Title: To John Adams from Samuel Perley, 5 April 1809
From: Perley, Samuel
To: Adams, John

Honored Sir,
Gray, April 5th, 1809.

A few days since, I saw a letter written by his Excellency John Adams. For years I have seen nothing of a political nature, that gave such pleasing, tender, and grateful emotions to my very soul. I have been well acquainted with the names of John Adams, Samuel Adams, John Hancock, and James Bowdoin, ever since I left Cambridge Colege, in the year 1763. Oh, sir, the scenes that these honoured gentlemen went through! Together with the whole Province of Massachusetts Bay, in the days of the nefarious Governor Hutchinson! A Nero, a Caligula, were not greater scourges to Rome, than the nefarious Hutchinson was to you, to me, and to the whole Commonwealth of Massachusetts. By his means seas of human blood have been shed—Our cities laid in ashes—Brethren of the same family were set to butcher and murder one another! “Quis talia fando Marmidonum Dolopunve ant duri miles Ulyssei temperita lachrimis?” i.e. “What cruel Myrmidon or Dolopian, or who of the hardened Ulysses’ band, can, in the relation of such woes, refrain from tears?” The impressions which Hutchinson occasioned, can never be effaced from my soul.
But, honoured Sir, the GOD of the armies of Israel was our shield, buckler, and salvation. He, with a touch of his finger, at Saratoga, and at Yorktown, in Virginia, laughed our enemies to scorn; the Almighty held them in derision. Has not the God of Israel given us the best constitutions (state and national) that he ever gave to any nation, or people, that ever inhabited this terraqueous globe? Has he not prospered us beyond all other people? I think that these questions imperiously demand an affirmative answer. How is it then, that all of a sudden, our political horizon is completely covered with sable clouds, which seem to be impregnated with the wrath of Jehovah? And threatening us with the roaring of cannon and civil war throughout our political jurisdiction.
Sir, I am abashed; my soul sinks within me!! It seems to me, that our great political parties exert themselves as if it was not in their power to bring destruction upon us so swift and sudden as they could wish. It seems to me, that I can see the exertions that took place in Athens, Macedon, and Sparta; that I can see the intrigues that were in Rome, in the days of Nero and Caligula. We well know in our United States, what it was that overthrew all the republics in the old world. Shall we not shun these Syllas, these Charibdises?
I am extremely sorry that Mr. Jefferson has turned out of office so many worthy gentlemen, appointed by Washington and Adams. I think it is adding plentiful fuel to the all devouring flames of discord, which is lighted up in our whole political union. Men have been turned out of office of shining morals, and of quick, penetrating judgment; and some have been put in their places, that are a scandal to all decent societies. Does this explain Mr. Jefferson’s meaning, when he said that “we were all federalists, that we were all republicans?” I cannot reconcile Mr. Jefferson’s professions with his administration.
But, honoured Sir, if I am mistaken as to the nature and tendency of our state and national constitutions; if I am mistaken as to Mr. Jefferson’s administration, your correction of these errors, will be grateful to millions in the United States of America.
I cannot believe, that you wish for the erection of a monarchy, in these United States, together with its concomitants; neither do I believe that you wish for a Grecian democracy.
With profound sentiments of respect, I am, honoured Sir, your dutiful son, and most obedient, and very humble servant,
Samuel Perley.


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Ward, 10 April 1809
From: Ward, Joseph
To: Adams, John

Most respected Sir
Boston April 10th, 1809.

I have long felt an inclination to write to you, two circumstances forbid me, want of matter, & having no personal weight to supply its place. Love and venerration, to Gentlemen, as well as to Ladies, sometimes prompt to a familiarity bordering on rudeness. Thus in time past I feared I might be led into an error in addressing you. The strong existence of those sensations, is the only apology I can offer for this intrusion.—Having witnessed for a long course of years your powerful efforts invariably directed to the best interests & permanent welfare of this Country, to have beheld these without emotions of high esteem & gratitude, I must have been dead to every sentiment & feeling which should animate the human breast.
There is no merit in being moved, when the cause is irresistible. The impressions I received so many years since, & which I shall retain so long as memory exists, have however been a source from which transient pains have arisen. To witness preeminent merit, repaid with faint applause, ingratitude, & sometimes persecution, has been too much even for my natural moderation to behold without a flash of indignation.—So long as I love my Country, which I trust will be through my whole existence, I cannot cease to love its benefactors; nor withold my efforts to repel every attack on their happiness or fame. Persuaded that posterity & future historians will duly estimate the merit of the illustrious founders of our Nation, & the statesmen who framed our excellent Constitutions, perhaps we ought not to suffer the tranquility of an hour to be disturbed by the piddling or snarling scribblers of a day, or the scurvy tribe who puff themselves off for patriots & aim to climb by clouding the fame of others, which shows their own littleness. Yet I cannot view the wretches without some emotion. I cannot compare them with the fire proof patriots of the Revolution, who stood a wall of adamant against the enemy, consumed sleepless nights & their vital fire to counteract the unceasing plots and machinations,—crossed oceans & traversed Europe braving all dangers and all deaths in their Country’s cause—without feeling something like contempt, mingled with indignation. If my ideas were equal to my feelings, & poverty of language did not imprison my thoughts, I should sometimes attempt to pierce with sharp points those whose insensibility mocks the arrows of plain truth. But I must leave them to time, and a stronger arm. And as for the real patriots, the fathers & guardians of our Country, one only reward remains for them, “the paradise of a good conscience”.—Great care is taken that they receive nothing else.
I am of no party, because no party supports the Constitution. A strict adherence to it, I consider essential to the duration of national union, & a free government; that every deviation is a step to ruin; that the amendments in name, have been breaches in fact. A system often altered, will not be regarded as a rule. Congress, and State Legislatures, assume a power over it, when “imperious necessity”, or “expediency,” in their judgement, requires them so to do. The double sale of Georgia lands, and the violation of solemn contracts, manifest the regard legislators pay to the principles, and prohibitions, of the Constitution.
I will take the liberty to enclose two addresses upon the subject of constitutional rights, printed and put into the hands of our legislators. Other addresses have been published in the newspapers from year to year during the session of the G. Court, and the opponents challenged to reconcile their opposition, with their oath to support the Constitution. But they chose to remain silent. Not a line has ever been published in answer to the principles & facts I have laid before the public eye. They tacitly acknowledge their truth, but show no signs of reformation. During the recent Session of the G. Court, they in answer to the Lieut. Governor’s Speech, observe, that “the legislators are bound by their Oaths to support the constitutional rights of the citizens.”—I immediately presented a memorial for my constitutional rights—I quoted their words, with an additional chain of laws, & facts, to prove that the demand is as equitable, as it is legal &—constitutional, But without effect, they swallowed the whole without choaking.
I claim no merit, & ask no favour of government but the humble one, that I may not be robbed—this grace & favour, their honors were not pleased to grant.
The misfortune of our Country is, that party views, absorb & sacrifice every thing. The great contest is for power,—& to “save money for the State,” right or wrong, in violation of the law, Constitution, or oaths,—is called patriotism—& is the road to popularity, and popularity the ladder to power.—Thus our promised “Government of Laws, & not of men,” is reversed. We have honest legislators, who see the evil & abhor it; but they do not possess the thunder & lightning necessary to move up a great mass of dead matter which naturally rolls down.
Too great a proportion of the talents, are in heads not sufficiently attracted by the needle that points to the celestial pole. Too many “who have a name to live, are dead.” We have republican tyrants—federal jacobins—mob statesmen—christian robbers—all dear “lovers of liberty & the people, and willing to rule them gratis.” And they do rule them.
As to my little self, I am so far north of my meridian, the hopes & fears of this world scarcely reach me. Being on one of the lowest rounds of a short ladder at the lower end of creation, I cannot fall far, and to rise is out of the question. Heavy losses by faithless bankrupts, & faithless governments, induced me four years since  to leave my native residence at Newton, where I meant to have passed the remainder of life in cultivating the earth, and to return to Boston. My operations are upon a narrow scale; but I view without envy, or longing eyes, some rise to power, & others in chariots of silver; and consider good men as the treasure the jewels & diamonds of this world. I have a precious interest of this kind yet left. But time is continually lessening the number. May God preserve those who remain.
In reviewing past events, the regret I felt on your leaving the helm of government, has increased with every succeeding year—I fear a long period may elapse before our Nation will again exhibit the features of wisdom vigour & prosperity it wore previous to your retirement—
I am not apt to indulge desponding ideas, nor to relax in efforts for relief when difficulties increase; but the notorious decline of principles, thickens the cloud, & is I think a very dark spot in our horizon. To see the Constitution, with the sacred ties to support it, trampled on in spite of remonstrances, which we might once have expected would alarm even the legislators of Georgia,—to witness the same in Massachusetts, the famed seat of science pure morals & sound maxims—shocks and almost extinguishes hope!—
But I will not  despair; this Country has ever been under the peculiar guardianship of Providence; although often punished, never forsaken. It may yet be “saved so as by fire”. The school of affliction, may correct our errors. It is the great teacher of mankind. And I think our Country may pass many years in it and pay very dear for instruction. After an age of confusion & mob governments, they may begin to read the “Defence of the Constitutions of the United States”—and listen to its instructions. I believe it to be as sound a maxim, that every step from the Constitution, is an advance to public ruin,—as that “every step from Virtue, is a step to pain.”—
I have for a long time laboured to stimulate our public men of talents to turn their attention to & employ their pens and tongues upon this all important subject. But they seldom touch it. They confess its importance; but are afraid of treading upon unpopular ground!—Thus the road to ruin grows broader and steeper.
Men whose object is to climb, must have consciences alive, to go against the popular current. If my imagination has formed too dark a picture of our political state, I wish to be corrected; and shall be happy to see my error.
There is, I humbly think, but one hope remains for our Country. If God in infinite mercy should diffuse a spirit of real Christianity among the people generally, they will inquire for the truth and embrace it; and blind party zeal would evaporate. But mere political knowledge will, I believe, never save the Nation. We want virtue, more than light; our heads are bad, but hearts are worse. That power which can mend both, must regenerate our Nation, or it will I fear be numbered, at no distant day, with the fallen Republicks & added to the despotisms that blot the history of the world.
If reasoning, could make any impression upon the public mind, I should, Sir, urge you, to write. But Sir, you best know what can be done, and how it can be best effected.—So long as the “Supreme Law of the Land”, and sacred oaths, are disregarded, nothing can arrest our progress to ruin.
If Sir, you can excuse this address, I will promise never again to tire your eyes with such a long dull story.
With every sentiment of regard, I have /  the honor to be, Sir, most respectfully your very /  Humble Servant.

