Title: For the National Gazette, 3 March 1792
From: Madison, James
To:

March 3. [1792]

Republican Distribution of Citizens.
A perfect theory on this subject would be useful, not because it could be reduced to practice by any plan of legislation, or ought to be attempted by violence on the will or property of individuals: but because it would be a monition against empirical experiments by power, and a model to which the free choice of occupations by the people, might gradually approximate the order of society.
The best distribution is that which would most favor health, virtue, intelligence and competency in the greatest number of citizens. It is needless to add to these objects, liberty and safety. The first is presupposed by them. The last must result from them.
The life of the husbandman is pre-eminently suited to the comfort and happiness of the individual. Health, the first of blessings, is an appurtenance of his property and his employment. Virtue, the health of the soul, is another part of his patrimony, and no less favored by his situation. Intelligence may be cultivated in this as well as in any other walk of life. If the mind be less susceptible of polish in retirement than in a croud, it is more capable of profound and comprehensive efforts. Is it more ignorant of some things? It has a compensation in its ignorance of others. Competency is more universally the lot of those who dwell in the country, when liberty is at the same time their lot. The extremes both of want and of waste have other abodes. ’Tis not the country that peoples either the Bridewells or the Bedlams. These mansions of wretchedness are tenanted from the distresses and vices of overgrown cities.
The condition, to which the blessings of life are most denied is that of the sailor. His health is continually assailed and his span shortened by the stormy element to which he belongs. His virtue, at no time aided, is occasionally exposed to every scene that can poison it. His mind, like his body, is imprisoned within the bark that transports him. Though traversing and circumnavigating the globe, he sees nothing but the same vague objects of nature, the same monotonous occurrences in ports and docks; and at home in his vessel, what new ideas can shoot from the unvaried use of the ropes and the rudder, or from the society of comrades as ignorant as himself. In the supply of his wants he often feels a scarcity, seldom more than a bare sustenance; and if his ultimate prospects do not embitter the present moment, it is because he never looks beyond it. How unfortunate, that in the intercourse, by which nations are enlightened and refined, and their means of safety extended, the immediate agents should be distinguished by the hardest condition of humanity.
The great interval between the two extremes, is, with a few exceptions, filled by those who work the materials furnished by the earth in its natural or cultivated state.
It is fortunate in general, and particularly for this country, that so much of the ordinary and most essential consumption, takes place in fabrics which can be prepared in every family, and which constitute indeed the natural ally of agriculture. The former is the work within doors, as the latter is without; and each being done by hands or at times, that can be spared from the other, the most is made of every thing.
The class of citizens who provide at once their own food and their own raiment, may be viewed as the most truly independent and happy. They are more: they are the best basis of public liberty, and the strongest bulwark of public safety. It follows, that the greater the proportion of this class to the whole society, the more free, the more independent, and the more happy must be the society itself.
In appreciating the regular branches of manufacturing and mechanical industry, their tendency must be compared with the principles laid down, and their merits graduated accordingly. Whatever is least favorable to vigor of body, to the faculties of the mind, or to the virtues or the utilities of life, instead of being forced or fostered by public authority, ought to be seen with regret as long as occupations more friendly to human happiness, lie vacant.
The several professions of more elevated pretensions, the merchant, the lawyer, the physician, the philosopher, the divine, form a certain proportion of every civilized society, and readily adjust their numbers to its demands, and its circumstances.


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 5 March 1792
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

March 5. [1792]
The inclosed papers which I have got from Mr. Beckleys office furnishes an answer to your letter. There is a Bill depending in favor of claims barred by the limitation of time—which if it passes will provide for those of Owen & Woods as I understand the tenor of the Bill and the nature of their claims. As soon as the fate of the Bill is decided I shall write to the parties.
J. M.


Title: To James Madison from Daniel Carroll, 8 March 1792
From: Carroll, Daniel
To: Madison, James

My dear Sir,March 8th. 1792.
Yr. last come to hand was on the 28th Ulto. I have not sent to the office since the last post. As yr. sessions will now soon close, I hope you may separate in harmony for the public good, & yr. own satisfactions; I wish the subject on representation well finishd.
Mr Jefferson has favord me with the result of the Negotiations with Majr. L’Enfant, on which you will not expect any remarks from me. The season will soon permit us to enter on the business of the year, & I am fully impressd with the propriety of proceeding with spirit. The public buildings will advance I hope as fast as they ought. Judgement & managemt. will be necessary to bring forward & encourage a disposition for private improvements. The exorbitant and unreasonable expectations of some, particularly D. Carroll of Duddington at one end of the City & Robert Peter at the other, may check in a degree the public good & do prejudice to themselv[e]s. I shoud have the same fears with Mr Carroll if there was not so much in the hands of the public—but this inordinate & blind passion may cramp us.
I find on turning over matters by memory that since this measure took place, the alienation of property has been very considerable. Underneath is a rough sketch on this Subject for yrs. & Mr Carrollsburgh [sic] amusement—there may be circumstances perhaps which may induce not to say much about it at this time. It is not correct, but shall be so if desird—not much under or over.

  In the City

  Sale from Slater to Prout since the location of the district but before that of the City—

  Dollars

  abt. 500. Acrs. @ 54 dollrs ⅌ acre

  27000

      Do. Carr to Walker soon
        after the Location of the City (not sure but a little before)
      }

  abt 420 Acres—@ 80 Dollrs ⅌ Acr.

  32000

  Do Waring to Sundries abt 450 acres for 40 Dolrs ⅌ Acr.

  Since by them to Blodget @ 80
    Dolrs ⅌ acre.

  36000

  Sundry small purchasers on the E Branch abt 20 Acrs.—Abt. 100 Drs ⅌—

  2000

  Abraham Young to King abt 60
    Acs. @ 60 Drs ⅌ a.

  3600

  The 2 Peirceys to Saml & JnoDavidson I beleive ab 300 Acrs. abt—80 Ds ⅌ Do.

    24000

  exclusive of public & private Lotts

  124,600

  Land sold within these few days out of the City but near it—

  George Beall to Deakins Stoddert &ca abt 800 Acrs—@ 21 Dollrs a ⅓
  17067

  Berry to Carr & Bayly—ab
    1700 Acrs. 12 Dolrs ⅔.
    21533

   163,200

  Several small parcells besides
  }
  woud certainly make with the above more than ——200 000 Dollrs

  Hendersons Land to Stoddart

  since the act but before the

  Location, & by him lately

  one half to Captn Campbell

  The Public & private Lotts

I am glad to find we shall have the engravd Plan soon in circulation—it must be of essential advantage. Yrs. Dr Sr. Affy.
Danl Carroll


Title: To James Madison from John Strode, 9 March 1792
From: Strode, John
To: Madison, James

Honble. Sir,Culpeper 9th. March 1792
The Winter setting in so early prevented those Interested in the intended road leading thro’ this County to the Fedral City, from making the Survey at the time they Otherwise intended, & the continuation of the Deep Snow has hereto had Similar effects, even at this Time altho’ the Snow is gone, the Roads through “the Froggeaten-Country” from the abundance of wet is altogether impassible, to so great a degree, perhaps Seldom known; However, the Surveyor Chain Carriers &c are all holding themselves in Readiness, the Instant it can be done, next week I hope, will proceed on the business, and as soon as a Draft of the Survey can be made, a Copy thereof Shall be forwarded to you. But the chiefest cause, which operates to produce this troublesome Scrawle, is a Suggestion from Mr. Strother and some other Gentlemen, That it wd. be a great advantage, in order to promote an undertaking of Such Genl. Utillity, That Sir You wd. be good enough to favourably Mention the Matter to Such other Members of Congress, as Lay on, or Near they [sic] Line, which the Road might be Supposed to pass, as well thro’ this, as the more Southwd. States, for it seems to be the Opinion of a Number of well informd Gentlemen, Indeed all that I have conversed with, That the intended road, may very conveniently and usefully be extended, on Nearly a Direct way to the Seat of Government of Georgia, out of which again, thro its whole extant, a Variety of other great & Leading roads may branch Out to the Back Countrys. The Advantages to be derived from the whole, are perhaps too extensive and numerous for me to conceive, much less attempt to particularize, Sir to you they will be more Obvious, as to the Variety of Objects they may involve, their Magnitude & Interests, public, private and complicate; Suffer me I pray You Sir to beg the favour of You to introduce the Subject to Mr Jefferson and for us Supplicate His patronage in the Matter; If that Honorable Gentleman will deign to favour the undertaking, and with You can Spare the Time from the great National concerns which at present may require your Attentions, so far as to promote it by some Small Degree of Your influence with Such Characters on the Rout as is most likely to bring into effect the projected Design, or kindly communicate any directions Needfull for the more Effectual prosecution thereof, will be considerd a great favour by a Number of good people, as well as also by Honble. Sir yr. most Obdt Hble Sert
John Strode


Title: Resolution on the French Constitution, [10 March] 1792
From: Madison, James
To:

[10 March 1792]

   The president forwarded to the House a letter from Louis XVI announcing that the French king had accepted the Constitution of 1791. Tucker offered a resolution requesting the president, “in his answer to the said notification, to express the sincere participation of the House in the interests of the French Nation, on this great and important event.” White proposed a conference committee to produce a joint resolution with the Senate.

Mr. Madison saw no necessity for delaying, to obtain a concurrence from the Senate; moreover, the house had not always been successful in that respect. He was therefore surprised that any delay should be attempted, as he believed there were but few members in the house who did not view the French revolution with as much pleasure as he was certain all the people did—every proper means therefore ought to be used to express our opinion—it would be grateful to our constituents, and it would be grateful to the people of France. A proper address from the United States to the French Nation would be more natural and more acceptable, than from any other country, and it would have a better effect to encourage the spirit of freedom, which, it is to be hoped, will always enable them to resist the force of every invasion that may be attempted, by the machinations of any power in the world—under this idea, he hoped no Gentleman would attempt to put it off to another day; what common politeness demanded should be answered immediately, besides, the very manner in which it has been communicated by the President—the practice of other countries where it is usual for the head of the executive to address the parliament—all these are in favour of it. The King of the French has communicated the same intelligence to all Europe, by order of the legislative body, and there can be no impropriety in this house expressing their opinion.

