Title: From John Adams to James Rush, 21 April 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, James

Dear Sir
Quincy April 21, 1813

I now Send you a Copy of the Law of Massachusetts in 13 Nov. 1775, taken from Edis’s Boston Gazette printed at Watertown, the 13th of November 1775.
In the sixteenth year of the Reign of George the Third, King &c.
An Act for encouraging the fixing out of armed Vessels to defend the Sea Coast of America, and for erecting a Court to try and condemn all Vessels that Shall be found infesting the same.
Whereas the present Administration of Great Britain, being divested of Justice and Humanity, and Strangers to that Magnanimity, and Sacred Regard for Liberty, which inspired their venerable Predecessors, have been endeavouring thro’ a series of Years, to establish a System of Despotism, over the American Colonies, and by their venal and corrupt Measures, have so extended their Influence over the British Parliament, that by a prostituted Majority, it is now become a political Engine of Slavery; and whereas, the Military Tools of these our unnatural Enemies, while restrained by the united Forces of the American Colonies from proceeding in their Sanguinary Career of Devastation and Slaughter, are infesting the Sea Coasts with armed Vessels, and daily endeavouring to distress the Inhabitants, by burning their Towns, and destroying their Dwellings with their substance, plundering Live Stock, and making captures of Provision and other Vessels, being the Property of said Inhabitants: And Whereas their Majesties King William and Queen Mary, by the Royal Charter of this Colony “for themselves, their Heirs and Successors, did grant establish and ordain, that in the Absence of the Governor and Lieutenant Governor of the Colony, a Majority of the Council, shall have Full Power by themselves, or by any Chief Commander, or other Officer or Officers, to be appointed by them, from time to time for the special defence of their said Province or Territory, to assemble in Martial Array and put in warlike posture the Inhabitants, of their said Province or Territory, and to lead and conduct them, and with them to encounter, expulse resist and pursue by force of Arms, as well by Sea as by land, within or without the Limits of their said Province or Territory; and also to kill, slay, destroy and conquer, by all fitting Ways, Enterprises and Means whatsoever, all and every such Person and Persons as should at any time thereafter, attempt or enterprize the Destruction, Invasion Detriment or Annoyance of their said Province or Territory, and to take and surprize by all Ways and means whatsoever, all and every Person and Persons with their Ships, Arms, Ammunition, and other Goods, as should in a hostile manner, invade or attempt the invading, conquering or annoying of their said Province or Territory.” And Whereas it is expressly Resolved by The Grand Congress, of America, “that each Colony, at their own Expence, make such provision by armed Vessels, or otherwise, as their respective Assemblies, Conventions or Committees of Safety shall judge expedient and suitable to their Circumstances and Situations, for the protection of their Harbours and Navigation on the Sea Coasts against all unlawfull Invasion, Attacks and Depredation, from Cutters and Ships of War;” and it is the Duty and Interest of this Colony to exert itself, as well for the purpose of keeping Supplies from the Enemy as for those mentioned in the Paragraphs of the Charter and Resolve now recited:
Therefore, for the more effectually carrying into Execution the purposes  aforesaid;
Be it enacted, by the Council and House of Representatives in General Court assembled, and by the Authority of the same, That all armed and other Vessels, which shall be brought into this Colony, and have been found making unlawful Invasions, Attacks, or depredations on the Sea Coasts, or Navigation of any part of America, or improved in supplying the Fleet and Army, which have been, or shall at any time be, employed against the United Colonies, or employed by the said Enemy, in any respect whatsoever; and also all vessels, whose Masters or Supercargoes shall have had designs of carrying Supplies of any kind to the Ennemy, or that shall be returning from the Enemy after having carried such Supplies, and Shall be convicted thereof, as is herein provided, such Vessel or Vessels, with their Appurtenances and Cargoes, Shall be deemed forfeited, and shall be disposed of, as if by this Act hereafter ordered and directed.
And be it further enacted by the Authortity aforesaid, That the Council of this Colony, or the Major Part of them Shall be fully impowered to commission with Letters of Marque and Reprisal, any Person or Persons, within this Colony, who shall at his or their own Expence fix out and equip, for the defence of America any Vessel, as also any Person who shall by the Owner of such Vessel be recommended therefor; and that all such Persons to be Commissioned as aforesaid, shall have Full Power, with such other Persons, as they shall engage for to their Assistance, to Sail on the Seas, attack, take and bring into any Port in this Colony, all vessels offending or employed by the Enemy as aforesaid; and also to retake and bring in as aforesaid any Vessel or Vessels that may be taken from any Person or Persons by said Enemy.
Provided always and be it further enacted that the Master; or Owner of such Vessel shall, at the time he receives such Commission, enter into bond with one Sufficient Surety at least, for the faithful discharge of his Office, and observing the Law of this Colony relating to armed Vessels; which Bond shall be in the Form following viz. Know all Men by these Presents, That We A.B. and C.D. of  &c are holden and stand firmly bound and obliged unto the Treasurer and Receiver General of the Colony aforesaid, in the full and just Sum   to be paid unto the Said Treasurer and Receiver General, or to his Successor in said Office: to the true payment whereof, We find Ourselves, our Heirs, Executors and Administrators, jointly and Severally, firmly by these Presents: Sealed with our Seals theday ofAnno Domini 17

