Title: Volume 1 of John Adams’ A Defence of the Constitutions of Government of the United States of America: Editorial Note
From:
To:

     In early September 1786, John Adams returned to No. 8 Grosvenor Square from a whirlwind summer trip to the Netherlands with wife Abigail (John Adams Visits the Netherlands, 3 Aug. – 6 Sept., above). Mulling over

his political conversations with old friends in the Dutch Patriot Party, which seemed on the verge of victory over the pro-stadholder Orangist Party, Adams plunged into researching and writing the first volume of what became his landmark sourcebook on tripartite federal government: A Defence of the Constitutions of Government of the United States of America, Against the Attack of M. Turgot in His Letter to Dr. Price, Dated the Twenty-Second Day of March, 1778. The full title explains part of Adams’ intent, but it does not stretch to encompass all of the work’s eventual arguments, which Adams made in three volumes issued in Great Britain and America over the next two years. Wholly immersed in the project that culminated in his “Confession of political Faith,” Adams set aside his usual correspondence and trimmed diplomatic duties to the most essential tasks in order to focus on his historical manifesto in support of nascent American federalism. Abigail wrote to Dr. Cotton Tufts in Weymouth on 10 October that her husband “is as much engaged upon the Subject of Government as Plato was when he wrote his Laws and Republick” (to James Warren, 9 Jan. 1787, above; AFCAdams Family Correspondence, ed. L. H. Butterfield, Marc Friedlaender, Richard Alan Ryerson, Margaret A. Hogan, and others, Cambridge, 1963– ., 7:363, 365–366).
     In terms of composition, publication, and reception, the final product was “a Strange Book,” as Adams told Richard Cranch on 15 January 1787 (above), and so its hasty creation deserves special consideration here. He observed to the English radical Richard Price on 4 February that “it is but an humble tho’ laborious office, to collect together so many opinions and examples; but it may point out to my young countrymen the genuine sources of information, upon a subject more interesting to them if possible than to the rest of the world.” But the lawyer-turned-diplomat worried that it might be misinterpreted as an enterprise marked by “the temerity of an American demagogue worn out with the cares and vexations of a turbulent life” (MHS, Procs.Massachusetts Historical Society, Collections and Proceedings., 2d ser., 17:364–365 [May 1903]). Addressed to European elites, Adams also hoped the book’s ideas would find traction at home, but he correctly suspected that his analysis of foreign aristocracy would draw equal parts ire, confusion, and praise (C. Bradley Thompson, “John Adams and the Science of Politics,” John Adams and the Founding of the Republic, ed. Richard Alan Ryerson, Boston, 2001, p. 237–265; Doc. Hist. Ratif. Const.The Documentary History of the Ratification of the Constitution, ed. Merrill Jensen, John P. Kaminski, Gaspare J. Saladino, and others, Madison, Wis., 1976– ., 13:81–90).
     Adams originally intended the Defence to refute Baron Anne Robert Turgot’s claims that Americans lacked strong political architecture, and that the bicameral nature of state legislatures undermined the goal of democracy. In Turgot’s letter to Price, the former French finance minister asserted that unicameral legislatures and weak executive power were more democratic, serving to block the rise of special interest groups. Turgot’s letter first appeared in print in 1784, three years after his death. But to Adams, it was part of a tidal wave of harmful European assessments of the young United States that painfully misrepresented the new nation’s hard-won process of political formation. Adams also worried that Americans increasingly agreed with Turgot’s critique.

     For years John Adams had been disturbed by European ignorance of America and the published misrepresentations and outright lies that contributed to it. His desire to correct this situation was certainly a factor in motivating him to undertake the Defence, but so too was the time that he had available to devote to the task. His diplomatic mission to Britain was effectively at a standstill because the British government refused to engage in any substantive negotiations with him regarding outstanding issues from the 1783 Anglo-American peace treaty so long as the issue of prewar debts was unresolved. The Continental Congress, however, lacked the power under the Articles of Confederation to resolve outstanding Anglo-American issues. Adams, therefore, had little to do. His renewed involvement with Dutch Patriots during his summer sojourn thus reignited his interest in elevating European notions of American prospects at the very moment when he had ample time to devote to the task. Indeed, in many ways, Adams resumed in the Defence arguments that he had made in 1780 in letters to the Amsterdam lawyer Hendrik Calkoen on the nature and durability of American democracy, and which in October he had published in London (vols. 10:99–117, 196–252; 11:63–68, 108, 259–260).
     At the same time, the American legation in London received a steady trickle of news about agrarian unrest in western New England, stemming from dissatisfaction with the legal system, and compounded by difficulties in paying debts and taxes. This deeply troubled Adams’ political faith, particularly since many of the dissidents’ grievances were directed at provisions of the 1780 Massachusetts Constitution that he had drafted. Critically, as his correspondence—especially that with Charles Storer, Cranch, Tristram Dalton, Rufus King, and Benjamin Hichborn—throughout this volume demonstrates, Adams prepared the first volume mindful only of the sketchiest details of the major actors and episodes of what became known as Shays’ Rebellion. Adams knew of the Massachusetts General Court’s failure to settle questions of debt and the shortage of money before its adjournment in July 1786, and he learned of the county conventions’ demands just as the Defence’s first volume entered printer’s proofs. But contrary to what he and others would later claim, Adams did not become aware of the more serious and violent mob actions against Massachusetts courts until he began work on the second volume of the Defence.
     Composing the first volume of the Defence was an impulsive and all-consuming project. At first Adams meant to share it with a few friends, but, as Abigail realized, by November 1786 he was “much Swallowed up” in the project and fully “engaged in a work that may prove of no Small utility to our Country” (AFCAdams Family Correspondence, ed. L. H. Butterfield, Marc Friedlaender, Richard Alan Ryerson, Margaret A. Hogan, and others, Cambridge, 1963– ., 7:395–396). In the autumn of 1786, as John Adams toiled, he adopted the epistolary mode he previously used to popular advantage in his Novanglus letters of 1774–1775 and elsewhere, framing it as a series of letters “sent” to Col. William Stephens Smith between 4 October and 21 December 1786. Adams’ opening salvo of the Defence pieced together or silently quoted from historical examples, mainly drawn from case

studies of Italian republics, to demonstrate that balanced government prevented civil war. Adams wrote that America required such a structure in order to nurture and refine classical ideals of democracy. As a leading federalist he argued in the Defence and throughout his political life that American government must distribute power evenly among the democratic, aristocratic, and monarchic/executive branches.
     In his consideration of the rise of political parties, and in his broadening of American governmental structure beyond the basic tenets of British constitutionalism, Adams’ Defence made a provocative argument that resonated with the popular call to reform the weak Articles of Confederation. Adams ended volume 1 with the declaration that “all nations, under all governments, must have parties; the great secret is to controul them: there are but two ways, either by a monarchy and standing army, or by a balance in the constitution. Where the people have a voice, and there is no balance, there will be everlasting fluctuations, revolutions, and horrors, until a standing army, with a general at its head, commands the peace, or the necessity of an equilibrium is made appear to all, and is adopted by all.” As a postscript, he printed an extract of his 1782 advice to the Abbé de Mably on writing the history of the American Revolution or, more precisely, his thoughts on why Europeans were uniquely unqualified to write about either American history or American government (vol. 14:165–185; JA, D&ADiary and Autobiography of John Adams, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1961; 4 vols., 3:202; JA, Defence of the Const.John Adams, A Defence of the Constitutions of Government of the United States of America, London, 1787–1788; repr. New York, 1971; 3 vols., 1:382, 383–392; C. Bradley Thompson, “John Adams’s Machiavellian Moment,” Review of Politics, 57:389–417 [Summer 1995]; John E. Paynter, “The Rhetorical Design of John Adams’s Defence of the Constitutions … of America,” Review of Politics, 58:531–560 [Summer 1996]).
     Via two ships, the Polly & Nancy and the Neptune, the first volume of the Defence reached American shores in mid-April 1787, just as planning began in earnest for a federal Constitutional Convention to be held that spring in Philadelphia. Abigail and others attributed the rush to print to John Adams’ growing fury over the Shaysite rebels’ attempts to obstruct government business, though news of the first court closures reached him only as the first volume came off the London press. On 17 January 1787 Abigail wrote to John Quincy Adams that “the seditions in Massachusetts induced your Pappa to give to the World a Book which at first he designed only for a few Friends. He thought it was a critical moment and that it might prove usefull to his Countryman and tend to convince them that salutary restraint is the vital principal of Liberty, and that those who from a turbulent restless disposition endeavour to throw of every species of coercion, are the real Enemies of freedom, and forge chains for themselves and posterity” (Doc. Hist. Ratif. Const.The Documentary History of the Ratification of the Constitution, ed. Merrill Jensen, John P. Kaminski, Gaspare J. Saladino, and others, Madison, Wis., 1976– ., 13:82–84; AFCAdams Family Correspondence, ed. L. H. Butterfield, Marc Friedlaender, Richard Alan Ryerson, Margaret A. Hogan, and others, Cambridge, 1963– ., 7:443).
     Provocative in its patchwork approach to history and political argument, the Defence at first garnered favorable attention and positive reviews from his transatlantic circle of intellectuals and statesmen. Dr. John Brown Cutting, a confidant of Adams and Thomas Jefferson, was one of the first to

