Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 17 May 1798
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

May 17. 98.
My last to you was of the 10th. Since that I have recieved yours of the 5th. I immediately sent a note to Carey to forward his paper to your brother as you desired. The first vote of any importance on the alien bill was taken yesterday. It was on agreeing to the 1st. section, which was carried by 12. to 7. If all the Senators in town had been present it would have been 17. to 7. The Provisional army gets along. The Rep. have reduced the 20. to 10. M̶. They have struck out the clauses for calling out & exercising 20,000. militia at a time. The 1st. Volunteer clause has been carried by a great majority. But endeavors will be made to render it less destructive & less injurious to the militia. I shall inclose you a copy of the land-tax bill. In the first moments of the tumults here, mentioned in my last, the cockade assumed by one party was mistaken to be the tricolor. It was the old blue and red adopted in some places in an early part of the revolution war. However it is laid aside. But the black is still frequent. I am a little apprehensive Burr will have miscalculated on Granger’s election in Connecticut. However it is not yet known here. It was expected Hillhouse would have been elected their Lt. Govr. but Treadwell is chosen. We know nothing more certain yet of the New York elections. Hamilton declined his appointment as Senator, & Jay has named North, a quondam Aid of Steuben. All sorts of artifices have been descended to, to agitate the popular mind. The President recieved 3 anonymous letters (written probably by some of the war-men) announcing plots to burn the city on the fast-day. He thought them worth being made known, and great preparations were proposed, by way of caution and some were yielded to by the Governor. Many weak people packed their most valuable moveables to be ready for transportation. However the day past without justifying the alarms. Other idle stories have been since circulated, and the popular mind has not been proof against them. The addresses & answers go on. Some parts of Maryland & of this state are following the example of N. Jersey. The addresses are probably written here; those which come purely from the country are merely against the French. Those written here are pointed with acrimony to party. You will observe one answer in which, a most unjustifiable mention has been made of Monroe, without the least occasion leading to it from the address. It is now openly avowed by some of the Eastern men that Congress ought not to separate. And their reasons are drawn from circumstances which will exist through the year. I was in hopes that all efforts to render the sessions of Congress permanent were abandoned: but a clear profit of 3. or 4. Dollars a day is sufficient to reconcile some to their absence from home. A French privateer has lately taken 3. American vessels from N. York & Philada., bound to England. We do not know their loading, but it has alarmed the merchants much. Wheat & flour are scarcely bought at all. Tobacco, old, of the best quality, has long been 14. D. My respects to mrs. Madison & to the family. Affectionate Adieux to yourself.
P.M. The Provisional army bill has this day passed to it’s 3d reading. The volunteer corps remains a part of it.


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 20 May 1798
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear SirMay 20. 1798
Your favor of the 3d. was acknowledged in my last. I am now to thank you for that of the 10th. You must ascribe my inaccuracy as to the locks & hinges partly to myself, & partly to my workman. Four of the doors will be thick eno’ for mortise locks which I accordingly prefer, and of the quality which you think best. Three of the doors will be about 1¼ inch thick only. If this thickness be insufficient for mortise locks, I must get the favor of you to order brass locks of moderate size to be screwed on the outside. There will be also 2 outside folding doors about the thickness of 1¾ inch for which I wish you to order such locks & Bolts as your better judgment may chuse. “Spiral hinges” were a misnomer for the dovetail rising hinge. Your objection to that sort is so decisive that I can not hesitate to change it for the 5 inch Butt hinge, shewing an iron joint. The 7 doors & two folding doors will require 22 hinges, or 33 if more than two be thought necessary for all the doors, or 30 if more than two for the thick, & two only for the 1¼ doors. Being disappointed in getting pullies for windows in Fredg. I must extend my tax on your kindness, to the procuring that supply also. Three dozen will be wanted, of about 1⅜ inch diameter. The brass pullies I suppose are the proper sort, but relying more on your knowledge than my own or my workman’s, I must beg you to substitute a better if there be one.
The Alien bill proposed in the Senate is a monster that must for ever disgrace its parents. I should not have supposed it possible that such an one could have been engendered in either House, & still persuade myself, that it can not possibly be fathered by both. It is truly to be deplored that a standing army should be let in upon us by the absence of a few sound votes. It may however all be for the best. These addresses to the feelings of the people from their enemies, may have more effect in opening their eyes, than all the arguments addressed to their understandings by their friends. The President also seems to be co-operating for the same purpose. Every answer he gives to his addressers, unmasks more & more his principles & views. His language to the young men of Pha. is the most abominable & degrading that could fall from the lips of the first magistrate of an independent people, & particularly from a Revolutionary patriot. It throws some light on his meaning when he remarked to me, “that there was not a single principle the same in the American & French Revolutions,” & on my alluding to the contrary sentiment of his predecessor expressed to Adet on the presentment of the Colours, added, “that it was false let who would express it.” The abolition of Royalty was it seems not one of his Revolutionary principles. Whether he always made this profession is best known to those, who knew him in the year 1776. The turn of the elections in N. Y. is a proof that the late occurrences have increased the noise only & not the number of the Tory-party. Besides the intrinsic value of the acquisition, it will encourage the hopes & exertions in other States. You will see by the Newspapers the turn which a Town Meeting took in Fredericksbg. I forgot to acknowledge the pamphlet containing the last Despa[t]ch from the Envoys recd. with your letter of the 10th. It is evidently more in the forensic than Diplomatic stile and more likely in some of its reasonings to satisfy an American Jury, than the French Government. The defence of the provision-article is the most shallow that has appeared on that subject. In some instances the reasoning is good, but so tedious & tautologous as to insult the understanding as well as patience of the Directory, if really intended for them, and not for the partial ear of the american public. The want of rain begins to be severely felt, and every appearance indicates a continuance of it. Since the 10th. of April there has fallen but one inch of water, except a very partial shower of less than ½ an inch. Adieu Affecly.
Js. Madison Jr


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 24 May 1798
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

May. 24. 98.
My last was of the 17th. since which yours of the 13th. is recieved. The Alien bill of the Senate still hangs before them. Some of it’s features have been moderated, which has so much disgusted it’s warmest friends that some of them have declared they will vote against it, so that I think it possible they may reject it. They appear to be waiting for one from the house of repr. worse I think than theirs, which got on to it’s third reading; but in that stage was recommitted by a majority of 2. yesterday. I suppose it will be softened a little on the recommitment. The Senate yesterday passed their bill for capturing any French cruisers, who shall have taken our vessels, or who shall be found hovering on our coast for that purpose. Sitgreaves’s resolutions proposed to the H. of R. of nearly the same tenor, were yesterday debated but no question taken. If these bills pass, and place us in a state of war, it may truly be ascribed to the desertion of our members. Of 14. who are absent, 10 are from the republican side of the house. Had every one been in his place not a single one of the dangerous measures carried or to be carried would have prevailed. Even the provisional army would have been rejected, for it was carried but by a majority of 11. The absentees are Freeman, Skinner, Livingston, S. Smith, Nicholas, Giles, Cabell, Clay, Finlay, & Swanwick sick. The news from Amsterdam from our Consul Bourne, which you will see in the papers, has every appearance of truth. The war-men however are very unwilling to have it believed. The flame kindled by the late communications, has from the nature of them, and the unparalleled industry of the war party, spread more even in the country than I had expected. Addresses continue to be poured in on us. I mentioned in my last the P’s attack on Monroe. His friends here think that nothing can save him from the impression of that, but his coming into the H. of R. taking his stand on an independant theatre, from which his countrymen will see what are his principles. It has been said Cabell will give place to him. On that hypothesis I have counselled him strongly to come to the next session. Such a recruit is immensely wanted here. It is believed we have gained 2. members in the N. York election. Salutations to the family & friendly Adieux to yourself.

Mr. Adams, in a conversation in the State house yard with Blair Mclanachan, declared that such was his want of confidence in the faith of France, that were they to agree to a treaty ever so favourable, he should think it his duty to reject it.
P.M. Sitgreave’s resolns. were moved to be postponed to a very distant day in June. The question was this day lost 51. to 40. Had all been here it would have been carried. Tracey (one of the war-commee. of the Senate) told Anderson yesterday that he had drawn a bill for declaring our treaty with France void, & commencing hostilities but the commee. thought the bill now past by the Senate would answer the same end & give less alarm. Stockton told Tazewell yesterday he should be for a Declaration of war before Congress should separate. It is now declared by several Senators that they would not accept any treaty which France could offer.