Joseph Ward


Title: To John Adams from Oliver Whipple, 10 April 1809
From: Whipple, Oliver
To: Adams, John

Most respected Sr.
Hallowell Maine April 10th. 1809

I received your pleasant and most obliging Letter of the 3d of March last, it answered my Request; I find you have amidst the Turmoils of State pred your eligant Classic Tale, and your Observations in Respect of the Views, and Conduct of the honble J Q. Adams, so perfectly coinside with my Sentiments, that I can not refrain to break again on your Patience, and solicit your attention. I must Sr. indulge a Development of my Ideas in Respect of the epistolary Correspondence of the late Mr Secretary Pickering, with Governor Sullivan, and the honble J Q Adams’s answer to the same, addressed to the honorable Mr Otis, they are both Specimens of Genius, but Mr Pickering’s Letters have a Spice of Contrivance & Design throughout the whole to conjure up a Spirit, which can not be easily laid; and we see this Demon of Descord now Stalking before us in all the wild Distortions of Malevolence and disappointed Ambition; Just at this Point of Time, I had occasion to address our late Governor Sullivan, and could not but indulge a Vein of Merriment on Mr Pickerings Communication; Speaking of Manuvring in Politicks, I observed to Governor Sullivan, Thus, “Other Contrivances must be assayed to answer, their deep Designs, has not everyone heard of the Egg, that has lately been laid, at Washington, & is now sent on to Massachusetts for Incubation, much is already predicted and more will be prophisied respecting this Egg; some who pretend to be skilled in Ovism, describe it as a wonderfull Production, Being a polly-genus Egg, or Egg of Multitude, that it will fill the whole Common Wealth with its Brood; others think it may not produce any Thing Sui Generis, but a Scorpion or Tarantula, that may sting the hand of those that have fostered it in its Embrio, and others with equal or more Judgment, think that the Chill of the northern Region of Massachusetts & Maine, will produce an abortive Parturition to the great Disappointment, and Mortification of the Egg Mongers; Some go so far, as to say that they believe whatever Hen produced this extraordinary Egg, was impressed, by a british game Cock; whose shrill Clarion, is often heard from or near, the Poultry yards of the british Ambassador at Washington, and it is well known that about the Time there was a great Cackling at the Capitol, not of Geese, which once saved a Capitol, but of old Hens; which would destroy it; but not withstanding all the various Conjectures, it is beleived, that it forebodes no ill to the Commonwealth; you will Sr. forgive this little Digression, by way of allegory.” This Sr is the View which first presented itself to me, and I have not been disappointed in the use of Means & Management of Mr Pickering to effect the Grand object of his Wishes & his unbounded ambition. It seems somehow extraordinary, that my Efforts have been directed, uniformly, in Favour, and Support of your late glorious Administration, as well as in Defence of your Person and Character; and it were, by a kind of instinctive Attachment to Measures of Vindication of the Purity of Principle and Design of the honble J. Q. Adams in the political affairs of our common Country: In this I would not have any Interested Views, because you was insidiously Shorn of your Strength & Power; tho’ your Friendship & Benevolence remain in its original Splendour, and I hope will ever burn, with unextinguished Lustre; But what is there at this Point of Time, to contravene the Excercise of your Influence and Friendship in my  Favour, (There is now a Sphere of Action) your acquaintances, as well as that of the honble J Q. Adams, with President Maddison, can give Completion and Effect to the Wishes of your Friend: In the new Organization of the united States Government there is, and will be so many, various honorary appointments of Profit and Trust, I think I could not Miss one, Should you, and your honoble Son, be willing to  do me the honour to give me a Recommendation thro’ the proper Medium of Court Ettiquette to His Excellency the President; I have toiled long and caught nothing: it is my Intention to proceed about the last of May or Begining of June to Washington; I shall do myself the Honour to pay you a previous Visit; I do not yet Dispair of Seeing Mr J. Q. Adams, advanced to some eminent Station under our present Administration; I believe he will yet be appointed Ambassador to Russia, I should hear it anounced with Pleasure, and I almost anticipate the appointment of Secretary to his ambassey—My Health Since my Residence in Maine, is impaired & precarious, I must remove to a Milder Clime; Could I obtain a honorable Clerkship in either of the Departments of State at Washington, or a Commercial Agency in some of the Spanish or Portuguese Colonies, for a while to the Provision at Goverments there, it would not be displeasing, it is in your Power, aided by the Influence of your Son to Place me in such a Point of View to our Executive, as will answer my most sanguine Expectations, a recommendatory Introduction from so honorable Sourse, will be like the Voice of an Angel: In the most perfect Confidence, that you will do me all the service in your Power consistent with Propriety. I remain your most obedient and Very humble Servant

Oliver Whipple
PS. when opportunity presents, you may Show the Honble Mr J. Q. Adams the little allegory above


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 10 April 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Sirs,
					Quincy, April 10, 1809.

