Title: To George Washington from Thomas Paine, 30 July 1796
From: Paine, Thomas
To: Washington, George

          Paris,
            July 30th, 1796,

        As censure is but awkwardly softened by apology, I shall offer you no apology for this letter. The eventful crisis to which your double politics have conducted the affairs of your country requires an investigation uncramped by ceremony.
        There was a time when the fame of America, moral and political, stood fair and high in the world. The lustre of her revolution extended itself to every individual; and to be a citizen of America gave a title to respect in Europe. Neither meanness nor ingratitude had then mingled itself into the composition of her character. Her resistance to the attempted tyranny of England left her unsuspected of the one, and her open acknowledgment of the aid she received from France precluded all suspicion of the other. The Washington of politics had not then appeared.
        At the time I left America (April 1787) the continental convention that formed the federal constitution was on the point of meeting. Since that time new schemes of politics and new distinctions of parties, have arisen. The term Antifederalist has been applied to all those who combated the defects of that constitution, or opposed the measures of your administration. It was only to the absolute necessity of establishing some federal authority, extending equally over all the States, that an instrument, so inconsisent as the present federal constitution is, obtained a suffrage. I would have voted for it myself, had I been in America, or even for a worse rather than have had none; provided it contained the means of remedying its defects by the same appeal to the people by which it was to be established. It is always better policy to leave removeable errors to expose themselves, than to hazard too much in contending against them theoretically.
        I have introduced those observations, not only to mark the general difference between antifederalist and anti-constitutionalist, but to preclude the effect, and even the application, of the former of those terms to myself. I declare myself opposed to several matters in the constitution, particularly to the manner in which,

what is called the Executive, is formed, and to the long duration of the Senate; and if I live to return to America I will use all my endeavours to have them altered. I also declare myself opposed to almost the whole of your administration; for I know it to have been deceitful, if not even perfidious, as I shall shew in the course of this letter. But as to the point of consolidating the States into a federal government, it so happens, that the proposition for that purpose came originally from myself. I proposed it in a letter to Chancellor Livingston in the spring of the year 1782, whilst that gentleman was minister for foreign affairs. The five per cent. duty recommended by Congress had then fallen through, having been adopted by some of the States, altered by others, rejected by Rhode Island, and repealed by Virginia after it had been consented to. The proposal in the letter I allude to was to get over the whole difficulty at once, by annexing a continental legislative body to Congress; for, in order to have any law of the Union uniform, the case could only be, that either Congress, as it then stood, must frame the law, and the States severally adopt it without alteration, or, the States must elect a Continental Legislature for the purpose. Chancellor Livingston, Robert Morris, Governeur Morris and myself had a meeting at the house of Robert Morris on the subject of that letter. There was no diversity of opinion on the proposition for a Continental Legislature. The only difficulty was on the manner of bringing the proposition forward. For my own part, as I considered it as a remedy in reserve, that could be applied at any time, when the States saw themselves wrong enough to be put right (which did not appear to me to be the case at that time) I did not see the propriety of urging it precipitately, and declined being the publisher of it myself. After this account of a fact, the leaders of your party will scarcely have the hardiness to apply to me the term of antifederalist. But I can go to a date and to a fact beyond this; for the proposition for electing a Continental Convention to form the Continental Government is one of the subjects treated of in the pamphlet Common Sense.
        Having thus cleared away a little of the rubbish that might otherwise have lain in my way, I return to the point of time at which the present Federal Constitution and your administration began. It was very well said by an anonymous writer in Philadelphia, about a year before that period, that “thirteen staves and ne’er

a hoop will not make a barrel,” and as any kind of hooping the barrel, however, defectively executed, would be better than none, it was scarcely possible but that considerable advantages must arise from the federal hooping of the States. It was with pleasure that every sincere friend to America beheld, as the natural effect of union, her rising prosperity; and it was with grief they saw that prosperity mixed, even in the blossom, with the germ of corruption. Monopolies of every kind marked your administration almost in the moment of its commencement. The lands obtained by the revolution were lavished upon partizans; the interest of the disbanded soldier was sold to the speculator; injustice was acted under the pretence of faith; and the chief of the army became the patron of the fraud. From such a beginning what could be expected, but what has happened? A mean and servile submission to the insults of one nation, treachery and ingratitude to another.
        Some vices make their approach with such a splendid appearance, that we scarcely know to what class of moral distinctions they belong. They are rather virtues corrupted, than vices originally. But meanness and ingratitude have nothing equivocal in their character. There is not a trait in them that renders them doubtful. They are so originally vice, that they are generated in the dung of other vices, and crawl into existence with the filth upon their back. The fugitives have found protection in you, and the levee-room is their place of rendezvous.
        As the Federal Constitution is a copy, not quite so base as the original, of the form of the British government, an imitation of its vices was naturally to be expected. So intimate is the connection between form and practice, that to adopt the one is to invite the other. Imitation is naturally progressive, and is rapidly so in matters that are vicious.
        Soon after the Federal Constitution arrived in England, I received a letter from a female literary correspondent (a native of New York) very well mixed with friendship, sentiment and politics. In my answer to that letter I permitted myself to ramble into the wilderness of imagination, and to anticipate what might hereafter be the condition of America. I had no idea that the picture I then drew was realizing so fast, and still less that, Mr. Washington was hurrying it on. As the extract I allude to is congenial and with the subject I am upon, I here transcribe it.

        Impressed, as I was, with apprehensions of this kind, I had America constantly in mind in all the publications I afterwards made. The first, and still more, the second part of Rights of Man bear evident marks of this watchfulness; and the Dissertation on First Principles of Government goes more directly to the point than either of the former. I now pass on to other subjects.
        It will be supposed by those into whose hands this letter may fall, that I have some personal resentment against you; I will therefore settle this point before I proceed farther.
        If I have any resentment, you must acknowledge that I have not been hasty in declaring it; neither would it be now declared (for what are private resentments to the public) if the cause of it did not unite itself as well with your public as your private character, and with the motives of your political conduct.
        The part I acted in the American revolution is well known; I shall not here repeat it. I know also that had it not been for the aid received from France in men, money and ships, that your cold and unmilitary conduct (as I shall shew in the course of this letter) would, in all probability, have lost America; at least she would not have been the independent nation she now is. You slept away your time in the field till the finances of the country were completely exhausted, and you have but little share in the glory of the final event. It is time, sir, to speak the undisguised language of historical truth.
        Elevated to the chair of the Presidency you assumed the merit of every thing to yourself, and the natural ingratitude of your constitution began to appear. You commenced your Presidential carreer by encouraging and swallowing the grossest adulation, and you travelled America from one end—to the other, to put yourself in the way of receiving it. You have as many addresses in your chest as James the II. As to what were your views, for if you are not great enough to have ambition you are little enough to have vanity, they cannot be directly inferred from expressions of your own; but the partizans of your politics have divulged the secret.
        John Adams has said (and John, it is known, was always a speller after places and offices, and never thought his little services were highly enough paid) John has said, that as Mr. Washington had no child, that the Presidency should be made hereditary in the family of Lund Washington. John might then have

counted upon some fine-cure for himself and a provision for his descendants. He did not go so far as to say also, that the Vice Presidency should be hereditary in the family of John Adams. He prudently left that to stand upon the ground, that one good turn deserves another.
        John Adams is one of those men who never contemplated the origin of government, or comprehended any thing of first principles. If he had, he must have seen that the right to set up and establish hereditary government never did, and never can, exist in any generation, at any time whatever; that it is of the nature of treason; because it is an attempt to take away the rights of all the minors living at that time, and of all succeeding generations. It is of a degree beyond common treason. It is a sin against nature. The equal right of generations is a right fixed in the nature of things. It belongs to the son when of age, as it belonged to the father before him. John Adams would himself deny the right that any former deceased generation could have to decree authoritatively a succession of Governors over him, or over his children; and yet he assumes the pretended right, treasonable as it is, of acting it himself. His ignorance is his best excuse.
        John Jay has said (and this John was always the sycophant of every thing in power, from Mr. Girard in America to Grenville in England) John Jay has said, that the Senate should have been appointed for life. He would then have been sure of never wanting a lucrative appointment for himself, or have had any fears about impeachments. These are the disguised traitors that call themselves federalists.
        Could I have known to what degree of corruption & perfidy the administrative part of the government in America had descended, I could have been at no loss to have understood the reservedness of Mr. Washington towards me, during my imprisonment in this Luxembourg. There are cases in which silence is a loud language.
        I will here explain the cause of my imprisonment, and return to Mr. Washington afterwards.
        As my citizenship in America was not altered or diminished, by any thing I had done in Europe (on the contrary it ought to have been considered as strengthened, for it was the American principle of government that I was endeavouring to spread in