read the Defence’s initial volume, probably in manuscript form. Cutting praised it in his 13 December 1786 letter, above. By January 1787, the Defence was published in London by Charles Dilly, and, throughout 1787, the praise and commentary began to roll in. On 15 January, Adams sent 100 copies to Tufts (from Tufts, 15 May, Adams PapersManuscripts and other materials, 1639–1889, in the Adams Manuscript Trust collection given to the Massachusetts Historical Society in 1956 and enlarged by a few additions of family papers since then. Citations in the present edition are simply by date of the original document if the original is in the main chronological series of the Papers and therefore readily found in the microfilm edition of the Adams Papers (APM).). On Adams’ behalf, Tufts presented copies to family members and influential acquaintances like Samuel Williams, John Thaxter, Dalton, Rev. Anthony Wibird, and James Warren; additional volumes were earmarked for Harvard College and the new American Academy of Arts and Sciences (to Tufts, 15 Jan., Adams PapersManuscripts and other materials, 1639–1889, in the Adams Manuscript Trust collection given to the Massachusetts Historical Society in 1956 and enlarged by a few additions of family papers since then. Citations in the present edition are simply by date of the original document if the original is in the main chronological series of the Papers and therefore readily found in the microfilm edition of the Adams Papers (APM).). Adams also sent the Defence to John Jay, Tench Coxe, Benjamin Franklin, David Ramsay, Thomas McKean, and Benjamin Rush, among others.
     On 20 April, an excerpt was printed in a Boston newspaper, and one Boston bookseller who listed the book on 28 April sold thirty copies within a week. Between 22 June and 7 September, extracts of the Defence were published twice weekly in the Massachusetts Gazette, while Philadelphia and New York newspapers printed initial portions between 9 May and 6 June. In January 1788, as John and Abigail Adams packed up the American legation to return home, the Defence’s first volume entered a third edition in Boston. Despite the rapid assembly of his research, Adams eyed his book sales with scholarly satisfaction. “I have rescued from everlasting oblivion, a number of Constitutions and Histories, which, if I had not submitted to the Drudgery, would never have appeared in the English Language,” Adams wrote to Tufts on 23 January 1788. “They are the best Models for Americans to Study, in order to show them the horrid precipice that lies before them in order to enable and Stimulate them to avoid it” (Doc. Hist. Ratif. Const.The Documentary History of the Ratification of the Constitution, ed. Merrill Jensen, John P. Kaminski, Gaspare J. Saladino, and others, Madison, Wis., 1976– ., 13:81–90; 14:499–500).
     John Adams oversaw the first volume’s distribution in Europe, and the Defence received key promotions from his network of Enlightenment-era thinkers, including Jefferson, the Marquis de Condorcet, the Duc de La Rochefoucauld, Price, Thomas Brand Hollis, Philip Mazzei, and the Marquis de Lafayette. Throughout the spring and summer of 1787, Price widely praised the Defence in letters to Arthur Lee, William Bingham, and Rush. In a letter to Bingham of [May–June 1787], Price, now largely persuaded by Adams’ arguments, declared the Defence to be the final renunciation of criticisms against American government first launched at him by Turgot: “The chief design of it is to show, that the powers of legislation ought to be lodged in more than one assembly; and he has convinced me so entirely of this, that I wish I had inserted a note on that passage in Mons. Turgot’s letter to me, which has occasioned Mr. Adam’s book, to express my disapprobation of it.” But despite indicating his support for Adams’ vision of a tripartite constitutional government, Price remained fairly critical of Americans’ ability to implement such a balanced system. “I must believe they will prove at last such an example and benefit to mankind, as I have expected,” Price wrote. “But before this can happen, they have much to do”

(The Correspondence of Richard Price, eds. W. Bernard Peach and D. O. Thomas, 3 vols., Durham, N.C., 1983–1994, 3:120–121, 135–136, 147).
     Reactions to the first volume of the Defence highlighted the spectrum of intellectual differences that critically supported American political growth. Jefferson disagreed with Adams’ depiction of Congress as a diplomatic body, but ultimately concluded in a 23 February letter to Adams that his Defence would “do great good in America. It’s learning and it’s good sense will I hope make it an institute for our politicians, old as well as young.” Many, like Ramsay, inhaled the Defence in tandem with Adams’ replies to Calkoen. “This work is universally admired in Carolina & I flatter myself it will be instrumental in diffusing right notions of government,” Ramsay wrote to Adams on 20 September 1787. “I devoutly wish that the sentiments of it were engraven on the heart of every legislator in the United States.” Along with Mazzei, Jefferson proposed a French edition to the bookseller Jacques François Froullé, but it was not printed in Paris until 1792 by Jacques Vincent Delacroix, and then as Défense des constitutions americaines (Jefferson, PapersThe Papers of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Julian P. Boyd, Charles T. Cullen, John Catanzariti, Barbara B. Oberg, and others, Princeton, N.J., 1950– ., 11:118, 176–177; Doc. Hist. Ratif. Const.The Documentary History of the Ratification of the Constitution, ed. Merrill Jensen, John P. Kaminski, Gaspare J. Saladino, and others, Madison, Wis., 1976– ., 13:81–90; AFCAdams Family Correspondence, ed. L. H. Butterfield, Marc Friedlaender, Richard Alan Ryerson, Margaret A. Hogan, and others, Cambridge, 1963– ., 7:365–366; Amer. Philos. Soc., Trans.American Philosophical Society, Memoirs, Proceedings, and Transactions., new ser., 55:114–115 [1965]). For a comprehensive survey of reactions to the work, see appendix C of Charles Warren, The Making of the Constitution, Boston, 1928, p. 815–818.
     The Defence’s opening volume served to articulate and disseminate John Adams’ belief that Americans must combine precepts of classical republicanism and English constitutionalism in order to build a balanced, tripartite government. The first volume of the Defence, which proved formative in shaping and reinforcing public opinion at a crisis point of constitutional reform, also reintroduced Adams to American citizens as an ardent federalist thinker. Volumes 2 and 3 of the Defence appeared in August 1787 and January 1788, respectively. Given the work’s multivolume scope and the range of reactions that it generated, the editors have chosen to explore the second and third parts in the forthcoming volume 19 of the Papers of John Adams. Adams’ literary notes, research materials, and drafts of the preface to the first volume and other portions of the entire Defence are filmed at M/JA/9, Adams Papers Microfilms, Reel 188. A modern reprint of the Defence was issued by Da Capo Press in 1971.


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Hitchborn, 16 January 1787
From: Hitchborn, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

      Sir
      Boston 16th Jany 87

     Some weeks Since I took the freedom to communicate to you a few of my political Conjectures—since which every circumstance has concured to establish my Opinion; our State Concerns will at a Crisis in seven days— The Insurgents have threatend to assemble on Tuesday day at Worcester to prevent the sitting of the Common pleas to

be held thereby adjournment on that day— the Governor & Council have ordered out three thousand six hundred Men from the Militia under the Command of Genl: Lincoln to oppose them if they appear, & to hunt up & arrest the Leaders of them if they shoud decline a trial of Strength in the field— I presume you know or will know before this reaches you that our late General Court have suspended the habeas Corpus Act & given authority to the Governor & Council to arrest & imprison in any part of the Commonwealth any person whom they shall suspect is unfriendly to Government & whose enlargement is dangerous to the public peace & Safety— thus armed they mean to purge the State in a few weeks of all its internal Enemies the Sea-port-towns in general are in favour of governmental Measures— the Country in general against them, taken together, I imagine a majority are neutral— I think there can be no doubt without a miraculous interference but the Governm[ent] troops will prevail in the present Conflict—but where it will finally terminate I will not venture to guess—
     The Country in general are much disgusted with Bowdoin they say he is a Frenchman in ——— with the British unfriendly to their peace & happiness & not worthy of their Confidence Step Higginson Jno Lowell Thop Parsons & that Set adore him & get most of the Men of property in matitime Towns to joine them in sentiment— but I beleive notwithstanding their joint efforts this will prove the last year of his Reign under the present Constitution— Lincoln woud have had many votes had he not engaged in the present Expedition, but I beleive the part he must act on this occasion, will leave Hancock almost without a Rival in the Country at the next Election—
     Congress are raising Troops but I beleive they will Soon determine that they have not the means of supporting a fœderal Government & return home or obtain a Convention of Delegates from the States to give Congress new powers which will annunce the End of their appointment— I presume […] this head you have better Information than I c[an giv]e shall therefore Spare observations which the Sc[…] woud justify— as I mean to be unreserved be[…] I suppose all your other Correspondents will be cautious—I cannot omit mentioning that I suppose Gorham the late President of Congress has some expectations of being chosen Governor the next year, but I have not the least doubt of his being disappointed— I presume you have all our Acts of Government & the Newspapers transmitted you, but I shall enclose two of the last lest your other Friends Shoud

not have an opportunity by this Ship which I expect will sail in half an hour— I feel myself exceedingly obliged by friendly attention to my Brother Gardner— please to present my Respects to Mrs: Adams & beleive sincerely, with / Great esteem Yr Friend & Servt

      B Hichborn


Title: From John Adams to the Marquis of Carmarthen, 24 January 1787
From: Adams, John
To: Carmarthen, the Marquis of

      My Lord
      Grosvenor Square Jan. 24. 1787

     I took the first Opportunity of transmitting to Congress, the Letter which your Lordship did me the Honour to write me on the Eleventh of December last: and as I wished it might be considered, by Congress and by the States of South Carolina and Georgia in the Same light as if it had been presented to Congress by a British Minister Plenipotentiary, I transmitted it without any Remarks of mine. It was not however, my Intention, by this proceeding to admit the Justice of the Claim; any more than to deny it. When the American Ministers at Paris, agreed, at the request of Mr Hartley to transmit the Memorials to Congress, it was from an earnest desire, to facilitate every friendly Communication between the Governments of the two Nations; and without any Thoughts of giving their Opinions upon a Subject, which was entirely out of their Jurisdiction and Authority.
     In Answer to your Lordships request I have the honour to acquaint your Lordship that I have never received from Congress any Intimation of their determination, relative to those Representations.
     I am, my Lord, with great Truth / and Regard / your Lordships most obedient / and most humble Servant

      John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to John Jay, 25 January 1787
From: Adams, John
To: Jay, John

      Private
      My Dear Friend
      London Jan. 25. 1787.

     I wrote you Yesterday, in your Ministerial Capacity as well as mine, my ulltimate Determination to revisit my Country, this time twelve months.— I now write you this private Letter to intreat you as a Friend, to promote in every Way in your Power, an Arrangement as early as possible, by which I may be permitted to return, with Decorum.— It is not from a desire to stimulate any Body to vote for a new Commission to be sent me to this Court, which may for what I know be Suspected by Some, but from a sincere and unalterable Resolution to come home in all Events, that I have taken this measure thus early.— It would hurt me to come home in disobedience

but in all Events I will come home. if Congress should send me a new Commission I shall certainly return it, unaccepted.— this is between you and me, and not intended to offend the Feelings of any Man whatever.— My Northern Friends, may wish me to remain longer in Europe, but I must be excused.
     I Shall compleat, with submission to Providence, my ten Years in Europe, and then go home.
     My Family joins with me, in affectionate Compliments to you and yours. a Year will soon come about, and then or soon after, I may have to Pleasure of kissing your hand. meantime I am / with every sentiment of Esteem and / Regard your Friend & humble Servant

      John Adams.