   Federal Gazette, 12 Mar. 1792.

[10 March 1792]

   The Speaker read Tucker’s resolution.

Mr. Madison thought the motion contained nothing exceptionable, and if there was nothing exceptionable in it, the farther it went the better; we could not express in too strong terms our satisfaction at the revolution and the wisdom which has dictated the formation of the constitution, and altho it contains some articles different from the constitution of this country, and altho it may not be exactly conformable to perfect wisdom said he, yet I think it contains more wisdom than any instrument that has ever fallen under my eye.

I confess I feel a peculiar anxiety to favor an event so glorious to mankind and so glorious to this country, because it has grown as it were out of the American revolution.

   Federal Gazette, 12 Mar. 1792.

   JM voted with the majority as the House defeated a motion to commit the resolution, then passed the resolution. He was appointed to the committee of five (headed by Tucker) that delivered the resolution to the president (Annals of CongressDebates and Proceedings in the Congress of
          the United States, 1789–1824 (42 vols.; Washington, 1834–56)., 2d Cong., 1st sess., 457). The resolution offended the president, who regarded it as an encroachment by the legislative branch upon the executive power to conduct foreign policy (Malone, Jefferson and the Rights of Man, pp. 403–4).


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Pendleton, 14 March 1792
From: Pendleton, Edmund
To: Madison, James

Letter not found. 14 March 1792. Acknowledged in JM to Pendleton, 25 Mar. 1792. Says “ ‘that the Northern Cocks are true game’” and “ ‘that they die hard in the Representation bill.’”


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 16 March 1792
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Th: J. to J.M.Mar. 16. 92.
I inclose you my thoughts on a subject extremely difficult, and on which I would thank you for any observations. The exchange of criminals is so difficult between a free & an arbitrary government, that England never would consent to make a convention with any state on the subject. It has accordingly been hitherto the asylum of all fugitives from the oppressions of other governments. The subject is forced on us by the importunities of Govr. Pinkney, & in a day or two I must report on it to the President.
I will call for you a little before 4. to-day.


Title: Notes for Speech in Congress: The Contested Georgia Election, [ca. 19 March] 1792
From: Madison, James
To:

Editorial Note
The election of General Anthony Wayne to the House of Representatives from a Georgia congressional district was disputed by his opponent, James Jackson, who petitioned the House on 14 November 1791 to declare him the legally elected winner of the election. Jackson’s petition alleged irregularities and also claimed that Wayne was not a legal resident of Georgia at the time of the election and hence was ineligible to serve on any count. The trial of the articles in Jackson’s petition began on 12 March 1792. A resolution that Wayne “was not duly elected a Member of this House” won unanimous approval on 16 March, and on 19 March a resolution declaring that Jackson was “entitled to a seat in this House” was introduced (Annals of CongressDebates and Proceedings in the Congress of
          the United States, 1789–1824 (42 vols.; Washington, 1834–56)., 2d Cong., 1st sess., 472, 475; Matthew St. Clair Clarke and David A. Hall, comps., Cases of Contested Elections in Congress from the Year 1789 to 1834, Inclusive [Washington, 1834], pp. 47–68).

[ca. 19 March 1792]
It appears that Petr. has the greatest no. of legal votes—if not elected—Why?

☞ Note Lex Parl. not law—unity there plurality here—positive regulations.
1. Is the election avoided in toto by error in part.

No because then the smallest part may viciate

2. Are we to require majority of Counties to be sound?
—they wd. be unequal

3. or a majority of rightful electors whether voting or not in whole district
—This unsafe to representation
—unreasonable, non voters being neutrals
4. or a majority of votes given whether legally or illegally.
—this inadmissable.
—favorable to the petitioner
5. It follows—that we must be governed by the majr. number of legal votes legally given
Unless
1. The petitioner be disqualified by law—or
2. hath disqualified himself by some illegal proceeding in the case—
For
the illegal proceedings agst. him (even if in every County) wd. not do it, if majy. of sound vote
see Dougs. vol: 3. p. 122
75–6
vol. 2. 203

sd. has not petitioned.
—has petid.
—if not, right of election & people not to be affectd. by act of party.
Dougls. vol. 1. p. 136–188.

sd. not returned & can not be put into return.
—Dougs. vol. 2. p. 25—form of altering returns.

sd. if admitted final agst all objection—no.
—Dougs. vol: [1] p. 74
—Blackstone p. 63.
—only do what return sd. have done—
—want of reciprocity—

—Elections sd. be favd. so as to prevent failure or chasm

distance of States another reason—
Morpeth Vol. 1. p. 74
Sitting member decld not duly returned—
The Petitionr to be so

Liberty given to the ejected member & others to question Petitioners election within 14 days see W. & Luttrel p. 63.
Vol. 1. p. 89.
2 Sittg Members and also 2 petitioners decd, not duly elected.
Vol. 1. p. 131—188
Agremt. of parties cannot alter right of election
Vol. 2. p. 203–4
Bribery by sitting member
Petitioner must still prove majority of unbribed votes in his favor—vol. 3. p. 122. p. 75–6
Vol. 2. p. 25
Form of order for amending the return.


Title: The Contested Georgia Election, [19 March] 1792
From: Madison, James
To:

[19 March 1792]
Mr. Madison replied generally to all the reasoning of the gentlemen who had gone before him in this business—he mentioned the general rule, that whoever had a majority of sound votes was the legal representative; he then recited several exceptions to this rule, and expatiated on the lex parliamentaria. In addition to the cases quoted by Mr. Giles and Mr. W. Smith, he mentioned one wherein corruption appeared in both candidates, and the seat was adjudged to him who had the greatest number of sound votes; but this, he said, was not a case exactly [in] point, he therefore believed it would be necessary to decide the present one agreeably to the Constitution and right reason—he had ventured an opinion formerly upon an occasion of this kind, and he would now confess that, if the house could, conformably to reason, to precedents, or conveniency, admit the petitioning member to a seat, he believed, that they ought to do it, in order to fill up the chasm in the house, so far as relates to the representation and interest of the state of Georgia—he differed in opinion with those who had argued, that the petitioner had not claimed his seat, and even admitting he had done so, or that he would resign, or refuse to accept of it, still the house are bound to declare and establish his right.


Title: Proportional Representation, [22 March] 1792
From: Madison, James
To:

[22 March 1792]

   During debate on the apportionment bill in Committee of the Whole on 16 February, JM opposed Vining’s proposition to grant New Hampshire five representatives. “Fractions will exist, said he, on every possible plan; this is to be a permanent law, and in its operation will probably increase those fractions. The Constitution refers to the respective numbers of the States, and not to any aggregate number. The proposition breaks down the barriers between the State and General Governments, and involves a consolidation” (Gazette of the U.S., 24 Feb. 1792). Vining withdrew his proposition. On 20 February JM voted with the majority when the House defeated Dayton’s motion to strike out the provision for a second census in 1797, defeated Seney’s motion to strike out the provision for a ratio of representation on the second census, and approved a 1:30,000 ratio. The amended bill passed the next day, and on 17 March JM’s negative vote was crucial as the House rejected (by a 30–31 vote) a Senate amendment which would have fixed the number of representatives at 120. The House then rejected all other Senate amendments and appointed JM chairman of the five-member House delegation to a conference committee on the bill.

Mr. Madison, from the committee of conference on the representation bill, reported, that the Managers, on the part of the House, had proposed terms of accommodation to those appointed by the Senate, viz. to give up the provision for taking a new Census at the end of four years; and to consent to the ratio of thirty three thousand to be applied to the members in each state, without regard to fractions; but that the Senate’s conferees had refused their assent, and no prospect of accommodation remained.


Title: Design of Coinage, [24 March] 1792
From: Madison, James
To:

[24 March 1792]

   The Senate passed a bill establishing the mint which included a provision for displaying an image “of the President of the United States for the time being” on the coinage. This provision touched off one of the most divisive debates of the session. Representatives who favored the Senate version claimed it was an appropriate compliment to Washington, while its opponents argued that the measure smacked of monarchy. On 24 March the Committee of the Whole considered an amendment to substitute for a “representation of the head” of the incumbent president a figure “Emblematic of Liberty” on the coinage.

Mr. Madison said there ought to be some respect paid to the opinions of members in the house as well as those persons who were inclined to criticise out of doors. He could not see the propriety of stamping the President’s head on the money, and he made some remarks on the conduct of the French.


