Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 1 September 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Dear Doctor,—
Quincy Sept. 1. 1809.

Thanks for yours of Aug. 25 and the Papers enclosed. They are very high and very warm. You pretend that you have outlived your Patriotism; but you deceive yourself. Your feelings contradict your Assertions. You can never get rid of your Amor Patriæ and attachment to your Natale solum. At your age and mine it would perhaps be better for our Tranquility if we could outlive all our public Feelings. Yet the very thought of this strikes us both with horror.
Mr. Boudinot and Mrs. Bradford have given us the Pleasure of their Company for one day and I have returned their kind visit in Boston. I found them sociable, friendly and agreeable. The aged Gentleman though afflicted with the Gout and has been confined for some time with it, has lost none of his vivacity or his Memory or his understanding as I could perceive. You remind me of a story which I heard in my youth of a young Priest who said of Dr. Tillotson
Nothing but his Table
Makes him considerable.
Pray how comes Parson Caldwell to be so very rich? I suppose he was another Witherspoon or another McWhorter who thought a part of Christs Kingdom was of this World. My Friend, the Clergy have been in all ages and Countries as dangerous to Liberty as the Army. Yet I love the Clergy and the Army. What can we do without them in this wicked world. But to dismiss all this, what shall we say of Public affairs? The Hounds have all been in fault: wholly lost and bewildered. They could not yet Scent the Track of the Fox. They know not which way to pursue the Game. I expect the Master Huntsmen will soon point out the Path: one will cry War with France and the other War with England. But they cannot get a vote in Congress for either.
I have no hope of any settlement with France or England at present. It is impossible. England asserts a Sovereignty at sea and France almost claims an absolute Dominion at Land. We ought not to agree to either. We never can agree to the Claims of England. What shall we do.
I am not pleased with embargoes or Non Intercourses: our People will not bear them.
The Unum Necessarium is a Navy: but such is the Division and the Folly of our Country, that no public Man will bear to think of Floating Castles. We shall be the Sport, Scorn and Ridicule of all Nations till we do think in earnest of covering the seas with our armed schooners and Brigantines. One year would produce at less expense than the Gun Boats a little Power that would secure us more consideration than an hundred Thousand disciplined veteran land Forces.
I have not yet got out of my head Fox’s little History. Some one of our Poets said how sweet an Ovid was in Murray lost? I say how noble a Livy or Davila was lost in Fox?
You know that all my Vagaries are locked up in your own Breast. There let them rest. I shall stand by the Government as well as I can, whether I approve their Measures or not, if they are not too bad to be borne. But this I know the most active energetic Portion of Mankind, as the Americans undoubtedly are cannot be long restrained by Embargoes and Non Intercourses. They will have the free use of their Limbs whether the Consequence is foreign War or civil War, or what you will.
Burn these Rhapsodies and Crudities lest they one day rise up in Judgment against / your Friend
Dr Rush


Title: From John Adams to Henry Guest, 5 September 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Guest, Henry

My Venerable Guest
Quincy September 5. 1809

Your Grand Daughter writes so beautiful a hand that you need not be at a loss for an Amanuensis. I have received your favour of the 25th of August and had before received in its Season that in which you explained the Word Dormant. I never took any offence at that Word but if I had your Explanation would have cleared all up. I hope Hamilton reported and was forgiven. And I wish the Same could be Said of Paine. But I believe a good Catholick would fear they must both Suffer in Purgatory for a Time.
My Son will do honor to his Country abroad in future as he has done in times past. The Service that he or any other Man can do in the present disturbed state of Europe is more problematical. I thank you for your kind Wishes and pious Prayers for his Success and Prosperity.
I know not that any Man has gone to Russia as Consul.—But there can be no difficulty I presume in procuring Hemp seed. I am told that one hundred Ships go annually from this Country to Russia.
I have formerly raised hemp on my own Farm or rather in my Garden as an Experiment and I have Seen handsome Fields of it in this State. It has been Sufficiently ascertained that it will grow long enough in any Part of America: and I am told that it is raised in great Abundance in Tennessee Ohio Kentucky and other Southern and Western States, and may be raised in sufficient Quantities not only for Our Consumption but for Exportation.
My Powers, whatever they are, must Soon be dormant again: I hope therefore you will not expect any great Things from them. You will probably See more Strictures on my Account of Hamiltons Conduct: for every Clan in Scotland and every clanish Scotchman in America, I Suppose is ready to take up a Pen if not a Sword in defence of his Head Quarter’s and in Vindication of his “Forequarters.”
Pray can you tell me, how that “crafty designing wicked Man” as you call him, came into Public Life? I mean into the Legislature of New York and into Congress? As a West India Boy, as a Scotch Boy, he could have no Influence but with West Indians and Scotchmen. As an American Youth he could be known to very few Persons. Was it the Livingston Interest or the Clinton Interest that took him upon their Shoulders and boosted (him to Use an Expression of John Bunyan) up into the Air? or was it The Scotchmen Englishmen and Old Tories of New York who raised him from his low Estate to that lofty Height whence he domineered over Washington Adams Jefferson and Jay? Over Senates Representatives and Privy Counsells? I agree with you that before the “half ounce of Lead pierced his Spine” as far as I know, he was “a crafty designing and wicked Man.” After that the Clergy tell Us Us he was converted. God grant it may be true. I hope he repented and was pardoned. But Saint Paul himself never thought proper to conceal his Character before his Conversion.—
Hamilton had great Activity in Intrigue, and was capable of close Application to Study and to Business for a time. But his Plans were ill digested and his Designs were very far from being directed to the Publick Good of this Country. At least this is the Sincere opinion of your good Friend
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 6 September 1809
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

My dear friend,
Philadelphia Septr: 6th 1809.

Although for many years past I have read nothing, but books upon medicine on week days, & upon Religion on Sundays, and have expected to continue to do so as long as I lived, yet you have almost persuaded me to read Fox’s history of James the Second. Your praise of it is enough for me, for I know how much your habits of reading and thinking qualify you to judge of the merit of books that describe the interior of Courts, & the political recesses of the human heart.
Have you seen Bishop Gregoire’s letter to Mr: Barlow upon the subject of the frontispiece of the late edition of his Columbiad? It is a masterly performance, and exposes with great eloquence the folly and madness of infidelity.
You wonder how Parson Caldwell became possessed of Certificates!—he acted as a deputy qr: master in the army and at a time when purchases were pur made, only with that species of paper money, and when the pay of qr: masters, was a Commission upon all purchases made with them.
Have you never observed a passion for going abroad to attend a guilty conscience? The jolting of a Carriage, & the Company of Strangers seem to act as opiates upon it. The gentleman who lately visited you from new Jersey—with the largest house in Burlington & every thing in, and about it to make it comfortable, cannot stay a week at home. New-York—New Ark—Princeton, (not Philada often latterly) are the usual places of his resort, but the noise and variety of these places it seems have not been sufficiently soporific for the pain of his mind—hence his late excursion to Boston. Home is generally the only resting place to a man at 70 who has preserved his innocence in his journey through life.
You charge me with—the feelings of patriotism I grant that man is naturally a domestic—a social & a political—or rational animal—and that Horace’s line is in general true, “naturam expellas furca, tamen deque usque recurrit.”
but, those trible passions have been, and may be subdued. There are political, as well as social & domestic monks. Happy the man that in the present state of our Country has put on the hood, and that can look upon a newspaper, and the history of town meetings as an old Fryar looks upon a blooming young woman. If I have not attained to this felicity, I have in a great measure deserved it,—for I  generally hear, and read, with  the same indifference of the proceedings of the leaders of both the great parties that now agitate and divide our country.
My Son Richard brought home from Maryland a few days ago, his charming bride. We are all delighted with her. She possesses highly cultivated understanding—gentle manners, and the whole circle of domestic accomplishments.
I am now busily engaged in revising the proof sheets of an edition of the celebrated Dr: Sydenham’s works with notes, and the 3rd: edition of my medical inquiries. To the latter I have made considerable Additions. They will both be published abo I hope sometime in November. Such is the physical and moral influence of a man’s constant employments that it is upon the his body & mind, of man that it is said in England, “a button maker becomes a button & a buckle maker a buckle in the course of his life.” Do not wonder then if you should hear of my habits of book making should making, having converted me in proof sheets & calfskin, or of my habits of feeling pulses, into a pulse glass, or a stop watch. I exist almost wholly in those two employments.
ADieu. from ever yours
Benjn: Rush


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 8 September 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Sirs,
					Quincy, September 8, 1809.