Europe) and as it is the duty of every government to charge itself with the care of any of its citizens who may happen to fall under an arbitrary persecution abroad, and is also one of the reasons for which Ambassadors or Ministers are appointed,—it was the duty of the executive department in America to have made (at least) some enquiries about me, as soon as it heard of my imprisonment. But if this had not been the case, that government owed it to me on every ground and principle of honor and gratitude. Mr. Washington owed it to me on every score of private acquaintance, I will not now say, friendship; for it has for some time been known, by those who know him, that he has no friendships; that he is incapable of forming any; he can serve or desert a man or a cause with constitutional indifference; and it is this cold hermophrodite faculty that imposed itself upon the world, and was credited for a while by enemies as by friends, for prudence, moderation and impartiality.
        I had then been imprisoned seven months, and the silence of the executive government of America, Mr. Washington, upon the case and upon every thing respecting me, was explanation enough to Robespierre that he might proceed to extremities.
        A violent fever which had nearly terminated my existence, was, I believe, the circumstance that preserved it. I was not in a condition to be removed, or to know of what was passing, or of what had passed for more than a month. It makes a blank in my remembrance of life. The first thing I was informed of was the fall of Robespierre.
        About a week after this Mr. Monroe arrived to supercede Gouverneur Morris, and as soon as I was able to write a note legible enough to be read, I found a way to convey one to him, by means of the man who lighted the lamps in the prison; and whose unabated friendship to me, from whom he had never received any service, and with difficulty accepted any recompence, puts the character of Mr. Washington to shame.
        In a few days I received a message from Mr. Monroe, conveyed to me in a note from an intermediate person, with assurance of his friendship, and expressing a desire that I would rest the case in his hands. After a fortnight or more had passed and hearing nothing further, I wrote to a friend who was then in Paris, a citizen of Philadelphia, requesting him to inform me what was the true situation of things with respect to me. I was sure that

something was the matter. I began to have hard thoughts of Mr. Washington; but I was unwilling to encourage them.
        In about then days I received an answer to my letter in which the writer says:
        I was now at no loss to understand Mr. Washington and his new fangled faction, and that their policy, was silently to leave me to fall in France. They were rushing as fast as they could venture, without awakening the jealousy of America, into all the vices and corruptions of the British government; and it was no more consistent with the policy of Mr. Washington, and those who immediately surrounded him, than it was with that of Robespierre or of Pitt, that I should survive. They have however, missed the mark and the reaction is up themselves.
        Upon the receipt of the letter just alluded to, I sent a memorial to Mr. Monroe which the reader will find in the appendix, and I received from him the following answer. It is dated the 18th of September, but did not come to hand till about the 10th of October. I was then falling into a relapse, the weather was becoming damp and cold, fuel was not to be had, and the abscess in my side, the consequence of these things, and of the want of air and exercise, was beginning to form and which has continued immoveable ever since. Here follows Mr. Monroe’s letter.
        The part in Mr. Monroe’s letter in which he speaks of the President (Mr. Washington) is put in soft language. Mr. Monroe knew what Mr. Washington had said formerly, and he was willing to keep that in view. But the fact is, not only that Mr. Washington had given no orders to Mr. Monroe, as the letter stated; but he did not so much as say to him, enquire if Mr. Paine be dead or alive, in prison or out, or see if there is any assistance we can give him.
        While these matters were passing the liberations from the prisons were numerous; from twenty to forty in the course of almost every twenty four hours[.] The continuance of my imprisonment, after a new minister had arrived immediately from America, which was now more than two months, was a matter so obviously strange, that I found the character of the American government spoken of in very unqualified terms of reproach; not only by those who still remained in prison, but by those who were liberated, and by persons who had access to the prison

from without. Under these circumstances I wrote again to Mr. Monroe, and found occasion, among other things to say:
        The case, so far as it respected Mr. Monroe was, that having to get over the difficulties which the strange conduct of Gouverneur Morris had thrown in the way of a successor, and having no authority from the American government to speak officially upon any thing relating to me, he found himself obliged to proceed by unofficial means with individual members; for though Robespierre was overthrown, the Robespierrian members of the Committee of Public Safety still remained in considerable force, and had they found out that Mr. Monroe had no official authority upon the case, they would have paid little or no regard to his reclamation of me. In the mean time my health was suffering exceedingly, the dreary prospect of winter was coming on, and imprisonment was still a thing of danger.
        After the Robespierrian members of the Committee were removed by the expiration of their time of serving, Mr. Monroe reclaimed me, and I was liberated the 4th of November [1794]. Mr. Monroe arrived in Paris the beginning of August before. All that period of my imprisonment, at least, I owe not to Robespierre, but to his colleague in projects, George Washington. Immediately upon my liberation Mr. Monroe invited me to his house, where I remained more than a year and an half; and I speak of his aid and his friendship, as an open hearted man will always do in such a case, with respect and gratitude.
        Soon after my liberation the Convention passed an unanimous vote to invite me to return to my seat among them. The times were still unsettled and dangerous, as well from without as from within, for the coalition was unbroken, and the constitution not settled. I chose, however, to accept the invitation; for as I undertake nothing but what I believe to be right, I abandon nothing that I undertake; and I was willing also to shew, that, as I was not of a cast of mind to be deterred by prospects or retro-prospects of danger, so neither were my principles to be weakened by misfortune, or perverted by disgust.
        Being now once more abroad in the world I began to find that I was not the only one who had conceived an unfavourable opinion of Mr. Washington. It was evident that his character was on the decline as well among Americans as among foreigners of different nations. From being the chief of a government, he

had made himself the chief of a party; and his integrity was questioned, for his politics had a doubtful appearance. The mission of Mr. Jay to London, notwithstanding there was an American minister there already, had then taken place, and was beginning to be talked of. It appeared to others, as it did to me, to be enveloped in mystery, which every day served either to encrease or to explain into matter of suspicion.
        In the year 1790, or about that time, Mr. Washington as President had sent Gouverneur Morris to London as his secret agent to have some communication with the British ministry. To cover the agency of Morris it was given out, I know not by whom, that he went as an agent from Robert Morris to borrow money in Europe, and the report was permitted to pass uncontradicted. The event of Morris’s negociation was, that Mr. Hammond was sent minister from England to America, and Pinckney from America to England, and himself minister to France. If while Morris was minister in France he was not an emissary of the British ministry and the coalesced powers, he gave strong reasons to suspect him of it. No one who saw his conduct, and heard his conversation, could doubt his being in their interest; and had he not got off at the time he did, after his recall, he would have been in arrestation. Some letters of his had fallen into the hands of the Committee of Public Safety, and enquiry was making after him.
        A great bustle has been made by Mr. Washington about the conduct of Genet in America; while that of his own minister, Morris, in France was infinitely more reproachable. If Genet was imprudent or rash, he was not treacherous; but Morris was all three. He was the enemy of the French revolution in every stage of it. But, notwithstanding this conduct on the part of Morris, and the known profligacy of his character, Mr. Washington, in a letter he wrote to him at the time of recalling him on the complaint and request of the Committee of Public Safety, assures him, that though he had complied with that request, he still retained the same esteem and friendship for him as before. This letter Morris was foolish enough to tell of; and, as his own character and conduct were notorious, the telling of it could have but one effect, which was that of implicating the character of the writer. Morris still loiters in Europe, chiefly in England; and Mr. Washington is still in correspondence with him; Mr. Washington ought therefore to expect, especially since his

conduct in the affair of Jay’s treaty, that France must consider Morris and Washington as men of the same description. The chief difference, however, between the two is (for in politics there is none) that the one is profligate enough to profess an indifference about moral principles, and the other is prudent enough to conceal the want of them.
        About three months after I was at liberty, the official note of Jay to Grenville on the subject of the capture of American vessels by British cruisers appeared in the American papers that arrived at Paris. Every thing was of a-piece. Every thing was mean. The same kind of character went to all circumstances public or private. Disgusted at this national degradation, as well as at the particular conduct of Mr. Washington to me, I wrote to him (Mr. Washington) on the 22d of February (1795) under cover to the then Secretary of State (Mr. Randolph) and entrusted the letter to Mr. Letombe, who was appointed French consul to Philadelphia, and was on the point of taking his departure. When I supposed Mr. Letombe had sailed, I mentioned the letter to Mr. Monroe, and as I was then in his house, I shewed it to him. He expressed a wish that I would recall it, which he supposed might be done, as he had learned that Mr. Letombe had not then sailed. I agreed to do so, and it was returned by Mr. Letombe under cover to Mr. Monroe.
        The letter, however, will now reach Mr. Washington publicly, in the course of this work.
        About the month of September following, I had a severe relapse, which gave occasion to the report of my death. I had felt it coming on a considerable time before, which occasioned me to hasten the work I had then in hand, the Second part of the Age of Reason. When I had finished that work, I bestowed another letter on Mr. Washington, which I sent under cover to Mr. Benj. Franklin Bache of Philadelphia. The letter is as follows.
        Here follows the letter above alluded to, which I had stopped in complaisance to Mr. Monroe.
        That this letter was not written in very good temper is very evident; but it was just such a letter as his conduct appeared to me to merit, and every thing on his part since has served to confirm that opinion. Had I wanted a commentary on his silence with respect to my imprisonment in France, some of his faction has furnished me with it. What I here allude to is a publication in

a Philadelphia paper, copied afterwards into a New York paper, both under the patronage of the Washington faction, in which the writer, still supposing me in prison in France, wonders at my lengthy respite from the scaffold; and he marks his politics still further by saying:
        I am not refuting or contradicting the fals[e]hood of this publication, for it is sufficiently notorious; neither am I censuring the writer; on the contrary I thank him for the explanation he has incautiously given of the principles of the Washington faction. Insignificant, however, as the piece is, it was capable of having had some ill effect, had it arrived in France during my imprisonment and in the time of Robespierre; and I am not uncharitable in supposing that this was the intention of the writer.
        I have now done with Mr. Washington on the score of private affairs. It would have been far more agreeable to me, had his conduct been such as not to have merited these reproaches. Errors or caprices of the temper can be pardoned and forgotten; but a cold deliberate crime of the heart, such as Mr. Washington is capable of acting, is not to be washed away. I now proceed to other matter.
        After Jay’s note to Grenville arrived in Paris from America, the character of every thing that was to follow might be easily foreseen; and it was upon this anticipation that my letter of February 22d was founded. The event has proved, that I was not mistaken, except that it has been much worse than I expected.
        It would naturally occur to Mr. Washington, that the secrecy of Jay’s mission to England, where there was already an American minister, could not but create some suspicion in the French government; especially as the conduct of Morris had been notorious, and the intimacy of Mr. Washington with Morris was known.
        The character, which Mr. Washington has attempted to act in the world, is a sort of non-describable, cameleon-coloured thing, called prudence. It is, in many cases, a substitute for principle, and is so nearly allied to hypocrisy, that it easily slides into it. His genius for prudence furnished him in this instance with an expedient, that served, as is the natural and general character of all expedients, to diminish the embarrassments of the moment and multiply them afterwards; for he authorised it to be made known to the French government, as a confidential matter