Title: From James Madison to Edmund Pendleton, 25 March 1792
From: Madison, James
To: Pendleton, Edmund

Dear SirPhilada. March 25th. 1792
Your favor of the 14th. came to hand yesterday. You were right in saying “that the Northern Cocks are true game” but have erred in adding “that they die hard on the Representation bill.” Their perseverance has gained them a final victory. The bill passed on friday last in the form in which it was sent from the Senate; that is with the distribution of 120 members among the States, and the provision for a second Census expunged. It was carried in the Senate by a majority of one, and in the House of Reps, by a majority of two only. It now remains with the President. The history of this subject involves many unpleasing circumstances, and the result appears to me absolutely irreconcileable with the Constitution. The business next to be taken up are the reports from the Treasury on the new duties on trade, the enlargement of the times for subscribing to the funding System including the assumption part of it, and a further assumption of the remaining State debts. The last alone is likely to become doubtful, and even that I consider as gaining converts daily. The two first will be urged as in the one case a reasonable indulgence to such as have not obtained due information within the time limited; and in the other as an inevitable consequence of the military augmentations provided for the Western defence. The Militia-bill which originated in the House of Reps. is before the Senate, and the Mint which originated in the latter will receive a decision on its 3d. reading in the former tomorrow. We have no late information from Europe. That from St. Domingo, paints the distress of the Island in the most gloomy colours. The gambling system which has been pushed to such a excess, is beginning to exhibit its explosions. Duer of N. York, the Prince of the tribe of Speculators, has just become a victim to his enterprizes, and involves an unknown number to an unknown amount in his fate. It is said by some that his operations have extended to several millions of dollars, that they have been carried on by usurious loans from 3 to 6 PerCt. per month, and that every description & gradation of persons from the Church to the Stews are among the dupes of his dexterity and the partners of his distress. With the highest esteem and affection I remain Dear Sir unalterably your friend & servt.
Js. Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from John Moore, 27 March 1792
From: Moore, John
To: Madison, James

Dear SirCarlisle March 27. 92
Since I received your’s by Mr. Mcalister together with the 32 dollars, I have had a Letter from my father informing me of the cashe he has lodged in the hands of a merchant in Philadelphia, directing me to draw on you whenever my exigencies required it; I expect in the course of three weeks to set out for Virginia but shall not be able to accomplish it untill I get the remainder of the money which is in your hands, which I should have wrote for sooner had a convenient opportunity offered; no safe one has yet been had, I must therefore beg that you would send it up by the next post, in bank notes, as the conveyance will not be quick enough any other away; I have examined my accompts & find that the sum which you mentioned in your last will not be sufficient to bring them to a settlement, without an additional supply which I hope you will get from the gentleman who has cashe for that purpose. Sir should you not send it by the post I shall be detained as I cannot go without it which will oblige your most affectionate
John Moore.
P. S. I see no inconvenience that will arise from your drawing more cashe than you mentioned in your Letter as my father will settle it with Mr. Dunbar in Fredericksburg.


Title: For the National Gazette, 27 March 1792
From: Madison, James
To:

March 27. [1792]

Property.
This term in its particular application means “that dominion which one man claims and exercises over the external things of the world, in exclusion of every other individual.”
In its larger and juster meaning, it embraces every thing to which a man may attach a value and have a right; and which leaves to every one else the like advantage.
In the former sense, a man’s land, or merchandize, or money is called his property.
In the latter sense, a man has a property in his opinions and the free communication of them.
He has a property of peculiar value in his religious opinions, and in the profession and practice dictated by them.
He has a property very dear to him in the safety and liberty of his person.
He has an equal property in the free use of his faculties and free choice of the objects on which to employ them.
In a word, as a man is said to have a right to his property, he may be equally said to have a property in his rights.
Where an excess of power prevails, property of no sort is duly respected. No man is safe in his opinions, his person, his faculties, or his possessions.
Where there is an excess of liberty, the effect is the same, tho’ from an opposite cause.
Government is instituted to protect property of every sort; as well that which lies in the various rights of individuals, as that which the term particularly expresses. This being the end of government, that alone is a just government, which impartially secures to every man, whatever is his own.
According to this standard of merit, the praise of affording a just security to property, should be sparingly bestowed on a government which, however scrupulously guarding the possessions of individuals, does not protect them in the enjoyment and communication of their opinions, in which they have an equal, and in the estimation of some, a more valuable property.
More sparingly should this praise be allowed to a government, where a man’s religious rights are violated by penalties, or fettered by tests, or taxed by a hierarchy. Conscience is the most sacred of all property; other property depending in part on positive law, the exercise of that, being a natural and unalienable right. To guard a man’s house as his castle, to pay public and enforce private debts with the most exact faith, can give no title to invade a man’s conscience which is more sacred than his castle, or to withhold from it that debt of protection, for which the public faith is pledged, by the very nature and original conditions of the social pact.
That is not a just government, nor is property secure under it, where the property which a man has in his personal safety and personal liberty, is violated by arbitrary seizures of one class of citizens for the service of the rest. A magistrate issuing his warrants to a press gang, would be in his proper functions in Turkey or Indostan, under appellations proverbial of the most compleat despotism.
That is not a just government, nor is property secure under it, where arbitrary restrictions, exemptions, and monopolies deny to part of its citizens that free use of their faculties, and free choice of their occupations, which not only constitute their property in the general sense of the word; but are the means of acquiring property strictly so called. What must be the spirit of legislation where a manufacturer of linen cloth is forbidden to bury his own child in a linen shroud, in order to favour his neighbour who manufactures woolen cloth; where the manufacturer and wearer of woolen cloth are again forbidden the œconomical use of buttons of that material, in favor of the manufacturer of buttons of other materials!
A just security to property is not afforded by that government, under which unequal taxes oppress one species of property and reward another species: where arbitrary taxes invade the domestic sanctuaries of the rich, and excessive taxes grind the faces of the poor; where the keenness and competitions of want are deemed an insufficient spur to labor, and taxes are again applied, by an unfeeling policy, as another spur; in violation of that sacred property, which Heaven, in decreeing man to earn his bread by the sweat of his brow, kindly reserved to him, in the small repose that could be spared from the supply of his necessities.
If there be a government then which prides itself in maintaining the inviolability of property; which provides that none shall be taken directly even for public use without indemnification to the owner, and yet directly violates the property which individuals have in their opinions, their religion, their persons, and their faculties; nay more, which indirectly violates their property, in their actual possessions, in the labor that acquires their daily subsistence, and in the hallowed remnant of time which ought to relieve their fatigues and soothe their cares, the influence will have been anticipated, that such a government is not a pattern for the United States.
If the United States mean to obtain or deserve the full praise due to wise and just governments, they will equally respect the rights of property, and the property in rights: they will rival the government that most sacredly guards the former; and by repelling its example in violating the latter, will make themselves a pattern to that and all other governments.


Title: Inquiry into General St. Clair’s Defeat, [27 March] 1792
From: Madison, James
To:

[27 March 1792]

   Giles moved that the House request the president to conduct an inquiry into the causes of the defeat on 4 November 1791 of the army under Major General Arthur St. Clair. Debate focused on the issue of whether the president or the House should initiate such an inquiry.

Mr. Madison started some difficulties in the business—He said the House ought to deliberate well, before they requested the President to do a thing which he had it not in his power to do—It was evident that the object of a court-martial or court of enquiry, must be to elucidate facts which would require the presence of officers, who could not possibly give their attendance in season to meet the object of the resolution—He added some further remarks.…

   Gazette of the U.S., 5 May 1792.

[27 March 1792]

   JM voted with the majority when the House rejected Giles’s motion. FitzSimons offered a resolution charging a select committee of the House with conducting an inquiry. The House approved this motion, thereby initiating the first exercise of legislative oversight of the executive branch (Gazette of the U.S., 31 Mar. 1792).

Mr. Madison, who had voted with the majority, for the appointment of a committee of enquiry, moved for a reconsideration of the vote, for the purpose of substituting the following resolution, instead of the one adopted:
“Resolved, that a committee be appointed, to make enquiry into such circumstances, connected with the late unsuccessful expedition under the command of Major-General St. Clair, as may be proper to be reported for the information of this House.”

   National Gazette, 2 Apr. 1792 (also reported in Gazette of the U.S., 28 Mar. 1792, and Dunlap’s Am. Daily Advertiser, 29 Mar. 1792).

   The House adjourned without voting on JM’s motion.


Title: To James Madison from Daniel Carroll, 29 March 1792
From: Carroll, Daniel
To: Madison, James

My dear Sir,George Town March 29th. 1792
I wrote a few lines by last post—Since which I have had some Conversation with Col Forrest who says that all the Maryland Delegation will be against the Assumption excepting one viz. Mr Sterrett. He is very possitive in his declarations, but I will not vouch for their being worthy of dependance.
Mr. Stuart & myself have been here since Monday. We have enterd on some matters as you may be inform’d of perhaps from Mr. Jefferson. We had reason to expect Mr Ellicot. His absence with the plan occasions considerable dificulties. Mr Johnsons Mother in Law died last Tuesday; we shall now I expect have him with us very soon. Comps. to Mr Carroll to whom I shall probably write by the next post. Will not the Confusion which has taken place in Consequence of Duers failure check the Spirits of those who were for a further assumption—or if I may say the Assuming Spirits? Yrs, My dear Sir, affectionately
Danl. Carroll


Title: From James Madison to James Madison, Sr., 30 March 1792
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, James, Sr.

Hond. SirPhilada. Mar: 30. 1792
I have procured & inclose with the two last Natl. Gazettes, the 1st. No. which compleats your sett. If any that I send from time to time shd. miscarry, I wish you to let me know it and I will supply the loss.

The Representation-bill has passed the two Houses, in the unconstitutional form proposed by the Senate, and is now before the Senate. It fixes the number at 120 members & distributes them so as to allow for fractions to particular States. The Mint Bill has also passed. The H. of Reps. is at present engaged on the Reports of the Secy. for keeping open the door for subscriptions to the Funding system including the assumption which I presume will be done, and for assuming the remainder of the State debts, which will meet with a strong opposition, if not a successful one. Nothing late from Europe. St. Domingo remains in distress. I inclose some White Mulberry seed, which it may be worth while to sow if you can spare any convenient spot for a little nursery. It will suffice for yourself & my brothers. The sooner it is put in the ground the better. It shd. be sown abt. ½ inch deep & abt. 15 or 18 apart.