				1780, Dec. 30—wrote to Congress: “The
Province of Zealand having been opposed to the other
Provinces in so many instances, and having lately protested
against the resolutions of the States General, which begin
to be thought spirited, it may be useful to explain to Congress the causes which influence that Province to a conduct which is generally thought to be opposite to the true
interests of the republic in general.
In the States of Zealand there are only five voices, three
of which are absolutely in the discretion of the Prince of
Orange, who has one voice as Stadtholder of the Province,
another as Marquis of Veere, and a third as first noble.
The Stadtholder is therefore absolute in this Province;
which accounts, at once, for its conduct upon all occasions.
The friends of the Prince, of England and Zealand, are
not willing, however, that the world should believe that
the Prince’s power in the Province, and his attachment to
England, are the sole causes of its conduct upon every
occasion, and therefore they enlarge upon several topics,
as apologies and excuses for a behavior which cannot
wholly be justified. The arguments in justification or
excuse of Zealand, are drawn from four principal sources.
1. The situation of the islands which compose the province. 2. The interest of its particular commerce. 3. The
weakness of its interior forces. 4. The state of its finances.1. The territory of Zealand, consists of five or six islands, two of which are moderately large, and the rest very
small.—These islands are formed by the sea, or by the
different branches of the Scheld, in the mouth of that
river. In case of a sudden invasion, these islands, separated from the province of Holland by an arm of the sea,
are too unconnected to receive any immediate assistance.
Such an invasion is so much the more easy for the English to attempt, as Zealand is very near them.—They may
invade this province even before a suspicion should be
conceived, that such a project had been formed. Who
shall oppose their enterprize? Shall it be the French, who
are now friendly? Dunkirk; it is true, is near enough.
But what forces are there at Dunkirk? The only naval
force there, consists of a few privateers, who could neither
oppose an armament escorted by British men of war, nor
venture to transport troops to oppose it, even supposing
the invasion was not made by surprize. Shall the Zealanders themselves make a resistance to the English?
But separated from one another by waters which would
necessarily retard their junction, the island of Walcheren,
the principal of all, would be in possession of the enemy,
before they could put themselves in a posture to repel
force by force. It is, moreover, not only possible, but
easy, to make a descent upon Zealand by so many places
at once, that the inhabitants, by their own forces alone,
could not defend effectually all the passages. Eight thousand English troops, or even a smaller number, would
force the Zealanders every where, because there is no
where a fortress capable of holding out twelve hours.
The ports of Flushing and Veere are the only ones which
have any defence. But they are very far from the state
in which they ought to be, to stop an enemy determined
upon pillage, animated by revenge, and forcibly instigated
by the pleasure of doing mischief. It is conceded that the
English descended in Zealand, would be constrained to
abandon it very soon; that they might and would be
driven from it in a few days; that the figure they would
make, would be neither glorious nor honorable; and that their temerity would cost them dear: But the disorder caused by an invasion remains after the expulsion of
the invaders. The people invaded are always the victims
of the evils which they have suffered; and these evils,
always considerable to the individuals, are seldom, if ever,
entirely compensated. The Zealander says, when an incendiary has burned my house, whether he is punished or
not, my house is consumed and lost to me. The exactions,
the pillage, and all the abominations which follow the
coups de main of an unbridled soldiery, would be cruelly
felt by the unfortunate Zealanders, even after the perpetrators should be driven out or sacrificed to the public resentment. For example, in 1761, fifteen thousand English
forces landed in the neighborhood of the village of St. Ka,
situated on the northern coast of Britany, in France:
from thence they extended themselves to the village of
Kankale, in the neighborhood of the former. They pillaged the houses of the inhabitants; broke their furniture; took away their provisions and cattle; and violated
their wives and daughters. Six soldiers ripped open, with
a knife, a woman big with child, after having satiated one
after another, their brutality. In a word, the English
gave a free course to their cruelty, and indulged themselves in all sorts of excesses, which the laws of war reprobate, as well as those of nature. The massacre of the
pregnant woman of Britany may be put in parallel with
that of the unfortunate women whom the savages, under
the command of General Burgoyne, scalped in America.
These acts of cruelty prove, at least, to what excesses the
fury of the English army may proceed. But it is asked,
if it can be said that all the disorders committed in Britany
were repaired, when the ten thousand French ran to the
assistance of these unfortunate Britains, and had killed,
taken and drowned the whole English army?—No. The
miserable inhabitants of St. Ka and of Kankale, were not
less ruined; their wives and daughters were not the less
dishonored; and in one word, the English fury did not
remain the less deeply imprinted on this part of Britany
in characters of blood. In truth, England lost fifteen thousand men, without deriving the smallest advantage
from their temerity: but the French employed against
the English at St. Ka, did nothing but avenge the honor
of their nation: France only made her rival feel how dangerous it is to insult the firesides of her subjects. This
lesson may have intimidated the English, but it is not
certain that it has corrected them. A sheepfold, situated
on the borders of a forest, is always exposed to the ravages
of the wolves, if the shepherd cannot watch all the avenues. If the wolves enter and tear a part of the flock, the
shepherd will have lost the sheep that are devoured; and
if afterwards he should kill some of these carniverous animals, the skin of the wolf will not indemnify the loss of
the sheep.2. The peculiar commerce of Zealand. This province
has no other than that small commerce, which is known
by the name of coasting trade. This kind of intercourse
is considerable in the provinces of Holland, North Holland and Friesland: the number of vessels employed in it,
in these three Provinces, is inconceivable, and the greatest
part of them is destined for the service of France. All
which, France receives from foreigners, and all that it furnishes to foreigners is carried in these Holland vessels;
and if there were no other than the freight for the masters
and owners of these vessels, this profit would still be of the
greatest consideration. Thus it is not surprizing that the
province of Holland has taken such strong measures in
favor of France. Its particular commerce would naturally determine it that way. On the contrary, Zealand
employs the small number of her merchant ships in a commerce with England: a commerce so much the more
lucrative, as it is almost entirely contraband, or smuggled.
The profits to be made on brandy, and other spirituous
liquors, imported clandestinely into England, are very
great: and it is Zealand that makes these profits, because
they are her citizens who entertain a continual correspondence with the English smugglers. The proximity of the
coasts of Zealand to those of England, renders this commerce, which is prohibited to English subjects, sure for the inhabitants of Zealand. Fishing boats are sufficient
to carry it on; and these barques are rarely taken, whether it is, that they are difficult to take, or whether there
is not much desire to take them. These barques, arrived
on the coasts of England, find others which come to take
what they bring. The place where this traffic is held, is
generally some creek, upon the coast of England, where
the vessels may be loaded and unloaded in secrecy. Moreover, those whom the English ministry appoint to prevent
