Title: From George Washington to David Stuart, 8 March 1792
From: Washington, George
To: Stuart, David

Dear Sir,
Philadelphia March 8th 1792.

In a short letter which I wrote to you by the last Post, I promised a lengthy one by the Post of tomorrow; but such is my present situation that I must pass by some things & be more concise on others than I intended.
That Mr Johnsons health did not permit him to come to this City as he proposed & was expected, is matter of exceeding great regret, as many things relative to the Federal district—the City—and the public buildings might have been more Satisfactorily arranged; and delays avoided; but as there is no contending against acts of Providence we must submit, as it becomes us so to do, and endeavor to recover the time lost, in the best manner we can.
That the Commissioners have had more than a little trouble & vexation with Majr L’Enfant, I can readily conceive (if your representation of the fact had been wanting) from the specimens he has given of his untoward temper since his arrival in this City—And I can as easily conceive that in proportion to the yieldings of the Commissioners his claims would extend. Such upon a nearer view, appears to be the nature of the Man!
Every advantage will be taken of the Majors deriliction. A vigorous counter action therefore is essential. If he does not come forward openly to declare it, his friends and the enemies to the measure, will do it for him, that he found matters we⟨re⟩ likely to be conducted upon so pimping a s⟨cale⟩ that he would not hazard his character, ⟨or⟩ reputation on the event under the controul he was to be placed. It is even said (but nothing has appeared yet) that he means to publish this to the world. The half friends to the New City (if this is not allowing them more than their due) ⟨under⟩take to predict that, it now stands in equilibrio.

that a feather will turn the Scale either way. If say they the matter is pushed with vigor, and upon a plan commensurate to the design, & the public expectation, the permanent Seat of the Government will be fixed on the Potowmack. On the other hand, if inactivity and contractedness should mark the steps of the Commissioners of that district, whilst action, on the part of this state is displayed in providing commodious buildings for Congress &ca the Government will remain where it now is. That exertions will be made by this State to effect the purpose, there can be no doubt. A late message from the Governor to the Assembly proposing a ⟨certain⟩ grant of money for the erection of the house designed for the President is one, among other instances which have occurred.
It would have been very agreeable to me, that you should have shewn the copies of the letters I had written to Major L’Enfant, declaratory of the Subordinate part he was destined to act under the Commissioners. It does not appear to have been so understood by the Proprietors, from the sentiments expressed by Mr Walker (while he was in this City) for when he was told in what explicit language Major L’Enfant was given to understand this, he seemed quite surprised. You did me no more than justice when you supposed me incapable of duplicity in this business—I have had but one idea on the subject from the beginning—nor but one design, and that was to convince the Major of the subordinate part he was destined to act in it—I was obliged, as you have seen, to use stronger & stronger language as I found his repugnance encreased ’till he was told, in even harsh terms, that the Commissioners stood between him and the P——of the U. States and that it was from them that he was to receive directions.
The doubts, and opinion of others with respect to the permanent seat has occasioned ⟨no change⟩ in my sentiments on the subject. They have always been, that the plan ought to be prosecuted with all the dispatch the nature of the case will admit—and that the public Buildings in size—form—and elegance shou’d look beyond the present day. I would not have it understood from hence that I lean to extravagance. A chaste plan sufficiently capacious & convenient for a period not too remote, but one to which we may reasonably look forward, would meet my idea in the Capitol. For the Presidents House, I would design a

building which should also look forward, but execute no more of it at present than might suit the circumstances of this Country when it shall be first wanted. A Plan comprehending more may be executed at a future period when the wealth, population & importance of it shall stand upon much higher ground than they do at present.
How, and when you will be able to obtain plans of such buildings is with yourselves to decide on. No aid I am persuaded is to be expected from Major L’Enfant in the exhibition—rather, I apprehend, opposition & a reprobation of every one designed by any other however perfect.
The part, which Mr Walker by your letter to me, & another from Mr Johnson to Mr Jefferson, appears to have acted, surprises me exceedingly—his interest in ⟨the City,⟩ & the discernment with which he seems to have viewed the measure, in the early stages of it, would have led me to have drawn a different conclusion. The calumnies which seem to have been traced to him and the Major are more to be despised than to be regarded or resented. More than once you will remember I have given it to you as my opinion, that it would be by side blows and indirect attack that attempts would be made to defeat the Law. To sow the Seeds of dissension—jealousy and distrust—are among the means that will be practiced—There is a current in this City which sets so strongly against every thing which relates to the Federal district that it is next to impossible to stem it. To this cause is to be ascribed the backwardness of the engraving. Danger from them is to be apprehended; and, in my opinion, from no other. The best antidote against them is perseverance, & vigorous exertion on the part of the Commissioners; and good temper, and mutual forbearance with one another, on the part of the proprietors; for who are so much interested in the success, & progress of the measure as they?
I see no necessity for diminishing the Square allotted for the Presidents House, &ca at this time. It is easier at all times to retrench, than it is to enlarge a square; and a diviation from the plan in this instance would open the door to other applications, which might perplex, embarrass and delay business exceedingly; and end, more than probably, in violent discontents.
Where you will find a character qualified in all respects for a Superintendant, I know not; none present themselves to my

view; yet, one must be had. A better than Mr Ellicott for all matters, at present, cannot be had. No one I presume, can lay out the ground with more accuracy, lay out the squares, and divide them into lots better. He must understand levelling also perfectly, and has, I suppose competent skill in the conducting of water. Beyond these, your opportunities to form an opinion of him must exceed mine. Whether he is a man of arrangement—is sober, & Industrious—are matters unknown to me. I believe he is obliging—and he would be perfectly Subordinate. What he asks, five dollars a day (if sundays are included) seems high, but whether a fit character can be had for less I am unable to say.
The Plan of the City having met universal applause (as far as my information goes)—and Major L’Enfant having become a very discontented man, it was thought that less than from 2500 to 3000 dollars would not be proper to offer him for his services: instead of this, suppose five hundred guineas and a lot in a good part of the City was to be substituted? I think it would be more pleasing, and less expensive.
I have never exchanged a word with Mr Roberdeau since he came to this place, consequently, am unable to relate, what his expressions have been, or what his ideas are; he lives with, and more than probably partakes of the sentiments of Majr L’Enfant; unless the dismission of the latter may have worked a change in them, which, not unlikely, is the case with both; as I can hardly conceive that either of them contemplated the result of their conduct.
Although what I am going to add may be a calumny, it is nevertheless necessary you should be apprised of the report that Colo. Deakins applies the public money in his hands to speculative purposes; and is unable, at times, to answer the call of the workmen, an instance has been given. There are doubts also of the sincerity of Mr Frans Cabot. Of both these matters you are to judge from the evidence before you. I have nothing to charge either with, myself: these hints are disclosed in confidence, to place you on your guard.
The idea of importing Germans and Highlanders, as Artizans and labourers, has been touched upon in the letter from Mr Jefferson to the Commissioners—It is, in my opinion worthy of serious consideration in an œconomical point of view, & because it will contribute to the population of the place. The enclosed

extract of a letter from General Lincoln to Mr Lear is sent, that you may see the prospect in that Quarter. The General is a candid undesigning man, in whose word much confidence may be placed; and having been in this City, & lately returnd from it, has had opportunities of making the remarks which are contained in the extract.
I began with telling you, that I should not write a lengthy letter, but the result has contradicted it. It is to be considered as a private letter, in answr to yours of the 26th Ulto; but it may under that idea be communicated to your associates in Office—They, & you, must receive it, blotted & scratched as you find it, for I have not time to copy it. It is now ten oclock at night (after my usual hour for retiring to rest) and the mail will be closed early tomorrow morning. Sincerely & affectionately I am—Yours

Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Thomas William Ballendine, 9 March 1792
From: Ballendine, Thomas William
To: Washington, George

Sir—
Dumfries [Va.] the 9th of March 1792

Under expectation that appointments are now going on of Officers for the war against the Indians I offer myself for such an one as it may be judged I am capable of doing justice to my active

Service as a Soldier is yet to learn, and as an Officer too but as I apprehend the Duty of a Captain to one desirous of being taught is but little more difficult than that of an Ensign, a Captain I would wish to be appointed & one either in the Foot or Cavalry—It has been my Lott to get the little of my hardly earned Knowledge by Experience & that I may know how to value justly the Worth of Soldiers fighting for their Country it seems to me best to know what it is to do so. If others recruit their men with the Bounty allowed I can do it either in this or the Back Country. Your Most humble Servant

Thos Wm Ballendine


Title: To George Washington from Alexander Hamilton, 9 March 1792
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

Treasury Departt 9th Mar. 1792.

The Secretary of the Treasury has the honor respectfully to enclose to the President of the United States a Petition to the President from Samuel Davis of the State of Rhode Island & Providence Plantations, together with the papers from the files of the Treasury relative thereto. These last are transmitted with the Petition at the request of the honorable Mr Bourne of that State, who has applied in behalf of the Petitioner.


Title: Thomas Jefferson’s Memorandum of a Meeting of the Heads of the Executive Departments, 9 March 1792
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To:

[1]792. Mar. 9. A Consultation at ⊙.

present H[amilton] K[nox] &J[efferson].
1. Subject. Kirkland’s letter. British idea of a new line from Genesee to Ohio. see extract on another paper.
deputation of 6. nations now on their way here. their dispositions doubtful. Street, a Connecticut man, a great scoundrel coming with them. ¼ of the nation agt us. other ¾ qu.
agreed they should be well treated, but not overtrusted.
Pond’s report. Stedman’s report. these two persons hd bn to Niagara, where they had much conversation with Colo. Gordon, commandg officer. he sd he had relation of St Clair’s defeat from a sensible Indn who assured him the Indns had 50. killed & 150. wounded. they were commanded by Simon Girthy, a renegado white from Virginia or Pennsylvania. He sd the Indns were right, that we shd find them a powerful enemy, they were improving in war, did you ever before hear, says he of Indns being rallied 3. times? (this rallying was nothing more than the returns on the 3 charges with bayonets made by our troops, which produced a correspondent retirement of the Indns but not a flight.) that we should never have peace of the Indns but thro’ the mediation of Britain. that Britn must appt one Comm[issione]r the U.S. one, the Indns one: a line must be drawn, & Britn guarantee the line & peace. Pond says the British have a project of settling 1000 fam[ilies] at the Illinois. that Capt. Stevenson, who was here some time ago, & who came over with Govr Simcoe, was sent here to Hammond to confer about these matters. (Stevenson staid here 5. days & we know was constantly with Hammond) Colo. Gordon refused to let Pond and Stedman go on. they pretended private business, but in reality had been sent by the President to propose peace to the North Wn Indns.
H[amilton] doubts Pond’s truth & his fidelity, as he talks of a close intimacy with Colo. Gordon.
J[efferson] observes that whether Pond be faithful or false, his facts are probable, because not of a nature to be designedly communicated if false. besides they are supported in many points from other quarters.