Title: To James Madison from Robert Patton, 30 March 1792
From: Patton, Robert
To: Madison, James

Dear sirFredericksburg 30th March 1792
My House having been very suddenly destroyed by fire in the month of Jany last, I found my papers, on my return from Philadelphia in such a deranged situation that it was not untill yesterday I was able to lay my hands on the Letter which contained a Copy of the affadavit recorded in the public office at Charleston respecting the forgery on my name to a Bond given General Greene by Banks & Hunter. The foregoing is an exact Copy, and the first intimation I had of the forgery was communicated to me by Letter from Mr. James Miller of Charleston I think early in 1785, wherein he related the manner of his making the discovery and a conversation he had with General Greene on the subject, but this Letter has I am afraid been consumed in the fire as I cannot discover it amongst my papers after a diligent search. I immediately wrote to Charleston to have the Witnesses to the Bond examined, but Mr. Ferrie the only one being in Europe his deposition could not be procured untill the time mentioned.
A stranger to any connection ever having been between General Greene & Banks; conscious none ever existed between him & myself and conceiving myself to Stand on safe ground with respect to all degree of responsibality, I feel a disposition to withhold any thing that might be thought to operate against the Prayer of Mrs. Greene’s petition and prove prejudicial to the family of a Gentleman who deserves so much from his Country as General Greene. Indeed it is only to save my own reputation that I expose a transaction wch. must cover the memory of Banks with Ignominy & dishonour; under those circumstances the foregoing is committed to Mr. Madisons superior Judgment to use as he thinks best, with this request that it may be shewn to Mr. Wadsworth who I am told is one of the Genls. Executors & to whom this forgery in all probability has never yet been told. Your goodness will I hope ex’use the trouble I give you on this Occassion and believe me to be with great Respect Dear sir Your Mo: Ob: servant
Rob Patton
Your friends in Orange were all well last Monday.


Title: To James Madison from Robert Ballard, 1 April 1792
From: Ballard, Robert
To: Madison, James

SirBaltimore April 1st 1792
I had a long while impatiently waited to see the Secretary of the Treasurys report on the mode of compensation to the Officers of Revenue. Since that report was made, I cannot see by the debates, that the Honble. Congress, have acted on it. To speak of myself, my fees as Surveyor last year did not exceed £300—out of that sum, I have to pay for House rent & Clerks hire, £175. From last December to the Middle of March I did not receive a fee, being blocked up by the ice. I see nothing before me but inevitable ruin, if the Honble. Congress does not do something for us, before they close the Session.
Since I was honored w[i]th the Commission of Surveyor, my fees fall short of support upwards of Four hundred Pounds, which money is now owing to the Merchants and Tradesmen here: and if the Surveyors fees are not raised, and a generous compensation given to the Inspectors of the Revenue; (whose Arduous service is well known) I then know my fate. My Creditors will distress me; the consequence, will be I must go to Goal. My Commissions (the only things I have to look up to) taken from me, thereby beggaring my Wife and a house full of fine Boys, whose education is my greatest wish.
I have not the pleasure of being personally known to you, yet I have taken the liberty of addressing you on this subject, being fully persuaded that it is your Wish, the Officers of the Customs should be amply compensated; and that your aid in bringing forward the business before the Session is over, will not be wanting. I have the Honor to be with great respect, Sir, Your most Obedt. Servt.
Robert Ballard


Title: From James Madison to Daniel Carroll, 1 April 1792
From: Madison, James
To: Carroll, Daniel

Letter not found. 1 April 1792. Acknowledged in Carroll to JM, 9 Apr. 1792. Reports on the debate over further assumption of state debts, which if rejected would be “mere ceremony.”


Title: To James Madison from William Moore, ca. 1 April 1792
From: Moore, William
To: Madison, James

Letter not found. Ca. 1 April 1792. Mentioned in John Moore to JM, 1 May 1792. Requests that JM supply John Moore with further sums if he should require them to meet his expenses at Dickinson College.


Title: From James Madison to Alexander Spotswood, 2 April 1792
From: Madison, James
To: Spotswood, Alexander

Letter not found. 2 April 1792. Acknowledged in Spotswood to JM, 9 and 23 Apr. 1792. Concerns Spotswood’s claim for military service in the Revolution.


Title: To James Madison from Henry Lee, 4 April 1792
From: Lee, Henry
To: Madison, James

My dear sirRichmond April 4h. 92
I had the pleasure last night to receive your letter of the 28h. March with the newspapers enclosed. In the various doings of Congress there detailed it plainly appears that very little regard is paid to the minds of their constituents. In every transaction something occurs which excites suspicion of an undue influence or a latent design inimical to the intention and true spirit of the constitution. But no occurrence so strongly evinces this perverseness of mind or manner, so glaringly as the dispute concerning the impression on the coin.

The fiscal arrangements I consider as the bottom of all the evils experienced and to be experienced and I cannot cease to lament the fatal project introduced and carried by my friend Hamilton of whose head & heart I entertain the highest sentiments of respect.
His error on this important business never will be conceded by those who patronized his schemes until the society have drank deeply of the bitter cup.
The encrease of the additional dutys proposed will introduce smuggling, & smuggling will defeat the revenue. Yet in his late report this alternative is the one preferred of the three mentioned.
Exclusive of this objection to the proposition there are others very weighty in my judgement, one of which I will mention. If the government of the U. S. is to be cheifly supported & every exigency provided for by impost, the agricultural states will pay an overproportion of the general contribution. To bear the burden and not participate in boones of govt. is intolerable. I thank you for your attention to the subject supposed to concern me personally. But I assure you I feel disposed to hope that the President will pass me over, especially as I have been informed that the ruling party consider me as inconvenient possibly in future from my known hostility to the funding system was I placed in high fœderal office.
It is better to till the land with your own hands, than to serve a govt. which distrust your due attachment—even in the higher station. I am my dear sir ever yours
Henry Lee


Title: To James Madison from Joseph Jones, 6 April 1792
From: Jones, Joseph
To: Madison, James

Dr. Sr.Fredericksburg 6th. Apr: 1792.
I am at this time so much engaged in preparing for my western Journey that I cannot satisfy you by a more accurate statement than I have proposed—your retaining forty pounds and delivering the balance to Monroe will I am persuaded be no injury to me it will rather fall on yourself as I am inclined to think an accurate settlemt. wod. make the balance larger—let it suffice for the present and on my return I will endeavour to be more particular. I inclose the order desired. The representation bill having passed the two houses I have no expectation it will be stopt by the Executive—that branch on a former occasion had the best ground to refuse a bill passed by the two houses but did not exert or manifest to my satisfaction the independency I thought wod. ever mark the conduct of the present Officer. Our system on paper either is or is construed to be so amphibious, it is fish or flesh as it happens to suit the market. I cannot rejoice at the misfortune of an individual—but I have such a dislike to what You term fashionable measures that if the whole swar⟨m⟩ of insects which the sunshine of the funding and bank⟨ing⟩ systems hath produced shod. be dissipated by one severe blast I shod. not weep over their disaster. Has any legislature a right to Mortgage the property of th⟨e⟩ people forever or to say to them such a debt wch. you owe you shall not discharge—this contemplates a power in one legislature superior to all others and if admitted wod. establish a complete legal tyranny and deprive posterity of the means of redress or delivering themselves from the most distressing evils. Pay as you go is the best policy if that cannot be effected the next best is to settle and pay as soon as you can that the interest may not gradually devour the capital. Adieu untill I return. Yr. friend & Servt
Jos: Jones.


Title: From James Madison to Edmund Pendleton, 9 April 1792
From: Madison, James
To: Pendleton, Edmund

Dear SirPhilada. Apl. 9. 92
You will find by the inclosed papers that the President’s Negative has saved us from the unconstitutional allotment of 120 Reps. proposed by the Bill on that subject. The contest is now to be between a ratio of 1 for 30, and 1 for 33 thousand. If the next bill should begin with the former, I think it most likely to end in the latter, this being most favorable to the Northern part of the Union, the circumstance which produced the curious project contained in the other Bill. The Assumption of the Remainder of the ⟨s⟩tate debts amounting to about 41[,]000,000 dollrs. has been lately on the anvil. The first vote was in its favor. On the 2d. it was thrown out. It will however be pretty certainly renewed, and in the end not improbably carried. Besides a legion of objections agst. the Measure, its being pressed is the more extraordinary, as the progress of the Comissrs. for settling the final balances among the States, promises a conclusion of the work almost as soon as provision can be made for paying the first interest on the debts to be assumed; For the plan is to pass the assumption now, & leave the revenue to be provided hereafter. The Obligation of public faith will then be an answer to all objections agst. the new taxes or contrivances that will be called for. The ways & means for the Western defence have been the subject of latest discussion. They consist of increased duties on imports; and it is to be feared that advantage will be taken of the occasion to make the increase permanent, altho’ the object is temporary. New York continues to be a scene of Bankruptcies resulting from Duer’s fate, and the fall of the Stocks. Every day exhibits new victims, and opens new scenes of Usury, knavery and folly. If the Stocks shd. not be artificially revived, it is suspected that the ensuing week will be a very trying one to this City. I remain always & most affectly Yrs.
James Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from Alexander Spotswood, 9 April 1792
From: Spotswood, Alexander
To: Madison, James

Dear SirApril 9th. 1792
Your Favr. of the 2d. Inst. I am just honoured with.
In answer, I say, that from the time I entered into the service, to the time I quitted it, which my honr. compelld me to do—and which will Fully appr. by my memorial to Congress in 1777—There was not an officer in the Army, more Attentive & Constant to his duty than myself—and being informed that an act of Congress deprived every officer of his land, who had not served three years—I concived that act also deprived him of every other emolument, and therefore made no enquiery into my wrights, until I was better informed. I must also remark, that many officers, who came into the Army at the Close of the war, and who did not serve So long as myself—recd. every emolument. Now sir observe, the Situation of us who entered in the Army at the Commencement of the war, & those at the Close. We who first Entered, had every risk and difficulty to encounter—none or few Military resources, & Nothing but our Patriotism & Resolution to support us—had we have been conquered, what would have been our Fate—our lives and fortunes would have been the forfeit—& to save the former, we must have, asked & seeked an assylum among the Savages. Whereas those who Entered at the Close and have draw every emolument run not these Risks—they had plenty of Military Resources—and a powerfull Ally. I say under these circumstances, it would be hard, for our, ignorance, of our claims, to be now shut out of them—and if this representation is made to congress, I am certain they have so much National Dignity & Justice—that they would not only Suspend the act, but give us our land Also. This Business I submit to you & my Brother soldier Colo. Parker.
Respecting the charge agt. me of £120–10. recd. by me for depretiation of pay—I utterly deny the rect. of such, or any other sum on that Acct.
But perhaps in makeing out the Acct. they knowing me to be Intitled to it, & expecting I would demand the Same—thought it propper to Include me. I therefore, shall feel myself, under farther obligations to you—to have my rank ascertained—which Ought to be agreable to my statement to you—and forward me as early as possible—every certificate & information Necessary for me to get at least my £120–10. Respecting my ration Acct. that is due for myself & servants—& feeding two horses for at least 12. Months—by haveing my forage witheld by order of General Lee—this would Amt. to nearly or upward of £100. However as I have said, so I leave the matter of Ration, forage, & Land, to yours & Colo. Parkers management—tho think in tryal the matter would succeed but the matter as to depreciation, Rank &c—I thank you for early information. Wishing you all health, happiness, & prosperity in Life I remain Respectfully Dr sr. ys sincerely
A Spotswood


Title: From James Madison to Henry Lee, 11 April 1792
From: Madison, James
To: Lee, Henry

Letter not found. 11 April 1792. Acknowledged in Lee to JM, 18 Apr. 1792. Reports Washington’s decision to appoint General Wayne as commander of the frontier army.