this commerce at sea, are those who favor it. We know,
very well, the decided inclination of the English in general,
and above all, of their seamen for strong liquors. Zealand, concurring openly in the measures which the republic is now taking against England, or if you will, against
the powers at war, would draw upon itself particularly,
the anger, hatred and vengeance of a nation, without
which it is impossible to sustain its trade. And this Province would by this means deprive a great number of its
citizens of a source of gain, which places them in a condition to furnish the imposts which they have to pay. Is it
not then the part of prudence in the states of Zealand, to
avoid with care, every thing that might embroil them
particularly with England? Is it not also the wisdom of
the States General, to have a regard to the critical situation
of one of the seven provinces which compose the union?3. The weakness of her internal forces. Zealand is
open, on all sides, to the English. To set them at defiance, she ought to have in herself, forces capable of intimidating Great Britain. But where are such forces to be
found? In the garrisons which the republic maintains
there? Two or three thousand men, dispersed at Flushing, at Veere, and in some other cities, are but a feeble
defence against a descent of six or seven thousand English,
well determined. Will these troops of the republic be
supported by armed citizens? Suppose it—Their defeat
will not be less certain. Those citizens who have never
seen a loaded musquet discharged, are more proper to carry an empty fusee, to mount guard at a State-House which
is never to be attacked, than to march to the defence of a coast threatened with a descent, or to present themselves
upon a parapet of a fort, battered with machines that
vomit forth death, and scatter it on the ramparts. These
citizens, or rather these soldiers of a moment, would carry
disorder into the ranks, and do more injury than service,
by giving countenance to the flight of those brave warriors, who make it a point of honor to combat with a stedfast foot. Moreover, who are these citizens that might be
joined to the regular troops? Are they the principal inhabitants? Those who have the most to loose? Those to
whom birth and education have given sentiments of honor
and glory? No. These have, by paying sums of money,
exemptions, which excuse them from taking arms to defend the country in time of peace. Is it credible, that in
the most critical moment, they will generously renounce
these exemptions? It will be then, the citizens of the
second order, the artizans, or people who have little or
nothing to loose, who will serve for the reinforcement of
the veterans. Experience demonstrates what dependence
is to be placed at this day, upon such militia. It would
be in vain to oppose to this reasoning the time of the revolution, those times of the heroism of the ancestors of the
Dutch. The cause is not the same. They attack, at this
day, in a different fashion, and perhaps the defence too
would be made in a very different manner. It might be
otherwise, if the coasts of Zealand were fortified with good
forts, or if the cities of Flushing and Veere were in a condition to sustain a siege of some months, and with their
little garrisons, stop the assailants until the arrival of succors; but one must be very little informed not to know
that the English, although they might be incommoded in their landing, would nevertheless effect it with little loss.4. The state of her finances. Zealand, of all the seven
provinces, is that which costs the most for the maintenance of her Dykes. More exposed than all the others to
be drowned by the sea, her coasts require continued repairs. These reparations cannot be made but at great
expense. Unprovided with wood, suitable for the construction of ramparts capable of stopping the waves which beat upon her continually, she is obliged to import, from
foreign countries, those numberless and enormous timbers
which art substitutes in the place of those rocks which
nature has granted to other countries, for holding out the
ocean and restraining its fury. It is necessary, therefore,
that a great part of the public revenue of the province
should go to foreigners. She must, moreover, furnish
her quota to the general treasury of the republic. From
whence it follows, that she cannot expose herself to the
indispensable necessity of increasing her imposts to furnish
the new expenses, which an extraordinary armament would
bring upon all the state.—More than once, in time of
peace, the public coffers of the state have been obliged to
furnish to the province of Zealand the succors which she
could not find at home, without reducing her subjects to
the most horrible distress. To what condition then would
these subjects be reduced, if in the progress of the armed
neutrality, such as is proposed, or in a war with England,
they should be obliged to pay new contributions? All
the world agrees that Zealand is poor. It must be acknowledged then, that she will be plunged in the lowest
indigence, if the expenses of the country are augmented,
although there are many individuals who are very rich,
and grand capitalists, and luxury among the great is carried to an excess as immoderate as it is in Holland.Zealand has so long embarrassed the republic in all their
deliberations concerning the armed neutrality, and lately
concerning the serious quarrel that England has commenced against her, that I thought it would at least gratify the
curiosity of Congress, to see the causes which have governed her, laid open, as I find them explained in conversation and in public writings.—Zealand’s reasons seem,
however, to be now overruled, and the prince’s absolute
authority there of little avail. To all appearance, the
English must recede, or contend with a bitter enemy in
this republic. Old prejudices seem to wear off: and it
is now said publicly that the friendship between the English and Dutch has been like the brotherly love between
Cain and Abel.—Yet I have been so often disappointed
in my expectations, that I can never depend upon any
thing here until it is past."1780, Dec. 31st—wrote to Congress. “It will
scarcely be believed in Congress, that at a time when there
are the strongest appearances of war, there has not been
a newspaper nor a letter received in this city, (Amsterdam)
from London, since the 19th or 20th of the month.There are symptoms of a more general war. If Britain
adheres to her maxims, this republic will demand the aid
of Russia, Sweden, Denmark, and Prussia, in pursuance
of the treaty of armed neutrality. These powers will not
be duped by the artifices of the English court, and adjudge this war not a Casus Fœderis, when all the world
agrees that the accession of the republic to the armed neutrality, is the real cause of it, and the treaty between Mr.
Lee and Mr. De Neufville only a false pretext. If the
armed neutral confederacy takes it up, as nobody doubts
they will, all these powers will be soon at war with England, if she does not recede. If the neutral powers do not
take it up, and England proceeds, she will drive the republic into the arms of France, Spain and America. In
this possible case a minister here from Congress, would be
useful. In case the armed neutrality take it up, a minister
authorised to represent the United States at all the neutral
courts might be of use.The empress queen (Mary Theresia) is no more. The
emperor has procured his brother Maximilian to be declared co-adjutor of the bishoprick of minister and cologne, which affects Holland and the low countries. He
is supposed to have his eye on Liege. This may alarm
the Dutch, the king of Prussia and France. The war
may become general and the fear of it may make peace.
That is, it might, if the king of England was not the most
determined man in the world. But depressed, distracted
and ruined as his dominions are, he will set all Europe in
a blaze, before he will make peace. His exertions against
us, however, cannot be very formidable. Patience,
firmness and perseverance are our only remedy. These
are sure and infallible. And with this observation I have
 the honor to take my leave of Congress for the year 1780,
which has been to me the most anxious and mortifying
year of my life.—God grant that more vigour, wisdom,
and decision may govern the counsels, negociations and
operations of mankind in the year 1781.”