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 31 May 1798
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Philadelphia May 31. 98.
I wrote you last on the 24th. since which yours of the 20th. is recieved. I must begin by correcting two errors in my last. It was false arithmetic to say that two measures therein mentioned to be carried by majorities of 11. would have failed if the 14. absentees (wherein a majority of 6. was ours) had been present. 6 coming over from the other side would have turned the scale, and this was the idea floating in my mind, which produced the mistake. The 2d. error was in the version of mr. A’s expression which I stated to you. His real expression was ‘that he would not unbrace a single nerve for any treaty France could offer; such was their entire want of faith, morality’ &c.

The bill from the Senate for capturing French armed vessels found hovering on our coast, was past in two days by the lower house without a single alteration, and the Ganges, a 20. gun sloop fell down the river instantly to go on a cruise. She has since been ordered to New York to convoy a vessel from that to this port. The Alien bill will be ready today probably for it’s 3d. reading in the Senate. It has been considerably mollified; particularly by a proviso saving the rights of treaties. Still it is a most detestable thing. I was glad in yesterday’s discussion to hear it admitted on all hands that laws of the US. subsequent to a treaty, controul it’s operation, and that the legislature is the only power which can controul a treaty. Both points are sound beyond doubt. This bill will unquestionably pass the H. of R. the majority there being decisive, consolidated, and bold enough to do anything. I have no doubt, from the hints dropped they will pass a bill to declare the French treaty void. I question if they will think a declaration of war prudent, as it might alarm, and all it’s effects are answered by the act authorising captures. A bill is brought in for suspending all communication with the dominions of France, which will no doubt pass. It is suspected they mean to borrow money of individuals in London, on the credit of our land tax, & perhaps the guarantee of G. Britain. The land tax was yesterday debated and a majority of 6. struck out the 13th. section for the classification of houses and taxing them by a different scale from the lands. Instead of this is to be proposed a valuation of the houses & lands together. Macon yesterday laid a motion on the table for adjourning on the 14th. Some think they do not mean to adjourn; others that they wait first the return of the envoys, for whom it is now avowed the brig Sophia was sent. It is expected she would bring them off about the middle of this month. They may therefore be expected here about the 2d. week of July. Whatever be their decision as to adjournment I think it probable my next letter will convey orders for my horses and that I shall leave this place from the 20th. to the 25th. of June. For I have no expectation they will actually adjourn sooner. Volney & a ship load of others sail on Sunday next. Another ship load will go off in about 3. weeks. It is natural to expect they go under irritations calculated to fan the flame. Not so Volney. He is most thoroughly impressed with the importance of preventing war, whether considered with reference to the interests of the two countries, of the cause of republicanism, or of man on the broad scale. But an eagerness to render this prevention impossible leaves me without any hope. Some of those who have insisted that it was, long since, war on the part of France are candid enough to admit that it is now begun on our part also. I inclose for your perusal a poem on the alien bill written by mr. Marshall. I do this as well for your amusement as to get you to take care of this copy for me till I return; for it will be lost by lending if I retain it here, as the publication was suppressed after the sale of a few copies of which I was fortunate enough to get one. Your locks, hinges &c shall be immediately attended to. My respectful salutations & friendship to mrs. Madison, to the family, & to yourself. Adieu.
P. S. The President, it is said, has refused an Exequatur to the new Consul-general of France, Dupont.
P. P. S. This fact is true. I have it this moment from Dupont, and he goes off with Volney to France in two or three days.


Title: To James Madison from Richard Taylor, 1 June 1798
From: Taylor, Richard
To: Madison, James

Dear SirBeargrass Kentucky 1st. June 1798
I have waited with a great deal of patience in expectation of some step beeing taken for conveying to me the Land I Bought of your Brother & Self & as to myself I [am] no ways uneasy but haveing Disposed a part the parties who have purchased are very restless and some of them will not pay the purchase money till they gett a Title therefore hope you will take the Necessery stepts taken to gett a title from the orphan yours I Know can be had at any time under the Laws of this state if there is a Guardian he can make the Title if you & her Guardian will Join in a Deed I think that will be sufficient. If you think any thing Necessary from this state to compleating the Business pleas notafie me, I must refer you to Capt. Taylor for the news of the Countery, Sally Joines me in Love to yours & your Fathers Famaly and believe me to be with regard your most Obt. Servt
Richd. Taylor


Title: To James Madison from Stephen Moylan, 4 June 1798
From: Moylan, Stephen
To: Madison, James

SirPhiladelphia June 4th. 1798
Your bill for 75 dollars appeard & was paid the 11th of last month, I have had the painters estimate it will amo[u]nt to 50 dollars at the utmost, the good it will do the house will far exceed the expence, which I will be as saving in, as if my own property—as soon as I have your answer I will begin. With great respect I am sir Your obedient Servant
Stephen Moylan


Title: To James Madison from James Monroe, 8 June 1798
From: Monroe, James
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Alb: June 8. 1798
I presume you have seen Mr. Adams attention to me in his reply to  an address from Lancaster. I send you however a copy in the enclosed gazette. I also send an extract from an oration delivered by Judge Addison of Pensylva. wh. seems to have collected all the calumnies heretofore circulated agnst me. My friends in Phila. think some attention due to the publication of this judge & Mr. Dawson writes me that Mr. Gallatin, who has been calumniated with equal virulence by him, will probably notice his calumnies agnst me in his reply to those agnst himself. This attack reminds me of an affidavit of Mr. Skiph. & also of one of Mr. Wm. Morris & Burling wh. I sent you formerly from Paris to dissipate calumnies of this kind, wh. you informed me were then in circulation. These will of course be useful on the present occasion; I shall therefore thank you to send them to me, unless indeed you will be so kind (provided they be short) to send me copies & transmit the others either to Mr. Dawson or Mr. Jefferson, as it might be better they shod. go from any office than that of Charlottesville at this moment. Dr. Edwards has answered a letter written him in Feby last wh. gives the suitable answer to all the charges of this judge except that of speculation, & the affidavits above mentioned may supply that defect. I enclose you the Dr.’s paper for perusal but wish you to return it. The first paragh. is inaccurate, in implying that Paine did write in my house, whereas he did not—and in implying also that I knew of his writing by Mr. Pinckney as also the contents of the letter, wh. I did not, having heard of no such letter till Mr. Pinckney informed me of it after he left Paris as I accompanied him a few miles from the town. The less I appear in any publication wh. may be made in reply to this judge the better I think it will be, & if Mr. G. will not notice the subject for me, (as indeed I have no right to e⟨x⟩pect it of him) perhaps it will be well that the papers be inserted in the gazette, as it were, by some anonymous friend. There is more difficulty in deciding what notice if any ought to be taken of Mr. Adams’s attention to me. The first question is ought any to be shewn it? He has obviously wandered out of the address to abuse me, for an act of his predecessor, attributing to it a character his predecessor wod. not do, after having intimated too thro’ T. Pickg. on my former applicatn., that a succeeding president was not answerable for the acts of his predecessor. Not to notice it may with many leave an unfavorable impression agnst me. Yet how notice it. Personally I cannot I presume, as he is an old man & the Presidt.—and if I do it publickly or on publick ground can I do it otherwise than by asking as I did before, what the charge that I may vindicate myself, and ought I to assume that character? Having published my book, ought I to be ever on the demand of the admn., what is yr. charge? Can I assume agn the attitude of an accusor as in my book, ridicule his political career, shew it to be the consummation of folly & wickedness? Is the present a suitable time for this? I will thank you for yr. ideas on these points. I wod. come down but am much weared by my trip to & from Richmd., & cannot ask the favor of a visit from you, knowing how much you are engaged. Having lately procured several copies of my book from Richmond I beg yr. acceptance, of that the bearer will deliver. Our best respects to Mrs. Madison & family. Yr. friend & servt
Jas. Monroe
Mr. Jeffn. advises me to go into the H. of R. in Cabbels place as a remedy agnst these attacks, but to me it appears at present as if that measure wod. not answer the end. I do not think the moment suitable to produce a publick benefit, and by throwing myself in that theatre at present I rather think I shod. pit myself agnst subaltern rascals whilst the greater escaped. There is a description of lesser knaves who wod. be glad to fight me for their superiors, but I do not think the superiors ought to be so fortunate: or rather I am inclined to think that if I am bound to notice any thing said of me by the smaller gentry, it shod. be in the persons of the larger. Cabbel I hear will withdraw immediately & let me into the next Session. However these ideas are merely for consideration.


Title: From James Madison to James Madison, Sr., 9 June 1798
From: Madison, James
To: Madison, James, Sr.