  The Condition of the aforewritten Obligation is such, that Whereas the said A.B. hath, on the day hereof received a Commission to command an armed Vessel, called theburthen aboutTons, to make Reprisals of all armed and other Vessels that shall be found supplying the Enemy, or acting counter to a Law of this Colony, entitled An Act for encouraging the fixing out of Armed Vessels to defend the Sea Coasts of America, and for erecting a Court to try and condemn all Vessels,  that shall be found infesting the same.—If therefore the said A.B. shall and do, in and by all Things, well and truly observe and fulfill such Instructions as he shall receive from The Council of this Colony, and shall in all respects conform himself to the directions given in and by The Act aforesaid, then the afore written Obligation to be void, otherwise to remain in full Force.
And be it further enacted, that there shall be erected, and constantly held in the Town of Plymouth in the County of Plymouth, a Court of Justice, by such able and discreet Person as Shall be appointed and commissioned by the major part of The Council for that purpose, whose Business it shall be, to take cognizance of, and try the Justice of any capture or captures of any Vessel or Vessels, that may or shall be taken, by any Person or Persons whomsoever and brought into either of the Counties of Plymouth, Barsntable, Bristol Nantucket or Dukes County; and the Judge so commissioned, to hold Said Court as aforesaid, shall have Power, at all times to issue his Warrant or Warrants, to the Constable or Constables of any Town or Towns, within the Said Counties of Plymouth, Barnstable, Bristol, Dukes County or Nantucket, or either of them, directing the said Constable or Constables to warn a meeting of the Inhabitants  their   Towns respectively, and to draw out of the Box, in such Manner as is provided by the Laws of this Colony for returning Jurors to serve in the Inferiour Court of common Pleas, so many good and lawful Men for Jurors, as Said Judge shall in his said Warrant order and direct, not exceeding the number of Twelve; and the said Constables shall immediately, as soon as may be, give notice  in Writing to such Persons so drawn, of the time and place, which in the said Warrant Shall be set for their Appearance, and shall return Said Warrant with his doings thereon, to said Judge, at or before the time Set therein, for the Appearance of said Jurors.
And be it further enacted that if any Constable within Said Counties Shall neglect or refuse to obey the Warrant of the Judge, for returning Said Jurors as aforesaid, he shall pay such Fine as the said Judge shall Order not exceeding the Sum of Forty Shillings; and if any Juror, so drawn, and having Notice as aforesaid Shall not appear at the time and place directed in such Warrant, or shall refuse without reasonable Excuse, to Serve on such Jury, he shall pay such Fine as the Judge shall order, not exceeding the Sum of Forty Shillings; but before such Fine shall be awarded, the Said Judge Shall Summon Such Juryman to appear before him, to show forth the Reasons of his neglect, and if such Reasons Shall not be satisfactory to the Said Judge, then he the said Judge, Shall issue his Warrants of distress for such Fine, in manner as is directed for recovery of the Fines of Jurors, who shall neglect or refuse to serve in the Inferiour Court of Common Pleas; which Fines so recovered Shall be paid into the Treasury of this Colony.
And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That there shall be held in like manner, in the Town of Ipswich in the County of Essex, one other Court of Justice, by such able and discreet Person, as the Major Part of The Council Shall appoint and commission thereto, which Judge shall have full Cognizance of, and Power to try the Justice of the Capture of any Vessel or Vessels that shall be taken as aforesaid, and brought into any Port in the Counties of Suffolk, Middlesex or Essex, and shall have the like Power to issue his Warrant or Warrants, for Jurors in Said Counties, as is before provided for the Judge of the County first mentioned; and every Constable and Juror within the said Counties of Suffolk, Middlesex and Essex, who shall neglect to pay due Obedience to said Warrants, Shall be liable to the same Penalties, as are provided by this Act, against those in like manner  Offending, in the Counties of Plymouth, Barnstable, Bristol, Nantucket, and Dukes County.
And be it further enacted by The Authority  aforesaid, That there shall be held in like manner in North Yarmouth, in the County of Cumberland, one other Court of Justice, by such Persons as the Major Part of the Council Shall commissionate, to be judge thereof, which Judge shall have full Cognizance of, and Power to try, the Justice of all Captures of Vessels that shall be taken as aforesaid, and brought into any Port in either of the Counties of York, Cumberland or Lincoln; and Shall have Such Power to issue a Warrant or Warrants, in Said Counties, as is provided in this Act for the other Judges aforementioned in the Counties of their respective Jurisdiction. And the Constables and Jurors, in the said Counties of York, Cumberland and Lincoln, are to pay Strict Obedience to said Warrants, under the Penalties before in this Act provided for like Offences in the other Counties aforementioned.
And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That when any Person or Persons shall take and bring into any Port in this Colony any Vessel or Vessels that have been offending or employed by the Enemy as aforesaid, Such Person or Persons, so taking and bringing in, such Vessel, shall immediately make out a Bill in Writing, therein giving a full and ample Account of the time and manner of the Caption of such Vessel, and the employment She was in, when So taken, and of the Persons who were aiding and assisting in taking her; and a Schedule of the Cargo on board her, to the best of his Knowledge, at the Time of her Caption; and shall deliver the same to the Judge, who shall have Jurisdiction of the Port, where Such Vessel is brought, with all the Papers that may be found on board Such Vessel, to the Intent that the Jury may have the benefit of Evidence there from arising: And the Judge, to whom Such Bill Shall be delivered, Shall immediately issue his Warrant, or Warrants as aforesaid to any Constable or Constables, within the Counties of his Jurisdiction, commanding them, or either of them, in manner aforesaid, to return twelve good and lawful men to try the Truth of any Facts, alledged in said Bill; and if seven of said Jurors, so returned by said Constable or Constables, Shall appear, and there shall not be enough to compleat the Pannel of twelve, or if there shall be a legal Challenge to any of them, so that there shall be seven and not a Pannel, to try such cause; then, in such case  it Shall be lawful for said Judge to order the Sherrif, or other proper Officers, attending on said Court, to fill up the Jury, with other good and lawful Men present; which Jury shall be sworn to return to a true Verdict, upon the Said Bill, according to Law and Evidence: and if it shall appear to said Judge by said Verdict, that Such Vessel had been employed or offending as aforesaid, he shall condemn said Vessel and Cargo and Appurtenances, and order them to be sold at public Vendue, and Shall order the charges of said Tryal and condemnation to be paid out of the money Such Vessel and Cargo Shall Sell for, unto the Treasury of this Colony, and Shall order the Residue thereof, to be delivered to the Captors, their Agents or Attorneys, for the Use and benefit of Such Captors, and others concerned therein. And if two or more Vessels, the Commanders whereof Shall be properly commissioned, Shall jointly take such Vessel, the Money She and her Cargo and Appurtenances shall Sell for, after payment of Charges as aforesaid, Shall be divided between the Captors in proportion to their Men.
And the said Judge, before whom, any such Tryal and Condemnation as is aforementioned may be, Shall be authorised to make out his precept, under his hand and Seal, to either of the Sherriffs within his Jurisdiction, to sell Such Vessel and Appurtenances and Cargo, and to pay thereout, the Charges of Tryal and Condemnation, into the Treasury of this Colony, and to pay his own Fees, and to deliver the residue to the Captors and Persons concerned as aforesaid.
And be it further enacted, That there shall be paid to the Justice, Jurors and Sherriffs out of the public Treasury, such Fees as are, or shall hereafter be established by Law to each and every the Officers of the said Court.
And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That when any such Bill shall be delivered to such Judge, he shall cause notification thereof and the Name, if known and description of the Vessel so brought in, with the day Sett for the Tryal thereon; to be advertised in the Several Papers printed at Watertown and Cambridge, fifteen days before the time Sett for the Tryal, that the Owner of Such Vessel, or any Person concerned, may appear and shew cause, if any they have, why such Vessel, with her Cargo and Appurtenances should not be condemned, and sold as aforesaid.
And be it further enacted, that the Process and proceedings upon any Vessel, that Shall be retaken from the Enemy by any person or persons, shall be in the same manner, as is herein provided for other Vessels; and if by Verdict of the Jury it shall appear to the Judge, that such Vessel was taken by the Enemy, and was retaken by such Person or Persons, before condemnation by the Enemy thereon had the said Judge shall order such Vessel, with her Cargo and Appurtenances, to be sold in manner aforesaid, and shall order not more than one Third, nor less than one Quarter, of what she shall Sell for, After paying Charges of Tryal and Sale, to be delivered to the Captors, as is before provided for other Vessels, and the residue to be delivered to the Owner or Owners of such Vessel. And if such Vessel so retaken shall have been condemned by the Enemy, then the money, She and her Cargo and Appurtenances may Sell for, shall be delivered to the Captors, as is above provided for Vessels belonging to said Enemy.
And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, that each Judge of Such Courts, shall appoint an able Clerk, who shall keep a true and fair Record of all the Proceedings of Said Court, and Shall be duely Sworn to act in said Office, with Truth and Fidelity, and his Attestations Shall be received as Evidence in all Courts of Law.
The End, of the Law.
Dear SirApril 30. 1813
When I began this Letter, I intended it for your excellent and now deeply lamented Father. I now Send it to you, with the same request which I intended to make to him, viz to do me the Favour to shew it to Mr Mathew Carey, and if he will print the Law in a Work he is about to publish on the Navy, to leave it with him: but if he declines to insert it, to return it to me by the Post. I am, Sir with Affection / and Esteem, your Friend

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from James Rush, 21 April 1813
From: Rush, James
To: Adams, John

Respected friend of My Father.
Philadelphia April 21st. 1813.

It is not right that you Should first hear of our loss by a newspaper when your Sympathy will require a less abrupt and Common messenger
My father and your friend, from the best health that his years would admit, was on Wednesday evening last seized with a fever attended for a day or two by a pain in the side—his system soon sunk into that typhus state that now so generally marks the diseases of our Country—and on Monday afternoon at 5 O clock he expired—At his death he was free form all suffering he foresaw his end, but from a drowsiness which attended his illness he spoke little of it or any thing else, That Mind which you so well knew, he retaind unimpaired to the last moment—
Dear friend of my father, next to the pain of my communicating this intelligence, I know will be that of your receiving it. To you he gave in all his feelings respect, esteem, love and gratitude and these shall not die in his family—with these inherited sentiments I make my sorrowful intion with my name.

James Rush


Title: From John Adams to Albert Gallatin, 24 April 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Gallatin, Albert,Bayard, James Ashton

Gentlemen
Quincy April 24, 1813

I do myself the Honour to enclose a few Letters from my Family here to that part of Us who are at St. Petersburg; and ask the favour of Your Care of them. It will be great Joy to your Colleague in that City to receive the Society of Gentlemen he has So long known,  and whose great Experience in public Affairs will furnish him with every necessary Information.
I can do no more than pray for your health a prosperous Voyage and happy Success; and this I do from my heart.
With great respect I have the Honour / to be Gentlemen your most obedient / Servant

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to William Jones, 24 April 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Jones, William

Dear Sir
Quincy April 24th 1813

As it ever has been, and forever ought to be, a general rule of the President & heads of department not to answer letters Soliciting or recommending appointments to offices—the exception to the general rule by your kind letter of the 13th of this month, lays me under a particular obligation.
The reason you assign, is perfectly satisfactory to me; and I rejoice in it, as it proves the good sense and generous feelings of our American young men which have animated such numbers, to sollicit the post of danger.
Commodore Rodgers has accepted young Marston as a volunteer, and he is now on board the President below the Castle, ready I presume for sea as soon as winds and circumstances will permit.
Far be it from me, any pride or vanity, in the recollection of any share I have taken in the institution of our American Navy. I am ashamed when I look back and recollect how little I have done said or written in favor of this essential arm for the defence of our country. I know it to be the astonishment of every Man of sense in Europe that we have neglected it so long. In my opinion a complete history of our Military marine ought to be written from the law of Congress in October 1775 and the law of Massachusetts in November 1775 to the present hour. Congress could not appropriate money to a purpose more beneficial to the interest, the safety, the independence, the honour power and glory of their country if they should devote to a man of letters, who would undertake the work four times as large  a sum as the Dutchess of Marlborough bequeathed for the Biography of her husband.
I rejoice in the appointment to the head of the naval department of a gentleman who is represented to me so well-qualified and so well disposed to promote the service.
With much respect, I am Sir your sincere and / obliged friend and Servant
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Julia Stockton Rush, 24 April 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Julia Stockton

Dear Madam
Quincy April 24th 1813

Yesterday morning hoping to receive a letter from your Husband, the messenger brought me a letter from Dr Waterhouse, with the melancholy the afflicting, account of his death; There is not a man out of my own family remaining in the world in whom I had so much confidence, for whom I had so tender an affection, and whose Friendship was so essential to my happiness. My loss and my sensibility of it can bear no proportion however to yours, my dear Madam. Most sincerely do I sympathize with you and your family under this severe dispensation of Providence. The worth of this dear departed friend, his talents, his virtues, his services to his Country and to mankind are far beyond my powers to describe. They are fortunately recorded in his imperishable works.
For himself he had lived long enough. Not a doubt can be entertained for a moment of his present felicity. he has left you Madam for your consolation Sons and daughters worthy of him and of you, ornaments to their family and their Country, I pray you Madam to present to each of them my cordial condolence and best wishes for their prosperity
The lot of humanity cannot be changed or avoided. Inevitable misfortunes must be born and ought to be welcomed as the result of wisdom and Benevolence intended for our ultimate benefit. So beleives and so in this instance prays Dear Madam your sincere friend and obliged Servant

John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to James Madison, 25 April 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Madison, James

My dear Sir
Quincy April 25 1813

Yesterday Morning expecting a Letter from Dr Rush I Sent early to the Post Office: but my Messenger brought me a Letter from Dr Waterhouse, which I inclose, having no words of my own to express my Feelings. The Shock was Sudden and unexpected. I had a Letter from Rush dated the 10th., apparently written in full health and fine Spirits. An unchangeable Friendship of thirty Eight Years had grappled this Friend of his Country his Species and his God to my heart with Hooks of Steel. Waterhouses Letter affected me little less than the News in it. Two Such Friends Appearing before me, unexpectedly in Such a Light at the Same Moment; I can do no more than inclose the Letter requesting the Favour to have it returned to me. I Should weep over the Evils of Party Spirit, which has injured Such Men as Rush and Waterhouse; if the Same Spirit had not desolated Moscow and its Enemies,  and produced Millions of Freaks before High Heaven in allmost all Ages.
The Spirit here, you will See by our Papers and Posterity will See by the Records of Washington benevolent Societies, is well calculated to produce Effects which will Shew that We are not The Chosen People; that We must go the Way of all the Earth.
I am, Sir with much Esteem your Friend / and Servant