(Mr. Washington should recollect that I was a member of the Convention, & had the means of knowing what I here state) he authorized it, I say, to be made known, and that for the purpose of preventing any uneasiness to France on the score of Mr. Jay’s mission to England, that the object of that mission, and of Mr. Jay’s authority, was restricted to that of demanding the surrender of the western posts and indemnification for the cargoes captured in American vessels. Mr. Washington knows that this was untrue; and knowing this, he had good reason to himself for refusing to furnish the House of Representatives with copies of the instructions given to Jay; as he might suspect, among other things, that he should also be called upon for copies of instructions given to other ministers, and that in the contradiction of instructions his want of integrity would be detected. Mr. Washington may now, perhaps, learn, when it is too late, to be of any use to him, that a man will pass better through the world with a thousand open errors upon his back, than in being detected in ONE sly fals[e]hood. When one is detected, a thousand are suspected.
        The first account that arrived in Paris of a treaty being negotiated by Mr. Jay (for nobody suspected any) came in an English newspaper, which announced that a treaty offensive and defensive had been concluded between the United States of America and England. This was immediately denied by every American in Paris, as an impossible thing; and though it was disbelieved by the French, it imprinted a suspicion that some underhand business was going forward. At length the treaty itself arrived, and every well-affected American blushed with shame.
        It is curious to observe how the appearances of character will change, whilst the root that produces them remains the same. The Washington administration having waded through the slough of negociation, and whilst it amused France with professions of friendship contrived to injure her, immediately throws off the hypocrite, and assumes the swaggering air of a bravado. The party papers of that imbecile administration were on this occasion filled with paragraphs about Sovereignty. A paltroon may boast of his sovereign right to let another kick him, and this is the only kind of sovereignty shewn in the treaty with England. But these dashing paragraphs, as Timothy Pickering well knows, were intended for France; without whose assistance in men,

money and ships, Mr. Washington would have cut but a poor figure in the American war. But of his military talents I shall speak hereafter.
        I mean not to enter into any discussion of any article of Jay’s treaty: I shall speak only upon the whole of it. It is attempted to be justified on the ground of its not being a violation of any article or articles of the treaty pre-existing with France. But the sovereign right of explanation does not lie with George Washington and his man Timothy; France, on her part, has, at least, an equal right; and when nations dispute, it is not so much about words as about things.
        A man, such as the world calls, a sharper, and versed, as Jay must be supposed to be, in the quibbles of the law, may find a way to enter into engagements, and make bargains in such a manner as to cheat some other party, without that party being able, as the phrase is, to take the law of him. This often happens in the cabalistical circle of what is called law. But when this is attempted to be acted on the national scale of treaties, it is too despicable to be defended, or to be permitted to exist. Yet this is the trick upon which Jay’s treaty is founded, so far as it has relation to the treaty pre-existing with France. It is a counter-treaty to that treaty, and perverts all the great articles of that treaty to the injury of France, and makes them operate as a bounty to England with whom France is at war.
        The Washington administration shews great desire, that the treaty between France and the United States be preserved. Nobody can doubt their sincerity upon this matter. There is not a British minister, a British merchant, or a British agent or sailor in America, that does not anxiously wish the same thing. The treaty with France serves now as a passport to supply England with naval stores and other articles of American produce, whilst the same articles, when coming to France, are made contraband or seizable by Jay’s treaty with England. The treaty with France says, that neutral ships make neutral property, and thereby gives protection to English property on board American ships; and Jay’s treaty delivers up French property on board American ships to be seized by the English. It is too paltry to talk of faith, of national honour, and of the preservation of treaties, whilst such a bare-faced treachery as this stares the world in the face.
        The Washington administration may save itself the trouble of

proving to the French government its most faithful intentions of preserving the treaty with France; for France has now no desire that it should be preserved. She had nominated an Envoy extraordinary to America, to make Mr. Washington and his government a present of the treaty, and to have no more to do with that or with him. It was, at the same time, officially declared to the American minister at Paris, that the French Republic had rather have the American government for an open enemy than a treacherous friend. This, sir, together with the internal distractions caused in America, and the loss of character in the world, is the eventful crisis, alluded to in the beginning of this letter, to which your double politics have brought the affairs of your country. It is time that the eyes of America be opened upon you.
        How France would have conducted herself towards America and American commerce after all treaty stipulations had ceased, and under the sense of services rendered and injuries received, I know not. It is, however, an unpleasant reflection, that in all national quarrels, the innocent, and even the friendly, part of the community, become involved with the culpable and the unfriendly; and as the accounts that arrived from America continued to manifest an invariable attachment in the general mass of the people to their original ally, in opposition to the new-fangled Washington faction,—the resolutions that had been taken were suspended. It happened also fortunately enough, that Gouverneur Morris was not minister at this time.
        There is, however, one point that yet remains in embryo, and which, among other things, serves to shew the ignorance of the Washington treaty-makers, and their inattention to pre-existing treaties when they were employing themselves in framing or ratifying the new treaty with England.
        The second article of the treaty of commerce between the United States and France says:
        All the concessions therefore made to England by Jay’s treaty are, through the medium of this second article in the preexisting treaty, made to France, and become engrafted into the treaty with France, and can be exercised by her as a matter of right, the same as by England.
        In what a fraudulent light must Mr. Washington’s character appear in the world, when his declarations and his conduct are compared together! Here follows the letter he wrote to the

Committee of Public Safety whilst Jay was negociating in profound secrecy this treacherous treaty.
        Was it by entering into a treaty with England, to surrender French property on board American ships to be seized by the English, whilst English property on board American ships was declared by the French treaty not to be seizable, that the bonds of friendship between America and France were to be drawn the closer? Was it by declaring naval stores contraband when coming to France, when by the French treaty they were not contraband when going to England, that the connection between France and America was to be advanced? Was it by opening the American ports to the British navy in the present war, from which ports that same navy had been expelled by the aid solicited from France in the American war (and that aid gratuitously given) that the gratitude of America was to be shewn, and the solicitude spoken of in the letter demonstrated?
        As the letter was addressed to the Committee of Public Safety, Mr Washington did not expect it would get abroad in the world, or be seen by any other eye than that of Robespierre, or be heard by any other ear than that of the Committee; that it would pass as a whisper across the Atlantic, from one dark chamber to the other, and there terminate. It was calculated to remove from the mind of the Committee all suspicion upon Jay’s mission to England, and, in this point of view, it was suited to the circumstances of the moment then passing; but as the event of that mission has proved the letter to be hypocritical, it serves no other purpose of the present moment than to shew that the writer is not to be credited. Two circumstances served to make the reading of the letter necessary in the Convention. The one was, that those who succeeded on the fall of Robespierre, found it most proper to act with publicity; the other, to extinguish the suspicions which the strange conduct of Morris had occasioned in France.
        When the British treaty, and the ratification of it by Mr. Washington, was known in France, all furthur declarations from him of his good disposition, as an ally and a friend, passed for so many cyphers; but still it appeared necessary to him to keep up the farce of declarations. It is stipulated in the British treaty, that commissioners are to report at the end of two years on the case of neutral ships making neutral property. In the mean time neutral ships do not make neutral property, according to the British

treaty, and they do, according to the French treaty. The preservation, therefore, of the French treaty became of great importance to England, as by that means she can employ American ships as carriers, whilst the same advantage is denied to France. Whether the French treaty could exist as a matter of right after this clandestine perversion of it, could not but give some apprehensions to the partizans of the British treaty, and it became necessary to them to make up, by fine words, what was wanting in good actions.
        An opportunity offered to that purpose. The Convention, on the public reception of Mr. Monroe, ordered the American flag and the French flag to be displayed unitedly in the hall of the Convention. Mr. Monroe made a present of an American flag for the purpose. The Convention returned this compliment by sending a French flag to America, to be presented by their minister, Mr. Adet, to the American government. This resolution passed long before Jay’s treaty was known or suspected; it passed in the days of confidence; but the flag was not presented by Mr. Adet till several months after the treaty had been ratified. Mr. Washington made this the occasion of saying some fine things to the French Minister, and the better to get himself into tune to do this, he began by saying the finest things of himself.
        Mr. Washington having expended so many fine phrases upon himself, was obliged to invent a new one for the French, and he calls them “wonderful people!” The coalesced powers acknowledge as much.
        It is laughable to hear Mr. Washington talk of his sympathetic feelings, who has always been remarked, even among his friends, for not having any. He has, however, given no proof of any to me. As to the pompous encomiums he so liberally pays to himself, on the score of the American revolution, the reality of them may be questioned; and since he has forced them so much into notice, it is fair to examine his pretentions.
        A stranger might be led to suppose from the egotism with which Mr. Washington speaks, that himself, and himself only, had generated, conducted, compleated, and established the revolution: In fine, that it was all his own doing.
        In the first place, as to the political part, he had no share in it; and therefore the whole of that is out of the question with respect to him. There remains then only the military part, and it would

