Title: To Benjamin Franklin from the Chevalier de Kermorvan, 26 July 1776
From: Kermorvan, Gilles-Jean Barazer, chevalier de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
26 juillet 1776.
  Je jouis ici de la faveur de votre recommandation dans toutes les honnestetés et le bon accueil que j’ai recû de tout le monde. Je travaille tous les jours a m’en rendre digne et a mériter qu’on me continuë de l’amitié. J’ai vû une partie du terrein, et je me suis occupé de sa défense; j’ai trouvé dans le general mercer les meilleures intentions, tous les jours je vais luy demender ses ordres, et ce qu’il veut que je fasse faire, cela me donne occasion de luy faire quelques questions sur la position des troupes, sur la communication des patrouilles d’ici a voodbridge et de voodbridge a Elizabeth town, cette partie là  m’a l’air d’estre trés foible. Cependant depuis que j’ai parlé de la necessité de garder et de veiller exactement sur tous les points de la côte, je crois que le general roberdeau est allé a voodbridge profiter, et mettre en oeuvre ce que j’avois dit. Je fais passer a m: hancok un plan genéral pour la défense des côtes de l’amerique, je l’ai formé sur l’idée que j’ai pris du terrein d’amboy et sur les forces que nous y avons. Je doute que vous puissiez en mettre autant dans toutes les parties, mais il est très nécessaire de l’executer pour couvrir et proteger les villes de l’interieur. Nous n’avons pas une place forte pour arrester l’ennemi s’il avoit le moindre avantage. Or si nous formons quelques camps rétranchés a un mille ou a un demi mille de la coste je défie a toutes les puissances de l’europe de penetrer dans les terres, surtout si on fortifie l’entrée des rivieres des deux côtés. Si vous aviez fait ces manoeuvres là  en canada vous n’auriez pas reculé plus loin que vos camps rétranchés où on augmente les rétranchemens en cas qu’on y soit attaqué, et où les troupes trouvent un azile a leur courage quand le nombre les accable. Si le congrés sent la necessité d’executer ce plan d’opérations il voudra bien l’ordonner a ses generaux, et si on prend confiance en moy j’insinuerai aux generaux les dispositions et les manoeuvres a faire quand l’ennemi descend a terre.
  Je suis persuadé qu’ils conviendront que ce que je leur dirai vaut mieux que ce que je les vois pratiquer, a l’occasion des petites allertes que nous avons eu hier et avant hier, pour le passage de quelques petits bateaux qui cotoyoient staten island. J’ai eté ravi de la bonne volonté de nos troupes et de leur bonne contenance. En verité ce seroit un meurtre que de braves gens comme eux fussent victimes de mauvaises manoeuvres, ou dispositions. Avant hier pendant un orage considérable les sentinelles apperçurent un batteau qui cotoyoit staten island a la faveur de la nuit. Les eclairs qui etoient la seule lumiere du ciel le découvrirent aux sentinelles qui luy tirerent un coup de fusil. Aussitost toute la troupe de son propre mouvement prend les armes et descend au rivage. Le bateau fit sa route et nous nous rétirames dans nos quartiers. Hier quatre ou cinq autres petits bateaux vraisemblablement chargés de bled, parurent a quatre heures aprés midi, ils s’eloignoient le plus qu’ils pouvoient de notre coste, nous fimes feu de notre mauvaise batterie, d’abord avec deux petites pieces de canon; l’ennemi pour proteger ces batteaux canona notre batterie avec trois ou quatre grosses pieces de dix huit livres de balle. Ce petit combat dura environ deux heures, nos canonniers tirerent avec leur petites pieces aussi bien que nos ennemis, ils avoient la meilleure contenance. Je demeurai pendant tout le combat sur la batterie avec le general mercer qui fit venir nos deux plus grosses pieces avec lesquelles on toucha les voiles d’un de ces batteaux a une distance immense. La portée etoit trop forte pour nos pieces.
  Je ne désirerois que de la celerité dans les opérations. On perd le temps sans rien faire. Depuis que je suis ici avec la bonne volonté qu’ont nos soldats de travailler j’aurois deja fait beaucoup d’ouvrage qui mettroit a couvert l’entrée de la riviere de brunsvick, ou l’ennemi peut nous attirer pour faire sa descente a amboy; nous craignant pour l’interieur de jersei nous nous y porterions tout de suite alors il s’empareroit d’amboy. En grace je demende a genoux au congrés d’ordonner de la celerité et tout ira bien dans notre guerre. De la lenteur extrême dans les conseils, mais la plus grande celerité dans les opérations militaires. De cette campagne ci dépend la liberté de l’amerique.
  J’oubliois de vous dire, Monsieur, que trois de nos gens ont eté blessés hier, non sur la batterie, mais un dans une maison et les autres sur la coste où ils etoient a règarder, un cheval a etè tuè d’un boulet a quelques toises de la maison du genéral mercer.
  Si on fait les batteries ou le fort que j’ai proposé de faire ici, sur la riviere, il faudroit envoyer des canons de fer avec des affuts de rempart. Ceux que j’ai vû dans la cour de l’hotel de ville seroient bons. Faites, je vous supplie, en sorte, Monsieur, qu’on se décide et que le congrés ordonne de la celerité dans les opérations affin que nous soyons prests a recevoir milord how s’il vient sur quelqu’ne de nos costes avec un renfort qu’on dit qu’il amene. Je vous souhaite, Monsieur, une bonne santé, et vous prie de m’accorder et me continuer votre amitié que je travaille a mériter comme l’ami des hommes et de la liberté. Je suis avec respect, Monsieur, votre très humble serviteur
Le ch[evalie]r de Kermorvan