Title: To James Madison from William Hull, 14 April 1792
From: Hull, William
To: Madison, James

(Circular.)
Sir,Philadelphia, April 14th. 1792.
In conformity to an appointment and instructions from the officers of the Massachusetts line of the late American army, I have attended at the seat of government from the 20th of March to the present period.
The object of my commission was to obtain a decision on a memorial which they had heretofore presented to Congress, on the subject of further compensation for themselves and the soldiers who served during the war. Although in the first instance similar applications were expected from those in the different states who were interested, yet that expectation was defeated by a delay of the communication contained in the circular address of the 28th of February, and an idea that an earlier adjournment of Congress would have taken place.

Finding myself thus situated, and considering that the officers and soldiers through the United States were equally interested in the question, I deemed it a mark of respect and attention due to them, not even to attempt a consideration of the subject until they had a fair opportunity of becoming active applicants in the measures we had adopted, and of affording us the aid of their advice and assistance.
As a proper investigation and decision of this question is of the highest importance, as it will afford relief to a large number of our companions of the war, whose distresses are only equalled by their patience; and as a union of sentiment and of measures will be most likely to produce the object of our reasonable wishes, I have it in particular command from the officers of Massachusetts, to request a co-operation of the officers of your line, at the opening of the next session of Congress.
They will attend at that time by their agent or agents, and a final decision will dou[b]tless be obtained.
As my brother officers in Massachusetts have entrusted this business to my care, and as I have devoted some attention to the consideration of the subject, I flatter myself you will not deem it improper in me, in this communication, to make some general observations thereon.
The claim of the army on the public, in my opinion, is so fixed in the unalterable principles of justice, that they ought to feel the fullest confidence of success.
The people of America know, and the public records will ever perpetuate the services which have been rendered, and the manner in which they have been remunerated. An attempt to prove that a demand of the most sacred nature still remains uncancelled, would be only to shew that a part is less than the whole; or that two, three, four or five, are not equal to twenty. The case in point indeed is stronger than any which can be adduced in its support; and the feelings of every honest heart will overcome every argument which sophistry can devise or ingenuity invent, in opposition to the claim.
Were I to attempt an investigation of the subject, it would appear from the most authentic documents that the public engagement to the army was a certain sum in specie. That certain military services were to be rendered in consequence of this engagement. That there has been a full acknowledgement on the part of the United States, that the services have been faithfully performed. That the public neither discharged the demand in specie, or in other property equivalent in value to specie. That the certificates, being unsupported by funds, had no other value than what was stamped on them by public opinion. That this value was sanctioned by the uniform adjudications of the courts of law, through the United States, in causes relating to this kind of property. That the same principle has been recognized by the legislatures of the different states, in a variety of instances. That Congress themselves, under the confederation, were impressed with the same sentiments, particularly in the instance of the sale of the lands in the western territory, for a price greatly enhanced in consequence of payment being made in certificates.
From these facts it most conclusively follows, that the claim of the army is not chimerical, but founded in the clear and eternal principles of justice.
If these facts and the conclusion which follow from them, be true, what possible reason can be given why we should not, in a decent and manly manner, ask for our rights? The present government is not only endowed with the ability, but was formed for the express purpose of “establishing justice.” While the services of those men, who cheerfully endured every toil, hardship and danger, which are incident to a military life; who persevered in the service of their country until peace and happiness were restored, remain unrewarded, it can never be said that this purpose has been obtained. The pleasure which every honest American must feel from a reflection on the present p[r]osperous situation of his country, must necessarily be checked by a consideration that those services are unrewarded which modesty need not blush to say, greatly contributed to the attainment of the public felicity which is now enjoyed. Nor is this all, many of the men who performed these services are now (from the want of the just compensation which was promised to them) pining in indigence, languishing in jails, or compelled to seek a subsistence in the neighbourhood of savages, upon the frontiers of the United States; while nearly every thing they eat, drink or wear, in these distressing situations, is taxed to pay the difference between the former low and the present high value of their certificates to the present holders of them.
To shew that those characters who are entitled to the public consideration can easily be distinguished, that a further compensation can be made only by paying the debt which actually existed at the time when the funding system was adopted, that in doing it no new debt will be created, and the purchasers of aliened securities will not be affected, or any interference be made with any systems which have been adopted, I beg leave to present the following statement.
The army may be divided into four classes—
1. Those whose terms of service expired the 1st of January 1776.
2. Those whose terms of service expired the 1st of January 1777.
3. Those who inlisted in the year 1777 for three years, or during the war. The term of service of those who inlisted for three years expired in the year 1780.
4. Those who inlisted in the year 1780.
The first and second class have no well founded claims, because, there was no depreciation on the money at the time they were paid. The fourth class, perhaps, have no claim in equity, because the large bounties they received, were a full equivalent for their services. The third class, with the officers, remain only to be considered. They depended wholly on the stipulations of Congress. This class having served during the principal part of the war, received certificates in payment, the value of which has been fully considered. They returned home under the disadvantages of having the habits of their former occupations impaired by their military pursuits, their property and connections deranged and lost, and their families involved for a necessary support. Thus circumstanced, necessity compelled them to dispose of their certificates for the current price in the market.
After the present government was established, provision was made for these certificates, wherever they were found. By that provision the purchasers received an immense advantage. The public however saved a part of the debt which was originally due—two per cent. for ten years on the principal of the whole debt, and half the interest which had accumulated. This remnant now remains, and in paying it no more than the original debt will be discharged.
The rival pretensions to this remnant will be the original holders, who earned the whole by the sweat of their brow, and the present holders, who have already received seven or eight hundred per cent. on the money which they advanced.
In the name of justice, equity, and good conscience, which claim is to be preferred? Every man will answer, that of the soldier; unless his feelings arc steeled against every principle of honor, good faith, and gratitude.
This remnant therefore, so far as it extends to our own original claims, may be appropriated with great propriety to relieve the sufferings of the foregoing description of men. In addition to this, there can be no doubt but Congress will be disposed to make a liberal grant of land in the western territory, for the same purpose, for it is not to be forgotten that those vast possessions, on which has been founded the pleasing expectation of sinking the whole of the public debt, are the fruits of those toils which the Government is now called upon to compensate. I have only, sir, to request you to take the earliest opportunity to make this communication known to the officers of your line, and I sincerely hope at the opening of the next session of Congress, they will think proper to make their application. I am, with every sentiment of respect, in behalf of the officers of the Massachusetts line of the late army, Your most obedient servant,
William Hull


Title: From James Madison to Henry Lee, 15 April 1792
From: Madison, James
To: Lee, Henry

My Dear sirPhiladelphia April 15th 1792
I have already acquainted you with the nominations of the President for General Officers. They have all been confirmed by the Senate except Wilkinson who I am told will be tomorrow. The Commander in chief it is said went through the Senate rather against the bristles. The appointment is well relished of course by some, but does not escape already considerable criticism. I am glad to find by your letter of the 4th which did not come to hand till yesterday that your inclinations & your anticipations so well coincided as they related to yourself. With respect to mine, the latter are as little disappointed by the event as yours, though that is not the case as to the former. The disappointment however would be more regreted, if your present station were less important, and particularly to our own country at the present moment.
Your remarks on the augmented duties are solid & weighty, but they will not prevail against the aversion to other taxes, and the collateral views to be answered by duties on imported manufactures. The worst is that many of the new duties are made permanent, for which an advantage is taken of the pretexts blended with the original cause.
You will see by the Paper republished from New York that the scene there is become more & more gloomy. The[re] are reports which make it much worse. Speculating & Banking are as much execrated in that City, as they were idolized a few weeks ago. The language will probably soon become general. Several failures have taken place here, notwithstanding the incessant & elaborate efforts to parry such a catastrophe as New York exhibits. It is thought however that an earthquake though much slighter will be inevitable within the present Month. The train of circumstances which has led to these evils are obvious—and reflections must soon force themselves on the public mind, from which it has hitherto been diverted by a fallacious prosperity, and uncontradicted declamation in the gazette.
You know already that the President has exerted his power of checking the unconstitutional career of Congress. The judges have also called the attention of the Pu[b]lic to Legislative fallibility, by pronouncing a law providing for Invalid Pensioners, unconstitutional & void—perhaps they may be wrong in the exertion of their power—but such an evidence of its existence gives inquietude to those who do not wish congress to be controuled or doubted whilst its proceedings correspond with their views. I suspect also that the inquietude is increased by the relation of such a power to the Bank Law, in the Public contemplation, if not in their own.
Nothing done since my last on the farther assumption or the Rept. on the Public debt. Yrs Most affly.
Js Madison jr


Title: From James Madison to John Moore, ca. 15 April 1792
From: Madison, James
To: Moore, John

Letter not found. Ca. 15 April 1792. Acknowledged in Moore to JM, 1 May 1792. Informs Moore that JM has received a letter from his father, Maj. William Moore, authorizing John Moore “to make furthe[r] draught” on JM for his expenses at Dickinson College.


