Title: Enclosure: Draft of Washington’s Farewell Address, [30 July 1796]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To:

The period for a new election of a Citizen to administer the Executive Gov of the U States being not very distant and the time actually arrived when theyour thoughts of my fellow Citizens must be employed in designating the Citizen who is to administer the Executive Government of the United States the person who is to be cloathed with that important trust for another term, it may conduce to it appears to me proper, and especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprize you of the resolution I have formed to desire decline being considered among of the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made.
I beg you neverthelessat the same time to be assured that the resolution, which I announce, has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations connected with attached toconnected with the relation which |as|a dutiful Citizen|I bearbears to |myhis| Country; and that in withdrawing the tender of my service, which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for its future interest nor by any deficiency of grateful respect for its past kindness, but by a full conviction that my retreatsuch a step is compatible with both.
The acceptance of and continuance hitherto in the office to which your unanimous suffrages have twice called me has been a uniform sacrifice of private inclination to the opinion of public duty coinciding withcombined with a deference for your what appeared to be your wishes and to the opinion of public duty. I |had| constantlyconstantly hoped that it would have been much earlier in my power consistently consistently with motives which I was not at liberty to disregard to return to that retirement from which they those motives had reluctantly drawn me.
The conflict betwe between those motives and inclination previous to the last election
The strength of my desire to withdraw previous to the last election had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you—but deliberatemature reflection on the very critical and perplexed posture of our affairs with foreign nations and the unanimous advice of |men of every waypersons| intitled to my confidence obligedimpelled me to abandon the idea.
I rejoice that that the state of your national Concerns external as well as internal no longer appa renders the pursuit of my inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty or propriety, and that thewhatever partiality which any portion of You my fellow citizens may still cherishretain for my services, will not they, will under the existing circumstances of theour Country, will not disapprove themy resolution I have formedto retire.
The impressions under which I first accepted the arduous trust |of chief Magistrate of the U States| were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust I can only say that I have with pure intentions contributed towa towards the organisation and administration of the Government the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. I am not uncon Not unconscious |atin| the outset of the inferiority of my qualifications |for the station|, experience in my own eyes and perhaps still more in those of others has not diminished the in me the diffidence of myself—and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome |to me.| If any circumst Satisfied that if any circumstances have given |a| peculiar value to my services they were temporary, I have the satisfactionconsolation to believe that patriotism while inclination and prudence urge me to recede from the political scene patriotism does not forbid it —|May I also have that of perceivingknowing in my retreatretirement that my invol the involuntary errors which I have probably committed have been the causes of no serious or lasting mischief to my Country and thus be spared the anguish of regrets which would disturb the repose of my retreat and embitter the remmant of my life! I may then expect to realize without alloy the purest enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow citizens of the benign influence of good laws under a free Government; the ultimate object of all my wishes and |to which I look as| the happy reward I hope of our mutual cares labours and dangers.
In looking forward to the moment which is to terminate the carreer of my public life, my sensations do not permit me to suppress suspend the deep acknowlegements required by that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country for the many honors it has conferred upon me still more for the distinguished and steadfastpersevering confidence it has reposed in me and for the opportunities it has thus afforded meI have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment by services at least faithful and persevering—however the inadequateness of my faculties may have ill seconded my have rendered these efforts unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to you my fellow Citizens from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise and as an instructive example in our annals that the constancy of your support amidst appearances sometimesfrequently sometimes dubious discouraging vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging and not infrequently want of success in situations in which not infrequently want of success has seconded the suggesti criticisms of malevolence was the essential prop and guarantee of of the efforts and the guarantee of the measures by which they were atchieved. I will not be restrained by personal considerations of personal delicacy from paying you the tribute of declaring Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my retirement and to my grave as a lively incitement to unceasing vows (the only returns I can henceforth make) that Heaven may continue to You the choicest tokens of the beneficence merited by national piety and morality—that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual—that the free constitution, which is the work of your own hands may be sacredly maintained—that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue—that in fine the happiness of the People of these States under the. auspices of liberty may be made complete by so careful a preservation & so prudent a use of this blessing as will acquire them the glorious satisfaction of recommending it to the affection the praise—and the adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it.
Here perhaps I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare, which cannot expireend but with my life, urges me to offer and the fear that there may exist projects unfriendly to it are in train against which it is very importantmay be necessary you should be carefully guarded, urge me to in taking leave of you to offer to your solemn consideration and frequent review some sentiments the result of mature reflection confirmed by observation & experience which appear to me all import essential to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered with the more freedom as you can only see in them the advice disinterested advice of a parting friend who can have no personal motive to tincture or byass his counsel.
Interwoven as is the love of Liberty inwith every fibre of your hearts no recommendation can beis necessary to fortify your attachment to it. AfterNext to this and as very materially connected with it that unity of Government of that Republic which constitutes you one people claims your most cordial affection and anxiousvigilant care and vigilant& guardianship—as one of thea main pillars of so your real independence of your peace safety libertyfreedom and happiness and as the one against which the efforts of your internal and external enemies will be mostmost constantly & actively butthough covertly and insidiously levelled.
This being the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively however covertly and insidiously levelled, it is of the utmost importance that you should appreciate in its full force the immense value of your political Union to your national and individual happiness—that you should cherish towards it an affectionate and immoveable attachment and that you should watch for its presservation with jealous and eagle eyed solicitude.
For this you have every motive of sympathy and interest. Children for the most part of a common country, that country ought claims and ought to concentrate your affections. The name of American must always exalt your character & gratify and exalt the just pride of patriotism more than any denomination which can be derived from local discrimination. Religion moralityYou have with slight shades of difference the same religion manners laws habits & political institutions & principles. You have in a common cause fought and triumphed to gether. The independence and liberty you enjoy are the work of your united joint councils efforts—dangers sufferings & successes. By your Union you atchieved them, by your union you will most effectually maintain them. ThisThe name of American is more flattering more exalting and ought to be more dear to you than any which you derive from the discriminations of State boundaries.
But considerations addressed to your sensibility, however persuasive to virtuous minds
The considerations which address themselves to your sensibility are greatly strengthenedeven outweighed by those which apply to your interest. Here every portion of our Country will find the most urgent and commanding motives for cherishing guarding and preserving the Union of the Whole.
The North in an free & unfettered intercourse with the South under the equal laws of one Government will in the production of the latter many of them peculiar find vast additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise and precious materials of their manufacturing industry. The South in the same intercourse will share in the benefits of the Agency of the North will find its agriculture promoted and its commerce extended by the employment of thoseturning into its own channels those means of Navigation which the North more abundantly affords and while it contributes to extend the national navigation which will participate in the protection of a maritime strength to which itself is unequally adapted. The East in a like intercourse with the West finds and in the progressive improvement of internal navigation will more & more find, a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad or manufactures at home. The West derives through this Channel an essential supply of its wants—and what is far more important to it, it must owe the secure and permanent enjoyment of the essent indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight influence & and future marinemaritime resources & indissol of the Atlantic States directed by an indissoluble community of interest. The tenure by which it could hold this advantage either from its own separate power strength or by an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign Nation must be intrinsically & necessarily precarious at every moment liable to be disturbed by the fluctuating combinations of those primary European interests which every portion of Europe must constantly be governed by regulate the conduct of every portion of Europe—And where every part finds a particular interest in the Union All the parts of our Country will find in their Union greater independence from the superior abundance & variety of production incident to different soils the diversity of soil & climate, all the parts of it must find in the aggregate assemblage & reaction of their mutual population production greater strength, proportional security from external danger, less frequency of foreign wars less frequent interruption of their peace with foreign nations and what is far more valuable an exemption those from those broils & wars between the parts if disunited which their own rivalships of inflamed fomented by foreign intrigue, or the opposite alliances with which mu with foreign nations engendered by their mutual jealousies would inevitably produce—a corespondentconsequent exemption from the necessity of those military establishments upon a large scale which bear in every country so menacing an aspect toward Liberty.
These considerations speak a conclusive language to every considerate an virtuous and considerate mind. The diversities They place the continuance of our Union among the first objects of patriotic desire. Is there a doubt whether a common government can long embrace so extensive a sphere? Let Time & Experience decide the question. Speculation in such a case ought not to be listened to—And tis rational to hope that the auxiliary agency of the governments of the subdivisions, if with a proper organisation of the whole will secure a favourable issue to the Experiment. Tis allowable to believe that the spirit of party the intrigues of foreign nations, the corruption & the ambition of Individuals are likely to prove more formidable adversaries to the unity of our Empire than any inherent difficulties in the scheme. Tis against these that the guardsmounds of national opinion national sympathy national prudence & virtue are to be erected. With such obvious motives to Union there will be always cause from the fact itself to distrust the patriotism of those who in any quarter may endeavour to weaken its bands. And by all the love I bear you My fellow Citizens I exhortconjure you as faroften as it appears to frown upon the attempt.
Besides the more serious causes which have been hinted at, as endangering our Union there is one another less dangerous but against which it is necessary to be on our guard. I mean the petulancecollisions & disgusts of party differences of Opinion. It is not uncommon to hear the irritations which these excite vent themselves in declarations that the different parts of the Union are ill assorted and cannot remain together—in menaces from the inhabitants of one part to those of another that it will be dissolved by this or that measure. Intimations of the kind ar[e] as indiscreet as they are intemperate. Though frequently made with levity and without being in earnest they have a tendency to produce the consequence which they indicate. They teach the minds of men to consider the Union as precarious as an object to which they are not to attach their hopes and desires fortunes and thus weaken the sentiment in its favour. By rousing the resentment and piquing the alarming the pride of those to whom they are addressed they set ingenuity to work to depreciate the value of the object and to discover motives of Indifference to it. This is not wise. Prudence demands that all our words we should habituate ourselves in all our words and actions to reverence the Union as a sacred and inviolable palladium of our happiness—as a thing which in even and should discountenance the supposed whatever can lead to a suspicion that it can in any event be abandonned.
There is eau much cause to regret that the organisation of parties has for someTis matter of serious concern that parties in this Country for some time past have been too much characteristed by local and geographical discriminations—Northern and Southern States Atlantic and Western Country. These discriminations of party which are the mere artifice of the spirit of party (always over dexterous to avail itself of every source of sympathy of every handle by which the passions can be taken hold of and which has been careful to turn to account the circumstance of territorial vicinitysympathy of neighborhood) have furnished in the difference of p an evidence in the difference of party opinions an argument against the Union as evidence of a real difference of local interests and views and serve to hazard it by organising large districts of country under the direction the leaders of of different factions whose passions & prejudices rather than the true interests of the Country, will be too apt to regulate the use of their influence. If it be possible to correct this poison in the affairs of our Country it is worthy the best endeavours of moderate & virtuous men to effect it.
One of the expedients which the partisans of Faction employ towards fostering strengthening their influence by local discriminationswithin local spheres is to misrepresent the opinions and views of rival districts—The People at large cannot be too much on their guard against the jealousies which grow out of these misrepresentations. The They tend to render aliens to each other those who ought to be tied together by fraternal affection. The Western Country have lately had a useful lesson on this subject. They have seen in the negotiation by the Executive & in the unanimous ratification of the Treaty with Spain by the Senate the conclusive proof & in the universal satisfaction at that event in all parts of the Country a decisive proof how in unfounded have been the suspicions [that] have been instilled inpropagated among them of a policy hostile in the Atlantic States & in the different statesdepartments of the General Government hostile to their interests in relation to the Mississipian. They have seen too too treaties formed which secure to them every thing that they could desire to confirm their prosperity. Will they not henceforth rely for the preservation of these advantages on that union by which they were procured? Will they not reject those counsellors who would render them alien to their brethren & connect them with Aliens?