Title: Revisions of the Pennsylvania Declaration of Rights, [between 29 July 1776 and 15 August 1776]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

The Pennsylvania constitution had two parts, a bill or declaration of rights and what became known as the frame of government. The first was revised and adopted in its final form while the latter was still under consideration, and Franklin played a considerable part in the revision. On July 18 the convention appointed a drafting committee, which reported a week later. On the 26th the draft was recommitted for changes, which were completed the following day; and on the 29th the convention ordered this draft printed for its members. They resumed discussion of it at three meetings in August, one on the 13th and two on the 15th, and Franklin was present at all of them. On the 16th the document was adopted without debate. The committee, of which Franklin was a member, that was appointed later to review the wording of the constitution left the bill of rights unaltered. Hence the present revisions were made between the printing of the draft, ordered on July 29, and the final debate upon it on August 15.
We cannot be completely certain that the revisions were Franklin’s handiwork, rather than his notes of suggestions offered from the floor and adopted in the committee of the whole at one or more of the three August meetings; but the latter possibility is remote. He could not have recorded the entire process of revision, for the final draft adopted on August 16 contained further changes that are noted in our annotation. Why should he have recorded any, when the convention had both a secretary and a clerk? But the principal reason for rejecting this explanation is the stylistic care that went into the emendations and gives them, in our opinion, his particular hallmark. We are convinced that he reviewed the printed text, tightening the prose and slightly altering the substance, and that the convention then accepted most of what he had done and went on to make a few alterations of its own.