					John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Ward, 9 September 1809
From: Ward, Joseph
To: Adams, John

Sir
Boston Sept. 9th, 1809

I have to make my grateful acknowledgements for your favour of the 31 Ult. I read, it as I do every thing that falls from your pen, with great attention. Every letter in the Patriot, under your Signature, I have read with equal attention pleasure & profit. I wish most sincerely they might be read by all men. There never was a time when the propagation of sound principles was more necessary. But there is a lightness of mind and frivolity which seems to me (I hope it is my error) pervades the public, even many of our rulers. Solid eternal principles, are passed over to read the history of the Duke of York and Mrs Clark—European chit-chat—and personalities, & party essays in our own Country. As I have heretofore remarked, I think if any thing can induce reflection, it will be your writings. If the people will not think, it matters not who writes, folly & wisdom produce the same effect. Your remarks upon Hamilton’s pamphlet, may be grumbled at, but cannot be answered. Indeed his book, to reflecting minds, carried its own refutation. He was a most unfortunate man; he had many good points; I esteemed him; he had many good points; I esteemed him; I loved him as a Soldier; he was faithful to our Standard; But his ambition was too high, & his common sense, was not equal to his genius. Hence his first pamphlet, to defend his own character, sunk it; & his last pamphlet, designed to lower yours, depressed his own. His indiscretion, considering his talents, was astonishing. I could not help wishing I had been at his elbow when he wrote his two pamphlets, and his last letter—the precursor of his death—as it seemed to me that I could have made the folly, the extreme absurdity, and the injury that must inevitably follow to himself, so glaring—that he would have opened his eyes to the plain dictates of commonsense. His reasoning powers seem to have been inverted; and his friends about him seem to have been either equally blind, or without influence. The recent republication, of the obnoxious pamphlet, looks like an effort of his professed friends to revive the memory of his errors. It is a strange act of friendship. If its republication was designed to wound an higher Character, the arrow will not reach the mark; and besides, facts, have taken off its point. It is reprinted for the worms, to sleep with the lumber of book stores; I have not heard of one buyer or reader of it. That any one should give it a second edition, after its recent and complete refutation, is among the follies of the present day. “The History of our Country is getting full of falsehoods, & it is high time for some of them to be corrected”—is an affecting truth. I believe Sir, that your writings have had a correcting influence; and although it may not be so rapid and extensive as good men desire, yet the pages will live and be read by men who seek for information; by our future historians, and the truths they record be read by their readers. When the present party cavilling spirit is dead, those truths may live, and shine unclouded by the little interests & low passions which now obscure the vision of narrow minded politicians. Posterity will wish to know the great Actors & their sentiments, who achieved the mighty Revolution; they will have less temptation to disguise the truth, than the scribblers of the present time.
The apparent “partiality for England, resembling the sentiments of the Tories in 1770, 1, 2, 3, and 4,” proceeds now, I conceive, from a different cause; though its effects are still injurious. Our extensive commercial connections with the people of that Country, lead many to think our prosperity dependant on theirs, and blindly to suppose that that govt. will not intentionally injure our trade, which is beneficial to them, and consequently that her fleets may protect our ships against the French tyrant, whose paws are more dreaded than the British Lion’s. It is the more difficult to correct errors, by reason of the blinding party spirit that prevails. One part of our public papers wear the complexion of British editors, and others of Frenchmen. We want to be nationalised, to feel as one people, take pride in our national character as Americans. We did seem to progress to the true point for a time after the adoption of the federal Constitution. After your retirement, our motion was retrograde—a navy, was cried down,—we were frenchified, and englified; economy was every thing; to support ships of war, was wasting the people’s money; the French are friends to a free trade, & Bonaparte has declared that the ocean shall be free; the English surely will not attempt to deprive us of national rights acknowledged by her rival, lest we might aid him.—If our public debt was were extinguished, we should be invincible. To withold our trade, from any nation, would bring her to our terms.—Washington did not understand a maritime system, and Adams had while in Europe imbibed the error of building a navy. With the money his navy system would have cost, our Country may be converted into a paradise.” In such a confusion of tongues & derangement of ideas, commonsense could not be heard, and our real Statesmen being in retired life, flattering promises gained popularity, and he that made the loudest professions of love for the people, & the strongest assurances of saving their money, rose the highest. Time and experience may cure the delirium & bring us back to sober reason.
There are some symtoms of returning reason. I have heard many say, that “If President Adams had continued, we should have had a Navy, instead of embargoes; respect among the nations instead of insult; and a commerce still extending; and after allowing for all the expenses, our nation might now have been worth many millions more than it is—Besides the incalculable loss of Character;—That the loss by spoliations, is four or five times as much as a Navy would have cost; And after all we must build a Navy, or be robbed by every sea rover.”
Such ideas may in time animate our nation, & your too long neglected system be revived with vigour. Your declaration, when President, that ‘to expect an extensive commerce, without a power to protect it, must be illusory.’ Time will I trust cure our “excessive partiality for England,” & connect our French ideas; and “the fatal error of depending on the wisdom justice or benevolence of any foreign nation for protection or assistance.” It will be strange indeed if we do not learn in the severe shool of experience, scourged as we have been, and shall be until we become wise.
As the Negotiations for the Peace of 1783, are very little known, even to our present rulers in general, and as the ignorant or evil minded may misrepresent facts, it seems highly important that they should be communicated to the public. Such a communication would be read with attention, as all the people had a deep interest in that momentous Negotiation; and all posterity will be interested in it; the Nation was in its infancy, and powerful arms were raised to strangle it in the cradle. You were its appointed Guardian, and under Providence held its destiny in your hand.
May God preserve your Life and Health many happy years, is the fervent wish and prayer / of Sir your very humble Servant
Joseph Ward


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 12 September 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Sirs,
					Quincy, Sept. 12, 1809.