				I was glad to see in your paper of the 7th of this month, the extract from the Baltimore Federal Republican, for many reasons, which may be explained in due time; one or two may be stated now.1. I was pleased with the candid acknowledgment,
that  “Mr. Adams never was a favorite with the leading
men of the federal party." The words leading men will require some explanation and some limitations and restrictions, which may hereafter appear. But in general, this
is a truth which 1 have known for twenty years, though
it has never been publicly avowed, to my knowledge,
till now.2. I am happy to see what I consider as an acknowledgment, that my unpardonable sin against the federal
party, or rather against those leading men, was the peace
with France in 1800: an event which has given this
country eight years of its most splendid prosperity. The
writer mentions the mission to France in 1799, as a measure which brought odium and ridicule on my administration. If you will allow me a little room in your Patriot,
I may hereafter produce proofs to the satisfaction of the public, that this measure was neither odious nor ridiculous. At this time I will only send you a communication from Gen. Washington, by which it will appear
that the subject was not seen by that great ornament of
his country in the same light in which this writer sees it.
Mount Vernon, 1st Feb. 1799.
Dear Sir,
The letter herewith enclosed, from Mr. Joel Barlow,
though of old date, came to my hands only yesterday. I
have conceived it to be my duty to transmit it to you
without delay and without a comment, except that it
must have been written with a very good or a very bad
design—which of the two, you can judge better than I.
For, from the known abilities of that gentleman, such a
 letter could not be the result of ignorance, in him, nor
from the implications which are to be found in it, has it
been written without the privity of the French Directory—It is incumbent on me to add, that I have not been in
the habit of corresponding with Mr. Barlow. The letter
now forwarded is the first I ever received from him: and
to him I have never written one. If then you should be
of opinion that his, is calculated to bring on negociation
upon open, fair and honorable ground, and merits a reply, and will instruct me as to the tenor of it, I shall with
pleasure and alacrity obey your orders: more especially if
there is reason to believe that it would become a mean,
however small, of restoring peace and tranquility to the
United States, upon just, honorable and dignified terms,
which I am persuaded is the ardent desire of all the friends
of this rising Empire. With great consideration and respect, I have the honor to be, dear sir, your most obedient
and very humble servant.
G. WASHINGTON.J. Adams, President of the United States. The letter from Mr. Barlow, enclosed in General
Washington’s, is in these words:
Paris, 2d Oct. 1798.Sir,On hearing of your late nomination as Commander in
Chief of the American armies, I rejoice at it, not because
I believe the war which that nomination contemplates is
yet inevitable, and that it will furnish an occasion for a
farther display of your military talents, but because it may
enable you to exert your influence to a greater effect, in
preventing the war, by becoming more the centre of information than you could be in your retirement, you will
be better able to judge of the dispositions of both countries
and to offer such counsels to your government as may
tend to remove the obstacles that will oppose themselves
to a reconciliation—Were you now President of the
United States, I should not address you this letter, because, not knowing my inclination for the tranquility of a
retired life, you might think that I was seeking a place, or
had some farther object in view, than the simple one of
promoting peace between the two republics. But I hope,
under present circumstances, that you will believe my
motive to be pure and unmixed, and that the object of
my letter is to call your attention to the true state of
facts.Perhaps few men, who cannot pretend to have been in
the secrets of either government, are in a better situation
than myself to judge of the motives of both; to assign
the true causes, and trace out the progress of their unhappy misunderstanding, or to appreciate their present dispositions, pretensions and wishes. I am certain there is
none who labors more sincerely for the restoration of harmony, upon terms honorable to the United States and
advantageous to the cause of liberty.
I will not in this place, go over the history of past
transactions. It would be of little use.—The object is to
seize the malady in its present state and try to arrest its
progress. The dispute at this moment may be characterized simply and literally speaking, a misunderstanding.—I cannot persuade myself to give it a harsher name, as it applies to either government. It is clear that neither of
them has an interest in going to war with the other, and
I am equally convinced that neither of them had the inclination; that is, I believe the balance of inclination as
well as of interest, on both sides, is in favor of peace. But
each government, though sensible of this truth with respect to itself, is ignorant of it, with respect to the other.
Each believes the other determined on war, and ascribes
all its conduct to a deep-rooted hostility. The least they
can do therefore under this impression, is to prepare for an
ever which they both believe inevitable, while they both
wish to avoid it. But by what fatality is it that a calamity so dreadful must be rendered inevitable because it is
thought so? Both governments have tongues and both
have ears. Why will they not speak? Why will they not listen? The causes that have hitherto prevented them
are not difficult to assign. I could easily explain them,
as I believe, to the satisfaction of both parties and without
throwing so much blame on either government, as each
of them at present ascribes to the other. But I will avoid speaking of any past provocation on either side. The
point that I wish to establish in your mind is, that the French Directory is at present sincerely desirous of restoring harmony between this country and the United
States, on terms honorable and advantageous to both parties. I wish to convince you of this, and thro’ you,
the American government, because that government being desirous of the same thing, would not fail to take such
steps as would lead immediately to the object.In offering you my proofs of the present disposition on
this side, you will permit me to observe, that some of them
are from their nature incapable of being detailed, and
others improper to be trusted to the casualties of a letter.—But I will mention a few that are ostensible, and so far
as they go undeniable. First, the Directory has declared
that it will receive and treat with any Minister from
America, who shall appear to be sent with a sincere intention of treating and terminating existing difficulties. I have no doubt but this was the intention when the last
Envoys were sent; but from some unfortunate circumstances the Directory did not believe it. Second, as a
preliminary, it has been declared that in the negociation
there shall be no question of loans of money, or apologies
for offensive speeches pronounced by the executive on
either side. Third, all commissions given to privateers in
the West-Indies are recalled, and when new commissions
are issued, the owners and commanders are to be restricted
under bonds, to the legal object of capture.—Fourth, an
embargo that was laid on American ships within the republic, in consequence of a report that war had been begun on the part of the United States, was taken off as
soon as it was ascertained that such war had not been begun. And a new declaration was at the same time sent
to America of the wishes of France to treat. These facts
will doubtless come to your knowledge through other
channels, before you receive this letter. But there are
other facts which in my mind are equally clear, though
to you will be destitute of corroborating circumstances
and must rest on my own information and opinion. 1st.
That this government contemplates a just indemnity for
spoliations on American commerce, to be ascertained by
commissioners in a manner similar to the one prescribed
in our treaty with England. 2d. That the legislation
will soon be changed here with respect to neutrals, and
that all flags will be put on the footing of the law of nations. 3d. That a public agent would have been named
and sent to Philadelphia soon after Mr. Gerry’s departure,
were it not for the apprehensions that he would not have
been received. There was a doubt whether the American government would not have already taken such measures of hostility as to be unwilling to listen to terms of
accommodation, and the Directory did not choose to
risque the chance of seeing its offers refused. 4th. That
the Directory considers these declarations and transactions as a sufficient overture on its part. That it has retreated to an open ground that is quite unsuspicious.
That a refusal on the part  of the American government
to meet on this ground, will be followed by immediate
war, and that it will be a war of the most terrible and
vindictive kind.This, sir, is my view of the present state of facts.
Should it make that impression on your mind, which I desire for the sake of humanity that it may, you will judge
whether it does not comport with the independence of
the United States and the dignity of their government,
to send another minister to form new treaties with the
French republic. In a war there is clearly nothing to be
gained by us, not even honor.—Honor indeed may be
saved by war, and so it may be by negociation. But the
calamities inseparable from a war of this kind, and under
present circumstances, would be incalculable. I do not
say that the United States or any portion of them would
be conquered; but they would sacrifice great numbers of
their best citizens, burthen themselves with four times
their present debt, overturn the purest system of morals,
and lose the fairest opportunity that ever a nation had of
rising to greatness and happiness on the basis of liberty.Were I writing to a young General, whose name was
still to be created, I might deem it useless to ask him to
stifle in its birth a war on which he had founded his hopes
of future honors. But you, sir, having already earned
and acquired all those that can render a man great and
happy, can surely have no object of ambition but to render your country so. To engage your influence in favor
of a new attempt at negociation, I thought it only necessary to convince you that such an attempt would be well
received here, and probably attended with success. I can
do no more than assure you that this is my sincere opinion, and that my information is drawn from unsuspected
sources.I am not accustomed to interpose my advice in the administration of any country, and should not have done it
now, did I not believe it my duty as a citizen of my own,
and a friend to all others. I see two great nations rushing on each others bayonets, without any other cause of
contention but a misunderstanding. I shudder at the prospect and wish to throw myself between the vans, and
suspend the onset, till a word of explanation can pass. I
hope my letter will have thrown some light upon the
subject; but if it shall not, I hope you will excuse the attempt, for you know my zeal is honest. I have the honor to be, sir, / With great respect, / Your most obedient and
/ Most humble servant,
	Joel Barlow.To Gen. Washington.Neither Mr. Barlow’s letter nor General Washington’s
opinion would have influenced me to nominate a minister,
if I had not received abundant assurances to the same effect
from regular diplomatic sources. I, however, considered
General Washington’s question whether Mr. Barlow’s
was written with a very good or a very bad design; and
as with all my jealousy I had not sagacity enough to discover the smallest room for suspicion of any ill design, I
frankly concluded that it was written with a very good
one. From General Washington’s letter it appears, 1st.
That it was his opinion that the restoration of peace upon
just, honorable and dignified terms, was the ardent desire of all the friends of this rising empire. 2d. That he
thought negociation might be brought on, upon open, fair and honorable ground. 3d. That he was so desirous
of peace, that he was willing to enter into correspondence with Mr. Barlow, a private gentleman, without any visible credentials or public character, or responsibility to
either government, in order to bring on a public negociation. Gen. Washington, therefore, could not consider
the negociation odious.

					John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 10 April 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Sirs,
					Quincy, April 10, 1809.