Hon’d Sir
June 9. 1798
Jacob arrived safe two days ago, and according to the request of your letter Sam sets out with the Horses this morning in order to be with you tomorrow. The family have continued nearly as you left it. Simon has been complaining but is about again. Ralph appeared a day or two ago to have a dysentery but with the assistance of some medicine he also is about again. Joseph has undergone no change for the worse except that another tumor resembling the former has shewn itself. We have had abundance of rain in a series of seasonable showers, without a single washing one. Inclosed are two letters from Mr. Stone & Capt: Winston. The sum sent by the latter is £10. which I shall keep for your return. If you intend to let Mr. Anderson have any of your sheep it may be well for you to drop me a line to that effect by the post. Indeed I shall be glad to hear from you regularly thro’ that channel while you are absent. I think you ought immediately to answer Mr. Stone on the subject of your flour. We are very sorry to hear that Mrs. Hite as well as our Sister are not in better health, & offer to them as well to my mother & yourself, our most affecte. wishes. Yr. dutiful son
Js. Madison Jr


Title: From James Madison to James Monroe, 9 June 1798
From: Madison, James
To: Monroe, James

Dear Sir
June 9. 1798
Your favor of yesterday was duly delivered by your servant; and I herewith inclose the copies you request, of the papers formerly transmitted to me. The originals I shall forwd. to Mr. D. as you suggest. I send also your letter to Van Staphorst & his answer, which I found with the other papers & which may possibly be of use now or hereafter in refreshing your memory or otherwise. The other papers inclosed in your letter are also returned as you desire.
The base attack of Addison I had neither seen nor heard of. Docr. Edwards letter & the two certificates, added to your book meet it in all its points. The publication of the two former must place the vile calumniator in a light that must make him odious to honest men, whatever effect they may have on himself or his unprincipled abettors. It may deserve consideration how far the unnecessary passages of a personal nature in Docr. E’s letter ought to go to the press. I mean the offensive allusion to Vanity &c, & the mention of the names of Vanse Whitesides &c. You are however the better judge on these points, & will no doubt suggest to Mr. D. what you decide to be done. The sortie of Mr. A. presents, as you observe, more difficult questions. On one hand silence may beget misconstructions from opposite quarters. On the other it is not easy to find an unobjectionable & at the same time adequate mode of repelling the aggression. A repetition of your demand of the reasons of your recall does not appear eligible after what has passed on that subject tho’ it must be owned the ground taken by P. is materially changed by the language of Mr. A.: Any summons of a personal nature on Mr. A. is I think forbidden by the considerations you have glanced at. Nor is it perhaps unworthy of consideration, that in the present composition & spirit of the two Houses any thing like an occasion may be seized for wreaking party revenge through the forms of the Constitution. It is even possible that the fury of the moment may have suggested the unwarrantable attack as a snare that might answer the purpose. Whatever difficulties might obstruct such a proceeding, they would probably be got over by the same spirit which is overleaping so many others. If the case admits of any formal interposition on your part, it would seem to be in the way of a temperate & dignified animadversion published with your name to it. In such a publication there would be room for such ideas relative to yourself, as justice to yourself might render eligible, and also for such relative to Mr. A. as prudence would permit. This is an idea however that has perhaps rather grown out of the difficulties of the case, than is recommended by its own merit. You will be able to decide on it with more deliberation than I have bestowed on it. The course recomd. by Mr. J. certainly ought not to be hastily relinquished. The reflexions you make on it have great weight; to which ought to be added the private sacrifice it would involve. But as I am persuaded that in a general view your taking a station in Congress would have a promising tendency, & as the present paroxism may pass off with as great a rapidity as it has been brought on, I can not but think it adviseable to keep a hold on the disposition of Mr. C. to open the way to you, if on final consideration it should be judged proper to make use of it.
Your letter found me engaged in some business with persons who are to return here this morning for its completion, as well as in despatching a servant with letters papers &c to my father who is beyond the ridge. He has consequently been detained longer than I wished, as I presume you mean to write to Pa. by the ensuing post; and I have been more hurried at the same time in the answer, than I wd. have chosen. Our sincerest offers of respect to Mrs. M. Adieu.
Js. Madison Jr.


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 14 June 1798
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

June 14. 98.
I wrote you last on the 7th. since which yours of the 3d. is recieved. Your next (which I shall still be here to recieve) will probably acknolege mine of May 31. and will perhaps be your last as you would see by mine of the 7th. that I should leave this on the 20th. which I still purpose. The new citizen or naturalization bill is past the Senate also. It requires 14. years residence to make a citizen. It had friends in both parties. The whigs apprehended that the success of the invasion of England would drive all their aristocracy here. Their opponents believing still in the final failure of the revolution of France, & the safety of England, apprehended a deluge of the democrats of both countries. We were within one vote however in the Senate of striking out 14 years & inserting 7. Langdon who would have been for it had previously declined voting on the bill at all, because he had just taken his seat. His vote would have divided the Senate 12. & 12. The bill suspending intercourse with the French dominions is signed by the President. The bill for assessing lands houses & slaves came up to the Senate yesterday. The classification of houses had been struck out of it. The second bill, for laying the tax on these subjects, is still before the R. The Senate have brought in a bill authorizing the President to accept of any number of armed vessels, not exceeding 12, & carrying not less than 22. nine pounders, which any individuals may build and cede on terms he shall approve, by way of loan. But neither the terms as to interest or paiment of the principal, nor the maximum of size are limited, but a proposition to limit was rejected. Some treated the apprehension that large ships might be obtained as chimerical, while others wished they might be all of the line, and at least 3, 4, or a half a dozen 74s. This bill is in fact to open a loan in the form of ships. Harper has brought in resolutions for authorising the President to borrow money for the excess of this year’s expences above the taxes. No other limitation of sum. I do not believe we can borrow any considerable sum but in London. Some think the bank of the US. may lend as far as a couple of millions. The opinion of their connection with the government has already sunk their shares from 23. to 20. while those of Pennsylvania have risen from 23. to 25. above par. The British captures of our vessels have multiplied greatly. Our stopping intercourse with France will keep that portion of our vessels out of their way. They will still take those bound to Dutch & Spanish ports. The committees of the two houses appointed jointly to propose a time of adjournmt. have not yet reported; so that it is still uncertain whether & when they will adjourn. My horses are to meet me at Fredericksburg on Sunday the 24th. Whether I can reach you the next day is uncertain. Probably not. Innes is still living. He has been carried into the country. The window cord shall be added to the other articles. No vessel for Fredericksburg has yet occurred. This of course will be my last to you from hence. Friendly salutations to mrs. Madison the family & yourself and affectionately Adieu.
P. S. Flour at Baltimore 4.50 D here 5 D. The farmers of this state have almost universally their last year’s crop of wheat & flour still in their own hands.
P.M. The joint committees for adjournmt have reported that they think it not improbable that Congress may adjourn from the middle of July to the 1st. of October, but they do not think it prudent to fix a day at present.