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Elbridge Gerry, 26 April 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Gerry, Elbridge

Dear Sir
Quincy April 26 1813

Although Governor Gages Prediction to General Jo. Warren has not yet, been fully accomplished in this Country; yet as His Observation was Suggested by History, it will be found too just, Some time or other. Selfishness has dissappointed The Hopes of Patriotism and Philanthropy in all Ages, not only in England at the Period of her Commonwealth.
Edes’s Watertown Gazette Shall be carefully returned to you or Mr Austin if he requires it.
Had your Motion in Congress been adopted, and a Man of Sense and Letters appointed in each State to collect Memorials of the Rise Progress and Termination of the Revolution: We Should now Possess a Monument of more inestimable Value than all the Histories and Orations that have been written. The Few, if they are not more Selfish than the Many, are more cunning; and all the Ages of the World, have not produced Such glaring proofs of it, as the History of this Country for the last thirty years. I look back with Astonishment at the Height and Depth, the Length and Breadth of this Stupendous Fabrick of Artifice. If I had Suspicions of the Depravity of our Politicians, I had no Idea of their Genius. That Mr Jay the President of Congress when your motion was made, admired it is no Surprize to me. His head could conceive and his heart feel the importance of it.
Your Allusion to the Controversy with Governor Hutchinson has touch’d me to the quick. I want the Journal of the General Court, which contains his Speeches and the Answers his Replications and your Rejoinders. These were printed all together in a Pamphlet. But I cannot find that Pamphlet nor hear of it. Governor Adams once Shewed it to me, and Judge Paine mentioned it to me, a year or two ago: but I dared not Say  a Word to him about it, much less to ask the Loan of it.
You, my Friend have been hurt, by your Country: so have I. We have Sacrificed our lifes of Lives our Families our Popularity, our Reputations our Pleasures our Comforts to the Publick; While the Politicians have accumulated Fortunes, Palaces in the City and Villa’s in the Country. It is in my opinion our duty to brave the Imputation of Vanity and Egotism by recording Facts that no other human Beings know. Our Country will be benefited by it, Sometime or other. There are a few Anecdotes which I wish to reduce to writing, particularly the Impeachment of the Judges and the Controversy with General Brattle.
You talk to me at 77 Years of Age of Writing History. If I was only thirty, I would not undertake an History of the Revolution in less than twenty Years. A few Facts I wish to put upon Paper: and an Awful Warning to do it Soon has been given me by the Sudden Death of our Friend Rush, Livingstone and Clymer had preceeded him in the Same Year; the Same Spring. How few remain. Three in Massachusetts I believe are a Majority of the Surviving Signers of a Declaration which has had too much Credit in the World, and the Expence of the most of its Signers.
As a Man of Science, Letters, Taste, Sense Phylosophy, Patriotism Religion, Morality Merit Usefulness, taken alltogether Rush has not left his equal in America, nor that I know in the World. In him is taken away, and in a manner most Sudden and totally unexpected a main Prop of my Life. “Why Should I grieve when grieving I must bear”
I can conceive no reason why Governor Plumer may not be furnished with every Scratch of a Pen relative to the X.Y. & Z Embassy. I know not where to look for any one Paper relative to it.
It would give me great Pleasure to See Commodore Williams. His List of Prizes would be very acceptable. I wish he would write his own Life. With high Esteem and Strong Affection

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from James Jervey, 26 April 1813
From: Jervey, James
To: Adams, John

Charleston South Carolina, April 26. 1813.

Pursuant to a Resolution of the Seventy Six Association, We have the honor to enclose a Copy of an Oration delivered before that Society on the 4th. of March last. With sentiments of respect, / We remain Yr. Obedt Servants.
James JerveyTho: Bennett Junr:Charles ElliottP CohenRobt: Y. HayneStanding Committee


Title: From John Adams to James Monroe, 28 April 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Monroe, James

Dear Sir
Quincy April 28, 1813

I thank you for the frank and friendly communication in your kind letter of the 19th. of the Arrangement for the Negotiations at St. Petersburg.
I have no Objection to make to it. The Points of Rank and Ettiquette, of Such vast acknowledged importance in Europe, and felt by every Man in America to be more consequence here than any Man will acknowledge; are So unsettled in this Country, that I never know on what principles to form a Judgment.
In England Administration take Rank, for the Time, of all the Lords except the Princes and Archbishops,—If my Memory does not deceive me, there was a Resolution of the Senate when You and I were Members of it that they would take Rank of every body but foreign Ambassadors. I presume My Son will take no Offence, and I am Sure I Shall take none. I know not that any more judicious disposition could have been made.
I Shall not trifle with you, by indulging myself in idle Speculations concerning the probable Issue of this Negotiation. Nor enquire, whether compleat Success in it will involve us with France. Although I am unalterably of Opinion, That France is the natural Ally of the United States, if We must have an Ally; Yet the State of France is So unsettled and the Conduct of her present Government has been towards Us So capricious and arbitrary; that I would not give myself much concern in what manner She would receive any of our honest Tranactions with her Ennemies.
To hope for any Thing from the Justice or honour or Modesty of an Administration that could promulgate, or of a Nation that could tolerate, the Proclamation of Impressments, appears chimerical.
To place entire Confidence in the Independence and Impartiality of a Court which has trusted its Navy and most precious Moveables to one of the Parties, is presuming a great deal.
The Negotiation however could not have been avoided by our Government and an happy result of it is Sincerely wished / by your Friend and humble Servant
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to James Rush, 28 April 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, James

My Dear Sir
Quincy April 28th 1813

I received yesterday your obliging Favour of the 21st and was sensibly affected by your early attention to me in communicating Immediate Intelligence of an Event so deeply afflictive to you and your amiable Family. I had already been three days a sincere mourner. Young Dr Waterhouse had written to his Father—and his Father to me an affecting account of the Sudden and unexpected sickness and Death of one of the best of Men—whom he considered as a Father—When I read again the last Letter your Father wrote to me and the last I wrote to him, and remark the Gravity of the former and the Levity  of the latter—I could not refrain from Tears. Though he expressed a consciousness of his age—he had no apprehension of so sudden a termination of his Life—for he proposes to prepare for the Press a considerable Medical work—This work, My Young Friend, I hope you will not suffer to be lost to Mankind.
To me, this loss is irreparable. I shall never find another Correspondent in whom I can have the confidence Inspired by Eight and thirty years of unchangeable Friendship. In such cases I know of no Consolation but the Philosophy and the Religion which teach us that every Adversity—every Calamity—every Affliction is a Blessing intended for our good and demanding our gratitude instead of our complaints—, My Friend has left Sons and Daughters who inherit his Talents and Virtues, to every one of whom I can only say—Macte Virtute Patris.
Your amiable and venerable Mother can never have her loss repaired—Yet she has sons of high Rank and Great Prospects in society as statesmen—Physicians and Merchants—and Daughters who do honour to their Parents and their Brothers—I rejoice that a Dr Rush still lives—and I solicit the favour of his Correspondence—
With the highest Esteem and a sincere / affection for the whole Family I am your / obliged and afflicted friend

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Albert Gallatin, 4 May 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Gallatin, Albert,Bayard, James Asheton

Gentlemen
Quincy May 4th. 1813

I have a Grand Son the oldest Child of J Q Adams whom we are desirous of sending to Petersburg to his father according to his fathers repeated request to us. He is 12 years old and an ingenuous youth. We are anxious to know whether you Gentlemen will condescend to take him under your protection; and whether it will be possible to send him to you before your ship will sail. His father will pay his passage and all Expences, or if it is desired it will be remitted by my Son Thomas or by your humble Servant
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from James Madison, 5 May 1813
From: Madison, James
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Washington May 5. 1813

I have received your favor on the subject of Docr. Waterhouse, inclosing a letter from him which is now returned. Previous to this communication, the vacancy occasioned by the death of our Excellent friend, & the friend of mankind, had been filled by the appointment of his son Dr. James Rush. Besides the numerous & respectable interpositions in favor of it, I felt a pleasure, in putting this soothing drop, small as it was, into the cup of family affliction.
I have recd. From Dr. W. himself, a letter with a detail of the circumstance, which he wished to make known. In a case where so much depends on local circumstances, and delicate personalities, strangers at a distance cannot be always competent Judges. The best evidence in his behalf, is the favorable opinion of those on the spot, and none certainly could be entitled to more respect, than those who bear testimony to his worth. I say this to you, rather than to himself, because I habitually decline where I can, corresponding with persons wishing to be employed in public service, especially when nothing  is said in gratification of their wishes.
The Secretary of State has informed you of the arrangements produced by the offered & accepted mediation of the Emperor of Russia. I hope they will not be in dissonance with the sentiments of your son, of whose great worth we are all fully sensibleAs to the result of this pacific experiment, I the less venture to speak, as the probabilities on which it depends, can be calculated by no one better than yourself. We anxiously wish that a just peace may be brought about, and have spared no pains in smoothing the way to it.
Be pleased Sir to accept assurances of my great & friendly esteem

James Madison


Title: To John Adams from François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 5 May 1813
From: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan
To: Adams, John

Mÿ Dear and respected Sir!
Olden barneveld 5 Maÿ 1813.