Title: The American Commissioners to Thomas Barclay, 25 January 1787
From: American Commissioners
To: Barclay, Thomas

      Sir—
      London Jany. 25th. 1787

     We have transmitted to Mr. Lamb a Resolution of Congress vacating his Commission & Instructions & we had long before written to him, that we had no further service for him in Europe, and advising him to embark by the first oppertunity for America & lay his accounts before Congress— But by his Letter of october the 10th. to Mr. Jefferson dated Alicant he say’s “he is not able to take passage by Sea or Land” and that “he has been confined three Months” and that “he is exceedingly sorry he cannot have a full Settlement in Europe” We still hope that upon the receipt of the Orders of Congress he will embark immediately for New York, and we request of you that you would represent to him his indispensable Duty, to return home immediately, and give an account of his Conduct and expenditure of money: but you may nevertheless receive from him his account, and give your Judgement of it, according to the duty of your Department to Congress & if you please, to us—
     Mr. Lamb has drawn upon Mr. Adams as follows

       £   S. d

       1785—
       Octr. 25th.— favr. of Mr. Grand at Paris—
       140:  0: 0

       Do— Do— Do— Do— Do—
       160:  0: 0

       Novr. 5th. 2 Bill of 150£ each—in favr. of Mr. Grand =
       300:  0: 0

       Decr. 29th. Do. in favour of John Ledyard =—
       12: 12: 0

       1786—
       Jany 25th. 7. Bill in favr. of Messrs. Etienne Drouilhet & Co: No. 1. = £300— No. 2 = 250£ no. 3 = 240£— no. 4 = 260£— no. 5 = 320£— No. 6. = 350£ and no. 7 = 280£ total equal £2000
       —2000:  0: 0

       march 7th: in favr. of Messrs: Etienne Drouilhet & Co:
       300:  0: 0

       Do— 8th: in favr: of Do.— Do— Do—
       300:  0: 0

       £3212: 12: 0

     Three Thousand two hundred and twelve pounds sterling has Mr. Lamb received, of the Cash of the United States, for which he is accountable to Congress and to you, and we desire you to get from him his Account of the Expenditure of it, and to enjoin upon him to return to Congress.— with great regard we are &c

      John Adams


Title: The American Commissioners’ Provisional Ratification of the Moroccan-American Treaty, [1–25 January 1787]
From: Adams, John
To:

      [1–25 January 1787]

     Now know Ye that We the said John Adams & Thomas Jefferson Ministers Plenipotentiary aforesaid do approve & conclude the said Treaty and every Article and Clause therein contained, reserving the same nevertheless to the United States in Congress assembled for their final Ratification.
     In testimony whereof we have signed the same with our Names and Seals, at the Places of our respective residence and at the dates expressed under our signatures respectively.—

      John Adams. [SEAL]London January 25. 1787.
      Th: Jefferson [SEAL]Paris January 1. 1787.


Title: From John Adams to the Board of Treasury, 26 January 1787
From: Adams, John
To: Board of Treasury

      Gentlemen—
      Grosvr. square January 26. 1787.

     In compliance with your Directions, I do myself the honor to inclose to you, a List of all the Draughts of money, which have been

made by me, whether on a public or private account since the first day of August 1785. Sometime ago, I transmitted to Mr. Barclay according to the Resolutions of Congress, all my Accounts up to that Day,—after the Examination he made a settlement of them and transmitted them as I suppose to Congress— I should be happy to be informed whether they have been receivd and whether they are approved— I shall transmit in the same manner to Mr. Barclay, according to those same Resolutions of Congress which are still in force, all my remaining accounts, from the same first of August 1785. for his Examination & Settlement as soon as he returns to Paris—but if he should embark for America from Spain, I shall lay my accounts before Congress, or Your honourable Board, upon my return to America which if my Life & Health remain to me, will certainly be at the expiration of my present Commission to this Court if not before—
     You will perceive Gentlemen that Mr. Lamb has drawn more than 3000£ for the purpose of his unfortunate mission & Mr. Barclay more than 4000£ for his fortunate one—
     I have been obliged to concur in opinion with messrs: Willinks & Co. of the necessity of paying off the Gratifications in Amsterdam in Cash, & the measure has had an happy effect— Those Gentlemen will no doubt write you the particulars
     With great respect &c

      J. A—


Title: From John Adams to the Marquis of Carmarthen, 27 January 1787
From: Adams, John
To: Carmarthen, the Marquis of

      My Lord
      Grosvenor Square Jan. 27. 1787

     Last night, I received the Card your Lordship did me the Honour to write me Yesterday, inclosing a Petition, to the Right Honourable

the Lords Commissioners of his Majestys Treasury, from John Hales, relative to Sixteen Chinese Seamen who are alledged to have informed Mr. Hales that they came from India in the Hyder or Hydrea Captain Clark belonging to the United States of America, to Ostend where they were discharged and caused to take Passage to London in hopes of obtaining a Passage to their own Country.
     All these Allegations my Lord are very Surprizing to me, having no Knowledge of any Such Ships as the Hyder or Hydrea, or of any Such Person as Captain Clark.
     Humanity, My lord requires that the unhappy Men Should not be left to Suffer, but as I have no Knowledge, Information or Instructions concerning them, I have no Authority to do any Thing for their Relief.
     There is Reason to apprehend, My Lord that there is some Mystery in this Business, which it will be for the Interest and Honour of both Countries, to clear up: for which Reason, I shall do my self the Honour to transmit Your Lordships Note and the Memorial to Congress, that the Truth of the Facts may be Searched to the Bottom and such Measures taken as the Interests of Humanity, as well as the Honour and Interest of both Countries require.
     With great Respect I have the Honour / to be, my Lord, Your Lordships most / obedient and most humble servant

      John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Franklin, 27 January 1787
From: Adams, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

      Sir
      Grosvenor Square Jan. 27. 1787

     Dr White has been So obliging to me, as to take with him to America, two Volumes, one for your Excellency and one for the Philosophical Society of Philadelphia, of a Production of mine, Suggested by the late popular Phrensy in Massachusetts and New Hampshire. It contains my Confession of political Faith, and if it is Heresy, I shall I Suppose be cast out of Communion. But it is the only Sense, in which I am or ever was a Republican, and in Such Times I hold concealment of Sentiments to be no better than countenancing Sedition.— Let me beg your Excellencys Acceptance of one Volume, and that you would present the other to the Philosophical Society, with my respectfull Thanks for the Volume of their Transactions, transmitted me by your Excellency in their Name.— That Work is in good Reputation here.
     Mr Dilly has often requested me to mention to your Excellency, his great desire of publishing a new Edition of your Works, and a Sketch of your Life. and his Inclination is much quickened Since he learnt that you had been advised to write it, with your own Hand. inclosed is a Note which I received from him this morning. Mr Dilly is as honest a Man as any of the trade here, and as much esteemed by Men of Letters, so that, I believe you may depend upon his honour and skill. My Regards to Mr Franklin and / Mr Beach, if you please. with great / Respect I have the honour to be, sir, your / most obedient & humble servant

      John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Brand Hollis, 27 January 1787
From: Hollis, Thomas Brand
To: Adams, John

      Dear Sir
      Chesterfeild Street Jan 27. 1787.

     I have read over most part of your book with no less satisfaction than pleasure and gained much information.
     In conversation the other day you advanced a doctrine which appears to me new & extraordinary. neither are the consequences so evident as to prevent me thinking otherwise and that facts make against the Idea.
     attention to stile would ruin America. The practice of all ages has been otherwise as the greatest patriots & publick writers have always attended to Language & stile.
     Solomon Pericles the prophets. Thucidides by your own testimony distinguised for the propriety & force of his epithets and who esteemed a book as an hereditary possession. plato xenophon Demosthenes. cicero Brutus. vertot montesquieu Thuanus. Boccacio Petrach machiavel Davila. Milton Sidney & Addison all these with many others have enriched & preserved the fame of their country.
     in your own America the writings of Mayhew Payne & others have been acknowledged to have had a great effect in producing the glorious revolution. your own orators speaking the praises of their fellow-citizens who died for their country like those at Salamis and Marathon. is a proof of what the people expect and have a right to expect the tribute of wel earned praise.

      Honest praise
      oft nobly sways
      ingenuous youth.
      “But from the lying mouth”

      Praise is reproach. Eternal God alone
      For mortals fixes that sublime award.
      He, from the faithful records of his throne,
      Bids the Historian and the Bard
      Dispose of honor and of scorn;
      Discern the Patriot from the slave;
      And write the good, the wise, the brave.
      For lessons to the multitude unborn.

     The remonstrances & addresses from America are replete with manly eloquence & nervous diction. His Excellency Washington excels in composition the most skillful in weilding the sword with Glory humanity & success.
     who lamented the uncouth stile of his favorite Harrington & wished him to be translated?
     The same person pleaded for hours in Congress, with all the strength of argument and force of Language, the cause of his injured country & for Independence & gloriously prevailed.
     The author of the defence of the constitutions cannot avoid sinning against his own principle, for he has wrote with all the warmth strength & freedom of an antient republican. nor has he neglected the charms of poetry when for his purpose,

      o fool! to deem.
      “that he, if haply some presumptuous foe;
      with false ignoble science fraught,
      shall spurn at Freedom’s faithful band;
      that he their dear defence will shun
      or hide their glories from the sun
      or deal their vengeance with a womans hand”

     if the wisest & best men have made use of these means to assist in extirpating Tyranny & establishing freer states. surely the Americans who profiting by the experience of former ages & have out stripped the Europeans in the Knowledge of whatever concerns the dearest interests of mankind & have brought into practice principles formerly held visionary by establishing free states upon the only solid basis. rotation of power and equal Laws. surely they ought not to neglect the means of persuasion instruction & information to their fellow citizens the rising generations and to the world in general.
     when as milton saies the Greek writers by their manner of relating make small things appear great and important.

     as you Americans have excelled in the art of government everything else is subordinate. I expect from your countrymen finer compositions & higher flights of Eloquence than the world have ever heard.
     you come to a Language formed, are perfectly free no restraints of priests or Press. are not insulaires confined to an Island. The subjects greater & of more importance the objects richer & various & the world is all before you. but why do I say this to you? when the more I think of it, am persuaded you only throwed out this Idea to engage a weak opponent, and I sink under the subject.
     Farewell and persevere in excelling in what you are pleased to condemn.
     I am Dear Sir / with great esteem / your faithfull Friend

      T Brand Hollis


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 6 February 1787
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir
            Paris Feb. 6. 1787.