Title: To James Madison from Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg, 17 June 1798
From: Muhlenberg, Frederick Augustus Conrad
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir,
Philada. June 17th. 1798
Since the Receipt of Your Letter of the 28th ult. I have heard that Barbara peters intends shortly to come to Philada. in order to pursue her Claim to the House she sold, but which I fear she never will be able to recover. Not having found out the Scrivener in whose Hands you have left the Deed of Trust, I examined the Office & find a Deed on Record there from Conrad Keller to Jno. Todd in Trust dated 1st. March 1792.
Keller purchased the House of James Ash the then Sheriff, as ⅌ Shffs Deed dated Oct. 10th. 1791. subject to a Groundrent of 20/ ⅌ Ann. The House & Lot heretofore belonged to Jacob Bender, who I believe was Barbara Peters first Husband.
Keller Mortgaged the House to Geo. Schlosser for £100, and also advanced £.50 to Barbara.
After this in Consideration of 5/. he conveys the Lot & House to Jno Todd—in the Words following—“to have and hold the said Lot in Trust, nevertheless to permit and suffer a certain Barbara Peters to receive the Rents Issues & profits thereof, in order to pay to the said Conrad Keller the said £150 with lawful Interest for the same, & when and as soon as the said £150 specie with lawful Interest for the same is paid, then in Trust for the separate Use of the said Barb. Peters during her Life & from and after her Decease to & for the Use of such person & persons, & for such Estates as the said Barbara Peters by her last will, or writing purporting to be her last Will shall direct & appoint, & for Want of such Appointment, to & for the Use of the said right Heirs of the said B. Peters her Heirs & Assigns forever, in such Way and Manner as if the said B. Peters had died sole & intestate. And it is hereby granted & agreed by & between the said parties, that the premisses above granted shall be and now do stand charged with the payment of the said £150, & upon this further Trust and Confidence that it shall & may be lawful to & for the said Jno. Todd, to sell and dispose of the said above granted premisses, by private or public Auction & to convey the same to the purchaser his Heirs and Assigns forever, at the Instance and Request of the said Conrad Keller, so long as the said £150 is unpaid, and after the same and the Interest thereon is paid then at the Request of the said B. Peters her Heirs and Assigns, and the Purchase Money after payt. of all Incumberances & charges is to be retained by the said Jno Todd & Conrad Keller & the Survivor of them & the Executors and Administrators of such Survivors in Trust, for the separate Use of the said B. Peters as tho’ she were sole and to be at her own Disposal, by any Writing under her hand or otherwise and on her Death without such Disposition, the same is to go to such persons as would take the same had she died sole and intestate, after payt. of her Debts and funeral Expences, and it is hereby granted that the Acts of the said B. Peters, touching the several parts of the Trust to her relating shall be good & valid as tho’ she were sole and unmarried”—In witness &tc.
Why Barbaras child, a Son, who is still living, was not specially named in the forgoing Deed, I cannot learn, nor do I know whether the Child is from Bender her reputed first Husband—or from Peters. There seems to be some mysterious Proceeding in the Business which I cannot explain.
I am glad to hear Your Ray Grass comes on well. It suceeds well in this Neighbourhood—but will not answer well in a wet Soil. The first Years Crop is not near as good as the second. To prepare the ground I plant early potatoes, after them Turnips—& if a favourable fall I sow the Grass seed—if not I sow it early in the Spring, and can cut it twice the same Season. To make good Hay of it, it ought to be cut before the Seed is ripe. Both green & dry Cattle are fond of it. I am with great Esteem Your obdt. humble Servt.
Fr’dk Muhlenberg


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 21 June 1798
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Philadelphia June 21. 98.
Yours of the 10th. inst. is recieved. I expected mine of the 14th. would have been my last from hence, as I had proposed to have set out on the 20th. But in the morning of the 19th. we heard of the arrival of Marshall at New York, and I concluded to stay & see whether that circumstance would produce any new projects. No doubt he there recieved more than hints from Hamilton as to the tone required to be assumed. Yet I apprehend he is not hot enough for his friends. Livingston came with him from New York. M. told him they had no idea in France of a war with us. That Taleyrand sent passports to him & Pinckney, but none for Gerry. Upon this Gerry staid without explaining to them the reason. He wrote however to the President by Marshall, who knew nothing of the contents of the letter. So that there must have been a previous understanding between Taleyrand & Gerry. M. was received here with the utmost eclat. The Secretary of state & many carriages, with all the city cavalry went to Frankfort to meet him, and on his arrival here in the evening the bells rung till late in the night, & immense crowds were collected to see & make part of the shew, which was circuitously paraded through the streets before he was set down at the city tavern. All this was to secure him to their views, that he might say nothing which would expose the game they have been playing. Since his arrival I can hear of nothing directly from him, while they are disseminating through the town things, as from him, diametrically opposite to what he said to Livingston. Dr. Logan about a fortnight ago sailed for Hamburgh. Tho for a twelvemonth past he had been intending to Europe as soon as he could get money enough to carry him there, yet when he had accomplished this, and fixed a time for going, he very unwisely made a mystery of it, so that his disappearance without notice excited conversation. This was seised by the war-hawks, and given out as a secret mission from the Jacobins here to sollicit an army from France, instruct them as to their landing &c. This extravagance produced a real panic among the citizens, & happening just when Bache published Taleyrand’s letter, Harper on the 18th. gravely announced to the H. R. that there existed a traiterous correspondence between the Jacobins here and the French Directory, that he had got hold of some threads & clues of it, and would soon be able to develope the whole. This increased the alarm; their libellists immediately set to work directly & indirectly to implicate whom they pleased. Porcupine gave me a principal share in it as I am told, for I never read his papers. This state of things added to my reasons for not departing at the time I intended. These follies seem to have died away in some degree already. Perhaps I may renew my purpose by the 25th. Their system is professedly to keep up an alarm. Tracy at the meeting of the joint committee for adjournment declared it necessary for Congress to stay together to keep up the inflammation of the publick mind; and Otis expressed a similar sentiment since. However they will adjourn. The opposers of adjournment in Senate yesterday agreed to adjourn on the 10th. of July: but I think the 1st. of July will be carried. That is one of the objects which detains myself as well as one or two more of the Senate who had got leave of absence. I imagine it will be decided tomorrow or next day. To separate Congress now will be withdrawing the fire from under a boiling pot.
Your commissions here are all in readiness, but no vessel for Fredericksburg has yet occurred. My respectful salutations to mrs. Madison & the family, and cordial friendship to yourself.

P.M. A message to both houses this day from the Pr. with the following communications.

Mar. 23.Pickering’s letter to the envoys, directing them if they are not actually engaged in negociation with authorised persons, or not conducted bonâ fide & not merely for procrastination, to break up & come home. And at any rate to consent to no loan.
Apr. 3.Talleyrand to Gerry. He supposes the other two gentlemen, percieving that their known principles are an obstacle to negociation, will leave the republic, and proposing to renew the negociations with Gerry immediately.
Apr. 4.Gerry to Taleyrand. Disclaims a power to conclude any thing separately. Can only confer informally & as an unaccredited individual, reserving to lay every thing before the government of the US. for approbation.
Apr. 14.Gerry to the President. He communicates the preceding and hopes the President will send other persons instead of his collegues & himself if it shall appear that any thing can be done.

The President’s message says that as the instructions were not to consent to any loan, he considers the negociation as at an end; and that he will never send another minister to France until he shall be assured that he will be recieved & treated with the respect due to a great, powerful, free & independant nation.
A bill is brought into the Senate this day to declare the treaties with France void, prefaced by a list of grievances in the style of a manifesto. It passed to the 2d. reading by 14. to 5.
A bill for punishing forgeries of bank paper passed to the 3d reading by 14. to 6. Three of the 14 (Laurence, Bingham & Read) bank directors.


Title: To James Madison from Snowden and McCorkle, 25 June 1798
From: Snowden and McCorkle
To: Madison, James

Sir,
Chambersburg, (Penn) 25th June 1798.
In May, 1797, Mr John Beckley gave us your name as a subscriber for twelve copies of the History [of the] United States, for 1796, and which books we forwarded to you by Mr Monroe, the August following, with the bill; but have never received an answer.
You would much oblige us, by forwarding the amount, (12 dolls) to Mess. Snowden & North, merchants, Philada.
As the printing of this work has been a considerable loss to us, besides being severely persecuted, your compliance will much oblige your obedt. servts.
Snowden & McCorkle


Title: Notes on an American Dinner, [ca. 4 July?] 1798
From: Madison, James
To:

[ca. 4 July 1798?]
Among the celebrations of the last anniversary of the birthday of our National independance, which have found their way to the press, it wd. be surprizing that the following shd. have so long been kept back, if true patriotism, were not often as much distinguished by its modesty as by its merit. Havg. lately recd from a person present an exact acct. of the festive transaction I hope it will be recd even at this late day into your paper, as a testimony of the American character which deserves to be made public.
The Company met on the occasion consisted of the following respectable Citizens—Jonas Harpoon, Warren Shipyard, Jonathan Bullock Saml Stubble, Sylvanus Penn Peter Miller Christopher Kitefoot Thos Topstem Walter Maiz Georgia Rice George Liveoak Nimrod West  Shoemaker  Weaver  Ironsides & General Con⟨solida⟩tio⟨n⟩ was placed at the head of the Table.
It was remarkable that every person present was a Natural born Citizen of the U. S. & was dressed entirely in homemade stuffs. There was not on the table a single dish that had a foreign ingredient in it. Even the liquors were the produce of our own happy ⟨soil?⟩ climate ingenuity & industry.
After a temperate but cheerful repast the following toasts were drunk in the best American ⟨Cyder⟩.


