Title: Introductory Note: To Benjamin Stoddert, [6 June 1800]
From:
To:

[New York, June 6, 1800]
As Hamilton indicates in the letter printed below, he was about to set out on a trip to New England. This trip, which began on June 7 and ended on June 30, enabled Hamilton to review for the first and last time the members of the brigade stationed at Oxford, Massachusetts, and to visit with Federalists in Connecticut, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Rhode Island. A leading historian of New England Federalism has stated that the purpose of Hamilton’s tour was to secure the selection of Presidential electors who would “knife” John Adams—a conclusion which is in part borne out by the available evidence. In any event, before, during, and after his New England trip Hamilton made no secret of the fact that he favored Charles Cotesworth Pinckney and opposed Adams as the Federalist candidate for President in 1800.
Both John and Abigail Adams were convinced that Hamilton’s trip was part of a larger plot to prevent the re-election of Adams in 1800. On July 14, 1800—or two weeks after Hamilton had returned to New York from New England—Adams wrote to his son, Thomas Boylston Adams: “Gen Hamilton has been [on] a tour through New England to persuade the people to choose electors who will give a unanimous vote for Gen. Pinckney. To be sure Mr. Adams will have an unanimous vote in Massachusetts but not one in Connecticut nor New Jersey. Thus impudent & brazed faced is the style. My information is from Gentlemen of the best & first character in more than one State to whom this language was held by Hamilton himself” Two days earlier Abigail Adams had written to Thomas Boylston Adams: “… It was Soon understood that the Gen’ll did not come to disband Troops, so much as to arise them; and that his visit was merely an Electioneering buisness, to feel the pulse of the N England States, and to impress those upon whom he could have any influence to vote for pinckney & bring him on as president holding up the Idea, that it was totally impossible for mr Adams to obtain an Election, that he would not have a vote in Conneticut or new Jersey. This he Said to your Friend J Q who told me himself of it, it was therefore necessary to exert themselves to carry Gen’ll pinckney—at the Head of the Army in oxford he made a similar declaration, in a formal Speech addrest to them as col Hunnywell himself told me, The president had become so unpopular with the federilists that he had wholy lost his Election. His Aids were holding a similar language—fellows, boys of yesterday who were unhatchd and unfledged when the venerable Character they are striving to pull down was running every risk of Life & property to Serve and Save a country of which these beings are unworthy Members—with a set of men who have been warmly attached to Hamilton known by the name of the E. junto Hamilton has succeeded, if I may judge by the news paper weekly publications in Ben Russells paper which has become their devoted vehical. Jefferson is vilified and abused by a writer under the Signature of decius, in a series of papers called the Jeffersoniad—written by a youthfull hand from the Stile and manner under Hamiltons direction I presume, and I think not unlikely, to be written by one of his Aids by the name of How. these numbers commenced upon his first arrival here and they are the pledge which he promised to give, to prove that Jefferson was an Atheist. you may recollect hearing, that he pledged himself in N york to prove all that he asserted against Jefferson at the Election there.
“To one Gentleman How, Said that the disbanding the Army was altogether the work of the president—upon which the Gentleman observed that it was a vote of the House and Senate therefore could not be ascribed to the president, to an other Hamilton Said that it was of little concequence who was president, for his part, he did not expect his Head to remain four years longer upon his Shoulders, unless it was at the Head of a victorious Army. He tried Govr Fenno in Road Island who told him Sir I See what you are after. you mean to bring in Gen’ll pinckney. I will not engage in any Such jockeying trick. I do not know Genll pinckney he may or he may not be a good Man, but I will Sooner give my vote for mr Jefferson. thus has this intriguer been endeavouring to divide the federal party—to create divisions and Heart burnings against the president merely because he knows that he cannot Sway him, or carry such measures as he wishes untill he can be instrumental of getting in a president to his mind, the object is to make a stalking Horse of the president and bring in a military man as he says—a military man only Should be president but Hamiltons Rope has been long enough I trust—by his intrigues he will lose many more votes for pinckney than he will obtain.”
Although few New England Federalists with whom Hamilton talked were willing to comment on—let alone repeat—their conversations with him, it seems likely that both John and Abigail Adams were essentially, if not always explicitly, correct in their assessment of his behavior. At the same time there is no evidence that Hamilton succeeded in his endeavors. Joseph Hale is a case in point. A member of the so-called Essex Junto and as such a High Federalist, he presumably should have been an enthusiastic supporter of Hamilton’s plan to prevent the reelection of Adams. But on July 9, 1800, Hale wrote to Rufus King: “Hamilton has paid us a visit. Electioneering topics were his principal theme. In his mode of handling them, he did not appear to be the great general which his talents designate him. As November approaches the feelings of parties are excited & displayed & not in the most liberal manner by either of the three parties. I am decidedly for the re-election of Mr. Adams; & notwithstanding the opinions of men of more weight & intelligence than myself to the contrary, I believe Mr. A. will be the successful candidate.”
Hamilton left New York on June 7, 1800, and reached Stratford, Connecticut, the same day. He passed through New Haven on the morning of the following day, and on June 10 he arrived at Oxford, where, it was reported, he was “to settle the business relative to the discharge of the troops stationed there.” Hamilton spent the next three days at Oxford, and a friendly observer gave the following account of his activities: “On Tuesday last [June 10] Major-Gen. Hamilton, with his suite, arrived at this place, and on the succeeding day he reviewed the brigade under the command of Col. Rice. On this occasion the troops performed their manœuvres with that exactness and activity which manifested attention in the men, and superiority in their officers. The General expressed an unequivocal approbation of the discipline of the army—and beheld with pleasure the progress of subordination, and attention to dress and decorum.
“On Thursday the General made a public dinner, to which all the officers of the brigade, and several gentlemen of the permanent army, were invited. A convenient colonade was created for the purpose, over which the flag of the United States was displayed; and during the entertainment, the air was filled with martial music, from a new formed band, and from a large collection of drums and fifes. Hilarity and joy pervaded the guests—but when they drank to the Memory of Washington! and a parting sentiment was given by Gen. H. a burst of extreme sensibility suffused every cheek, and demonstrated the agitation of every bosom.
“But Friday was reserved for a more prominent display of the passions of the human mind. At 7 o’clock in the morning, the brigade was formed into an hollow square, when the General addressed his fellow-soldiers in a speech of about half an hour in length. On this occasion, the troops were moved, not merely on account of this last interview with their General, but by the impressive sentiments which fell from his lips, enforced by the most charming eloquence, and pointed diction. I cannot give even an epitome of this address;—suffice it to observe, that he inculcated sentiments suitable for directing the conduct of the army subsequent to its retirement into private life—such sentiments as awakened, and I trust will keep alive, the patriotism of the officers and men; and induce them again, at the call of their country, to make new sacrifices for its defence.…”
On June 13 Hamilton left Oxford, passed through Worcester on the same day, and arrived in Boston on Saturday, June 14. During the six days that Hamilton was in Boston he stayed at the “elegant, boarding house of Mrs. Carter, Southwick’s Court,” where he was visited by many of the city’s “most respectable citizens.” On Sunday he “attended divine service at the Rev. Mr. [John Thornton] Kirkland’s” New South Church on Church Green, and on Wednesday he “visited Fort Independence, on Castle Island.” On the evening of Thursday, June 19, he attended a banquet in his honor which a sympathetic Federalist described as follows: “On Thursday a number of the citizens of this town, to testify their high respect for the pre-eminent services, talents, and patriotism of Major-General Hamilton, invited him to a Public Dinner, at Concert-Hall. Amongst the guests, were, his Excellency the Governor, the President of the Senate, Speaker of the House, the Hon. Chief Justice Dana, Judge Lowell, the Hon. Messrs. Cabot and Ames, the District Attorney, several members of Congress, of the Council, Senate, and House of Representatives of this Commonwealth, and of the Reverend Clergy. The company was the most respectable ever assembled in this town on a similar occasion. That venerable soldier and patriot Gen. Lincoln, presided; and the Hon. Messrs. Higginson, Jackson, and Russell, acted as Vice-Presidents.
“TOASTS.
“1. The memory of that Man, upon whose merit the panegyric of genius is cold; and concerning whose character, truth wears the appearance of fiction—our first and late President.
“2. The President of the United States.
“3. The people of the United States—May their wisdom prove as superior to the arts, as their valor is to the arms of their enemies.
“4. Our Country—May its destinies be more happy, than they are anticipated by the fears of its friends, or the hopes of its enemies.
“5. John Jay.
“6. Public Credit—May the services of its supporters never be forgotten, and may the obloquy bestowed on them endear them to all honest men.
“7. Oliver Wolcott.
“8. The academical and literary Institutions of our country. May the light of rational Science never be deserted for the ignis fatuus of modern Philosophy.
“9. Just rewards to Patriots—to the factious condign punishment.
“10. The late Governor Sumner. May all public Functionaries leave as rich a legacy to their fellow-citizens, in the example of their prudence, wisdom and virtue.
“11. Let the negociation with France terminate as it will, may she discontinue those marks of friendship and partiality by which she has distinguished US.
“12. The late disbanded army of the U. S. May we respect them for the services they would have performed, had our insidious friends presented a bayonet instead of an olive-branch.
“13. The American Navy. May it increase with the insolence of our enemies, until it shall acquire strength to take vengeance upon them.
“14. All old, honest and tried Patriots, whether in or out of office.
“15. May American Jacobinism be transported to France, that Buonaparte may perform its funeral honors, and give it eternal repose in the same cementary with its Parent.
“16. The Merchants of the U. S.—Long credits—short voyages—good stocks—great profits, and an hearty perseverance in federalism.
“The Mechanic Interests—Prompt pay—constant employ—clear estates—domestic pleasures, and a zealous support of the government which protects them.
“After the Governor had retired]—His Excellency Governor Strong. Pure, wise, prudent and patriotic—may he receive as justly as he merits the confidence of his fellow-citizens.
“When Gen. Hamilton retired]—Major-General Hamilton—So long as our Constitution shall last, or public credit be supported, may we respect the supporter of the one, and the founder of the other.
“VOLUNTEERS.
“By Gen. Hamilton. The Town of Boston—May it continue to be the headquarters of good principles.
“The next generation. May they inherit the liberty of their fathers, and the spirit and principles of our fathers.
“The Navy. May the heart of American patriotism be always as warm as a sailor’s.
“The Mechanics of the U. S. May they never act as the Journeymen of Jacobinism; nor as Master-workmen in the Mazzeian Babel.