				Amsterdam, January 1st, 1781—wrote to Congress:
“The mail from London arrived this morning, brought
us for a new year’s entertainment, the following
MANIFESTO.George R.Through the whole course of our reign, our conduct
towards the States General of the United Provinces, has
been that of a sincere friend and faithful ally. Had they
adhered to those wise principles which used to govern the
republic, they must have shewn themselves equally solicitous to maintain the friendship which has so long subsisted
between the two nations; and which is essential to the interests of both.—But from the prevalence of a faction devoted to France, and following the dictates of that court,
a very different policy has prevailed. The return made
to our friendship for some time past, has been an open
contempt of the most solemn engagements, and a repeated
violation of public faith.On the commencement of the defensive war, in which
we found ourselves engaged, by the aggression of France,
we shewed a tender regard to the interests of the States
General, and a desire of securing to their subjects every
advantage of trade consistent with the great and just principles of our own defence. Our ambassador was instructed
to offer a friendly negociation, to obviate every thing that
might lead to disagreeable discussions; and to this offer,
solemnly made by him to the States General, the 2d of
November, 1778, no attention was paid.After the number of our enemies increased, by the aggression of Spain, equally unprovoked with that of France,
we found it necessary to call upon the States General for
the performance of their engagements. The fifth article
of the perpetual defensive alliance between our crown and
the States General, concluded at Westminster, the 3d of
March, 1678, besides the general engagement for succors,
expressly stipulates, ‘That that party of the two allies
that is not attacked, shall be obliged to break with the aggressor, in two months after the party attacked shall require it’—yet two years have passed without the least
assistance given to us, without a single syllable in answer
to our repeated demands.So totally regardless have the states been of their treaties with us, that they readily promised to observe a neutrality, in direct contradiction to those engagements; and
whilst they have withheld from us the succors they were
bound to furnish, every secret assistance has been given to
the enemy, and inland duties have been taken off for the
sole purpose of facilitating the carriage of naval stores to
France.In direct and open violation of treaty, they suffered an
American pirate to remain several weeks in one of their
ports, and even permitted a part of his crew to mount
guard in a fort in the Texel.In the East Indies, the subjects of the States General, in
concert with France, have endeavored to raise up enemies
against us.In the West Indies, particularly at St. Eustatia, every
protection and assistance has been given to our rebellious
subjects.—Their privateers are openly received in the
Dutch harbors; allowed to refit there; supplied with
arms and ammunition; their crews recruited; their prizes
brought in and sold; and all this in direct violation of as
clear and solemn stipulations as can be made.This conduct, so inconsistent with all good faith, so
repugnant to the sense of the wisest part of the Dutch
nation, is chiefly to be ascribed to the prevalence of the
leading magistrates of Amsterdam, whose secret correspondence with our rebellious subjects was suspected long
before it was made known by the fortunate discovery of a
treaty, the first article of which is, that‘There shall be a firm, inviolable and universal peace,
and sincere friendship, between their High Mightinesses
 the states of the Seven United Provinces of Holland, and
the United States of North America, and the subjects
 and people of the said parties; and between the countries, islands, cities and towns, situated under the jurisdiction of the said United States of Holland, and the
 said United States of America, and the people and inhabitants thereof, of every degree, without exception of persons or places.’This treaty was signed in September, 1778, by the express order of the pensionary of Amsterdam, (Mr. Van
Berckell to Mr. De Neufville) and other principal magistrates of that city (viz. the Burgomasters Temmink,
Hoofdt, &c.) They now not only avow the whole transaction, but glory in it, and expressly say, even to the States
General, that what they did, was what their indispensable
duty required.In the mean time, the States General declined to give any
answer to the memorial presented by our ambassador; and
this refusal was aggravated by their proceeding upon other
business, nay, upon the consideration of this very subject,
to internal purposes; and while they found it impossible
to approve the conduct of their subjects, they still industriously avoided to give us the satisfaction so manifestly
due.We had every right to expect, that such a discovery
would have roused them to a just indignation at the insult
offered to us, and to themselves; and that they would
have been eager to give us full and ample satisfaction for
the offence, and to inflict the severest punishment upon
the offenders.—The urgency of the business made an instant answer essential to the honor and safety of this country.
The demand was accordingly pressed by our ambassador,
in repeated conferences with the ministers, and in a second
memorial: it was pressed with all the earnestness which
could proceed from our ancient friendship, and the sense
of recent injuries: and the answer now given to a memorial on such a subject, presented more than five weeks ago,
is, that the states have taken it ad referendum.—Such an
answer, upon such an occasion, could only be dictated by
the fixed purpose of hostility, meditated and already resolved by the States, induced by the offensive counsels of
Amsterdam, thus to countenance the hostile aggression,
which the magistrates of that city have made in the name
of the republic.There is an end of the faith of all treaties with them, if
Amsterdam may usurp the sovereign power; may violate
those treaties with impunity, by pledging the states to engagements directly contrary, and leaguing the republic
with the rebels of a sovereign, to whom she is bound by
the closest ties.—An infraction of the law of nations, by
the meanest member of any country, gives the injured state
a right to demand satisfaction and punishment: How much
more so, when the injury complained of, is a flagrant
violation of public faith, committed by leading and predominant members of the State? Since then the satisfaction we have demanded, is not given, we must, though
most reluctantly, do ourselves that justice which we cannot otherwise obtain: We must consider the States General as parties in the injury which they will not repair;
as sharers in the aggression which they refuse to punish;
and must act accordingly. We have therefore ordered
our ambassador to withdraw from the Hague, and shall
immediately pursue such vigorous measures as the occasion
fully justifies, and our dignity and the essential interest of
our people require.From a regard to the Dutch nation at large, we wish
it were possible, to direct those measures wholly against
Amsterdam; but this cannot be, unless the States General
will immediately declare, that Amsterdam shall, upon this
occasion, receive no assistance from them, but be left to
abide the consequences of its aggression. Whilst Amsterdam is suffered to prevail in the general counsels, and is
backed by the strength of the State, it is impossible to resist the aggression of so considerable a part, without contending with the whole.—But we are too sensible of the
common interests of both countries, not to remember in the
midst of such a contest, that the only point to be aimed at by
us, is, to raise a disposition in the counsels of the republic, to
return to our ancient union, by giving us that satisfaction
for the past, and security for the future, which we shall be
as ready to receive as they can be to offer, and to the attainment of which, we shall direct all our operations. We
mean only to provide for our own security, by defeating
the dangerous designs that have been formed against us.
We shall ever be disposed to return to friendship with the
States General, when they sincerely revert to that system
which the wisdom of their ancestors formed, and which
has now been subverted by a powerful faction, conspiring
with France against the true interests of the republic, no
less than against those of Great Britain.G. R.St. James’s, Dec. 20, 1780.At the Court of St. James’s, the 20th of December, 1780.Present,“The King’s most excellent Majesty in Council.His Majesty having taken into consideration the many
injurious proceedings of the States General of the United
Provinces, and their subjects, as set forth in his Royal
Manifesto of this date; and being determined to take
such measures as are necessary for vindicating the honor of
his crown, and for procuring reparation and satisfaction,
is pleased, by and with the advice of his Privy Council, to
order, and it is hereby ordered, that general reprisals be
granted against the ships, goods and subjects of the States
General of the United Provinces, so that, as well his Majesty’s fleets and ships, as also all other ships and vessels
that shall be commissionated by letters of marque or general reprisals or otherwise, by his Majesty’s commissioners,
for executing the office of Lord High Admiral of G.
Britain, shall and may lawfully seize all ships, vessels and
goods belonging to the States General of the United Provinces or their subjects, or others inhabiting within any of the
territories of the aforesaid States General, and bring the same
to judgment in any of the courts of Admiralty within his Majesty’s dominions. And to that end his Majesty’s Advocate
General, with the Advocate of the Admiralty are forthwith
to prepare the draught of a commission, and present the
same to his Majesty at this board, authorising the commissioners for executing the office of Lord High Admiral, or
any person or persons by them empowered and appointed,
to issue forth and grant letters of Marque and Reprisal to
any of his Majesty’s subjects, or others whom the said
commissioners shall deem fitly qualified in that behalf, for
the apprehending, seizing and taking the ships, vassals and
goods belonging to the States General of the United Provinces, and their vessels and subjects, or any inhabiting
within the countries, territories or dominions of the aforesaid States General; and that such powers and clauses be
inserted in the said commission as have been usual and
are according to former precedents; and his Majesty’s
said Advocate General, with the Advocate of the Admiralty,
are also forthwith to prepare the draught of a commission,
and present the same to his Majesty at this board, authorising the said commissioners for executing the office of
Lord High Admiral to will and require the High Court of
Admiralty of Great Britain and the lieutenant and judge
of said court, his surrogate or surrogates, as also the several courts of Admiralty within his Majesty’s dominions to
take cognizance of, and judicially proceed upon all and
all manner of captures, seizures, prizes and reprisals of
all ships and goods that are or shall be taken, and to hear
and determine the same; and accordingly to adjudge
and condemn all such ships, vessels and goods as shall
belong to the States General of the United Provinces, or
their vassals and subjects, or to any others inhabiting
within any of the countries, territories and dominions of
the aforesaid States General; and that such powers and
clauses be inserted in said commission as have been usual
and are according to former precedents; and they are
likewise to prepare and lay before his Majesty at this
board, a draught of such instructions as may be proper
to be sent to the courts of Admiralty in his Majesty’s foreign governments and plantations, for their guidance
herein; as also, another draught of instructions for such
ships as shall be commissionated for the purposes aforementioned.”The Dutch nation had still flattered itself with a hope