Title: To James Madison from Hubbard Taylor, 16 April 1792
From: Taylor, Hubbard
To: Madison, James

Dear SirDanville 16th. April 1792
Your favor of the 22d. Feby. came to hand early in March. I return you my sincere thanks for the remarks, and information it contains; and shall always feel my self extreamly happy to have your future observations on any thing respecting our infant Country. Inclosed you will recive the Resolves passed by the Convention, [on] which our Constitution is to be builded. The emancipation of Slaves was a matter much debated in the house, some was for its taking place immediately others for a Gradual mode, but Colo. Nicholas wd. not give up the plan adopted in the Resolve for that purpose, a considerable number, as well as myself wd. have been very glad to have seen a stop put to the ingress of Slaves after a certain period and an immediate prohibition of the importation of any for sale—instead of leaving the matter so much to the Legislature. There is no doubt of Mr. Browns being removed to the Senate, if he is willing to serve us—and I am sorry to say that I fear we shall give but feeble assistance in point of abilities—tho hope they will posses firmness and sound republican principals. Its impossible to say at present who this business will devolve on, as our State matters are just about to be new modle’d and in course a number looking up for appointments. I am very glad to hear that such favorable terms are manifested, by the Court of Spain towards obtaining a trade down the Mississippi—but am sorry to find the opposition has run so high with respect to representation. We hear that some measures are taking to bring about a treaty with the Indians, its success is very doubtfull unless we are to get possession of the Nor[t]hern post held by the British, if the Latter takes place the former I expect will be effected; we hear that 300 Indians have come to Post St. Vincen to treat tho they continue to steal horses and Kill some of our inhabitants on the frontiers. The resolutions are not complete for want of time to add the remainder. Some of these has under gone a small change tho not Meterial. The Bill of rights mentiond as well as many of the other parts are taken from the pensylvania Constitution. I shall add no more at present as I send this by your brother, who I expect will probably see you in Orange very shortly. Wishing to hear from you as often as convenience will admit I am Dr Sir Yr Affe. Hble sert.
H. Taylor
Our Assembly meets the fi[r]st Monday in June—as soon as I hear how the Constitution is recd. will write you and inclose a copy.


Title: From James Madison to James Madison, Sr., 17 April 1792
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, James, Sr.

Hond SirApl. 17th. 1792
Col. Wadsworth of Connecticut wishes to procure a Barrel or half-Barrel of the best Peach Brandy & I have undertaken to use my efforts for the purpose. If it can be got at all it is probably in our Neighbourhood. I recollect particularly that Colo Geo. Taylor had some that we thought good & which is perhaps to be obtained. If that or any better can be had I shall be glad that one of my brothers would take the trouble of engaging it & having it forwarded. The older the better provided the quality be excellent. If age be wanting, the quality should be such as will be made excellent by age. To secure it against fraud, it is desired that the Cask be cased with an outer one; the cask itself to be of wood that will give it no ill taste. The price will not be considered so much as the character of the spirit, it being for the use of the Gentleman himself. If no brandy be on hand that will do, perhaps—the ensuing fall if the peaches be not destroyed, may supply the defect. In that case it might be well to speak in time to some person & have a barrel distilled with special care for the purpose. The brandy is to be shipped from Fredericksburg Addressed to Watson & Greenleaf at New York—for Col. Wadsworth. Mr. Maury or Mr. Glassell will forward it if sent to either to [sic] them. I have nothing to add to the papers inclosed, having written a few days ago, & being now in haste. Yr. Affe son
Js. Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from James Madison, Sr., ca. 17 April 1792
From: Madison, James, Sr.
To: Madison, James

Letter not found. Ca. 17 April 1792. Mentioned in JM to his father, 27 Apr. 1792. Encloses a letter to Joseph Chew and makes inquiry about him. Tells of Dr. George Gilmer’s illness.


Title: To James Madison from Alexander Spotswood, 23 April 1792
From: Spotswood, Alexander
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir,April 23d. 1792
On the rect of Yours of the 2d Inst. wherein you say—it appears by the Accts. of depreciation from Virginia—that I have been paid £120.. 10—I wrote you in Answer, denying the rect. of Such Sum. Since that I was Told, that the money, must be in the hands, of the Commissioner of loans—in this State. I got the favr. of Messers. Dykes & gray—to Negotiate the matter for me—they wrote & recd. the following answer from Mr Hopkins—

Gentn.Richmond April 18th. 1792
Mr. Peter Lyons, has put into my hands yr. favr. of the 11. Inst. Respecting a claim of Genl. Spotswood on the Goverment of the united States—I am at a loss to ascertain, by what means, the pay master General, can have refered Genl. Spotswood to me, for any explination, concerning his claim—or of any ballance, due from, or to him by goverment. The ballances of pay & Subsistance, which have been placed in my hands, for the Virga. line, was always Accompanied, with list, of the Several officers and soldiers, to whoom these ballances were due—and Among these list I find no such name as General Spotswood—nor have I recd. Any monies for him—or made any returns, by which he is charged with Any monies. The Communication, then from Mr Madison, concerning me, must be from a misrepresentation, to him, either from the paymaster Himself—or some other person. I am Gentlemen yr set
Jnn. Hopkins
a Coppy

Mr. Hopkins has misunderstood the letter of Gray & Dykes—for I never told them you had refered me to him—it was Surmised to me here that the money must be there.
I am sr. really in Want & beg yr. Attention, in Obtaining my due—if Obtained with you—permit me to draw for it. I am sr with Esteem yr Mt obliged Hl st
Alexr Spotswood
I will thank you for a speedy Answer, as at this time I really want.

   RC (DLC). Docketed by JM.

   Probably James Dix and French Gray, Fredericksburg merchants (Crozier, Virginia County Records: Spotsylvania County, p. 412).


Title: From James Madison to Alexander Spotswood, ca. 23 April 1792
From: Madison, James
To: Spotswood, Alexander

Letter not found. Ca. 23 April 1792. Acknowledged in Spotswood to JM, 1 May 1792. Concerns Spotswood’s Revolutionary War claim and encloses information from Col. Josiah Parker on how to find out who drew his depreciation of pay.


Title: From James Madison to James Madison, Sr., 27 April 1792
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, James, Sr.

Hond. SirPhilada. Apl. 27. 1792
Inclosed are three more of the Natl Gazettes. They will give you all the information which is current; as well in relation to the proceedings of Congress, as to other matters. A vote has passed the two Houses fixing the 5th. of next month for the adjournment. It is possible that it may be put off a day or two longer, tho’ it is pro[ba]ble from the impatience of the members that the session will terminate on that precise day. I have not yet decided on my route home. If I had a servant & another Horse I would take my sister Hite in the way, and do not know but that I may yet so contrive it. It will be some little time after the adjournment before I shall be in preparation to set out.
I have recd. your letter inclosing one to Mr. Chew which I shall forward. I have heard nothing of him since I left Virginia. The misfortune of Dr. Gilmer had reached us before your account of it was recd. I am just told by Mr. Jefferson that he has a letter from Albemarle that gives hopes of his recovery.
Mr. Maury from whom I have a pretty late letter repeats his advice to me to send him stemmed Tobo. that is top stemmed of the best quality. His acct. of Sales is on the whole low—the last Hhd sold in Decr, however netted abt. a Guinea.


Title: To James Madison from Edmund Pendleton, 28 April 1792
From: Pendleton, Edmund
To: Madison, James

Richmond, April 28, 1792.
… The Presidents getting the Representation Bill placed on constitutional ground by his Negative, and the stand made by the Judge against an unconstitutional Law, seem [to] give Gen’l pleasure, some few present Members of our Assembly & those who have imbibed prejudices there formerly, excepted as to the Judges. An Impeachment is said to be talked of, they don’t seem to approve so much the Conduct of the Gent’n at New York on the like occasion.…


Title: From James Madison to John Waller Johnston, ca. May–June 1792
From: Madison, James
To: Johnston, John Waller

Letter not found. Ca. May–June 1792. Acknowledged in Johnston to JM, 27 Nov. 1792. Concerns Johnston’s application for the keepership of the lighthouse at Cape Henry and refers him to “Mr. Griffin.”


Title: To James Madison from John Moore, 1 May 1792
From: Moore, John
To: Madison, James

Dear SirCarlisle May 1st AD. 1792
Your Letter came to hand by the post informing me of the Letter you received from my father in which he has authorized me to make furthe[r] draught on you should my exigencies require it. I hope Sir you will be so kind as to send me up 40 dollars by the next Post which sum I think will be sufficient to clear me in this place; should you not send it by the first post I shall certainly be detained here on expences, as my horses will be here about the 4th or 5th of this instant which will oblige your most [illegible]
John Moore
P. S. Should you wish to write to Virginia by me the Letter will be conveyed in a very short time.