				The institution of an Embassy to France in 1799,
was made upon principle, and in conformity to a system
of foreign affairs, formed upon long deliberation, established in my mind, and amply opened, explained and supported in Congress, that is a system of eternal Neutrality,
if possible, in all the wars of Europe, at least eighteen
years before President Washington’s Proclamation of Neutrality in 1794.—For the truth of the antiquity of this
system, I appeal to Judge Chase, who made the first motion in Congress for entering into foreign relations. This
motion was made in concert with me, and was seconded
by me. If I am incorrect in any circumstance, that gentleman can set me right. And here I feel a pride in acknowledging that perhaps no two Members of Congress were at that time upon more intimate terms. We flickered, disputed, and wrangled in public and private, but always with a species of good humor that never was suffered to diminished the confidence, esteem, or affection of
either in the other. I have long wished for a fair opportunity of transmitting to posterity my humble testimony
to the virtues and talents of that able and upright magistrate and statesman.
Our system was to form Treaties of Commerce with
France, Spain, Holland, and all the other Nations of Europe, even with England herself, upon a footing of entire
equality: but by no means to form any political or military connections with any power in Europe, or engage
in any hostilities against any, unless driven to them by necessity to support our Independence and honor, or our just
and necessary interests. In what manner and by whose
means this plan has ever been abandoned in any degree, I
could detail from step to step, but it would require a volume, and is not necessary here. It has never been forgotten by me, but the rectitude and wisdom of it has been
confirmed by every years and days experience from 1776
to 1799, and indeed to 1809.
This introduction will be called pompous, no doubt,
and it will be thought an astonishing instance of the bathos, to descend from Judge Chase to Mr. Logan, but my
plan requires it.With this system clear in my head, and deeply impressed upon my heart, it was with the utmost reluctance that
I found myself under a necessity in 1798, of having recourse to hostilities against France. But the conduct of
that government had been so unjust, arbitrary and insolent, as to become intolerable. I therefore animated this
Nation to war; determined however to listen to every
proposal, and embrace the first opportunity to restore
peace, whenever it could be done consistently with the
honor and interest of the country. In this spirit I gave
all due attention and consideration to Gen. Washington’s
and Mr. Barlow’s Letter: nor was I wholly inattentive to
a multitude of other circumstances, some of which shall
be mentioned.
Perhaps at no period of our connection with France
has there ever been such a flood of private Letters from
that country to this, as in the winter 1798 and 1799.
The contents of many of them were directly or indirectly
communicated to me. They were all in a similar strain
with that of Mr. Barlow, that the French government
had changed their ground, and were sincerely disposed to
negociation an accommodation. I will instance only
two. Mr. Codman of Boston wrote largely and explicitly
to his friends to the same purpose, and his worthy brother
the late Mr. John Codman of Boston, not only communicated to me the substance of his brother’s letters but thanked me in warm terms, for opening a negociation; and
added, that every true friend of this country who was not
poisoned with party spirit, would thank me for it and support me in it. Mr. Nathaniel Cutting, a Consul in
France, under President Washington’s appointment, and
a sensible man, wrote almost as largely as Mr. Barlow,
and to the same effect.
I shall conclude this letter with another anecdote. Mr.
Logan, of Philadelphia, a gentleman of fortune and education, and certainly not destitute of abilities, who had for
several years been a member of the Legislature of Pennsylvania, and has since been a senator of the United States,
though I knew he had been one of the old constitutional
party in that state, and a zealous disciple of that democratical school, which has propagated many errors in America, and, perhaps, many tragical catastrophies in Europe,
went to France, either with the pretext or the real design
of improving his knowledge in agriculture and seeing the
practice of it in that country. I hdd no reason to believe
him a corrupt character or deficient in memory or veracity. After his return, he called upon me, and in a polite
and respectful manner informed me that he had been honored with conversations with Talleyrand, who had been
well acquainted with me and repeatedly entertained at
my house, and now visited me at his request to express to
me the desire of the Directory as well as his own, to accommodate all disputes with America, and to forget all
that was past; to request me to send a minister from
America, or to give Credentials to some one already in
Europe, to treat; and to assure me that my minister should
be received, and all disputes accommodated in a manner
that would be satisfactory to me and my country. I knew
the magical words, Democrat and Jacobin, were enough
to destroy the credibility of any witness with some people.
But not so with me. I saw marks of candour and sincerity in this relation that convinced me of its truth.
But the testimonies of Mr. Codman, Mr, Cutting, Mr.
Barlow, and Mr. Logan, and all other private communications, though they might convince my own mind, would
have had no influence to dispose me to nominate a minister, if I had not received authentic, regular, official, diplomatic assurances, which may be sent you in another letter.
					John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 10 April 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Sirs,
					Quincy, April, 10 1809.

				FROM Mr. Murray, the American Minister at the
Hague, who had been appointed by President Washington, I received assurances from the French government
similar to those in Mr. Barlow’s letter and so many others.
They were conveyed from the French Directory to Mr.
Pichon, Secretary of Legation and Charge des Affaires of
the French Republic near the Batavian Republic, in the
absence of the French Ambassador, by him officially communicated to Mr. Murray, and by him to the Executive of
the United States. The communication was in these
words:[Translation.]
Exterior Relations.
3d division.N. B. The good order of the Correspondence requires, the answer should relate the number of the division above indicated.liberty. equality.French Seal of the Department of Exterior Relations.Paris, the 7th Vendimaire, of the 7th year of the French Republic, one and indivisible. The Minister of Exterior Relations to Citizen Pichon,
Secretary of Legation of the French Republic, near the
Batavian Republic.
I have received successively, citizen, your letters of the
22d and 23d Fructidore. They afford me more and
more reason to be pleased with the measure you have
adopted to detail to me your conversations with Mr. Murray. These conversations, at first merely friendly, have
acquired consistency by the sanction I have given to them,
by my letter of the eleventh Fructidore. I do not regret
that you have trusted to Mr. Murray’s honor a copy of
my letter. It was intended for you only, and contains
nothing but what is conformable to the intentions of government. I am thoroughly convinced that should explanations take place, with confidence, between the two Cabinets
irritation would cease; a croud of misunderstandings would
disappear; and the ties of friendship would be more strongly
united, as each party would discover the hand which sought to disunite them. But I will not conceal from you that
your letters of the 2d and 3d Vendimaire, just received,
surprise me much. What Mr. Murray is still dubious of,
has been very explicitly declared even before the President’s message to Congress, of the 3d Messidore, (21 of
June) last, was known in France. I had written it to Mr.
Gerry, namely, on the 24th Messidore, and the 4th
Messidore. I did repeat it to him before he sat out. A
whole paragraph of my letter to you of the 11th Fructidore, of which Mr. Murry has a copy, is devoted to develope still more the fixed determination of the French Republic. According to these bases you were right to assert
that whatever Plenipotentiary the government of the United
States might send to France, to put an end to the existing differences between the two countries, would be undoubtedly
received with the respect due to the representative of a free,
independent, and powerful nation. I cannot persuade myself, citizen, that the American Government need any further declarations from us to induce them, in order to
renew the negociations, to adopt such measures as would
be suggested to them, by their desire to bring the differences to a peaceable end. If misunderstandings on both
sides have prevented former explanations from reaching
that end, it is presumable that these misunderstandings
being done away, nothing, henceforth, will bring obstacles to the reciprocal dispositions. The President’s instructions to his envoys at Paris, which I have only known
by the copy given you by Mr. Murray, and received by me
the 21st Messidore, (9th July) announce, if they contain
the whole of the American government’s intentions, and
dispositions, which could only have added to those which
the directory has always entertained; and notwithstanding the posterior acts of that government, notwithstanding
the irritating and almost hostile measures they have adopted, the Directory has manifested its perseverance in the
sentiments which are deposited both in my correspondence
with Mr. Gerry, and in my letter to you of the 11th
Fructidore, and which I have herein before repeated in
the most explicit manner. Carry, therefore, citizen, to Mr. Murray, those positive expressions, in order to convince him of our sincerity, and prevail upon him to transmit them to his government.
I presume, citizen, that this letter will find you at the
Hague; if not, I ask it may be sent back to you at Paris.Salute and fraternity,
(Signed) Ch. Mau. Talleyrand.This letter was transmitted by Mr. Murray to the
American government, and I own I am not acquainted
with any words, either in the French or English language,
which could have expressed in a more solemn, a more
explicit, or a more decided manner assurances of all that
I had demanded as conditions of negociation. How
could I get rid of it, with honor, or even without infamy?
If ever there was a regular diplomatic communication,
this was one. The diplomatic organs were all perfect
and complete. Mr. Pichon was well known at Philadelphia, where he had resided some years in a public employment in the family of the French ambassador, as a
respectable man and a man of letters. He was now Secretary of Legation, held a commission from his sovereign
as much as a minister plenipotentiary; and every secretary of legation in the absence of his principal minister,
is, of course, Charge des affaires; and the acts of a
Charge des affaires are as official, as legal and authentic,
as those of an Ambassador Extraordinary.In what other manner could Mr. Talleyrand have
transmitted the assurances demanded? He had communicated them to Mr. Gerry, but was desirous of sending
them by another way, that he might increase the chances
of their arrival. At war with England, he could not send
them to Mr. King. If he had lent them to Madrid to
Col. Humphreys, there was no probability of their arriving in America so soon as through Holland. If he had
sent them to Berlin, to Mr. Adams, the course would
have been still more circuitous and the probability much
greater of long delay and uncertain arrival. If he had
sent them to Mr. Smith, at Lisbon, there would have been the same difficulties. Of all the diplomatic organs,
therefore in Europe, he chose the best, the shortest, the
safest and the most certain.
Mr. Gerry’s Letter to the Secretary of State, dated Nantasket Road, October the 1st, 1798, confirmed these assurances beyond all doubt, in my mind, and his conversations with me, at my own house, in Quincy, if any thing
further had been wanting, would have corroborated the
whole. As I have not a copy of that gentleman’s letter,
if he should chance to read this paper, I ask the favor of
him to publish copies of his letter and of Mr. Talleyrand’s
letters to him, and, if he pleases, to repeat the assurances
he gave me in conversation. This gentleman’s merit in
this transaction was very great. They have been treated
like all his other sacrifices, services and sufferings in the
cause of his country.If, with all this information, I had refused to institute a
negociation or had not persevered in it, aster it was instituted, I should have been degraded in my own estimation as a man of honor; I should have disgraced the nation I represented, in their own opinion and in the judgment of all Europe.