“To Americans wisdom to discern the crisis—Courage to meet it.
“The Atlantic ocean—What Nature has put asunder, let no man attempt to join.”
On Friday, June 20, Hamilton left Boston for Portsmouth, New Hampshire. He “was escorted to Lynn by a cavalcade of citizens,” and at Salem he “was cordially received by every inhabitant who duly appreciated his talents and services.” After dining with Benjamin Pickman at Salem, he had tea in Ipswich and arrived late in the evening at Newburyport where he spent the night. He left Newburyport early the next morning and reached Portsmouth at noon and remained for the night. On Sunday, June 22, he went first to Exeter, New Hampshire, to “pay his respects” to Governor John Taylor Gilman and then to Newburyport, where he “spent the Sunday evening … with Mr. Parsons … in company with some of the most respectable gentlemen in town.” The next day he left Newburyport for Boston. En route he passed through Salem, and an historian of the town wrote: “… [Hamilton] seems to have spent most of his time inspecting Fort Pickering, and dined there on fish. Meanwhile a party was gathered at the inn to receive him and never even saw him. He seems to have reached Beverly Bridge ahead of the reception committee and never heard of the arrangements, and so they never saw him.”
Hamilton’s brief journey to and from Portsmouth aroused more political interest and controversy than any other part of his trip to New England. This interest even extended to mishaps on the road. When Hamilton’s carriage broke down in Boston as he was leaving for Portsmouth, the Federalist press reported: “The General, in an instant, stepped into the carriage of one of the gentlemen in company, and pursued his journey.—‘I wonder’ said a citizen who saw the incident, ‘that a man of the General’s size and activity should break down.’—‘I do not,’ replied another—‘I should be much more likely to wonder that any carriage would support the weight of a Man who is more than counterpoise to all the Democrats and Jacobins in the United States.’” The Republicans viewed the incident in a somewhat different light. The Aurora, in a report from Boston, dated June 21, wrote: “The gallant general took his departure from this town yesterday morning, accompanied by a few well-known aristocrats, on a tour to the eastward; his carriage unfortunately broke down in Middle-street, on seeing which, a bystander observed, it was portentous of the downfall of aristocracy in the U. States.”
Of a more serious nature was a dispute between the two wings of the Federalist party concerning Hamilton’s reception at Newburyport and Portsmouth. On June 26, 1800, J. Russell’s [Boston] Gazette, Commercial and Political printed an “Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Newbury Port, to his friend in this town [Boston].” The author of this letter, who made it clear that he was an Adams Federalist, wrote in part: “General Hamilton lodged at Davenport’s last Friday night, on his way to Portsmouth; he had no particular attention paid him here, either of a public or private nature.… Had it not been for the reputed opinion of Mr. Hamilton’s politics being so highly opposed to the independent measures pursued by our worthy President, we no doubt should have paid some respect to the Commission he bears; but fearing it might be construed to be to the Man, we very prudently avoided any attention. The same reasons, I am told operated with the Federalists at Portsmouth.…”
Federalists in Portsmouth and Newburyport replied that members of the party in the two towns supported both Adams and Hamilton, that the “gentleman in Newburyport” was in all likelihood a Jacobin, and that despite the briefness of Hamilton’s visits Federalists had been more than cordial. “A Portsmouth Federalist” stated that the “information … relative to the Federalists of Portsmouth is wholly without foundation” and that “A subscription was actually begun with an intention of giving him a public dinner on Monday, but the shortness of his tarrying with us prevented.” “Manlius” thought “the stuff in the Commercial Gazette … one of the most contemptible purilities ever brooded in the brain pan of jacobinism,” and added that “Gen Hamilton … was every w[h]ere welcomed with the unequivocal marks of respect, cordiality, and friendship, due his exalted talents, services, and patriotism.” A resident of Newburyport wrote: “Some of the most respectable gentlemen in town had made arrangements to provide a public dinner, as a tribute of esteem and respect no less to the personal talents and services of Gen. Hamilton, than to the high commission he now bears. Orders were likewise issued by the Commanding Officer of the Regiment to the company of the Cavalry … to hold themselves in readiness to escort him through town.… His unexpected arrival and his short stay here defeated both measures. On his return from Portsmouth on Sunday, any public attentions would have been equally impracticable and improper.”
On Monday, June 23, Hamilton left Newburyport and arrived in Boston on the same day. He was in Dedham, Massachusetts, the following day, for an entry dated June 24, in the diary of Dr. Nathaniel Ames, brother of Fisher Ames, reads: “A. Hamilton, the high Adulr. run after a tiptoe thro’ Dedham.” Hamilton apparently did not tiptoe throughout his entire visit, for Fisher Ames reported to Rufus King: “Gen. H. came this way and spoke in most companies without reserve. You know he is the most frank of men.” On June 25 Hamilton went through, but did not stop at, Providence on his way to Newport, where he arrived on the same day. On June 26, “accompanied by Major Jackson, the Commandant, and several respectable Inhabitants” he visited Forts Wolcott and Adams, and on the same or the following day he discussed presidential politics with Governor Arthur Fenner. “On Friday Morning [June 27] he embarked on board the Concord Packet, and sailed for New-York,” where he arrived on June 30.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Benjamin Stoddert, [6 June 1800]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Stoddert, Benjamin

NY. June 6. 1800
Sir

I have received your letter of the third instant, with the paper to which it refers.
Tomorrow I set out for Oxford. Any communications which you may have for me you will be pleased to enclose to Brigr General North who will be here to execute any order of your department.
B Stoddert Esqr


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Aaron Ogden, 7 June 1800
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Ogden, Aaron

Stratford ConnecticutJune 7th. 1800
Sir
I am informed that the Accountant of the War Department has instructed you to settle with those officers who have drawn forage, by crediting them with the sums specified by law to be received in lieu of the Article when the Article itself is not furnished, and charging them with the quantity of forage supplied at it’s market value. This direction is in violation both of law and justice. And as far as my sanction may be considered by you necessary to the non-observance of it, it is freely given.
Col. Ogden D Q M G


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Hamilton, 8 June 1800
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Hamilton, Elizabeth

New Haven [Connecticut] June 8, 1800Sunday Morning
I am just arrived my Dear Eliza at this place in good health and after breakfasting shall proceed on my journey.

If I could be assured that your spirits were better and the health of yourself and Children good, I should enjoy much satisfaction from the agreeableness of the ride. The Country is truly charming. I remark as I go along every thing that can be adopted for the embellishment of our little retreat—where I hope for a pure and unalloyed happiness with my excellent wife and sweet Children.
Adieu My Betsy   Every blessing attend you

A H


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Arnold Welles, 11 June 1800
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Welles, Arnold

Headquarters Oxford [Massachusetts]June 11th. 1800
Sir
It is just reported to me that, among the means of paying the troops which have been transmitted to this place, there is a Treasury draft on the Collector of Portsmouth for five thousand dollars. Without this sum the troops can not be put in possession of their dues, and a recourse to the Collector would be attended with considerable delay. It would therefore be necessary to keep an entire regiment here for some time, and thus an expence of some importance would be incurred by the public. Under this view of the subject I trust you will deem it expedient to advance the money, and take the draft on the Collector of Portsmouth. In doing so you will particularly oblige the army, and render a service to the government. The consideration of the loan you can arrange with the Treasury department.
President &c. &c.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Arnold Welles, 11 June 1800
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Welles, Arnold

Camp Oxford [Massachusetts]June 11th 1800
Sir
We are making arrangements for paying off the troops previously to their disbandment. This event is near at hand, and it is important that the men should receive their dues before they return to their homes.
We have on hand a number of large bills which it is necessary to have exchanged at Boston, and shall be much obliged to you as our time presses if you will facilitate and expedite the requisite arrangements for the purpose.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Nathan Rice, 13 June 1800
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Rice, Nathan

Oxford MassachusettsJune 13. 1800
Sir
You will be pleased to cause to be furnished to Capt Amos Stoddard out of the articles now in the possession of your Brigade arms and accoutrements for twenty men—also two horsemens tents and sixteen privates tents.
You will likewise cause to be furnished to Major Buel the like articles for as many men as he may now have & shall engage out of your Brigade not exceeding four Companies.
With great consideration & regard   I am Sir
Col Rice


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Jonathan R. Wilmer, 18 June 1800
From: Wilmer, Jonathan R.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Balte. June 18th. 1800
Sir,
Altho’ I am not honored with your personal acquaintance, I have suggested to myself the liberty of asking your opinion relative to the political sentiments of the Legislature of New York. The information we have received has been so tinged with party spirit, that we can draw no accurate conclusions. If They should be Federal, and can be calculated on with certainty; it will supercede the accepting of a step, which we have it under contemplation to adopt in Maryland. Our present mode of Election is by District. That circumstance from local causes will probably give Mr. Jefferson their votes. The great Body of the State are Federal. The Executive have some thoughts of calling the General Assembly, to afford them an opportunity of altering the system of Choice.
As a member of the Executive, I wish to obtain every information on the subject before we resort to a measure, that bears the aspect of political instability. Mr. Carroll told me some time past that he would write to you for your sentiments on the general state of our Country. His residence being in the Country prevents our social converse. Can you speak with any certainty as to Jersey & Vermont. We calculate on them voting unanimously for Pinckney & Adams. I am
with much respect for your character.   Yr. most obed. Sert.

Jonathan R. Wilmer


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from John Adams, 20 June 1800
From: Adams, John
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Philadelphia June 20. 1800
Sir
The itinerant Life I have led has prevented me from acknowledging the Receipt of your favour of May 24. till this time. Your Sentiments are very Satisfactory to me, and will be duly attended to.