          Your favors by Colo. Franks have come safely to hand. he will set out from hence the 8th. inst. the packet being to sail from Havre the 10th. I inclose you the copy of a letter lately received from mr̃ Barclay, & of the paper it inclosed. in a letter from mr̃ Carmichael is a postscript dated Dec. 25. in the following words “since writing the preceding, the Portuguese Ambassador has pressed me to hint that the present moment is favorable to push our treaty with his court.” in the body of the letter he sais “the Ct. d’Expilly has promised me to continue his attention to our prisoners during his stay at Algiers, & I have also engaged the Consul of Spain who remains there on

his return to take care of them. advances have been made for their support which ought to be refunded.” I suppose that these advances have been made by order of mr̃ Lamb, & that, his powers being at an end, it will be incumbent on us to take measures on that subject.
          the Count de Vergennes is extremely ill. his disease is gouty. we have for some days had hopes it would fix itself decidedly in the foot. it shews itself there at times, as also in the shoulder, the stomach &c. Monsr. de Calonnes is likewise ill: but his complaints are of a rheumatic kind which he has often had before. the illness of these two ministers has occasioned the postponement of the Assembly of the Notables to the 14th. & probably will yet postpone it. nothing is yet known of the objects of that meeting. I send you a pamphlet giving a summary account of all the meetings of a general nature which have taken place heretofore. the treaty between Russia & this country is certainly concluded; but it’s contents are not yet known. I shall set out for the waters of Aix on the 15th. instant, so that I am unable to say when & whence I shall have the honour of addressing you again. but I take measures for the conveying to me on my road all letters, so that should any thing extraordinary require it, I can at all times be recalled to Paris in a fortnight. I shall hope to hear from you at times as if I were in Paris. I thank you much for the valuable present of your book. the subject of it is interesting, & I am sure it is well treated. I shall take it on my journey that I may have time to study it. you told me once you had had thoughts of writing on the subject of hereditary aristocracy. I wish you would carry it into execution. it would make a proper sequel to the present work. I wish you all possible happiness & have the honour to be with sentiments of sincere esteem & affection Dear Sir, your most obedient & most humble servant

            Th: Jefferson


Title: To John Adams from the Marquis de Lafayette, 7 February 1787
From: Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de
To: Adams, John

              Paris le 7 fevrier 1787.1

            J’ai Recue, monsieur, avec bien de la Reconnoissance les detaïls que vous avis la Bonté de m’envoïer;2 ils sont alarmans même pour Ceux qui Connoissent l’amerique; ils ne peuvent que paroitre encore plus dangereux à Ceux qui ne la Connoissent pas; on nous dit qué la tempéte s’est appaisée; puissent les sages mesures que prendront le Congrès, les etats, et la Convention de philadelphie Retablir la Confiance, et la tranquillité; les dispositions de la lettre de M. de Calonne à M. jefferson, les demarches que nous faisons pour la franchise d’Honfleur, quelques projets que nous avons pour le debit des ris de Caroline, et l’entrepôt à donner à l’amerique du Commerce de nismes avec les espagnols qui ont Ruiné les fabricans de Cette ville par leur prohibitions, voilà des moïens d’établir dans les etats unis un peu de Commerce et de circulation.3 encouragés le gouvernement par vos depêches: il ne doit s’arrêter, ce me semble, que lorsque par toutes les faveurs possible il aura procuré à la france le debit ou l’entrepôt de toutes les productions Americaines, et si le soleïl des etats unis s’obscurcit pendant quelque tems, il ne paroitra que plus brillant En sortant du nuage puisqu’il s’avance toujours vers son meridien.
            le traité de commerce de la france avec la Russie est Signé; le ministre Anglais a été moins Heureux que Segur, et le voyage de Kerson va Renvoïer Bien loin le traité des anglais.4 j’avois du y joindre l’imperatrice à Kiew, mais l’assemblée des Notables me retient ici, peutêtre pour longtems.5 elle est differée par la maladie de Mr̃ de vergennes qui m’inquiete et par celles du garde des sceaux, et de M. de Calonne lui même qui ne sont pas aussi Considerables. j’espere Beaucoup de Cette assemblée qui fait Bien de l’Honneur au Roy et à son ministere; le clol franks vous Remettra un petit imprimé qui n’est interessant que par la liste qui est au Bas. j’aurai soin de vous faire Avoir des nouvelles de la tenüe dont l’ouverture sera, je crois, le quatorze. les affairs de Hollande ne s’arrangent pas encore; celles du

Capitan pacha en Egipte ne vont pas aussi Bien qu’on l’avoit cru.6 il n’y a point encore de mouvement dans le Corps diplomatique parceque Mr̃ d’adhemar est Retourné en Angleterre. donnés moi, je vous prie, de vos nouvelles, et des nouvelles publiques; les gazettes que vous adresserés à M. Cadran directeur des fermes au Havre7 seront Recües avec Reconnoissance. agrées, je vous prie, mes vœux Bien sinceres pour votre Bonheur, et l’assurance de l’attachement avec lequel j’ai l’Honneur d’etre, Votre trés Humble et obeïssant Serviteur

              Lafayette

            ou en est M. L’enfant de ses affaires?8

          TRANSLATION

              Paris, 7 February 1787

            I received, sir, with much gratitude the details that you had the goodness to send me. They are alarming even for those who know America. They can only appear all the more foreboding for those who do not know it. We are told that the storm has subsided; may the wise measures which Congress shall take, along with the states, and the Philadelphia Convention restore confidence and peace. The instructions of Mr. Calonne’s letter to Mr. Jefferson, the steps that we are taking toward the liberation of Honfleur, several projects that we have for the distribution of Carolina rice, and the depot to be given to America for the commerce of Nîmes with the Spaniards who have ruined the manufacturers of that town by their prohibitions— these are means toward the restoration in the United States of a little commerce and traffic. Encourage the government with your dispatches; it should not stop, in my view, until through all possible means it has procured for France the distribution or depot of all American goods, and if the sun of the United States dims for a period, it will only appear more brilliantly upon emerging from the clouds as it continues to rise toward its zenith.
            The French treaty of commerce with Russia is signed; the British minister was less content than Ségur, and the voyage to Kherson will postpone the English treaty for some time. I was supposed to meet the empress at Kiev, but the Assembly of Notables keeps me here, perhaps for a long time. It has been delayed by the illness of Mr. Vergennes, which worries me, and that of the keeper of the seals and of Mr. Calonne himself, which are not as serious. I expect much out of this assembly that does much honor to the king and his ministry. Colonel Franks will deliver a short publication to you which is interesting only for the list at the bottom. I will be sure to send you news of the proceedings, the opening of which will be, I believe, on the fourteenth. The Dutch affairs are not yet improving; those of the captain pasha in Egypt are not going as well as had been thought. There are not yet any developments in the diplomatic corps because Mr. Adhémar has returned to

England. I pray you send me public news and news of yourself; gazettes that you address to Mr. Cadran, director of farms at Le Havre, will be gratefully received. I pray you accept my most sincere wishes for your happiness, and the assurance of the attachment with which I have the honor to be your most humble and most obedient servant

              Lafayette

            How have the affairs of Mr. L’Enfant been coming along?


Title: To John Adams from Rufus King, 10 February 1787
From: King, Rufus
To: Adams, John

              Dr. Sir
              New york 10 Feby. 1787

            Letters are this moment receivid from Genl. Lincoln giving the pleasing intillegence that he dispersed the Party under Shays on the morning of the 5th. instant— the Insurgents had marched on the 4th. from Pelham to Pitersham distant 30 miles, with about 1500 Men— Genl. Lincoln moved after them at Eight OClock on the same Evening and came on them by Surprize at 9. OClock the next Morning, they fled in all directions; 150 were made prisoners— Shays escaped into New Hampshire, and his men are wholly dispersed—
            Genl. Lincoln marched on the 6th. with a respectable force into the County of Berkshire where it is said there is a Body of Insurgents— the dessolution of the Assembly under Shays will totally discourage his partizans in Berkshire— the Leaders I think will be easily taken unless they fly—
            What will give you much satisfaction is the Declaration made by the Legislature that a Rebellion exists in the Commonwealth— you know the energy and Authority of the supreme Executive in consequence of this Declaration— the General Court met on Saturday the 3d instant, received the Address of the Governor, which I inclose, and on Sunday the 4th. approved the measures which he had adopted, declared that a Rebellion existed in the Commonwealth, and requested him to adopt the most vigourous measures for the Suppression thereof— I will not add—except that I am most respectfully your obt. & very / Hb̃le Servt

              Rufus King

            I write this in great Haste and am uncertain whether I can get it on board the Packet—


Title: To John Adams from Richard O’Bryen, Zaccheus Coffin, Isaac Stephens, Andrew Montgomery, and Alexander Forsyth, 13 February 1787
From: O’Bryen, Richard,Coffin, Zaccheus,Stephens, Isaac,Montgomery, Andrew,Forsyth, Alexander
To: Adams, John

            Sir,
            Algiers February the 13th. 1787.

          Your three Letters to us, dated London the 29th. September, we received the 7th. Instant, and is exceeding Sorry to find by the Tenor of your Letters to us that you can give us no comfortable Hopes or Assurances of speedy Relief.
          Respecting the erroneous Report you suppose we might have heard of what Mr: Lamb said to the Dey, and that it is not likely that he made any Promises to the Dey, we shall mention to you what Mr. Lamb used to tell us, when he used to return from the Dey’s Palace after having his different Audiences.