To the duration and efficacy of your Union a Government extending over the whole is indispensable. Without this No alliances however strict between the parts could have the necessary solidity or afford the necessarily be an adequate substitute. These could not fail to be liable to the infractions and interruptions which all alliances in all times have suffered. Sensible of this important truth and with a view to a more intimate Union you have lately established a Constitution of General Government, better calculated than the former one for an intimate union and more adequate to the direction of your common concerns. This Government the offspring of your own choice uninfluenced and unawed, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers uniting energy with safety and containing in itself a provision for its own amendment is well entitled to your confidence and support—Complian Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties dictated by the fundamental maxims of true Liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of Government. But the existing constitution for the time, and until changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly binding upon all. The very idea of the right and power of the people to establish Government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey it the established Government.
All irregular obstructions therefore to the execution of the laws—all combinations and associations under whatever plausible character with the real design to direct counteract countroul influence or awe the regular deliberation or action of the constituted authorities are contrary to the true principles of a representative Government this fundamental principle & of the most dangerousfatal tendency. They serve to organise Faction to give it an artificial force; and to put in the stead of the delegated will of the whole nation the will of a party. A often a small but artful & enterprising minority of the community—and according to the alternate victoriestriumphs of party different factionsparties to make the public administration reflecting the ill concerted schemes and projects of faction rather than the wholesome plans of common councils and deliberations. However combinations or assoc[i]ations of this description may occasionally promote popular ends and purposes they are likely to produce in the course of time and things the most effectual engines by which artful ambitious and unprincipled in men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people and usurp the reins of Government.
Towards the preservation of your government and the permanency of your present happy state, it is not only requisite that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its authority but that you should be upon your guard against the spirit of innovation upon its principles however plausiblespecious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect alterations in the forms of the constitution tending to impair the energy of the system and so to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited remember that time and habit are as necessary to fix the true character of governments as of any other human institutions, that experience is the surest standard by which the real tendency of existing constitutions of government can be tried—that changesfacility in upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinions exposes you to perpetual change from the exssuccessessive and endless variety of hypothesis and opinion—and remember always also that for the efficacious management of your common interests in a country so extensive as ours a Government of as much force and strength as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a Government, its surest with powers properly distributed and arranged, its surest guardian—and protector. In my opinion the real danger in our system is that the General Government organised as at present will prove too weak rather than too powerful.
I have already observed the danger to be apprehended from founding characterising our parties by on Geographical discriminations. Let me now enlarge the view of this point and caution you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of party spirit in general. This spirit unfortunately is inseperable from human nature and has its root in the strongest passions of the human heart.—It exists under different shapes in all governments more or l but in different degrees stifled controuled or repressed in those of the popular form it is always seen in its mostutmost vigour & rankness and it is their worst enemy. In republics of narrow dimensionsextent, the usual combination of a it is easy for those who at any time possess the powerrule of the State it is not difficulty for those who at any time possess the reins of administration, or even for partial combinations of men, who from birth riches and other sources of distinction have an habitual influence extraordinary influence by havingpossessing or acquiring the direction of the military force or by sudden efforts of partisans & followers to overturn the established order of things and effect a usurpation. But in republics of large extent the one or the other is scarcely possible. The powers and opportunities of resistance of a numerous and wide extended nation compared with the ordinary defy the successful efforts of the ordinary military force or of any collectionsassemblages which wealth and patronage may call to their aid—especially if there be no city of overbearing for[c]e resources and influence. In such Republics it is perhaps safe to sayassert that the conflict of popular faction offer the only avenues to usurpation & tyrann tyranny & usurpation. Perhaps it may be safely asserted that in those which occupy a large extent of territory it is the only channel through which tyranny & usurpation can approach. The dep desposition of one faction despotic domination of one faction over another stimulated by that spirit of Revenge which is apt to be gradually and invariably engendered and which in different ages and countries have produced the greatest enormities is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries which resolution result predispose the minds of men to seek repose & security in the absolute power of a single man. And thesome leader of a prevailing faction more able or more fortunate than his competitors turns this disposition to the purpose of an ambitious and criminal self aggrandisement.
Without looking forward to such an extremity (which however ought not to be out of sight) the ordinary and continual fact mischief of the spirit of party demand the endeavours of moderate make it the interest and the duty of a wise people to discountenance and repress it.
It serves always to distract the Councils & enfeeble the administration of the Government. It agitates the community with false alarms ill founded jealousies and false alarms and embittering one part of the community against another, & producing occasionaly riot & insurrection. It opens inlets for foreign corruption and influence—which find an easy access through the channels of party passions—and cause the true policy & interestinterests of our own country to be sacrificed to made subservient to the policy and interest of one and another foreign PowerNation; sometimes enslaving the our own Government to the will of a foreign Government.
There It is an opinion which has some vogue and is intirely with out true that parties in free countries are salutary checks upon the administration of the Government & serve to keep aliveinvigorate the spirit of Liberty. This within certain limits is true and in governments of cast a monarchical charactercast or byassparticular kind patriotism may look with some favour on the spirit of party. But in those of the popular kind in those purely elective it is a spirit not to be fostered &or encouraged. From the natural tendency of such governments, it is certain there will always be enough of it for every salutary purpose and there being constant danger of excess the effort ought to be by force of public opinion to mitigate & correct it. Tis a fire not towhich cannot be quenched but demandsdemanding a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame—lest it should not only warm but consume.
It is important likewise that the habits of thinking of the people should tend tend to produce caution in their public agents in the several departments of Government, to retain each within its proper shere sphere and not to permit one to encr[o]ach one upon the another—The spirit of approach encroachment in this particular and that every attempt of the kind from whatever quarter are should meet with the discountenancereprobation of the community, so and that in every case in which a precedent of encourage encroachment shouldshall have been given, a careful election ofcorrective be sought in (revocation be effected by) a careful attention to the choice next choiceelection of public Agents. The spirit of encroachment ab tends to absorb & consolidate the powers of the several branches and departments into one, and thus to establish under whatever forms a despotism. A just knowlege of the human heart, of that love of power which predominates in it, is alone sufficient to establish this truth. Experiments ancient and modern—some in our own country and under our own eyes serve to confirm it. If in the public opinion the distribution of the constitutional powers be in any instance and wrong or inexpedient—let it be corrected by the authority of the people in a legitimate constitutional waycourse—Let there be no change by usurpation, for though this may be the instrument of good in one instance, it is the ordinary and natural ord instrument of the destructiondeath of free Government—and the influence of the presede precedent is always infinitely worse more pernicious than any thing which it may atchieve can be beneficial.
To all those dispositions which promote the political happinessprosperity, Religion and Morality are essential props. In vain does hethat man claim the praise of patriotism who labours to subvert or undermine these great pillars of human happiness these sure foundations firmest foundations of all the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician equally with the pious man ought to respect and cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public happiness. Let it simply be asked where is the security for reputation property for reputation for life if the sense of moral and religious obligation deserts the oaths which are administered in thethe instruments of Investigation Courts of Justice? Nor ought we to flatter ourselves that morality can be separated from religion. Concede as much as may be asked to the effect of refined education in minds ofa peculiar structure—can we believe—can we in prudence suppose that national morality can be maintained in exclusion of religious principles? Does it not require the aid of a generally received and divinely authoritative Religion?
Tis essentially true that virtue or morality is a main & necessaryan indispensable propspring of popular or republican Governments. The rule indeed extends with more or less force to all free Governments. Who that is a prudent & sincere friend to them can look with indifference on the ravages which are making in the foundation of the Fabric? Religion? The uncommon means which of late have been directed to this fatal end seem to make it in a particular of manner the duty of the Retiring Chief of a his nation to warn his country against tasting of the poisonous draught.
Cultivate also industry and frugality. They are auxiliaries of good morals and sour great sources of private and national prosperity. Is there not room for regret that our propensity to expence exceeds the maturity of our Country for expense? Is there not more luxury among us, in various classes, than the suits the actual period of our national progress? Whatever may be the apology for said of luxury in a Country mature in wealth and in all the arts which are its ministers and the means of national opulence—can it promote the advantage of a young agricultural Country little advanced in manufactures and not much advanced in wealth?
Cherish public Credit as a mean of strength and security. But œconomise the resource by the using it as little as possible As one method of preserving it, use it as little as possible. Avoid occasions of expence by cultivating peace—remembering always that the preparation against danger for danger defence by timely and provident disbursements is often a mean of avoiding greater disbursements to repel it. Avoid the accumulation of expence debt by avoiding occasions andof expence and by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occasionned—not transferring to posterity the burthen which we ought to bear ourselves. Recollect that towards the dischar payment of debts there must be Revenue, that to have revenue there must be taxes, and that a chearful acquiesence which in those whic that it is impossible to devise taxes which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant—that they are always a choice of difficulties—that from the intrinsic embarrassment which always never fails to attend a selection of objects ought to be a motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the Government in making it—and that a spirit of acquiescence in those measures for obtaining revenue which the public exigencies dictate is in an especial manner the duty and interest of the citizens of every State.
Cherish good faith and Justice towards, and peace and harmony with all nations. Religion and morality demandenjoins this conduct And It cannot be, but that true policy equally demands dictatesdemands it. It will be worthy of a free enlightened and at not no distant period a great nation to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example to mankind of a people and go invariably governed by those exalted viewsan exalted justice & benevolence.. Who can say doubt that in thea long course of time and events the fruits of such a conduct would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to the plan? Can it be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity happiness of a nation with its virtue? The experiment is worthy ofrecommended by every sentiment thatwhich ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices?
Toward the execution of such a plan nothing is more essential than that antipathies against particular nations and passionate attachments towardsfor others should be discarded avoided—and that instead of them we should cultivate just and amicable feelings towards all. That nation, which indulges towards another a habitual hatred or a habitual fondness is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its attach affection—either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and interest. Antipathy against one nation which never fails to beget a similar sentiment in the other disposes each more readily to violate the rights offer injury and insult to the other—to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage and to be haughty and intractable when accidental or trifling differences arise. Hence frequent quarrelsbroils and bitter and obstinate contests. The nation urged by resentment and rage sometimes impels the Government to War contrary to its own calculations of policy & interest. The Gover[n]ment frequ sometimes participates in this propensity & does through passion what reason would forbid—at other times it makes the animosity of the nations subservient subservient to hostiles projects which originate in ambition & other sinister motives. The peace often and sometimes the liberty of Nations has been the victim of this cause.
In like mannerSo likewise a passionate attachment of one one nation to another produces multiplied ills. Sympathy for the favourite nations, promote promoting facilitating the illusion of a supposed common interest in cases where it does not exist and a participation in the enmities of the favourite leads to embark commun and communicating to one the enmities of the one betrays into a participation in its quarrels & wars without adequate inducements or justifications. It leads to the concession of privileges to one nation and to the denial of them to others—which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concession by an unnecessary sacrifice yielding of what ought to have been retained and by exciting jealousy ill will and retaliation in the party from whom an equal privilege is witheld. And it gives to ambitious or corrupted or deluded citizens, who devote themselves to the views of the favourite foreign nation thepower, facility in betraying or sacrificing the interests of their own country even withwithout odium & the advantage of popularitygilding with the appearance to themselves of  a virtuous impulse virtue & justness of sentiment the base sacrificesyieldings of ambition of or corruption.
As avenues to foreign influence in innume innumerable Ways such attachments are peculiarly alarming to the enlightened independent friend of his CountryPatriot. How many opportunities do they does it afford to intrigue with domestic factions to seduce even to practice with success the arts of success—to misdirect theseduction—to mislead public opinion—to influence or awe the public Councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak towards a great & powerful Nation destines the former to revolve round the latter as its satellite.