Title: Toasts for an American Dinner, [4 July] 1798
From: Madison, James
To:

[4 July 1798]
1. The people. May every arm be raised agst Foreign invaders, & every voice agst domestic Usurpers.
2. The Union. May it find an everlasting Cement in the spirit of the Revolution, & the sacredness of the Constitution.
3. The Constitution. May its Authors be its protectors, & its disorganizers its victims.
4. The P. & V. P. may the former never feel the passions of J. A. nor the latter be forsaken by the philosophy of T. J.
5. The Senate. May it justify the praise of being “the reservoir of wisdom” & belye the charge of being the “Focus of Ambition.[”]
6. The H. of Reps. May it never grasp an Ex or Judy. authority, nor betray its own over the sword or the purse.
7. The Fedl. Judy. May it remember that it is the Expositor of the laws, not the Trumpeter of politics.
8. The State Govts. May their harmony compose the discords of the Fedl. Govt.
9. G. W. the Hero of liberty. May his enemies have the justice to applaud his virtues, and his friends the candor to acknowledge his errors.
10. The freedom of speech; May it strike its enemies dumb.
11. The freedom of the press, the scourge of guilty, & the support of virtuous Governments.
12. The trial by Jury. May its violators be pronounced by the verdict of their Country aliens to justice, & Traitors to liberty.
13. Peace. May free nations who mutually cherish it, never suffer the passions of their Rulers to plunge them into war.
14. The examples of the American Revolution & Constitution. Revolutions without blood, and Govts. without nobles or Kings, to all nations who are not free.
15. The memory of the Great franklyn, the pride of America, & the benefactor of the World.
16. Direct Taxes—May they preserve the Govt. from indirect courses.
17. May we never forget that our duties are the Guardians of our Rights.
18. May we never be duped out of our money; nor be duped into a war.


Title: To James Madison from Henry Tazewell, 12 July 1798
From: Tazewell, Henry
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Philadelphia 12 July 1798.
I send you inclosed the amendments made by the H of R to our Sedition Bill—they have been agreed to this day in the Senate—and these Amendments with the parts of our Bill that were retained now form the Sedition Act, which awaits the president’s approbation only, and which it will certainly receive. The principle having obtained, the modifications are of no great moment, because they may be altered at pleasure to indulge that appetite for Tyranny which alone could have occasioned the introduction of the principle.
Since I wrote you last week, Captain Decatur of the ship Delaware has captured and brought into this port a French privateer with 70 Men, and 12. 6 pounders. Not a Gun was fired—and suspicions are afloat that this privateer may in truth belong to French royalists acting under the influence of the british—and that this incident may have been contrived to hasten a rupture between this Country and France.
We have during the present Session created a naval force in large and small Vessels amounting to near or quite 60 Vessels. We have augmented the military establishment to about 25000 men—and have authorized volunteer Corps at the pleasure of the President. To pay the expences of these measures, there is a surplus of 1500.000 Dollars of the present Revenues—there will be the amount of the Stamp Act—2,000,000 to be raised by a direct Tax on Lands Houses and Slaves—and the President is empowered to borrow 5,000,000 dollars without limitation of interest. These provisions are far short of the amount of the sums required, but the deficiency has been reserved for the next Session, as it would have been too alarming to announce all at once.
Both Houses of Congress have agreed to adjourn on Monday next the 16—but I am told the Senate are to be detained longer. The pretext is for the purpose of appointing officers to the Army—and Commissioners for the valuation of Lands and Houses. Some however suspect that a british Treaty may be a part of the business.
It is yet uncertain whether Genl Washington will accept the Command of the Army. McHenry went to Mount Vernon on Monday last with his Commission—and carryed a list of names out of which he was desired to select the proper persons for command. He will not return until Sunday or Monday next. Hamilton has been here 8 or 10 days, and it is beleived that he is to have the efficient Command.
Some incidents appear to have taken place in Europe, lately, which not being fully explained, afford ground for many conjectures. The French Minister at Vienna was lately insulted in his house by a Mob. He retired to Radstadt. The Emperor excused himself to the Directory, and disclaimed the whole affair—but how it has ended we know not. Some attribute this incident to the intriegues of the british Minister at Vienna. Others attribute it to a disposition in the Emperor to renew hostilities with France—and again others conjecture that France has intended it as the commencement of a revolution in Germany. Time will soon prove whether either of these motives exist.
The Dey of Algiers has caused the Head of the French Consul at algiers to be cut off, for forming a political association at his House which displeased the Dey. What the result has been is as yet unknown.
It is said that the Toulon and Venetian Ships have joined the Brest fleet, and that on the 22 May the greatest part of Europe seemed to be on the Eve of some great Events. We have not heard from M Gerry, except that on the first of May, he remained in Paris, and is said to have been engaged in negotiation. The Brigg Sophia arrived at Havre about the middle of May—and if she is permitted to return, we may hourly expect her arrival—but it is reported that all the privateers of France have been called in for 6 months, and that all Vessels in the ports of France were embargoed. I think by the next arrivals from Europe we must have some important intelligence.
I write in a very great hurry, and therefore you will excuse me for not giving you a more particular detail. Remember me to Mrs. Madison and the young Ladies—& beleive me to be Yours sincerely
Henry Tazewell


Title: To James Madison from J. Beale Bordley, 24 July 1798
From: Bordley, J. Beale
To: Madison, James

Sir,
Phila. 24 July 1798.
I have long wanted an opportunity for introducing to you my little Essays on Husbandry; especially because, as Mr. Volney informed me, your attentions are greatly in that way. With this by a Colo. Adams, are five Essays: Sketches on Rotations of Crops, last Edition—Answers to Queries of the Board of Agriculture, London—Design of a mere Grass Farm—Another on Pasturing & soiling Cattle—and one on Country Habitations.
My Amusement is mostly in writing these little Sketches, & then diffusing a number of printed Copies; which cost me nothing, as I am fed with the hope that they may contain Intimations which will be improved on by others, to the advancement of knowledge, & better practices, in Husbandry: Besides, I had rather hazard a little Nonsense than leave, in silence, the Husbandmen to continue in their very inferior Habits. I mean no more, on my part, than to throw out Hints for ingenious men, & rouse the practical Farmer.
I am Sir Yr obedt. & hble Servt
J Beale Bordley


Title: To James Madison from James Monroe, 25 September 1798
From: Monroe, James
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Albemarle Sepr. 25. 1798.
If you can conveniently I will thank you to furnish to Mr. Jones for me abt. £45. wh. I am to pay at Fredbg. under an engagment wh. cannot be delayed. I have adjusted my affr. with Pickett by the payment of ⅔ ds. the amt. and otherwise securing him in the balance in three months, so that I am freed from that difficulty. This was done by the sale of my military land. I shall probably be down, but as I may not having nothing to do at the ct., I have thought it best Mr. Jones attend to my little concerns in case I did not. I do not know how our acct. stands but if I be in yr. debt, or if I be not, in case you are pressd as you may be by the expence of building I will reimburse in abt. a fortnight on the rect. of money expected in that time from Kentuckey the amt. you advance Mr. Jones. Our best respects to Mrs. M & family. Sincerely I am yr. friend & servt.
Jas. Monroe


Title: To James Madison from John Chew, ca. October 1798
From: Chew, John
To: Madison, James

Letter not found. Ca. October 1798. Mentioned in John Chew to JM, 20 Oct. 1799. Informs JM of the death of Joseph Chew and requests information on lands that Chew claimed.


Title: From James Madison to William Steward, 11 October 1798 (Abstract)
From: Madison, James
To: Steward, William

11 October 1798. “Please to let the Bearer Mr. L. Whitten have a saddle for which I will pay you.”


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 26 October 1798
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Oct. 26. 98.
The day after you left us, I sat down and wrote the petition I mentioned to you. It is not yet correct enough, & I inclose you a copy to which I pray your corrections, and to return it by the next post, that it may be set in motion. On turning to the judiciary law of the US. I find they established the designation of jurors by lot or otherwise as now practiced in the several states; should this prevent, in the first moment the execution of so much of the proposed law, as respects the federal courts, the people will be in possession of the right of electing jurors as to the state courts, and either Congress will agree to conform their courts to the same rule, or they will be loaded with an odium in the eyes of the people generally which will force the matter through. I will send you a copy of the other paper by Richardson. Do not send for him till Monday sennight, because that gives us another post-day to warn you of any unexpected delays in winding up his work here for the season, which, tho’ I do not foresee, may yet happen. Adieu affectionately.