Do not Suppose, that I waited to answer your verÿ interesting letter of March 18—till I received the other promised anecdote of Quaker’s benevolence—no Sir! and I believe, you know me too well—art too well convinced of the high value I place on the distinguished proofs of your regard and frendship with which you continue to honour me, to attrbute mÿ Silence to anÿ Such unbecoming motives. The Severe Sickness of mÿ Son was Scarce over before mrs vanderkemp was indisposed—She is now—after four weeks illness reconvalescent, and will—I hope—ere long recover her Strenght. I lost a valuable friend in Ch. Livingston, and am threatned—daylÿ—that John T Mifflin Shall follow him—his desease, the gout, baffles the energÿ of medicine and Sets at naught the Skill of his Physicians. Mrs mappa has been—during weeks—in a verÿ critical Situation—but is now recovering—with her daughter—So that health Shall be once more the inmate of our families. You are not Surprised—that all this Spread a heavÿ gloom on mÿ mind—which I could not Shake of So easilÿ—I went three days to Utica—I had recours to Terentius—applied to Voiture—and Shall call in, Plautus and Rabelais. Yesterdaÿ I celebrated with part of Mappa’s familÿ—mother and Daughter yet compelled to Stay home, mÿ 25th anniversarÿ in this countrÿ—the 61st of mÿ age—and revived again—yea—I could persuade myself—qu’avec mes amis et le bon vin—I could brave old Methusalem—but what a drearÿ desert must this world be for Him—who did See the last friend of his heart gone! I would not delaÿ mÿ answer longer—your kind indulgence Shall make allowance for its little interest.
But whÿ do I not live in your neighbourhood? You at least maÿ with ease outlive one—and how consoling would be an anticipated tear of John Adams! It is true—I am not unhappÿ in mÿ family—in my connections—otis fruor—as you, but not cum dignitate—although not exposed—as you are—to envÿ or Slander. And—my Dear Adams! If I enjoÿ Something resembling dignity in the regards—paid me by one or other of your fellow-citisens—this again, I must acknowledge.—Muneris id tui est—You See—I perceive I am again harping the Same String! You must write again—and Soothe my anguish—and Shew—what you would do, could I come to Quincÿ and convince your Friends—that I deserve your recommandation.
I owe you a better acquaintance with the Quakers—I am now convinced it is correct, and power in anÿ hands—much more So—when it presumes to be invested with the prerogative of opening the gates of heaven to a favorte, or kicking a damned one in the abyss—Shall be abused. I renew my often repeated Solemn declaration—that I would rather live under Sultan Achmed—than under the dominion of anÿ Reverend Father. I know yet only two Orthodox—and thus—entitled of course—to the blessings of this world and those of another—who usuallÿ deem it becoming to instruct by punishments the unbeliever—in what he maÿ expect hereafter from a Revengeful—Omnipotent Despot—who were tolerant—Charitable—meek Christians—and their good faith could not be questioned—as to indulge rancour—if it did Skulk in their breasts—would have promoted their Intrests— So did; you know, Jurieu—The one was J. J. Schultens—orientalist and Prof. of Divinity—a rigid Supra-Lapsarian too—He called a Socinian his Brother—whom he recommended to God’s mercÿ—as he did See no means to Save him. The Other is a Calvinist Baptist at N. york, mr j. Stanford—a man of Letters—of taste—of pietÿ—who knows me a damned heretick, according his creed—and remains an affectionate and interesting correspondent. I know no more example; and the riddle is not difficult to explain. But instruct me—what are wet Quakers—wet Anabaptists?
Mr Norton informs me—that the Sketch on Calvin and Servetus Shall be placed in the Repositorÿ—I informed him, if they—might change their opinion—to return it to the care of mr. john Adams—The Editors Shall correct the idiom. In a former Letter I requested to tell me, if you approved, to insert the Sketch of the Physical and Moral causes of the Revolutionarÿ Spirit in one of the Periodical publications— I did So—as I wished to have the Subject discussed—and depended in regard to the propriety more on ÿour judgment than mine. I renew it now—as—I Shall Send it to the Cambridge Repositorÿ, if you Saÿ So—or give up the idea—in case of a contrarÿ Sentiment—Saÿ not my Dear Sir! that I am Spoiled by your indulgence and know not how—Deorum
Muneribus Sapienter uti—
All this would be your fault—as I would never have taken So manÿ Liberties, was I not before encouraged by you—Had I not proofs—that you prefer to give, rather than to receive and So would I,—If I possessed the means—or, could I ever write—as I ought, to make letters acceptable—I would presume—to extend my beneficence even to your Ladÿ—whereas I must now with regret request a friend to recommend me to Her remembrance.
I have Some Strange opinion, that Quincÿ Adams with a Galatin and Baÿard maÿ before the close of the pretended Negotiation  find him Self in a Similar predicament as his father was in Paris in 1780. Maÿ I be disappointed!—Is B—— known to you as a man of inflexible integrity—and consummate Knowledge? I know Him as a Senator—Something more is required—
With affectionate and unabated high regard / I remain yours

Fr Adr vanderkemp Maÿ—

P.S. As you know manÿ things—as least if it is permitted to compare you with the grand mass—who knows infinitelÿ less—and with that choice Bodÿ of enlightened fellows, who can decide upon everÿ thing—you Shall oblige your friend to instruct him the full Sense of the Proverb, which I cannot penetrate
“Old fish at table” &c
It is intended a Blessing, if it was a curse—I would read “cold fish at table, and old flesh in bed”—but now—esto mihi Oedipus!—I know—The French too Say at least in Voiture’s time “Jeune chair et viex poisson”—and he  understands it, at is Seems, from its firmness—but you know, a genteel Ladÿ—presiding at an elegant table in high life, at Paris, would have blushed—“Si le poison n’etoit pas assez mortifié” I Should thus presume, without I am more enlightened, that Pope, and the rest of Such fellows are in the wrong—because theÿ were all waterdrinkers, and that the true and genuine reading is / Old wine at table, and young flesh in bed. yes Madam! / Dinner on table! yours—&c

V: d. Kemp!


Title: From John Adams to James Madison, 5 May 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Madison, James

Dear Sir Quincy May 5th 1813

I ought to make an apology to you for the trouble I give you to read so many of my letters upon subjects with which perhaps I should have nothing to do. but as I am requested to give a simple letter of introduction to a gentleman going to Washington, I could not refuse it.
Mr Andrew Eliot a respectable Merchant of Boston has a petition to present to the Administration or to the legislature or to both upon a private affair of which I know nothing but he is a son of Dr John Eliot lately deceased and a Grandson of Dr Andrew Eliot both of the same respectable church in Boston with both of whom I was long acquainted and knew them to be learned ingenious virtuous  and pious clergymen I have never heard any thing of the character and conduct of this son and Grandson inconsistent with the education he must have had or unworthy of his Ancestors, I write this merely as an introduction that you may know something of the person and that he may be saved the awkwardness of introducing himself to a President of the United States with invariable esteem, your humble/Servant.

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from David Humphreys, 8 May 1813
From: Humphreys, David
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir,
Boston (Saturday Eveng) May 8th—1813

Mr Frans Coffin, who will have the honour of delivering this letter, & whom I beg leave to recommend to your friendly notice, as a Gentleman desirous of getting a Passage to St Petersburg, by the Cartel–Ship, about to sail from Philadelphia, if practicable. He is a brother to my friend Mrs Darby; and has, also, a brother who has been for some years past in Russia.
His principal object in paying his respects, at this moment, is, to obtain information, respecting the precise time of the sailing of the Cartel; and to offer his services to your Grand Son, provided he should proceed to Philadelphia, with a view of making the voyage, when an answer shall have been received from Messrs Gallatin & Bayard.—I embrace every occasion with eagerness to assure you of the high respect & esteem, with which
I have the honour to be / yr. mst: faithful friend & Servt
D. Humphreys


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Waterhouse, 9 May 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Waterhouse, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Quincy May 9. 1813

Our Boston Rulers must be acknowledged to be profound Politicians. They appear to have Studied the Uses of Solomons Temple and its furniture, and the Rites and Ceremonies of the Hebrew Polity. The final Causes of the Temples and Altars of Jupiter, Bacchus and Venus &c and the Festivals in honour of Such Gods among the Greeks and Romans, appear to be well understood. The History of the Rise and Progress of the Christian Hierarchy is not unknown to them. The Town Meetings, the Assemblages, the Processions, the Festivals, the theatrical Funerals, the Mausoleums, the Equestrian Statues the Busts, the Portraits and the Relicks are all in the true Spirit. All these Things they understand as well as Loyola or Machiavel. The Maxim of Old Nick, “to pretend to great Zeal in Religion: but to be Sure, to have none” is quite familiar to them.
I am not Sanguine, that “the modest Washington would have condemned Such a Society.” His Cincinnati Society, was his Hobby. He loved Adulation and could not resist her Charms. The real Friends of their Country are deluded and ruined by joining in Such extravagant Hozannas to his Name. Your Sons refusal to be Gorget Bearer does him honour.
Mr Qs Oration I have not seen. His Name, any more than that of Otis, ought not to be where it is. He is a Disciple of James Hillhouse and . The immense Fortune of his Family, made by Washingtons System of Injustice, in his Funds and Banks, grapples him to his Name and System, with Hooks of Steel.
The Moment I received your Letter, announcing the Death of Dr Rush, I wrote again to Mr Madison, on your Subject.
The Papers announce the Appointment of Dr James Rush. What can I Say?
You know much of Benj. Rush as a Physician and as a Professor, but it is impossible you Should thoroughly know his Biography as a Statesman. from 1764 to his Death he acted an important Part on the political Theatre. He has Suffered more and gained less in Fame Fortune and Feelings by the Revolution than almost any other Man. His Family is virtuous numerous and distressed. My heart leaped, when I read the appointment of James.
Gentle Shepherd tell me why, when and where you got Such Sentiments and the Courage to divulge them? They must however be propagated or and adopted. Do you remember the enthusiastic Panegyrics upon Garrick which were So long continued after his Death? And the manner and means by which they were at last discountenanced and arrested?
I have not yet demonstrated the Influence of a certain Circle. But I can, to your Conviction.
I am highly gratified that Mr Gray has taken your Son into his Counting House.