Against the Mischiefs of Foreign Influence all are the Jealousy of a free people ought to be constantlycontinually directed exerted. All History & Experience in different ages and nations has proved that foreign influence is one of the most formidablebaneful foes of republican Governt—but theat jealousy of it to be useful must be impartial else it becomes an instrument instead of a defence—of thatthe very influence to be avoided instead of a defenceguard against it.
An Excessive partiality for one foreign nation & excessive dislike of another, leads to see danger only on one side and serves to viel & second the arts of influence on the other. This is a mo Real Patriots who resist the intrigues of the favorite become suspected & odious. Its tools & dupes usurp the applause & confidence of the people to betray their interests.
The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign Nations ought to be to have as little political connection with them as possible—so far as we have already formed engagements let them be fulfilled—with circumspection indeed but with perfect good faith. But Here let us stop.
Europe has a set of primary interests foreign to us which have none or a very remote relation to us. Hence she must be involved in frequent contests the causes of which will be essentially foreign to us. Hence therefore it must necessarily be unwise in us on our part to implicate ourselves by an artificial connectione in the ordinary vicissitudes of European politics—in the combination, & collisions of her friendships or enmities.
Our detached and distant situation invites us to a different course & enables us to pursue it. If we remain a united people under an efficient Government the period is not distant when we may defy material injury from external annoyance—when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we shall at any time resolve to observe to be duly violated with caution—when menacing more than car when it will be the interest of belligerent nations under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us to be very careful how either forced us to throw our weight into the opposite scale—when we may choose peace or war as our interest guided by justice shall dictate.
Why should we forego the advantages of so ha felicitous a situation? Why should we quit our own ground to stand upon EuropeanForeign ground? Why by interweaving our destiny with any part of Europe should we intangle our prospect prosperity and peace in the nets of European Ambition rivalship interest or Caprice?
Permanent alliance, intimate connection with any part of the foreign ea world is to be avoided. I mean so far (I mean) as we are now at liberty to do it: for let me never be understood as infedily to as patronising infidelity to preexisting engagements. These must be observed in their true and genuine sense. But tis not necessary nor will it be prudent to extend them. Tis our true policy as a general principle to avoid permanent or a close alliance—Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments in a respectably defensive posture we may safely trust to occasional alliances infor extraordinary emergencies. But I mean to submit to you my fellow citizens a general principle of policy which I think ought to govern you as far as you are at present free. In extraordinary exigencies temporary alliances will suffice for the occasion.
Harmony liberal friendly intercourse and commerce with all nations are recommended by justice humanity & interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal hand—neither seeking nor granting particular exclusive favours or preferences—consulting the natural course of things—diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of Commerce but forcing nothing—establishing by treaty with powers so disposed in order to give to Trade a stable course, to trade define the rights of our Merchants and enable the Government to support them—temporaryconventional rules of intercourse the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion of interest will permit but temporary—and liable to be abandonned or varied as time experience & future circumstances may dictate—remembering alway that tis folly to expect a disinterested in one nation to expect disinterested favour in another—that to accept any thing under that character it is to part with a portion of ourits independence—and that weit may frequently find ourselvesitself in the condition of having given an equivalents for nominal favours and of being reproached with ingratitude in the bargain. There can be no greater error in national policy than to desire expect or calculate upon real favours. Tis an illusion that experience must cure, that a just pride ought to discard.
In offering to you My Countrymen! fellow Citizens these counsels of an old and affectionate friend—counsels suggested by labourious reflection and matured by a various experience—I dare not hope that they will make the strong and lasting impressions I wish—that they will controul the current of the passions or prevent our nation from running the course of which has hitherto marked the destiny of all nations. But if I may flatter myself that they may even produce some partial benefits, some occasional good—if the shallthat they sometimes recur to moderate the violence of party spirit—to warn against the evils of foreign intrigue—to guard against the impositions of pretended patriotism—the having offered them must always afford me a precious consolation.
How far in the execution of my present Office I have been guided by the principles which have been recommendedinculcated the public records & the external evidences of my conduct must witness. to an My conscious assures me that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.
In reference to the present War of Europe my Proclamation of the 22d of April 1793 is the key to my sentimentsplan. Sanctioned by your approving voice and that of your representatives in Congress has continually governed me the spirit of that measure has continually governed me uninfluenced and unawed by the attempts of any of the warring powers their agents or partizans to deter or divert from it.