It seems that the English exercise jurisdiction over all the country South of the Genisee, & their idea appears, to have a new line along that river, then along the Allegeney to Fort Pitt, thence due West or perhaps along the Indn lines to the Missisipi, to give them access to the Mississippi. H[amilton] here mentd that Hammond in a conversation with him had spoke of settling our incertain boundary from the lake of the wood due West to the Missi., by substituting from the lake of the wood in a streight line to the head of the Missi.
Agreed unâ voce never to admit British mediation.
H[amilton] proposed that a summary statement of all the facts we are possessed of relative to the aid by the British to the Indns be made & delivered to Pinkney to form a representation on it to the C[our]t of London.
J[efferson] observed it wd be proper to possess mister Pinkney of all facts, that he m[us]t at all times be able to meet the Brit. Min. in conversation, but that whether he shd make a representation or not, in form, dependd on another questn Whether it is better to keep the negociation here, or transfer it there? for that certainly any proceedg there wd slacken those here & put it in their power gradually to render them the principal. the Pr[esident] was of opn the negociation shd be kept here by all means.
Shall any thing be said here to Hammond. J[efferson]. no. there is no doubt but the aids given by subordinate officers are with secret approbation of their court. a feeble complt to Hammond then will not change their conduct, & yet will humiliate us.
Qu. proposd by Pr[esident]. shall a person be sent to the N. Western Indns by the way of Fort Pitt & Vincennes to propose peace? K[nox] observed that such a person cd at this season be at Vincennes in 25. days & recommended one Trueman, & that he shd from Ft Washington take some of the Indn prisoners as a safeguard. agreed nem[ine] con[tradicente] but the person to be further considd of.
Qu. shall a 2d deputation be procured from the Indns now expected here, to go to same place on same object. H[amilton]. no. it will shew too much earnestness. J[efferson]. no for same reason, & because 2 deputations independt of each other might counterwork each other. Pr[esident]. no for the last reason.
J[efferson] proposed taking a small post at Presque isle. 1. to cut off communication betw. 6. natns & Westn Indns. 2. to vinour

right by possession. 3. to be able to begin a naval preparation. H[amilton] contra. it will certainly be attacked by Eng. & bring on war. we are not in a condition to go to war—K[nox] as usual with H[amilton]. Pr[esident]. whenever we take post at Presq. isle it must be by going in great force, so as to establish ourselves completely before an attack can be made, & with workmen & all materials to create a fleet instanter: & he verily beleives it will come to that.
Brant says he has resigned his Eng. commission & means to become entirely an Indn & wishes to head & unite all the Indns in a body.
The Pr[esident]’s answer to St Clair’s letter of resignation considered. it was drawn by Knox. the passage was now omitted to which I objected in my note to the Pr[esident] of Mar. 2. K[nox] wished to insert something like an approbation of all his conduct by the Pr[esident]. I said if the Pr[esident] approvd all his conduct it wd be right to say so. Pr[esident] sd he hd always disapprovd of two things 1. the want of information. 2. not keepg his army in such a position always as to be able to display them in a line behind trees in the Indn manner at any moment. K[nox] acquiesced, & the letter was alterd to avoid touching on any thing relative to the action, unless St Clair shd chuse to retain a clause acknolegg his zeal that day.
The future commander talked of.
Pr[esident] went over all the characters, viz. Morgan. No head. health gone. Speculator.
Wayne. brave & nothing else. deserves credit for Stony pt but on another occasion run his head agt a wall where success was both impossible & useless.
Irwin. does not know him. has formd a midling opinion of him. H[amilton]. he never distingd himself. all that he did during war was to avoid any censure of any kind.
Wilkinson. brave, enterprising to excess, but many unapprovable points in his character.
Lee. a better head & more resource than any of them. but no economy, & being a junior officer, we shd lose benefit of good seniors who wd not serve under him.
Pinkney. sensible. tactician. but immersed in business, has refused other appointments & probably will refuse this or accept with reluctance.

Pickings. Genl Pinkney recommends him for Southern command if necessary. sensible, modest, enterprising, & judicious. yet doubtful if he is equal to commd of 5000. men. wd be an untried undertaking for him.
J[efferson] mentd Sumpter. K[nox] intimated he must be commander in chief or nothing. incapable of subordination.
nothing concluded.
Qu. proposed. shall we use Indns agt Indns & particularly shall we invite the 6. natns to join us. K[nox] agreed there were but 36. of them who joined the enemy last year, & that we cd not count on more than the Cornplanter & 200 to join us. J[efferson] agt employing Indns. dishonorable policy—he hd rathr let 36. take the other side than have 200. on ours. H[amilton] disliked employing them. no dependance—barbarians, treach. K[nox] for employing 500.
Pr[esident]. they must be employed with us or they will be against us. perhaps immaterial as to 6. nations but material as to Southern. he would use them to scour round the army at a distance. no small parties of enemy could approach thro. them to discover our movements. He wd notwithstanding take same precautions by our own men, for fear of infidelity. expensive, discontented, insubordinate. Conclusion. they shall not be invited, but to be told that if they cannot restrain their young men from taking one side or the other, we will receive & employ them.


Title: Memorandum on General Officers, 9 March 1792
From: Washington, George
To:

[Philadelphia, 9 March 1792]

The following list contain the names of all the General Officers now living, & in this Country, as low as actual Brigadiers inclusively. Except those who it is conjectured would not, from age, want of health, & other circumstances come forward by any inducements that could be offered to them—& such as ought not to be named for the important trust of Commander in Chief.
Major General Lincoln. Sober, honest, brave and sensible, but infirm; past the vigor of life—& reluctantly (if offered to him) would accept the appointment.
Majr Genl Baron de Steuben [.] Sensible, Sober & brave; well acquainted with Tactics & with the arrangement & discipline of an Army. High in his ideas of Subordination—impetuous in his temper—ambitious—and a foreigner.
Majr Genl Moultree. Brave, & it is believed accommodating in his temper—Served the whole of last War; & has been an Officer in the preceeding one, at least had been engaged in an Expedition against the Cherokees; having defeated them in one or two considerable actions. What the resources or powers of his mind are—how active he may be—and whether temperate or not, are points I cannot speak to with decision, because I have had little or no opportunities to form an opinion of him.
Brigadier (but by Brevet Majr General) McIntosh. Is old and inactive; supposed to be honest and brave. Not much known in the Union, and therefore would not obtain much confidence, or command much respect; either in the Community or the Army.
Majr General (by Brevet) Wayne. More active & enterprizing than judicious & cautious. No œconomist it is feared. Open to flattery—vain—easily imposed upon—and liable to be drawn into scrapes. Too indulgent (the effect perhaps of some of the causes just mentioned) to his Officers & men. Whether sober—or a little addicted to the bottle, I know not.
Majr Genl (by Brevet) Weedon. Not supposed to be an Officer of much resource though not deficient of a competent share of understanding; rather addicted to ease & pleasure; & no enemy it is said to the bottle; never has had his name brot forward on this acct.
Majr Genl (by brevet) Hand. A sensible & judicious man; his

integrity unimpeached; and was esteemed a pretty good Officer. But, if I recollect rightly, not a very active one. He has never been charged with intemperance to my knowledge; His name has rarely been mentioned under the present difficulty of chusing an Officer to commd, but this may, in a great measure, be owing to his being at a distance.
Majr Genl (by brevet) Scott. Brave, & means well; but is an Officer of inadequate abilities for extensive command; &, by report, is addicted to drinking.
Majr Genl (by Brevet) Huntington. Sober, sensible, and very discreet. Has never discover’d much enterprize; yet, no doubt has ever been enter[t]ained of his want of spirit, or firmness.
Brigadier General Wilkenson. Is, by brevet Senr to those whose names follow—but the appointment to this rank was merely honorary. and as he was but a short time in Service, little can be said of his abilities as an Officer. He is lively, sensible, pompous and ambitious; but whether sober, or not, is unknown to me.
Brigadier General Gist. Little has ever been said of his qualifications as a General Officer. His activity, & attention to duty is somewhat doubtful; tho’ his spirit, I believe, is unimpeached.
Brigadier General Irvine. Is sober, tolerably sensible and prudent. It is said he is an œconomist; and supported his authority whilst he was entrusted with a seperate command. But I have no recollection of any circumstance that marks him as a decidedly good, or indifferent Officr.
Brigadier General Morgan. Has been fortunate, & has met with eclat. Yet there are different opinions with respect to his abilities as an Officer. He is accused of using improper means to obtain certificates from the Soldiers. It is said he has been [(]if the case is not so now) intemperate; that he is troubled with a palpitation which often lays him up. And it is not denied that he is illiterate.
Brigadier General Williams. Is a sensible man, but not without vanity. No doubt, I believe, is entertained of his firmness—and it is thought he does not want activity; but it is not easy, where there is nothing conspicuous in a character, to pronounce decidedly upon a Military man who has always acted under the immediate orders of a superior Officer; unless he had been seen frequently in Action. The discipline, interior œconomy & police of his Corp is the best evidence one can have of his talents in this