          Extract from our Journals in Algiers.
          Saturday the 25th: of March arrived a Brig from Barcelona with John Lamb, Esquire, and Mr: Randall, Commissioners from the United States of America to treat with Lord Prince Mahomet Bashaw Dey of the warlike City and Kingdom of Algiers. At 11 A.M. the Captain Port went on board the Brig and returned on Shore to the Mickelhadge or third Great Man, informing him there was two Americans on board the Brig, & came to redeem their People. Immediately the Dey was informed, and at one P.M. they were admitted to land. Mr: Lamb’s Message to the Dey was to admit him to the Honor of kissing his Hand on the Terms of Peace. The Dey answered that he would not—but if he came to redeem his People he would give him &c. Audience. On the 29th: Mr: Randall left Algiers on board a spanish Brig of War bound to Alicant. On the first of April Mr: Lamb was introduced to the Dey by the French Consul and attended by Mr: Wolfe.— Mr: Lamb asked the Dey his Price for the Americans the Dey said he would see about it of the Marine Officers. On the 3d. of April Mr: Lamb had his 2d. Audience. The Dey asked Mr: Lamb what he would give— Mr: Lamb offered ten thousand Dollars. The Dey said his Price was fifty thousand Dollars. Mr: Lamb said the Price was great, but would see about it or consider. On the 5th: Mr: Lamb had his 3d: Audience.— The Dey would not lower his Price, but said he wanted us in the Marine. Mr: Lamb offered to take us at thirty thousand Dollars. The Dey turned Angry and said he had Bread and Olives enough for us. On the 7th: Mr: Lamb had his fourth Audience. The Dey would not lower his Price but seventeen-hundred Dollars. Mr. Lamb said the Price was great— he would see what he could do in four Months Time. The Dey sent his Druggerman to Mr: Lamb after he returned to the French Consul’s and asked Mr: Lamb if he was content with the Bargain— Mr: Lamb said the Price was great, but he must be content. Ever since it is considered in Algiers that Mr: Lamb made a regular Bargain with the Dey. Often since Sidy Ally, the Dey’s Lord of his Bedchamber, has told a young Lad one of our Crew. That the American Embassador had agreed to take us at the Dey’s Price. The Lad is one of the Dey’s Chief Attendants: And the other Day the Mickelhadge or third great Man to the Dey asked my Carpenter which is a Servant or Slave to the Mickelhadge where was the American Embassador saying he had promised to come or return in four Months.
          Sir, we would not wish to be understood that we write so urgent

on Mr: Lamb’s Contracts with the Dey to facilitate our Redemption, but it is to give you a true Representation of Mr: Lamb’s Proceedings for the Good and Honor of our Country— As we are fearful that if another American Embassador came here it would be a very great Detriment to his Proceedings, and should not be much surprised if the Dey told him that he had made one Bargain already with the Americans, which they did not keep or fulfil.
          As Mr: Jefferson wrote us that Mr: Lamb was to make no Bargain respecting our Redemption without our Consent when Mr: Lamb told us of the Dey’s Price we begged of him to make no further Proposition on our Account, as it was not in his Power to redeem us, but he went on his own Way & did as I mention so that you see the considering Part of the Bargain was always on Mr: Lamb— When the Dey mentioned so great a Price, why was he not decisive and said it was entirely out of his Power to give any such Price; better to say so than to make Promises that he was not empowered to do—not to deceive the Dey and dishonor his Country.
          If we are not to be redeemed until the Dey let us go as cheap as others, we think we never shall be redeemed, for those People do what they have a Mind to let the Slaves go for what they will or not let them go on any Terms. We confess it would be setting a bad Example to pay so great a Sum for a few and other unfortunate Captives would feel the ill Effects of it. It is the Duty of our Country to redeem us on the best Terms they can. Our unfortunate Crews are employed on the most laborious Work. We are not Prisoners of War— we are Slaves—the Consideration of which will induce our Country to consider our lamentable Misfortune, hoping they will adopt some effectual Plan of extricating us from Slavery and not suffer a Remnant of their Countrymen to die in Slavery in this barbarous Country. We hope Mr: Lamb has not told us one Story and wrote the Ministers in Europe another but from the Tenor of your Letters we believe he has misrepresented his Proceedings in Algiers to you.
          Redeeming the Slaves is one Thing and making the Peace is another, two different Bargains. Witness the Spaniards— we cannot see that redeeming us would be any Detriment to the making a Peace or that we shall be got for less—
          If Mr: Lamb in having four Audiences with the Dey could not prevail on him to lower his Price—what will induce the Dey to it on the Terms of Peace or Conclusion of Treaties? Forty or fifty thousand Dollars can be no great Object to so great and rich a Prince as the Dey of Algiers to induce him to a Treaty with the United States.

          Permit us to observe to you, & our Country—That it has been the Custom from Time immemorial for all Nations to redeem their People on the best Terms they could.
          The Spaniards and other Nations used to redeem every three Years until they were led away with an erroneous Opinion that the Sums paid for the Redemption used to enable the Algerines and the other Barbary States to continue their Depredations of Piracy. Time, which reveals all Things, has shewn the Spaniards, & other Nations, how erroneous their Judgment was. No Nation in the World can fit an equal Number of Cruisers half so cheap as the Algerines can.
          Mr: Lamb declared to us that he did not bring any Money to redeem us, and even told us that if the Dey would let us go at ten thousand Dollars, he could not redeem us. The six thousand Dollars he had, was for Presents to pave the Way towards a Peace, in Case he brought them on a Truce. Why was Mr: Lamb so anxious with his Propositions to the Dey when he declared to us that he had no Money appropriated towards our Use?
          We hope you will consider our lamentable Misfortune and not extinguish entirely our Hopes of being once more in the Land of Liberty.
          Your most obedient and very hble: Servants

            (signed) Richard OBryen.Zacchs: Coffin. Isaac Stephens.Andw: Montgomery. MateAlexander Forsyth. Mate


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Brand Hollis, 15 February 1787
From: Hollis, Thomas Brand
To: Adams, John

              Dear Sir
              Chesterfeild Street February 15. 1787.

            I have continued to read your defence of the American states and admire the intelligence sagacity & firmness contained in it.
            at first it appeared to me that where there was no distinction of rank in the people there was no necessity of a balance. but you have proved your point most satisfactorily & the impractability of one general assembly.
            all that remains is to secure that balance everlastingly which I fear & dread being broke.
            In the English constitution, so beautiful in theory and which you so much admire, it is totally lost. The representatives do not speak the voice of the people. The crown being hereditary & the Lords & Bishops its creatures & considered as the fountain from which all honors flow. The Army & Navy at its disposal & all taxes adding to its power from the increase of collectors a king so powerful & from respect interest & fear & the misapplication of texts in scripture to the name and office of a King there is danger of his being esteemed & venerated as Gods Vicegerent which weakness gaining possession of the minds of the people is rarely got rid of.
            Therefore my only fear is that when one person is continued for any length of time by design or colusion or hereditary with distinguished honors he will insensibly avail himself of his situation & preponderate in the balance & overturning the whole commence Tyrant.
            The circumstance of the Americans being sprinkled over large tracts of land may secure them from want & prevent the contagion of vice & folly, as large cities are destructive, of every virtue. yet I doubt much if Liberty is not more secure by that means as upon any sudden attack upon the Liberties of the people the Alarm is quickly spread & conveyed through numbers & the resistance would be instantaneous. whereas in the other case it requires time to be known more to collect together to communicate sentiments & unite in a body. short duration and rotation of power seem the only certain securities. the people having the sword, nine tenths on the side of the people weighs in the balance. but I am pleased with your Balance of affections & appetites under the Monarchy of reason & conscience, the only Monarchy which will never deviate from its true principles.

            I lament that the writer has not distinguished more immediately his own sentiments & opinions, that we might trace the improvement in the Art of government, owing to the late happy American revolution, & render him just honor.
            permit me to say it is incumbent on you to point out every possibly means to secure your balance & how to reinstate it if broke in upon. The English system wants the application of such remedies— Cavete—
            it will then be a possession for ever in the Language of Thucidides— which I quoted before from memory only & gave it a wrong turn.
            Excuse this long letter and beleive me / to be with the greatest esteem for your publick / Labors / Dr Sir / your sincere friend / and faithful Hble Sert.

              T. Brand Hollis.

            This letter has been wrote some time in doubt to send it but it comes presuming on your candor.


Title: To John Adams from John Jay, 21 February 1787
From: Jay, John
To: Adams, John

            Dr Sir
            New York 21st. February 1787

          I had the Pleasure of receiving two Days ago your Letter of the 30th. November by Mr. Mitchel—it was the next Morning laid before Congress.—
          Nine States are now represented, but as yet little Progress has been made in the Business before them. My Report on the Infractions of the Treaty complained of by Britain, has been referred to a new Committee, and I think a very good one; various Opinions prevail on the Subject and I cannot conjecture what the ultimate Decision of Congress on it will be.—
          The Insurrection in Massachusetts seems to be suppressed, and I herewith enclose the Papers containing the Details we have received since the 6th. Instant, when I wrote to you by the Packet. Your Sentiments on that Business prove to have been just. I ought to write to you fully on many Subjects, but I am not yet enabled—when I shall be cannot be predicted. Our Government is unequal to the Task assigned it, and the People begin also to perceive its Inefficiency. The Convention gains Ground— New York has instructed her Delegates to move in Congress for a Recommendation to the States to form a Convention; for this State dislikes the Idea of a Convention unless countenanced by Congress. I do not promise myself much further immediate Good from the Measure than that it will tend to approximate the public Mind to the Changes which ought to take place. It is hard to say what those Changes should be exactly—there is one however which I think would be much for the better, Vizt. to distribute the fœderal Sovereignty into its three proper Departments of executive, legislative and judicial; for that Congress should act in these different Capacities was I think a great Mistake in our Policy.—
          This State in their present Session has greatly moderated their Severities to the Tories; a Law having been passed to restore a very great Majority of those resident here to the Rights of Citizens. I hope all Discriminations inconsistent with the Treaty of Peace will gradually be abolished, as Resentment gives place to Reason and good Faith. But, my Dear Sir, we labour under one sad Evil, the Treasury is empty though the Country abounds in Resources, and our People are far more unwilling than unable to pay Taxes.— Hence result Disappointment to our Creditors, Disgrace to our Country, and I fear Disinclination in too many to any Mode of Government than can

easily and irresistably open their Purses. Much is to be done, and the Patriots must have Perseverance as well as Patience.—
          I am, Dr Sir, / Your afft. Friend and Servt:

            John Jay—


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 23 February 1787
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir
            Paris Feb. 23. 1787.