that the British government would not proceed to the last
extremity; but this manifesto, if it did not extinguish all
hopes of avoiding a war, struck the whole republic with
such a violent shock as produced an universal and solemn
gloom. No man dared to speak, or to think what would
be the consequence of it. Every man seemed to be afraid
of his neighbour and his best friend. Such was the terror
of the vengeance of the republic against Amsterdam, and
of the populace against Mr. Van Berckell, & even the American minister was not thought to be safe. I was
avoided like a pestilence. I might have returned to Paris,
or removed to Antwerp or Brussels, out of all danger,
but I determined to abide at my post, and share the fate
of my friends.A crowd of observations and reflections, present themselves upon this manifesto—but as it would ill become
me to dogmatize upon a subject which enters so deeply
into the whole history and policy of Europe, I shall confine myself to a few queries.1. Does it not discover a strong sense of the importance of Holland to the interest of England in the then
actual state of Europe, which it is difficult to reconcile
with any valuable and reasonable national object which
the declaration of war might have in view?2. Does it not betray a perfect knowledge of the history of Barneveldtz, Grotius the De Witts, and the revolution of 1756, and a deliberate design to excite in a similar manner the republic against Amsterdam, and the populace against Mr. Van Berckell?3. Does it not shew an oblivion or inattention to the
history of the rise and progress of English and Dutch
commerce and manufactures, and of the grandeur of London and Amsterdam, erected as they had been upon the
occlusion of the Scheld, the Maese, the Lis, and all the
rivers and canals connected with them, and upon the ruins of the commerce of Antwerp, Ostend, Nieuport, Bruges, and many other cities, indeed of the whole of the
Austrian Netherlands?4. Were not the British ministry inattentive both to
the former and the present state of Holland? When the
united arms and negociations of these two powers had
effected such mighty things for their own aggrandizement, and the mortification and impoverishment of France
and Germany, the Dutch had a navy equal or superior to
the English, and had always insisted on the possession of
the Barrier towns, fortified with all the science and art of
the age, and amply furnished with garrisons, as a defence
against France. Now, the Dutch had so long been
taught to depend on the British fleet for protection, that
their navy had been totally neglected, and was reduced
almost to nothing. The fortifications of the Barrier
towns had been wholly neglected and gone to ruins, and
the garrisons withdrawn. The Dutch country was therefore exposed to be overrun and overwhelmed by France
in a few days. And if Holland had joined England in
the war she must have been at war with France, Spain and
America. At a time too when the family alliance between the house of Bourbon and the house of Austria had
produced a kind of friendship between France and Germany; and when the emperor was known to entertain
designs of opening the Sheld?5. Is it possible to believe, that the treaty of Mr. De
Neufville and Mr. Lee could be the real motive, or any
thing more than a very thin pretext for this war. That
treaty was a mere nullity. Amsterdam had no authority
to bind the republic, nor had Mr. De Neufville authority to
bind the city—Mr. Lee, on the other hand, had no authority to bind congress or the United States. The English might as well have alledged a treaty between the rooks
on the trees and the storks on the houses as a cause of war.6. If the object was to prevent the republic from entering into future negociations with the United States,
and lending them money, was not this declaration of war
the most certain of all means of compelling the. Dutch to
do what they meant to intimidate them from doing?7. Is it credible, that a motive so sordid as the spoliation of Dutch ships and merchandize, for the emolument
of English ships of war and privateers, could have prevailed with the British ministry, to destroy at one blow,
and for ever, that balance of power to which their country
owed its greatness?8. Were not the Dutch driven by this war to the desperate dilemma that of either surrendering their independence, or fighting the English and uniting with their
enemies?9. Have our fellow-citizens, who please themselves
with the hope of an alliance with England, analyzed that
strange jumble of interests which produced the old balance of power? Have they considered that the jealousy
between the house of Bourbon and the house of Austria
was an essential ingredient in that unnatural composition?
The Bourbons consented to the occlusion of the Scheld,
for the sake of the annihilation of the commerce of the
Austrian Netherlands, and the Austrians consented to
that annihilation for the sake of depriving France of the
navigation of the Scheld. France and Germany have
been mutually jealous of each others commerce.10. Do our countrymen believe, that by uniting with
England they can restore Holland to her naval power,
her barrier towns, and her ancient warlike spirit? That
they can compel France and Germany to agree once
more upon the ruin of the finest country in Europe, the
Austrian Netherlands—and the occlusion of the best ports
and rivers of Europe?11. May I be permitted to recommend to some of my
young countrymen, to read all the treaties since that of
Munster, and all the negociations and histories of war
and peace, since that period, and then consider whether
some new balance of power has not become indispensable,
since it is manifest that the ancient one has totally destroyed the law of nations, and the liberty of the seas?
But I forbear.On the 4th of January, 1781—wrote to Congress. “Notwithstanding the influence of the English nation,
and of old prejudices and habits; the apprehensions which
are entertained for immense sums in the English funds;
and for the sudden destruction of an innumerable navigation, at the commencement of a war; and above all,
notwithstanding the authority and influence of the Stadtholder, I am confidently assured by several gentlemen,
that the national opinion and affection is with us. The
Baron Van Der Capellen, with whom I have the honor
of an agreeable acquaintance, is of opinion, that four
fifths of the nation wish us success in our enterprize—The
symptoms of popularity are decisive in Amsterdam. The
Sunday before last, in the Presbyterian Church, the parson
beginning, as usual, to pray for the King of England, was
absolutely interrupted by a general murmur. On Christmas day he attempted to repeat his imprudence, and was
interrupted by still greater confusion; so that the last Sunday, he had learned discretion to leave out, wholly, this offensive clause in his devotions. On the evening of the new
year’s day, at the theatre, the public were entertained with the
national tragedy, as it is called, the Gysbrecht Van Amstel, after which, the actors, as is customary, addressed the
audience. There were many strokes in this address which
sufficiently indicated the spirit of the times, particularly a
solemn injunction that they must not be slaves, and a quotation from a popular song, with which the streets have
resounded for ten days, which were deeply and universally
applauded. The presses swarm with pamphlets, handbills,
songs and poems, generally much against the English,
and commonly with some favorable hints concerning the
Americans. The conversation in private families, and
the toasts in jovial circles, indicate a tremendous spirit in
the body of this people, which, if once let loose from restraint, and properly directed, would make this nation
he worst enemy that England ever had. It is essential
to attend to these symptoms of popularity, at this time,
and in this country, because it is manifest that the whole
system of the English, in concert with their faction in the
republic, is now bent to excite the populace against the
Burgomasters of Amsterdam. They succeeded, in 1748,
and accomplished a change in the Regency. If they could
succeed in the same manner now, they would change the
whole political system of this nation, and by this means,
in the present situation of affairs in Europe and America,
it is plain they would work its entire and irretrievable
ruin.Yet the course is so circuitous, to apply to the courts
of Russia, Sweden and Denmark, to induce them to join
in demanding satisfaction of England; the shocks upon
’Change, by the sudden capture of so many ships, will be so great; so many insurers, merchants, &c. will be ruined; and there will be so many arts employed to divide
and discourage the people, that I cannot pretend to foresee
what will happen. The confusion is yet so great, that I
have no hopes, at present, of obtaining money.—There
must be time for the fermentation to go off; and the
quarrel with England must become, in the minds of all,
irreconcilable, before we can try the experiment whether
we have any credit or not.If Congress should think proper to send powers here to
treat with the States General, I beg leave to submit to their
consideration the case of Mr. Dumas. He was early employed in our affairs here, has neglected all other business,
has been attentive and industrious, and is a gentleman
of extensive learning and amiable character. I believe
he is not ambitious nor avaricious, but moderate in his
expectations. Whoever shall be honored with powers
from Congress to reside here, would find his assistance
useful, for he is much devoted to the American cause.
I hope, therefore, Congress will pardon me, if I venture
to recommend him to their attention.”January 8, 1781—wrote to Congress a recapitulation: “On the 10th Nov. 1780, the memorial of Sir
Joseph Yorke to the States General was presented for a
disavowal, satisfaction proportioned to the offence, and
punishment of the guilty.”Nov. 28th—a formal disapprobation of the States
General of the conduct of the Regency of Amsterdam.Dec. 12—second memorial of Sir Joseph Yorke,
for a satisfaction proportioned to the offence, and punishment of the guilty.Dec. 14—answer of the States General, dispatched
by express to London, importing that their High Mightinesses had taken the said memorials ad referendum.Dec. 16—order of his Britannic Majesty to Sir
Joseph Yorke, to withdraw from the Hague, without
taking leave, dispatched by express; arrived at the Hague
the 23d.Dec. 19—letter of the Count De Walderen to the
States General, acknowledging tile receipt of those of the
12th and 15th; arrived the same day, the 19th, with
the declaration of the States General, touching their accession to the confederation of the North.Dec. 20—signature of the manifesto of his Britannic Majesty, published 21st, in the London Gazette,
Extraordinary.Dec. 21—expedition of an express to Sir Joseph
Yorke, arrived at the Hague the 23d, at night, with the
manifesto, published the 21st.Dec. 22—resolution of the States General, to refer
the affair of the satisfaction and punishment of the guilty
to the Provincial Court of Justice.Dec. 25—departure of Sir Joseph Yorke for Antwerp.Dec. 26—expedition of an express to the Count
De Welderen, with orders to present the declaration touching the confederation of the North, and to withdraw from
London without taking leave.Dec. 28—the ordinary packet from London not
yet arrived, and the last letters from London are of the
19th.In this rapid succession have events rolled after one
another, as those terrible surges of the sea, which, in
some stormy seasons, lash the dykes which defend the
country from inundation, and threaten to break down
all before them, and lay the whole nation under water,
until a war has seemingly become inevitable.The Prince of Orange has made a proposition or requisition to the States General to augment their navy with
fifty or sixty vessels of war, and their army with fifty or
sixty thousand men. The ships of war will be agreed
to, but the troops will not, as I am informed. But once
more I beg leave to say, I can believe nothing until it is
past.”