line and of this, in the case of Genl Williams I can say nothing; as he was appointed a Brigadier after he left the Northern to join the Southern Army. But a material objection to him is delicate health (if there has been no change in his Constitution)—for he has gone to the Sweet Springs two or three years successively in such bad health as to afford little hope of his ever returning from them.
Brigadier General Rufus Putnam. Possesses a strong mind—and is a discreet man. No question has ever been made (that has come to my knowledge) of his want of firmness. In short, there is nothing conspicuous in his character—And he is but little known out of his own State, and a narrow circle.
Brigadier Genl (by brevet) Pinckney. A Colonel since Septr 16th 1776; but appointed a Brigadr by brevet at the close of the War, only. In this Gentleman many valuable qualities are to be found. He is of unquestionable bravery—Is a man of strict honor, erudition & good sense: and it is said has made Tactic’s a study—But what his spirit for enterprize is—whether active or indolent; or fitted for arrangement, I am unable to say—never having had any opportunity to form a judgment of his talents as a Military character. The capture of Charleston put an end to his Military Services; but his junr Rank, and being little known in this part of the Union, are the two considerations most opposed to him, particularly the latter, as it is more than probable his being a prisoner prevented his promotion; which ought not to be any bar to his ranking as a Brigadier from the time that others of his standing as a Colonel, were promoted.
The above, and foregoing, closes the list of all the General Officers who as has been observed from age—want of health—disinclination, or peculiar circumstances, can be brought into view; from whom to chuse an Officer to command the Troops of the U.S.
If from either of the three Major Generals, which have been mentioned; or from those made so by brevet, the Commander of the Troops should be taken, no junior Officer can decline serving on the score of Rank; although he may desire, and have had expectations of being—first in command—himself.
Under this idea, and upon the principle of distribution, the arrangement of the Commanding Officer, and those next in grade to him, may be placed in the following points of view.

Commander
Lincoln or Moultree.
Under either of these Major Generals might serve as Brigadiers
Wayne unless by being a Majr Genl by brevet—& seeking the command himself—he should recoil at it.
Morgan for one of the above reasons would also revolt—viz.—command—or Williams—or Darke.
Wilkinson
Pickens
Brooks
If Pennsylvania gives the Commanding Officer, and he is of the Rank (by brevet) of Majr Generl; the above arrangement is equally applicable on the principle of distribution, & as unexceptionable on the score of rank. But if, in the first case, Wayne, Morgan and Williams refuse to serve, and in the Second, the two last do it, unless it be as Commander; then some others, junr in dates of Commission, or of inferior rank, must be resorted to.
If upon a full view of characters, and circumstances, General Pinckney should be deemed the most eligable for the command; it would be a fruitless attempt, & a waste of time to propose to those Officers who have been his Seniors, to engage again subordinately; especially if they have been his seniors in the line of Colonels: and here I would draw a line which I think is a just one—and that is—that his Colonels, & not his Brigadrs Commission, ought to decide his Rank as a Generl Officer—because it would be hard upon him to suffer in it on acct of his captivity; when motives of policy and not of demerit, suspended (as may fairly be presumed) his promotion during that period: but why, when it did take place, Rank was not (to a certain antecedant date) restord I am unable to conceive.
If this be fair reasoning (and I really think it is) neither Morgan nor Williams would have ground to object against serving under Pinckney. but as it is more than probable they will look to what is, rather than to what ought to be; a difficulty would be made on the subject of Rank—especially if there is any deriliction in them to the Service in any other character than that of Commanding it—and therefore it would be expedient perhaps to look for Officers of Junr Rank—& in that case may come in as—

Brigadiers
Wilkenson—whose rank is very questionable
Darke—or Howard
Willet—or Smith
Brooks.
If Governor Lee should be prefered to the Command, then Officers of lower grades than any that have been mentioned, in the preceeding pages must be sought after, as all of those are greatly his Seniors, & their being, in my opinion but little ground to hope that either the Military talents which he has displayed in the course of the War, or his present dignified Station, would reconcile any of them to act a subordinate part; except it be Wilkenson; who, as has been observed before, from having been but a short time in Service, & quitting it at an early period of the War, would have but little or no cause to complain. As also Pickens, who has never been in the Continental line. The arrangemt wd then be in this case—
Govr Lee Commander
Brigadrs
Wilkenson
Pickens


Title: From George Washington to the United States Senate and House of Representatives, 9 March 1792
From: Washington, George
To: United States Senate and House of Representatives

United States [Philadelphia] March 9th 1792.
Gentlemen of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives.

I now lay before you a General Account rendered by the Bankers of the United States at Amsterdam of the payments they had made between the 1st of July 1790 and 1791 from the fund deposited in their hands for the purposes of the Act providing the means of intercourse between the United States, and foreign Nations, and of the balance remaining in their hands; together with a letter from the Secretary of State on the subject.

Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Samuel Hanson, 10 March 1792
From: Hanson, Samuel (of Samuel)
To: Washington, George

Sir
Alexandria [Va.] March 10th, 1792

It is not without considerable hesitation & reluctance that I have formed the resolution of troubling you with the concerns of an Individual, by soliciting your relief in a case of official persecution under which I am labouring.
About 6 Weeks ago I submitted a part of my Grievances to the Secretary of the Treasury; but, not having been favoured with a reply from that Gentleman, I hope I shall be excused in appealing to yourself, as the last Resort.
Sir, it appears that Mr Lee, from resentment of my information to you of his neglect of duty, is determined to harass and incommode me, as much as possible, in the execution of mine. In confirmation of this charge, I enclose a Copy of his official Letter to me of 9th January last.

with respect to the Assistant-Measurer of Vessels, I beg leave to state that; upon my request, he appointed one about 18 Months ago, without the smallest objection—that this Person was always paid by me—and performed the duty with fidelity and accuracy, untill the said 9th Jany last, when Mr Lee thought proper to revoke the appointment, without any Complaint against the Assistant. I immediately addressed the Secretary upon the Subject. His reply was as follows: “The Collector has authority to appoint one; and, if you are willing to be at the Expence of such Assistance, and recommend a fit Person, as no doubt you will, I presume the Collector will appoint him. This Assistant to the Surveyor is only contemplated when his other duties shall render one necessary; and therefore you will perceive he is left to be agreed with and compensated by the Surveyor out of his fees for Admeasurement.”
A Copy of this passage I enclosed to Mr Lee, hoping and expecting he would, upon that Authority, reinstate my Assistant. But, instead of doing so, he writes to me as follows: “Whenever it shall be necessary, I shall appoint a Person to measure each and every Vessel that cannot be measured by yourself Conveniently with your other official duties.”
Thus, Sir, Mr Lee reserves to himself the right of determining the necessity for my Employing an Assistant. I am far from wishing any accommodation not granted to other Surveyors. If it be said that at the great Ports the encreased number of Vessels renders an Assistant necessary, I presume my claim to the same indulgence will not be weakend by the consideration of the small proportion of business at this Port; since that Circumstance obliges me to call in the Aid of a private Employment to procure that Subsistance which my public one alone would be far from affording.
with regard to the 4th Article of Mr Lees instructions, contained in his Letter, I beg leave to ask whether it will not be sufficient to see that the deliveries of goods be conformable to the Permits for landing them; the Permits being Transcripts of the Entries? If it should be thought otherwise—and that my duty requires me to attend at the Custom-House, after the discharge of each Vessel—it is evident that the performance of this Article of my duty must occasion the omission of some other one, since I can not be at two places at one time.

Sir, I beg leave to represent to you that never has it been more necessary for me to have an assistant-Measurer than at this moment—for never has the press of business been greater, upon the Surveyor—And, yet Mr Lee is not here to make the Appointment, tho’ he were inclined to do it. He has been absent about 3 Weeks; and I am well informed means to be very little at this Port till next Winter. Upon this head I beg the favour to be informed whether the Acts of his Deputy, during these his Absences, which are neither occasional nor necessary, be valid? And whether I ought to pay regard to, or Act upon, any documents signed by his Deputy in these Cases?
I presume that the obligation upon all the Port-Officers is the same. If so, with the utmost deference I submit whether, whilst I am so confined as never to have been absent 3 Working Days at any one time since my Appointment, and not 40 days in all—it is proper that Mr Lee (a much more important Officer) should leave the Port for 6 & 8 Weeks together, and, upon the whole, be absent 9 months out of the 12? That the Service suffers both by his Absence, and neglect, even when here, I can prove.
I request the favour that my duties may be precisely defined—that, if the appointment of an Assistant-Measurer be warranted by Law, Mr Lee may be directed to make it—and that the power of harassing and incommoding me, may be taken out of his Hands.
If my duties must be performed in the manner directed by Mr Lee in his instructions (the result of 2½ years Enquiry & deliberation—for, so long has he been in office) it is very evident I must be under the necessity of quitting either my public Employment, or my private one—(both, being too much for any one Man to go through)—tho both together furnish, as is well known, a very scanty Subsistence. Relying on your wonted indulgence & benevolence to excuse the length, & freedom, of this Address, I remain, with perfect respect & Esteem, Sir your much-obliged and obedt Sert

S. Hanson of Saml


Title: From George Washington to Thomas Jefferson, 10 March 1792
From: Washington, George
To: Jefferson, Thomas

My dear Sir,
[Philadelphia]Saturday Morning [10 March 1792]

I was informed last Night by Mr Izard that a Comee of three, of which he was one, were to be with me on Monday Morning upon the Subject of the Algarene business. The Senate do not know how to get money for the purpose without the Agency of the Reps. & they are afraid to make the Comn.
I wish you to consider this matter—& if not before, to let me see you by half-after 7 Oclock on Monday Morng.
Genl Knox is to be with me on the appointments of the Officers at ten to day & will keep me employed most of the day—the forenoon I mean. Yrs &ca

G.W.


Title: Conversation with a Committee of the United States House of Representatives, 12 March 1792
From: Washington, George
To:

[Philadelphia, 12 March 1792]

The President informed the Committee that the request of the House of Representatives, contained in the Resolution now handed to him, should be complied with. And added, that the letter from the King of France having been communicated to the House merely as a piece of information, and there being a Vessel to sail immediately for France he had answered the letter. But, upon learning that this Resolution had been passed in the House, the Secretary of State had been desired to get back the answer, which was already on board the Vessel, that another might be written, communicating the sentiments of the House agreeably to their request.