          The Notables met yesterday. the king opened the assembly with a short speech, wherein he expressed his inclination to consult with them on the affairs of his kingdom, to receive their opinions on the plans he had digested, and to endeavor to imitate the head of his family Henry IV. whose name is so dear to the nation. the speech was affectionate. the Guarde des sceaux spoke about 20 minutes, complimented the Clergy, the Noblesse, the Magistrates & tiers etats. the Comptroller general spoke about an hour. he enumerated the expences necessary to arrange his department when he came to it, he sd̃ his returns had been minutely laid before the king, he took a review of the preceding administrations, & more particularly of mr̃ Neckar’s, he detailed the improvements which had been made, he portrayed the present state of the finances, & sketched the several schemes proposed for their improvement; he spoke on a change in the form of the taxes, the removal of the interior custom houses to the frontiers, provincial administrations & some other objects. the assembly was then divided into Committees. to-day there was to be another grand assembly, the plans more fully explained & referred to the discussion of the Committees. the grand assembly will meet once a week & vote individually.
          the propriety of my attending the first audience day of Count Montmorin, which will not be till the 27th. retards my departure till then.

          I have read your book with infinite satisfaction & improvement. it will do great good in America. it’s learning & it’s good sense will I hope make it an institute for our politicians, old as well as young. there is one opinion in it however, which I will ask you to reconsider, because it appears to me not entirely accurate, & not likely to do good. pa. 362. “Congress is not a legislative, but a diplomatic assembly.” separating into parts the whole sovereignty of our states, some of these parts are yeilded to Congress. upon these I should think them both legislative & executive: & that they would have been judiciary also, had not the Confederation required them for certain purposes to appoint a judiciary. it has accordingly been the decision of our courts that the Confederation is a part of the law of the land, & superior in authority to the ordinary laws, because it cannot be altered by the legislature of any one state. I doubt whether they are at all a diplomatic assembly.
          on the first news of this work, there were proposals to translate it. fearing it might be murdered in that operation, I endeavored to secure a good translator. this is done, & I lend him my copy to translate from. it will be immediately announced to prevent others attempting it.
          I am with sincere esteem & respect Dear Sir / your most obedt. / & most humble servt

            Th: Jefferson


Title: From John Adams to John Jay, 24 February 1787
From: Adams, John
To: Jay, John

            Sir
            Grosvenor Square Feb. 24. 1787

          I do myself the Honour to transmit to Congress, a Letter from Mr Harrison, with an Account of Disbursements for Captain Erwin and his Associates on their return to Cadiz from their Captivity in Morocco. Situated as Mr Harrison was he had every motive of

Humanity, and love of his Countrymen to relieve their necessities, and it would be too Severe, if not unjust, to leave the burthen upon him. He is a Gentleman of much Merit, and I beg leave to recommend him and his Claim to Congress.
          With great Respect I have the honour / to be, dear sir, your most obedient / and obliged servant

            John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from Philip Mazzei, 24 February 1787
From: Mazzei, Philip
To: Adams, John

            Most esteemed & dear Sir,
            Paris, 24. Feby: 1787.

          I took the liberty to trouble you with a letter by Col. Franks, in which I desired the favor of you to inform me abt. a law of Massachussets, which (according to Mr. Jefferson’s memory) Dr. Franklin told him it was enacted in the beginning of this Century, & tended to discourage the introduction of emigrants. I would be glad to Know the epoc, as near as possible, if not exactly; whether the same law was adopted by any other of the New-England Colonies, & at what time; the real motive & the intent of it, &c. &c. Dear Sir, you must submit with patiance to the trouble I give you; it is not my fault, if you are the only fountain I can apply to, to satisfy my thirst.
          Your law abt. slavery, I am told, gives freedom to every one who claims it. This law is likewise one of those I would be glad to Know the same particulars of, as above. Some say it is an old law, & others pretend that it was made since the Revolution.
          We are about preventing your book falling into bad hands. Many people will would grasp at it for the sake of gain, & probably would soon publish an indifferent, or bad translation of it. We want to have

it done by an able hand, & hope to succeed. At least my endeavours shall not be wanting; & I think myself interested in it as a Citizen of America, exclusive of my regard & esteem for the Author.
          I have not had it in my power, yet to peruse any part of your book; Mr. Jefferson having not quite done with his copy, the Marquis having taken his with him to Versailles, & Count of Sarcefield being just come to Town. I dont Know that there is any more copies of it in Paris, & wish there was no more, to avoid the danger of a bad translator being before hand with us. I have (by chance only) happined to observe a mistake, relative to the Nobility in the System of Locke. There was no Barons, & the share of acres for a Landgrave was 48,000, instead of 80,000.
          Art. III. The whole province shall be divided into Counties; each County shall consist of eight Signories, eight baronies, and four precincts; each precinct shall consist of six colonies.
          IV. Each Signiory, Barony, and Colony shall consist of twelve thousand acres; the eight Signiories being the share of the eight Proprietors, and the eight Baronies of the nobility.—
          IX. There shall be just as many Landgraves as there are Counties, and twice as many Cassiques, and no more. These shall be the hereditary nobility of the province, and by right of their dignity be members of parliament. Each Landgrave shall have four Baronies, and each Cassique two Baronies, hereditarily and unalterably annexed to, and settled upon, the said dignity.
          Be so good as to let me Know, if you chuse that the mistake should be corrected in the translation; & in case I should discover any other, whether you allow me to inform you of my observations, in hope that you will instruct me what to do.
          I will be much obliged to you for an immediate answer. Be so good as to present my respectful & sincere compliments to Mrs. Adams, & Mrs. Smith; & to remember me very affectionately to Col. Smith; while I have the honor to be with the greatest regard & esteem, / Dear Sir, / your most Obedient and / most Humble Servant

            Philip Mazzei

            P.S. I would be glad to Know, if it is true, that Wm. Penn, the Founder of Pensilvania, died in the Fleet Prison, &, if true, to have an authentic proof of it.
            The Abbé Raynal says p. 185. vol. 9. “Des sectaires humains; des chrétiens qui cherchoient dans l’évangile plutôt des vertus que des dogmes, ont sonvent voulu rendre à leur esclaves la liberté que rien

ne peut remplacer: mais ils ont été long-tems retenus par une loi qui ordonnoit d’assigner aux affranchis un revenu suffisant pour leur subsistance.”
            Will you be so good, my dear Sir, as to tell me how far the Abbé is mistaken, & to afford me the means to confute him?


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 1 March 1787
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

            Dear sir
            London March 1. 1787

          I am much obliged to you for your favours of Feb. 20. and 23 by Mr Carnes, and the curious Pamphlets.
          Opening a direct Communication between Paris and America will facilitate the Trade of the two Countries, very much, and the new Treaty between France and England, will promote it still more. John Bull dont see it. and if he dont See a Thing at first, you know it is a rule with him ever afterwards to swear that it dont exist, even when he does both see it and feel it.
          I have this moment written to Messrs Willinks and Vanstaphorsts to remit to you or Mr Grand in your Absence, what remains to be recd to make up the Thousand Guineas for the Swords and Medals. You having before drawn for 6500 Livres tournois, as part of them.
          My Resolution of Quitting Europe, has been taken upon mature deliberation: but really upon motives of Necessity, as much at least as Choice.— Congress cannot consistent with their own honour and

Dignity, renew my Commission to this Court—and I assure you, I should hold it so inconsistent with my own honour and Dignity little as that may be, that if it were possible for Congress to forget theirs I would not forget mine, but send their Commission back to them, unless a Minister were sent from his Britannic Majesty to Congress.
          As to a Residence in Holland, that Climate is so destructive to my health, that I could never bear it: and I am Sure it would be fatal to her, on whom depends all the Satisfaction that I have in Life.— No Consideration would tempt me to think of removing to that Country with my Family.—
          For a Man who has been thirty Years rolling like a stone never three years in the same Place, it is no very pleasant Speculation, to cross the seas with a Family, in a State of Uncertainty what is to be his fate; what reception he shall meet at home; whether he shall set down in private Life to his Plough; or push into turbulent scænes of Sedition and Tumult; whether be sent to Congress, or a Convention or God knows what.— If it lay in my Power, I would take a Vow, to retire to my little Turnip Yard, and never again quit it.— I feel very often a violent disposition to take some Resolution & swear to it. But upon the whole, it is best to preserve my Liberty to do as I please according to Circumstances.
          The Approbation You express in general of my poor Volume, is a vast consolation to me. it is an hazardous Enterprize, and will be an unpopular Work in America for a long time.— When I am dead, it may be regretted that Such Advice was not taken in the season of it.— But as I have made it early in life and all along, a Rule to conceal nothing from the People which appeared to me material for their Happiness and Prosperity, however unpopular it might be at the time, or with particular Parties, I am determined not now to begin to flatter popular Prejudices and Party Passions however they may be countenanced, by great Authorities.
          The Opinion you Object to “p. 362. that Congress is not a legislative but a diplomatic assembly” I should wish to have considered as a Problem, rather for Consideration, than as an Opinion: and as a Problem too, relative to the Confederation as it now Stands, rather than to any other Plan that may be in Contemplation of the States.— It is a most difficult Topick, and no Man at a distance can judge of it, So well as those in America. if the Book Should be translated into french, I wish you would insert this, in a Note. You have laid me under great Obligation, by taking the trouble to Secure a Good