have been prudent in Mr. Washington not to have awakened enquiry upon that subject. Fame then was cheap; he enjoyed it cheaply; and nobody was disposed to take away the laurels, that, whether they were acquired or not, had been given.
        Mr. Washington’s merit consisted in constancy. But constancy was the common virtue of the revolution. Who was there that was inconstant? I know of but one military defection, that of Arnold; and I know of no political defection, among those who made themselves eminent, when the revolution was formed by the declaration of independence. Even Silas Deane, though he attempted to defraud, did not betray.
        But when we speak of military character, something more is to be understood than constancy; and something more ought to be understood than the Fabian system of doing nothing. The nothing part can be done by any body. Old Mrs. Thompson, the housekeeper of head-quarters (who threatened to make the sun and the wind shine through Rivington of New-York) could have done it as well as Mr. Washington. Deborah would have been as good as Barak.
        Mr. Washington had the nominal rank of Commander in Chief; but he was not so in fact. He had in reality only a separate command. He had no controul over, or direction of, the army to the northward, under Gates, that captured Burgoyne; nor of that to the south, under Green, that recovered the southern States. The nominal rank, however, of Commander in chief, served to throw upon him the lustre of those actions, and to make him appear as the soul and centre of all the military operations in America.
        Nothing was done in the campaigns of 1778, 1779, 1780, in the part where Gen. Washington commanded, except the taking Stony Point by Gen. Wayne. The Southern States in the mean time were over-run by the enemy. They were afterwards recovered by Gen. Greene, who had in a very great measure created the army that accomplished that recovery. In all this Gen. Washington had no share. The Fabian system of war, followed by him, began now to unfold itself with all its evils, for what is Fabian war without Fabian means to support it.
        The finances of Congress, depending wholly on emissions of paper money, were exhausted. Its credit was gone. The continental treasury was not able to pay the expence of a brigade of

waggons to transport the necessary stores to the army, and yet the sole object, the establishment of the revolution, was a thing of remote distance. The time I am now speaking of is the latter end of the year 1780.
        In this situation of things it was found not only expedient but absolutely necessary for Congress to state the whole case to its ally. I knew more of this matter (before it came into Congress or was known to General Washington) of its progress, and its issue, than I chuse to state in this letter. Col. John Laurens was sent to France as Envoy Extraordinary on this occasion, and by a private agreement between him and me I accompanied him. We sailed from Boston in the Alliance frigate, Feb. 11th, 1781. France had already done much in accepting and paying bills drawn by Congress. She was now called upon to do more. The event of Col. Lauren’s mission, with the aid of the venerable minister, Franklin, was, that France gave in money, as a present, six millions of livres, and ten millions more as a loan, and agreed to send a fleet of not less than thirty sail of the line, at her own expence, as an aid to America. Col. Laurens and myself returned from Brest the 1st of June following, taking with us two millions and an half of livres (upwards of one hundred thousand pounds sterling) of the money given, and convoying two ships with stores.
        We arrived at Boston the 25th August following. De Grasse arrived with the French fleet in the Chesapeak at the same time, and was afterwards joined by that of Barras, making 31 sail of the line. The money was transported in waggons from Boston to the Bank at Philadelphia, of which Mr. Thomas Willing, who has since put himself at the head of the list of petitioners in favour of the British treaty, was then President, and it was by the aid of this money, and of this fleet, and of Rochambeau’s army, that Cornwallis was taken; the lawrels of which have been unjustly given to Mr. Washington. His merit in that affair was no more than that of any other American officer.
        I have had, and still have, as much pride in the American revolution as any man, or as Mr. Washington has a right to have; but that pride has never made me forgetful from whence the great aid came that compleated the business. Foreign aid (that of France) was calculated upon at the commencement of the revolution. It is one of the subjects treated of in the pamphlet Common Sense, but as a matter that could not be hoped for, unless Independence was declared.

        It is as well the ingratitude as the pusillanimity of Mr. Washington and the Washington faction, that has brought upon America the loss of character she now suffers in the world, and the numerous evils her commerce has undergone, and to which it is yet exposed. The British ministry soon found out what sort of men they had to deal with, and they dealt with them accordingly; and if further explanation was wanting, it has been fully given since in the snivelling address of the New-York Chamber of Commerce to the President, and in that of sundry merchants of Philadelphia, which was not much better.
        When the revolution of America was finally established by the termination of the war, the world gave her credit for great character; and she had nothing to do but to stand firm upon that ground. The British ministry had their hands too full of trouble to have provoked unnecessarily a rupture with her, had she shewn a proper resolution to defend her rights. But encouraged as they were by the submissive character of her executive administration, they proceeded from insult to insult till none more were left to be offered. The proposals made by Sweden and Denmark to the American administration were disregarded. I know not if so much as an answer has been returned to them. The minister penitentiary (as some of the British prints called him) Mr. Jay, was sent on a pilgrimage to London, to make all up by penance and petition. In the mean time the lengthy and drowsy writer of the pieces signed Camillus held himself in reserve to vindicate every thing; and to sound, in America, the tocsin of terror upon the inexhaustible resources of England. Her resources, says he, are greater than those of all the other powers. This man is so intoxicated with fear and finance that he knows not the difference between plus and minus—between an hundred pounds in hand, and an hundred pounds worse than nothing.
        The commerce of America, so far as it had been established by all the treaties that had been formed prior to that by Jay, was free, and the principles upon which it was established were good. That ground ought never to have been departed from. It was the justifiable ground of right, and no temporary difficulties ought to have induced an abandonment of it. The case now is otherwise. The ground, the scene, the pretensions, the every thing, are changed. The commerce of America is, by Jay’s treaty, put under foreign dominion. The sea is not free for her. Her right to navigate it is reduced to the right of escaping; that is, until some

ship of England or France, stops her vessels and carries them into port. Every article of American produce, whether from the sea or the land, fish, flesh, vegetable, or manufacture, is, by Jay’s treaty, made either contraband or seizable. Nothing is exempt. In all other treaties of commerce the article which enumerates the contraband articles, such as fire arms, gun powder, &c. is followed by another article which enumerates the articles not contraband: but it is not so in Jay’s treaty. There is no exempting article. Its place is supplied by the article for seizing and carrying into port; and the sweeping phrase of “provisions and other articles,” includes every thing. There never was such a base and servile treaty of surrender since treaties began to exist.
        This is the ground upon which America now stands. All her rights of commerce and navigation have to commence anew, and that with loss of character to begin with. If there is sense enough left in the heart to call a blush into the cheek, the Washington administration must be ashamed to appear.———And as to you, sir, treacherous in private friendship (for so you have been to me, and that in the day of danger) and a hypocrite in public life, the world will be puzzled to decide, whether you are an apostate or an impostor; whether you have abandoned good principles, or whether you ever had any?

          THOMAS PAINE.


Title: To George Washington from Nathaniel Pendleton, 30 July 1796
From: Pendleton, Nathaniel
To: Washington, George

          Sir
          Savannah. July 30th 1796.

        It is with reluctance I find myself Obliged to resign the appointment I hold in the judicial department as judge of the district of Georgia—The duty I owe to my children compels me to quit an office, the compensation for which will not afford me the means of giving them an education suitable to their condition.
        I have therefore determined to resign on the first day of

September next, which compleats the seventh year since I had the honor to be appointed to this office.
        I have thought it most proper thus early to inform you of this determination, from an idea that it would be agreeable to you to have some time to think of the most proper person to fill the vacancy. I have the honor to be with sentiments of the most respectful Attachment, Sir, Your most obedient Humble Servant

          Nathl Pendleton


Title: To George Washington from Timothy Pickering, 30 July 1796
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Washington, George

          Sir,
          Department of State July 30. 1796.