Title: Conversation with a Committee of the United States Senate, 12 March 1792
From: Washington, George
To:

[Philadelphia] March the 12 [1792]

On this day a Committee of the Senate, consisting of Mr King, Mr Morris and Mr Izard waited upon the President of the United States to confer with him on the subject of a treaty between the United States and Algiers, and the redemption of the American Captives at that place.
A Committee of the Senate had reported to that Body a Resolution on the subject abovementioned. But it being apprehended that if it should be known abroad, that the United States

were about entering into a treaty with the Algerines, those European Nations which are interested in the Mediterranean trade, would throw every obsticle in the way, and perhaps totally defeat the object. As much secrecy as the nature of the thing will admit would therefore be necessary for making arrangements to carry this business into effect. A difficulty arises. Money is wanting; and the Constitution of the U.S. does not permit any money to be drawn from the Treasury but in consequence of an appropriation made by law. To obtain such appropriation the matter must be brought before the House of Representatives, the doing of which will hazard a discovery and a defeat of the object.
The Committee, therefore, wished to know from the President whether he would feel himself authorized to draw money from the Treasury, without a previous appropriation, to carry this matter into effect, relying upon the readiness of the House of Representatives to sanction the thing after the treaty should be made known to them, and the causes for not desiring an appropriation previous to an application of the money. The Constitution having given to the President and two thirds of the Senate the power of making treaties, which, by becoming the law of the land, the House of Representatives, when made, are virtually bound to make such appropriations of money as may be necessary for carrying them into effect—otherwise the power of making treaties would be nugatory.
But the plain and simple question in this case is, as no Treaty does exist; no provision is made for the expences of one, or for the redemption of our Citizens in Captivity; and as neither of these purposes can be effected without a considerable advance; whether the President will hazard himself by drawing on the Treasury, or borrowing such a sum as shall or may be deemed adequate without a previous communication with the other branch of the Legislature?
The President replied, that it was a subject upon which he would wish to consider well before he gave an opinion—and that, at any rate, it would be necessary for him to know from the Secretary of the Treasury the state of the Treasury before he could decide anything upon the matter.


Title: From George Washington to the United States Senate, 12 March 1792
From: Washington, George
To: United States Senate

Gentlemen of the Senate,
⟨United States [Philadelphia]March 12th 1792.

I now nominate the persons whose names are contained in the following lists for appointments in the Squadron of Cavalry, and also for appointments and promotions in the battalion of Artillery.

Go: Washington.

Appointments for the Cavalry.

Major
Michael Rudulph
at present a Captain in the 1st Regt

Captains
John Watts
Virginia

John Craig
Pennsylvania

Lawrence Manning
South Carolina

John Stake
New York.

Lieutenants
Robert MisCampbell
South Carolina.

William Winston
Virginia

William Aylett Lee
do

William Davidson
Maryland

Cornets
Leonard Covington
Maryland

Carleton Fleming
Virginia

Solomon Van Renselaer
New York

James Taylor
Pennsylvania.

The Battalion of Artillery.
Information of the arrangement, as it stood 3d November 1791
Captains
James Bradford
  Henry Burbeck
  Joseph Savage (excepted, who resigned 15th October 1791)
  Mahlon Ford
Lieutenants
  Dirck Schuyler
  John Peirce
  Moses Porter
  Edward Spear
  Daniel McLane
  Abimael Youngs Nicoll

  George Ingersoll
  Staats Morris
Surgeon’s Mate
  Nathan Hayward.
Promotions & Appointments.

Promoted

Henry Burbeck
Major Commandant
vice Ferguson killed 4th Nov: 1791.

Captains

John Peirce
vice Savage resigned 15th October 1791.

Moses Porter
vice Burbeck promoted 4th November 1791.

Daniel McLane
vice Bradford killed 4th November 1791.

Lieutenants.

George Demlar
vice Spear killed 4th November 1791—promoted from an Ensigncy in the 2d regt to rank from 5th March 1791

Appointed.

Joseph Elliot
vice Peirce promoted S. Carolina.

Peircy Pope
vice Porter promoted Virginia.

Ebenezer Massey
vice McLane promoted Maryland.

Go: Washington


Title: To George Washington from Aaron Burr, 13 March 1792
From: Burr, Aaron
To: Washington, George

Philada 13 Mar. 1792

An Opinion has for sometime prevailed that peace with the Indians is attainable; That the War has arisen from a belief: that this Government seek to disposses them of their Lands, and will

cease whenever these misapprehensions are removed. Unfortunately it does not appear that we have since the commencement of hostilities conveyed to them any direct assurances of our wishes and designs towards them.
The late attempt to negociate thro’ Col. Proctor at the very time when hostile expeditions were Authorized by Government and actually executed by the Kentucky Militia, could not have tended to conciliate or undeceive.
If therefore the measure should be deemed in itself desireable or it should be thought not unimportant to engage more firmly the public opinion in favor of the Measures of Government; any Intimation which shall indicate a mode of access to the Indians cannot be unacceptable.
The six Nations especially those of them who are resident within the United States are known to be well disposed towards us and hitherto at Peace with the Miamis and their Allies[.] Many Individuals of these friendly Savages preserve a free intercourse with the hostile Tribes and would chearfully assist in bearing a Message or conducting Messengers[.] I am credibly informed that Brant has offered his services in this way.
Again
The Stockbridge Indians, remnant of a Moheaqunck Tribe have lately left their former residence and Joined that part of the six nations who are within the United States: They claim affinity with the Miamis, and visit them as relations; many among them may be relied on either to carry messages or conduct Agents.
Thro’ either of these channels it is presumed communications may be made to the Nations now at war with us. I can if necessary point out characters who are known to many of the above mentioned friendly Indians who possess their confidence and in whom they confide.

Aaron Burr


Title: To George Washington from Joseph Wanton Rhodes, 13 March 1792
From: Rhodes, Joseph Wanton
To: Washington, George

May it please Your Excellency,
Walpole State MassachusettsMarch 13th 1792

Although I have not the honor of being personally known to you yet I humbly wish the motive that induces me to this freedom of address may plead my Apology. In the early part of my life I was educated in the Medical line and received diaplomas from the Proffessors of medecine in the City of Philadelphia. For several years I was engaged in the different branches of my proffession, but at length a series of indisposition interupted my practice: it is some time since that my health has been reestablished, but my attempts although successfull in a degree have been inadequate by reason of an encreasing family of little ones who look up to me for support. That philanthrophy to the world; and patronage to many which are the striking features of your Excellencys character emboldens me to ask your assistance. However painfull the task on my part to surmount that diffidence (being unknown to your Excellency) in making this application, yet from the sentiments which flow from your pen I derive this pleasing hope that I ask it from one whose heart is neve⟨r⟩ more greatly awakened to all the feelings of tender sensibility than when an oportunity occurs to releive those characters that misfortune has depressed.
Should there be any vacancy in point of Office in the civil department at this or any future period, although out of the medical Line, or assistance in any other way which your Excellency might think proper to confer, wo’d be received with the most lively gratitude—An inofensive line of conduct has ever been my aim from which I claim no merit. should you require any further testimony of my moral Character than the enclos’d, I fell myself so happy in that particular as to be able to give you the fullest satisfaction.
May Heaven continue to shower down on you its choicests blessings and the supreme architect of the universe in his spiritual Lodge for ever preserve you in his holy keeping, is the prayer of your devoted and Obedient serv’t

Joseph W. Rhodes


Title: To George Washington from Robert Rutherford, 13 March 1792
From: Rutherford, Robert
To: Washington, George

Dear Sir
Berkeley County, Virga March 13th 1792

My very good friend and neighbour Colo. Darke intending to wait on you, I could not forgo the pleasure of presenting my sincere good wishes, for your health and perfect happiness, and as you well know the spartan virtues of my friend, it becomes unnecessary to enlarge on the innate and Very amiable, quality’s of his heart and mind. I Indeed sympathize Very tenderly with him on the death of his sons, as that of his youngest was followed by the death of his eldest son, a few days after his return home and who left a small family. My own tears can never cease to flow while I breath this vitol air for the Loss of a most dutiful endearing & innocent Daughter at Norfolk in June last. but these are Vicessitudes in the nature of things and we must submit.
The fatal Surprize and Slaughter of the troops (a battle it could not be termed) was very unfortunate, and by the fall of so many brave officers and men, is truly distressing. but to loos sight of this important business untill the Indians will Seriously treat for peace, would, in my opinion, be a tacit consession of fear and an acknowledgement, that every exertion, to repel their more than cruel ravages, has been wrong, and surely it is an Idea replete with insensibility, and betrays a very selfish mind to urge that the united power is not to protect so respectable and extended a frontier, the uniform rule of every wise Goverment.
I have been surprized by arguments in support of repressing the people within the old settlements, as there is something very selfish and Contracted in such reasoning. for to Say to many thousands of good Citizens, you shall remain with your posterity on the spot where you first drew breath, destitute of Lands or property, meerly to Labour on the Land of others for a very scanty subsistance, is tyrannical absurd. as it is only by the prospect of acquiring Lands on easy terms, that men with their family’s and others will brave the dangers of the Atlantic, while this is the very seed time as it were of the American people, when