					John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Boston Patriot, 19 September 1809
From: Adams, John
To: Boston Patriot

					Sirs,
					Quincy, September 19, 1809.

1781, January 18—wrote to Mr. Mazzei, at Florence: “Yesterday I received yours, of the 19th of October. Some time since, I received the other, of the 19th
of August: both went to Paris, and I being here, Mr.
Dana and Mr. Thaxter forwarded their enclosures to
America, according to my desire, but I am not able to
say in what vessel. In consequence of Mr. Laurens’s calamity, I am ordered to reside in Holland for the present,
and should be glad to be informed by you, whether it is
probable that any money might be borrowed in Italy for
the United States, by the authority of Congress. Your
letter for Governor Jefferson, I sent with my dispatches in
the time of it, but I am not able to say by what vessel. The English are in a fair way to have enemies enough.
They do not love their enemies like good Christians: but
they love to have enemies, and I think their passion will
be abundantly gratified. The Dutch are already added
to the French, Spaniards and Americans; and it is likely
that the Russians, Swedes and Danes, will soon increase
the list.—Will the English make a great figure in the
contest?”Amsterdam, January 18th, 1781—wrote to Congress. “At length, one act has appeared which looks like war.
The following placard was resolved on, the 12th of the
month.The States General of the United Provinces of the low
Countries, to all those who shall see, or hear read, these
presents, greeting. Know ye, that the King of Great
Britain having thought proper, without any lawful cause,
to attack in an hostile manner this republic; and as we
are obliged to neglect nothing which can serve for our
defence, and to use at the same time the right, the example of which, the conduct of the said crown has commenced by setting us, and to act against it in the same
manner as they act against us, and consequently to do to
the said King, and to his subjects, all the prejudice which
shall be in our power: for these causes, and for the protection of the commerce and of the navigation of this country, we have thought fit to establish and to permit to all the
subjects of this State, who shall take or destroy, any English vessels of war or privateers, the following rewards.Article 1. All those who shall fit out a privateer, and
shall have obtained of his Highness the Prince of Orange
and Nassau, in quality of Admiral General of these countries, suitable commissions, after having given before hand,
the requisite securities, shall not be held to furnish the
third man of their crew, as it is ordained by the placards
of their High Mightinesses, of the 26th of June, 1780;
excepting those who will load with merchandizes, and
take at the same time the said letters of marque. Those
who shall have taken and conducted into one of the ports
or roads, within the jurisdiction of one of the colleges of
admiralty of this country, a vessel of war or privateer of
the King of Great Britain, shall draw moreover a bounty
of 150 florins for each man who shall be found at the
commencement of the combat, on board of the said vessel
of war or privateer; as also a like sum for each pound of
ball, which the artillery which shall be found on board
the said vessel, at the time aforesaid, can discharge at one
time, not including the swivels or the balls of the new artillery, called cannonades, valued only at one quarter of
their weight.—In such sort, that if one of our privateers
shall make herself master of an English vessel of war or
privateer, mounted, for example, with forty pieces of cannon, carrying altogether 350 pounds weight of ball, that
is to say, forty cannonades and 1400 balls of eight pounds,
and the crew of which shall be 220 men, shall receive for
bounty or reward, by calculating each man and each
pound of ball, upon the footing of 150 florins, the sum.
of 85,800 florins, and thus more or less in proportion to
the crew and the calibre of the cannon which shall be
found at the time of the combat, upon the English ship,
besides the booty and the prize, and all the effects which
shall be found on board, without any other deduction to
be made from it, than the tenth for the Admiral.2. The said recompences assigned for prizes, shall also
take place in case the English vessel of war or privateer
shall be totally destroyed: whether our armed vessel shall
have sunk her, or burnt her, or shipwrecked her, or whether the said vessel shall have perished in any other manner, after having been taken. Provided, nevertheless,
that this recompence is not to be claimed in the whole,
at least, if the crew of the vessel destroyed has not been
taken or killed. And if it should happen that they have
only driven the enemy’s vessel on shore, so that the vessel
has perished, but the crew has saved itself, our letters of
marque shall not enjoy, in this case, but one half of the
bounty or reward promised; so that in the case last mentioned, they shall receive only 48,900 florins, instead of
85,800.3. Provided nevertheless, that neither the prize nor
the bounty, shall ever be adjudged to any of our letters
of marque, until after the affair shall have been carried
before one of the colleges of the Admiralty of this country, and the sentence shall have been there pronounced
in her favor.4. The said colleges of the Admiralty may not adjudge
these rewards until after the captain, lieutenant and pilot
of the privateer, as well as those who shall have freighted
her, their book-keepers, and others authorised, shall have
declared by a solemn oath, that the vessel of war or privateer of which they have made themselves masters, has
been duly taken, without any collusion, directly or indirectly, with the English, or with any other known to
them. In case the freighters who claim the adjudication
of prizes and bounties, are out of the country, absent,
or hindered by some other obstacle, it shall suffice that
the bookkeeper, or some other authorised, take the oath
but so far as it is of his knowledge for himself and his
freighters, conformably to the special procuration which
he shall have for this effect. The freighters, nevertheless,
shall be obliged to take an oath before hand, before the
magistrate of their residence, or before other persons
competent, whose testimonies they shall send.5. And for the better encouragement of the said ships
which shall have armed as privateers, we ordain that those
who shall have been wounded in a combat with an English, shall be maintained at the expense of the state, without its costing any thing to the proprietors of the privateer, or those who shall be on board. We ordain also,
that those who shall be maimed in fighting an English
ship, shall be gratified on the part of the state, and without its costing any thing to the freighters, with the moiety
of the recompence granted by the republic to those who
serve on board vessels of war: they shall not, however,
have a right but to those rewards which are given once,
and not to those which shall be granted weekly or monthly, or otherwise. As to what respects the maintenance
of the wounded, the account of it shall be presented to the
competent college of the Admiralty, to be there examined,
and duly regulated: so that the maimed, to the end that
they may enjoy the moiety of the recompence proposed,
may procure themselves an act of the said college of the
Admiralty, after having furnished it with the necessary
proofs.6. For the encouragement of the ships of war, as well
as the merchant vessels which may be provided with commissions, to make use of in case of need, to cause to the
English ships all the prejudice possible, we intend that the
English ship, of which they may make themselves masters, of what nature or denomination soever it may be,
shall be given them entire, the tenth for the Admiral excepted, without pretending, however, to any other recompence.7. If it should happen, that our privateers, merchant