  [Between July 29 and August 15, 1776]
  An Essay of a Declaration of Rights,

  Brought in by the Committee appointed for that Purpose, and  now under the Consideration of the Convention of the State of Pennsylvania.
1. That all Men are born equally free and independant, and have certain natural, inherent and unalienable Rights, amongst which are the enjoying and defending Life and Liberty, acquiring, possessing and protecting Property, and pursuing and obtaining Happiness and Safety.
2. That all Men have a natural and unalienable Right to worship almighty God according to the Dictates of their own Consciences and Understandings: And that no Man ought or of Right can be compelled to attend any any Place of Religious Worship or erect or support or maintain any Worship, Place or any place of worship or maintain any Ministry, contrary to, or against his own free will and Consent. Nor can any Man who acknowledges the Being of a God be justly deprived or abridged of any Civil Right as a Citizen, on account of his Religious Sentiments or peculiar Mode of religious Worship. And that no Authority can or ought to be vested in, or assumed by, any Power whatever that shall in any Case interfere with, or in any Manner controul, the Right of Conscience in the free Exercise of religious Worship.
3. That the People of this State have the sole exclusive and inherent Right of governing and regulating the internal Police of the same.
4. That all Power being originally inherent in, and consequently derived from, the People, therefore all Officers of Government, whether Legislative or Executive, are their Trustees and Servants, and at all Times accountable to them.
5. That Government is or ought to be instituted for the common Benefit, Protection and Security of the People, Nation or Community,* [in the margin: *And not] and that a Majority of the Community hath an indubitable, unalienable and indefeasible Right to reform, alter or abolish it Government in such a Manner as shall be by that Majority Community judged most conducive to the Public Weal.
6. That those who are employed in the Legislative and Executive Business of the State may be restrained from Oppression, by feeling and participating the common Burthens, the People have a Right, at such Periods as they may think proper, to reduce their Public Officers to a private Station, return them into that Body from which they were originally taken, and supply the Vacancies by certain and regular Elections: But that the having served in any Office, ought not in all Cases to disqualify the Person from being reelected.
7. That all Elections ought to be free, and that all free Men having ana sufficient evident, permanent andand common Interest with, and Attachment to, the Community, have a Right to elect Officers, or be elected into Office.
8. That all private Property, being protected by the State, ought to pay its just Proportion towards the Expence of that Protection; but that no Part of a Man’s Property can be justly taken from him, or applied to Public Uses, without his own Consent, or that of his legal Representatives: Nor are the People bound by any Laws but such as they have, in like Manner, assented to, for their common Good.
9. That in all Criminal Prosecutions for Criminal Offenses a Man hath a Right to be heard by  himself and hisCouncil, to demand the Cause and Nature of his Accusation, to be confronted with the Accusers or Witnesses, to call for Evidence in his Favour, and a speedy public Trial by an impartial Jury of the Country, without whosethe unanimous Consent of which jury he cannot be found guilty, nor can he be compelled to give Evidence against himself, nor can any Man be justly deprived of his Liberty, except by the Laws of the Land, or the Judgment of his Peers.
10 That the People have a Right to hold themselves, their Houses, Papers and Possessions free from Search or Seizure, and therefore
  10. That Warrants without Oaths or Affirmations first made, affording a sufficient Foundation for them, and whereby any Officer or Messenger may be commanded or required to search suspected Places, or to seize any Person or Persons his or their Property not particularly described, are contrary to that Right, and ought not to be granted.
11. That in Controversies respecting Property, and in Suits between Man and Man, the Parties have a Right to Trial by Jury, which ought to be held sacred.
12. That the People have a Right to Freedom of Speech, and of writing and publishing their Sentiments, therefore the Freedom of the Press ought not to be restrained.
13. That the People have a Right to bear Arms for the Defence of themselves and the State, and as standing Armies in the Time of Peace are dangerous to Liberty, they ought not to be kept up: And that the Military should be kept under strict Subordination to, and governed by, the Civil Power.
  14. That a frequent Recurrence to fundamental Principles, and a firm Adherence to Justice, Moderation, Temperance Industry and Frugality are absolutely necessary to preserve the Blessings of Liberty, and keep a Government free, the People have therefore a Right to exact a due and constant Regard to these Points from their Legislators or Officers and Representatives in the making and executing such laws as are necessary for the good Govt. of the State.
15. That all Men have a natural inherent Right ofto Emigratione from one State to any other that will receive them, or for theto Forming a new State in vacant or purchased Countries,vacant Countries, or in such Countries as they can purchase, whenever they find that thereby they may promote their own Happiness.
16. That an enormous Proportion of Property vested in a few Individuals is dangerous to the Rights, and destructive of the Common Happiness, of Mankind; and therefore every free State hath a Right by its Laws to discourage the Possession of such Property.


Title: The Committee of Secret Correspondence to John Bradford, 30 July 1776
From: Committee of Secret Correspondence,Franklin, Benjamin,Dickinson, John,Harrison, Benjamin,Jay, John,Johnson, Thomas
To: Bradford, John

Sir
Philada. July 30th. 1776
We take the liberty to enclose herein some dispatches for Messrs. Saml. & J. H. Delap Merchts. in Bourdeaux which youl please to deliver into Capt. Clevelands own hands with a strict charge to take the utmost care of them and follow the orders also enclosed herein directed to him which you will be pleased to deliver and enjoin his punctual obedience on which will depend his future employment and advancement in the Public service. Mr. Morris informs us of the alacrity with which you have executed his Commissions in the purchase of the Brigantine Dispatch and if any thing further of this kind offers this Committee will claim the liberty of troubling you again being respectfully Sir Your obedient Servants.
Benjamin FranklinBenjamin HarrisonRobert Morris