[Enclosure]
To the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Virginia
The Petition of sundry persons inhabitants of the county of Albemarle, and citizens of the said commonwealth, respectfully sheweth
That though civil government, duly framed & administered be one of the greatest blessings and most p⟨ow⟩erful instruments for procuring safety & happiness to men collected in large societies, yet such is the proneness of those to whom it’s powers are necessarily deputed to pervert them to the attainment of personal wealth & dominion, & to the utter oppression of their fellow-men, that it has become questionable whether the condition of our aboriginal neighbors, who live without laws or magistracies, be not preferable to that of the great mass of the nations of the earth who feel their laws & magistrates but in the weight of their burthens: that the citizens of these United states, impressed with this mortifying truth when they deposed the abusive government under which they had lived, founded their new forms, as well particular as general, in this fact & principle, that the people themselves are the safest deposit of power, & that none therefore should be trusted to others which they can competently exercise themselves: that their own experience having proved that the people are competent to the appointment or election of their agents, that of their chief executive magistrates was reserved to be made at short periods by themselves, or by others chosen by themselves: as was also the choice of their legislatures, whether composed of one or more branches: that in the Judiciary departmen⟨t,⟩ sensible that they were inadequate to difficult questions of law, these were, in ordinary cases, confided to permanent judges, but reserving to juries only, extraordinary cases where bias in the permanent judge might be apprehended, & where honest ignorance would be safer than perverted science: and reserving to themselves also the whole department of facts, which constitutes indeed the great mass of judiciary litigations: that the wisdom of these reservations will be apparent on a recurrence to the history of the country from which we chiefly emigrated, where the faint glimmerings of li⟨berty⟩ & safety now remaining to the nation are kept in ⟨feeble⟩ life by the reserved powers of the people only: tha⟨t in⟩ the establishment of the trial by jury however a great ⟨in⟩consistence has been overlooked in this & some other of th⟨e⟩ states, or rather has been copied from their original without due attention; for while the competence of the people to the appointment even of the highest Executive, & of the ⟨le⟩gislative agents is admitted & established, & their ⟨compe⟩tence to be themselves the triers of Judiciary facts, ⟨the⟩ appointment of the special individuals from among themselves who shall be such triers of fact, has not been left in their hands, but has been placed by law in officers, dependant on the Executive or Judiciary bodies: that tri⟨ers⟩ of fact are therefore habitually taken in this state from ⟨a⟩mong accidental bystanders, & too often composed of ⟨foreign⟩ers attending on matters of business, & of idle persons collected for purposes of dissipation; and, in cases interesting to the powers of the public functionaries, may be speci⟨ally⟩ selected from descriptions of persons to be found in every co⟨untry⟩ whose ignorance or dependance renders them pliable to th⟨e⟩ will and designs of power: that in others of these states thi⟨s⟩ germ of rottenness in the institution of juries has been carefully excluded, & their laws have provided, with laudable foresight, for the appointment of jurors by select men, chosen by the people themselves; and to a like restitution of principle, & salutary precaution against the abuse of power by the public functionaries, who never did yet in any country fail to betray & oppress those for the care of whose affairs they were appointed, by force if they possessed it, or by fraud & delusion if they did not, your petitioners pray the timely attention of their legislature, while that legislature (and with a heartfelt satisfaction the petitioners pronounce it) are still honest enough to wish the preservation of the rights of th⟨e⟩ people, and wise enough to circumscribe in time the spread of that gangrene which, sooner than many are aware, may reach the vitals of our political existence.
And lest it should be supposed that the popular appointment of jurors may scarcely be practicable in a state so extensive & circumstanced as ours, your petitioners will undertake to suggest one mode, not presuming to propose it for the adoption of the legislature, but firmly relying that their wisdom will devise a better: they observe then that by a law already passed for the establishment of schools, provision has been made for laying off every county into districts or precincts; that this division which offers so many valuable resources for the purposes of information, of justice, of order, & police, may be recurred to for the object now in contemplation, and may be completed for this purpose, where it has not been done for the other; that the inhabitants of every precinct may meet at a given time & place in their precinct, and in the presence of the constable or other head officer of the precinct, elect from among themselves some one to be a juror; that, from among those so chosen in every county, someone may be designated by lot, who shall attend the ensuing session of the federal court within the state, to act as grand & petty jurors, one of these from every Senatorial district being designated by lot for a grand juror, & the residue attending to serve as petty jurors, to be designated in like manner by lot in every particular case: that of the others so chosen in every county composing a district for the itinerant courts of this commonwealth, so many be taken by lot as shall suffice for grand & petty juries for the district court next ensuing their election: and the residue so chosen in each county may attend their own county courts for the same purposes till another election, or, if too numerous, the supernumeraries may be discharged by lot: and that such compensation may be allowed for these services as, without rendering the office an object worth canvassing, may yet protect the juror from actual loss: That an institution on this outline, or such better as the wisdom of the General assembly will devise, so modified as to guard it against the intrigue of parties, the influence of power, or irregularities of conduct, and further matured from time to time as experience shall develope it’s imperfections, may long preserve the trial by jury, in it’s pure and original spirit, as the true tribunal of the people, for a mitigation in the execution of hard laws when the power of preventing their passage is lost, and may afford some protection to persecuted man, whether alien or citizen, which the aspect of the times warns we may want.
And your petitioners, waiving the expression of many important considerations which will offer themselves readily to the reflection of the General assembly, pray them to take the premises into deep & serious consideration, and to do therein for their country what their wisdom shall deem best, & they, as in duty bound, shall ever pray &c.


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 31 October 1798
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Ocr. 31. 1798.
I return the draught recd. by the last post, with one or two very small alterations. The interlineated “or an allotted portion thereof,” means to suggest that the whole no. might be so great as to beget objections to the expence which are always formidable in such cases. I have doubted whether the terms “ordinary” & “extraordinary” sufficiently marked the boundary between the power of the Judge & of Jurys over points of law, and whether they do not yield too much of the strict right of the latter in case they chuse to exert it. But you are so much better able to decide on this subject than myself, that I have not ventured to note any precise amendment. I shall not send for Richardson sooner than you propose; but shall then hope for the use of him for some time for plaistering as well as adjusting the Stone to the fire places. The state of the business under Mason increases my dependence on the auxiliary. Mr. R. will please to bring with him such utensils as he will need. Yrs. affecly.
Js. Madison Jr.

The Thermr. at Sunrise Ocr. 30—22°
31. 26.


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 3 November 1798
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Nov. 3. 98
Your’s of Oct. 31. has been duly recieved and the corrections suggested are thankfully adopted. The petition will be offered for signature at our court the day after tomorrow. Richardson has been in a great measure prevented doing any thing this week by the weather, which has been too cold for laying mortar. He has still 2. or 3. days work of that kind to do, which is indispensable, and about as long a job in kilning some bricks which we must secure in an unburnt state through the winter. We must therefore beg you to put off sending for him till Saturday next.
Yesterday’s papers bring us an account of Lyon of Vermont being indicted before Judge Paterson under the Sedition act. Possibly your papers may not mention the issue. He was found guilty, fined 1000. D. and adjudged to 4. months imprisonment. He was immediately committed. The words called seditious were only general censures of the proceedings of Congress & of the President. Affectionate respects to mrs. Madison your father & family. Adieu.
P. S. Your nails are ready.


Title: To James Madison from Carter B. Harrison, 9 November 1798
From: Harrison, Carter B.
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir,
Cabin Point Novbr 9th 1798
I have lately seen in a Richmond paper Zakh Burnleys advertisement of 1600 acres of Land in your County seven miles above the Court house. I am disposed to become a purchaser of some good Land in that part of the State. Can I get the favor of you to let me know the price & your opinion of its real value? If you think the purchase adviseable I will if possible see it on my way to Philada. Please direct to me at this Place & as soon as convenient to your self. Make my best respects to Mrs Madison & believe me your friend & hble sert.
Carter B Harrison


Title: From James Madison to James Monroe, 10 November 1798
From: Madison, James
To: Monroe, James

Dear Sir
Novr. 10. 1798
You will have this from Mr. Reuben Chuning, who wishes to consult with you on the subject of your Housebuilding. He is one of the Workmen whom I recommended to you, and will I am persuaded justify all I have said in his favor. He has not yet put the last hand to my work, but will probably be ready as soon as you are for commencing yours. I have met with some mortifying delays in finishing off the last shaft of the Chimneys, and in setting about the plaistering Jobb. The prospect is at present flattering, and I shall lose no time in letting you know that we are ready to welcome Mrs. M. & yourself to our habitation. Be pleased both of you to accept the best of wishes in which Mrs. M. warmly joins me. Adieu Affey.
Js. Madison Jr.