        With very sincere pleasure I announce to you the ratification of the treaty with Spain. I received the ratified copy this day by the mail from New-York, with a certificate signed by the Prince of Peace and Mr Rutledge of the exchange of the ratifications, as on the 25th of April. I do not know why the certificate and the ratification on the part of Spain bear that date; for the treaty ratified by the Executive of the U. States did not get to Mr Rutledge’s hands until the third of May; unless it was to bring the transaction within the six months allowed by the treaty for the exchange of the ratifications: the treaty having been signed on the 27th of October.
        A letter, also recd to-day, from Mr Simpson, our Consul at Gibraltar, dated the 18th of June, mentions that he had been alongside a Swedish brig from Algiers, which she left on the 7th and tells the unwelcome news that the plague had broken out in that city; 15 to 20 dying in a day, agreeably to the bill of health from Consul Skjoldebrand: but the master of the brig assured Mr Simpson that no American or other captive had then fallen a victim to it. The Swedish Captain said also that Mr Donaldson had not returned from Leghorn when he left Algiers—June 7th. I am most respectfully sir, yr obt servt

          Timothy Pickering


Title: To George Washington from Thomas Pinckney, 31 July 1796
From: Pinckney, Thomas
To: Washington, George

          Dear Sir
          London 31st July 1796

        In my letter of the 7th of May I took the liberty of assigning my reasons for postponing for the present to make the overtures, authorized by your favor of the 5th of March, to the imperial Minister as I then entertained some hope that this Government might be induced to interfere in behalf of M. La Fayette. this hope was not quite extinguished till the begining of this month, and I was prepared to open the business to Count Stahremberg the Imperial Minister here, when I received your letter of the 22d May with its inclosures.
        As I was apprised of no former attempts which I considered of equal weight to influence the Emperor to liberate our friend & as I conceived it to be possible that in the present uncertain & fluctuating state to which late events must have reduced the

politics of the Court of Vienna with respect to french Affairs, that the Emperor might not be displeased at having so fit an opportunity of freeing himself at the same time from the Odium of this imprisonment & of avoiding any embarrassment which might eventually arise on this account in negociating with the Government of France, I took an early opportunity of conferring with Count Stahremberg & of committing your letter to his charge, urging him at the same time to support the request therein contained with his interest: this he promised to do & if he acts in conformity to his declarations the influence of his friends at Vienna may be advantageous.
        I was happy, Sir, to find you had an opportunity of making so unexceptionable an appointment to this Mission as occurred by Mr Kings resolution, to quit his Seat in the Senate: this Gentleman arrived just in time to be presented to their Majesties previous to their setting out for Weymouth & he accordingly had his introductory audiences on the 27th & 28th of this month: the necessary papers shall be immediately transferred, & every information in my power to impart shall be cheerfully communicated to him.
        Lord Grenville shall be informed of the sense you entertain of his politeness in directing the permit to be sent to Liverpool for the embarkation of the seed peas & vetches which your agent there had purchased for your use.
        As my departure has been unavoidably postponed to this period I do not now purpose to embark ’till after the Autumnal Equinox when it is my intention to sail direct for Charleston.
        At this close of my diplomatic career permit me, Sir, to express my unfeigned thanks for the confidence with which you first appointed & have since continued to support me in the execution of the duties of my Mission, & to assure you of the continued attachment and affectionate respect of Dear Sir Your faithful & most obedt Servant

          Thomas Pinckney


Title: To George Washington from Solomon Cotton, Jr., 1 August 1796
From: Cotton, Solomon Jr.
To: Washington, George

          Sir
          Boston Augt 1 1796

        In confidence of your indulgence towards whatever is conducive to the public good, you are now addressed by a young man, with all that respect and veneration, due to your revered character; who intreats your acceptance of the Volume accompanying this letter.
        That you may enjoy all the happiness this life will admit of, & be received hereafter into the immortal temple of the most High is the ardent wish of Sir Your Most Obedient & very Humble Servant

          Solomon Cotton Junr


Title: From George Washington to James McHenry, 1 August 1796
From: Washington, George
To: McHenry, James

          Sir,
          Mount Vernon 1st August 1796

        The Post of Friday last brought me your dispatches of the 26th Ulto, with the Papers therein enclosed.
        The draught of a letter to the Agent of the Department of War, and the Instructions for the person proposed as Deputy paymaster and Storekeeper in the State of Tennessee, are guarded, and proper. The only doubt remaining with me, is whether so many Officers, in that quarter, are realy necessary; and whether some of them may not, in the public estimation, be considered (after the Indian Agent for that Department is appointed) in the light of sinecures. If, however, upon a thorough investigation of the duties of their several Offices, it shall be found that the service would be too hard upon a less number, or that they are necessary as checks, I consent to the appointment of Mr Hillis as Deputy Paymaster and Store keeper—provided his conduct in the Accomptants Office has afforded sufficient evidence of his fitness to discharge the duties required by your Instructions: to do which, properly, he ought to be a person of some experience in business; to be able to execute it with judgment; to possess firmness; and great integrity.
        What will be the occupations of Mr Dinsmore? and what is become of a Mr Shaw (this was, if I recollect rightly the name of a person) who was sent some time ago by Genl Knox (while Secretary of War) into that quarter? There certainly can be no occasion for continuing the latter, if the former is retained.
        A Troop of Horse, in my opinion, may, for the reasons you have assigned, be necessary on the frontiers of Georgia, and I desire they may join Conolel Gaither accordingly.
        I have no objection to the releasement of Lieutt Geddis from his present arrest, at the request of those Officers who have asked it; But as the Attorney General will be at Philadelphia, I would have his opinion taken on the power of granting a pardon for the Offence of which he has been found guilty, and Cashiered; and the mode by which it may, with propriety, be accomplished: for it may be questioned, whether a remital of the Sentence of the Court, ought not to be preceeded by an act of approval, or rejection, as the foundation. At any rate some attention to the form (which I request may be given) will be necessary.

        I am glad to find by Mr Byers letter to Colo. Henley, that Spiritous liquor is not necessary to carry on trade with the Indians. I have always been of opinion that it was productive of more discontent & mischief than good, and therefore hope it will cease to be an article of Traffic on public Account.

          Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to Timothy Pickering, 1 August 1796
From: Washington, George
To: Pickering, Timothy

          Sir,
          Mount Vernon August 1st 1796

        Your letters of the 26th and 27th Ulto were received by the Post on friday last.
        Forwarding without further direction, the Commission appointing Mr Davis Attorney for the District of Massachusetts in place of Mr Otis, after satisfactorily ascertaining those points which had occasioned the hesitation, was perfectly conformable to my intention.
        I rejoice to find by the account you have given of the contents of the dispatches from Colo. Humphreys, that there is a probability of the speedy release of our captives in Algiers; that the Dey had recovered his temper; and that Mr Barlow had been received as our Consul at that place.
        The suggestions of that Gentlem[an] relatively to the policy and utility of forming commercial, and friendly relations with the Italian States; with Austria; and with the Grand Seignior; deserves serious attention; & I not only request you to bestow it,

but to ascertain in the best manner you can against my arrival in Philadelphia, the principles on which such connexions could be advantageously formed. Good measures should always be executed as soon as they are conceived—and circumstances will permit.
        It has ever been my opinion from the little I have seen, and from what I have heard of Mr Barlow, that his abilities are adequate to any employment; & improved as they must have been by travel, & the political career he has run, there can be little doubt of his fitness, as a Negociator, for some of the countries abovementioned—with proper Instructions.

          Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to Oliver Wolcott, Jr., 1 August 1796
From: Washington, George
To: Wolcott, Oliver Jr.

        Private

          Dear Sir,
          Mount Vernon 1st Augt 1796

        Mr Dandridge having rejoined my family again, preceeds me to Philadelphia, in order to bring up, & facilitate my Recording.
        He will ease you of the trouble of supplying Mr Kitts weekly calls, by placing the money you have receivd on my private account, in his hands, & furnishing him with more, if necessary, on account of my compensation as formerly. With very great esteem & regard I am Dear Sir Your Affecte Servt

          Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, 2–5 August 1796
From: Pinckney, Charles Cotesworth
To: Washington, George

        (Duplicate)

          Dear Sr
          Charleston [S.C.] August 2d[–5] 1796

        You will find from my letter of the 27th ultimo that I have accepted the very important mission you have confided to me. I shall be prepared to sail for Philadelphia this day week if any Vessel is ready, but we have none of the usual Traders now in the Harbour, and whether any will arrive and be ready to sail by that time depends on the Wind which has for some time past been adverse. Should a good opportunity offer for New York & none for Philadelphia, I shall take my passage for the former port, & proceed from thence by Land to the latter. The intense heat of the weather, & the sickliness of our lower Country at this Season prevent my attempting the Journey from this City by Land. As I wish to be detained at Philadelphia as short a time as you may think consistent with the public service, I should be very glad if all the necessary papers & instructions were prepared before my arrival. If not improper I should request copies of all the letters & memorials that have passed both recently, & formerly from such a period as you may think necessary between the Gentlemen abroad & the Ministry there, and the Secretary of State at home, and also such as have passed between the Secretary of State & Minister at Philadelphia. As I do not know that I have any authority to entrust any person at Philadelphia with my appointment; I am obliged to request you to have the goodness to direct some proper person to engage a Passage in a good & safe Vessel for Mrs Pinckney, one of my Daughters & myself, in such time that we may arrive at the destined port if possible before the Equinox; & if that is improbable, that then the time of departure may be so contrived, that we may be on neither

Coast but upon the open Sea at that season—I have desired my friend Mr Burrows by this opportunity to take lodgings for us, as I intended to spend a short time at Philadelphia in my way to the Eastern States.
        I received yesterday a Letter from my Brother dated London the 8th of June mentioning that the non arrival of his Letters of recall & the reasons urged by me against his arrival in this Climate in the Autumn, would probably induce him to remain there till after the Equinox. He says they were in an unpleasant state of suspence in that Country with regard to the passing of Laws in this to give effect to the provisions of the Treaty. He adds that if the Emperor should follow the King of Sardinia’s example in making Peace, he does not see any probability that France and England will soon agree upon terms, as the French seem determined not to cede any of their own or the Dutch possessions conquered by the English, & none of the parties in England appear to be disposed to relinquish the whole of their conquests as the price of Peace. The original of your Letters have not yet arrived. With the sincerest veneration, esteem & attachment, I ever am your affectionate & obliged Sert

          Charles Cotesworth Pinckney

          August 5th 1796.
          P.S. The originals of your letters arrived to day the postmark is Richmd July 11. 1796—I shall appropriate the Three hundred Dollars as you designed them—There is no vessel in this Port bound for Philadelphia, but the Wind is Easterly & one is hourly expected, it is the Anne Capt: Switzer.