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to David Humphreys, 10 May 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Humphreys, David

Dear Humphreys
Quincy May 10. 1813

I thank you for introducing to me Mr Francis Coffin and Mr Sumner, the Brother and Brother in law of that Lady who did me the honour to drink a Glass of Wine with me at your house. I have given the Gentlemen, all the Information I had, which in truth was very little.
They gave me much more. Dearborne’s Enterprize against York and Niagara: but they had not the hand Bill and could not give details, I dare not indulge in Reflections because I have not the Facts. But I cannot but say, that this appears to me, to be the first Scene of the first Act of Dearbornes Generalship. It is early. It is bold. It is Setting an Example. Such an Act of Washington would have Secured him Immortality.
We are to have a Partizan War upon the Lakes, and upon the American and the British Borders of those Lakes, Either Canada must conquer U.S. or U.S. must conquer Canada. Never will there be, never can there be, tranquility to either, till one or the other is Master. America, North and South must be tottally absolutely and eternally Seperated from Europe, or it must be Subjected to Europe, or it must be everlastingly quarrelling with Europe.
The Policy of your Friends and of my quondam, pretended Friends the Federalists as they call themselves, is altogether incomprehensible to me. I am, as ever your Friend

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from John Marston, 12 May 1813 to 15 May 1813
From: Marston, John
To: Adams, John

Novr 1 1775. A bill passed to establish a Court of Admiralty, & fixing away armed Vessells.—Decemr 16—A resolve to “fit out” ten Vessells, to go to the West Indies for military stores.—Decr 29 John Adams & J Palmer were appointed a Comr to report a plan for “fixing away” armed Vessells for the protection of American liberty.Jany 6 1776—Eight thousand pounds were appropriated for the purpose.—Jany 11 In Council resolved to build two frigates to carry 36. & 32 guns  John Adams on the Committee.—The above was recommitted in the house of Rep’s?—feby 7 Resolved to build ten sloops of war of 16 guns each, £10,000 was appropriated for that purpose—feby 8 Resolved to empower the Committee at Newbury Port to arm and “fix away” the Sloop Liberty, and Schr. Diligent, with 50 men each & 10 guns—March 29th 1776—Richard Derby was order’d to fix away two vessells for the West Indies for military stores.—
Boston 12 May 1813—
Dear SirThe foregoing minutes were extracted from the second Volume, of Records of the Government of Massachusetts after the Commencement of the revolutionary war.
            Should they be of any use to you or your friends, it will be gratifying to  Dear Sir very respectfully yr obliged friendJohn MarstonMy dear SirBoston 15 May 1813I have this day extracted the following Memoranda from the 3d Vol of the records of the Government of Massachusetts.—With great respect Am Dr Sir / Your obliged Humble servant18 June 1776 The Committee for fortifying the harbour of Boston were directed to procure two ships, to be moored in such places with English colours as will decoy the enemies ships into the harbour.—2 July An armed Vessell was ordered to be purchased, to be commanded by Capt Batcheldor, to cruise on the Coast as a vessell of observation, & to give notice of the movements of the enemy2 Sepr The honble Messrs. Wendall Greenleaf & Williams were appointed a Committee to repair to Portsmouth N.H. and assist the US agent there by every possible means in fixing away the US frigate Raleigh, building there.—14 Sepr 1776—An order passed to deliver from the Commissary stores of Massats. to Hector McNiel Esqr Capt of the US frigate Boston building at Newbury twenty two 9lb Cannon, & six 6 pound Cannon with carriages & apparatus Compleat, to arm said ship—18 Sepr 1776 Honble Richard Derby was appointed a Committee to assist Capt Manly & the US agent in fitting out the frigate Hancock of 32 guns—9 Octo The Sloop Freedom was ordered to be altered to a Brig, & the masts & rigging of the Govt Brig Rising Empire to be taken for that purpose.—26 Octo A Board of War of nine gentlemen was appointed, to conduct & direct the opperations of the Land & Sea forces of Massachusetts.—11 Decemr 1776 John Peck a celebrated Naval Architect was authorised to build an armed Vessell to carry 16 guns on a new Construction.—This vessell proved to be one of the best & most elegant models ever built.—8 Jany 1777—John Bradford Esqr Navy Agent of the US—Petitioned that he might be furnished with twenty six 12lb Cannon & six 6lb Cannon for the US frigate Raleigh—granted.—5 April 1777—Resolved to supply J Bradford US Navy agent with eighty muskets for the use of the Continental frigates11 Ap—77—Ordered that two thousand & fifty six pounds nine shillings LMy be paid to Honble R Derby to pay for Cannon for the US Ship Hancock.—26 Ap 77 The following privateers were hired by the government of Massats. to cruise on the Coast in defence of American Liberty.—viz—

              Ship Tartan—24 guns200 menCapt GrimesMifflin20—200—DayPortsmouth20—180—ParkerBrig Hawke—14—80—OakesSloop Satisfaction14—100WheelwrightSchr. America 14100McNielActive—1065GardnerSpeedwell860GreelyBuckram645Marony

              It appears by a variety of resolves that the United States frigates Hancock & Raleigh of 32 guns about 800 tons each—And the US frigate Boston of 28 guns about 550 tons were put to sea at the expence, & by the exertions of the State of Massachusetts.—At the close of the war, Commissioners were appointed to settle Accounts between each State, & the United States—The amount allowed by them in favour of Massachusetts was twenty seven millions of Dollars. of which three millions were deducted by the Comrs without assigning a reason.The Commissioners were appointed one from each State, Mr Dane of Beverley was from Massats. & can vouch for the authenticity of the foregoing.—


Title: From John Adams to Gideon Granger, 13 May 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Granger, Gideon

Sir
Quincy May 13th 1813

Permit me to enclose to you a letter from my neighbour Mr Mottram Vesey and to add my Testimony to the truth  of his representations.
His situation is the best in town and his qualifications too. Indeed I beleive he has no competitors. I have known him from his cradle,  and his father and Grandfathers from mine. His appointment will oblige his connections who are numerous and respectable and I beleive the whole town, among whom certainly is your friendly and respectful humble Servant

John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from Mathew Carey, 15 May 1813
From: Carey, Mathew
To: Adams, John

Hon Joh Adams,Sir,
Philada May 15. 1813

I recd from my venerable & respected friend, Dr Rush, sundry communications from you, forwarded by you for the use of the author of the Naval History, which I have just published. I now return them with thanks.
A mistake of the post office prevented the first of them coming early enough to answer the purpose.
I request your acceptance of a copy of the work, which I send herewith. Any As it was written quite hastily, it will require to be read with some grains of allowance.
I have printed but a small Edition, for the purpose of having a chance of rendering the work more complete at a future day. I think not improbable that I shall in four or five weeks commence another edition—
Any corrections or alterations that you may suggest for the improvement of the work will be thankfully recd.
Accept the assurances of my respect & esteem, & of the sincerest wishes for your honour & happiness, of / Your obt. Hble Servt
Mathew Carey


Title: To John Adams from Mathew Carey, 19 May 1813
From: Carey, Mathew
To: Adams, John

Sir
Philada May 19. 1813.

Dr James Rush, yesterday, put into my hands your letter of the 30th. ult. which came too late to answer the purpose intended.
As I propose to publish in one time a new Edition of the Naval History, I shall, if you judge proper, retain this communication; or otherwise return it to you. I remain, with sincere respect, / your obt. hble Servt
Mathew Carey


Title: From John Adams to Mathew Carey, 20 May 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Carey, Mathew

Sir
Quincy May 20 1813.

I received your favor of the 15 with great pleasure and the volume attending it with gratitude.—When I received from our excellent friend Dr Rush, an intimation that Mr Matthew Carey was about publishing a work on the Navy of the U.S. I expected something very valuable because I recollected the American Museum and the history if the Yellow Fever in Philadelphia, the latter of which works to say nothing of the former appeared to me the most perfect thing of the kind, that I had ever read.
In “the sketches of the Naval History of the United States, from the commencement of the Revolutionary War to the present time,” I have not been disappointed. I admrie the modesty of the title “sketches” What would not the world give at this day for such sketches of the Navy of Solomon, of Athens of Rome of Carthage, of Alfred of Elizabeth, of France, of Holland, of Spain of, Portugal, of Venice or the Hanoe towns?
Your design to publish a second edition with enlargements is judicious. I wish every circumstance to be collected and recorded. I can promise you very little Assistance. I am however promised some particulars, by some of our old dying officers. Meantime I will venture to enclose you, some minutes made by one of my Neighbours, who understanding that I was enquiring after old Documents and testimonies relative to the Navy, went of his own mere motion to the Records of the state and obliged me by giving me the enclosed minutes which I pray you to return to me by the Post, after extracting what you may find for your purpose of  a second edition. The Gentleman I presume would not wish, at present to have his name published.
I must explain one circumstance. After the proceedings in Congress and their committees in October and November 1775 and after fitting out Commondore Hopkins and all his squadron. I asked leave of Congress to return home on a visit to my constituents and Family at watertown,  I took my seat as a member of the Council of Massachusetts Bay, and was soon appointed with General Joseph Palmer a committee, to consider Naval matters. In my absence from Congress a Committee was appointed for Naval affairs consisting of one Member from each State.
As I have not the pleasure of being known to Mr Thomas Clark U.S. Topographical engineer, I pray you to give him my compliments and thanks for his exertions. I wish him as much success in collecting and arranging materials for a methodical history of the United States &c as he has been in this affair of the Navy.
I am Sir with much esteem your obliged humble Servant
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 20 May 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan

My dear and respected Van der Kemp.
Quincy May 20. 1813

The promised Anecdote of Quaker Benevolence is this. In June 1775, The British Man of War Asia, took Prisoner Colonel Hitchburne, now of Dorchester dying of a paralitic Stroke, then a Boy, but an ingenious one, just out of the Offices of Saml. Fitch, and James Otis, where he had been a Student in Law. The Men of Wars Men broke open his Chest, as he was crossing Hudsons River at New York, and found two Letters from me: one to my Wife, and the other to my then Friend Col. James Warren. In these Letters the Britons and the Tories found Strong Symptoms of Independence, the very Idea, the very Imagination of which, at that time was High Treason to be hanged drawn and quatered. These Letters were to Britons and Tories a precious Treasure. They published them, immediately in their Tory Newspapers in Boston, then possessed by the British Army and Navy.... Oh! The Clamour! Oh the Rage! Oh the Fury that was raised against poor John Adams, as one of the worst of Men, aiming at Independence! The whole Body of Quakers, throughout the United States took the Alarm, and John Adams was pronounced by them to be one of the worst of Men manifestly aiming at Independence.
A year or two afterwards, The Quakers and Proprietary Gentlemen of Pensilvania, became So turbulent, intriguing and Seditious,  that Congress was compelled to take Notice of them. They Ordered their Leaders to be taken into Custody. The Committee of Congress, found the Quaker Records of their General Assemblies; in which I Saw and read, that my two Letters were producd from a Newspaper, and I was held up as one of the Worst of Men designing Independence; and to be watched and marked and avoided by The Friends. To detail the million Circumstances which attended these little Events would fill Sheets: but my Brains, my Eyes and my Fingers are worne out. “Thee must know, that We Friends, do not much Affect the Name of Adams,” is the cant of Quakers to this day. Quakers are like all other Sects. I would trust Presbyterians Congregationalists, English Episcopalians, Anabaptists, nay Papists as Soon. I have witnessed a Quaker Despotism in Pensilvania. The Sovereignty was in Quakers. The Revolution destroyed it.
You ask me what is a Wet Quaker? Soak a Piece of Buckram in Water. All, or at least Some of the Stiffness will be taken out. Spunge a Piece of glossy Broad cloth in Water and all the outside beauty, will be destroyed. A Wet Quaker, is a Soaked Buckram, and a Spunged Cloth. i.e. a Quaker relaxed a little by Reading and Experience from the Rigiddity of their Principles, and consequently read out of their Meetings, i.e excommunicated.
“What a dreary, desert? When the last Friend of the heart is gone?” I had just lost my dear Friend Dr Rush, when I read this question and it excited all my Sensibility. Yet I have dear Friends left: but not one, out of my own Family, more necessary to my happiness.
If you come to Quincy, I will Shew you a pretty Hill, and what might be made a pretty Farm, the Athenæum in Boston and a botanical Garden at Cambridge; and a friendly heart.
I damn Nobody. I am, an Atom of Intellect, with Millions of Solar Systems, over my head, under my Feet, on my right hand and on my left, before me and behind me: and my Adoration of the Intelligence that contrived and the Power that rules the Stupendous Fabric, is too profound to believe them capable of any thing unjust, mean, or cruel.
I can write no more. The Post Office has overwhelmed me this Moment with Letters and Gazettes, and a Book that you must insert in your Sketch which I advise you to Publish.
It is intitled
“Sketches of the Naval History of The United States, from the Commencement of the Revolutionary War, to the present Time, containing detailed Accounts of all the interesting Actions of the public Vessels of the United States and of Privateers; and an historical View of the Policy and Acts of the United States Government, relative to the naval Establishment Likewise an Appendix, wherein the Chief Part of the important Documents concerning the Navy are collected.
By Thomas Clark, U.S. topographical Engineer,  Philadelphia, Printed for M. Carey. 1813.
This Volume contains 177 pages of Text, and 139 pages of Appendix. It was Sent me by Mr Mathew Carey. Every Man who can read ought to possess it. A Second Edition will Soon Appear, with Additions.

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Mathew Carey, 21 May 1813
From: Carey, Mathew
To: Adams, John

Sir,
Philada May 21. 1813.

The enclosed art is, I find, in the Appendix to the Naval History. I therefore return it, & am, / respectfully, / Your obt. hble Servt
Mathew Carey


Title: From John Adams to Samuel Dexter, 25 May 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Dexter, Samuel

Dear Sir
Quincy May 25. 1813

It is not with any enviable, or eligible Feelings that I find myself, under a necessity of addressing you, at this Time, and in this manner: to request the favour of you to communicate to our Society, my determination to retire.
As my advanced Age and indifferent Health render it impossible for me to attend the Meetings of the Society or discharge the Duties of my Office with any regularity, I decline the future Election, to the Chair of the Society for promoting Agriculture.
In taking a respectful and affectionate Leave of the Massachusetts Society for promoting Agriculture of their Trustees, and of The Visitors of the Professorship of Natural History and the botannical Garden: I am bound in duty ro express, the high Sense I entertain of the honour done me by repeated Elections to their Chair, and the gratitude I feel for the pleasure I have had in their Conversation in many of the most Social and happy days of my Life.
My best Wishes attend the Members for their Health and Happiness; and Sincere prayers for the Promotion and prosperity of Agriculture and Horticulture in Massachusetts and through the World
John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from James R. Willson, 25 May 1813
From: Willson, James R.
To: Adams, John

Washington city May 25th: 1813Dear father.

An offective son, & one of the children of the church presumes to address you an epistle. I long  admired your measures in preparing to expend this nation in time of peace, & thus prevent war from spreding ruin over the land. Now all the nation is convinced of the propriety of your measures respecting the navy & impropriety of the measures of your successors. Our navy has done wonders. God grant it success. He has been convincing the nation that federalists were right, & democrats wrong.
Christians in the middle & western sections of the union & even Some in the south are lothing of having Christ Jesus acknowledged in the Federal constitution as “having on his vesture & on his thigh written king of kings & Lord of Lords & prince of the kings of the earth.” You will approve I am sure & give your influence to do Christian  a measure. It will keep southren Lusts & good pious northren men will get the great Offices. Father a dutiful son sends you his blessing
Jas R WillsonI am engaged in collecting documents for a History Of America, civil ecclesiastical Physical & moral. In the civil war you will have many documents. If you are So good as to favour me with what you know on those subjects, please Direct to Jas. R. Willson M. D Principal of  -College Bedford Pa


Title: To John Adams from American Academy of Arts and Sciences, 26 May 1813
From: American Academy of Arts and Sciences
To: Adams, John

Hond and Dear Sir,
Boston May 26th 1813

I have the pleasure to announce to you, that at a meeting of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences May 25th. 1813 it was the unanimous wish of the Members as expressed by ballot, that you would continue their President.
Very respectfully / your humble Servant
John FarrarRecg. Secy. to the Academy


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 27 May 1813
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

Monticello May 27. 13.

Another of our friends of 76. is gone, my dear Sir, another of the Co-signers of the independance of our country. and a better man, than Rush, could not have left us, more benevolent, more learned, of finer genius, or more honest. we too must go; and that ere long.. I believe we are under half a dozen at present; I mean the signers of the Declaration. yourself, Gerry, Carroll, and myself are all I know to be living. I am the only one South of the Patomac. is Robert Treat Payne, or Floyd living? it is long since I heard of them, and yet I do not recollect to have heard of their deaths.
Moreton’s deduction of the origin of our Indians from the fugitive Trojans, stated in your letter of Jan. 26. and his manner of accounting for the sprinkling of their Latin with Greek, is really amusing. Adair makes them talk Hebrew. Reinold Foster derives them from the soldiers sent by Kouli Khan to conquer Japan. Berewood from the Tartars, as well as our bears, wolves, foxes Etc. which he says “must of necessity fetch their beginning from Noah’s ark, which rested, after the deluge, in Asia, seeing they could not proceed by the course of nature, as the unperfect sort of living creatures do, from putrefaction.” Bernard Tomans is of opinion that God created an original man & woman in this part of the globe. Doctr. Barton thinks they are not specifically different from the Persians; but, taking afterwards a broader range, he thinks “that in all the vast countries of America, there is but one language, nay that it may be proven, or rendered highly probable, that all the languages of the earth bear some affinity together. this reduces it to a question of definition, in which every one is free to use his own. to wit, what constitutes identity, or difference in two things? (in the common acceptation of sameness.) all languages may be called the same, as being all made up of the same primitive sounds, expressed by the letters of the different alphabets. but, in this sense, all things on earth are the same, as consisting of matter. this gives up the useful distribution into genera & species, which we form, arbitrarily indeed, for the relief of our imperfect memories. to aid the question, from whence are our Indian tribes descended? some have gone into their religion, their morals, their manners, customs, habits, and physical forms. by such helps it may be learnedly proved that our trees and plants of every kind are descended from those of Europe; because, like them they have no locomotion, they draw nourishment form the earth, they clothe themselves with leaves in spring, of which they divest themselves in autumn for the sleep of winter Etc. our animals too must be descended from those of Europe, because our wolves eat lambs, our deer are gregarious, our ants hoard Etc. but when, for convenience, we distribute languages, according to common understanding, into Classes originally different, as we chuse to consider them, as the Hebrew, the Greek, the Celtic, the Gothic; and these again into genera, or families, as the Icelandic, German, Swedish, Danish, English; and these last into species, or dialects, as English, Scotch, Irish, we then ascribe other meanings to the terms “same” and “different.” in some one of these senses, Barton, and Adair, and Foster, and Brerewood, & Moreton, may be right, every one according to his own definition of what constitutes “identity.” Romans indeed takes a higher stand, and supposes a separate creation. on the same unscriptural ground, he had but to mount one step higher, to suppose no creation at all, but that all things have existed without beginning in time, as they now exist, and may for ever exist, producing and reproducing in a circle, without end. this would very summarily dispose of mr Morton’s learning, and shew that the question of Indian origin, like many others pushed to a certain height, must recieve the same answer, “Ignoro.”
You ask if the usage of hunting in circles has ever been known among any of our tribes of Indians? it has been practiced by them all; and to this day, by those still remote from the settlements of the whites. but their numbers not enabling them, like Genghis Kahn’s 700,000, to form themselves into circles of 100. miles diameter, they make their circle by firing the leaves fallen on the ground, which gradually forcing the animals to a center, they there slaughter them with arrows, darts and other missiles. this is called firehunting, and has been practised in this state within my time, by the white inhabitants. this is the most probable cause of the origin & extension of the vast prairies in the Western country, where the grass having been of extraordinary luxuriance, has made a conflagration sufficient to kill even the old, as well as the young timber.
I sincerely congratulate you on the successes of our little navy; which must be more gratifying to you than to most men, as having been the early and constant advocate of wooden walls. if I have differed with you on this ground, it was not on the principle, but the time. supposing that we cannot build or maintain a navy, which will not immediately fall into the same gulph which has swallowed, not only the minor navies, but even those of the great second rate powers of the sea. whenever these can be resuscitated, and brought so near to a balance with England that we can turn the scale, then is my epoch for aiming at a navy. in the mean time one competent to keep the Barbaray states in order, is necessary; these being the only smaller powers disposed to quarrel with us. but I respect too much the weighty opinions of others to be unyielding on this point, and acquiesce with the prayer “quod felix faustumque sit,’ adding ever a sincere one for your health and happiness.
Th. Jefferson