After deliberate consideration and the best lights I could obtain (and from men who did not agree in their views of the original progress & nature of that war) I was satisfied that our Country, had under all the circumstances of the case, had a right and was bound in propriety and interest to take a neutral position—And having taken it, I determined as far as should depend on me to maintain it steadily and firmly.
Though in reviewing the eventsincidents of my administration I am unconscious of intentional error—I am yet too sensible of my own deficiencies not to think it probable that I have committed many errors. I deprecate the evils to which they may tend—and fervently implore the Almighty to avert or mitigate them. I shall carry with me nevertheless the hope that my motives will continue to be viewed by my Country with indulgence & that after forty five years of my life devoted with an upright zeal to the public service the faults of inadequate abilities will be consigned to oblivion as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.
Neither Ambition nor interest has been the impelling cause of my actions. I never designedly misused any power confided to me. The fortune with which I came into office is not bettered otherwise than by that value improvement in the value of property which the natural progress and peculiar prosperity of our country have produced. I retire with an a pure heartwithout cause for a blush— with no sentiment alien to your true interests with no alien sentiment to the ardor of those vows for the happiness of his Country which is so natural to a Citizen who sees in it with undefiled hand and with ardent vows for the happiness of a Country, which is the native soil of myselfhimself and progenitors for four generations.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Oliver Wolcott, Junior, 30 July 1796
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.

[New York] July 30th 1796
Dr Sir
I had written you a short line previous to the Receipt of your letter of the 26th to which indeed I can add nothing material.
It will, as things stand, be imprudent to push the point of a further loan till the President arrives—for though a majority of the Directors are well disposed to the thing, they are afraid of McCormick’s clamours and want the sanction of the President to controul & counterballance him. All I am told that can now be relied upon is a postponement of the payment of the 200 000 Dollars heretofore lent—to which McCormick assents.
Yrs. truly
A Hamilton
Oliver Wolcott Esq


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Oliver Wolcott, Junior, 1 August 1796
From: Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Philadelphia, August 1, 1796. On August 3, 1796, Hamilton wrote to Wolcott: “I have received your letter of the 1st.” Letter not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Catharine Bedlow, 2 August 1796
From: Bedlow, Catharine
To: Hamilton, Alexander

New York, August 2, 1796. “Inclosed is the Letter of Helena Soyer which I Should have been Sent you before, but being daily in Expectation of Seeing you, it was defered to be given you till then. I could wish a Leasure Houre will permit you to call & See us as Mr Bedlow Continues Ill unable to transact any Business.”


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Oliver Wolcott, Junior, [5 August 1796]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.

[New York, August 5, 1796]
Dr. Sir
The Bank of New York is willing to make the loan of 324 000 Dollars to you (I mean the exact sum of about this amount, if you desire it, which one of the laws you mentioned authorises to borrow) on these terms to advance all but two hundred thousand Dollars when you please—to advance the two hundred thousand Dollars, by way of reloan, when that sum, payable in October, becomes due. The term of credit to be in each case six months from the time of the advance. The interest six per Cent, with a deposit of Stock (6 ⅌ Cent) at par so placed as to permit the sale of it at the market price, if there be a failure of reimbursement at the stipulated periods. The Treasury, upon honor, to draw immediately upon the Bank as the money is wanted for expenditure not to transfer it before hand. On this point sincerity and delicacy will be expected.
It was mentioned too as desirable, though not made a condition, that it should be understood that in case a real pressing emergency in the course of the Winter should exist the Bank on giving previous notice of the necessity to the Treasury might be at liberty to sell the stock at the then market price. The Directors to be upon honor not to use this permission but in case of real necessity. Their honor, I know, may be intirely relied upon & it may be well to gratify.
The deposit of Stock was suggested by myself upon your first letter. It is an ingredient in the negotiation which the Bank values.
Yrs. truly
A HamiltonAug 5. 1796

The Bank wishes a speedy decision.
Oliver Wolcott Junr. Esq


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Richard Hatfield, 9 August 1796
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Hatfield, Richard

New York, August 9, 1796. “I have in my hands two bonds one from Joseph Lyon of White Plains, in WestChester for £ 82.10 dated the 9th of Feby 1770—the other from Joseph Lyon and Daniel Lyon dated the 2nd. of may in the year 1768 both to General Schuyler.… As well from finding your name mentioned in the matter as from the belief that you are more likely than any other to know the situation of the Parties and the state [of] facts I am induced to trouble you with a request that you will be so good as to make the necessary inquiry and assist me with all the light you can collect to enable me to Judge of the probability of recovering the money.…”


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from George Washington, 10 August 1796
From: Washington, George
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Mount Vernon 10th Augt. 1796.
My dear Sir,
The principal design of this letter, is to inform you, that your favor of the 30th. Ulto, with its enclosure, got safe to my hands by the last Post, and that the latter shall have the most attentive consideration I am able to give it.
A cursory reading it has had, and the Sentiments therein contained are extremely just, & such as ought to be inculcated. The doubt that occurs at first view, is the length of it for a News Paper publication; and how far the occasion would countenance its appearing in any other form, without dilating more on the present state of matters, is questionable. All the columns of a large Gazette would scarcely, I conceive, contain the present draught. But having made no accurate calculation of this matter, I may be much mistaken.
If any matters should occur to you as fit subjects of communication at the opening of the next Session of Congress I would thank you for noting and furnishing me with them. It is my wish, and my custom to provide all the materials for the Speech in time that it may be formed at leizure.
With sincere esteem and affectionate regard   I am always Yours
Go: Washington
Alexr: Hamilton Esqr.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Joseph Strong, 11 August 1796
From: Strong, Joseph
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Cooperstown [New York] August 11, 1796. “I having been lately imployed by several Defendants in Actions of Trespass recommended by Joshua Mercereau in Tioga County for fishing in the Susquehannah River where he owned the Soil on both sides thereof and on argument thereof befor Balthazar De Haert Esqr. (your late partner in business while I were under your Tuition) as an umpire, being disappointed in his decision for the plaintiff in Support of the Actions, in private conversation with him afterwards we offered to submit the same to your Opinion—in consequence whereof as well as to satisfy myself & employers I transmit you the foregoing Case comprising the whole question.… Permit me Sir to request your Opinion on the Case.…”


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Jonathan Williams, 18 August 1796
From: Williams, Jonathan
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Mount Pleasant [near Philadelphia], August 18, 1796. “I wrote you, on the day of my last Interview relative to my affair with Mr Macomb, June 8. 1796.… By your silence it is evident that, as counsel for Mr Macomb you did not think yourself justifiable to enter farther into the Matter. My only reason for troubling you now, is to request your remembrance of the measures I have taken to procure an amicable arrangement; and at the future day you will do me the justice to allow, that I am not bound by politeness, or any principle of regard to the parties, to vary in the smallest degree any kind of rigour that the Laws will Support.”


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Rufus King, 25 August 1796
From: King, Rufus
To: Hamilton, Alexander

London Aug. 25. 1796
Dear sir,
It would have been agreeable to this Government if we would have agreed to the appointment of Doct. Swabey as the fifth commissioner; he is really a very candid and honorable man, but for the same reason that we could not satisfy the Commissioners on the part of G.B. with the appointment of our Country man Colo Trumbull, an equally candid and honorable character, they have been unable to convince us that under all circumstances it would be adviseable that we should accept Doctr. Swabey.

The utmost propriety of conduct has been shewn on both sides, and out of several Names proposed by each, the British Commissioners selected Colo. Trumbull and our Commissioners Doctr. Swabey, as the names to be put in the urn—the lot has decided in our favor, and Colo Trumbull who is on the spot is the fifth Commissioner. The Board being now complete will proceed to Business without unnecessary Delay.
Knowing the immense importance of this Commission to our Commerce, and navigation, I take the earliest Opportunity to give you this information. The surrender of the Posts which has taken place, and the very explicit assurances that I have received from the highest authority in this nation, of a Resolution to carry into Effect the Treaty with the most scrupulous Fidelity, make me anxious that nothing should take place on our side that should furnish even a pretence, much less a Justification, for arresting the further and complete execution of the Treaty—the very extraordinary situation of Europe at this moment should inspire us with great caution; and those whose Property depend on the Treaties being permitted to go into full Effect, should feel, and be influenced by, this Reflection.
Farewell!   Very sincerely yr’s
Rufus King
Col. Hamilton


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Stephen Van Rensselaer, 25 August 1796
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Van Rensselaer, Stephen