peace and plenty await them, except this Indian war which will no doubt be shortly done away, as every exertion has been made since your administration for this desirable end, but the supine inattention of former measures, had suffered things to fall into such a train that it is very difficcult to restore them to order.
I donot mean to defend the mode of settling imprudently and in haste in every part of the widely extended, united territory, for the emolument of Company’s, as such a proceeding would be pregnant with evil.
Perhaps the Indians might be reduced to a disposition for peace by recruiting Three Regiments as near the fronteirs as possible to serve for one year, if not sooner discharged, and to consist of about 600 men each with a Captain Two Lieutenants an Ensign 8 Serjeants and 4 Corporals to every 100. Rank & file. Half of each Regiment to be Horse men properly armed, as such, exclusive of their Rifles. The other half to Carry good Rifles, Hatchets, and light wooden spears pointed with steel. such a body of men would protect & plant the regular troops in garrissons where it might be judged necessary, and having these several garrissons, for retreat & supply’s, would Carry terror amongst the ill disposed tribes. The regular troops need not be so numerous. The Horsemen might supply their own Horses to be paid for if lost, and as a man by long possession sets a peculiar value on this useful annimal, the owner would be more Careful of his Horse than if he were public property.
The chickasaws in the spring 1788 lost a chief of note & his son at the Clinch River on the Trace from Cumberland to the Holston in what was, termed, the Lawyers defeat. Being stimulated by this injury, they had some Warriors on the unfortunate Expedition under Genl St Clair, and it is probable a respectable number of these might be engaged to act.
One Hundred and Fifty good men in proper Boats on the Ohio would be in abled to discover where parties of the enimy might Cross to give intelligence to the Inhabitants & often to detach parties by land to persue those of the Indians, with effect, not suspecting this mode of persuit.
A Colonel McMullen or McMillen well known at Kentucky and Colo. Darke Could recruit Regiments of the above description and very shortly with some proper person on the frontier of Pensilvania

for the third. All these to choose their own officers & to admit none but the most popular and proper, and to receive no man who had not been accustomed to the woods & of a ferm Constitution. Men imbodied in this manner would act with Vigour, united by common interest in defense of what would be most dear to them and intimately acquainted from early youth with many affinities, still more endearing.
If Colo. Darke Cannot serve, as by the Loss of his sons, his Domestic concerns loudly demand his attention, there is a son or two of the late General Lewis, altogether proper for such a duty.
These Regiments commanded by a person in whom they could place entire confidence (as much depends on this, & a long acquaintance) would be exceeding formidable. Generals Morgan or Scott I have thought of perhaps the former possessing an uncommon strength of mind and full of stratagem might be prefered.
I have presumed so far, on the goodness of your heart as to offer a few things, to your far superior judgement, and beg pardon for having thus in the fulness of my mind, given you the trouble of this letter, and please to observe, that I donot wish to detain you from the great multiplicity of your momentous engagements to answer things of this nature. May you with good Lady Continue to enjoy, uninterruptedly, every choice temporal blessing, is the unfeigned wish of Dear Sir Your Very affectionate And Most Obt Hble Sert

R. Rutherford


Title: To George Washington from John Armstrong, 14 March 1792
From: Armstrong, John
To: Washington, George

Sir
Carlisle [Pa.] 14th March 1792

Whatever may have been the constructions of others respecting the designs of Government, in marching an Armed force into the West; I shall in the present state of things reduce all other conjectures into the idea of Peace, viewing it with it’s natural consequences not only as the primary Object of the publick measures, but that whereby the farther concerns of the Union in that country may with greater facility be accomplished. this

peace we presume, from the recent triumphs of the natives & the irritations they may be Supposed to derive from british traders—must be preceded or purchased by War, in order to impress their minds with that conviction & temper that is essential to a serious treaty or an honorable peace.
How or by what means this conviction or dispossition, may most probably be effected appears to be a leading question—we have said it must be by War, but as this may be essayed in different modes, the question recurs to that which hath the most elligible appearance? in order to offer some answer to it, the probable effects of such modes of proceduer as we apprehend most likely to be pursued, requires a distinct consideration.
Suppose the first to be that already attempted, by marching in force to the Miam⟨i⟩ Villages or farther; this force estimated at not less than four thousand men, moving in good Order—on this hypothesis some Gentlemen have seemed to please themselves with a decisive Action & an early period to the war, but without book—the proba⟨bili⟩ty rather is, that no general Action will then happen, or if it should, the enemy will not ke⟨ep⟩ the field long enough to receive the necessary mortification, but rather reserve the⟨ir⟩ resentment for our Succeeding Convoys, our frontiers, or both—they are not idiots without some advice beside their own: their alternatives & optional power superc⟨ede⟩ the necessity of a decisive action, leaving it totaly contingent. however, say we have no⟨t⟩ gained a local possession wheresoever we chuse, the hostile enemy will immediately m⟨arch⟩ off, but they are neither defeated, conciliated, nor humbled; as far from a temper to trea⟨mutilated⟩ when we began, altho’ we have incured an heavy expence.
Suppose another mode of proceduer, to be that of the rendezvouse of the troops ⟨at⟩ Fort Washington & the other Posts now in possession of the Federal Govt from thence by appointed partys make as many excursions into the Indian country as possible for the destruction of their towns & produce, together with such other damages as on similar occass⟨i⟩ons have been known to fall within our power. this method of business tends to the immediate & inevitable embarrassment of the enemy, and is capable not only of comparative Secrecy, variation & dispatch, but also of improvement beyond what ha⟨s⟩ yet been experienced amongst us—and applys more directly to the nature & circumstances

of the enemy in question than any other—the natural consequenc⟨e⟩ wherof, is to excite fear, murmerings & depression, amongst the Squaws, Old Men and Children, which at length through their Counselors must have its operation toward peace, on the reluctant warriors themselves—preparing them to treat & listen to such terms of accomodation, as altho’ we may not call them permanent, will not only yield quiet on the frontiers, but give access to the Federal Government in Erecting One or more buildings at pleasure.
But should these two different ways of proceeding be contrasted, and with respect to bringing on a treaty & the latter appear the most elligible, a farther question will yet arise—namely—whether from the Villages, or from the posts now in possession, may this desultory method of depredations on their Towns be carried on with the greatest apparent facility? from anything I can derive from the Map & having but little other information, this question altho’ an important one, is not easily Solved—at present the Villages from their proximity to the hostile towns has a manifest advantage, but were our troops in possession of that Spot, these towns would suddenly be evacuated; where they would sit down is uncertain, whether in equal reach of the one place or the other—but when we know a little better where these Villagers now are, and their strength, they may possibly be considered as objects of a little chastisement before they have time either to collect their Allies or to abandon their present residence. By extending the contrast mentioned above to the preparatives necessary to each, much Saving of expence will readily appear, as considerably fewer troops may be competant to the latter, than can be thought so to the former; to which must be added the differance of transportation, together with comparative risque—or Safety of the successive Convoys—the latter mode too, supposes a number of the troops to remain in Garrison for domestick defence & improvement in discipline, wherby ⟨mutilated⟩ need should require the frontiers may be aided with more dispatch than the former can ⟨p⟩ossibly admit. On the whole, were it not for the important consideration of the necessary con⟨v⟩oys, these two modes would bear but little comparison, it being only in the first instance that the latter calls for any; there being nothing formidable in a direct march to the primary

Object even with three thousand men, but better prepared than the last—yet is the common maxim still to be regarded—“not to make more haste than good speed,” and altho’ I am unwilling to risque a peremtory or decided opinion in favour of either of those modes—yet when hesitations of some & opposition of others to any ofensive measures shall, together with some pain respecting the treasury & publick debt are taken into the question joined to the probable effects of either as mentioned above, the latter appears to claim a preference, as the necessary calculations will make more evident. for in this case, it is neither predilection for, nor mere possession of any particular Spot, (I mean in the first instance) that can secure—or comprehend the designs of Governt unless it is apparent that from such Spot above all others, the hostile temper of the enemy may with greater facility & more certainty be reduced. but against such local advantage, whether real or imaginary, must be placed the length of transportation & greater risque of suseeding Convoys, which must always remain until a disposition to treat is obtained—how far the influence of some friendly Indians may go to that purpose we cannot tell, but must first, appear in Arms & make some use of them too. I am ashamed of the want of perspicuty & brevity, as well as of the blots of this letter, which I can neither Copy nor correct if it go by this post, but happy in the confidence that the Simplicity of my meaning will be understood, therefore shall add no further appollogy than that with great truth I have the honor to be Your Excellencys Obedt humble Servt.

John Armstrong


Title: To George Washington from the Commissioners for the District of Columbia, 14 March 1792
From: Commissioners for the District of Columbia
To: Washington, George

Sir
George-Town 14th March 1792

We have to acknowledge the receipt of your several dispatches to us by the last Post—We regret you should have had any occasion to experience the untowardness of Majr LEnfants Temper—But without it, you could not have been so sensible of the very great disquietude which he has given us—As we were sincerely

desirous, of retaining him as long as it was practiable, we cannot but lament the perverseness, which made it at length impossible.
When such was his temper, we are free to acknowledge, that we think we shall be better without him—We beg leave to assure you that we feel ourselves fully compensated by your approbation of our conduct for the troubles and dirty reports with which we have been Assailed—No diligence nor attention on our part will be wanted, to CounterAct the ill effects which the enemies to the permanent Seat, may prophecy from his dismission—It is not our intention to take up your time with a long Letter having written as fully to Mr Jefferson as the short time we have yet had to attend to the objects he has pointed out to us will permit at present—We cannot conclude without assuring you that we cannot but consider the report respecting Colo. Deakins as perfectly groundless—We know on the contrary, that he more than once the last Summer when we were disappointed in our expectations from Virginia, advanced Money himself, no Complaints have even yet been made to us of our orders on him not being punctually paid—We have heard of the Suggestion you mention respecting Mr Cabot—How far this be true we cannot judge—We trust it has no better foundation than the jelouscy and reports which has of late unfortunately prevailed in George Town. We are Sir &c.

Dd Stuart
Danl Carroll


Title: From George Washington to Thomas Jefferson, 14 March 1792
From: Washington, George
To: Jefferson, Thomas

[Philadelphia] Wednesday Afternoon 14th Mar. 1792

At the time Mr Jeffersons letter to the President was put into his hands, he was so much engaged as hardly to find time to read

it. The general purport of it, however, he well recollects was agreeable to him but whether the following ideas if they are not already substantially expressed, might not with propriety be conveyed, Mr Jefferson will judge of, and act accordingly.
That no farther movement on the part of Government, can ever be made towards Majr L’Enfant without prostration, which will not be done. That the P—— thinks himself insulted in the answer given to his Secretary, who was sent to him for the express purpose of removing some of his unfounded suspicions—viz. “that he had already heard enough of this matter.”
No farther overtures will ever be made to this Gentn by the Government; in truth it would be useless, for in proportion as attempts have been made to accomodate what appeared to be his wishes, he has receded from his own ground. If therefore his conduct should chan⟨ge⟩ and a reinstatement of him is desire⟨d⟩, the only way to effect it is by a direct application to the Commissioners.