Translator.— if the Thing is worth translating at all, it will not surely bare to loose any Thing by the Translation.— But will not the Government proscribe it?— if I should get well home, and Spend a few Years in Retirement, I Shall pursue this Subject, some what further: but I hope never to be left, again, to publish So hasty a Production as this.— a Work upon the Subject you mention, Nobility in general, which I once hinted to you a Wish to see handled at large would be too extensive and Splendid for my means and Forces. it would require many Books which I have not, and a more critical Knowledge both of ancient and modern Languages than at my Age a Man can aspire to.— There are but two Circumstances, which will be regretted by me, when I leave Europe. one is the opportunity of Searching any questions of this kind, in any books that may be wanted. and the other will be the Interruption of that intimate Correspondence with you, which is one of the most agreable Events in my Life. There are four or five Persons here, with whom I hold a friendly Intercourse and shall leave with Some degree of Pain but I am not at home in this Country.
          With every affectionate and friendly sentiment / I am and shall be in this World and the futu[re] / yours

            John Adams


Title: To John Adams from the Duc de la Rochefoucauld, 4 March 1787
From: La Rochefoucauld d’Anville, Louis Alexandre, Duc de
To: Adams, John

              Paris. 4. Mars. 1787.1

            C’est du choc des idées, Monsieur, que naît la vérité: M. Turgot ne pouvoit pas être combattu par un plus digne adversaire; tous deux amans de la liberté et du bonheur des hommes, vous tendez au même but par differens moiens, et vous les avez tous les deux éclairés.
            C’est M. de Valnais2 qui m’a apporté votre Livre, et mon Séjour habituel à Versailles pour l’Assemblée de Notables ne me permet

pas de l’en remercier de vive voix; agréez, je vous prie mes actions de graces de votre Souvenir et de votre présent, et l’expression Sincere de l’estime et de l’attachement avec lequel j’ai l’honneur d’être, Monsieur, Votre très humble et très obeissant serviteur,

              Le Duc de la Rochefoucauld

            Ma mere et ma femme me chargent de tous leurs complimens pour vous.

          TRANSLATION

              Paris, 4 March 1787

            Truth, sir, is born of the clash of ideas. Mr. Turgot could not have been confronted by a more worthy opponent; both devoted to liberty and to the happiness of men, you reach toward the same goal by different means, and you have both illuminated the way.
            It is Mr. de Valnais who brought me your book, and my customary sojourn at Versailles for the Assembly of Notables does not permit me to thank him in person. Please accept my sentiments of gratitude for your remembrance and your gift and the sincere expression of the esteem and the attachment with which I have the honor to be, sir, your most humble and most obedient servant

              Le Duc de la Rochefoucauld

            My mother and wife wish me to convey all their respects to you.


Title: To John Adams from Ezra Stiles, 10 March–25 April 1787
From: Stiles, Ezra
To: Adams, John

              Sir
              Yale College March 10. 1787.

            In my Answer to the Letter I had the honor of receiveg from you last Fall by Dr Wales, I expressed my Apprehension that the Abbe Mably and some other of our European Friends entertained too gloomy despairing & desconsolate Ideas and Fears, least our Amer̃ Republic should tumble to pieces and come to nothing. Even our worthy & ever to be venerated Friend Dr Price has his Fears for us; and so had Mrs. Macaulay at her first Landing here, but she altered her Judgment and returned with Consolation. The greater part [of the] learned Abbe’s Difficulties & Dangers are nothing [. . . .]ind. We may be capricious, we may do 1000 foolish Things [. . .]ties,

without ruining the Fœderation or the growing Glory of the United States. There is a com̃on a public Interest, which it is & will be the Interest of too many Millions of Individuals to take Care of; and there is Wisdom transfused through this Body of Individuals; and the Confederation embosoms enough of internal Power to enforce & carry into Execution what Wisdom shall feel to be the public Interest:—there is & will be too much of all these Things to permit a Possibility of the public Interest being essentially neglected. Antient & modern History affords us little Light. They have no Parallels to our State. Of the few Republics that are or ever have been on Earth, there is not one that has any radical Resemblance to ours: there is not one which has Landed Property so equably diffused among the People, as to generate a constant Depende upon and give a decided & permanent Dominion in the People;—I mean in Election of their Governors & chief Rulers—not in Insurrections against the Senate or grand State Representative which stands on their annual Election & Revocation. Even the most libertine Spirits must be sooner or later convinced that, if they should manufacture the Politics never so often, they would terminate in an annual or elected Assembly, as the ultimatum of Liberty. Should civil Wars arise, and thro’ Confiscations Property be Shifted,—yet the most accumulated Property without Entails & Perpetuities will not be dangerous; for such is family fatality that thro’ Luxury & Permission to aliene hereditary Estates, vix Tertius gaudeat Hæres, & then it reverts in Effect to the public & mixes with the com̃on Mass of public Prop[erty.]

                Apr. 25.

            This has lain by me unfinished for a Leisure Hour of Calmness. But I must beg Leave to dispatch it hastily, to gratify a worthy Friend & Patriot Saml Bishop Esqr who has a son in London, for whom he is very sollicitous. His son Abm. Bishop Esqr is a young Lawyer, graduated here 1778, and last winter went to Lond to finish or perfect the jural Studies, and is now at one of the Inns. Should he wait upon yourself, it would be highly pleasg to his worthy Father, that you shd impart to him your kind Counsel as to his Conduct and the Pursuit of his Studies, during the year he proposes to spend in London. I have the Honor to be, Sir, / Yr most obliged hble servt

              Ezra Stiles


Title: To John Adams from Matthew Robinson-Morris, 14 March 1787
From: Robinson-Morris, Matthew
To: Adams, John

            Sir,
            Horton near Hythe. 14th March 1787—

          I receiv’d yesterday the favor of your letter together with the Defence of the American Constitutions; for which I beg, that you will return to the Author my very respectful compliments: Be pleas’d to assure his Excellency; that I highly value his gift and flatter myself, that it has proceeded from his opinion of my regard for the happiness and liberties of mankind; of which I heartily hope, that the United States of our Countrymen in America may one day become a splendid seat and afford among other circumstances a comfortable reception to Englishmen; if their own domestic condition shall ever oblige them to look abroad for that purpose.
          I am / Sir, / Your Most Obedient Servt.

            M. Robinson M.


Title: To John Adams from John Jay, 2 April 1787
From: Jay, John
To: Adams, John

            Dr. Sir
            New York 2d. April 1787

          Since my last to you of 25th. February I have not been favored with any Letters from you.—
          Congress have made some Progress in my Report on your Letter of 4th. March 1786 and the Papers that accompanied it— they lately passed the Resolutions of which you will find a Copy herewith enclosed. Having been ever since and still being too much indisposed to prepare Instructions for you on these Subjects in Time for their being reported and agreed to by Congress and transmitted by this Opportunity, I send this Copy merely for your Information— perhaps it might be well to communicate it informally to the Minister. I think it would have a good Effect, and tend to abate the Irritation which long Delays & Silence may have occasioned.—
          The Morocco Treaty has not yet arrived; and we are still in Suspence about the Fate of the one with Portugal.

          What Good will result from the Convention to be convened in pursuance of the Resolution of which I also enclose a Copy is uncertain. Something is very necessary to be done; for our Difficulties encrease Day by Day. I am too unwell to write much at this Time, nor do I expect to recover a tolerable Degree of Health until the Season admits of my taking Exercise. Although exceedingly temperate my Digestion is bad, and a lingering Fever hangs about me.
          I am Dear Sir / Your affe. friend & Servt

            John Jay—


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Barclay, 3 April 1787
From: Adams, John
To: Barclay, Thomas

            Dear sir—
            Grosvr. sqr.
              April 3d. 1787.

          I have recieved in due time with great Pleasure all your Letters & Dispatches: But the Reason why I have not answ’d. them regularly, was the uncertainty where you was to be found indeed I have been buisy in other things, & nothing from you seemed to require any other answers, than acceptance & payment of your Draughts, which has been punctually done,
          Give me leave my dear sir to congratulate you most sincerely upon your fortunate Journey’s & Voyages & your happy success in the negotiations with the Emperor of Moroco—
          I wish very heartily we could ask you to go to Algiers & Tunis & Tripoli; but without further orders from Congress & further Provisions of Money, all attempts must cease—

          Inclosed is a list of your Draughts, from my Books and another from my Bankers— I hope by this opportunity to send you all my accounts, & pray you to adjust them— I am afraid I have spent more than the generosity of my Country have allowed me, instead of laying up for my Children— I hope soon to hear of your arrival in Paris or London, which would be still more agreable— with great esteem & regard— / I am &c

            J.A.


Title: From John Adams to C. W. F. Dumas, 3 April 1787
From: Adams, John
To: Dumas, Charles William Frederic

            D. Sir.

              Aprill 3d. 1787.

          your Letter of the 13 of March was brought in to me but this moment— I am not able to give you any information you desire— a Gent. by the Name you mention & with the title of Colonel has been introduced to me & has dined with me at this House & I saw him in Holland— His Behaviour is Genteel and his Character is in all respects unexceptionable, as far as I know, having Never heard any suggestions to his disadvantage: but can give no further Testimony of him or his family of my own knowledge— accept of my thanks for your obliging Inquiries. My dear Mrs Adams, has been frequently out of health since you saw her— she is now ill of an intermittant fever— but is somewhat better— Mrs. Smith was happily got to bed yesterday, with a fine son, so that I hope to have some Amusement— my three sons are all well at the University, in America—
          Please to present my best wishes & respects to your Lady & Daughter—
          I have a Volume to send you, as soon as I can find an opportunity— & I wish to have your remarks upon it.
          with great regard &c

            J A—


Title: From John Adams to Wilhem & Jan Willink, 3 April 1787
From: Adams, John
To: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business)

            Gentlemen—
            Grosvr. square April 3d. 1787.

          I have received your favour of the 13th. of March with the three obligations inclosed: & I thank you for your care in the Business— inclosed is an order on the Company of Willinks & Vanstaphorsts, for five hundred & sixty five Guilders being the Ballance due to you from me on account of these obligations—
          with great esteem &c.

            J A.