I anticipate Criticism in every Thing which relates to Col. Smith. But Criticism, now criticized so long, I regard no more than “Great George a Birthday Song.” Coll Smith Served through the War with high applause of his Superiors: He has Served abroad in the Diplomatic Corps, at home as Marshall and Supervisor and now as Commandant of a Brigade. These are Services of his own not mine. His Claims are his own. I see no reason or Justice in excluding him from all Service, while his Comrades are all Ambassadors or Generals, merely because he married my daughter. I am Sir, with much regard your most obedient and humble Servant

John Adams
Major General Alexander Hamilton.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Hamilton, 21 June 1800
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Hamilton, Elizabeth

Portsmouth [New Hampshire] June 21. 1800Saturday
I am here, my beloved, & tomorrow shall leave it for Boston where I hope to arrive on Monday Evening. The next morning I intend to proceed for Providence & New Port where I shall take passage by water for New York. If I am fortunate in the passage I may hope to embrace you in Eight days from this time.
Most tenderly yrs.

A H
Mrs. H


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Ethan Brown, 25 June 1800
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Brown, Ethan

New Port [Rhode Island] June 25th. 1800
Dr Sir
This letter will be delivered to you by Judge Pendleton. If it finds you at Providence you will proceed in the stage to New York. Should you stand in need of money you will call on Col. Olney Collector at Providence who will furnish you with the necessary funds.
Yrs with regard

A Hamilton


Title: Conversation with Arthur Fenner, [25–26 June 1800]
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Fenner, Arthur
To:

[Newport, Rhode Island, June 25–26, 1800.] “Some time in the summer past, I believe in July, General Hamilton, an entire stranger to me further than the knowledge of him from his public character, came to my house in company with Colonels Christopher & Jeremiah Olney, General Barton, & Colonel Ogdon. General Hamilton was very familiar, open, & candid. He at once began the election of the President, supposing, as he said, that I should be one of the electors, to which no reply was made by me at that moment respecting my not being one. He observed that he had been to the eastward upon the business, & that it was concluded upon to run for Adams & C. C. Pinckney; that all New England would vote for them, and that the electors to the southward that voted for Adams would vote for Pinckney, & a number to the southward that voted for Jefferson would also vote for Pinckney, by which Mr. Pinckney would certainly succeed.
“I then asked him what Mr. Adams had done that he should be tipped out of the tail of the cart. He answered, that Mr. Adams could not succeed, & that it was better to lose the man than the measures. I replied that my attachment for Mr. Adams was much greater now than it was before when I gave him my vote; that he had sent envoys to France to endeavor to reconcile the two countries, & that there were great prospects of a happy issue; that he had disbanded an unnecessary army, & dismissed his secretaries who were opposed to his pacific measures, & that his eyes were now opened & he saw the danger he had run by being led by a set of men who were, in my opinion, under the influence of the British, & that it was my opinion Mr. Pinckney was too much attached to the British interest to be our chief magistrate, &c., &c., too much to write in a letter. He observed that as I had no acquaintance with Mr. Pinckney he would inform me that he was all before Mr. Jefferson for President. Mr. Jefferson was a man of no judgment; he could write a pretty book, it was true, & gave some hard words; that if I should hear the two converse together he was sure of my judgment coinciding with his. My reply was that I had said nothing respecting Jefferson; all that I had said was in favor of Adams. He replied, Adams is out of the question, it is Pinckney & Jefferson. I asked him if that was really the case; he answered in the affirmative; my reply was that if that was really the case, if I was an elector, if a hundred votes were my proportion to give, they would all be given for Jefferson in preference to Pinckney, for the British yoke I abhorred.
“I had considerable further conversation with (General Hamilton) respecting his knowledge of the votes in New England, and especially the votes in this State. He seemed very sanguine. I told him he could not tell who they would be, of course could not tell how they would vote. If the State was divided into districts, in my opinion the counties of Newport & Washington would give Jefferson their votes, but as it was a general ticket I had my doubts.
“This conversation was not divulged by me, as it took place in my house. I expected some of the gentlemen who heard it would first mention it; and so it was that Colonel Christopher Olney made it known at Hudson; through that channel it got into the Albany papers.”


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from John F. Hamtramck, 27 June 1800
From: Hamtramck, John F.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Pittsburgh June 27th 1800
Sir
I have the honor to inform you of the result of a number of experiments of marching, made with Men of different sizes, but as in real service the Soldier is obliged to carry his Musket, Knapsack & Havresack, on his back, the most of the experiments have been made with the men fully equipped a few, that is, ninety eight experiments, have been made without Arms. They were made with single men, in large and small numbers, the average of which without Arms, on smooth ground By single men, is 116 steps (measuring two feet 8¼ Inches the step,) in 60 seconds by a pendulum for the meridian of Pittsburgh, of 30 Inches 2/10 ²⁄₁₀ english measure. That on rough ground 105 steps in 60 seconds, measuring two feet 8⅝ Inches. That of great & small numbers on smooth ground, average 108 steps in 60 seconds, measuring 2 feet 8⅛ Inches; and on rough ground 107 steps in 60 seconds, measuring 2 feet 8⅞ Inches. That of single Men on smooth ground, with Arms Knapsacks &c is 115 steps in 60 seconds, measuring 2 feet 6⅞ Inches and on rough 114 steps measuring two feet 6⅜ Inches. That of large & small numbers with Arms &c on smooth ground is 104 steps in 60 seconds measuring 2 feet 5⅞ Inches, and on rough ground is 97 steps measuring 2 feet 7⅞. The compromise which takes place with a number of men marching together seems to influence them in Keeping the step as much as the imperative sound of the Drum would do—therefore the greatest part of the experiments were made with single Men. From the diversity in the number and length of the steps taken in a minute on different grounds, it appears that 100 paces of two feet 6 Inches english measure, would be well calculated for all evolutions; (this opinion is founded on the last experiments,) to this I would except the forming or displaying of Columns and the duties of Parade. 120 paces of two feet six Inches appears to me to be well adapted to the forming of Columns, and 75 with the same distance, for the duties of parade. The cadance of a slower step than the latter tho’ graceful is certainly more constrained. Permit me also to observe Sir, that it appears in the charging of Bayonet in line, a celerity more than in other evolutions is requisite, indeed the propensity of a body moving forward when on a charge, seems to increase as it advances and is such, that I do not recollect of ever seeing it done in exercise within the bounds of our present quick time. Perhaps an increase of steps to 140 or 150 might be advisable. I have tried it at 140, and found it to answer very well. I Know not well what to say as to the increase of the length of the step, when marching quick time; it appears however that the step then measures by single Men two feet 9 Inches, and by numbers in platoons two feet ten inches.
These experiments have had a fair chance on smooth and rough ground; they have not been done in one or two days, but have engrossed the greatest part of three Weeks. I hope they will be satisfactory.
I shall take the liberty of writing you by the next Post, and offer you some ideas on the subject of our Music.
I have the honor to be sir   with every sentiment of Respect   your most obedient and Very humble servent

J F Hamtramck
General Hamilton.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from James Wilkinson, 29 June 1800
From: Wilkinson, James
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Private
U. S. Frigate Gl GreeneJune 29th. 1800
Dear Sir
My anxiety to reach the Station you have assigned me, after delays long, painful, & unexpected, but on my part unavoidable, has determined me to forego the pride, pleasure, & Interests of a personal Interview with you, and to proceed by the Cheasapeake & the shortest route to pitts Burgh; I will acknowledge that considerations of Œconomy, furnish subordinate motives for this Step. I have my Ann & our Sons with me, & my purse is illy adapted to an Entrée into your City, & a cavalcade from thence, through Towns, Cities & villages, to the Ohio. My sons are destined to Prince Town, to finish their Education, whither they will journey by Stage, and my Mistress will be suffered, either to accompany me across the Mountains, or to spend the remainder of the Season on the Atlantic. Your affections as a Husband & a Father, will plead my excuse for this intrusion of my domestic concerns. But altho I decline visiting New York on this occasion, I pray you to be assured, that to see, to converse, & to communicate with you, will now & ever constitute one of the first pleasures of my Life.
Capt. Perrys orders having carried Him to the Havanna, I became an unwilling spectator of that Interesting Spot, but am not dissatisfied with the result—comparing great things with small, the stupendous fortifications Erected for the defence of this City, remind me of our own little works at Newport. The Engineers on either side appear to have forgotten, that one strong Battery properly designed, would suffice to guard the Harbour against Naval attacks, and that Land attacks when the approaches are fair & favorable, cannot be resisted but by a superior force in the field, which would render auxiliary works unnecessary. In the case of the Havanna, the Moro Castle absolutely commands the entrance of the Harbour, & as absolutely depends on the Cavannia, a fortress at four hundred yards distance which requires 7000 Men to mann it—and this work depends on another of inferior size & strength, at about 600 yards distance, which last is overlooked by grounds in its vicinity. The cost of these works is Estimated at more than 150 millions of Dollars. The Site of the City, surrounded almost by salt water, at less than half a Mile from the sea, & by high Hills, which send forth Rivulets, to furnish Baths & fountains in all directions, must be salubrious, or the Clime & the abominable laziness and filth of the place, would destroy it by plague & pestilence.
My Rank was duly reported, & I have experienced much Courtesy from the

   * 12500 Dolls. pr. Ann & perquisites of Office

 Capt. General, the

   ** 26.000 Dolls pr. Ann.

 General of Marine, The

   *** 26.000 Dolls pr. Ann—without expence of House or office.

 vice Admiral, & two or three Dozen of generals, Admirals, Countes & Marquis, but what I have most Esteemed, was the prospect of 120 Ladies at a Ball, given by the Count Logumellas on the marriage of a Daughter. In this assembly I did not remark more than ten slender of figure—they are in general short and plump, & on such occasions wear fair, complexions, but such an assemblage of Eyes, I had never formed an idea of. Indeed they eclipsed the Diamonds, which were displayed in profusion—such truly is their expression, that I defy the most frigid mortal to behold them steadily for a second without strong emotions of admiration & desire. Will you excuse this prattle on my two favourite subjects? It has no other meaning than your amusement.
I have been disappointed in my wishes to procure for Mrs. Church some dwarf Orange Trees, but I have the Honor to send to you for Her, by the Bearer Capt. Taylor—Two Roots well sealed, the one of the sweet & the other of the sour orange, which she may rear to Her Taste, or she may extract from them in abundance, as the roots are more than three years old. I make no apology for this trespass, because I am pursuaded the office involved will be a pleasing one. Be so good as to add the tender of my respects to the Lady & Her charming Daughter, & my regards to Mr. Church. Mr. Taylor has charge of a small Box of Pacans for your Lady, & another for Gl North which I will thank you to order to Him.
My Ann altho unknown personally to Mrs. H. begs to join me in cordial respects to Her, and in regards warm, respectful, & sincere to yourself. Pardon this hasty scral, & believe me yours from the Heart to the End.