Title: To George Washington from James McHenry, 3 August 1796
From: McHenry, James
To: Washington, George

          Sir.
          War office 3 August 1796.

        I have received your letter of the 29th ulto with the treaty and papers relative to the Creeks.
        On looking over the treaty I find that it leaves to the President to mark the boundary line at such time and in such manner as he may direct. It is however mentioned by the commissioners, that since signing the treaty “several of the chiefs have urged that the President should cause the line to be run as soon as possible and make choice of the places for the posts,” to which they add “we have promised them they shall hear from the President in four months.”
        I shall consider the whole and report upon it as soon as possible.
        Captn Bruff received possession of Oswego on the 14th ulto. I transmit his letters announcing the event which came to hand yesterday. That part of letter, July the 15, included in brackets, I have thought would be agreeable to you should be published. I shall therefore send it to one of the printers.
        I presume it will be proper to provide for supplying the garrisons of Oswego and Niagara with wood in the manner suggested by Cap. Bruff and at the same time to allow each post a siene.
        From the arrangements relative to provisions I expect that the troops will be well and regularly supplied. I have also been collecting to West point the recruits within a certain circle to form another small detachment for Niagara. I have the honour to be with the greatest respect Sir your most ob. st

          James McHenry


Title: To George Washington from James McHenry, 3 August 1796
From: McHenry, James
To: Washington, George

        Private.

          Sir.
          War office 3 August 1796.

        It strikes me, as among the first measures arising out of the proceedings of the Creek commissioners, that of a letter to the Governor of Georgia, somewhat in the stile of the inclosed. It would prove a considerable saving to the U.S. could the defence of the frontiers be carried on by regular troops without the aid of militia. It would give more consistency to military operations there, and more certainty to their effects. It would besides lessen that thirst for Indian land & plunder which is kept up by militia incursions into their country.
        I have thought also, that it might be proper to take off the edge from Mr Jacksons representations, by a letter that would hold up the prospect of obtaining through the means which he censures, the object which his party has seemingly at heart: whilst, in another point of view, it is right, that militia which were expresly called into service on the ground that the frontiers were in danger should be dismissed when that danger is over.
        If you should approve of the draught with such amendments as may occur, you will be pleased, as I have no copy of it, to return it by next mail. With the greatest and most sincere respect and attachment, I have the honour to be Sir your most ob. st

          James McHenry


Title: To George Washington from Timothy Pickering, 3 August 1796
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Washington, George

          Sir,
          Department of State August 3. 1796

        In my letter of the 30th ulto which was forwarded by post the first instant, I had the pleasure to mention the arrival of the Spanish treaty, ratified by His Catholic Majesty. I now do myself the honor to transmit the treaty itself (being a duplicate original) with a proclamation, for your signature, in order to promulgate the same to the citizens of the U. States. I also inclose for your information, a translation of the form in which the treaty was ratified by his Catholic Majesty; and am, with the highest respect, sir, your most obt servant

          Timothy Pickering.


Title: To George Washington from Oliver Wolcott, Jr., 3 August 1796
From: Wolcott, Oliver Jr.
To: Washington, George

          Sir
          Philadelphia Augt 3. 1796

        I have recd your favour of July 29th—the one refered to in answer of mine dated the 11th never came to hand: to what cause the accident is to be attributed I cannot conjecture.
        We have no news more than appears in the papers; our Country was never more tranquil than at present: so far as I know the public business is in a good train, except that the Treasury is in want of Loans. I shall be able to prevent injury to the public credit, but the building of Frigates, will proceed more slowly than I could wish, & some arrears in the War Department will accumulate.
        There will be a meeting of the Commissioners of the Sinking Fund to consider whether circumstances do not require Sales of the Bank Stock held by the United States. nothing will be done without the most mature consideration, in which I shall be assisted by the advice & opinion of the Chief Justice & Attorney General.
        I take the liberty to enclose a Copy of an Oration delivered by Mr Smith at Charleston which I understand was well received by a numerous audience of all descriptions of people. This I consider as a proof that the prejudices which lately existed in that City have greatly moderated. I have the honour to be with perfect respect Sir, your most obedt servt

          Oliver Wolcott Jr


Title: To George Washington from Ségur, 4 August 1796
From: Ségur, Louis-Philippe, comte de
To: Washington, George

          Paris August the 4th. Thermidor the 17ththe 4th year of the Republic [1796]
          Sir

        I hope that your excellency will permit me to remember myself to you. you have so much accustomed my relations and myself to your kindnesses that I don’t fear to be troublesome in begging of you to be so kind as to forward the inclosed letter to Mr Lafayette my nephew. you are his second father, and I hope this motive will make you forgive the liberty which I take to put under your direction the letter which I write to him.
        I have received by an undirect way some news of his

unfortunate father, his health is better, but his captivity does not soften at all, and his wife cannot obtain any thing from the Emperor. the passions which weaken and wear themselves out here, begin to let more than one influential person feel that it should be shameful to make peace without obtaining from the court of Vienna the liberation of the french men arrested for the cause of Liberty but this happy disposition is not as yet sufficiently general or pronounced. all what I desire is that it would be the wisdom and interest of the American government which would determine the french government to that measure. I know that my friend would doubly enjoy his liberty if he owed it to you. and it appears to me that the moment is arrived when the advice that I speak of, could be given to the directory without compromising the minister who would be entrusted with the commission. I beg you would permit me with your usual Kindness to assure you of the tender attachement and of the profound respect with which I have the honour to be Sir of your excellency the most humble and most obedient Servant

          signed L. P. segur


Title: From George Washington to Timothy Pickering, 5 August 1796
From: Washington, George
To: Pickering, Timothy

        Private

          Dear Sir
          Mount Vernon 5th Augt 1796.

        Your private letters of the 29th & 30th have been received.
        If Mr Churchmans account respecting the broken seal of Mr Monroes letter, to the Department of State be true, it bespeaks the man of candour, and does him credit; but I do not see why, when called upon, he should require time to consider whether he should relate the truth—or “give a certificate that might excite suspicions of innocent people” the impropriety of the latter, would strike a man of honor the moment the thought arose.
        He has written to me the enclosed letter (which may be returned); but I know too little of his real character; the respectability of his family & connexions; or his former pursuits; to form any opinion of his fitness to fill an Office of such importance & respectibility, to public acceptance. As a Mathematician I should suppose him competent; but there are other qualifications equally necessary in a Surveyor General. I wish you would make all the enquiries respecting these matters, your opportunities will permit.
        And, if Mr Hawkins should be in Philadelphia, as he wrote the Secretary of War he should be, let me desire also, that you would indirectly, & without any commitment, ascertain 1st whether he possesses such Mathematical knowledge as would qualify him for the above Office; and in that case, 2dly find out whether he would accept it.
        I have not yet, been able to hear of a character that combines the requisite qualifications for this trust, nor is it likely I shall do so before my return to Philadelphia. I am always & sincerely Your Affectionate

          Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to Henry Glen, 8 August 1796
From: Washington, George
To: Glen, Henry

          Sir
          Mount Vernon 8th Augt 1796

        As it appears by the Secretary of Wars letter to me, that you have lately been to the Forts of Oswego and Niagara and must have a competent knowledge of the time and manner of making a tour to the latter, I request the favor of you, as well for my own satisfaction, as to enable me to answer the enquiries of others, to solve the following question, in detail—viz.
        How long would it take a small party, unincumbered with heavy baggage—who should not, on the journey, waste time unnecessarily—nor proceed so as to fatiegue themselves—to perform this Tour from the City of New York?
        To explain what I mean, by desiring that the above question may be answered in detail permit me to propound the following queries.
        1st What is the usual time in going from New York to Albany by Water conveyance? the same by land?
        2d Is a passage in the Packets, or Stages, always to be had from N. York?
        3d What time does it require to go from Albany to Fort Schuyler (or Stanwix) by Water? the same by land?
        4th Could a light Boat, or two, according to circumstances, with Batteau Men always be had at Schenectady? On what terms?
        5th If Boats are not to be had, could Horses be hired at Schenectady to go to Fort Schuyler?
        6th How long in getting from Fort Schuyler to Fort Oswego? Would there be any certain dependence of procuring Craft at the former, to descend by the Wood Creek, &ca &ca to the latter? And whether with the assistance of a Cloak, & a little roughing, one could pass through that Country without carrying tents or bedding? and could moreover be supplied with Provisions, if not taken along?
        7th What is the usual passage from Oswego to Niagara? Could there be any dependance on a vessel at the former (as we have none of our own) without risking an uncertain—perhaps tedious delay? And is there any way, in case this should be likely to happen, of going by land? What is the distance, and are there any settlements, and a Road between those places?
        Answers as full & precise, as the nature of the case, & your

knowledge of circumstances will enable you to give, would go near to ascertain the time required to perform this rout in, and the provision, necessary to be made for it. After requesting these, as soon as you can conveniently give them, and apologizing for the trouble you will have in complying with this request, I have only to add that with very great esteem, I am—Sir Your Obedt Hble Servt

          Go: Washington

          P.S. Would such Batteaux as could be obtained at Schenectady be fit to perform the whole voyage to Niagara? and in that case could they be engaged for it with proper hands?