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Barclay, 3 April 1787
From: Barclay, Thomas
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir
            Barcelona 3d. April 1787—

          Inclosed is a letter for M. Jay Covering Copies of sundry letters to M. Lamb and of one to M. Carmichael, If you will take the Trouble of perusing them, You will see My situation and intentions as Clearly as I Do my self, and I shall, unless I am prevented by some unforeseen accident, have the pleasure of taking Your Commands in person for America, Early I hope in July, I will be obliged to stop a short time at Bordeaux, where I made a Purchase of Arms and Ammunition for the State of Virginia, another at L’Orient, and a third with my Family, from whence, (St. Germains) I shall proceed to England on my way to America— I shall Communicate my Veiws to you when I see you, not in the least Doubting Your aid in Carrying them into Execution if you approve of them, as I think you will Do—and if the Proposition which I mean to make to Congress Do’s not prove acceptable, my Intention is to Remain in America—
          I have received my account Current from Lynch & Bellew of Cadiz, and am obliged of this Date to value on You in their favor at Ten days sight for Three Hundred and Twenty five pounds Sterling, which

please to Honor and apply to the Debit of the United States, assuring yourself that I shall Settle the whole account with You to your satisfaction I Cou’d not put these Gentlemen off untill a Sale of the articles at L’Orient &c, be made, They have not Charged any Commission for their Trouble, and no Expence on the money which I took up in Barbary arises, and the actual Duty and Charges of Replacing it. The news here is that the Neapolitan Ambassador has obtained a Truice for three months from Algiers, and that the Count d’Expilly has Returned to Spain, after having Done something highly offensive to the Dey and Regency there— I am with Very great Esteem / Dear Sir / Your most Obed. / Humble servant,

            Thos Barclay


Title: To John Adams from David Ramsay, 7 April 1787
From: Ramsay, David
To: Adams, John

            Sir,
            Charleston April 7th 1787

          By this time I suppose that the fame or rather the infamy of our new instalment law has reached you. I wish that it may not embarrass your hands in negotiating with the British ministry. I can only say that it was forced on the legislature by polical necessity. Our necessities were great at the close of the war. Our negroes were carried away & our plantations laid waste. 700,000 sterling of our present debt has been contracted since the peace to replace the negroes destroyed or taken away during the war. This caused a necessity of our contracting debts. Such a succession of bad crops has never before been known in South Carolina. From the absolute impossibility of paying our private foreign debt & of supporting Government in the execution of the laws our best ablest & most unembarrassed citizens

consented to the instalment law as the least of several probable evils. The nonimportation of negroes also recommended that measure by being made a part of the same act. It is most undoubtedly a violation of the treaty but on the other hand it only postpones the payment of debts contracted before Novr. 1782 for one year longer than they were already postponed. The operation of the present law is chiefly designed to alleviate the pressure of debts contracted since the treaty of peace. I do not pretend to justify I only aim at palliation. Perhaps these transactions may be the means of exciting the commercial interest of both countries to a greater abhorrence of war.
          The inclosed statement of our debts & resources was made by a very intelligent British merchant for my use as a groundwork of argument to prevent the extension of the instalment law to an unnecessary period. I mention this to give it weight as being not partial to the landed interest of South Carolina. Indeed the merchants are pretty well satisfied & are generally disposed to say that the legislature could not have done better than they have done.
          I long to see Dr Gordons history. I wish him to take precedence of me. I am nearly ready for publishing the first volume but I chuse to delay it for many reasons.
          I esteem your correspondence an honor & shall think every line from you to be a great favor. With the most exalted sentiments of respect & esteem I have the honor to be your most obedient & humble st.

            David Ramsay.


Title: To John Adams from the Marquis de Lafayette, 9 April 1787
From: Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de
To: Adams, John

            My dear Sir
            Paris April the 9th 1787

          I Have long wished for a private opportunity to write to you, And while Expecting it, Have deprived myself of the pleasure to tell you my Opinion of Your Admirable Book— I Cannot Express, my dear Sir, the Satisfaction I felt in Reading of it—let those who study Constitutions in their Closet Say what they please—to Any one who Has Experience, Yours must Ever be the true principles— there is in that Book of yours much to learn, and much to think—it is the only one, not immediately Connected with the Affairs of our Assembly, which I Have Read these two months—But Cannot Sufficiently Express to you How much pleasure and improvement I Have found in it.
          Our Assembly is Very solemn, and Behaves well— You Have Seen the Speeches made by the king, the Chancellor, and the financier— this last One was pretty well writen and prononced, But shallow, and Unsincere— in the plans, there are many good things, or Rather many Good titles for Chapters which we Have Made— Provincial assemblies we Shall get— some of our friends, who Agree with Mr Turgot’s democratic principles, were Surprised that I, a Republican in the Heart, did vote for such distinctions in the Assembly as would form or Rather prepare a check in future times, and a division in three Branches— the clergy Have Given up to the assemblies the Right of taking them proportionally— they will form But one order with the Noblesse— Both Have Renounced pecuniary privileges, some of which were offered By Governement. the Assembly Have advised measures Relative to the liberty of interior Commerce, the destruction of the Gabelle And the free Exportation of Corn.
          As to Monney matters we Have Rejected the idea of a tax in kind, But Have declined giving an opinion upon Any plan of taxation untill we Had Returns of the Expenses of the two last years, and the plans for a Reduction in the future Expenditure of public monney— it will be the object of the last division, and not the Smoother one as you Easily Believe
          a few days Before our Separation, Occasioned By the Holy days, M. de Calonne Has Spread two pamphlets, one of which By authority, the end of which was to deceive the Common Class of the people, and turn Against the Notables the Hatred that was levelled at Him— He Had Some, But not much Success— we will on our side

publish our observations on His plans, and the people will see who are His Advocates
          does not all this, my dear Sir, Appear very strange to you? I do assure you there is great deal of firmness in the Assembly, and a very Great Majority Generally Vote Against the plans of the Court, not By intrigue, But from Conviction— M. de Calonne Has it is true many Ennemies—but indeed Has deserved them.
          the day before we parted, I Had moved for an examination of all Sales, purchases, and Exchanges that Have taken place Between the king and Certain persons during His Reign— You must know that it is the pretence under which public Monney It is thrown a way upon princes of the Blood, Courtiers, and powerfull people— I was Seconded By the Bishop of langres— the Next day, the people Concerned in the Business, and particulary M. de Calonne, Hoping to intimidate me, Had it told By Count d’artois our president, that took the king wished Such motions were Signed— I accepted the challenge, and the next day Brought in the inclosed paper Signed By me to be given to the king which I Read first.
          You may Show it to the family But not to Any other—and I Beg you will keep it from Any Body else’s Sight— it Has made some Noise Here—and as the king is very much displeased with me, it would make Him More Angry to find I Have Sent it abroad— So thus I Beg you will keep it to Yourself
          I was Yesterday preparing for Action which I expected to fight to morrow with the minister, when I Heard He was dismissed—and so is the Garde des sceaux altho’ His Ennemy— M. de Lamoignon, a very clever man, And Mr̃ de Malesherbes’s Cousin is Garde des Sceaux— M. de Fourquisez an old and Sickly But Honest Man is Controleur gñl— the late one Remains at Versailles for some time.
          Now the Man is down, I will not Hurt Him—but shall pursue the great men who Have Received too much public Monney— You easily Conceive this Has not lessened the list of my Ennemies—but the Bishop of langers and myself will Support our Motion
          it is difficult to guess How this will end— I Hope Some good will Come out— Some seeds of liberty will be planted— Had Calonne Been an other man, we Could Have done still Better— But altho’ He Has been a depredator, I Aknowledge that He Has, By Rashness, if not from Better Motives, Carried the Nation ten years a Head of what they were Before the Assembly

          All this for You and Smith—But Beg you will keep it within the family particularly the Copy of the motion. don’t be particular in your answers By Post. my Best Respects to the family. Yours

            l.f.


Title: William Stephens Smith’s Commission for His Mission to Portugal, 11 April 1787
From: Adams, John
To: Smith, William Stephens

            (Copy)
            [11 April 1787]

          To William Stephens Smith Esquire Secretary of the Legation of the United States of America to the Court of Great Britain—
          The Secretary of the United States of America for the department of foreign affaires, His Excellency John Jay to whom was referred a letter to him from the Honourable John Adams of the 27th. of June last, informing that the Queen of Portugal had ordered her squadron in the straits to protects the Vessels of the United States, equally with those of her own Subjects; on the 25th. day of January last reported, that in his opinion, as this is a particular Mark of her majesty’s friendly disposition it should be acknowledged in the manner most likely to be pleasing and acceptable. He therefore thought it would be proper for Congress to write her a letter of the following tenor—
          Great and good friend—
          We take the earliest oppertunity, since our annual election, of presenting to your Majesty our sincere Acknowledgements, for the friendly regard you have manifested for us, in having ordered your

squadron in the straits to protect our Vessels equally with those of Portugal— Permit us to assure you that we shall retain this mark of generous attention in grateful Remembrance, and shall omit no opportunity of testifying our desire to establish & perpetuate between our two Countries, an intercourse of Commerce and good offices— which may prove no less beneficial than agreable to both.
          We pray God to bless and preserve your Majesty. Done by the Congress of the United States convened at the City of NewYork the   Day of   1787.
          As this Communication was made by the Queens Envoy in London to Mr. Adams their secretary thought this Letter should be transmitted to him, and that the Compliment would be more delicate if his Secretary was commissioned to carry & deliver it.—
          The United States in Congress assembled on the third day of February 1787 ordered that the report of the secretary of foreign affairs dated 25th. January 1787 on a Letter of 27th. June last, from Mr. Adams, be referred to the said Secretary to take order for the Transmission of the Letter to the Queen of Portugal, when signed by the President, in the manner suggested in said Report.
          These therefore, are to authorise and require, you in pursuance of the instructions of Congress to proceed to Portugal and deliver their Letter, herewith presented to you, to Her Faithfull Majesty, either with your own hand in an Audience to be obtained for that purpose or by the hand of her Majesty’s Minister of State for foreign affairs as you shall find upon enquiry to be most proper
          You are first to consult with Her Majestys minister of State for foreign affairs, deliver him a Copy of this Commission which contains a Copy of the Letter of Congress to Her Majesty, and follow his advice, concerning the manner of delivering it. Done at Grosvenor square in London this Eleventh Day of April. A. D. 1787.

            (Signed) John Adams