[New York, August 25, 1796. “I embrace with pleasure the opportunity of making you acquainted with Mr. Adet Minister P: of the French Republic, for whom it is unnecessary for me to ask your particular attentions as they are equally due to his public and personal character. I will only add that I shall take a particular interest in whatever you may do to render his visit to Albany agreeable to him.” Letter not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from David Howell, 31 August 1796
From: Howell, David
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Halifax [Nova Scotia] Aug. 31. 1796
Sir,
Col. Barclay & myself after 7 or 8 days canvassing have agreed upon the Hon. Egbert Benson of N.Y. as 3d Comissr.
As he is your friend as well as ours let me request your influence with him to accept this appointment. We never shall agree on any other person. The alternative is not very ⟨promising⟩ nor likely to prove satisfactory to either Country.
I hope your State will suspend their claim on Mr. Benson only for a few weeks this fall. The Cause Col. Barclay & myself have agreed Shall be tried in the City of N. York.
It is not likely that the Surveys can be compleated till late in this fall. The Agents must then have time to prepare—and the Commissioners & Agents cannot meet in the Winter conveniently so that the trial will probably be in N. York next Spring. This we have agreed to for Mr. Bensons convenience—so he will see how entirely he has our Confidence & may hope to give Satisfaction to both Countries.
We have sent a Vessel to bring him to attend merely in answering the Court & opening the business—to sit only a few days & adjourn.
As you delight in doing public Service I assure myself of your attention to the object of this Letter. I need only add that when I parted with you I requested you to consult Mr. Benson & to write me whether he would accept or not & that from your Silence I had some reason to hope he would accept.
With great esteem & respt Sir your very He Sert
David Howell
Hon. A. Hamilton.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from George Washington, 1 September 1796
From: Washington, George
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Private
Philadelphia 1st. Septr. 1796
My dear Sir,
About the middle of last Week I wrote to you; and that it might escape the eye of the Inquisitive (for some of my letters have lately been pried into) I took the liberty of putting it under a cover to Mr. Jay.
Since then, revolving on the Paper that was enclosed therein; on the various matters it contained; and on the just expression of the advice or recommendation which was given in it, I have regretted that another subject (which in my estimation is of interesting concern to the well-being of this country) was not touched upon also: I mean Education generally as one of the surest means of enlightening & givg. just ways of thinkg to our Citizens, but particularly the establishment of a University; where the Youth from all parts of the United States might receive the polish of Erudition in the Arts, Sciences & Belle Letters; and where those who were disposed to run a political course, might not only be instructed in the theory & principles, but (this Seminary being at the Seat of the General Government) where the Legislature wd. be in Session half the year, and the interests & politics of the Nation of course would be discussed, they would lay the surest foundation for the practical part also.
But that which would render it of the highest importance, in my opinion, is, that the Juvenal period of life, when friendships are formed, & habits established that will stick by one; the Youth, or young men from different parts of the United States would be assembled together, & would by degrees discover that there was not that cause for those jealousies & prejudices which one part of the union had imbibed agains[t] another part: of course, sentiments of more liberality in the general policy of the country would result from it. What, but the mixing of people from different parts of the United States during the War rubbed off these impressions? A century in the ordinary intercourse, would not have accomplished what the Seven years association in Arms did: but that ceasing, prejudices are beginning to revive again, and never will be eradicated so effectually by any other means as the intimate intercourse of characters in early life, who, in all probability, will be at the head of the councils of this country in a more advanced stage of it.
To shew that this is no new idea of mine, I may appeal to my early communications to Congress; and to prove how seriously I have reflected on it since, & how well disposed I have been, & still am, to contribute my aid towards carrying the measure into effect, I enclose you the extract of a letter from me to the Governor of Virginia on the Subject, and a copy of the resolves of the Legislature of that State in consequence thereof.

I have not the smallest doubt that this donation (when the Navigation is in complete operation, which it certainly will be in less than two years) will amount to twelve or £1500 Sterlg a year, and become a rapidly increasing fund. The Proprietors of the Federal City have talked of doing something handsome towards it likewise and if Congress would appropriate so⟨me of⟩ the Western lands to the same uses, funds sufficient, and of the most permanent and increasing sort might be so established as to invite the ablest Professors in Europe, to conduct it.
Let me pray you, therefore, to introduce a Section in the Address expressive of these sentiments, & recommendatory of the measure—without any mention, however, of my proposed personal contribution to the plan.
Such a Section would come in very properly after the one which relates to our religious obligations, or in a preceding part, as one of the recommendatory measures to counteract the evils arising from Geographical discriminations.
With Affecte regard   I am always Yours
Go: Washington
Colo. A. Hamilton


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Oliver Wolcott, Junior, 1 September 1796
From: Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Treasury DepartmentSeptember 1st. 1796
Sir
Lieutenant Colonel Fleury has credit on the Books of the Treasury as a foreign Officer for Seven thousand, five hundred & Seventy Dollars & fifty eight Cents principal, for which there exists an appropriation; this sum will therefore be paid at any time on the production of a power of Attorney and the original Certificates.
If however a transmission of the original Certificates would be attended with too great risque they may be lodged with our Minister in Paris and a Certificate from him that this is done, with a proper power of Attorney will be Sufficient.

The Interest on this debt ceased on the last day of December 1792, the sum then due was, One thousand eight hundred & Sixteen Dollars & Ninety four Cents, for the payment of which provision was made at Paris—this sum may be yet received at Paris by application to our Minister Mr. Munroe or His Successor General Pinckney when he shall have arrived.
If payment of the Interest last mentioned, is however preferred in the United States, it will be so made, on the production of a Certificate from our Minister, mentioning that the claim for payment in Paris, has been renounced.
It will be best for Colo Fleury to obtain payment here as soon as possible, for although his Monies are perfectly safe, they are in their present state entirely unproductive. As soon as payment shall be obtained from the Treasury, the monies may if he chooses, be advantageously invested in the purchase of Stock.
I am with perfect respect   Sir   Your most Obedient Servant
Oliv. Wolcott Jr.
Alexander Hamilton Esqr.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Amanda Coe, 2 September 1796
From: Coe, Amanda
To: Hamilton, Alexander

New York, September 2, 179⟨6⟩. Encloses ten dollars and asks for Hamilton’s assistance in securing her release from prison.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to George Washington, 4 September 1796
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

New York Sepr. 4. 1796
Sir
I have received your two late letters, the last but one transmitting me a certain draft. It will be corrected & altered with attention to your suggestions & returned by Monday’s or Tuesday’s post. The idea of the university is one of those which I think will be most properly reserved for your speech at the opening of the session. A general suggestion respecting education will very fitly come into the address.
With respectful & Affect attach:   I have the honor to remain   Sir Yr. very obedt. Servt
A Hamilton
The President


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to George Washington, 5 September 1796
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

New York Sept. 5. 1796
Sir
I return the draft corrected agreeably to your intimations. You will observe a short paragraph added respecting Education. As to the establishment of a University, it is a point which in connection with military schools, & some other things, I meant, agreeably to your desire to suggest to you, as parts of your Speech at the opening of the session. There will several things come there much better than in a general address to The People which likewise would swell the address too much. Had I had health enough, it was my intention to have written it over, in which case I could both have improved & abriged. But this is not the case. I seem now to have regularly a period of ill health every summer.
I think it will be adviseable simply to send the address by your Secretary to Dunlap. It will of course find its way into all the other papers. Some person on the spot ought to be charged with a careful examination of the impression by the proof sheet.
Very respectfully & Affect I have the honor to be   Sir   Yr. very obed serv
A Hamilton
The President


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from George Washington, 6 September 1796
From: Washington, George
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Philadelphia 6th. Septr. 1796.
My Dear Sir,
I received yesterday, your letter of the 4th. instant. If the promised paper has not been sent before this reaches you, Mr. Kitt the bearer of it, who goes to New York partly on mine, and partly on his own business, will bring it safely. I only await here, now, and shall in a few days do it impatiently, for the arrival of General Pinckney.
If you think the idea of a University had better be reserved for the Speech at the opening of the Session, I am content to defer the communication of it until that period. But even in that case, I would pray you (as soon as convenient) to make a draught for the occasion; predicated on the ideas with which you have been furnished—looking at the sametime into what was said on this head in my second Speech to the first Congress—merely with a view to see what was said on the subject at that time, and this you will perceive was not so much to the point as I want to express now—though it may, if proper, be glanced at, to shew that the subject had caught my attention early.
But to be candid, I much question whether a recommendation of this measure to the Legislature will have a better effect now than formerly. It may shew indeed my sense of its importance, and that is a sufficient inducement with me to bring the matter before the public in some shape or another, at the closing Scenes of my political exit. My object for proposing to insirt it where I did (if not improper) was to set the People to ruminating on the importance of the measures ⟨as the⟩ most likely means of bringing it to pass.
With much truth   I am Your Affectionate
Go: Washington
Colo. A. Hamilton


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from George Washington, 6 September 1796
From: Washington, George
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Philadelphia, September 6, 1796. Second letter of September 6 not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Isaac Sherman, 7 September 1796
From: Sherman, Isaac
To: Hamilton, Alexander

New York, September 7, 1796. “I have not been able to get money to pay my rent for the quarter which became due on the first day of august last, amounting to thirteen pounds fifteen shillings, and the Landlord is extreamly pressing for the money, I have therefore no other alternative than to refer him to you for the money.…”


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Rufus King, 10 September 1796
From: King, Rufus
To: Hamilton, Alexander