Title: From George Washington to La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, 8 August 1796
From: Washington, George
To: La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, François-Alexandre-Frédéric, duc de

          Sir,
          Mount Vernon 8 Aug: 1796

        The Letter which you did me the honor of writing to me the 25th of last month, came duly to hand; & the enclosure for Mr George Fayette was immediately presented to him.
        The name & character of the duke de Liancourt were not unknown to me, before his arrival in this Country; and the respect which I entertained for the Latter (although political considerations have deprived me of the honor of a personal acquaintance with him) was, & is as great as he or his warmest friends could desire.
        Mr de Liancourt must be too well acquainted with the history of governments; with the insidious ways of the world; & with the suspicions and jealousies of its rulers; not to acknowledge that men in responsible situations cannot, like those in private life, be governed solely by the dictates of their own inclinations, or by such motives as can only affect themselves.

        To dilate upon this observation, or to attempt to point at the distinction between the conduct of a man in public office who is accountable for the consequences of his measures to others; and one in private life, who has no other check than the rectitude of his own actions, would be superfluous to a man of information: but if exemplification of these facts was necessary, it might be added with truth, that in spite of all the circumspection with which my conduct has been marked towards the gentlemen of your nation, who have left France under circumstances which have rendered them obnoxious to the governing power of it, the countenance said to be given to them, is alledged as a cause of discontent in the Directory of France against the government of the U. States. But it is not my intention to dwell on this subject: how far the charge is merited no one better than yourself can judge; & your candour & penetration will, I am persuaded, appreciate my motives for the reverse of the charge, however contrary the operation of them may have been to your expectation or to my wishes.
        With respect to Mr La Fayette I may, without troubling you with the details, venture to affirm that whatever private friendship could require, or public duty would allow, has been, & will continue to be essayed by me to effect his liberation. the difficulty in accomplishing of which has, no doubt, proceeded in a great measure from the cause you have mentioned, & will probably exist while the war between the belligerent powers continues to rage.
        No man regrets this, & the present unhappy situation of this amiable family more than I do; but it is an ascertained fact, that altho’ Fayette is an adopted citizen of this Country, the Government of it, nor the people themselves, notwithstanding their attachment to his person & the recollection of his services, have any right to demand him as their citizen by the law of nations. consequently, an expression of their earnest wishes that liberty may be restored to him, is all they can do towards accomplishing it. to attempt more, would avail him nothing, & might involve the U. States in difficulties of great magnitude.
        This letter, sir, you will consider as a private one; originating from yours to me, relatively to Mr La Fayette. In replying to the sentiments contained in it, I could not, from respect to your character, & the indulgence of my own feelings, miss the

occasion of giving you this explanation of matters, which otherwise might have the appearance of mystery. It affords an occasion also of assuring you that with sentiments of the highest esteem & greatest respect I have the honor to be &c.

          G: Washington


Title: From George Washington to James McHenry, 8 August 1796
From: Washington, George
To: McHenry, James

          Sir,
          Mount Vernon 8th Augt 1796

        Your letter of the 3d instant, with the information of our possession of Fort Ontario (lately occupied by the Troops of Great Britain) and the correspondence between Captn Bruff of the United States Troops, and Captn Clarke of the British was brought to me by the last Post.
        Several matters are submitted by the former for consideration; among them, the mode of supplying the Garrison with fire Wood, and furnishing it with a Sein. With respect to the first of these, providing it with a Horse, or pair of Horses, and a Batteau (as the fuel is to be transported so far) seems to be matters of necessity; but the practice of the American Army should be consulted for precedents, before the British allowance or indeed any allowance, is made to the Soldiers for cutting and transporting of it to the Fort, when the means by which it is done are furnished by the public. If no allowance of this sort has been made heretofore—except in Towns where the Wood was to be bought—which, if I remember rightly, was the case invariably while I commanded the Army; it would be a dangerous innovation to begin it now; for it would instantly pervade all the Garrisons and the whole Army; be their situation what it may. In time of peace, where no danger is to be apprehended, and where the duty is light, I see no hardship in the Soldiers providing fuel for their own use, and comfort. With regard to a Sein, as the expence will be small, (if it is taken care of) and the convenience great, I think the Garrision should be indulged with one.
        There is another part of Captn Bruffs letter which I do not perfectly understand, where he says, “he is at a loss what orders to give Lieutt Rowen respecting the continuance of his command,” &ca &ca “or whether to join me, or stay, on the arrival of

a reinforcement, or detachment.” Doubts of this sort should be removed as soon as possible.
        There is a suggestion in Mr Glens letter of the 17th of July which merits consideration—I mean the purchase of a Vessel (now in use) on Lake Ontario. The Utility of this measure depends very much, if not altogether, upon the cheapest & best channel through which to supply the Garrison at Niagara, with Provisions & Stores. If by the rout of the Mohawk & Oswego, a proper Vessel on Lake Ontario would certainly be useful; If by the way of Presque-Isle & Lake Erie, it would be unnecessary; and if by a middle communication suggested (I think by Mr Weston) to the Canal Company in the State of New York, in some report which has been published, it would depend much upon the place of its entrance into the above mentioned lake for its utility.

          Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from James McHenry, 8 August 1796
From: McHenry, James
To: Washington, George

          Sir.
          War office 8 Augt 1796.

        I have received your letters of the 1st and 3d instant.
        The inclosed packet No. 1. contains the opinion of the Attorney General on the power of the President to pardon military

offences previous to the late act of Congress; and the form of a pardon for Lt Geddis for your signature.
        No. 2. contains the last dispatches from General Wayne, and copy of a letter which I have sent to General Wilkinson relative to his correspondence with Col. England, which as appeared to me, I could not with propriety have omitted to write.
        No. 3. Is the draught of a letter to Lt Col. Gaither, which if approved of you will be pleased to transmit as soon as convenient.
        No. 4. Is a letter from Gen. Pickens respecting the agent of Indian affairs in Georgia. With the greatest respect, I have the honour to be Sir your most obt St

          James McHenry


Title: To George Washington from William Stephens, 8 August 1796
From: Stephens, William
To: Washington, George

          Sir
          Savannah—Georgia 8th Aug: 1796

        Mr Pendleton, district Judge of this State, having removed with his Family, to reside in New York, of Consequence intends resigning his office.
        Amongst the applications, that may be made for the appointment, It is with great deference; Sir, that I am enboldened to add to the number, that may Solicit you on this occasion. If my Situation and Character be such, as to warrant me in the application, I flatter myself, that although not having the Honour, probably of being much known to, or heard of, by you, Yet, the result of your enquiries, I trust, cannot but terminate in my Favor.
        As a native of this State, whose Grand Father and Family, were amongst the first to Migrate and Settle in Georgia—I cannot but feel, for its Welfare and Dignity.
        Being early Brought up in the Study of the Law, in this Country, I had the good Fortune, previous to the Revolution, to profit myself, by obtaining a more General Knowledge of the profession, by Study in the Inns of Court, Attached to Westminster Hall, and returning, entered into a Liberal practice, Shared the Vicissitudes of Fortune, with my Country, during its Greatest Troubles, and have now the happiness to see it Flourish.
        If the Enjoyment of Legislative, and other Appointments by the people, and that too, unsolicited, are marks of Confidence, it is with flattering truth, I can assert, I have a full share, as well of the public, as private Testimony of my Fellow citizens. Under the protection of Providence, my circumstances are tolerably easy, but feeling, a strong desire, to be of Service to my common

Country, I have not hesitated, to trespass on your time, by craving the Appointment now about to be vacant.
        If then, Sir, in the exercise of your correct Judgment, in the appointment of a Judge of this District, it shall occur to you, that my Services may be adequate, it will not only be considered by me, amongst the first of Honors—and that very much heigthened, by receiving it from your hands. with sentiments, of very high Respect, I am sir yr very obt sert

          Wm Stephens


Title: To George Washington from Joseph Habersham, 10 August 1796
From: Habersham, Joseph
To: Washington, George

          Sir.
          Philadelphia 10th August 1796.

        I take the Liberty to enclose you a Letter from Mr Clay, who is a Candidate for the appointment of District Judge of the State of Georgia, which he has been informed is vacant by the resignation of Judge Pendleton.
        Mr Clay is a Man of Honour and Virtue, and I have reason to think that he is well qualified for the appointment for which he is a Candidate, but as he is a distant connection of mine it is probable that I may overrate his Merit on this occasion. I have the Honour to be, with great respect, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant

          Jos. Habersham


Title: From George Washington to James McHenry, 10 August 1796
From: Washington, George
To: McHenry, James

        Private

          Dear Sir,
          Mount Vernon, 10th Augt—96

        Colo. Hawkins is now here, on his way to Philadelphia, & proposes to proceed in the S⟨ta⟩ge of tomorrow.
        He has related many matters, and read many papers relative to the Treaty with the Creek Indians; the conduct of the State Commissioners of ⟨Georgia; &ca &ca.⟩ But as this is not the regular way of bringing business, of this sort, before me; I have requested that he and Mr Clymer (who he supposes will be in Philadelphia before him⟨)⟩ will report to ⟨you,⟩ not only what appertains to ⟨the⟩ Commission, but ⟨their⟩ observations and remarks generally as may be interesting ⟨for⟩ the government ⟨to⟩ be in⟨formed of for⟩ the regulation of its con⟨duct in that quarter. I wis⟩h you, therefore to be minute in your enquiries ⟨&⟩ entries.
        My present intention is to leave this about the middle of next week for Philadelphia, but as I shall spend a day in the Federal City, and on account of the weather, propose to travel slow, it will, probably, be t⟨he⟩ middle of the week after, before I sh⟨all⟩ arrive there. With very great esteem & regard I am—Dear Sir Your Affecte Servt

          Go: Washing⟨ton⟩


Title: From George Washington to Oliver Wolcott, Jr., 10 August 1796
From: Washington, George
To: Wolcott, Oliver Jr.