P.S. You will oblige me by putting up a Collection of the Public News Papers directed to Messers Samuel & J. H. Delap, Merchants in Bordeaux and send them by Captain Cleveland.
Jno Bradford Esqr

Endorsed: Mr. Morris, July 30th With Mr. Franklin’s Letter. ’76


Title: The Committee of Secret Correspondence to Stephen Cleveland, 30 July 1776: résumé
From: Committee of Secret Correspondence,Franklin, Benjamin,Dickinson, John,Harrison, Benjamin,Jay, John,Johnson, Thomas
To: Cleveland, Stephen

<Philadelphia, July 30, 1776: Bradford has informed us that he has outfitted the Dispatch and appointed you commander; “he gives you an extreme good Character.” You will receive this from John Philip Merkle, and you will be bound by the following instructions until they are superseded: You will give Bradford bills of lading for the cargo, which is consigned to Merkle, whom you will receive on board. You will make for France, put in at the first convenient port (Nantes or Bordeaux may be the safest), and there unload such of the cargo as Merkle wishes to sell. We enclose to Bradford a packet, which he will give you, addressed to Messrs. Samuel and J. H. Delap at Bordeaux. If you are captured, throw the packet overboard. If you land at Bordeaux deliver it to the Delaps; if you land at another port forward it by the best means available, tell them where Merkle is ordering you to call, and ask them how to address letters to Silas Deane so that they will surely reach him. Merkle will, we expect, order you on to Amsterdam; you will deliver the remainder of the cargo at such ports as he directs and, when all is unloaded, will receive whatever goods, arms, and ammunition he wishes to ship. You are free to arm the brigantine as completely as you please, and to take on as many good seamen as you can accommodate.
Inform the Delaps and Deane how to reach you and when you intend to return. You will, we believe, receive from them letters and packets for us, which are to be seen by no one and thrown overboard if need be. When you are fitted and loaded, and have received your dispatches from Merkle, you are to make for the first safe harbor you find in the United States, and there enlist the help of local authorities in forwarding promptly to us whatever letters and packets you bring. Tell us the condition of your vessel, and we will give you further orders. We send you a commission, a book of regulations about captures, and a list of continental agents in case you take prizes. But prizes are not your object; a fast and safe voyage is. “In time your utmost Ambition may be gratified provided Merit leads the Way to Promotion.”
You may accommodate free of charge any American masters, mates, or seamen who want passage. Merkle will perhaps think it proper to make your ship French or Dutch, and to clear it for the West Indies. You are to co-operate with him, and do all you can to please him during the voyage. Signed by Franklin, Benjamin Harrison, and Robert Morris.>


Title: Editorial Note on Franklin’s Part in the Congressional Debate of July 30 to August 1, 1776
From:
To:

Richard Henry Lee’s famous resolution of June 7, 1776, called for independence and confederation. Congress considered the resolution the next day, and on the 11th and 12th appointed a committee to draw up articles of confederation. The committee’s report, commonly called the Dickinson draft after its chief architect, was presented on July 12. It was printed for the delegates, and intermittently discussed and amended from July 22 to August 20. One of the crucial debates, on proportional versus equal representation of the states in Congress and on their financial contributions to the confederacy, was on July 30, 31, and August 1. Franklin spoke three times, contrary to his usual habit; neither the order of the speeches nor the days on which they were given is clear. John Adams recorded them in his diary, in the first person and all, presumably, in shortened form. Jefferson described one of them; his version is in the third person and considerably longer than Adams’, but even so is tantalizingly brief. The two reporters, nevertheless, provide the only record we have of Franklin’s debating questions that went to the heart of the confederation.