Ja Wilkinson
Majr Gl Hamilton

Salaries


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Charles Carroll of Carrollton, 1 July 1800
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Carroll, Charles (of Carrollton)

New-York, July 1st, 1800.
Dear Sir:

I yesterday returned from an excursion through three of the four eastern States, and found your letter of the 18th of April. It is very necessary that the true and independent friends of the government should communicate and understand each other at the present very embarrassed and dangerous crisis of public affairs. I am glad, therefore, of the opportunity which your letter affords me of giving you some explanations which may be useful. They are given without reserve, because the times forbid temporising, and I hold no opinions which I have any motives to dissemble. As to the situation of this State, with regard to the election of President, it is perfectly ascertained that on a joint ballot of the two houses of our legislature, the opposers of the government will have a majority of more than twenty; a majority which can by no means be overcome. Consequently all our electors will vote for Mr. Jefferson, and Mr. Burr. I think there is little cause to doubt that the electors in the four eastern States will all be federal.
The only question seems to be as to Rhode Island, where there is some division, and a state of things rather loose. Governor Fenner, as far as he may dare, will promote the interest of Jefferson.
A considerable diversion in favor of the opposition has lately been made in New Jersey. But the best and best informed men there entertain no doubt that all her electors will still be federal, and I believe this opinion may be relied upon.
I go no further south, as I take it for granted your means of calculation with regard to that quarter are, at least, equal to mine.
The result of a comprehensive view of the subject, seems to me to be, that the event is uncertain, but that the probability is, that a universal adherence of the federalists to Pinckney will exclude Jefferson.

On this point there is some danger, though the greatest number of strong minded men in New England are not only satisfied of the expediency of supporting Pinckney, as giving the best chance against Jefferson, but even prefer him to Adams; yet in the body of that people there is a strong personal attachment to this gentleman, and most of the leaders of the second class are so anxious for his re-election that it will be difficult to convince them that there is as much danger of its failure as there unquestionably is, or to induce them faithfully to co-operate in Mr. Pinckney, notwithstanding their common and strong dread of Jefferson.
It may become advisable, in order to oppose their fears to their prejudices, for the middle States to declare that Mr. Adams will not be supported at all, when, seeing his success desperate, they would be driven to adhere to Pinckney. In this plan New Jersey, and even Connecticut, may be brought to concur. For both these States have generally lost confidence in Mr. Adams.
But this will be best decided by future events and elucidations. In the mean time it is not advisable that Maryland should be too deeply pledged to the support of Mr. Adams.
That this gentleman ought not to be the object of the federal wish, is, with me, reduced to demonstration. His administration has already very materially disgraced and sunk the government. There are defects in his character which must inevitably continue to do this more and more. And if he is supported by the federal party, his party must in the issue fall with him. Every other calculation will, in my judgment, prove illusory.
Doctor Franklin, a sagacious observer of human nature, drew this portrait of Mr. Adams:—“He is always honest, sometimes great, but often mad.” I subscribe to the justness of this picture, adding as to the first trait of it this qualification—“as far as a man excessively vain and jealous, and ignobly attached to place can be.”
With great consideration and esteem,   I am, dear Sir, &c.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Ebenezer Stevens, 1 July 1800
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Stevens, Ebenezer

New York July 1st 1800
Sir:

The purposes for which the house I now occupy was taken having ceased, you will be pleased to dispose of it, as soon as possible, in the way which shall appear to you most favorable to the public interest.
With great consideration   I am, Sir,   Yr. obt ser

A Hamilton
General Stevens


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Jonathan R. Wilmer, 1 July 1800
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Wilmer, Jonathan R.

New York, July 1, 1800. Discusses the presidential campaign of 1800.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Oliver Wolcott, Junior, 1 July 1800
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.

N Y July 1. 1800
Dr. Sr,

I send you the enclosed. If any good use can be made of it you will do it.
I have been in Massachusettes, New Hampshire & Rhode Island. There is little doubt of Fœderal Electors in all. But there is considerable doubt of a perfect Union in favour of Pinckney. The leaders of the first class are generally right but those of the second class are too much disposed to be wrong. It is essential to inform the most discreet of this description of the facts which denote unfitness in Mr. Adams. I have promised confidential friends a correct statement. To be able to give it, I must derive aid from you. Any thing you may write shall if you please be returned to you. But you must be exact & much in detail. The history of the mission to France from the first steps connected with the declarations in the Speech to Congress down to the last proceedings is very important.
I have serious thoughts of writing to the President to tell him That I have heared of his having repeatedly mentioned the existence of a British Faction in this Country & alluded to me as one of that faction—requesting that he will inform me of the truth of this information & if true what have been the grounds of the suggestion.
His friends are industrious in propagating the idea to defeat the efforts to unite for Pinckney. The inquiry I propose may furnish an antidote and vindicate character. What think you of the Idea?
For my part I can set Malice at defiance.
Yrs. truly

A H
O Wolcott Esq


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Samuel Dexter, 2 July 1800
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Dexter, Samuel

NY. July 2. 1800
Sir

Upon looking over my papers I find the enclosed account, which should have been transmitted at an earlier day for the consideration of the War Department. It is now enclosed to you that you may give such directions as shall appear to you proper.
S of War


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Daniel Jackson, 2 July 1800
From: Jackson, Daniel
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Newport [Rhode Island] July 2, 1800. Encloses bill for repair of barracks at Salem.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Caleb Swan, 2 July 1800
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Swan, Caleb

New York, July 2, 1800. “I send you the inclosed paper, and request that you will take measures for having me reimbursed, in the sum mentioned.…”


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to John F. Hamtramck, 3 July 1800
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Hamtramck, John F.

N York July 3rd 1800
Sir

John Dover junr, son of John Dover of this city, enlisted under the name of John Thompson between nine and ten years ago. He reenlisted about two years since in Capn. McClary’s company, and is at present at Detroit, still passing under the name of John Thompson.
The Father of this person has procured a substitute for him who has been approved. A letter was written some time since to Niagara directing his discharge. No answer has been received to it, nor has Mr. Dover heard any thing relative to the situation of his son. You will cause the person to be discharged without delay and inform me of the discharge as soon as it shall take place.
Col. Hamtramck


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Frederick N. Hudson, 4 July 1800
From: Hudson, Frederick N.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Genl Hamilton,
U. S. Ship Constitutionat sea 4th July 1800
Dr Sir,

I am equally pained at the necessity of my Conduct’s being explained; as I am, fearfull of offending by the many apologies I have made but fear of being thought ungrateful to the Man who has laid me under the most delicate and lasting obligations has been the only stimulus to my taking the liberty of addressing you so frequently As I have during our present Cruise. Apprehensions that you might be pestered by Matthews about the Debt for which you became responsible have continually Haunted me. And Notwithstanding the conviction there was upon my mind that he was perfectly satisfied with the Assurances I had given him before I left N.Y. (the particulars of which and my reasons for that conviction I wrote you from Norfolk) I should most Certainly have returned immediately from that place had I not really believed as was reported that our Cruise would have been a very short one upon the Coast of America and that in the course of a month or two we should have again been in your part in the United states; Tho’ my return to N. York at that time would have been attended with very Disagreable consequences and Ruined all my prospects in my present profession.
I hope to be in Boston nearly as soon as this letter will reach you from whence I shall immediately repair to new York, when I hope to have power of giving a satisfactory explanation, and I felicitate myself with the hope that you will suspend your final opinion of me until I have that opportunity, more from a knowledge of the natural generosity of your Disposition than from any Justification of myself. God knows of what moment this object is to me as a certainty of having intirely lost ⟨your⟩ friendship would imbitter every future Moment of my life. Lieut. Hamilton is in perfect health & will I presume write you by this opportunity.

Please to accept the prayers for the future happiness of yourself & family—of your Obliged Humble servant

Fredk. N. Hudson
Lieut. Genl. Hamilton


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from James Stille, 4 July 1800
From: Stille, James
To: Hamilton, Alexander

W. Point 4 July 1800
Sir

Observing your return to N. Y. announced by the public prints I have taken the liberty of addressing myself to you and stating some embarrassments under which the events of the day have placed me.
You may possibly recollect my mentioning to you on a former occasion the great vexations which the Comg. offs. of this post experienced from a public house situated just without the Garrison limits. As a check upon the disorders & evils arising therefrom, I was induced immediately on my Arrival here by a Garrison order to prohibit my men from frequenting this house without a written permission from the Commg offs. Orders were likewise issued for patrols to reconnoitre at certain intervals, to see if any Soldiers were there to be found. In performing this duty to day, when, from the great collection of people from the mountains &c: that had there assembled, & from the rioting and fighting which I observed to emanate from the place in question & to extend within the Garrison line, I conceived it more particulary necessary; the patrols were insulted, deprived of their Arms & inhumanly beat. on its being reported to me by one of my men that the people had risen upon the patrols and were murdering them—I hastened towards my Barracks with a view of turning out the Troops & marching them in order to the relief of the patrols, & if possible to secure the perpetrators. Before reaching the Barracks however I discovered the men who had already taken the alarm flying with their Arms & fixed Bayonets in a confused body across the plane towards the house afd. I in vain endeavored to reduce them to order and to prevail upon them to halt & form. Nothing could restrain their fury which was increased if possible, on arriving at the Scene of Action & there finding their companions the patrols covered with blood from the blows they had recd. from the populace. They attacked the house to which the perpetrators with others had betaken themselves—& in attempting to force their passage up a Stair Way, at the top of which these fellows were arranged armed with the Guns they had taken from the patrols—with clubs stones &c: several of them were severely wounded & two of them I fear dangerously. After much exertion on my part & the exercise of some severity I prevailed upon my men to form (tho’ not till great havic had been committed in & upon the house) and demanded the surrender of those from within which after some hesitation was complied with. They were then marched in order to my Guard house where an investigation took place & such of them as nothing could be made appear against dismissed—the rest amounting to  in number were confined. The above statemt. can be substantiated by respectable testimony. Now Sir what I have to solicit of you is that you will be so good as to favor me with advice as to the mode in which I should proceed on this occasion. I shall keep the Villains in close custody till I receive your reply.
With sentiments of the greatest resp.   I have the Honor to be   Sir   Your Obt. Servt