        Private

          Dear Sir
          Mount Vernon 10th Augt 96

        Your letter of the 3d Instant did not get to my hands until the 8th. I most assuredly wrote the letter mentioned in my last; but I find it is no uncommon thing for my letters to miscarry. The originals to Genl Pi[n]ckney, of the —— Ulto (one of which containing 300 dollrs. in Bank notes for the Sufferers by fire in Charleston) had not been received by that Gentleman on the 26th of that Month, altho’ duplicates dispatched eight days afterwards, had. I have heard of no miscarriage of a Mail, and I have evidence that the above letters (under one cover) proceeded safely, as far as Richmond.
        General Pinckney accepts the appointment to France, and will, very shortly, with his lady, be in Philadelphia to embark. As this circumstance will furnish a new Subject for envenomed Pens, it merits consideration how far the causes which have occasioned it, should, unofficially, be spoken of by the Officers of Government.
        Let me desire that you would begin to note such occurrences (not only those in your own Department, but all others which may occasionally present themselves) as may be fit and proper to communicate to Congress at their next Session. It is from these materials, and such Memorandums as I take myself, my speech is composed. It is better to note down every thing which may be requisite on this occasion, than to omit any thing; because it is easier to select, than to collect matter, at the moment I am going to compose it.
        I am sorry the Treasury is unable to answer all the appropriated calls upon it. My present intention is to leave this for Philadelphia in the course of next Week, but as I shall travel slow, and have to halt a day or two on the Road, my arrival there is a little

uncertain. With very great esteem & regard I am Dear Sir Your affectionate

          Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from James McHenry, 11–12 August 1796
From: McHenry, James
To: Washington, George

          Sir.
          War office 11[–12] Augt 1796.

        I received the inclosed letter from Mr Hendricks on the 9th and that from Mr Clymer the 6th inst.
        One of these gentlemen you will perceive thinks another negotiation indispensible to prevent war; the other, that an augmentation of the regular force is absolutely necessary to the preservation of peace. Both, of course, meet in the opinion, that there is serious ground to apprehend hostility on the frontiers of Georgia unless measures are adopted to prevent it.
        Such being the aspect of things in that quarter, I would submit for consideration; whether it might not be expedient, in aid of the military dispositions contemplated, to incorporate in the letter proposed to be written to the governor of Georgia, sentiments to the following import.
        “That the President has read the protest of the commissioners on the part of Georgia against the proceedings of the commissioners of the U.S.; that he laments, that regulations calculated to preserve confidence in the Indians, in the fairness of the intentions of government, should have worn a different aspect to these gentlemen; that from the sincerity which he used in communicating to the Indians the desire of the State of Georgia to make a purchase from them of certain described land, and the instructions which he gave to the commissioners of the U.S. to facilitate and obtain it, and from the view which he has taken of the transactions at the meeting, as connected with that object, he cannot ascribe the refusal of the Indians to sell to

those regulations or the conduct of the commissioners, but to a predetermination of the Creek nation not to dispose of their land: That as a further proof of the Presidents intentions, and in order to remove every doubt on this subject he will, as soon as possible, have ascertained in the most unequivocal manner, whether a change of mind has taken place in the nation respecting the land and the terms upon which they will sell; that should the inquiry turn out favourably he will cheerfully consent to the opening of another negotiation.”
        I would hope from such a communication 1st. That it would have a tendency to allay the agitation which the representations of the State commissioners may have excited and perhaps arrest violent proceedings. 2. That it would afford time to government (should it suspend dangerous projects only) to arrange the military force in such a manner as to render all attempts at settlement nugatory. & 3d. That it would shew, that the Executive is disposed to obtain the land in question for the State, and preserve peace to the frontiers. With the greatest respect I have the honour to be Sir your most obt & hble st

          James McHenry

          August 12th.
          P.S. Since writing the foregoing I have received your two letters of the 8th inst. I shall pay particular attention to their contents.
          I now inclose you the draught of the letter to the governor of Georgia modelled agreeably to the preceding suggestions. If it is approved of I should be glad to have it returned by the next post for immediate transmission. It is understood that the instructions to Lt Col. Gaither will accord with it.
          With respect to the inquiry it proposes. That can be made by the person who shall be appointed to explain certain things to the Creeks in their nation, which they required and which the Commissioners have consented should be given.
          I have this moment received the inclosed letters & from Gen. Wilkinson & Cap. De Butts, as also one from Governor Sevier. I shall as the post goes tomorrow acknowlege it, and express the satisfaction which I expect it will give to the President.


Title: To George Washington from Richard Bowen to Bartholomew Dandridge, 12 August 1796
From: Bowen, Richard
To: Dandridge, Bartholomew

          Sir
          [c.12 Aug. 1796]

        As above is the acct for advertising the President’s farms. your remitting the amount per post will much oblige. If you have

opportunities to Alexandria, it may be lodged in the hands of Mr McRea, post master, who will send it on by the rider to this place (Anthony Moore) whose receipt in my behalf shall be sufficient. Am, Sir, your hble Sert

          Richd Bowen


Title: To George Washington from Bartholomew Dandridge, Jr., 12 August 1796
From: Dandridge, Bartholomew Jr.
To: Washington, George

          Dear Sir,
          Philada August 12. 1796.

        I received your letter covering one for the Duke de Liancourt yesterday. I enquired agreeably to your direction, of Mr Lacolombe concerning the residence of the duke, & find he is either at New York or Boston—most probably the latter. Mr Lacolombe advises me to put the letter for him under cover to Mr Casenove at Nw York, which I intend doing by this days post, with a request to Mr Casenove that if the duke is not in Nw York he will give it a safe conveyance.
        The other directions contained in your letter shall receive due attention. I have conversed with Mr Sheaffe, who owns half the garden, about putting it in order; & he assures me it is not his wish that anything should be done to it, as he means to begin his preparations for building on it this fall. That part which joins Mr Kennedy’s belongs to a brother of Dr Kuhn. he is not in town at present; but Mr Sheaffe tells me it is his intention to build on it the next spring, & does not believe that he wishes any expense to be incurred on account of it. I will see him about it, however, as soon as he returns to the City. At any rate it would not do to disturb the grape vines at this time: they are laden with fine fruit which I presume would be lost if the vines were disturbed at this stage of their growth.
        Altho’ Mr Kitt never mentioned to you that he had discharged Peter, yet he tells me it was done soon after you left the City. I have directed him to look out for a servant such as you describe; & shall myself make the same enquiry. I fear the getting a good one will be found difficult, as there appears to be a great demand for them. Several gentlemen have been here to know of Mr Kitt if he could recommend one to them. Major Jackson called on me the day before yesterday to get Peter’s character, whom I believe he means to employ, tho’ I could not say much to his advantage. The office and the two bed rooms adjoining were white washed before I arrived here. the white washing those below will be postponed ’till the fly-season is over. Be pleased to present my affection to my Aunt, and accept Dr Sir, the sincere esteem & attachmt of Yr obliged Servt

          B. Dandridge


Title: From George Washington to James McHenry, 12 August 1796
From: Washington, George
To: McHenry, James

          Sir
          Mount Vernon 12th Augt 1796

        The originals and drafts of letters enclosed in yours of the 8th instt are herewith returned.
        The publication of the letters to and from Lieutt Colo. England was certainly improper: and the reprehension of Genl Wilkinson for doing it, or suffering it to be done, is just; and the manner in which it has been conveyed to him is delicate.
        The draught of the letter to Colo. Gaither, predicated on the information you had received, is very proper: But as Colo. Hawkins is on his way to Philadelphia, & Mr Clymer probably arrived there, I would not have it dispatched until you communicate fully & freely with them on all matters & things relative to that frontier; the establishment of Posts—&ca &ca. Many things in oral conversations often cast up that never can be well explained, and understood by written transmissions from so distant a part of the Union. It is better to encounter a little delay in acquiring perfect information (as much so I mean, as the nature of the case will admit) than to have a second letter to write on the same subject: corrective perhaps, in some instances, of the first. This appears the more necessary in the present case, for as much as Colo. Hawkins is furnished with suggestions from the Indians themselves relative to proper sites for the establishment of Military & trading Posts.
        General Pickens’s sentimts respecting the conduct of the

Indian Agent to the Southward, accords precisely with the ideas I have entertained of that person, sometime past. It is necessary therefore that every information, derivable from the Commissioners, and other sources should be obtained that the government may take its measures accordingly.
        As I expect to be in Philadelphia about the 22d instant, I shall not enlarge on these, or touch any other subject, except informing you that the Pardon for Lieutt Geddis is returned with my signature.

          Go: Washington