Article 17 of Dickinson’s draft provided that each state should have a single vote in Congress. Franklin opened the debate, to judge by Adams’ account, by stating bluntly the case for proportional representation. “Let the smaller Colonies give equal Money and Men, and then have an equal Vote. But if they have an equal Vote, without bearing equal Burthens, a Confederation upon such iniquitous Principles, will never last long.”
This was the nub of the question. Article 11, as formulated by Dickinson’s committee, provided that all Congressional appropriations for defence and the general welfare be defrayed from a common treasury, into which each state would pay a quota determined by its population, Indians excluded. Were slaves also to be excluded? Here was another divisive issue, this time between northern and southern states. No union would be possible, protested Thomas Lynch of South Carolina, if slaves were considered people for the purposes of assessment, rather than property like land or sheep or horses. This reasoning, according to Adams, provoked Franklin to reply. “Slaves rather weaken than strengthen the State,” he said, “and there is therefore some difference between them and Sheep. Sheep will never make any Insurrections.” Samuel Chase moved that the article be amended to include only white inhabitants, and after long discussion the amendment was defeated on August 1 by the seven northern states.
The concomitant debate on Article 17 seems also to have reached its conclusion on August 1. Franklin moved an amendment, “that Votes should be in Proportion to Numbers.” This he considered to be equal representation, in the sense that population and votes were equated. The two accounts of what he said on that point, and the context in which he said it, differ markedly. He spoke, according to Adams, immediately after a member of the drafting committee had analyzed the position taken by the individual states. “I hear,” Franklin said, “many ingenious Arguments to perswade Us that an unequal Representation is a very good Thing. If We had been born and bred under an unequal Representation We might bear it. But to sett out with an unequal Representation is unreasonable.
“It is said the great Colonies will swallow up the less. Scotland said the same Thing at the Union.”
This speech, according to Jefferson, had a quite different setting. It followed a compromise suggested by Samuel Chase, that when questions of money came before Congress each state should have a voice proportioned to its population, and in all other questions an equal voice.
“Dr. Franklin [deleted: seconded the proposition] thought that the votes should be so proportioned in all cases. He took notice that the Delaware counties had bound up their Delegates to disagree to this article. He thought it a very extraordinary language to be held by any state, that they would not confederate with us unless we would let them dispose of our money. Certainly if we vote equally we ought to pay equally: but the smaller states will hardly purchase the privilege at this price. That had he lived in a state where the representation, originally equal, had become unequal by time and accident he might have submitted rather than disturb government: but that we should be very wrong to set out in this practice when it is in our power to establish what is right. That at the time of the Union between England and Scotland the latter had made the objection which the smaller states now do. But experience had [deleted: shewn] proved that no unfairness had ever been shewn them. That their advocates had prognosticated that it would again happen as in times of old that the whale would swallow Jonas, but he thought the prediction reversed in event and that Jonas had swallowed the whale, for the Scotch had in fact got possession of the government and gave laws to the English. He reprobated the original agreement of Congress to vote by colonies, and therefore was for their voting in all cases according to the number of taxables [deleted: so far going beyond Mr. Chase’s proposition].”
The argument was unavailing; Article 17 was approved as the committee had reported it. Franklin considered entering a protest from the Pennsylvania convention, which was then sitting, and drafted one that put the case for the opposition in no uncertain terms; the draft is below under August 20. But he decided, as he explained there, to let the issue drop.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Anthony Wayne, 31 July 1776
From: Wayne, Anthony
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Ticonderoga July 31st. 1776
We are so far remov’d from the Seat of Government of the free and independant States of America, and such an insurmountable Barrier (Alb . . . y) between Us, that scarcely One Letter or the least intelligence can reach here from your Quarter; through the medium of my Chaplain I hope this will find you, as he has promis’d to blow out the Brains of the Man who will attempt to take it from him. We are inform’d by way of Boston that Lord Howe has joind the General before New-York with a large Fleet and Army, and that the Militia of York, Jersey, Connecticut &ca. have Assembled to the Amount of 60,000. Notwithstanding I own I have some apprehensions for the brave and generous Sons of America, who will be oblig’d to bear the brunt of the day; a raw undiciplin’d Militia (who have farms to mind and other concerns crowding in upon them) will in a few Weeks become impatient of Command; Fevers and other Camp disorders will be fatal to them at this time of Year. An artful Enemy will know how to wait and improve the favourable moment; General Howe is not unaquainted with the wretched condition our people were in at Cambridge, he let slip the oppertunity; he will not be guilty of the like error again. I firmly believe that 20,000 men who wou’d engage to stay during the Campaign would be of less expence, and more Service then the whole.
We are in high expectation of shortly seeing Burgoyne, who will attempt a junction with Howe, he’ll not effect it without the loss of much blood. Colo. St. Clair, Dehaase and myself are in possession of Mont Calms lines. We shall render them more formidable than ever in a few days, we are to be joind by Lieut. Col. Hartley and the 6th. Pennsa. Battallion we shall then Amount to about 1600 effective Men in these lines Officers included, under the Command of Colo. St. Clair. The Jersey and eastern Troops, are station’d on the opposite Side of Lake Champlain to Us, on a peninsula inaccessable, except at one Spot, which they are beginning to fortify; they are compos’d of three Brigades and Amount to about 1900 or 2,000 Men at most, so that our whole force of effective Men may be nearly 3,600.
Col. St. Clair and myself have commenced Engineers in chief, We amend, form and alter such part and parts of the old french Lines as We think proper a plan of which is here inclos’d.
I rest assur’d that if Burgoyne makes an Attack upon Us, that the British Troops will meet a worse fate than when under General Abercrombie in 1758. They’ll find an Enemy fertile in expedient, and altho’ weak in Number yet brave by nature, who will push hard for Victory and long for revenge for the unforunate affair at Three Rivers. I am almost tempted to say with Macduff, “Gracious Heavens, cut short all intermission, and front to front set those Sons of War and Us; if they then escape may Heaven forgive them too.”
We are indefatigable in preparing to meet the Enemy by Water. The superiority in a Naval force on this Lake is an object of the first moment. It has been hitherto shamefully neglected, but now in a fair way of becoming formidable as we have at present three Schooners and one Sloop well appointed and man’d with people drafted from the several Regiments; they carry from 8 to 16 Guns each which together with four Gondolaes already built will be no contemptible fleet in the sea. 150 Carpenters from Philada. and Connecticut are arriv’d at Skeinsborough and are now at work in building more Arm’d Boats. The Enemy on the other hand are industriously employ’d in building Vessels of force, Batteaus &ca. at St. Johns they brought with them a considerable Number of Boats with a brass four Pounder in the bow of each. I saw and engag’d several of these boats near three Rivers they are between a Ships long boat and Batteau and carry about 50 or 60 Men.
Our people have receiv’d three days fresh provisions, and have a prospect of being better supply’d, they begin to recover health and Spirits, but are still destitute of almost every necessary fit for a Soldier; Shoes stockings, Shirts and Soap are essential Articles in an Army and not easily done without, yet these cannot be had here on any terms.
I am sorry to have occasion to Write in this manner, but when objects of distress hourly strike the Eye-objects who look to me for relief-I can’t but feel for their Situation tho unable to give them help. Cannot some means be fell on to send a speedy supply of these Articles? Interim I am with true regard Your most Obedient and very Humble Servant
Anty. Wayne