Title: To James Madison from Thomas Jefferson, 17 November 1798
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Madison, James

Th: J. to J. M.
Monticello Nov. 17. [1798]
Mr. Richardson has been detained by several jobs indispensible to the progress of the carpenters, & to the securing what is done against the winter. When will Whitton be done with you? Or could you by any means dispense with his services till I set out for Philadelphia? My floors can only be laid while I am at home, and I cannot get a workman here. Perhaps you have some other with you or near you who could go on with your work till his return to you. I only mention these things that if you have any other person who could enable you to spare him a few weeks, I could employ him to much accomodation till my departure in laying my floors. But in this consult your own convenience only. I inclose you a copy of the draught of the Kentuckey resolves. I think we should distinctly affirm all the important principles they contain, so as to hold to that ground in future, and leave the matter in such a train as that we may not be committed absolutely to push the matter to extremities, & yet may be free to push as far as events will render prudent. I think to set out so as to arrive at Philadelphia the Saturday before Christmas. My friendly respects to mrs. Madison, to your father & family. Health, happiness & Adieu to yourself.
40. ℔ of IVd. nails @ 14½d per ℔ were sent this morning, being all we had. They will yield (according to the count of a single pound) 314 × 40 = 12,560.

[Enclosure]
1. ⟨R⟩esolved that the several states composing the US. of Ame⟨r⟩ica are not united on the principle of unlimited submis⟨s⟩ion to their general government; but that by a compact under the style and title of a Constitution for the US. and of ⟨a⟩mendments thereto, they constituted a general government ⟨for⟩ special purposes, delegated to that government certain de⟨fi⟩nite powers, reserving, each state to itself, the residuary ⟨m⟩ass of right to their own self-government; & that whenso⟨ev⟩er the General government assumes undelegated powers, ⟨it⟩’s acts are unauthoritative, void, & of no force: that to ⟨th⟩is compact each state acceded as a state, and is an inte⟨gr⟩al party, it’s co-states forming, as to itself, the other party: ⟨th⟩at the government created by this compact was not ⟨ma⟩de the exclusive or final judge of the extent of the ⟨po⟩wers delegated to itself; since that would have made ⟨it⟩’s discretion, & not the constitution, the measure of it’s ⟨po⟩wers; but that, as in all other cases of compact among ⟨po⟩wers having no common judge, each party has an equal ⟨rig⟩ht to judge for itself, as well of infractions, as of the mode ⟨& me⟩asure of redress.
2. Resolved that the constitution of the US. having dele⟨gat⟩ed to Congress a power to punish treason, counterfieting ⟨the⟩ securities & current coin of the US. piracies & felonies com⟨mitted⟩ on the high seas, & offences against the law of Nations, ⟨& no⟩ other crimes whatsoever, and it being true as a general ⟨princ⟩iple; and one of the Amendments to the constitution hav⟨ing⟩ also declared, that ‘the powers not delegated to the US. ⟨by t⟩he constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states respectively, or to the people’ ⟨therefore the act of congress passed on the 14th. day of july 1798⟩ and intituled ‘an Act in addition to the act intituled an Act for the punishment of certain crimes against the US.’ as also the act passed by them on the  day of June 1798. intituled ‘an Act to punish frauds committed on the bank of the US.’ (and all other their acts which assume to create, define or punish crimes, other than those so enumerated in the Constitution) are altogether void & of no force, & that the power to create, define & punish such other crimes is reserved, & of right appurtains solely & exclusively to the respective states, each within it’s own territory.
3. Resolved that it is true as a general principle, and is also expressly declared by one of the Amendments to the Constitution that ‘the powers not delegated to the US. by the constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states respectively or to the people’; and that no power over the freedom of religion, freedom of speech, or freedom of the press being delegated to the US. by the constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, all lawful powers respecting the same did of right remain, & were reserved, to the states or the people: that thus was manifested their determination to retain to themselves the right of judging how far the licentiousness of speech & of the press may be abridged without lessening their useful freedom, and how far those abuses which cannot be separated from their use should be tolerated rather than the use be destroyed; and thus also they guarded against all abridgment by the US. of the freedom of religious opinions and exercises, & retained to themselves the right of protecting the same, as this state, by a law passed on the ⟨general demand of it’s citizens, had already protected⟩ ⟨the⟩m from all human restraint or interference: And that in ⟨ad⟩dition to this general principle and express declaration, a⟨not⟩her & more special provision has been made by one of the amend⟨men⟩ts to the constitution which expressly declares that ‘Con⟨gre⟩ss shall make no law respecting an establishment of re⟨lig⟩ion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, or abridging the ⟨free⟩dom of speech or of the press,’ thereby guarding in the same ⟨sent⟩ence, & under the same words, the freedom of religion of speech ⟨& of th⟩e press: insomuch that whatever violates either throws down ⟨the sa⟩nctuary which covers the others, and that libels, falsehood ⟨& defa⟩mation, equally with heresy & false religion, are witheld from ⟨the cog⟩nisance of federal tribunals: that therefore the act of Con⟨gress⟩ of the US. passed on the 14th. day of July 1798. intituled ‘an ⟨Act in⟩ addition to the act intituled an act for the punishment of ⟨certai⟩n crimes against the US,’ which does abridge the freedom ⟨of the⟩ press, is not law, but is altogether void & of no force.
4. Resolved that Alien friends are under the jurisdic⟨tio⟩n and protection of the laws of the state wherein they are; ⟨th⟩at no power over them has been delegated to the US. nor pro⟨h⟩ibited to the individual states distinct from their power ⟨ov⟩er citizens: and it being true as a general principle, & ⟨on⟩e of the amendments to the constitution having also de⟨cl⟩ared that ‘the powers not delegated to the US. by the consti⟨tu⟩tion, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the ⟨s⟩tates respectively, or to the people,’ the act of the Congress ⟨of⟩ the US. passed on the  day of July 1798 intituled ‘an Act ⟨c⟩oncerning Aliens,’ which assumes powers over Alien-friends ⟨n⟩ot delegated by the constitution, is not law, but is altogether void & of no force.
5. Resolved that in addition to the general principle, as well as the express declaration, that powers not delegated are reserved, another and more special provision, inserted in the constitution from abundant caution, has declared that ‘the migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the year 1808’; that this commonwealth does admit the migration of Alien-friends, described as the subject of the said act concerning aliens; that a provision against prohibiting their migration, is a provision against all acts equivalent thereto, or it would be nugatory; that to remove them when migrated is equivalent to a prohibition of their migration, and is therefore contrary to the said provision of the constitution, and void.