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Waterhouse, 28 May 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Waterhouse, Benjamin

Dear Sir,
Quincy May 28. 1813

You know not the Feeling I have for you. I wish Mr Cutts and Mr Seaver, may guess right: but you know Men are apt to guess as they wish.
You “do not See but Christians destroy each other full as much as Pagans”. To this I answer, Joshua Pizarro Alva, Lorrain, Laud, Bartholomews day, the Powder Plott and the Irish Massacre. I will add that Democrats, Deists and Atheists destroy each other, and the rest of the World, as much as Jews, Christians or Pagans. Recollect the French Revolution. Of the death of Rush, I cannot write or Speak.
Will our Accademy of Arts and Sciences, or our Medical Society, take any Notice of his Death?
I think your Son John will succeed in Philadelphia. His choice is I hope and believe judicious.
I must also “acquiesce in Deprivations”.
But I have Something to communicate of more importance to the U.S. than You, or I, or all our Posterity. What? Says your Self-Love and mine can this be?!!!?
I have received a Book from Philadelphia with the Title of “Sketches of the Naval History of the United States, from the Commencement of the Revolutionary War to the present time”. By Thomas Clark Topographical Engineer of the United States: printed for Mathew Cary Philadelphia 1813.
The Patriot and the Chronicle would do more honor to the Papers, and more good to the Union by advertising this Book, than by many their colums of political Speculation and Controversy. This is my Opinion and I have no more to Say

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 29 May 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear Sir
Quincy May 29. 1813.

To leave the Pettifogger of Funivals Inn, or Cliffords Inn, his Archbishop Laud, and his Chevalier of St. Iago of Compostella Sir Christopher Gardiner, for the present; Paulo Multo majora canamus.
There has been put into my hands, within a few days a gross Volume in octavo, of 544 Pages with the Title of “Memoirs of the late reverend Theophilus Lindsey. M. A.” including a brief “Analysis of his Works; together with Anecdotes and Letters of eminent Persons, his Friends and Correspondents: also a general View of the progress of the Unitarian doctrine in England and America. By Thomas Belsham, Minister of the Chapel in Essex Street.”
Whether you have Seen this Work, I know not. but this I know, the Author, and his Friends ought to have Sent you a Copy of it; and therefore I conclude they have.
With Lindsey, Disney, Price, Priestley, Jebb, Kippis &c and their Connections, whom I could name, I was much acquainted in London from 1785 to 1788. These Characters, with Cappe, Farmer, and a multitude of others, figure in this Work. The Religion, the Philosophy, the Morality, the Politicks, which these People teach, have been Objects of my anxious Attention for more than Three Score Years, as I could demonstrate to you, if I could give you, a brief Sketch of my Life. But my Life has been too trifling and my Actions too insignificant for me to write or the Public to read. In my wandering romantic Life, with my incessant Res angusta Domi, and my numerous unfortunate Family, of Children and Grand Children without the honour, which you have attained of being a great grandfather, tho’ I have a near prospect of it; it has been impossible for me to pursue Such Inquiries, with any thing like Learning.
What may be the Effect, of these “Memoirs” in the U.S. if they Should become public I know not; and I will add I care not; for I wish every Subject to be discussed at all Events. The human Mind is awake: Let it not Sleep. Let it however consider. Let it think. Let it pause.
This Work must produce a noise in U.S. Fiat Justitia....
The 12th. Article in the Appendix is “Letters from Dr Priestley to Mr Lindsey: and from Thomas Jefferson Esq. President of the United States to Dr Priestley p. 525. The first Letter from you is dated March 21. 1801. at Washington. The Second April 9. 1803 at Washington. Dr Priestleys Letter to Mr Lindsey, containing remarks upon Mr Jeffersons Letter is dated Northumberland April 23. 1803.
I wish to know, if you have Seen this Book. I have much to Say on the Subject. And you may depend upon it, I will discuss the Subjects with as much Candour, as much Friendship, as much Freedom, as Price, Priestley Lindsey, Cappe or Farmer, ever displayed in their Controversies. I have not time to enlarge at present.
I will only Add have you Seen the Naval History by Mr Clark, published by Mathew Carey at Philadelphia? I wish I had time and Eyes and fingers to write much to you on this Subject.
I lament the death of my dear Friend of 38 years Dr Benjamin Rush, much the more, Since I have Seen Lindseys Memoirs.
I am, with unalterable Esteem and Affection / your old Friend
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Delaplaine, 29 May 1813
From: Delaplaine, Joseph
To: Adams, John

Sir,
Philadelphia May 29th: 1813.

I have commenced the publication of engraved portraits of the eminent men of our country, by Mr: Edwin and Leney, in their best style.
Have the goodness to inform me, whether there is an approved likeness of you, by whom painted, and in whose possession it is. And be pleased also to grant me permission to have it engraved.
The portait of Dr. Rush, from a painting by Mr. Sully, is in the hands of Mr. Edwin, and will appear on the 10th. of June next. The portraits of John Jay & De Witt Clinton Esquires, & that of the late Vice President George Clinton Esqr. are in the hands of Mr. Leney & will shortly be published.
Hoping to be favoured with a letter from you soon, I remain, Sir, with very great respect, & regard, / your obedt huml. Servt.,

Joseph DelaplaineBooksellerSouth West Corner of 7th. & Chesnut Streets


Title: To John Adams from John Mitchell, 1 June 1813
From: Mitchell, John
To: Adams, John

Sir,
Halifax N.S. 1 June 1813

A few Days since in Converseing With His Exclcy. Sir John C. Sherbrooke, He Mentioned to Me Some Letters received at the Admiralty addressed for you, & enquired of Me if I would forward them on His part: As you May presume Sir, I was happy in Offering do so.—And this Morning the Letter here with Was sent by the Provincial Secty. The Letters With My Name on the back is Transmitted here With. And I have great pleasure in availing Myself of this Occasion of Assuring You that I am with perfect Consideration and Esteem / Sir, your Most / Obedient & Hble Ser.
John MitchellAgent of the U States for Ex. of Amr. P. of W.You will I hope recollect Me in Philadalphia the Step Son of Mr. Andrew Caldwell,—of the firm a. Caldwell &ca.


Title: To John Adams from François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 1 June 1813
From: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan
To: Adams, John

Mÿ Dear and respected Sir!
Oldenbarneveld 1 Juny. 1813

I can not express you—how warmlÿ I am obliged to you for your your last kind favour of May 20th. It Saÿs—nothing that it pleased and instructed—no—it did much more—It relieved mÿ drooping Spirits it dissipated in part the deep gloom, which has latelÿ taken possession of me—listen—mÿ Dear! I have one friend yet left—he would Soothe mÿ Sorrows—was he in the neighbourhood, altho he participated in my grief. I doubt—if you know the death of John F. Mifflin. The 13th. was the last daÿ of his course—the 15th. mÿ Son attended his bodÿ to the grave. Continual watching and anxiety have much debilitated Mrs Mifflin and her daughter—and old mrs Bordleÿ, who was unwell the greater part of the winter—was but ill prepared for this afflicting loss. The 25th of Dec. he did yet hope, to See me, and then expected, that  I Should make his house mÿ home—how vain alas! are our dreams—but—what to me makes his death double painful—is the irreparable loss mÿ Dear friend mrs La Roche—now entirelÿ dependent on a Son in Law—Suffers bÿ it. His advice and counsel—his generous kindness and protection—all are gone—and I was compelled to communicate these dismal tidings. M.’s perhaps to great partiality towards me made me more highlÿ value his good will—but it is not less true, that his affectionate and powerful assistance to that accomplished woman, when forsaken and robbed bÿ a Villain, and his unrelenting exertions in behalf of her Son—made me consider him as a tutelar angel to that family; and claimed mÿ reverence—while mÿ obligations towards him—for the numerous kindnesses bestowed on mÿ children, on mÿ Son, at his entrance in the world—Shall never be obliterated—and he did So, he protested, because their Father was his friend.
How few have been So eminently honoured with the esteem and friendship of eminent men—both here and in Europe—as your friend—without loosing one of them as by death—and yet—nearly all are gone, except John Adams here—and Cau and de Gÿzelaer! In our last Letters—Jacob van Staphorst’s death was mentioned! there will be at last not one left, who will care or interest himself much about me. Should I dare to indulge myself So freelÿ in this Strain—without an apologÿ-—If I was not confident, that I unbosomed myself to a friend, who can bear with infirmities—I have been often told, that old age grows insensible—the tender feelings are the portion of youth—but I contest this assertion—I feel as warmlÿ—perhaps too the same excess—as for thirty years—If this is not usual, then I possess a fund of miserÿ and happiness more, than others do—Perhaps the case might have been reversed, had I continued to live in Society—But Secluded in the wilderness with a few books for mÿ companions, my manners and outward appearance maÿ appear more rustÿ, but betraÿ yet a glimpse of the good Stuff—from which theÿ were made—more So, when theÿ now and then are brushed—and Shewed to others in a favorable point of view—by an indulgent friend.
I am not in a mood—to Saÿ much about the Quakers—as that I am Sorrÿ—to find—They too do rather receive than give—all Sects Show themselves in the most favorable light—when oppressed—valeant—vivant—et me permittant facere officium taliter, qualiter—et Senere mundum vadere ut vadat.
I read your invitation of coming to Quincÿ—“Oh Father—Said my Daughter—could I write to mr Adams—I would persuade him—to See his Daughter—He can do it—and then he might take a peep at Oldenbarneveld, and I Should part with my room and bed!” but was this feasable, I Should fear if you Stay’d a few days, that it would be too interested—to rob you of a more comfortable residence in Mappa’s mansion-house—was this not So—
Hic tamen hanc unam possess requiescere noctem—and we would make your abode in our cottage confortable—you would be pleased with mÿ garden, and more yet with all the vegetables—exquisite in the Season—all cultivated by my own hands—but this too is a dream—and the hope—of coming to Quincy and Philadelphia—is Scarce more Solid—than the floating bulrush, at which a Sinking man grasps—and yet—I foster that hope—because it is a foundation—to build a number of airÿ castles—when I Shall visit—New york—and Boston and Philadelphia!—
Excuse my incoherent Scribbling—mÿ head is dull—and my heart aches—but—I remain with the Same unvaried affectionate esteem / your Obliged frend!