A Mr. Traverse, who was a Capt. in our Service, and has the Appearance of an Honest Intelligent man, has just Arrived from St. John’s. He Informs us that 8,000 Regulars are now there together with 4,000 Canadians, well Appointed Amounts in the whole to 12,000 men; that they have 150 Batteaus ready and three Armed vessels, and that we may expect them in a little time.

Addressed: Honbl. Doctr Benja. Franklin Esqr / Member Continental Congress / Philadelphia / favour’d per / Revd. Mr Jones


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Samuel J. Atlee, 2 August 1776: résumé
From: Atlee, Samuel J.
To: Franklin, Benjamin

<Perth Amboy, August 2, 1776: The service of the state required the battalion of musketeers that I command to march before it was ready. The agent appointed to supply necessities was deficient, and many of the men lack sheets, britches, and stockings, which are not to be had here. I should be obliged if the committee would order a quantity of them, for the soldiers in their present state cannot keep clean and therefore healthy. They justly complain, “and was it not for the Strictness of discipline kept up, I shou’d be difficulted to keep them to their duty. Were we situated any other where than in the Face of the Enemy I shou’d look upon it as a piece of cruelty to keep so strict a Hand over them in the Condition they are, but the least relaxation might be of infinite disservice.” I earnestly beg for at least 500 sheets and pairs of stockings and 100 pairs of leather britches.
I recommend as adjutant Mr. Francis Mentges, who has much military knowledge and who should have, like the adjutants of other battalions, the rank and pay of a lieutenant.>