London Sep. 10. 1796
Dear Sir
I received this morning a Letter from Mr. Monroe dated Paris August 28. of which the following is an extract—“As soon as the order of this Government, as notified by the minister of foreign Affairs to Barthelemi the present Ambassador at Basle appeared in the Papers, for it was never notified to the foreign ministers here, I applied for information whether orders were issued for the Seizure of neutral vessels, stating Equally as the motive of my application a report apparently well authenticated, that one of our vessels had been lately taken near our own coast, and was informed that no such order was issued, and further that none such would be, in case the British did not seize our vessels. I am happy to give you this information, because I flatter my self the Knowledge of this fact may be useful in respect to our commerce with the Country in which you reside.” I have in a former Letter told you that the British Government deny that any order has been lately issued, or that any order exists, authorising the seizure of neutral Cargoes bound to the french ports as was alledged to be the case in the Letter from the french Minister of for. Affairs to Barthelemi. The foregoing Extract is all I know from Mr. Monroe respecting the Resolution of the french Government communicated by their Minister of for. Affairs to their Ambassador at Basle. You will have seen the Letter to Barthelemi, which is undoubtedly authentic, and you now have what mr. Munroe reports as the result of his Application on the Subject. I make no comments nor inferences—you have the Materials and can make your own interpretations.
Very sincerely   Yrs
R. King
PS. I have seen Mrs. Church and family this morning at Mr. Pinckney’s they are all well. Mr. Pinckney will sail for Carolina about the 22d. or 25th. of this month.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Rufus King, 11 September 1796
From: King, Rufus
To: Hamilton, Alexander

London Sep. 11. 1796
Immediately after the publication of the Letter from the french Government to their Minister Barthelemi at Basle, announcing their determination to seize the cargoes of neutral vessels destined to the English Ports, I wrote to Mr. Monroe informing him that the Br. Gov. disavowed the having issued any recent order for the capture of neutral Cargoes bound to french Ports as alledged in the letter to Barthelemi—and by a Letter that I received today from Mr. Monroe under date of the 28. of August he says that on application for Information whether the fr. Gov. have issued an order for the capture of neutral Vessels he has been informed that no such order has been issued, and further that none will be, in case the British did not seize our vessels.
I am not quite able to explain this Transaction, I therefore give you fresh Facts as I know—you must seek for interpretations.
very sincerely and affectionately   Yr. ob. Ser.
Rufus King
Colo. Hamilton


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, [12 September 1796]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Pinckney, Charles Cotesworth

[New York, September 12, 1796]
Dr Sir
I have received your letter transmitting me a draft on H & S Johnson & Co. for 857 Dollars & 14 Cents on account of Kinloch’s debt to Mr. Church. Lest I should not see you here give me leave to request information in whose care the affairs of Mr. Church have been left by you—& whether any thing more has been done with Mrs Cattle’s alias Bowman’s note. The above bill has been accepted.
I trouble you with two letters, one to an old military acquaintance Fleury—another to a person who not knowing what to do with his money when he left this Country deposited it with me upon my bond in duplicates between 6 & 700 pounds. It is very long since I have heared any thing of him. Perhaps he may not exist. You will oblige me by inquiry & if dead concerning his relations, as I am disposed to exonerate myself of my charge.
My best wishes for your happiness & success will follow you every where
Yrs. truly
A HamiltonSepr 12. 1796
P.S. You will excuse the use I make of your Name in these letters. Ducher was a member of the National Convention

Charles C. Pinckney Esq


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Phineas Bond, 15 September 1796
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Bond, Phineas

New York Sepr. 15. 1796.
Sir.
Two days since a letter was delivered to me with a declaration of the bearer that it came from Mr. Lyston. On opening the cover, I found nothing except a letter from Capt Cochran (which though not addressed would appear to have been written to some public agent of Great Britain) and a declaration of David Wilson and Thomas Marshall respecting the ship Eliza. The superscription of the packet resembling your hand writing, I concluded that it might have come from you & that by some mistake the letter you had written me had been omitted and that on discovery of the omission, it would have been forwarded by another opportunity. Finding after two days waiting that this expectation has not been realized, I have determined to write to you on the subject.
Mr. Charles Wilkes had previously applied to me concerning this affair and had submitted to my consideration various papers. The result was that I discouraged a judicial prosecution.
My reasons are these—
Taking it to be true as stated that Cap Hussey brought from the shore within our territory persons who by force aided him to rescue the captured Vessel, I am of opinion that this circumstance would give jurisdiction of the case to our Courts on the application of the Capturing party.
But when on such application any of our Courts should hold jurisdiction it would in my judgment go into the merits and examine the validity of the Capture.
Here these facts occur, that the Eliza, being a transport Vessel in the service of Great Britain, was captured by a French privateer fitted out of some port of France by Barney an American Citizen in quality of Armateur, Le Veillé probably a Frenchman, Captain by Comission—and was afterwards condemned as prize by the sentence of a Court of Admiralty at Dunkirk—and as far as the direct proof goes purchased in virtue of that sentence by an American Citizen.
It is conjectured that two thirds of the Vessel may have belonged to a French house Messrs. Debaques; because it appears that Hussey paid two thirds of the purchase money in a Bill drawn by that House. But this is evidently a mere circumstance of suspicion & wholly inconclusive. Why may not the Debaques have been factors or Agents for Hussey? Why may not Hussey have purchased their draft towards the payment? One or the other of the two latter suppositions would no doubt prevail with the Court, if there was no collateral proof to the contrary.
It is also conjectured that the Eliza may even have continued the property of Barney. But all the documents now in the power of the Captor speak a contrary language. This suspicion then, however just it may be in fact, cannot be supported.
The question then is Would the Equipment of the Privateer by Barney be sufficient to invalidate the purchase by a neutral Citizen under the sentence of a Court of the Capturing Power?
No opinion of any theoretic Writer, nor as I believe, any usage of any Nation, nor the decisions of Courts of Admiralty will authorise, in any judgment, an affirmative answer to that Question.
If Mr. Barney comes within the 21st. Article of our Treaty with Great Britain, it would make him liable, if taken by Great Britain to be punished as a pirate. But it will be observed that the stipulation would not oblige the U States to treat him as such. And the article being confined to personal punishment may be supposed not to contemplate the confiscation of property captured by such a person.
But it would be to go an unheard of length to pronounce null the prize made under such circumstances by a Vessel fitted out of the Ports of the Belligerent power & regularly commissioned & after a sentence of condemnation.
Therefore, and as the property in question is of little value, & as smart damages would be likely to attend a failure of the prosecution, I advised against it, as I now still do.
Yet, if Capt. Cochran or any person acting on his behalf shall desire the experiment to be made, however unpromising in my view, I shall esteem it a professional duty, and due to justice to a foreign power, to put the affair in a course of judicial investigation.
With esteem   I am Sir   Yr very Obed serv
A Hamilton
Phineas Bond Esqr


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Abraham Van Vechten, 16 September 1796
From: Van Vechten, Abraham
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Albany] September 16, 1796. “In the Causes of Mr Duane agst. the Tenants of Voght two Questions are likely to arise, on which I am directed to request your opinion as early as possible. The inclosed is a Copy of the only Writing which Mr Duane has from the Patentee to vest the Title in him. Quer. Does a legal Title pass by it, so as that we can recover on Mr. Duanes sole demise? In one of the Causes the Ancestor of Defts was a Tenant for Years of Mr. Duane. He died a Year or two ago & left Defts. in his possession, who agreed to deliver it up to Mr Duane by a certain Day. On the Day appointed Mr. Duane sent a person to receive the possession, who met the Defts. at the Door on a Cart going off with their last Load of Furniture &c. The Defts. declared they delivered up the possession to the person sent by Mr Duane, and then rode away. When Mr Duane’s Agent or new Tenant came up to the Door of the House he found Voght & another person in it, by whom he was deterred from entering it. Thus situated Mr Duane’s Agent &c went off & informed his principal that he could not obtain the possession, as a few Days after Defts. reentered as Tenants under Voght. Quer. Are not Defts. Precluded by their original Tenancy from controverting our Title? Their Transactions with Voght savour strongly of Fraud & Collusion.…”


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Timothy Pickering, 21 September 1796
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Pickering, Timothy

New [York] Sepr. 21. 1796
Dr Sir
Some time since Mr. McCormick spoke to me about the case of his Kinsman Mr. Pitcairn whom Mr. Monroe had prevented from exercising the functions of Consul. I can, in justice, inform you that this Gentleman is well considered in our City and that his political principles have been understood to be very friendly to the French Revolution; nor have we any doubt that his sentiments towards our own Government are altogether American. So that in truth there can be no shadow of political objection to him as to the Office for which he was intended.
With respect & esteem   Dr. Sir   Yr Obed Serv
A Hamilton
Col Pickering


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from John Steele, 23 September 1796
From: Steele, John
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Philada. Septemr. 23d. 1796
My dear sir,
I have the honor to acknowledge your letter of the 20th. inst. and to return you my unfeigned thanks for the polite and friendly manner in which you were pleased to speak of my appointment. Next to the pleasure which attends a faithfull discharge of duty, it will always afford me the highest gratification to be classed among those who are favored with your approbation.
John Sitgreaves the united States’s Judge for the district of North Carolina being in this city, I have concieved that it might be satisfactory to you to be furnished with his information upon the point stated in your letter. His notes are herewith enclosed for your perusal, and as circumstances which entitle them to consideration, it may not be improper to add that before his present appointment he was a lawyer of respectable standing in that state, and a member of the Legislature.
In addition to his letter you will also herewith receive the transcripts of three laws which I have caused to be prepared, and which are forwarded with an expectation that the expression of the legislature upon the subject will prove more satisfactory to your mind, than the information, or opinion of any individual.
During the revolution war many laws were passed to ascertain the description of persons entitled to citizenship, but these laws having a particular reference to the then circumstances of the country are decred to be obsolete, and having been dictated by the spirit of the times, it is right that they should be so considered.
An opinion prevailed in North Carolina until the appearance of the late insurrection in Pennsylvania, that not having a population equal to the extent of our territory it would be expedient to open the door to european emigrants as wide as possible, and to this mistaken policy it must be ascribed that the important subject of naturalization has been so little attended to by the legislature.
The evidences of citizenship I have often known to be the subject of interesting discussions at elections, and although the Judges of the elections do not like the courts of justice settle the law for the State their decisions nevertheless serve to shew the opinions entertained by the best informed men among the people. In consequence of their decisions, in the part of the country where I lived, emigrants of distinction who either from a sense of personal rights, or from the nature of their pecuniary transactions were desirous to be armed at all points, have been usually advised to take the oath of allegiance before some Justice of the peace (out of court) capable of granting a certificate in decent form. This certificative is immediately presented to the Clerk of the court of pleas, and quarter sessions at his office who upon the payment of a perquisite 2/8 will subjoin a testimonial under the county seal in this form.