					John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 12 April 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Dear Rush
Quincy April 12, 1809

Thank you for your favor of the 1st. I might have quoted Job as well as St Paul, as a Precedent: but as I mix Religion with Politicks as little as possible, I chose to confine myself to Cicero. you advise me to write my own Life. I have made Several Attempts but it is so dull an Employment that I cannot endure it. I look So much like a Small Boy in my own Eyes that with all my Vanity I cannot endure the Sight of the Picture. I am glad you have resolved to do yourself Justice. I am determined to vindicate myself in Some point while I live. Inclosed is a whimsical Specimen. In future I shall not be So goguenard.
The Dialogue between Diodati and me is litteral Truth. that is, it is a litteral Translation from the French in which Language the Conversation was held, and which I reduced to Writing. you may ask What Reasons I had for foreseeing Such Consequences. I will give you a few hints among a thousand.
1. When I went home to my Family in May 1770, from the Town Meeting in Boston, which was the first I had ever attended, and where I had been chosen in my absence without any Solicitation one of their Representatives, I Said to my Wife, I have accepted a Seat in the House of Representatives and thereby have consented to my own Ruin to your Ruin and the Ruin of our Children. I give you this Warning that you may prepare your Mind for your Fate. She burst into a flood of Tears, but instantly cried out in a transport of Magnamity “Well I am willing in this Cause to run all risques with you and to be ruined with you if you are ruined.” These were times my Friend in Boston, which tried Womens Souls as well as Mens.
2. I Saw the Awfull prospect before me and my Country in all its horrors, and notwithstanding all my Vanity, was conscious of a thousand defects in my own Character as well as health which made me despair of going through and weathering the Storms in which I must be tossed.
3. In the Same year 1770 My Sense of Equity and Humanity impelled me against a torrent of Unpopularity and the advice Inclination of all my Friends to engage in Defence of Captain Preston and the Soldiers. My Successful Exertions in that Cause, though the result was perfectly conformable to Law and Justice, brought upon me a Load of Indignation and unpopularity which I knew would never be forgotten nor entirly forgiven. The Boston Newpapers to this day Shew that my Apprehensions were well founded.
4. You can testify for me that in 1774 My Conduct in Congress drew upon me the Jealousy and Aversion, not only of the Tories in Congress who were neither few nor feeble, but of the whole Body of Quakers and Proprietary Gentlemen in Pensilvania. I have Seen and felt the Consequences of these Prejudices to this day.
5 I call you to witness that I was the first Member of Congress to who ventured to come out in public as I did in January 1776 in my Thought on Government in a Letter from a Gentleman to his Friend, that is Mr Wythe, in favour of a Government in three Branches with an independent Judiciary. This Pamplet you know was very unpopular. No Man appeared in Public to Support it, but Yourself. You attempted in the public Papers to give it Some Countenance but without much Success. Franklin leaned against it. Dr Young Mr Timothy Matlock and Mr James Cannon, and I Suppose Mr George Bryant were alarmed and displeased at it. Mr Thomas paine was So highly offended with it, that he came to visit me at my Chamber at Mrs Yards to remonstrate and even Scold at me for it, which he did in very ungenteel Terms. In return I only laughed at him and rallied him upon his grave arguments from the old Testament to prove that Monarchy was unlawfull in the Sight of God. Do you Seriously believe, Paine, said I in that pious Doctrine of yours? This put him in good humour and he laught out. “The Old Testament! Said he, I dont believe in the Old Testament. I have had thoughts of publishing my Sentiments of it: but upon deliberation I have concluded to put that off till the latter part of Life.” Paines Wrath was excited because my Plan of Government was essentially different from the Silly Project that he had published in his Common Sense. By this means I became Suspected and unpopular with the Leading Demagogues and the whole Constitutional Party in Pensilvania!
6. Upon my return from France in 1779 I found myself elected by my native Town of Braintree, a Member of the Convention for forming a Constitution for the State of Massachusetts. I attended that Convention of near four hundred Members. Here I found Such a Chaos of absurd Sentiments concerning Government, that I was obliged daily before that great Assembly, and afterwards in the grand Committee, to propose Plans and Advocate Doctrines which were extremely unpopular with the greater Number. Mr Cushing was avowedly for a Single Assembly like Pensilvania, Samuel Adams was of the Same Mind. Mr Hancock kept aloof in order to be Governor. In Short I had at first no Support but from the Essex Junto who had adopted my Ideas in the Letter to Mr Wythe. They Supported me timorously and at last who would not go with me to So high a Mark as I aimed at which was a compleat Negative in the Governor upon all Laws. They made me however draw up the Constitution and it was finally adopted with Some Amendments, very much for the worse. The bold decided and determined Part I took in this Assembly in favour of a good Government, acquired me the Reputation of a Man of High Principles and Strong Notions in Government Scarcely compatible with Republicanism. A foundation was here laid of much Jealousy and Unpopularity among the democratical People in this State.
7 In holland I had driven the English Party and the Statholders Party before me like Clouds before the Wind and had brought that Power to unite cordially with America France and Spain against England. If I had not before alienated the whole English Nation from me, this would have been enough to produce an eternal Jealousy of me and I fully believed that whenever a free Intercourse Should take place between Britain and America I might depend upon their perpetual ill Will to me and that their influence would be used to destroy mine.
8. In all my Negotiations in France and Holland in 1778. 1779. 1780 1781. 1782 1783 and 1784 I had So uniformly resisted all the Arts and Intrigues of the Count de Vergennes, and Mr De Sartine and all their Satellites, that And that with Such perfect Success that I well knew, although they treated me with great external respect, yet in their hearts they had conceived an ineradicable Jealousy and Aversion to me. I well knew therefore that French Influence in America would do all in its Power to trip me up.
9. Dr Franklins Behaviour had been So excessively complaisant to the French Ministry and in my opinion had So endangered the essential Interest of our Country that I had been frequently obliged to differ from him and Sometimes to withstand him to his face, that I knew he had conceived an irreconciliable hatred of me, and that he had propagated and would continue to propagate Prejudices if nothing worse against me in America from one End of it to the other. Look into Benjamin Franklin Baches Aurora and Duanes Aurora for twenty years and See whether my Expectations have not been verified.
With all these Reflections fresh in my Mind you may judge whether my Anticipations in the good humoured Conversation with Deodati were rash peevish or ill grounded.
In Short I have every Reason to acknowledge the protecting Providence of God from my Birth and especially through my public Life. I have gone through Life with much more Safety and Felicity than I ever expected. With devout Gratitude I acknowledge the divine favour in many Instances and among others for giving me a friend in you who though you would never follow me as a Disciple have always been my Friend
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 12 April 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Quincy April 12. 1809

I rejoice to find that Pensilvania has returned to reason and Duty in the affair of the Miss Writtenhouses. Our Massachusetts Legislature have not gone So far as yours did: but they have gone too far.
I rejoice too at the Honourable Acquittal of your worthy Brother, but lament the Allarming Attack upon the choicest Institution of Liberty the Tryal by Jury. Without this there can be no legal Liberty.
Present my Compliments to Major Butler, and tell him that though in former times our political Horses could not draw kindly together in the Same Car, I recollect many a Social hour with pleasure.
What is to be the Destiny of our Country. It is Sampson Struggling against the Blandishments of Delilah and the Chains of the Philistines. I hope he will neither brake his own Neck nor pull down the House upon his Head.
I cannot and you will not do any Thing to deliver him out of the Toils.
I hear Clergymen preach in a Style I do not like. “A corrupt Capitol” &c. Congress is no more corrupt than our Town of Boston or our Massachusetts Legislature. At least I have as much Charity for them.

J. Adams


Title: To John Adams from Lyman Spalding, 14 April 1809
From: Spalding, Lyman
To: Adams, John

Respected Sir,
Portsmouth April 14 1809

Permit me to inclose to your address the Portsmouth bill of Mortality for 1809, and at the same time to assure you that my best wishes accompany you, through life.
I am Sir / Your most Obt / Servt.