vessels, or others, armed for a cruise, at the expense of
individuals of this country, shall retake any vessels or effects belonging to the subjects of the state, and that such
re-capture shall be made in the space of twice twenty-four
hours after they shall have been in the hands of the enemy, they shall enjoy in that case one fifth of the just value
of the vessels or effects which they shall have delivered;
but if the re-capture shall be made in the space of four
times twenty four hours after the vessel shall have been
in the hands of the English, they shall then have one third
of said value; and if the re-capture shall be made after
four times twenty-four hours, they shall have the moiety
of it, without having any further regard to the greater or
lesser time, that the said vessels or effects retaken, shall
have been in the hands of the English, after the expiration, of the four times twenty four hours.8. The adjudication of any one of the said recompences, as well as the acts of the respective colleges of the
Admiralty, in favor of the maimed or wounded, being
shewn to the receiver general of the duties of entry and
clearance, to receive the appointed recompence, the payment of it shall be promptly made by the said receiver
general at the Hague, or in the place of the college of
Admiralty in which the sentence or the taxation shall have
been pronounced, as it shall be most convenient for the
said receiver general.9. Which receiver general shall be provided with sufficient sums of money to satisfy the said payments, and
he shall always take care, that after having paid some
bounties, he has always wherewith to satisfy, promptly,
those which may be demanded of him in the sequel;
either by the second moiety of the duties of Last and
Veilgeld, or by negociating successively the sums which
he shall have occasion for as a supply.10. In all cases, the privateer who shall have taken or
destroyed any English vessel, ought to take care to give,
without delay, and as soon as he arrives, notice to the
said receiver general of the value of the bounties which
he has a right to claim; to the end that the said receiver
general may be in a condition to make prompt payment.11. And in all the respective colleges of Admiralty
where the case shall be brought, they shall take care to
render prompt sentences; even by postponing to other
times, the affairs that may be before them.12. And in case an appeal or revision should be demanded, and by this means the sentences of the said colleges shall be annulled; we have desired, that in this case,
the recompences assigned by the sentences of the Admiralty
should be delivered to the said privateers; so that the
demand of revision may not suspend or hinder the payment; we mean, at the same time, that the sureties which
the ships going to cruise ought to furnish, shall be obliged
in that case to augment the surety, and to promise a prompt
restitution of what shall have been paid to the said privateers, in consequence of sentences of the Admiralty, in case
that those sentences shall be reversed, in the revision, and
the privateers denied their demand. And to be the more
sure that the sums delivered in such cases, be restored,
we have declared, and do declare by these presents, that
the vessels, and all that belongs to them, with which the
prizes shall have been made, shall be held juridically to
make restitution of the bounties received; and that the
laid juridical obligation shall commence from the day
that the said privateers shall have received their commissions, and shall go upon a cruise.13. And this Placard shall have its effect from the day
of this publication, and that nobody may pretend ignorance, we request and demand the Lords, the States, the
Stadtholder, the Counsellors, Committees, and the deputies
of the States of the respective Provinces of Guilderland,
and the earldom of Zutphen, of Holland and West Friesland, of Zealand, of Utrecht, of Friesland, of Overysell, and of Groninghen, and Ommelandes, and all other
members and officers of justice, that they announce, publish, and post up this ordinance immediately, in all the
places of this country where it is customary to make such
annunciations, publications and postings: We charge
and enjoin, moreover, the counsellors of the admiralty,
the advocates of the treasury, secretaries general of convoys and licences, receivers, masters of convoys, controulers and searches, and at the same time the receiver
general of the augmentation of the duty of Last and Veilgeld, and all others to whom it belongs, to govern themselves exactly according to the tenor of these presents.Their High Hightinesses have also published the following.The States General of the United Provinces to all those
who shall see, or hear read these presents, greeting. We
make known, that to the end to encourage the loyal inhabitants of this state, we have thought proper, by the
present publication, to notify to all and every one, and to
assure them, that all those who employed in the service of
the republic, in the war at sea, may be maimed in such
a manner as to become incapable of gaining their livelihood by labor, and shall desire to be assisted by a sum of
money payable once for all, shall receive in proportion
to the importance of their wounds, that which follows:1. For the loss of two eyes 1500 florins; for the loss
of one eye 350 florins. As to other accidents which may
happen under the case mentioned, gratifications shall be
given according to the good pleasure of the respective
colleges of the admiralty.2. For the loss of two arms 1500 florins; for the loss
of the right arm 450 florins; for that of the left arm 350
florins. And for other accidents and wounds in these
members, at the discretion of the colleges of the admiralty, upon which each one depends.3. For the loss of two hands 1200 florins; for the loss
of a right hand 350 florins; for that of the left hand
300 florins. As to lesser accidents, valuable at sums less
considerable, at the discretion aforementioned.4. For the loss of two legs 700 florins; for the loss
of one leg 350. For accidents less serious, the gratification shall be fixed by the colleges of the admiralty.5. For the loss of two feet 450 florins; for that of one
foot 200 florins, and for smaller wounds at the discretion
of the respective colleges.Moreover, all those who in the service of the republic
shall be maimed to such a degree as to be no longer able
to gain a living by labour, nor to provide in any manner
for their subsistence, shall receive during their lives, one
ducat on a week and all other wounds or mutilations less
considerable shall be paid in proportion.Amsterdam, January 21, 1781—wrote to Mr. Luzac.: “I have received your favor of the 19th and am much
obliged to you for your frank and candid account of the
paragraphs mentioned.I could not wish to diminish the utmost freedom of
speculation, on American affairs, and especially of your
observations and reflections which are generally made
with a great deal of knowledge of the subject, and upon
honest and amiable principles. But in this case I hope
your conjectures will prove to be mistaken. Georgia is
so connected with South Carolina that it is impossible ever
to give it up: and Vermont is so situated that the southern states will with difficulty agree that it should be distinct, on account of the balance of votes. I do not know
that it is the secret wish of the New-England states that
Vermont should be distinct. I rather think otherwise.
Perhaps it would be better both for Vermont and all the
states if the inhabitants of it would consent to be divided
between New-York, New-Hampshire and Massachusetts,
or come altogether under any one of them. How I do
not mean to enter into a discussion of the question for
which I might perhaps be justly censured. I am glad to
find that those ideas were not held up to the public, by
any one, who meant to do mischief, or to carry any point.”

					John Adams.