6. Resolved that the imprisonment of a person under the protection of the laws of this commonwealth on his failure to obey the simple order of the President to depart out of the US. as is undertaken by the said act intituled ‘an Act concerning Aliens,’ is contrary to the constitution, one Amendment to which has provided that ‘no perso⟨n⟩ shall be deprived of liberty without due process of law.’ And that another having provided that ‘in all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a public trial, by an impartial jury, to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation, to be confronted with the witnesses against him, to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, & to have the assistance of counsel for his defence,’ the same act, undertaking to authorize the President to remove a person out of the US. who is under the protection of the law, on his own suspicion, without accusation, without jury, without public trial, without confrontation of the witnesses against him, without hearing witnesses in his favor, without defence, without counsel, is contrary to these provisions also of the constitution, is therefore not law, but utterly void & of no force. That transferring the power of judging any person, who is under the protection of the laws, from the courts to the President of the US. as is undertaken by the same act concerning Aliens, is against the article of the constitution which provides that ‘the judicial power of the US. shall be vested in courts the judges of which shall hold their offices during good behavior’ and that the said act is void for that reason also. And it is further to be noted that this transfer of judiciary power is to that magistrate of the general government who already possesses all the Executive, and a negative on all the Legislative powers.
7. Resolved that the construction applied by the General government (as is evidenced by sundry of their proceedings) to those parts of the constitution of the US. which delegate to Congress a power ‘to lay & collect taxes, duties, imposts & excises, to pay the debts & provide for the common defence & general welfare of the US.’ and ‘to make all laws which shall be necessary & proper for carrying into execution the powers vested by the constitution in the government of the US. or in any department or officer thereof’ goes to the destruction of all the limits prescribed to their power by the constitution; that words meant by that instrument to be subsidiary only to the execution of limited powers, ought not to be so construed as themselves to give unlimited powers, nor a part to be so taken as to destroy the whole residue of that instrument: that the proceedings of the General government under colour of these articles, will be a fit & necessary subject of revisal and correction, at a time of greater tranquility, while those specified in the preceding resolutions, call for immediate redress.
8. Resolved that a committee of conference & correspondence be appointed, who shall have in charge to communicate the preceding resolutions to the legislatures of the several states, to assure them that this commonwealth continues in the same esteem for their friendship and union which it has manifested from that moment at which a common danger first suggested a common union: that it considers union, for specified national purposes, & particularly ⟨for⟩ those specified in their late federal compact, to be friendly to the peace, happiness & prosperity of all the states; that faithful to that compact, according to the plain intent & meaning in which it was understood & acceded to by the several parties, it is sincerely anxious for it’s preservation: that it does also believe that to take from the states all the powers of self government, & transfer them to a general & consolidated government, without regard to the special delegations & reservations solemnly agreed to in that compact, is not for the peace, happiness or prosperity of these states: & that therefore this commonwealth is determined, as it doubts not it’s co-states are, to submit to undelegated, & consequently unlimited powers in no man, or body of men, on earth: that in cases of an abuse of the delegated powers the members of the general government being chosen by the people, a change by the people would be the constitutional remedy; but, where powers are assumed which have not been delegated, a nullification of the act is the rightful remedy: that every state has a natural right, in cases not within the compact (casus non foederis) to nullify of their own authority all assumptions of power by others within their limits: that, without this right, they would be under the dominion, absolute and unlimited, of whosoever might exercise this right of judgment for them: that nevertheless this commonwealth, from motives of regard & respect for it’s co-states, has wished to communicate with them on the subject; that with them alone it is proper to communicate, they alone being parties to the compact, & solely authorized to judge in the last resort of the powers exercised under it, Congress being not a party, but merely the creature of the compact, & subject, as to it’s assumptions of power, to the final judgment of those by whom, & for whose use, itself, & it’s powers, were all created & modified: that if the acts before specified should stand, these conclusions would flow from them; that the General government may place any act they think proper on the list of crimes, & punish it themselves, whether enumerated or not enumerated by the constitution as cognisable by them; that they may transfer it’s cognisance to the President, or any other person, who may himself be the accuser, counsel, judge & jury, whose suspicions may be the evidence, his order the sentence, his officer the executioner, & his breast the sole record ⟨of⟩ the transaction: that a very numerous & valuable description of the inhabitants of these states being, by this precedent, reduced, as Outlaws, to the absolute dominion of one man, & the barrier of the constitution thus swept away for us all, no rampart now remains against the passions & the power of a majority in Congress, to protect from a like exportation, or other more grievous punishment, the minority of the same body, the legislatures, judges, governors & counsellors of the states, nor their other peaceable inhabitants, who may venture to reclaim the constitutional rights & liberties of the states & people, or who for other causes, good or bad, may be obnoxious to the views, or marked by the suspicions of the President, or be thought dangerous to his or their elections, or other interests public or personal: that the friendless alien has indeed been selected as the safest subject of a first experiment; but the citizen will soon follow, or rather has already followed; for already has a Sedition act marked him as it’s prey: that these & successive acts of the same character, unless arrested at the threshold, necessarily drive these states into revolution & blood, & will furnish new calumnies against republican government, & new pretexts for those who wish it to be believed that man cannot be governed but by a rod of iron: that it would be a dangerous delusion, were a confidence in the men of our choice to silence our fears for the safety of our rights; that confidence is every where the parent of despotism; free government is founded in jealousy, and not in confidence; it is jealousy & not confidence which prescribes limited constitutions, to bind down those whom we are obliged to trust with power: that our constitution has accordingly fixed the limits to which, & no further, our confidence may go: and let the honest advocate of confidence read the Alien and Sedition acts, and say if the constitution has not been wise in fixing limits to the government it created, & whether we should be wise in destroying those limits? Let him say What the government is, if it be not a tyranny, which the men of our choice have conferred on our President, and the President of our choice has assented to, & accepted over the friendly strangers, to whom the mild spirit of our country, & it’s laws had pledged hospitality & protection: that the men of our choice have more respected the bare suspicions of the President than the solid rights of innocence, the claims of justification, the sacred force of truth, & the forms and substance of law & justice: in questions of power then, let no more be heard of confidence in man, but bind him down from mischief by the chains of the constitution. That this commonwealth does therefore call on it’s co-states for an expression of their sentiments on the acts concerning aliens, and for the punishment of certain crimes herein before specified, plainly declaring whether these acts are, or are not authorised by the federal compact? And it doubts not that their sense will be so enounced as to prove their attachment unaltered to limited government, whether general or particular; and that the rights and liberties of their co-states will be exposed to no dangers by remaining embarked in a common bottom with their own: that they will concur with this commonwealth in considering the said acts as so palpably against the constitution as to amount to an undisguised declaration that that compact is not meant to be the measure of the powers of the General government, but that it will proceed in the exercise, over these states, of all powers whatsoever; that they will view this as seizing the rights of the states, and consolidating them in the hands of the General government with a power assumed to bind the states (not merely in the cases made federal [casus foederis] but) in all cases whatsoever, by laws made, not with their consent, but by others against their consent; that this would be to surrender the form of government we have chosen, & to live under one deriving it’s powers from it’s own will, & not from our authority, and that the co-states, recurring to their natural right in cases not made federal, will concur in declaring these acts void and of no force, & will each take measures of it’s own for providing that neither these acts, nor any others of the general government, not plainly & intentionally authorised by the constitution, shall be exercised within their respective territories.
9. Resolved that the said committee be authorised to communicate, by writing or personal conferences, at any times or places whatever, with any person or persons who may be appointed by any one or more of the co-states to correspond or confer with them; & that they lay their proceedings before the next session of assembly.


Title: To James Madison from John Dawson, 24 November 1798
From: Dawson, John
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir!
Alexandria November 24th. 1798.
I am thus far on my way to Philadelphia, from whence I shall write to you as soon as I have any thing worthy communicating—in the mean time I will thank you for your sentiments about the situation of M. Lyon, and what steps we ought to take as it regards the constitution, and policy.
I have some reason to think that another attempt will be made to expel him. Accept my best wishes!
J Dawson.


Title: To James Madison from John Dawson, 9 December 1798
From: Dawson, John
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir
Philadelphia Decemr. 9th. 1798.
By the enclosd speech you will find that the tone of the president is much changed, and that we may still hope for peace—what has producd this, or how far he is sincere, we cannot yet determine—in a few days we shall be able to form a better judgement—we have nothing late from Europe, nor can we form an opinion of the temper of our body—they do not appear to be in Spirits. Yrs. with much Esteem
J Dawson


Title: From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, 11 December 1798
From: Madison, James
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Decr. 11. 1798
According to your favor by Mr. Richardson, I expect the pleasure of seeing you in the course of the present Week. Be so good as to bring a memorandum from your nailery of the amount of my debt to it. I had hoped that you were possessed of the aid of Mr. Chuning & his young men, but the Bearer Mr. W. Whitten tells me the contrary. Mr. C. left this saturday was two weeks, & promised to ride up to Monticello the day following. It has been impossible to spare L. Whitten. He has been under the spur to keep the way prepared for the Plasterers, and to finish off a number of indispensable jobbs always overlooked till the execution is called for. The Fredg paper of the 7th inst: contains the official confirmation from Nelson of the destruction of the French fleet as first brought from Cadiz. Adieu Affecly.
Js. Madison Jr
Please to forward the inclosed safely.


Title: From James Madison to James Monroe, 11 December 1798
From: Madison, James
To: Monroe, James

Dear Sir
Decr. 11. 98
Yours of the 7th. has this moment only reached me. Having but a little time got back from a Visit to Hanover, & being in the vortex of Housebuilding in its most hurried stage, I have not been able yet to read thro’ the arrears of Newspapers accumulated during my absence. A glance at the paper you allude gave me a sort of enigmatical impression, favoring however the idea rather of a masked battery that was finally to open not against you but your calumniator. Its being in the Aurora might contribute to the error, if indeed it be such. Mr. Dawson happened to return hither before I got home myself, & went to Fredg from the other County Court without taking Orange in his way so that I missed seeing him altogether. The paper consequently which you saw was never shewn him. Indeed some doubts had occurred whether it might not commit a printer for some facts, which tho’ true could not be easily proved, or that such an objection would prevent its admission. I will attend ⟨to⟩ the subject however with all the interest which friendship c⟨an t⟩ake in it. The game which is playing is as obvious as it is infamous, and I trust will in the end cheat none but the knaves who are confederated in it. We are truly sorry for the threatened loss of the visit which our domicil expected from Mrs. M. & yourself. My next would have announced its readiness to welcome you, it being now within 8 or 10 days of that degree of completion which is to satisfy us for the present Winter. We Still hope that a reconsideration of your present purpose may be induced by Mrs. M’s better health and the practicability of removing the other objection to the original one. All of us unite in best returns to Mrs. M. & yourself. Adieu Yrs sincerely
Js. Madison Jr.