L. Spalding


Title: From John Adams to Joseph Ward, 15 April 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Ward, Joseph

Dear Sir
Quincy, April 15 1809

I have received your Letter of the tenth and read Some of the printed Papers inclosed and intend to read the rest. You Long Since let me in some degree into the Nature of your Claim and I always thought it founded in Justice, but have never been able to assist you to any Effect in procuring Relief. Now I am out of the Question except as an individual.
You are persuaded that “Posterity and future Historians will duly estimate the Merits of the founders of our nation and the statesmen who framed our excellent Constitutions.” I am persuaded of the contrary and that historical justice will never be done to any of them any more than it is by the present generation.
If the lying Documents which are to go down to Posterity for the foundations of history were to be collected in volumes, the whole world could not contain the Books that should be written. Let me give you an Instance, in the Boston gazette of March 27. 1809 is a Piece of the Signature of  Spartacus which contains more Lies than Lines. From among them all I will select one: “Whereas Mr Adams in a Letter written by himself declares that Mr Jay had the whole Merit of the Treaty of Peace having agreed upon all the material Articles before his Arrival!!!” A more egregious lie was never printed or written. As it is marked with inverted Commas for a quotation it is an atrocious forgery. The Truth is that no material Article had been agreed upon before my arrival. No Article whatever had been agreed upon. None had been discussed. None could be discussed. Of the five Ministers three were Absent Adams Lawrence and Jefferson. Franklin and Jay only were on the Spot. These two if they had been united and disposed, could not without presumption ever have opened any conferences with the British Minister before my Arrival. But Franklin and Jay could agree upon nothing. Franklin would not negotiate without communicating all to the Count de Vergens. Jay would communicate nothing to the Count de Vergennes. In this State of Suspence the whole Business rested and no Conferences were opened till my arrival. I then declared to my Colleagues both Franklin and Jay, that I would not communicate our Proceedings to the Court of Versailles and then Franklin finding two against him and that we should go on without him, agreed to open the Conferences without communicating with Vergennes. The Conferences lasted near Six Weeks and none of the Articles were agreed upon till the last Night late in the Evening of the twenty ninth of November 1782 before the Signature of the Treaty on the 30th.
The Articles especially those relative to the Fisheries and the Refugees were obstinately contested by the British Ministers to the last moment.
It ought not to be forgotten that I was Sent to Europe in 1779 alone in the Commission for Peace, and it was not till fifteen or eighteen Months afterwards, that Franklin, Lawrence, Jay and Jefferson were associated with me. While I was alone in the Commission for Peace I settled the Principle upon which Mr Jay and I finally insisted that is not to treat or confer with any Ambassadors, untill we had exchanged Full Powers and had the Sight and received Copies of Commissions to treat with Us as Ambassadors from the United States of America. By insisting on this Point while I was alone I defeated the most insidious and dangerous Plott that was ever laid to insnare Us and deprive Us of our Independence. I mean the projected Congress at Vienna and the Mediation of the two Imperial Courts The Emperor of Germany and the Empress of Russia. This great Event is wholly unknown to the Public in America, but it will be one day explained. It would require too many Sheets of Paper to detail it now.
Can there be any Thing meaner than by the grossest lies to deprive me of my Share of the honor in the Negotiation of the Peace?  I desire no more than my Share. I should despize every tittle that should be offered me more than my Share.
I am Sir your Friend & Sert—

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Samuel Perley, 18 April 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Perley, Samuel

Sir
Quincy April 18 1809

I have received your favor of April 5th. I agree with you that our prosperity has been as great as that of any People that ever existed, and our Massachusetts and national Constitutions are better than any that I have known or read, as long as they are administered by the People and their Representatives according to their spirit and true Principles. How long this will be depends upon the People themselves. If the People and their Representatives Sacrefice the Characters and destroy the Influence of the best, most enlightened and most disinterested men, by Calumnies and promote those who have neither heads nor hearts fit for their Stations, and are actuated only by motives of Avarice and Ambition it will not be very long before our Prosperity will be exchanged for Calamity and our free Constitutions converted into Tyranies.
That I neither wish for a Monarchy nor a Grecian Democracy nor a Grecian or Roman Aristocracy in these United States is most certain and most evident to this whole Nation if they have ever attended to my words actions or writings for fifty years.—In January 1776 I printed my opinion of a proper form of Goverment under the Title of Thoughts on Goverment in a letter from a Gentleman to his Friend. In 1779 I was a Member of the Convention that formed our Massachusetts Constitution and expressed with great Freedom my Sentiments of Goverment in that Assembly of three or four hundred Gentlemen collected from all parts of the State. Two or three and twenty years ago I published Three Octavo Volumes in Defence of our Massachusetts Constitution with a view to suppress Chaises Shay’s Rebellion. About Eighteen or Nineteen years ago I published Papers which have been collected in a volume under the Title of Discourses on Davila. In all these writings my opinions upon Government are so clearly expressed that he who runs may read them. If the Nation will not read them or will not understand them, or are determined to misinterpret or misrepresent them, that is not my fault.
I am afraid there is too much of the spirit of Hutchinson and his Times prevalent in these days. I also am extremely sorry that Mr Jefferson has turned out so many worthy men and promoted so many who are not so worthy. But it is not necessary for me at present to express my opinion of Mr Jeffersons Character or Administration. He has passed away. I am Sir though a stranger your Friend and humble Servant.

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Joseph Lyman, 20 April 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Lyman, Joseph

Sir
Quincy April 20th 1809

I have received your respectful letter of the 21 March. It is not now necessary for me to say any thing concerning many of the Topics. To explain myself fully and enter into the Histories of past occurrences alluded to would require a Volume.
I have forsaken the persons and Interest of none of my Friends. The Leaders to whom the Federal Party has now blindly abandoned itself were never my Friends.
I have departed from no Principle. My invariable Principle for five and Thirty years has been to promote preserve and secure the Integrity of the Union and the Independence of the Nation against the Policy of England as well as France.
When France attempted to degrade us I exerted all my Industry to arrouse inspire and animate my Fellow Citizens to Resistance, and with so much success that the then French Goverment were compelled to retract. If for this service I had no thanks from the Republicans, I had nothing but Insolence and Scurrility from the Federalists. Look back and read the Federal Newspapers in Boston, New York and Philadelphia, of that Period, you will there see how I was treated. If your Namesake of Springfield, who was then a Representative in Congress, one of the most amiable of men, were now alive, he could inform you as he did me, with the kindest expressions of Attachment to me, and Indignation against the Treachery of my pretended federal Friends. He assured me that the Federalists in New york with Hamilton at their head had in secret Caucus agreed to sacrefice Adams. I had other Information from other Quarters, that at the Meeting of the Cincinati, at New york when they chose Hamilton their President General it was agreed and the Reverend Doctors of Divinity, and there were several of these present concurred in the pious project and the pious language to sacrefice Adams and bring in Pinckney. The Intrigues they practiced to accomplish this were very extensive and very Jesuitical. But to develope them would lead me too far. I will only add that the Boston and the Pensilvania, if not the South Carolina Federal Leaders were in the same Plot. They were assisted too by the publications in England particularly the Anti Jacobin then under the direction of Mr. Canning. I know that French Influence drove me into banishment but it would not have had the power if it had not been essentially assisted by the Pharisaical Jesuitical Machiavilian Intrigue and Influence of the leading Federalists.
I assure you Sir “A war with England will not meet my hearty Reprobation” if England makes it necessary. England and France have both given us just cause of War. But neither has yet made it necessary. The first of the two that shall render war necessary shall have my Vote for it.
I am surprised that you should think there is no pretext or excuse for a War with England, that you should talk of their bearing so much with the waywardness of our Goverment; and that She has done nothing to injure us but from a Principle of necessary self defence and a Retaliation of Injuries from their Adversaries which we had not the Dignity to resent and repel. As you say Mr Adams would not have done thus. I assure you Mr Adams would have resisted and repelled to the utmost of his power the British Proclamation of Blockade of Eleven hundred miles of Sea Coast from the Elbe to Brest which was the first of the Diabolical Warfare of Blockade, Decrees and Orders of Council. The Berlin decree is expressly grounded on a Principle of Retaliation.
The wickedness of this first Blockade can not be set in a true light without detailing the History of Antwerp the Scheld, Ostend, Nieuport &c—the object of all the Flanders wars for Centuries.
In plain English Great Britain is the first Sinner, and the original guilt of our present Calamities lies at her door. Though France in point of actual Transgression is not much behind her.
The Federal papers for the last year or two assisted by English Hirelings have been employed in varnishing over the Conduct of Great Britain, and in Calumniating every impartial and disinterested Man till they appear to have Obtained a temporary Majority in New England. I greatly respect the public opinion of New England when it is truly informed. In the present Instance with infinite grief I fear it is not. The Press has not been free.
I am not able to see how the Federalists are to get along with their new Friends the Old English. If they succeed I shall wish them Joy, but I can not expect to live to enjoy that felicity.
I am very respectfully, Sir your Friend / and humble Servant

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 22 April 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Sirs,
					Quincy, April 22, 1809.