Title: From George Washington to William Moultrie, 14 March 1792
From: Washington, George
To: Moultrie, William

Dear Sir,
Phil. 14th Mar. 1792.

I have the pleasure to acknowledge the receipt of your letters of the 28th of november, and 29th of December, and to inform you that the plants which you had the goodness to send me, arrived safe at Norfolk (the ice not permitting the vessel to reach Baltimore) where they are put into the hands of a Gentleman, who will forward them to Mount Vernon by the first opportunity.
Were I not assured of the pleasure which you take in obliging me, I should be at a loss how to express my acknowledgments for the kind attention which you have shewn to my wishes in sending these plants. But you have not, however less of my thanks from the circumstance of my knowing your goodness.
I am persuaded that Lord Wycombe will not consider Charleston as among the least agreeable of the places he has visited in the United States. The acknowledged hospitality and politeness of its inhabitants can not fail of making proper impressions upon the respectable foreigners who may visit that city.
The unfortunate affair to the westward is, I hope, more to be regretted on account of the loss of those brave Officers and men who fell on the occasion, than of any other serious influence it may have on our public Affairs. We are, happily, in a situation to repair every other loss, but that of lives.
I shall give you the trouble of presenting me to the recollection of the Ladies in the circle in which you move—and that you would be assured of the sincere esteem and regard with which I am Dr Sir, Your most ob. Serv.

Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to the United States Senate, 14 March 1792
From: Washington, George
To: United States Senate

United States [Philadelphia] 14th March 1792.

Appointments for twelve companies of Infantry.

Captains.
Lieutenants.
Ensigns.

Vermont.
William Eaton
James Underhill
Charles Hyde

New York
Isaac Guion
Robert Cochran
Nanning I. Vischer.

New Jersey
✻Zebulon Pike
✻John Read
✻John Polhemus.

Pennsylvania
✻Jacob Slough
✻Robert Thompson
✻John Paine

Delaware
James Wells
✻Maxwell Bines (Pennsylva)
✻William Diven (Pennsylvania.)

Maryland
✻Henry Carberry
✻Benjamin Price
Campbell Smith.

✻William Buchannen
✻Henry DeButts
✻William Pitt Gassaway.

✻William Lewis
✻Joseph Gough
Charles Wright.

Virginia
✻Nicholas Hannah.
✻William McRea
✻Aaron Gregg.

✻Joseph Brock
✻Henry B. Towles
✻Peter Grayson.

John Heth
Samuel Tinsley
Peter Marks

North Carolina
Joseph Kerr
Thoms E. Sumner
Samuel Davidson.

Gentlemen of the Senate.

I nominate the above-named persons for the commissioned officers of twelve companies—This nomination will complete the company officers of the additional troops, according to the arrangement which will hereafter be made, in pursuance of the powers vested in me by law.

Go: Washington


Title: From George Washington to Otho Holland Williams, 14 March 1792 [letter not found]
From: Washington, George
To: Williams, Otho Holland

Letter not found: to Otho Holland Williams, 14 Mar. 1792. Williams wrote GW on 22 Mar.: “The receipt of your obliging letter of the 14th Instant gave me very great pleasure.”


Title: To George Washington from Caleb Brewster, 15 March 1792
From: Brewster, Caleb
To: Washington, George

Sir
Fairfield in Connecticut March 15. 1792

I have presumed upon your Excellency’s known love of Justice, and upon the generous interest you take in the misfortunes of your old faithful military servants, to address to your Excellency the following representation; and I hope that the peculiar circumstances of my case & the unusual Sufferings that have attended my situation will be received as an apology for thus soliciting your Excellency’s aid & support—I will, with your leave, submit to your Excellency a simple and short detail of the facts on which I ground this application.
In the year 1777 I was honored with a commission of Captain in the line of the State of New York and was placed on a detached service, commanding an armed boat for the purpose of cruizing in the Long Island Sound, and for the more important service of obtaining & conveying intelligence from the Enemy. Under this commission I acted till the close of the late war—Of the services I rendered in this capacity your Excellency who was acquainted with the details of these secret operations at that period, is a competent Judge—Early in the war, on the shore of Long Island from an exertion of bodily labor in carrying the boat I commanded into a place of safety & concealment, I recieved a dangerous & incurable rupture which has ever since been subject to the painful & inconvenient application of those modes of local support which are common in such cases—On

the 7th of December 1782 while in the aforesaid service in a bloody engagement with two armed boats of the Enemy I received a wound by a ball thro. my breast—With this wound I languished & was confined two years & a half under distressing chisurgical operations & a most forlorn hope of cure. The nature of these wounds together with the impairing of my constitution by the long continuance of my confinement have rendered me incapable of any labour that requires a considerable exertion & have reduced me to the melancholy condition of an invalid for life. These are the facts on which I claimed a place on the invalid list of the United States. Of the truth of them there is ample & abundant evidence in detail from the Vouchers now in the possession of the Hon. Aaron Burr of the Senate of the United States. Having thus stated to your Excellency the merits of my situation as they existed before any application was made for public relief, I intreat your Excellency’s attention to a short account of the means I have used to obtain it. At an early day I applied to Col. Richard Platt & Col. Richard Varrick authorised by the State of New York to hear & examine the claims of invalids of the New York line of the late army and produced to them my evidence & vouchers, but they refused to recommend and report me as a proper object of relief solely on the ground of A law of their state enacting that none should be placed upon the Pension list of New York, who were residents within any other State and as I was then an inhabitant of the State of Connecticut I came within the operation of this clause of exclusion. I next sollicited relief from the State of Connecticut and met here with the same ill success on the ground of my being an Officer of the line of the State of New York and not entitled to compensation according to the laws of Connecticut. In this distressing dilemma I laboured for several years under the embarrassments resulting from my personal Disability, and the enormous expences I had incurred in my long & dangerous indisposition. Early after the assembling of the Congress of the United States under the new constitution I presented a petition to Congress praying relief as an invalid of the United States and at their last session in the City of New York I obtained a resolve in my favour providing for the reimbursements of the expences I had incurred on account of my wounds; and also an allowance of half pay for life, under the

express condition of my returning & giving up to the United States the commutation notes I recd in common with all the officers who had served on the continental establishment. These had long since been expended at the depriciated rate of three shillings in the pound to support the expences I mentioned above & to support myself & Family. On the Credit however of this resolve & of an eventual settlement at the treasury, I procured Final settlement securities at the enhanced price of thirteen shillings & six pence in the pound and applied at the office of the Auditor of the Treasury for an adjustment in Execution of the above resolve but the Auditor refused such an adjustment unless I should deliver the identical certificates which has been issued to me in my own name. This was utterly impracticable. Despairing of relief I replaced the securities I had procured of my Friends & came home—In the course of the last winter I made another application at the Treasury and met with the same success as before—But was then informed that a bill was depending before Congress which was probably calculated to remove the embarrassment & restraint under which the treasury had acted in doing me justice. As this bill is designed to embrace my subject if not to provide for me expressly & as it is to pass the examination & decision of the President in its passage to a law, I humbly intreat your Excellency to take my distressed case into his benevolent consideration and lend such a favorable notice to my unfortunate situation as will ensure me that Justice which I have long sought & hitherto sought in vain. I am with profound respect Your Excellency’s most obedt & Most humble Servant

Caleb Brewster


Title: To George Washington from Lafayette, 15 March 1792
From: Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de
To: Washington, George

My dear General.
Paris March the 15th 1792.

I have been called from the army to this Capital for a conference between the two other generals, the ministers, and myself, and am about returning to my military post. The coalition between the continental powers respecting our affairs is certain, and will not be broken by the Emperor’s death; but, altho’ warlike preparations are going on, it is very doubtful whether our neighbors will attempt to stifle a flame so very catching as that of liberty is.
The danger for us lies with our state of anarchy, owing to the ignorance of the people, the number of non-proprietors, the jealousy of every governing measure, all which inconveniences are worked up by designing men, or aristocrats in disguise; but both extremes tend to defeat our ideas of public order. Do not believe, however, my dear General, the exagerated accounts you

may receive, particularly from England. That liberty and equality will be preserved in France, there is no doubt. In case there was, you well know that I will not, if they fall, survive them. But you may be assured that we will emerge from this unpleasant situation either by an honorable defense, or by internal improvements. How far this constitution of ours insures a good government has not been as yet fairly experienced. This only we know, that it has restored to the people their rights, destroyed almost every abuse, and turned French vassalage and slavery into national dignity, and the enjoyment of those faculties, which nature has given and society ought to insure.
Give me leave, my General, to you alone to offer an observation respecting the late choice of the American ambassador. You know I am personally a friend to Gouverneur Morris, and ever, as a private man, have been satisfied with him; but the aristocratic, and indeed counter-revolutionary principles he has professed, unfitted him to be the representative of the only nation, whose politics have a likeness with ours, since they are founded on the plan of a representative democracy. This I may add, that, surrounded with enemies as France is, it looks as if America was preparing for a change in this government, not only that kind of alteration, which the democrats may wish for and bring about, but the wild attempts of aristocracy, such as the restoration of a noblesse, a house of Lords, and such other political blasphemies, which, while we are living, cannot be reëstablished in France. I wish we had an elective senate, a more independent set of judges, and a more energetic administration, but the people must be taught the advantage of a firm government, before they reconcile it to their ideas of freedom, and can distinguish it from the arbitrary systems, which they have just got over. You see, my dear General, I am not an enthusiast of every part of our constitution, altho’ I love its principles, which are the same as those of the United States, excepting heredity in the president of the executive, which I think suitable to our circumstances. But I hate every thing like despotism and aristocracy, and I cannot help wishing the American and French principles were in the heart and on the lips of the American ambassador to France. This I mention for you alone, and only for the case when arrangements suitable ; and yet I beg this hint of mine, may never be mentioned to any body. Give me leave, my dear general, to add

