Seals, and that the Execution of such Sentences shall be suspended until the Pleasure of the Governor or Commander in Chief be known, and his Warrant, under the Great Seal, be received for the same. Provided Nevertheless, That nothing herein contained shall extend, or be construed to exempt any Officer or Soldier whatsoever from being proceeded against by the ordinary Course of the Law, or be any-wise construed to extend to or concern any of the Militia Forces of this Province, or to authorize the Enlisting of indented Servants or Apprentices, or to bring over any Part of the said Act of Parliament not relating to the Government of Soldiers, the Manner of enlisting them, the Offences punishable by Sentence of Court Martial, the Mode of Trial, and the Punishments to be inflicted, any Thing herein contained to the contrary notwithstanding.
This Act to continue, and be in Force, until the Thirtieth Day of October next, and no longer.