J. Stille Capt.2 Regt. Ar & E.Comg.
Major Genl. Hamilton


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Samuel Dexter, 7 July 1800
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Dexter, Samuel

New York July 7, 1800
Sir

I have the honor to inclose for your information the copy of a letter from Captn: Stille Commanding Officer at West point with a copy of my answer to it. Inclosed also is a letter from mr Wheeler formerly 1st. Lieutt: in the 12 Regt: U S. to mr P Church, soliciting his interest, for my recommendation to procure him an appointment in the Artillery which I shall with pleasure give, since the abilities of that Gentleman, as well as his Character, have been highly spoken of to me.
with great respect   I am Sir   Your obed sert.
S of War
PS. I have sent Major Hoops to West point to obviate any difficulties which may occur in this affair, and should, upon reflexion any new steps appear necessary to be adopted, I will advise Major Hoops to take them.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Samuel Dexter, 7 July 1800
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Dexter, Samuel

New York July 7. 1800
Sir

I have the honor to inclose you three letters from Major Hoops, and take the liberty to suggest the propriety of convening a General Court Martial for the trial of the Offenders on the charges exhibited against them.
With great respect   I am Sir   Your obed serv:
Secretary of War


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Ebenezer Stevens, 7 July 1800
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Stevens, Ebenezer

New York July 7th. 1800
Sir

I enclose a letter from Dr. Genet together with his account, the settlement of which he requests may take place as speedily as possible; but he has, as you will see, purposely omitted fixing any rate for his services. You will therefore please to fill up the blank, calculating the compensation due to him for the time of his service, on the principle of his receiving the emoluments of a Surgeon’s mate, for such was the compensation allowed in a similar case, to the person who preceded him, and is at the same rate as I intended it should be in this instance.
With true consideration   I am Sir   Yr. ob. Servant

A Hamilton

30 Drs. p Mo. surgeons mate pay
6   do   forage

E. Stevens Esqr.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Oliver Wolcott, Junior, 7 July 1800
From: Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Washington July 7. 1800
Dear Sir (Private)

I have before me your favour of the 1st. instant. I have some knowledge of the circumstance referred to in Genl. Schuylers Letter. It is a fact that Mr. Shoemaker has either seen such a Letter from Mr. Jefferson as is described, or recd. such evidence that a Letter of the kind existed, as made a strong impression on his Mind. It has I know been proposed to make application to Mr. Smith’s son for the Letter, but I presume the idea has not been pursued. Mr. Rawle can I believe inform what Mr. Shoemaker can say.
I will readily furnish the Statement you desire from a firm conviction, that the affairs of this Govt. will not only be ruined, but that the disgrace will attach to the federal party, if they permit the reelection of Mr. Adams. I am however as yet unsettled and must previously arrange my papers and dispose of some urgent official business.
It is necessary to give a proper direction to the News Papers, which are at present filled with the most disgusting Nonsense. The cause of the federalists has declined, their system has been reversed, honest men have been calumniated and discredited, and no apology or explanation has been offered to the public. It will be extraordinary, if all these strange proceedings are permitted to be slurred over, by attributing them to State Necessity, the firmness of the President his independence of both Parties &ca. A few paragraphs exposing the folly of such publications, will produce an admirable effect; they will produce replies, which will gradually & very naturally lead to the public discussion, which has become inevitable.
I approve entirely of your writing to the President for an explanation of what he means by the frequent allusions to a British party or faction. Indeed any thing which decorum will permit, to render the present state of our affairs intelligible, is in my opinion proper.
Nothing is more disgusting to me, than the praise bestowed upon the Pr. for his wise & sincere pursuit of peace according to the example of Genl. Washington. A great number of public men, have heard the Pr. declare, that he did not believe that the Fr. Govt. was sincere in making what are called the overtures upon which the last mission was founded. Nay more the Pr. has declared that a Treaty was neither to be expected nor desired while Mr. Ellsworth & Mr. Davie were at Trenton last Autumn & after the instructions had recd. the Presidents sanction he said that the expulsion of the Envoys from France with circumstances of personal indignity, would be favourable to the Interests of the UStates. I shall ever believe that the last mission to France, was by the Pr. considered as a game of diplomacy & that it was his intention to gain popularity at home by appearing to be desirous of peace, while he exhibited his talents as a great Statesman, by outwitting the French in Negociation. The wisdom & cordiality of which Mr. Thomas speaks in his circular Letter, was in fact nothing but a sort of diplomatic skill, of which the President justly accuses his Secretaries of being unacquainted.
You may rely upon my cooperation in every reasonable measure for effecting the election of Genl. Pinckney. Mr. Carrol of this State is I believe right, but I wish you to write to him as soon as possible.
Adieu   I am truly yrs.

Oliv Wolcott.
A Hamilton Esq


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Samuel Dexter, 9 July 1800
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Dexter, Samuel

New York July 9. 1800
Sir

From a letter (not however couched in very explicit terms) which I have received from Mr Bureau De Puissy, I am induced to think, that this Gentleman would be willing to accept an appointment in the service of the United States.
He was under the Royal Government an Engineer of distinction in the service of France. You are I daresay informed of his political history. He was a member and once President of the constituent Assembly. Attached warmly to La Fayette and involved in his fortunes, he withdrew with him and was his fellow prisoner with the Prussians & Austrians. Tired of the Tempest of Europe himself, with his father in law Du Pont De Nemours & the whole connection have removed to this Country and made a little establishment in Bergen County New Jersey.
His professional pretensions admit of no dispute. His private Character is amiable—his intelligence and information are highly respectable.
After mature reflexion I am well satisfied that it is adviseable for the U States to engage him if they can. He may be one of the two Engineers whom the President is empowered to employ with the grade of Colonel and such emoluments as he may think proper to agree for.
As the Grade is rather below the pretensions, of Mr De Pussy, he may expect an increase of emoluments, which indeed is agreeable to the Spirit of the provision made for this object.
There is a little probability of finding a person better qualified than in all probability is this Gentleman.
The institution of a Military Academy being an object of primary importance will I doubt not be zealously pursued. Whenever it shall take place, Mr Du Pussy will be a most desirable Character to be at the head of it.
with great respect & Esteem   I have the honor to be Sir   Your obed Serv:
Saml: Dexter Esqr:


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Samuel Dexter, 10 July 1800
From: Dexter, Samuel
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[New York, July 10, 1800. On July 28, 1800, Hamilton wrote to Dexter and referred to “your letter of the 10th. instant.” Letter not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Thomas Y. How, 12 July 1800
From: How, Thomas Y.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Woodbridge [New Jersey] July 12th 1800
Dear Sir:

I should do violence to my feelings if I neglected early to express to you my respect and my gratitude. During the year which I have been so happy as to spend in your military family, your conduct towards me has been uniformly delicate and tender. It has excited in my heart an attachment that can never be effaced.
With sincere affection and respect   I am, Dr. Sir,   yr. ob. ser.

Thos. Y. Howe


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Aaron Ogden, 14 July 1800
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Ogden, Aaron

New York July 14. 1800
Dr Sir

You will oblige me by ordering for me to be ready as soon as possible a Coachee to cost 80 pounds and to be as complete and decent as can be had for that sum.
Yrs. truly

A Hamilton

If you could without too much trouble find a stout cart horse I should be glad to have him—the rate not too dear.
A Ogden Esq


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, 17 July 1800
From: Pinckney, Charles Cotesworth
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Shepherds Town [Virginia] July 17th: 1800
Dear Sir

By the Newspapers which arrived the last post, we are informed of your return to New York. I have therefore requested Lieutt: Walbach to take charge of such part of the Cavalry regulations as we had compiled, and to carry them to you, agreably to your desire, at New York. He will set out in about a week. The only part finished is what relates to the training the horses, and to Military Equitation; but these will require to be revised and corrected, and some parts of them perhaps, to be new cast. The former was principally taken from the great work of Drummond Count Melfort, from La Gueriniere’s “Manuel de Cavalerie,” and from Lord Pembroke and Coll: Tindale. The latter principally from the French “ordonnance concernant l’exercise et les maneuvres des Troupes à cheval,” adopting also every thing good on this subject in Drummond, Tyndale, Nevile, La Gueriniere, and the English Sword Exercise. In this the principle of the Movement of threes is introduced, and chiefly compiled by ourselves, as the printed books are not sufficiently full on this subject. With regard to the Maneuvres and evolutions, we have caused some to be copied, from Nevile, and the British regulations and elucidations, and also from Warnery, an excellent Prussian Horse Officer. But we wished first to have seen your Maneuvres and evolutions, as we are of opinion they ought to be as near those of the Infantry, as the necessary differences of the Services will admit. These copies which we send are by no means sufficient, there are many other evolutions, which ought to be introduced and some should be taken from the French ordonnance. We had likewise begun with the Police and discipline of the cavalry, chiefly taken from the French and German, when the British rules and regulations on the same subject were sent us, but we were disbanded before it was in our power to compare them. I have not had time to read over the papers sent you, so that it is probable they may be very incorrect.