Title: To James Madison from Alexander Spotswood, 1 May 1792
From: Spotswood, Alexander
To: Madison, James

D Sr,May 1st. 1792
I am hond. with yr last—inclosing information, from Colo. Parker, where to apply, to know by whoom, my depreciation of pay was drawn.
I Just recollect Selling to a mercht. in Baltimore, sundry Certificates got of Colo. Ball—I have wrote to him to know if one in my name was among them; if there is it must have been drawn by a frd. for me. With respect I remain Dr Sr yr Ob St
A Spotswood


Title: From James Madison to Baron von Steuben, 2 May 1792
From: Madison, James
To: Steuben, Friedrich Wilhelm Ludolf Gerhard Augustin, Baron von

SirPhilada. May 2d. 1792
I have recd. your favor of the 27th. April. Having heard nothing from Virginia on the subject of your lands since I last wrote to you, I cannot now advise what are the further steps most proper to be taken in your behalf. Govr. Lee I hope has not been inattentive to your interest. As soon as an opportunity of co-operating with him shall be in my power, I shall not fail to comply with your request, and to let you know the result. With the highest esteem I am Sir Your mo: Obedt. sevt.
Js. Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from George Nicholas, 2 May 1792
From: Nicholas, George
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir,May 2d. 1792.
Your favour by your brother was delivered to me by him in March, the business of the court and the convention have prevented me from thanking you for it sooner.
We have formed our government which I believe you will think is not the worst in the union.
It’s total disregard of property qualifications in the electors and those to be elected will not meet with your approbation. The most serious reflection has convinced me that all such qualifications are inadmissible in a free state; neither can I think that where there is a Senate chosen by electors that the security of property will be at all precarious.
Notwithstanding all have a right to vote and to be elected, the wealthy will nineteen times out of twenty be chosen. The house of representatives will therefore always have a majority at least of it’s members men of property. The Senate will be composed altogether of men of that class. I will give up my opinion as soon as I see a man in rags chosen to that body.
The Senate then will compose an impenatrable barrier for it’s security; and the H. R. from the mixture that there will be in their body, and from their immediate dependance on the people at large, will form as effectual a one for personal liberty and privileges.
Exclude any particular class of citizens and sooner or later they will certainly be oppressed. Our local prejudices operated so powerfully as to cause it to be declared that there should be a senator from each county instead of having the whole body taken from the State at large. A scarcity of good men prevented us from excluding the members of the H. R. from the house of electors, wh. I think propriety would have dictated in another situation.
The clause respecting slaves will I expect bring on us the severe animadversions of our N. brethren. But I think it may be defended on many principles. The laws of Virginia declared them property, those laws have obliged the creditor, the orphan and the widow to take them in satisfaction of just demands for money. If then they have either been considered as property by those laws without proper authority, or considerations of public good require that they should no longer be viewed in that light, the country ought to make the owners a compensation. For they have by their laws either deceived them, or now require their property to bring about a public benefit, and in either case ought to pay for them.
Besides the greatest enemies to slavery cannot object to our suffering them to be imported into this state upon the terms stipulated in the constitution, as this measure will not add one to the number of slaves in the world; the only difference being that they will be slaves in Kentucky instead of Virga. or Maryland.
But notwithstanding I conceive that the thing is just and proper in itself, I believe nothing of the kind would have been attempted if the friends to emancipation had not been so clamorous on that subject, as well in the convention as out of it, as to make it necessary either to give up that property or to secure it. And the measure wh. has been adopted was only substituted to a proposition introduced by them declaring that the legislature should provide for a gradual emancipation without saying any thing about an equivalent to the slave holders.
Policy obliged us to do something of the kind, for if we had not we should have received no more valuable emigrants from the five S. states.
Our frontiers have been, and I fear will be still more during the summer, distressed by the indians. Government are acting a very shameful part, to be asking peace of a handful of savages, putting a stop to all offensive operations agt. them and leaving them at full liberty to destroy our citizens. I fear that a love of money, and not humanity, influences their conduct. But we must submit; ineffectual complaints are all that are left us.
Be assured that whenever this matter is fully explained it will appear, that they have not eight hundred fighting men: What a disgrace it will be to America that this number should have cut off two armies, and struck terror into her councils in such a manner as to make them supplicate for peace; a peace which if purchased from them will be kept no longer than they are dissipating the price of it. America has fixed in the minds of the indians such an inveterate hatred of her citizens that nothing will keep them quiet but the operations of their fears. They never ask peace of an enemy they can conquer, and they always consider an application of this sort to them, as proceeding from fear.
It is probable that our legislature will make application to Congress for some change in her judiciary as far [as] our land disputes will be affected by it. Their address will point out our situation, may I request, that you will be an active friend to it, if you think the proposition right. The welfare and happiness of this country depend on having the land disputes settled, and the present footing on which the federal court is established in this country, will be a great obstacle to it.
Our assembly will meet on the first Monday in June and I suppose our members will be ready to meet you in the fall. Nothing can be said with certainty as to the persons who will be chosen for that business, except that I believe there is no doubt but that Mr. Brown may go into either house as will be most agreeable to himself. I am, with the greatest respect and esteem, Dr. Sir, Yr. most obdt. and very hum: servant:
G: Nicholas


Title: To James Madison from Jedidiah Morse, 4 May 1792
From: Morse, Jedidiah
To: Madison, James

Letter not found. 4 May 1792. Mentioned in Morse’s docket on JM to Morse, 25 Apr. 1792, and acknowledged in JM to Morse, 15 Aug. 1792. Reiterates request for information on Virginia for Morse’s American Universal Geography.


Title: To James Madison from George Washington, 5 May 1792
From: Washington, George
To: Madison, James

Saturday 5th. May 1792
If Mr. Madison can make it convenient to call upon the P—— between eight and nine this forenoon and spend half an hour it would oblige him.
If inconvenient, then at Six in the Afternoon.


Title: Memorandum on a Discussion of the President’s Retirement, 5 May 1792
From: Madison, James
To:

☞ Read the pages as numbered 1–2 &c
Substance of a Conversation with the President 5th. May. 1792.
In consequence of a note this morning from the President requesting me to call on him I did so; when he opened the conversation by observing that having some time ago communicated to me his intention of retiring from public life on the expiration of his four years, he wished to advise with me on the mode and time most proper for making known that intention. He had he said spoken with no one yet on those particular points, and took this opportunity of mentioning them to me, that I might consider the matter, and give him my opinion, before the adjournment of congress, or my departure from Philadelphia. He had he said forborne to communicate his intention to any other persons whatever, but Mr. Jefferson, Col. Hamilton, General Knox & myself, and of late to Mr. Randolph. Col: Hamilton & Genl. Knox he observed were extremely importunate that he should relinquish his purpose, and had made pressing representations to induce him to it. Mr. Jefferson had expressed his wishes to the like effect. He had not however persuaded himself that his continuance in public life could be of so much necessity or importance as was conceived, and his disinclination to it, was becoming every day more & more fixed; so that he wished to make up his mind as soon as possible on the points he had mentioned. What he desired was to prefer that mode which would be most remote from the appearance of arrogantly presuming on his re-election in case he should not withdraw himself, and such a time as would be most convenient to the public in making the choice of his successor. It had, he said, at first occurred to him, that the commencement of the ensuing Session of Congress, would furnish him with an apt occasion for introducing the intimation, but besides the lateness of the day, he was apprehensive that it might possibly produce some notice in the reply of Congress that might entangle him in further explanations.
I replied that I would revolve the subject as he desired and communicate the result before my leaving Philada.; but that I could not but yet hope there would be no necessity at this time for his decision on the two points he had stated. I told him that when he did me the honor to mention the resolution he had taken, I had forborne to do more than briefly express my apprehensions that it would give a surprize and shock to the public mind, being restrained from enlarging on the subject by an unwillingness to express sentiments sufficiently known to him; or to urge objections to a determination, which if absolute, it might look like affectation to oppose; that the aspect which things had been latterly assuming, seemed however to impose the task on all who had the opportunity, of urging a continuance of his public services; and that under such an impression I held it a duty, not indeed to express my wishes which would be superfluous, but to offer my opinion that his retiring at the present juncture, might have effects that ought not to be hazarded; that I was not unaware of the urgency of his inclination; or of the peculiar motives he might feel to withdraw himself from a situation into which it was so well known to myself he had entered with a scrupulous reluctance; that I well recollected the embarrassments under which his mind labored in deciding the question, on which he had consulted me, whether it could be his duty to accept his present station after having taken a final leave of public life; and that it was particularly in my recollection, that I then entertained & intimated a wish that his acceptance, which appeared to be indispensable, might be known hereafter to have been in no degree the effect of any motive which strangers to his character might suppose, but of the severe sacrifice which his friends knew, he made of his inclinations as a man, to his obligations as a citizen; that I owned I had at that time contemplated, & I believed, suggested as the most unequivocal tho’ not the only proof of his real motives, a voluntary return to private life as soon as the state of the Government would permit, trusting that if any premature casualty should unhappily cut off the possibility of this proof, the evidence known to his friends would in some way or other be saved from oblivion and do justice to his character; that I was not less anxious on the same point now than I was then; and if I did not conceive that reasons of a like kind to those which required him to undertake, still required him to retain for some time longer, his present station; or did not presume that the purity of his motives would be sufficiently vindicated, I should be the last of his friends to press, or even to wish such a determination.
He then entered on a more explicit disclosure of the state of his mind; observing that he could not believe or conceive himself anywise necessary to the successful administration of the Government; that on the contrary he had from the beginning found himself deficient in many of the essential qualifications, owing to his inexperience in the forms of public business, his unfitness to judge of legal questions, and questions arising out of the Constitution; that others more conversant in such matters would be better able to execute the trust; that he found himself also in the decline of life, his health becoming sensibly more infirm, & perhaps his faculties also; that the fatigues & disagreeableness of his situation were in fact scarcely tolerable to him; that he only uttered his real sentiments when he declared that his inclination would lead him rather to go to his farm, take his spade in his hand, and work for his bread, than remain in his present situation; that it was evident moreover that a spirit of party in the Government was becoming a fresh source of difficulty, and he was afraid was dividing some (alluding to the Secretary of State & Secry. of the Treasury) more particularly connected with him in the administration; that there were discontents among the people which were also shewing themselves more & more, & that altho’ the various attacks against public men & measures had not in general been pointed at him, yet in some instances it had been visible that he was the indirect object, and it was probable the evidence would grow stronger and stronger that his return to private life was consistent with every public consideration, and consequently that he was justified in giving way to his inclination for it.