North Carolina
}
ss

Anson County

Be it remembered that A: B esquire who administered the foregoing oath of allegiance to C. D was at the time of doing so, and is at this time one of the acting Justices of the peace for the county aforesaid, and being legally authorised to hold the courts, to administer oaths, and to keep the peace within the said county full faith and credit are due to his official attestation.
In testimony whereof &ca. &ca.
Seal of the County
A certificate of this kind supported by the requisites of the constitution I have never known to be disputed either in the courts of law, or by the Judges of the elections, the only tribunals where the rights of a citizen are usually scrutinized; but in all cases where the certificate is to be used out of the state or even out of the county the seal and attestation of the Clerk have been considered indispensable for this obvious reason, that the office of the clerk of the county, and the office of the private Sectry. of the Governor are the only two places in the state where the fact that a man is an acting justice of the peace can be legally authenticated.
Sometimes I have known, men who intended to travel, or for greater caution apply to the Court by petition, or motion of counsel to have their certificates admitted to record; this is attended with expence but never refused, unless it shoud appear that the certificate was obtained collusively.
It will afford me peculiar pleasure to understand that you have recevd. this letter safe, and that its contents are in any respect useful to you.
I have the honor to be,   My dear sir,   With perfect respect, Your obliged friend and hume. Servt.
Jno. Steele
The honble.Colonel HamiltonNew York.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Angelica Church, [24 September 1796]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Church, Angelica

[New York, September 24, 1796]
At length, Dear Angelica our apprehensions are realized and your coming is deferred. But though life is too short to render it agreeable to lose even a winter in the passage from hope to enjoyment in any thing which materially interests us—yet if you do really come in the Spring and bring with you Mr. Church it will afford us consolation, because it will leave less ultimately at hazard and may give us earlier the pleasure of seeing him. But prithee do not let the Winter freeze the inclination, and produce more procrastination. For one cannot always live on hope. Tis thin diet at best.
Your friend, Mrs. Grattan, is strongly tempted to remain in Philadelphia. But we are trying to form a counterplot. She will be an acquisition to us, if what we hear is true.
Adieu Give our Love to the younger part of your family, to Caty in particular mine. I am told she justifies all my anticipations of her. I take credit to myself for having discerned her worth in embryo when no one else had yet found it out.
Adieu Yrs. Affect
A Hamilton
Sepr. 24. 1796


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Timothy Pickering, 24 September 1796
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Department of State Sept 24. 1796.
Dr Sir,
I have just received your letter of the 21st relative to Mr. Pitcairn. As soon as the President had determined to change our Minister at Paris, I considered it not less necessary to make a change in the Consulate; and Mr Pinckney will go thither with the requisite powers on this subject. I have mentioned to him Mr Pitcairn as the gentleman whom he may safely and advantageously employ in the preliminary investigations of Mr. Skipwith’s proceedings with respect to the immense property of American citizens which has been committed to his management. This investigation, and measures, for securing the property, I thought should precede any change in the Consulate. The mode suggested will naturally introduce Mr Pitcairn to his proper place, with this view I had some days since made particular enquiry about his character, and received such information as enabled me to recommend him to the confidence of Gen’l Pinckney in the proposed investigation, and with an assurance, that his agency would be acceptable to our mercantile citizens. I am glad to receive your additional testimony in his favor, which I shall give to Gen’l Pinckney.
With great respect & esteem, I am, &c
Timothy Pickering
P.S. I shall be obliged, by your communicating this to Mr McCormick, to whom I am indebted for an answer to his letter concerning Mr Pitcairn but which this may now supercede. But as it respects Mr Skipwith I think nothing should be made public.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Jeremiah Wadsworth, 29 September 1796
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Wadsworth, Jeremiah

New York Sep 29. 1796
Dear Sir
Permit me to introduce to your acquaintance and recommend to your Civilities the bearer of this, Mr. Hoffman, our Atty General who goes to Connecticut on the question of the Connecticut Gore. He will wish to engage the assistance of one of your Lawyers; will you assist him with your advice?
Yrs. Affectly
A Hamilton
J Wadsworth Esq


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Robert Liston, 30 September 1796
From: Liston, Robert
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Philadelphia 30th September 1796
Sir,
Mr Bond has communicated to me a letter written by you to him on the 15th of this month, on the Subject of the Ship Eliza, captured by Captain Cochrane, and afterwards retaken by the Master and carried into New York.
The letter signed by Captain Cochrane and enclosing a declaration of David Wilson and Thomas Marshall, which you received under a Blank Cover, was in fact intended for you, though not addressed, and was forwarded by me at his desire.
Mr. Cochrane had previously made an application to me on that business, and transmitted to me copies of a letter of Captain Barney to Mr. George G. Hussey, dated at Ostend the 8th of April, and of a receipt of the said Barney for the value of the Ship Eliza, said to have been purchased in the port of Flushing; requesting that I would take such steps as I might think proper in a case which appeared to him to be of national importance.
I accordingly presented a memorial to the American Secretary of State (on the 12th inst.) claiming the restitution of the Eliza to the British Captors, on the ground that the original capture by an armament fitted out by an American citizen must have been illegal and that no regular trial, and consequently no legitimate sale, could take place in a port of Holland, into which it appeared that the vessel had been carried. I urged that these circumstances at least created a suspicion of the fair neutrality of the property, and of course justified the detention of the Ship, with a view to a discussion of the question in a Competent Court of Justice; that the violent recapture by the Captain became therefore a breach of the Law of Nations, which called for redress.
I had judged however from the two abovementioned documents alone. You, Sir, appear to have had other information; since you state as a fact that the Eliza was condemned by the Sentence of a Court of Admiralty in Dunkirk. If this is the case, the question is essentially altered; and though I cannot admit of the regularity or propriety of the conduct of Captain Hussey, yet I agree with you in thinking it inadvisable to endeavour to obtain redress in a Court of Law in New York: at all events, as a friend of Captain Cochrane’s, I frankly give it is as my opinion that no step should be taken in the matter till you are expressly authorized by some person acting on his behalf.
I am, with perfect truth and regard,   Sir,   Your most obedient humble servant,
Rob. Liston.
Alexander Hamilton Esqe


Title: The War in Europe, [September–December 1796]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To:

[September–December, 1796]
Every step of the progress of the present war in Europe has been marked with horrors. If the perpetration of them was confined to those who are the acknowleged instruments of despotic Power, it would excite less surprize—but when they are acted by those who profess themselves to be the Champions of the rights of man, they naturally occasion both wonder and regret. Passing by the extreme severities which the French have exercised in Italy, what shall we think of the following declaration of Jourdan to the inhabitants of Germany
Good God! is it then a crime for men to defend their own Government and Country? Is it a punishable offence in the Germans that they will not accept from the French what they offer as liberty, at the point of the bayonet? This is to confound all ideas of morality and humanity; it is to trample upon all the rights of man and nations. It is to restore the ages of Barbarism. According to the laws and practice of modern war, the peasantry of a Country, if they remain peaceably at home, are protected from other harm than a contribution to the necessities of the invading army. Those who join the armies of their Country and fight with them are considered and treated as other soldiers. But the present French Doctrine is, that they are to be treated as Rebels and Criminals. German patriotism is a heinous offence in the eyes of French Patriots. How are we to solve this otherwise than by observing that the French are influenced by the same spirit of Domination which governed the antient Romans! These considered themselves as having a right to be the Masters of the World and to treat the rest of mankind as their vassals.
How clearly is it proved ⟨by⟩ all ⟨–⟩ that the praise of a ⟨–⟩ world is justly due to Christianity. War, by the influence of the humane principles of that Religion, had been stripped of half its terrors. The French renounce christianity & they relapse into Barbarism. War resumes the same hideous and savage form, which it wore in the ages of Roman and Gothic Violence.


Title: Account with Archibald Drummond, 4 October 1796
From: Drummond, Archibald,Hamilton, Alexander
To:

New York Octobr. 4th. 1796.

Col: Hamilton

To Archibd Drummond, Dr.

1795

Decr.
22d.
1 large slate
4/6
£

“
2 Pencils
2/6

1 Copy
2/0
11.6

1 Ashes Grammr.
2/6

24
1 Espinasses

1.18   .

4 papers ink powdr.

6.

Jany.
4th
1 box pounce

1.

12
1 Sett bills Exchange

3.

13
1 Qr. Imperiel papr.

16.