I have this moment received a letter from the New Secretary of War, mentioning that Coll: Toussard is appointed Inspector of the Artillery, and that by Law his duty is to be pointed out by the Secretary of War, under the direction of the President, he requests my opinion to state what are the Inspector’s proper duties, as he is not yet acquainted with those of his own office. Had you made any progress in this? if so I shall be obliged to you for them, if not I will pick them out from the French Code Militaire. If you write to me by the return of the post or a day or two afterwards, be so good as to direct to me at Mount Vernon where Mrs: P. and myself are going for a week to pay our respects to Mrs. Washington. I shall then return to this place. I cannot get Mrs. P—— to travel where you propose, till the end of September when I shall go to North Carolina and thence to South Carolina and Georgia. I presume the Eastern States, particularly M—— are firm for Mr: A. I am told the report relative to a coalition between J & A, is erroneous. Be so good as to inform me, how you found the sentiments in general in the Eastern States, relative to the ensuing Election. Maryland I am told will change their mode of voting, to counteract as much as they can, the Virginia plan.
Mrs: Pinckney unites with me in best respects to Mrs: Hamilton & I am with sincere regard & esteem
Yours truly

Charles Cotesworth Pinckney
Honble Genl: Hamilton


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from John Rutledge, Junior, 17 July 1800
From: Rutledge, John, Jr.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

New Port [Rhode Island] July 17th. 1800.
Dear General

The result of a very industrious enquiry I have made here respecting the presidential election is, that ’tis quite problematical how it will issue in this State. I find the people in general very much devoted to Mr Adams, from the mere circumstance I believe of his being an eastern man, & at the same time jealous & suspicious of you in the extreme; saying you possess an influence in the middle & southern States which is to be used to produce in them a plurality of suffrages for Genl Pinckney—that your opposition to Mr A has its source in private pique—if you had been appointed Commander in chief on the death of Genl W you would have continued one of Mr A’s partizans—that by your contrivance the federalists lost the election at N York—that you are endeavouring to give success to Genl P.’s election because he will administer the government under your direction—with a great deal more nonsense of this kind, & which is too absurd to obtain credit but among the jealous & suspicious little people of this little State. I have endeavoured to remove these impressions from the minds of gentlemen I have conversed with: to impress them with a conviction of the necessity of dismissing all local prejudices & personal predilections in the present Crisis, & by an honest & honorable cooperation of the federalists in the eastern States supporting Genl P equally with Mr A, & trusting to fortune for the result of this homogeneous vote. ’Tis impossible to ascertain the effect of my advice, for you know I have to do with Gentlemen who are so prudent as never to give direct answers or positive assurances. As soon as it was known at Providence I had arrived here Mr Jno Brown sent me a pressing invitation to visit him immediately, & said he wished to communicate with me on the subject of the election. In consequence of my informing him I could not go to Providence with any kind of convenience till Mrs R who ⟨had⟩ the hourly expectation of being confined was so, the old Gentleman cam⟨e d⟩own yesterday & had an hours conversation with me. He desired me to declare ⟨for⟩ the information of his friends, he said, whether I really thought Mr A would have the Votes of So Carolina. I told him I had on my return there fulfilled the promise I made at the Caucus held at Philada., & used every exertion within my power to induce the federalists to suport Mr A equally with Genl P—that our election of a Legislature would not take place before October & ’twas impossible to say with any kind of certainty what wd be the result of an election so distant—that I believed however if it should be a fortunate one Mr A & Genl P would be voted for together, & it was also to be hoped, from the great affection borne to Genl P by People of all descriptions in his own State, that even in the event of having an antifederal Legislature he wd be voted for. Brown asked if the federal electors in No Carolina would vote for Mr A; I told him it might be depended upon. He seemed pleased with this information—said we might rely upon P’s getting all the votes in this State—that Govr Fenner & Senator Foster were hostilely disposed towards him, but that they were trimmers, & the People knowing that if the Governor was elected an Elector he wd vote for Mr A & Mr Jefferson, they would not elect him one. Mr Champlin holds the same language, & tells me this State will certainly vote for both the federal Candidates: His Uncle (Mr Geo Champlin) who is an influential character, & was an Elector at the two last Elections, is disposed to support them equally. In a conversation I had with him on the subject he seemed much displeased by some speeches which are said here to have been made by you in your late Tour, & said he thought if any thing wd justify Mr A’s friends for giving the go by to Genl ⟨P. it⟩ wd be knowing of the Plot you had contrived for excluding Mr A. ⟨I told⟩ him there were doubtless conflicting partialities conceived towards that Gentleman by their respective friends, but I supposed the electoral Colleges would disregard all local & private considerations—support principles in prefference to Men, & that the federal Electors would vote for those of the Candidates who would, most probably, administer the government in an honest, sensible, and systematic manner. I saw lately an intelligent man from Massachusetts who seemed quite au faite of the politics of that State, & who told me Mr A and Genl P wd certainly be voted for together. I find they are there split into three parties—the antifederal which will support Jefferson exclusively—the middlesex which is composed by lukewarm feds & Mr A’s private friends, & the Essex party which proceeds upon true federal principles, availing itself of the two chances of getting a federal President, & will support equally the two Candidates. The Essex party I learn is very powerful, & likely to give the Ton. Messrs Dexter, Otis, Cushing & Gerry will, I understand, make vigorous efforts to have P omitted in the federal Ticket, to give Mr A. a chance of being returned before him; but I am confidently assured they will be outwitted by the Governor, Messrs. Ames, Sedgwick, Cabot, Goodhue & their friends. The President it is said has commenced a hot canvas for himself, &, by his civility & condescension, is endeavouring to be supported with Mr Jefferson by the Jacobins: But his Countrymen are too cunning I suspect to be duped by him—his project will turn out like the story of setting a Thief to catch a Thief, &c. The yankey Jacobins have too much cunning to be seduced into any combination which will jeopardize the election of Mr Jefferson. The boston Papers are filled with electioneering addresses & Squibs & it appears by them that Mr A’s friends are attacking Mr Ames with great acrimony as the reputed author of some essays in which the propriety & expediency of supporting Genl P are much insisted on. I enclose two Strips from a Boston paper received by this days mail, & from their contents you will see the Adamites are omitting no pains to inflame & mislead public opinion respecting Genl P. Your plan for prevailing on the maryland Electors to discard Mr A from their Tickets will not, I suspect, be practicable. I know Mr Carrols influence is great, but I do not believe it will be so operative in the present case as you seem’d to imagine. I know that Mr Stoddert, Mr Craick, & Judge Chase are personally attached to Mr A, & I also know that Genl Smith & Mr Dent (altho Democrats) wd support him under the hope of excluding Genl P. I believe for these reasons, & many others which I cannot bring within the compass of an epistolary communication, that your project cannot be executed in Maryland—but I believe it may, without any kind of difficulty, in Delaware or Pensylvania. In the last conversation I had with Mr Bayard he told me if it should be found advisable to omit Mr A in the Tickets of Delaware he could have it done, & I believe he wd, upon receiving the information you gave me relative to Mr. McHenry’s going out of Office. The Governor (Basset) is all powerful in Delaware, & he is very much influenced by his Son in Law Bayard. I take the liberty of enclosing you a letter I recd from Mr Bayard shortly before leaving Charleston that you may be correctly informed how Mr A stands in Delaware. Mr Ross the Senator of Pensylvania I know regards the re-election of Mr A as an event which will disjoint the federal party and the election of a gentleman with Genl P’s firmness & decision of Character as the only thing which can in the existing Crisis work out our political salvation. Ross is all powerful with our party in Pennsylvania—you may confide in him & depend upon him. As I have been very precise in my narration of the information collected here, & mentioned the names as well as the projects of Mr A’s partizans I request, my dear General, this communication may be deemed private & designed for your Eye exclusively. When you are sufficiently at leisure to favor me with a few lines I will be greatly obliged by your informing me what are our prospects in Jersey. Our friends in Carolina are desirous of knowing from me what will probably be the state of the Jersey vote, & tis a subject on which I have no information, & I cannot obtain any here. Will the New York vote be democratic in toto? I have heard so ever since the late Election, but here they say ’tis possible Genl P may have some of the New York votes. Mrs Rutledge desires me to present you with her respectful regards, & we unite in praying you will proffer the homage of our esteem to Mrs Hamilton. That god may long continue to preserve in perfect health of mind & body a life so inestimable as yours is to our Country, is the sincere, & fervent wish, & hope, of dr General
Yr much obliged & humble Servant

Jno Rutledge, Junr.


Title: Enclosure: James A. Bayard to John Rutledge, Junior, 8 June 1800
From: Bayard, James A.
To: Rutledge, John, Jr.

Wilmington [Delaware] 8. June 1800
My dear Sir,

I had the pleasure of receiving upon my return to Wilmington after an absence of three weeks the letter you were so obliging as to write me previous to your departure from New Castle.
I felt in an equal degree with yourself the surprize which you manifested at the late conduct of our President. The point of understanding subsisting between him and Mr. Jefferson it is scarcely possible to ascertain. Rumour has circulated many things on the subject, but her tales are not worth our notice. We are betrayed if there is any understanding between them, & to believe that, is to credit but a small portion of what is said. We shall not regret the events which have occurred if their result should be as favorable as may reasonably be calculated. The removal of Mr. Pickering cannot fail to produce a considerable effect upon the eastern Sentiment.
It will confirm the indifference professed by Many as to the Success of the one or of the other of the two proposed candidates, and will probably correct the partiality of the few who were disposed to venture the Sacrifice of the one to secure the election of the other.
It is confidently stated that if Mr. J. should be elected President and Mr. A. Vice President, that Mr. A. will serve under Mr. J. in his ancient capacity. But this condescension is not expected in case Mr. P should be the successful candidate.
Mr. A. has contrived to forfeit the affection of most federal men whom I meet with. If events should justify it, there will be no difficulty in leaving him out of the tickets of this State.
He would be preferred to a professed Democrat and he may be voted for in order to exclude Mr. J. from the vice Presidency.
The popularity of Mr. P. increases daily and the zeal of partisans is inspired by the prospect of this election. The compass of my information has not of late been extensive but I do not consider myself exposed to much error in applying to a larger portion of the people the observations which I have drawn from a smaller, when the larger is subject to the operation of the same causes.
I received a few days ago a letter from our Friend Harper who gives a very flattering prospect as to the event of the Maryland election. He states that the federalists feel themselves secure of the ten votes of the State. This calculation much exceeds any which has been made in Philada. as to Maryland.
He thinks that Mr. A. & Mr. P. will be equally supported tho’ the latter is generally preferred.
I beg you to communicate to me any material information you may acquire on the subject of this election, especially in case events should create any new views in respect to it.
I congratulate you on your safe arrival after a very short passage, at Savannah which was announced in Brown’s paper of yesterday.