I was led by this explanation to remark to him, that however novel or difficult the business might have been to him, it could not be doubted that with the aid of the official opinions & informations within his command, his judgment must have been as competent in all cases, as that of any one who could have been put in his place, and in many cases certainly more so; that in the great point of conciliating and uniting all parties under a Govt. which had excited such violent controversies & divisions, it was well known that his services had been in a manner essential; that with respect to the spirit of party that was taking place under the operations of the Govt. I was sensible of its existence but considered that as an argument for his remaining, rather than retiring, until the public opinion, the character of the Govt. and the course of its administration shd. be better decided, which could not fail to happen in a short time, especially under his auspices; that the existing parties did not appear to be so formidable to the Govt as some had represented; that in one party there might be a few who retaining their original disaffection to the Govt. might still wish to destroy it, but that they would lose their weight with their associates, by betraying any such hostile purposes; that altho’ it was pretty certain that the other were in general unfriendly to republican Govt. and probably aimed at a gradual approximation of ours to a mixt monarchy, yet the public sentiment was so strongly opposed to their views, and so rapidly manifesting itself, that the party could not long be expected to retain a dangerous influence; that it might reasonably be hoped therefore that the conciliating influence of a temperate & wise administration, would before another term of four years should run out, give such a tone & firmness to the Government as would secure it against danger from either of these descriptions of enemies; that altho’ I would not allow myself to believe but that the Govt. would be safely administered by any successor elected by the people, yet it was not to be denied that in the present unsettled condition of our young Government, it was to be feared that no successor would answer all the purposes to be expected from the continuance of the present chief magistrate; that the option evidently lay between a few characters; Mr. Adams, Mr. Jay & Mr Jefferson were most likely to be brought into view; that with respect to Mr Jefferson, his extreme repugnance to public life & anxiety to exchange it for his farm & his philosophy, made it doubtful with his friends whether it would be possible to obtain his own consent; and if obtained, whether local prejudices in the Northern States, with the views of Pennsylvania in relation to the seat of Govt. would not be a bar to his appointment. With respect to Mr. Adams, his monarchical principles, which he had not concealed, with his late conduct on the representation-bill had produced such a settled dislike among republicans every where, & particularly in the Southern States, that he seemed to be out of the question. It would not be in the power of those who might be friendly to his private character, & willing to trust him in a public one, notwithstanding his political principles, to make head against the torrent. With respect to Mr. Jay his election would be extremely dissatisfactory on several accounts. By many he was believed to entertain the same obnoxious principles with Mr. Adams, & at the same time would be less open and therefore more successful in propagating them. By others (a pretty numerous class) he was disliked & distrusted, as being thought to have espoused the claims of British Creditors at the expence of the reasonable pretensions of his fellow Citizens in debt to them. Among the western people, to whom his negociations for ceding the Mississippi to Spain were generally known, he was considered as their most dangerous enemy & held in peculiar distrust & disesteem. In this state of our prospects, which was rendered more striking by a variety of temporary circumstances, I could not forbear thinking that altho’ his retirement might not be fatal to the public good, yet a postponement of it was another sacrifice exacted by his patriotism.
Without appearing to be any wise satisfied with what I had urged, he turned the conversation to other subjects; & when I was withdrawing repeated his request that I would think of the points he had mentioned to me, & let him have my ideas on them before the adjournment. I told him I would do so: but still hoped his decision on the main question, would supersede for the present all such incidental questions.

Wednesday Evening May 9. 1792
Understanding that the President was to set out the ensuing morning for Mount Vernon, I called on him to let him know that as far as I had formed an opinion on the subject he had mentioned to me, it was in favor of a direct address of notification to the public in time for its proper effect on the election, which I thought might be put into such a form as would avoid every appearance of presumption or indelicacy, and seemed to be absolutely required by his situation. I observed that no other mode deserving consideration had occurred, except the one he had thought of & rejected, which seemed to me liable to the objections that had weighed with him. I added that if on further reflection I shd. view the subject in any new lights, I would make it the subject of a letter tho’ I retained my hopes that it would not yet be necessary for him to come to any opinion on it. He begged that I would do so, and also suggest any matters that might occur as proper to be included in what he might say to Congs. at the opening of their next Session; passing over the idea of his relinquishing his purpose of retiring, in a manner that did not indicate the slightest assent to it.

Friday May 25. 1792
I met the President on the road returning from Mount Vernon to Philada., when he handed me the letter dated at the latter place on the 20th. of May, the copy of the answer to which on the 21st. of June is annexed.


Title: To James Madison from Hubbard Taylor, 8 May 1792
From: Taylor, Hubbard
To: Madison, James

Dear SirSpring hill May 8th. 1792
I now inclose you a copy of that part of our Constitution that provides for the establishment of the Judiciary, on which I will thank you for your opinion & also in what manner it wd. be most proper to regulate our inferior Courts, which together with the Revenue Law is a matter of the utmost consequence to this state. The Legislature of this State meets at Lexington on the first Monday in June next, to take upon itself the administration of Government. I must confess I fee[l] some uneasiness on this head, not so much on account of a disposition to act contrary to the interest of the Community, as for the real want of Capacity to do things in a regular, proper & equtable manner. You probably will be informed by your Brother Ambrose, of our want of men of Abilities, in this Country. Colo. Nicholas has utterly declared never to serve in the Legislature, we must have Six Judges, (two Senators for the Federal Govt. two Members to Congress,) and a Governor & several other inferior officers, which ought to be such that after taking the best we can furnish, they cannot be admired. After furnishing the above we have a Senate to consist of Eleven Members and a house of Reps. to consist of forty on whoom will devolve the two important points above mentioned to wit, the Judiciary & Revenue Laws together with many others of but little less magnitude.
It is thought by some Gentlemen here that Mr. Brown would rather go into the Judiciary than continue in Congress, if so, there is now doubt but he will be indulged, a vacancy now being made by the establishing a court of appeals and displacing all officers after the 10th. of August next, the worth of this Gentleman is will Known in this Country, and his removal to the Judiciary instead of the Federal senate will be much lamented by many of his friends, and indeed by the State at large, notwithstanding, they will derive advantages from his abilities in the former, they will not be able to fill his place for the latter. Muter, & Cambell has been Mentioned as Senators & Greenup & Brackingrige has been spoken of as Reps. to Congress. I must confess I do not like the appearance much, and am really afraid it is not to be mended notwithstanding the importance of a good supply being necessary as you informed me in your last. As I shall have another opportunity of writing you again soon and inclosing you the Constitution an[d] a List of the Senate & Governour, I shall conclude with observing that I am afraid I shall become too troublesome to you, but do assure you that its from my zeal for the good of our infant country which I fear is in want of more wisdom than its own internal Guardians can supply.
Be pleased to remember me to yr. Fathers Family and other friends in your neighbourhood. I had like to have omitted informing you that, Several parties of Indians were in on the frontiers about Frankford on the Kentucky & about the forks of Elktown about the 28th. & 29th. Apl. Killed 3 white men two negroes of Mr. Innis’s & took a third. Took 6 of Majr Lees which was retaken with the loss of one white man two Indians were killed many horses were carried off intirely—there has also been two men Killed in Madison County about the same time & its reported a family about 20 Miles from this place Killed. If some other steps are not taken with this enemy than offering them terms of peace, our country will be in a deprorable situation by the latter part of this summer. I have only to add my best wishes for your health, and beleave me at all times to be with great esteem Yr Affe. Hble set:
H. Taylor


Title: To James Madison from Hubbard Taylor, ca. 12 May 1792
From: Taylor, Hubbard
To: Madison, James

Letter not found. Ca. 12 May 1792. In his letter to JM of 8 May, Taylor wrote, “I shall have another opportunity of writing you again soon and inclosing you the Constitution,” in that of 17 May, “I wrote you a few days past and inclosed you our Constitution.” Taylor’s enclosure was A Constitution or Form of Governmen[t] for the State of Kentucky (Lexington, 1792; EvansCharles Evans, ed., American Bibliography …
          1639 … 1820 (12 vols.; Chicago, 1903–34). Roger P. Bristol, ed., Supplement to Charles Evans’ American Bibliography
        (Charlottesville, Va., 1970). 24443).


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 13 May 1792
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Th: J. to J. Madison.May 13. 1792.
I send you my ideas of what might be said on the distinction between bonds & simple contracts, if any thing should be said. But my office being to vindicate the opinions of the courts, and none of the courts having made any distinction between these two cases, I ought to tread in their footsteps only: and the rather as mr. Hammond has not raised any such distinction on his part. It would be quite time enough for me to answer any objection founded in that difference, when the objection shall be made. It probably will never be made. To enter into it voluntarily may be to move a peice into prise which there is no occasion to move at all.


Title: Account with James Monroe, [14 May] 1792
From: Madison, James
To:

[14 May 1792]

  Price of land
  1350 dollars

  of half
   675 dolrs.

  Add Interest @ 7 PerCt. from Apl. 1786 to Ap. 1790
   189 drs.

   864

  Deduct paymt. Ap. 1790 to Taylor for Col. M.
   432

   432

  Add—Intst. @ 7 PerCt. from Ap. 1790 to Ap. 1792
    60.48

   492.48 dollrs.

  Deduct paymts. to Col. M.
  1791.
  Jany.
  35

  Novr. 4.
  90

  1792
  Jany.
  300

  Mar. 25.
    20

   445

    47.48 Balance due & pd. Col: M.


Title: From James Madison to George Joy, 17 May 1792
From: Madison, James
To: Joy, George

Dear SirPhilada. May 17 1792
Your favor of the  of November has been long in hand, & has remained unanswered till the subject to which it relates should receive some decision from Congress. I now inclose the Act waited for which was almost the last that passed, and refer to it for all the information that can be given. It proceeds on the supposition as the former one did that the Holders of paper will comply with the proposition made to them leaving the claims of such as refuse on the original validity with a temporary advance of 4 PerCt. interest. I have been told that the State of S. Carolina has made a tolerably good provision for that part of her debt in which you are interested. You will no doubt have recd. both earlier & better information as to the fact.
I am just setting out for Virginia & shall leave this in the care of a friend to be forwarded. Mrs. House & Mrs. Trist are as well as usual; tho’ a little distressed at parting with the son of the latter who has just sailed for Bristol. I communicated to them the compliments in your letter & am desired to make the proper returns. I beg you to present mine at the same time very respectfully to Mrs. Joy, and also to your Brother. With great respect I am Sir Yr. Mo: Obedt: hble servt
Js. Madison Jr