the tribute of praise which I owe to Mr Short for the sentiments he has professed, and the esteem he has acquired in this country. I wish this gentleman was personally known to you.
There have been changes in the ministry. The King has chosen his council amidst the most violent popular party, the Jacobin club, a Jesuitic institution, more fit to make deserters from, than converts to our cause. The new ministers, however, being unsuspected, have a chance to restore public order, and say they will improve it. The Assembly are uninformed, and too fond of popular applause; the King slow, and rather backward in his daily conduct, altho now and then he acts fully well; but, upon the whole, it will do, and the success of our revolution cannot be questioned.
My command extends on the frontiers from Givet to Bitche. I have sixty thousand men, a number that is increasing now, as young men pour in from every part of the empire to fill up the regiments. This voluntary recruiting shows a most patriotic spirit. I am going to encamp thirty thousand men, with a detached corps of about four or five thousand in an intrenched camp. The remainder will occupy the fortified places. The armies of marshalls Lukner and Rochambeau are inferior to mine, because we have sent many regiments to the Southward, but in case we have a war to undertake, we may gather respectable forces.
Our Emigrants are beginning to come in. Their situation abroad is miserable, and in case even we quarrel with our neighbors, they will be out of the question. Our paper money has been of late rising very fast. Manufactures of every kind are much employed. The farmer finds his taxes alleviated, and will feel the more happy under our constitution, as the Assembly are going to give up their patronage of one set of Priests. You see, my dear general, that altho we have many causes to be as yet unsatisfied, we may hope every thing will bye and bye come to rights. Licentiousness, under a mask of patriotism, is our greatest evil, as it threatens property, tranquility, and liberty itself.
Adieu, my dear general. My best respects wait on Mrs Washington. Remember me most affectionately to our friends, and think sometimes of your respectful, loving and filial friend

Lafayette.


Title: To George Washington from Benjamin Hawkins, 16 March 1792
From: Hawkins, Benjamin
To: Washington, George

sir,
Senate Chamber 16 march 1792

As I make it a rule to give my assent to all military nominations without enquiry, and shall continue to do so, so long as a military Judge shall be President of the United States; I hope it will not be deemed indelicate in me to offer the opinion of an individual, which has resulted from reflections on the conversation I had last evening with you.
Colo. Lee as a military man certainly possesses a degree of enterprise caution and foresight not excelled by any of his contemporaries of equal rank. He has a comprehensive mind, he has gained his experience in a sort of partisan Warfare the best of all others for qualifying a man to command against Indians.
It may be objected to him that he was not of the rank in the late army to entitle him to the command. To this I shall only repeat what I said in the Senate on the case of Demler that the President had exclusively the right to nominate, and the fitness of his character, not the rank of the man, was the only enquiry to be made in the Senate; And that if the Senate did not possess a contrary proof, the nomination should be conclusive in favour of the person nominated. There is perhaps on the score of rank, this further to be said of Colo. Lee, that his present standing in society is an exalted and dignified one. He commanded I believe genl Pickens at the Siege of Augusta altho’ the latter was of superior rank. I have the honor to be most respectfully sir your most obediant servt

Benjamin Hawkins


Title: To George Washington from William Hamilton, 17 March 1792
From: Hamilton, William
To: Washington, George

Dear Sir
The Woodlands [Philadelphia County, Pa.]17th March 1792

I will with great pleasure forward you on Monday whatever is in my power of the kinds of plants you desire & will prepare them in the best manner for the voyage.

The time being short, I am uncertain at what time of the day they may be ready. You need not therefore send for them. I will have them deliver’d at your House in the course of it. With the most perfect respect & sincerest regard I am dear Sir Your most obedt humble servt

W. Hamilton


Title: To George Washington from L. Hoopstad & Company, 17 March 1792
From: L. Hoopstad & Company
To: Washington, George

Sir!
Rio Demerary March 17, 1792

as Merchants in a Extensive trading Country, under the protection of a Sovereign, trading largely, with the Subjects of the united States of America, we take the Liberty to Address ourselves, by this Opportunity.
we have been Informed that it has pleased your Excellency to Sent to the Consignation of Mr T. Brandon Merchant in the River Suriname in the year 1787. a few barrels of flour, & to sell the same to the best advantage.
this Encourage us, to Recommend ourselves in your Excelly Attention in Case it should be Agreable to your Exc. to sent Any to this Country.
this Government has given all Encouragement to the Merchants of the U.S. of America, & still Continue the same nothing discourage this Commerce, the dutys & Expences of Clearing In & out are so Triffling that 200 Dollars, will not be Required for a Vessel of 200 Tun Burthen. this Colony is the only one, at present who is under the Protection of the sovereign there High Migthtinesse for the States of Holland.
We Shall be greatly Honoured With your Excellency Command in Case our House of Commerce, Shall be able to be of any Service. We have the Honour to be With due Respect Sir Your Excellcy most Obed. & Hbl. Servants

L. Hoopstad & Co.


Title: To George Washington from Gouverneur Morris, 17 March 1792
From: Morris, Gouverneur
To: Washington, George

Dear Sir,
London 17 March 1792

I had the Honor to write to you on the fourth of last Month. Two Days after, I was informed that you had nominated me as Minister to the Court of France, but the latest Advices from America, which come down to the tenth of January, shew that the Senate had not then made their Decision. Be that Decision what it may, I shall ever gratefully esteem and acknowlege this Mark of Confidence from the Person in the World whose good opinion I consider as most estimable.
In my Letter of the fourth, I gave you a Picture of the french Ministry, and a View of the Measures pursued by different Parties, including the Mission of the bishop d’autun. As he has now got back to Paris it may be well to communicate the Results. His Reception was bad for three Reasons. First that the Court looks with Horror and Apprehension at the Scenes acting in France, of which they consider him as a prime Mover. Secondly, that his Reputation is offensive to Persons who pique themselves on Decency of Manners & Deportment. And lastly because he was so imprudent, when he first arrived, as to propogate the Idea that he should corrupt the Members of Administration; and afterwards by keeping Company with leading Characters among the Dissenters and other similar Circumstances he renewed the Impression made before his Departure from Paris that he meant to intrigue with the discontented. His public Reception however

furnishes no Clue to decide on the Success of his Mission; because the former might have been very bad and the latter very good. The Fact however is that he could offer Nothing worthy of their Acceptance, and that what he asked was of a Nature not to be granted. This Offer was confined to a Cession of Tobago, a Demolition of the Portes of Cherburgh, & an Extension of the commercial Treaty. He asked a strict Neutrality in Case of War with the Emperor. Now you will observe that no Court would prudently treat with France in her present Situation, seeing that no body can promise in her Name otherwise than as Godfathers and Godmothers do at a Christening, and how such Promises are kept every Body knows. Convinced of this, the Bishop never told his Errand to Lord Gower, the British Embassador at Paris, who mentioned that Circumstance to me as extraordinary, but yet as so far agreable in that he was glad not to have been called on for Letters of Introduction.
Respecting Tobago, I must make a Digression. It is now a long Time since it was mentioned to me, in Paris, that some of the Colonists of St Domingo had come hither to make overtures to Mr Pitt. Since that Period I learnt that the french Ministry were in Possession of Documents to prove, not only that he fomented the Disturbances in France, but that he was in deep Intrigues with Regard to that Colony. The particular Proofs were not shewn to me; so that I cannot speak positively. Neither can I vouch for what I have learnt further on that Subject within this Month, but I am assured that it is Mr Pitts Intention to bring about if he can the Independence of St Domingo. Mr Clarkson, the great Negro Advocate, is mentioned to me as his agent for their Business at Paris; and the Conduct of a Part of the Assembly in opposing Succor to that Island seems corroborative of such Idea. This then being the Case, or supposing it to be so, the Offer of Tobago was too trifling to attract Mr Pitts notice, even if unconnected with other Circumstances. By the bye my Informant tells me also that Mr Pitt means to coax us into the Adoption of his Plan respecting St Domingo. And I learn from another Quarter that he means to offer us his Mediation for a Peace with the Indians. If all this be true, his Game is evident. The Mediation is to be with us a Price for adopting his Plans, and with the Indian Tribes a Means of constituting himself their Patron and Protector. It may be proper to combine all this with the late Division of

Canada, and the present Measures for military Colonization of the upper Country, and above all with what may come from Mr Hammond. I return to St Domingo. If such be Mr Pitt’s Scheme, altho we shall not I presume engage in or countenance it, yet the Success will be entirely for our Advantage, and a meer preliminary to Something of the same Sort which must happen to Jamaica at the first Change of wind in the political world. The Destruction of the Port of Cherbourg is no present Object with the british Ministry, because they suppose it will be ruined by the Elements before it can be compleated, and because the french Marine is (from the want of Discipline) an Object more of Contempt than apprehension. The profferd Extension of the Commercial Treaty amounts to Nothing, because at present every Part of France is open to contraband Commerce, and because there is little Reason to beleive that the Stipulations in a Treaty now made would be of any long Duration. Thus it happens that neither of the Objects offered were worthy of Notice. But the Neutrality required was of a most important Nature. By leaving the Austrian low Countries exposed to french Invasion, it would have been a Violation both of antient and of recent Treaties. Nor is this all, for (as I have already had occasion to remark) the Annexation of those Provinces to the french Monarchy would prove almost, if not altogether, fatal to Great Britain. And when we consider that they are almost in Revolt already, and that it is in fact their Interest to become one with France, there is some Reason to suppose that an Union might have been effected in Case of a War with the Emperor. So much then on the Ground of Good Faith and good Policy, but there is still a further Cause which as the World goes may be equal in its Operation to all others. It seems to be a moot Point whether it is the british or the prussian Cabinet which directs the other. Perhaps there may be a little of both, but be all that as it may, this much is certain that neither feels disposed to counteract the Views of its Ally in any open manner. Now putting aside the personal Feelings which naturally agitate the Sovereign of this as well as of Other Kingdoms in Regard to the french Revolution, it is notorious that, from the very Dawn of it, Agents were employed to foment a Spirit of Revolt in other States; particularly in Prussia. The King of Prussia therefore feels for the french Revolutionists all the Enmity of a proud passionate and offended german