				WHEN I had received that authentic act of the sovereign authority of France, a copy of which is inserted in my last letter to you, communicated by their Secretary of State, through their Secretary of Legation and Charge des Affaires and our Minister at the Hague, fully complying with all my requisitions, upon mature deliberation I determined to nominate a Minister to France. Some of the communications from France had been accompanied with intimations concerning the characters proper to be employed, which I thought exceptionable, and that they might be made a pretext for again rejecting a minister. I considered moreover, that France was an undulating ocean in a violent storm; party had exterminated party, and constitution had succeeded constitution, as billow rolls and roars, froths and foams after billow in the Gulph Stream. I knew, that in the nature of things, an executive authority in five persons could not last long in France or any where else: and we were already informed that the Directory was divided into parties, three against two, and that the majority in the Legislative Assembly adhered to the two, and the minority to the three. A revolution then was to be expected, and the new government might not feel themselves bound by the assurances given by their predecessors. To avoid the possibility of these inconveniences, I provided as cautiously and effectually against them as I could, in my message to the Senate, which never has been published. If this message had been made public, with its contents, the public despatch from France, I have confidence enough in the candor of the nation, to believe that it would have obviated many a silly and many a malicious criticism. It was in these words.

Gentlemen of the Senate,Feb. 18, 1799.I transmit to you a document which seems to be intended to be a compliance with a condition mentioned at the conclusion of my message to Congress, of the 21st of June last. Always disposed and ready to embrace every plausible appearance of probability of preserving or restoring tranquility, I nominate William Vans Murray, our Minister Resident at the Hague, to be Minister Plenipotentiary of the U. States to the French Republic. If the Senate shall advise and consent to his appointment, effectual care shall be taken in his instructions, that he shall not go to France without direct and unequivocal assurances from the French government, signified by their minister of foreign relations, that he shall be received in character; shall enjoy the privileges attached to his character by the law of nations, and that a minister of equal

rank, title and powers shall be appointed to treat with him, to discuss and conclude all controversies between the two republics, by a new treaty.John Adams.In this manner effectual provision was made against any and every possible insidious use, of the insinuations concerning characters proper to be employed, and who would be likely to succeed. In this manner also, provision was made against the possible and indeed highly probable and fully expected revolution in the French government. Mr. Murray was not to advance a step towards Paris from the Hague, until after he should have received from the French government, whatever it might be, a repetition of assurances, officially communicated, that he in person should be received.When this message was received in Senate, it was postponed, as the greatest part of executive business usually was, for consideration. A great clamor was raised among the members of the House of Representatives and out of doors, and an abundance of squibs, scoffs and sarcasms in what were then called the federal newspapers, particularly Cobbett’s Porcupine and John Ward Fenno’s United States Gazette. And by whom were these written? As I was informed, by Macdonald, the Scottish British commissioner for adjusting the claims of British creditors, and by William Smith, the British agent for claimants before that board of commissioners, of whom Macdonald was one. There were other writers besides these; but I will not condescend to name any others at present. It was given out that John Ward Fenno was the writer of the most important of them, and he was represented as a masterly writer, possessed of a most eloquent pen. But the pen was not his.This was not all. Something much more serious to me soon took place. A committee of the Senate called upon me, whether appointed on record, or whether by private concert, I know not. I was distressed, because I thought the procedure unconstitutional. However, I was determined that not one disrespectful word should escape me concerning the Senate or any member of it, and to that resolution I carefully adhered; and in relating the conference with those honorable gentlemen, which shall appear in my next letter, the same decorum shall be observed.

					John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 25 April 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

Sirs,
Quincy, April 25, 1809.

A few words more on the subject of pressing. In strictness, we have nothing to do with the question, whether impressments of seamen in England are legal or illegal. Whatever iniquity or inhumanity that government may inflict on their own subjects, we have no authority to call them to an account for it. But when they extend that power to us, a foreign nation, it is natural for us, and it is our duty as well as interest to consider what it is among themselves.
The most remarkable case in which this subject has been touched in Westminster Hall, is in Cowper’s Reports, page 512, Rex vs. John Tubbs. The report of the case is very long, and I shall only observe, that the question of the legality of the power of impressment, was not before the Court. The question was whether the Lord Mayor had a right to exempt thirty or forty watermen for his barges. Lord Mansfield sufficiently expresses his alarm and his apprehension of the consequences of starting a question relative to this subject, in the following words: “I am very sorry that either of the respectable parties before the Court, the city of London on the one hand, or the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty on the other, have been prevailed upon to agitate this question,” &c.
“I was in hopes the Court would have had an opportunity of investigating this point to the bottom, instead of being urged to dismiss it so instantaneously,” &c. I own I wished for a more deliberate consideration upon this subject; but being prevented of that, I am bound to say what my present sentiments are. The power of pressing is founded upon immemorial usage, allowed for ages.—If it be so founded, and allowed for ages, it can have no ground to stand upon, nor can it be vindicated or justified by any reason but the safety of the state: and the practice is deduced from that trite maxim of the constitutional law of England, that private mischief had better be submitted to, than public detriment and inconvenience should ensue. To be sure there are instances where private men must give way to the public good. In every case of pressing, every man must be very sorry for the act, and for the necessity which gives rise to it. It ought therefore to be exercised with the greatest moderation and only upon the most cogent necesity, and tho’ it be a legal power, it may, like many others, be abused in the exercise of it.”
The case is too long to transcribe; but it is worth reading. My remarks upon it shall be short.
I. Lord Mansfield most manifestly dreaded the question, probably on account of the innumerable difficulties attending it, as well as the national uproar it would most certainly excite.
2. His Lordship carefully avoided the use of the word right. He knew the sense, force and power of words too well to profane that sacred expression, by applying to a practice so loose and undefined, so irregular and capricious, so repugnant to the inherent, hereditary, unalienable and indefensible birth rights of British subjects.
3. He calls it a practice and a power, but he does not even venture to call it a prerogative of the crown.
4. He does not even affirm that there exists such an immemorial usage, allowed for ages. He says, “if it be so founded and allowed for ages.” The existence of such an immemorial usage, allowed for ages, was probably one of the principal points he wished to investigate.
5. He does not affirm that such a custom, usage, power, or practice could be pleaded or given in evidence against Magna Charta. If his Lordship had been allowed time to investigate the subject to the bottom, he perhaps would not have found evidence of any such immemorial usage allowed for ages. He certainly would not have found it allowed by any national act or legal authority, and without one or the other, how can it be said to have been allowed? Allowed by whom? By those who committed the trespass, and no others. His Lordship moreover might have found, that no custom, usage, power or practice could be alledged, pleased or given in evidence, in any court of justice against Magna Charta.
6. All the judges allow that exemptions, badges and protections against impressment have been given by Peers, Commons, Lord Mayors, Lords and Officers of the Admiralty, and as I understand Lord Mansfield, by officers of the navy. Now what a loose, undefined, arbitrary power is this to be legally established as an immemorial usage allowed for ages?
7. I wonder not that his Lordship dreaded the discussion of it and an investigation of it to the bottom, for he must have foreseen the endless difficulties of ascertaining, defining and limiting the usages which were immemorial, and distinguishing them from such as were modern, temporary, usurped and not allowed.
8. The counsel for the city had before observed, that the legality of pressing, if founded at all, could only be supported by immemorial usage, there being clearly no statute in force investing the crown with any such authority.
9. The infinite difficulty of determining who were seamen and who were not, must be obvious, and all agree that the power is confined to seamen and them only.
Christian, in his editions of Blackstone, vol. 1, page 419, says, in a note—“The legality of pressing is so fully established, that it will not now admit of a doubt in any court of justice,” and in proof of this he quotes Lord Mansfield’s opinion in the case of the king against Tubbs, in the words I have above transcribed. Whereas I think that taking all Lord Mansfield says together, he makes the subject as doubtful as ever, and incumbered with innumerable and insuperable difficulties.
Upon the whole, all I conclude form the conduct of the modern judges and lawyers in England is, that the pride in the navy has got the better of their sense of law and justice, and that court and county  lawyers, as well as administration and opposition, have been gradually endeavoring to unite for the last thirty or forty years, in sacrificing the principles of justice and law to reasons of state, by countenancing this branch of arbitrary power. But let them keep their arbitrary powers at home: not practise them upon us, our ships, or seamen.
JOHN ADAMS.


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 26 April 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Sirs,
					Quincy, April 26, 1809.