And wishing you a pleasant summer I beg you to accept the assurances of my
Sincere esteem & friendship   Your obt. Sert.

J A Bayard


Title: Introductory Note: From Philip Schuyler, [17 July 1800]
From:
To:

This letter contains the first explicit reference to the Grange, Hamilton’s country home in upper Manhattan. Hamilton may have begun to plan this “retreat,” as he called it, as early as 1798, when he wrote to his wife Elizabeth of a “sweet prospect” which he had formed. The name he gave to his country estate was the same as that of his family’s ancestral home in Ayrshire, Scotland, and of his uncle James Lytton’s plantation in St. Croix.
The land on which Hamilton built the Grange is located between the present-day Edgecombe Avenue and Hamilton Place, and it extends from 140th Street to 147th Street. Hamilton obtained this land through three separate purchases. On August 2, 1800, he bought for the price of $4,000 a rectangular lot containing fifteen acres from Jacob Schieffelin, a pharmacist, and his wife Hannah. This plot, which lay between two main thoroughfares, Bloomingdale Road and Kingsbridge Road, was on a slight rise overlooking both the Hudson River and the Harlem Valley. On September 27, 1800, Hamilton paid Dr. Samuel Bradhurst $750 for three acres which adjoined the northern boundary of Hamilton’s first purchase. On January 14, 1803, Hamilton obtained from Bradhurst an additional seventeen acres adjacent to the first Bradhurst purchase. This land was not paid for until after Hamilton’s death. On April 11, 1805, John B. Church, John Laurance, and Matthew Clarkson, the trustees to whom Hamilton had conveyed the Grange shortly before his duel with Aaron Burr, paid Bradhurst $3,648.56. The entire estate consisted of thirty-five acres, including a farmhouse, a barn, and several outbuildings.
To design the Grange, Hamilton hired John McComb, Jr., a New York City architect and builder, who also designed New York City Hall and Castle Garden on the Battery. McComb first renovated the old farmhouse, which was located on the northwestern corner of the Schieffelin purchase and which Hamilton and his family used until the Grange was built. It is not clear when the Grange was completed, but in June, 1801, McComb submitted a “Proposal for finishing General Hamiltons Country House.” Hamilton’s earliest correspondence written at the Grange is dated August, 1802, and he first mentions entertaining friends at the estate in September, 1802.
Although Hamilton’s accounts for the Grange are not complete, those records that have survived indicate that he spent at least $16,000 on the Grange during his life and that he owed an additional $3,500 to Bradhurst at the time of his death for the purchase he had made in early 1803. Hamilton paid $2,830.70 to McComb and approximately $8,500 to Ezra Weeks, a New York builder who constructed the house. With the remaining $11,000 Hamilton paid for building materials, workmen’s wages, furnishings, and garden supplies. On July 1, 1804, shortly before his death, Hamilton estimated that his “establishment in the Country at Haerlem” was worth approximately $25,000.
The Grange was a two-story, square building faced with white clapboards. On its two sides were verandas or piazzas, and four chimneys were at the points of a quadrangle within the structure. The basement contained a kitchen, family dining room, ironing room, and storeroom. The first floor was entered by a hall which had a staircase to its left and a library to its right and which opened into two octagonal rooms, one of which was the parlor and the other the dining room. Behind these rooms were two guest rooms. The third floor consisted of a family living room and three bedrooms.
On April 26, 1804, James Kent, a judge of the New York Supreme Court, described his visit to the Grange in the following letter to his wife, Elizabeth: “I went out with General Hamilton on Saturday, the 21st, and stayed till Sunday evening. There was a furious and dreadful storm on Saturday night. It blew almost a hurricane. His house stands high and was much exposed, and I am certain that in the second story, where I slept, it rocked like a cradle. He never appeared before so friendly and amiable. I was alone, and he treated me with a minute attention that I did not suppose he knew how to bestow. His manners were also very delicate and chaste. His daughter, who is nineteen years old, has a very uncommon simplicity and modesty of deportment, and he appeared in his domestic state the plain, modest, and affectionate father and husband.”
In neither size nor architecture was the Grange comparable to the famous plantation mansions occupied by some of Hamilton’s contemporaries among southern slaveholders and politicians. In the words of one of Hamilton’s grandsons, the Grange “was never an architectural triumph, although it is a type of the comfortable house of the period.” And this was not surprising, for Hamilton remained a city dweller until the day he died, and the Grange was essentially a “retreat” and a hobby rather than the center around which his entire life revolved.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from James Wilkinson, 28 July 1800
From: Wilkinson, James
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Geo. Town [Maryland] July 28th. 1800
Dear Sir

I discredited a rumour at the Havanna, that our auxiliary force was disbanded, because I could find no reason to justify the measure, & it was not until my Arrival at Norfolk the 13th. Inst: that this unlooked for Event was confirmed. The expression of my regret & disgust on this occasion, might under the consequences which have ensued, produce doubts of my sincerity. I therefore will wave the subject, after professing my reprobation of any & every measure, which carries with it a revolutionary aspect.
I reached this place the 21st. Inst: & have been well received by the Secty of War, who seems disposed to indulge me in the proper exercise of the Command which has devolved on me; It therefore becomes probable my Head Quarters will be established here, & that the service will take a regular course, tho it will be necessary for me to cross the Mountains to arrange in that quarter.
It would appear that the late Mutation of Men, & place, has greatly deranged & disordered the papers at the War office, & a deficiency of Intelligence follows—for Example, no trace can be found of the organization which you transmitted me in March, nor can I discover the situation or Engagements of a plurality of the absent Officers. Under such circumstances, I am sure you will have the goodness to pardon me for intruding on you for Information & advice, and therefore I will entreat your attention to the enclosed request, so soon as may be convenient to you.
I have written you many letters of a public & private nature, which remain unacknowledged. My last was dated the 22nd. Ultmo. at Sea, & may have reached you I hope with a small parcel of Pacans, & two orange Stocks for Mrs. Church. Should you have a desire to examine the documents which I brought with me from the Mississippi, you have only to express it & copies shall be forth with sent to you.
I venture to tresspass on you, a list of the officers of the late Army, who have been returned to the War Office for renovation of Commission in the standing Corps; Those against whose Names you may find a G: have been personally recommended to me by Genl Pinckney. Will you have the goodness to add your opinions & inclinations for our guidance, by the Earliest conveyance, as the great deficiency of Officers, will compel an almost immediate nomination to fill existing vacancies.
Expecting to pass the Mountains soon after my Arrival here, I sent my Books & papers up the Mississippi to save the hazards of the Sea. I must therefore be obliged to you, for a copy of the delineation which Exhibits our several interior military Posts, & those of G. Britain & Spain—or would you confide the Original to me, it shall be copied & returned to you.
My sollicitude to adhere to your plans & arrangements, as far as may be compatible with the change of circumstances, prompt me to beg you to favor me with a transcript from your orders, of standing import or general influence, and you will oblige me by your Opinions on all questions, which may tend to affect the Interests of the service, or the Honor of the profession. Need I add that the force of our late official relation cannot be impaired, & that I shall consider it a duty to respect your advice, to promote your recommendations, & in my humble Sphere to serve those whom you favor? I trust not, for you are too well read in the human Heart, not to have understood mine long ago.
Pardon this hasty Scral. The heat here for a few days past, has exceeded my experience, & unhinged all my faculties rational & sensual. With perfect respect & affectionate
I am Dear Sir   Your

Ja Wilkinson
General Hamilton


Title: Enclosure: [Request for Information on Recruits], [28 July 1800]
From: Wilkinson, James
To: Hamilton, Alexander

General Wilkinson will be much obliged to General Hamilton, for information of the following Heads, & will be happy to receive it, as soon as may be Convenient Vizt.
The Disposition & Strength of the 1st. and 2d. Regimts., with the present Station of the Officers of those Corps.
The Strength, position & orders of the several recruiting parties, whether Stationary or in March.
The Destination of the Recruits, & the Names and Corps of the Officers engaged in that Service—North & East of the Potowmac. An Account in Detail, of the Posts & Garrisons over which he exercised immediate command, whether Marine or Inland, to comprehend, force, Situation, Motives of Establishment & the orders by which the Commanding Officers are Governed.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to William R. Putnam, July 1800
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Putnam, William R.

New York July 1800
Sir

I am proprietor of five shares in the lands of the Ohio Company, in respect to which I take the liberty to ask your assistance, ’till some general arrangement, which is meditated, shall be adopted by the proprietors in this quarter.
Having learnt that ⟨–⟩ taxes have been imposed on the lands w⟨hich⟩ require for its security a remittance of money—that 80 dollars will be equal to the demand for my shares I enclose you that sum in bank bills and request that you will have the goodness to discharge the tax upon my five shares. With great esteem
I am Sir   Yr. Obed ser

A Hamilton
William R Putnam


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to John Adams, 1 August 1800
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Adams, John

New York August 1. 1800
Sir

It has been repeatedly mentioned to me that you have, on different occasions, asserted the existence of a British Faction in this Country, embracing a number of leading or influential characters of the Fœderal Party (as usually denominated) and that you have sometimes named me, at other times plainly alluded to me, as one of this description of persons: And I have likewise been assured that of late some of your warm adherents, for electioneering purposes, have employed a corresponding language.
I must, Sir, take it for granted, that you cannot have made such assertions or insinuations without being willing to avow them, and to assign the reasons to a party who may conceive himself injured by them. I therefore trust that you will not deem it improper that I apply directly to yourself, to ascertain from you, in reference to your own declarations, whether the information, I have received, has been correct or not, and if correct what are the grounds upon which you have founded the suggestion.
With respect   I have the honor to be   Sir   Your obedient servt.