Prince. Add to this that the Elector of Hanover, as such, cannot wish for a Change in the Government of Germany. If therefore it had been the Interest of Great Britain to establish a free Constitution in France (which it certainly is not) I am perfectly convinced that this Court would never have made a single Effort for the Purpose.
I stated to you in my last the french Ministry as being extremely disjointed. It was too much so for any durable Existence, besides which the Members took effectual Means to precipitate each others Ruin. Mr de Narbonne wished to get into the Office of foreign Affairs. This was desirable to him (it is said) on many accounts but particularly so because it gives the Command of large Sums without Account. Whatever may have been his Motives, the following seems to have been his Conduct. He stood forth the Advocate of all violent Measures. This would naturally have excited Suspicions with thinking Men, but not so with the Assembly. He associated himself to the Partizans of Democracy, and while by this Means he secured himself against their Clamors, he took great Care of his pecuniary Affairs. This at least is affirmed to me, and with the addition that he had the Imprudence to pay off his Debts altho it is notorious that his Estate, which is in St Domingo, is among those which are laid Waste. It is further asserted, that in order to quiet the Clamors of Contractors who had given him money and found themselves in the Road to Ruin he agreed to compensate the Depreciation of the Assignats. In order to remove a great Obstacle to his Proceedings he joined in the Intrigues against Mr Bertrand, and at the same Time fostered other Intrigues against Mr Delessart with a View of getting his Place. The Proofs of all these things are said to be in the King’s Hands. Mr Delessart’s Conduct I have already in Part communicated. I must add that, afterwards, imagining that Brissot de Warville and Condorcet were omnipotent in the Assembly he violated his Engagements made with the Triumvirate, and wrote some Dispatches conformably to the Views of those two Gentlemen. In Consequence of this it was resolved to displace him, and they were looking out for a Successor. The person applied to was actually deliberating whether he should or should not accept, at the Moment when Brissot brought about his Impeachment and Arrest. In this same Moment Mr de Narbonne was dismissed, and with him was to go Monsieur de Gerville.

The Chevalier de Grave succeeds Mr de Narbonne. When I left Paris he was attached to the Triumvirate. He does not want for Understanding, but I think it almost impossible that he should succeed. Monsr Bertrand against whom an Address from the Assembly was at length carried, has I find resigned. There is Something at the Bottom which I cannot discover, without being on the Spot, but you may rely on it he goes out with the full Confidence of the King and Queen.
My Informations from Paris were previous to the News of the Emperor’s Death, which has probably occasioned the violent Proceedings against poor de lessart, by removing the Fears of those who (in the Midst of all their big Words) were confoundedly frightened. What may be the Consequences of this Event it is impossible to determine, or even to conjecture. Much, very much, depends on the personal Character of his Successor which I am not yet acquainted with.
It is supposed, by some here, that Mr Pitt is not strong in the Cabinet at present, altho the Majority in Parliament was never more decisive, and this is said to arise from his refusing to ask Money for Payment of the Prince of Wales’s Debts which the King it is said was desirous of, and which his Minister declined with some offensive Expressions. Mr Pitt’s Friends insist on the other Hand that the whole Story is false from Begining to End. For my own Part, I do not think he will be turned out, because I beleive him to be a very cunning Fellow; and altho he has conducted foreign Affairs but poorly, he manages all the little Court and parliamentary Intrigues with consummate Address. Farewell my dear Sir, I am ever truly yours

Gouvr Morris


Title: From George Washington to Charles Pinckney, 17 March 1792
From: Washington, George
To: Pinckney, Charles

Dear Sir,
Philada March 17th 1792.

I have the pleasure to acknowledge the receipt of your letters of the 8th of January and their duplicates. That of a public nature, on the subject of a proposed application from yourself to the Governor of East Florida, for the redelivery of certain fugitives charged with having forged the Indents assumed by the U. States will be answered by the Secretary of State. To your private favor I shall now reply. And in the first place, let me beg your acceptance of my thanks for the remembrance of, and kind attention to my wishes in sending the box of seeds, which I have received by Captain Ort.
I am flattered by the regret which you express at having been absent from Charleston during the stay of Lord Wycombe in that City, & being thereby deprived of an opportunity of paying the attention which you wished to that Nobleman to whom I had

given a letter for you; and am glad that his intention of returning among you, after having visited the Floridas, will permit you to do it.
I must say that I lament the decision of your legislature upon the question of importing Slaves after March 1793—I was in hopes that motives of policy, as well as other good reasons supported by the direful effects of Slavery which at this moment are presented, would have operated to produce a total prohibition of the importation of Slaves whenever the question came to be agitated in any State that might be interested in the measure.
Our misfortune at the westwards is certainly a circumstance much to be regretted: but it affords consolation to know, that every public loss on that occasion may be readily repaired, except that of the lives of the brave Officers and men, who fell in the conflict.
I believe with you, that the absence of the Cherokee chief’s from their Nation at so critical a moment, was a fortunate event; and I trust they have received such impressions here as will not fail to have a happy influence in their nation with regard to us.
If in the course of our military arrangements, it should be found compatible with the plan which it is proposed, to adopt, to require the services of Genl Pickens, I shall not be unmindful of your recommendation of that Gentleman; and from his talents, knowledge and influence, should look for the best effects. But I most sincerely join with you in hoping, that the war with the Indians may not extend so far to the southward, as to render your frontiers an object of immediate defence. I beg my best respects may be presented to Mrs Pinckney—and to Colo. Laurens, when you see him—with very great esteem and regard—I am Dr Sir, Your most obedt humble servant

Go: Washington.


Title: To George Washington from George Taylor, Jr., 17 March 1792
From: Taylor, George Jr.
To: Washington, George

Sir,
Philadelphia March 17th 1792.

Being much flattered by the confidence reposed in me by you, while I was employed in your recording Secretary’s Office, and the notice you have honored me with since that period, permit me to enclose the copy of a letter I have just now written to Mr Jefferson, and as far as may be consistent, to solicit the favor of your Influence and Support, in obtaining the object of it. I have the honor to be with the most profound respect, Sir, Your most obedient and most humble servant

Geo. Taylor Jr


Title: To George Washington from Thomas Jefferson, 18 March 1792
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Washington, George

[Philadelphia] Sunday Mar. 18. 1792.

Th: Jefferson having received information that a vessel sails from New York for Amsterdam about Wednesday, is endeavoring to get ready the necessary papers for Messrs Short & Carmichael, to go by tomorrow’s post. he beleives it impossible; but in order to take the chance of it, he troubles the President to sign the Commission to-day, which mister Taylor now carries to him for that purpose.


Title: From George Washington to Samuel Potts, 18 March 1792
From: Washington, George
To: Potts, Samuel

Sir,
Philad. 18th Mar. 1792

Your letter of the 31st of October, on the subject of a Legacy left by Mr[s] Savage to Mrs Bomford, has been received; and shall be transmitted to the Revd Mr Fairfax, whose avocations not being of the constant and indispensible nature that mine have been and still are, have given him better opportunities of attending to the Affairs of the late Mr[s] Savage than I have had; his knowledge of the situation of that business is therefore much more accurate than mine. You will see by the enclosed copy of a letter which I wrote to Mrs Bomford on the 6th of January 1790, that it has been totally out of my power to pay any attention to the Affairs of Mrs Savage since the year 1775, and that I have referred her to Mr Fairfax, to whom I must likewise beg leave to refer you. I am Sir, Your most obedt Servant

Go: Washington.


Title: Henry Knox to Tobias Lear, 19 March 1792
From: Knox, Henry
To: Lear, Tobias

Dear Sir.
[Philadelphia] March 19th 1792.

Will you be so good as to inform the President of the United States, that French Peter, who was in France with the Marquis, died last night, and that he will be buried to morrow—This event will prevent, according to their customs, their waiting on the President until thursday 12 o’clock. I am Dear Sir, Yours

H. Knox


Title: To George Washington from Thomas Jefferson, 21 March 1792
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Washington, George

[Philadelphia, c.21 March 1792]

Th: Jefferson presents his respects to the President, and sends for his perusal a letter he has prepared for the Commissioners, which will inform him also of mister Blodget’s ideas, in the mean time Blodget will be preparing the necessary papers.
Th: J. has at length been able to see Dr Wistar about the big bones. they are at his house, always open to inspection. the

Doctor is habitually at home at two oclock: if the President would rather go when he is not at home, the servants will shew the bones. Th: J. did not intimate to the Doctr who it was that wished to see them, so that the President will fix any day & hour he pleases on these premises, & Th: J. will have the honor to attend him.


Title: To George Washington from Gouverneur Morris, 21 March 1792
From: Morris, Gouverneur
To: Washington, George

Dear Sir
London 21 March 1792

Yesterday I was informed that the Senate had agreed to your Nomination of diplomatic Servants. If I know my own Heart this

Intelligence is far less agreable to me on my own Account than on that of the Public. I am sure that a Rejection, from whatever Cause it may have arisen, would have been attributed to Disunion in our Councils.
I find that the King of France has appointed to the Office of foreign Affairs a Monsieur Demouriez and that it is considered as a Sacrifice to the Jacobins. He is a bold determin’d Man. I am not acquainted with him personally, but I know that he has long been seeking a Place in the Administration and was, about six Months ago, determin’d if appointed one of the Ministers to destroy at the Peril of his Life the jacobin and all other Clubs, and to effect a Change in the Government. How far he may have changed his Opinions since, I really cannot tell, but I mention this to you now because When I know more I can refer to this Letter and say that by coming into Office he has not changed his Sentiments if he persists in those his antient Determinations. If not, I will tell you that he is more prudent than was supposed. And these Words will in either Case mean nothing more than is here set down for them. The King consulted him (as I was told by his confidential friend in the Middle of last October) on the State of Affairs when Monsr de Montmorin went out, but the high toned Measures he proposed were not adopted. I am my dear Sir, with most sincere Esteem & Respect yours

Gouvr Morris