				THE gentlemen of the Senate informed me, that they
came to confer with me on the subject of the nomination
of Mr. Murray to France; that there was a considerable
dissatisfaction with it, and they desired to know for what
reasons I had preferred Mr. Murray to so many others
abroad and at home. My answer to the gentlemen was,
that I thought Mr. Murray a gentleman of talents, address
and literature, as well as of great worth and honor, every
way well qualified for the service, and fully adequate to
all that I should require of him, which would be a strict
compliance with his instructions, which I should take care
to provide for him on all points in terms that he could not
misunderstand.—That my motives for nominating him in
preference to others, were simply because the invitation
from the French government had been transmitted through
him, and because he was so near to Paris, that he might
be there in three or four days, and because his appointment would cause a very trifling additional expense.
They then enquired why I had not nominated Mr.
King? I answered that if Mr. King had been in Holland,
I certainly should not have thought of any other character. But he was our Ambassador in England, then at war with
France, and it would be considered by France as an insult,
to send them an Ambassador, who, as soon as he had accomplished his business, was to return to England and
carry with him all the information he might have collected in Paris. That the French government would suspect
me of a design to send them a spy for the Court of St. James. That I presumed Mr. King at that time would
not be pleased to be removed from England to France,
for perpetuity or permanence. Besides, that the difficulty
of communication between England and France, would
necessarily occasion an indefinite delay in procuring the
necessary passports, and that much depended upon the
promptitude and despatch with which the negociation
should be conducted.
The gentlemen asked why I had not nominated our
minister plenipotentiary at Berlin?—Neither the remarks
with which they accompanied this question, nor the reasons which I gave them in answer, need to be detailed to
the public.
I added, gentlemen, I maturely considered all these
things before I nominated Mr. Murray; and I considered another gentleman, whom you have not mentioned, Mr. Humphries, at Madrid: but the same objections
of distance and delay account in his case as well as that
of Mr. Adams.—The gentlemen all agreed that there
would have been no advantage in nominating him more
than Mr. Murray.
The gentlemen then inquired why I had not nominated
a commission of three or five in preference to a single gentleman. The answer was that I had a long experience of
ten years in this kind of business, and had often acted in
commissions with various other gentlemen, and I had three
times been commissioned alone. That I had found in
general that business could be better done by one than by
many, in much less time and with much less perplexity.
That the business to be done by Mr. Murray would be
nothing more than obedience to his instructions, and that
would be performed as well by one as by three. That
the delay must be great in sending gentlemen from America, and the expense greatly augmented. That very
much depended upon the celerity of the enterprize.
The gentlemen thought that a commission would be
more satisfactory to the Senate and to the public. I said
although this was not perfectly consonant to my own
opinion, I could in such a case easily give up my own to the public, and if they advised it, I would send another
message and nominate a commission of three; but Mr.
Murray would be one, for after having brought his name
before the public, I never would disgrace him by leaving
him out. The gentlemen acquiesced, and one of them,
whom I took to be their chairman, was pleased to say,
“after this very enlightened explanation of the whole business, I am perfectly satisfied.” The others appeared to
acquiesce, and took their leave. The next morning I
sent another message, which shall appear in my next letter.

					John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from Henry Guest, 1 May 1809
From: Guest, Henry
To: Adams, John

Honored Sir
 East Jersy May 1th 1809

Your Letter of 29 January Last Came duly to For which be pleased to Except my moste respectful thanks Particularly as it Contained a few strokes of your pollitical oppinion in these Turbulent Times. I find Sir, My Last Letter to you, wants Explenation—As to what I observed of your Son I Wanted Him in the Senate one Season more That He Might have had an opportunity of Displaying His Superior Tallents—That our Country might be Convinced that there was a son of our former President to be Called upon when occation to fill the first place in the Unit States with honour to himself his Family and the publics intrest and That from the part of the Union that in its turn is justly intitled to its
for the Second Explanation How could it git in the mind in Our aintient and Clear and worthy Statesman—That by my Word Dormond power I wanted you him to arm with gun and bayonet to Defend the Custom house officers in the Defence of the Embargo Act if My Creeping fluids of 82 years had thrown up a thought to my brains any thing Like this I should have Wished them shoveled in the Dust—
About the time of my writing that Letter our public papers anounced That there Was Great Disturbances in Several Out pousts in Boston Government on account of the Embargo—The Mob paraded the Streets with Loded arms from which I judged That there Was Dainger of A Civil War fast arising That in the End Would Distroy our Governmend and ruin Our happy Country—at the same time, I Knew there Was still Living in that District A Greate Statsman that had Spent his more active Days in Writing in political and whose oppinion Would have greate Weight With his untaught Neighbours and that if his Dormand powers Could be brought forward it Would be a meanes in the hands of providence of Quieting the minds of these Simple people and give them patience to Weight through this Crises of our Country and  untill that time Came that they for their Own Sakes Would see the Necessity of Suppourting Government—This Sir Was my Concise Motive and reason of My Using the Word Dormand—And I now Expect that if I have been the meanes of one asy Sinsation in the Mind of a Gentelman that is near my heart He Will forgive me—Thus far I had wrote Soon after the rcept of the above noted Letter when I read about that time I recd. a Letter from my Son henry at albany accuainting me that there Was a Rumer theer That your Son was caled to the Seat of Government to be sent to England on the affairs of our Government This Cheered My Druping Spirits and I Waited hoping that As I lived in his rout that He would honour me with A Call—
The Last Notice I have had of him Was that He Was nominated as Embassador to Russia and have understood That He would have been nomenated But that it was the oppenion of Some in the Senate That the Russia Government Was at preasent in too unsetled A state for us in this Diplomic Department—Lines Which I have seen no notices in the papers whither He is returned to Boston or not—
A Little of your Dormant powers in your Letter to your two friends in Boston has been published in all the papers of  and I believe it has pleased Every honest Man that read your Oppinion As to Dividing the States in  and  that of our Country—I wish most sincerely that we had your farther thoughts on Such Subjects as you shall judge worthy your pen as I am confident they would have Greater weight in the public —But as this Letter is allready perhaps too Long for your Lesure or Amusement shall Brake off with my most sincear Good Wishes for your health and happiness Who am Honoured Sir / Your Most / Humble Servt

Henry Guest
Ps Thomas Pain who in the time of the Last War and Since reseded With Me months at a time as a friend Sent me word by a friend yesterday that He Was going the Way of All flesh that he Was on his Deth Bed and Did not Expect to Live but a Very short Time.  on some Little time back a number about 15  Methodist burst in his room, and told him that they ware Come to Convirt him before he Went to his Long home; He Desired them to Leve the room immediate But they all begun Some to preach Some to pray at once—He was so week as not to be able to rise But he threw his stick at them when they retreated—I have Lamented his publishing his Oppinion on religious matters as it Was out of his rea and from it has Done harm to his Charactor and public.
H G


Title: To John Adams from Chester Wright, 2 May 1809
From: Wright, Chester
To: Adams, John

Sir,
Montpelier Vermont May 2d. 1809—

An individual, obscure, & to yourself unknown, begs leave to address you. May I be permitted, Sir, to suggest, that a love for that Country, of which I, with millions of my fellow citizens, consider you the Father, is my only apology for this intrusion.
I have long viewed, with grief, the unhappy division which has rent the United States into two great political parties, & well nigh armed them against each other. Your heart, Sir, it must be presumed, has often bled in secret, at a view of the violence of these parties, while you considered it out of your power to do any thing to oppose the rapid torrent. But, Sir, the time is at length arrived, when your voice will be heard. The settlement of our differences with England, in consequence of the measures of the late administration, which settlement has been a favorite object with the minor party, the election of Mr Madison to the presidential chair, a Gentleman whose moral character has never been impeached by any party, & who will it is hoped, administer the government impartially, & without regard to party distinctions, and the general desire of the citizens to enjoy a season of repose, under the present moment piculiarly favorable for the true patriot to exert his influence & talents, for the suppression of political animosity, & the promotion of a cordial union.
It is believed, Sir, that an address from you to the citizens of the United States, exhorting them to peace & unity, and pointing out the course which each party, & especially editors of newspapers, ought to pursue, would, at this juncture, be productive of the most happy effects. You, Sir, have prepared the way for this, by your letters addressed to individual Gentlemen, which have been already published. Generally speaking, you are now owned, revered, & loved, by all parties; & your Country will rejoice to receive from you, as from a beloved Parent, the lessons of political wisdom. A communication, also, to Mr Madison, & his cabinet, recommending conciliatory measures, would doubless have great influence, received from one, so thoroughly acquainted as yourself, with the feelings & interests of your countrymen.
I will not, Sir, presume on your patience further than to beg the indulgence of a single line from you, as a token that my anxiety for the welfare of my Country has procured your forgiveness for the freedom I have taken, & to assure you of my fervent wishes & prayers, that the divine benediction may ever rest upon you, that the evening of your life, laboriously spent in your Country’s cause, may be serene & pleasant, and that, at length, you may have a triumphant entrance into that world, where the good & faithful servant shall receive his reward.
With the highest respect & esteem, I /  am, Sir, your obedient servant,

Chester Wright.