Alexander Hamilton
John Adams EsqrPresident of The United States


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to George Cabot, 1 August 1800
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Cabot, George

[New York, August 1, 1800. On August 10, 1800, Cabot wrote to Hamilton: “Your letter of the 1st. did not reach me until last evening.” Letter not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Abraham R. Ellery, 2 August 1800
From: Ellery, Abraham R.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Newport [Rhode Island] August 2d. 1800
Sir,

I avail myself of the permission you gave me of recalling Lt. Overing to your remembrance, who, while at New York, solicited your approbation and countenance in his attempts to procure a Lieutenancy in the Artillery. If I recollect rightly his personal appearance had left no impression on your mind to his prejudice, & I am persuaded, he will exert himself to make good any favorable ideas you may have formed of him. He is young, spirited, & active—has a military turn, & feels extremely anxious to be continued in service—in which, as 1st Lt. in 16th he has already acquitted himself with credit, and by his attention to his military duties, acquired the good opinion, and favorable reports of his Commandt. and Brother Officers.
My own military plans are not entirely abandonned, and I shall mingle something military, in pursuits, which are contemplated to be, for some years, in a great measure literary—with a view of better qualifying myself for a situation in the Army, when it again will have a Leader, under whom it will be both a pride & honor to serve.
I have the honor to be, with ye greatest respt.   your most ob sert.

Abraham R. Ellery


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to James A. Bayard, 6 August 1800
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Bayard, James A.

New York August 6th. 1800.
Dr Sir

The President of Columbia College in this City has resigned & we are looking out for a successor. Dr. Wharton has occurred to me as a character worthy of enquiry, & the great confidence I feel in your judgment & candour induces me to have recourse to you. We are extremely anxious to have a well qualified man, as this is the only thing wanting to render our institution very flourishing. We have two very good professors, one of the languages, the other of Mathematics & Natural Philosophy—and we have a professor of Chemistry (this branch having been lately made a part of the academic course,) together with better funds as I believe than any similar Institution in the U. States. I mention these particulars to impress you with the importance of our College to the Cause of Literature, & with the duty which thence results of peculiar circumspection & care in the choice of a President. It is essential that he be a gentleman in his manners, as well as a sound & polite Scholar—that his moral character be irreproachable, that he possess energy of body & mind, & be of a disposition to maintain discipline without undue austerity, & in the last place that his politics be of the right sort. I beg you to inform me particularly how far Dr. Wharton meets this description, in what if anything he fails. You will of course see the propriety of mentioning nothing about this Inquiry. In the present eventful crisis of our affairs, a mutual communication of information & opinions among influential men of the Fœderal party may be attended with some advantage to their cause. Under this impression I shall give you a summary of the state of things north of the Delaware; South of it your information is likely to be as good as mine & accordingly I shall request your view of what is to be expected in that quarter. In New-Hampshire there is no doubt of Federal Electors, but there is a decided partiality for Mr Adams. I took pains to possess Governor Gilman whose influence is very preponderating, of the errors and defects of Mr Adams, and of the danger that no candidate can prevail, by mere Fœderal strength, consequently of the expediency & necessity of unanimously voting for General Pinckney (who in the South may get some Anti-Fœderal votes) as the best chance of excluding Mr Jefferson. The Governor appeared convinced of the soundness of these views, & cautiously gave me to expect his cooperation. Yet I do not count upon New Hampshire for more than two things, one, an unanimous vote for Mr Adams; the other, no vote for any Antifœderalist. In Massachusetts almost all the leaders of the first class are dissatisfied with Mr Adams & enter heartily into the policy of supporting General Pinckney. But most of the leaders of the 2nd class are attached to Mr Adams, & fearful of jeopardizing his election by promoting that of Gen: Pinckney. And the Mass of the people are well affected to him & to his administration Yet I have strong hopes that by the exertions of the principal Fœderalists, Masstts. will unanimously vote for Adams & Pinckney. Rhode Island is in a state somewhat uncertain. Scisms have grown up from personal rivalships, which have been improved by the Anti-fœderalists to strengthen their interests. Governor Fenner expresses a hope that there will be 2 antifœderal Electors, but our friends reject this idea as wholly improbable. But I am not quite convinced that they know the ground. In every event however I expect Mr. A. will have there an unanimous vote. I think nothing can be relied upon as to General Pney. Connecticut will I doubt not unanimously vote for General P: but being very much displeased with Mr. A. it will require the explicit advice of certain Gentlemen to induce them to vote for him. No Anti-Fœderalist has any chance there. About Vermont I am not as yet accurately informed; but I believe Adams & Pinckney will both have all the votes. In New York all the votes will certainly be for Jefferson & Burr. New Jersey does not stand as well as she used to do; The Antis hope for the votes of this state. But I think they will be disappointed. If the Electors are Fœderal Pinckney will certainly be voted for; & Adams will be or not as leading friends shall advise. Adding to this view of the Northern what I have understood of the Southern quarter, our prospects are not brilliant. There seems to be too much probability that Jefferson or Burr will be President. The latter is intriguing with all his might in New Jersey, Rhode-Island & Vermont. And there is a possibility of some success to his intrigues. He counts positively on the universal support of the Antis: & that by some adventitious aid from other quarters, he will overtop his friend Jefferson. Admitting the first point the conclusion may be realized. And if it is Burr will certainly attempt to reform the Government a la Buonaparte. He is as unprincipled & dangerous a man as any country can boast; as true a Cataline as ever met in midnight conclave.
With sincere esteem & regard I am

A. H.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Edward Carrington, 7 August 1800
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Carrington, Edward

[New York, August 7, 1800. On August 30, 1800, Carrington wrote to H: “I have received your friendly and confidential letter of the 7th. Inst.” Letter not found.]


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Richard Stockton, 7 August 1800
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Stockton, Richard

[New York, August 7, 1800. On August 9, 1800, Stockton wrote to Hamilton: “I have had the pleasure to receive your favor of the 7th.” Letter not found.]


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Samuel Dexter, 8 August 1800
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Dexter, Samuel

New York, August 8th, 1800.
Dear Sir,

Major Rensselaer, who was the eldest captain of dragoons before the late augmentation of the army, was under that augmentation promoted to a major. He has some time since devoted himself to military affairs, as a profession for life, and is unwilling to quit. For my part I have conceived there was a discretion in the president on this subject, which may be exercised in favour of the major. A field officer for the cavalry appears to me in every view proper. For the character of Major Van Rensselaer, as an officer, I refer you to Gen. Wilkinson, with whom he served. The inquiry I know will result greatly in his favour, and as a man, there is none more worthy: he is a kinsman of Mrs. Hamilton.
With esteem and regard

A. Hamilton
The Hon. Samuel Dexter, Secretary of War.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Richard Stockton, 9 August 1800
From: Stockton, Richard
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Princeton [New Jersey] August 9, 1800. States: “I have had the pleasure to receive your favor of the 7th.” Requests Hamilton to serve as counsel for Samuel and Miers Fisher in a suit in the Circuit Court of the United States. Discusses the presidential campaign in New Jersey and asserts that despite the strong Republican campaign in that state, the Federalists will be able to choose favorable electors. States that although Pinckney will receive all the electoral votes, it is uncertain whether the electors will support Adams.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from George Cabot, 10 August 1800
From: Cabot, George
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Brookline [Massachusetts] Augt. 10. 1800
My dear sir

Your letter of the 1st. did not reach me until last evening—the inclosure shall be transmitted tomorrow, or the day following by some trusty person who will attend the Levee if one can be found who will engage to deliver it;—otherwise I may perhaps send it in the regular package which goes from the post office. this method wou’d be better than to send a servant who might be obliged to deliver it to another servant. there is no reason to doubt the first course will be pursued, & I shall not delay to inform you of the delivery as soon as it is ascertained.
Altho’ I cannot but feel unhappy at the gloomy prospect of our public affairs yet I do not feel my usual degree of solicitude for the issue of the election. there is something like a balance of advantages & disadvantages in the success of either of the three Candidates. Mr. Adams will doubtless continue to sacrifice the independent Federalists so long as he finds victims who will be acceptable to those whose favor he courts. he will also hazard a war with G B which he evidently thinks wou’d be no injury to him. but if he has justly forfeited the confidence of the country he has not yet actually lost it in this quarter & the men who adhere to him while they zealously sustain him are also a restraint upon him & for some time at least may prevent his worst measures, & until they have given him up will not cordially support another. Jefferson’s election wou’d tend to reunite the federal party, & if it is evidently effected by the Jacobin force unaided by any other or if aided at all by the Adherents of Mr Adams, the reunion of our old friends wou’d be complete. shou’d Mr. Pinkney be elected he wou’d be opposed by Mr. Adams & his warm adherents & wou’d be heartily supported by those only who are now detached from Mr. Adams. this state of things wou’d be unpropitious to Mr. Pinkney’s administration. there is however one unanswerable reason for wishing Mr. P to succeed & that is that the best & indeed all the truly good men wou’d find themselves in their proper places—arranged under the banner of the Constitution & laws on the side of the National Chief.
the question has been asked whether if the Federalists cannot carry their first points they wou’d not do well to turn the election from Jefferson to Burr? they conceive Burr to be less likely to look to France for support than Jefferson provided he cou’d be supported at home. they consider Burr as actuated by ordinary ambition, Jefferson by that & the pride of the Jacobinic philosophy—the former may be satisfied by power & property—the latter must see the roots of our Society pulled up & a new course of cultivation substituted. certainly it wou’d have been fortunate for the U S if the second candidate on the Jacobin side had been one who might be safely trusted.
no great progress has been made in convincing people of the propriety of voting for Pinkney with all our strength—yet I believe if it shall appear clearly that Adams will fail & that Pinkney may be elected our Legislature will act properly—especially if there is no just imputation of unfairness against Mr. Pinkney’s friends.
I am told New Hampshire will vote for Adams & Pinkney, but that Rhode Island will sooner give some 2d votes for Jefferson than all for Pinkney.
I am with unceasing esteem & attachment   your faithful friend

George Cabot
Majr Genl Hamilton