Fr. Adr. vanderkemp


Title: From John Adams to Mathew Carey, 1 June 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Carey, Mathew

Sir
Quincy June 1st. 1813

On Sunday last, Samuel Tucker Esquire of Bristol on the District of Maine, very unexpectedly made me a Visit.—I was delighted to see, once more, the Man, who in 1778 carried me Safely to Bourdeaux, through the Six and twenty misfortunes of Harlequin. He is Sixty five years of Age. He has retired upon a Farm and is a Representative in our State House of Representatives: but is more anxious at present for his Neighbours, really Suffering for Want of Bread, than for the honours of his civil Station or for Naval Glory. He has lately Stepped on board a Sloop loaded with Wood, with a few Volunteers, only two of whom had ever heard a Gun in Anger; none were Seamen; and by his Address and Intrepidity, took an English Privateer, which had long infested their Coast and distressed the Inhabitants. This Fact deserves a place in your Naval History.
Captain Tucker has promised me a List of the Prizes he took from the English, Sixty or Seventy, I believe, in the revolutionary War, with the names of the Ships and their Commanders. When I receive it I will immediately transmit it to you.
This man was with his Boston Frigate in the Harbour of Charleston, when invaded by the British Army and Navy. His Flagg continued to fly. The British Admiral Sent a Special Order to the Commander of the Boston to Strike his Flagg. Tuckers answer was “I do not think much of Striking my Flagg to your present Force: but I have Struck more of your Flaggs, than are now flying in the Harbour.”
When I See or hear, of or from, one of these old Men whether in civil, political, military or naval Service my heart feels.
I hope you will not think me officious: but believe me, a cordial Approver of your Design and Work, and / your obliged Servant

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Mathew Carey, 3 June 1813
From: Carey, Mathew
To: Adams, John

His Excellency John Adams, EsqrPhilada. June 3. 1813
Sir,

Agreeably to Your instructions, I have forwarded three copies of the Naval History.
I have likewise taken the liberty to forward you several Copies of  a Circular, requesting nautical Communications, which, if you judge it proper, I request you will be have conveyed to suitable persons.
I hope the second Edition of the Naval History will be found not unworthy of the public patronage. It will be a lasting source of gratification to me, to have set on foot such a publication. I believed the subject worthy of attention—but had no idea it was so interesting as it has proved to be.
With due respect, Your obt. hbe. servt.

Mathew Carey


Title: From John Adams to John Farrar, 4 June 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Farrar, John

Dear Sir
Quincy June 4. 1813

Your Letter of May 17th, notifying a Meeting of The Accademy on the 20th. did not arrive till the 21st.
The other Letter with which you honoured me, Subsequent to the last Meeting of The American Accademy of Arts and Sciences, has Sensibly affected me. An Election to the Chair of that learned and Reverend and Honourable and every Way respectable Society, I have ever esteemed, the highest honour and most precious reward of my Life. And so great and invariable has been the pleasure I have found in the company and conversation of the Members that nothing but necessity would induce me to decline it.
My advanced Years, however, the multiplied Sicknesses and misfortunes in my numerous and dispersed Family, and other Circumstances, have concurred and Still concur to render my Attendance at the Meetings of the Accademy, and much more any due Attention to the Advancement of Arts or Sciences impossible, that I feel myself under a Necessity of resigning the Office to which you inform me I have been so honourably elected.
I do therefore hereby resign the Office of President of The American Accademy of Arts and Sciences.
Be pleased Sir, to present to The Vice President, to the other Officers, and to all the Members my kind regards, and hearty thanks for all the honours And all the Pleasures they have done me.
It will always give me pleasure to meet the Accademy as a Member: though I can no longer continue to be responsable indeed I ought not to have continued So long responsible as their President.
With a Still ardent Affection for the Accademy and the Objects of its Institution, I am, dear Sir your Sincere / Friend and humble Servant

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Waterhouse, 5 June 1813
From: Adams, John
To: Waterhouse, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Quincy June 5th. 1813

I read, within a few days an Address to General and Governor Gage, from the Barr, and the Name of Caleb Strong, among the Addressers. This, to be sure, is a characteristic Trait.
In former parts of my life, I have known, Somewhat of this Thing called “A Barr.” A Significant Word and an important Thing!
By all that I remember of the History of England The British Constitution, has been preserved by The Barr. In all civil contests and political Struggles, the Lawyers have been divided: Some have advocated the Prerogatives of the Crown; and Some the Rights of the People. All, or at least a Majority have united at last in restoring and improving the Constitution.
The Principles, the Characters, and the Views of the American Barr, at this time, is unknown, or incomprehensible to me. What is the American Barr? Who are the Men? What are their Names? Has their Education been alike? Are their Principles the Same. Are Tucker and Story, united in Theory? I might proceed with my Questions for half an hour.
But I will conclude with an Anecdote. When Governor Hutchinson, was about the to leave his Government, and embark, for England, a Meeting of the Barr, was Summoned in Boston. We met. A Motion was made to “address the Governor, upon his departure from the Government of his native Province. It was peculiarly proper, for the Barr, who had Served under him as Chief Justice of the Province, and witnessed his great Abities and Integrity, to express publickly their high Esteem of his Character and approbation of his Conduct as Chief Justice as Lieutenant Governor and as Governor.”
No opposition was made, though Father Dana, Joseph Reed, Samuel Swift, and Josiah Quincy Junior Esquire were present. All was going on Swimmingly.
After Some time, John Adams, whose has destiny has always been to mount Breaches and lead the forlorn hope, arose from his Seat and modestly inquired whether the proposed Address was to be presented to the Governor, and go to the Public as the Address of The Barr as a Body, to be Signed by their President or Secretary? or whether it was to be Signed and presented as the Act of Individuals? The Answer from all Quarters was, “by the Barr, as a Body to be Sure.”
John Adams then said, it would be unfair to Send out to the World an Address, as an Act of the whole Barr, when Some of them could not approve it. He had no desire to controul any Man, in the expression of his Sentiment: but was not willing to have his own Suppressed. He had no Objection, to an Address to be drawn Signed and presented by those Gentlemen who Should approve it: but the Bar was not a legal Corporation; and had no public Authority. The Minority therefore however small could not be controuled and ought not to be restained from expressing their Opinions; and ought not to be involved in a general Vote. This ought to have been Sufficient but it was not. Still the Cry was “The Barr”! The Address must be from the Barr!
Poor John, was obliged at last to rise, once more, and to Say “To be Sure, it is in the Power of the Majority, to vote and to address, and to present and publish their Address as the Act of the Barr: but it was not in their Power to prevent the Minority from publishing their dissent. He knew not whether he should be joined or countenancd by any other: but he would attend and when the Address Should be discussed,  he would give his Opinion and his Reasons, and if an Address was finally adopted by the Barr, as a Barr, in which any Thing Should be inserted to which he could not agree, he would enter his protest against it in Writing and assign his reasons. Whether any other Gentleman would join him, he knew not. But it not he would Stand alone. Josiah Quincy Junior Esquire and Samuel Swift Esquire, as if appalled and astonished, Sat mute. John Lowell Esquire Said in a kind of hurry Said “this declaration does great honour to Mr Adams.” Daniel Leonard Esquire Said “If there is to be a protest, and reasons assigned, and all this to be published the whole design will be defeated, and it would be better to have no address at all.”
John Adams then Said “He neither approved the Administration of Mr Hutchinson as Lieutenant Governor as Chief Justice, or as Governor, and he would not Suffer his Opinion to be equivocal.”—
Your knowledge of human nature is deep enough to infer the Character of Lowell, Leonard and Quincy from what they Said, or what they Said not.
The plan of an Address from the Barr, as a Body was laid aside.
Had John Adams been compelled to produce his Protest Richard Dana John Reed, Samuel Swift, Benjamin Kent and Josiah Quincy junior would have Signed it, Auchmuty Sewall Fitch, Samuel Quincy, Ben. Gridley, Blowers Casneau &c &c would have been against them.
You have and ought to have a tenderness for the memories of Hutchinsons and Olivers. So have I, more than you Suspect. Yet you must know the Truth and nothing but the Truth, from

John Adams