14
1 Powel & Devises

1.16.

Feby.
1
1 pen knife

8.

“
½ Hund Quills 6/ Wafers
1/6
7.6

18th.
¼ Do. Do.

3.

25
Slate pencil

1

March
2d.
2 Hundd. Quills

1.4

5
1 Ream thick 4to. posts

2.2

7
Wafers

3.

11
6 Sheets bills Exchange

6.

21st
1 box pounce

6

April
2
1 Kyd. on bills

15.

6
1 Stick wax

1.

19th
1 Slate pencil

6

May
11th.
12 Skins parchments

2.16.

1 Ream fools cap

2.4.

1 Do 4to. Posts

1.18

1 Do. fools cap No. 4

1.3

June
6th.
¼ Hundd. Quills

6.6

1 Stick wax

1.

20
6 Skins parchment
5/
1.10.

25th
6 Sticks wax

6.

29th
1 tin box wafers

7.

July
1st
1 blk book

3.6

20th.
1 Greek Testament

9.

28th.
1 Hundd. Quills

14.

Sand

2.

India rubr.

6

Pounce

1.

Augt.
23d.
1 blank book

7.

30th.
10 Skins parchment
5/.
2.10.

Septr.
3d.
6 papers Ink powdr.

5.

8th.
½ Hundd. Quills

3.

13th.
8 Volms. Spectator

 2.0.0

£28.9.6


Title: Receipt from Peter Goelet, [4 October 1796]
From: Goelet, Peter
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[New York, October 4, 1796]
Received New York Octo 4 1796 of Alexander Hambleton Esqr. Six Hundered and fourty One pounds being principle and Interest on the third Instalment of the Purches Money for Lands bught at Acction belonging to the American Iron Company as mentioned in the Receipt of the first payment.
PG
£641


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Benjamin Walker, 4 October 1796
From: Walker, Benjamin
To: Hamilton, Alexander

New York, October 4, 1796. “It is six months since I furnished Col Smith with a Copy of the inclosed accounts and pressed him for a settlement.… Col Smith himself cannot require this nor can he be surprized that I desire you to commence process against him without any further delay this and nothing else will bring this tedious business to an issue.…”


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from James Wilson, 6 October 1796
From: Wilson, James
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Philadelphia, October 6, 1796. On October 12, 1796, Hamilton wrote to Théophile Cazenove: “I have received two letters of the 6th & 10th of October from Judge James Wilson.” Letter of October 6 not found.]


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Nicholas Low, [12 October 1796]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Low, Nicholas

[New York, October 12, 1796]
Mr. Hamilton will thank Mr. Low if not inconvenient for the loan of 100 Dollars for a few days.
October 12. 1796


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from William Heth, 14 October 1796
From: Heth, William
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Berm Hundred [Virginia] 14th Octr 1796
Dear Sir
I have only three minutes allowd to ask whether you received a private letter with part of a news paper enclosed some time last Winter addressed to the particular care of Capt Stratton. The piece alluded to was written by yr Hble servt—and the letter contained observations, intended only for yourself. Let me hear from you on this subject I pray.
You have herewith one of our papers, containing some pieces, which it is hoped by many in this part of the world, will be republished in the Northern papers.
It is the duty of every honest Man to exert himself at the present crisis. Every little may help.
Yrs truly
W Heth


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Benjamin Walker, 15 October [1796]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Walker, Benjamin

[New York] October 15 [1796]. “Troupe & I have conferred. We think, considering the magnitude of the concerns, the diversifications of it into sub-branches—the ability of parties &c.—We may reasonably expect each of us as a Retainer for each of your principals £50. that is to
To Hamilton

NY Curry

For Pulteney
£50

For Horneby
  50

Same to Troupe
£100
= 250 Ds.

We shall consider this as a retainer in all matters with Smith or growing out of his Agency.…”


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Oliver Wolcott, Junior, 17 October 1796
From: Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

(Private)
Philada. October 17. 1796
Dear Sir,
Permit me to ask your opinion on the following points.
1. Ought we or ought we not to permit Sales of Prizes to French national Ships of War, as formerly, in payment of duties?

2. In case of an affirmative answer to the first question; What is to be regarded as evidence of a national Ship? Will the Certificate of a French Commissioner in the West Indies, or of a Consul or the French Minister in the United States be sufficient provided nothing appears in the Commission of the Vessel contradictory to their Certificate.

3. May we keep an Inspector of the Revenue on board a prize during her continuance in our Ports?
4th. In case a prize requires reparation, may a part of her Cargo be sold, sufficient to defray expences, on payment of duties?
5th. In case a prize Vessell is condemned, as incapable of reparation, may the Prize goods be exported in one or other Neutral Vessells as French Property?
6th. Who is to Judge when it is necessary to unlade a Vessell for the purpose of making reparations, is the suggestion of a French Prize Master or Consul sufficient?
7th. Shall the Cargoes of Prizes be sold or any part of them for the reparation of any Vessell, or the payment of any expence, not incident to the identical Vessell in which the Cargoes arrived?
8th. Who is to Judge of the quantity sufficient for making reparations, in case any Sale is lawful?
9th. If after a Vessell is condemned as incapable of reparation She should be notwithstanding repaired, is she to be permitted to depart?
10th. Is it or is it not, the right of a Collector, to treat French Prizes, in the same manner as Vessells, which report themselves as bound to a Foreign Port or which arrive in distress: See Sect. 18th. & 38th. of the Collection Law.

The 18th. & 38th. Sections of the Collection Law appear to have provided for cases not very dissimilar from those of Prizes to Privateers, which in contemplation of Law must be considered as coming into our Ports merely for refreshments; the requiring of a Bond on their departure may not however be proper.
We shall on the subject of these Prizes be vexed with every kind of uncandid ingenuity—there is danger of loosing the Revenue, while at the same time Sales may not be prevented. You will see that not only public questions which affect our neutrality, but Revenue questions are concerned. There are too many who will not miss a good opportunity to purchase West India produce when it can be had below the market price. In every point of view the subject is embarrassing. Please to reply as soon as possible.
In haste I remain   Yrs with much respect
O. W.
Alexander Hamilton Esquire


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Elizabeth Hamilton, 21 October 1796
From: Hamilton, Elizabeth
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[New York, October 21, 1796. On October 26, 1796, Hamilton wrote to Elizabeth Hamilton: “I received yours of Friday last.” Letter not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Hall and Stimpson, 24 October 1796
From: Hall and Stimpson
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Boston, October 24, 1796. “We wrote you the 20th. Septr. respecting the cause that was left in your hands by Mr Stimpson against Mr Isaac Riley as a partner of Seth Wetmore; but not having heard from you respecting it and there being a report that you have since been engaged in behalf of Riley—the Gentlemen who are Creditors here and have supposed that you was taking the necessary steps of the Law in their behalf, are anxious to hear how the bussiness is situated.…”


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Hamilton, 25 [October] 1796
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Hamilton, Elizabeth

Albany 25. [October] 1796

The extreme hurry in which I have been My Dear Eliza since my arrival here has prevented my writing to you. This serves merely to inform you that my health is as good as when I left you & let me add that your father is much better than he was & the rest of your family in good health. I need not add that I am impatient to be restored to your bosom & to the presence of my beloved Children. Tis hard that I should ever be obliged to quit you & them. God bless you my beloved. Take care of yourself.
Yrs. with unbounded Affec

A Hamilton

Mr. Renselaer sets out for the City this day. I have asked him to stay at our house.

Mrs. H


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Hamilton, [26 October 1796]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Hamilton, Elizabeth

[Albany, October 26, 1796]
My Dear Eliza

I wrote you yesterday by Mr. Rensselaer. Since that I received yours of Friday last which gave me much pleasure. I was consoled to hear that you & our darling little ones were well—though I shall be anxious till I rejoin you lest there should be a relapse or some new attack.

Your father is really better and as I hope in no present danger. His breaking out looks less & less like mortification & his appetite strength & spirits are good. A fit of the gout will probably relieve him from the breaking out. Peggy has promised to have your beef prepared. Eggs are more scarce & nearly as dear as at New York. I shall see what can be done as to butter.
Yr. ever tender & devoted

AHOctober 26. 179⟨6⟩

I expect to leave this on Friday by Water.

Mrs E H


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Oliver Wolcott, Junior, 27 October 1796
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.

Albany October 271796
Dear Sir

Your letter of the 17th instant found me at Albany attending the Supreme Court. I have no copy of the Treaty with G B at hand, but I am well satisfied from memory that the true interpretation of that Treaty, enforcing in this respect the true Rule of neutrality, forbids our permitting the sale of a prize taken & brought in by a French National Ship, equally as if by a Privateer—and that the prise vessel herself with her Cargo ought to depart our Ports. I hasten to give you my opinion thus far. I reserve to consider more at leisure what exceptions absolute necessity may justify. But this is clear, that as far as it may admit any, the exception must be measured & restricted by the necessity & as soon as possible you must return into the path of the Treaty.
Thus if the prize Vessel was absolutely insufficient to proceed to sea—her cargo ought to be sent out of the Country in another Vessel & care ought to be taken that it does not go out under false colours. Our Own Officers no doubt must inspect & ascertain any case of necessity which may be suggested.
Pray my good friend Let there be no evasions.
Yrs. Affecty

A Hamilton
O W Esq