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Pierre Penet, 3 August 1776
From: Penet, Pierre
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
At Nantes the 3 August 1776.
We have the Honour to write you by Capn. Crawford of Rhode Island that Mr. Brown of Providence consign’d to us at Nants, whoom we have dispatched with a Cargo of Powder Musckets saltpeter &ca. who promiss’d to deliver you this.
I had the honour to inform you in May last at my arrival in Europe of the success of my opperations, and of the advantageous dispositions I met with, now I will inform you have embarked in your ship the Hancock a Cargo of Muskets Saltpeter Powder tin Lead &ca. amounting to 60 or 70 thousand Livers, which sum only M. Schweighauzer could pay us. We are forced Sir to acquaint you that all the Houses you have in Spain and Portugal use you very Ill and make no remittances to Nantes, we have now in our stores Goods ready to send you to the amount of Forty thousand Guineas, but two of your Ships have arrived here from Cadiz in Ballast one is the Hancok and the other the Adams. The last brought no money. We askd Mr. Schweighauzer if he would answer for the Cargo which we were desirous to deliver to the Capn. on his paying us when he should have money of yours in his hands, he told us he could not take that on himself. Notwithstanding Sir as we have the greatest confidence in you and the Honourable Congress, we shall immediatly dispatch this Vessell with a Cargo of Ammunition provided however we can obtain from Manufactorers, the credit we require, and we beg you will send us remittances by the first oppertunity, we request it less on our own Account than by the desire we have of serving so respectable a Nation as yours. You may depend on our willingness to do everything in our Power for your assistance.
I have seen Mr. Dean formerly a Member of your secret Committy as well as Mr. Morris’s brother we have offer’d them our services at Paris, we carry on our buisness seperately without communicating our Opperations to one another, if our house can be useful to them they may dispose of it.

Several Vessells have been consign’d to us from Rhode Island and Virginia. They have been dispatched in few Days with good Cargos, and we can flatter Ourselves that all Vessells consign’d to us will meet with equal dispatch as we have taken our measures in consequence.
We have obtain’d a written Permission for twenty thousand Hogsheads of tobaco, but on recipt of this Congress may remit us what quantity they please and we will warrant their admition in our Ports.
If you have any yellow Wax Rice and Furs they are articles on which you might obtain great Profit.
We hope Sir that Congress will have sufficient Confidence in us to consign directly to us their Vessells loaded with your Produce, we can safely warrant and assure you that we can dispose annually of those four Articles to the Amount of Fifteen Millions this Currency, and send you in return immediatly, on the arrival of the ships any quantity and kind of Merchandize you may require.
We have now at our disposal and in our Manufactorys Cloth for your soldiers and Blankets of a good quality and Cheap. You may inquire of Mr. Brown of Providence to whoom we have remitted some.
If Mr. Dean applies to us for his opperations he shall be served immediatly if not he will find the difference, the name and Direction of our House at Nantes is Mr. Jques. Gruel Isle feydeau at Nantes, one of the best in the Place and in which you may place an entire confidence. I recommend it to you as the fittest house for your Operations, and will serve you with all possible exactitude. I take the Liberty to recommend M. Pliarne to you and beg you will let him have what money he may want and Congress may take his Draughts on me for the amount.
Will you be pleased to assure the Members of the Honourable the Congress Secret Committy and all those I have the honour to be acquainted with of my Zeal, and of the desire I have of procuring them all possible assistance. I dare flatter myself that I shall more and more merit their Confidence, [having] no other Interest than to oblige your Nation, support Liberty and sacrifice myself for your Country which I regard as my own, such are my Sentiments and those of my Freinds who are concernd with me.
  My Presence in France is too necessary, beeing obliged to transact the secret affairs myself, to permit me to return to the Continent before the End of the Warr, unless you think proper I should go sooner. My residence is at Nants at the House of M. Jque. Gruel Mercht. It is the most advantageous Port in France for your ships, its River runs 150 Leagues into the heart of the Kingdom and facilitates the transport of all kind of Goods. Consequently there are large purchases made in this City of all kinds, which induced me to fix on it as the fittest for your affairs, here you may send all your ships. I will be answerable for the disposal of their Cargos. If you send to Bordeaux Direct to Messrs. Reculé de Basmarin & Raimbaux, at Cadiz to Messrs. Delaville Brothers, with orders to advise Mr. Jques. Gruel at the arrival of each ship Consign’d to them, so that they may dispose of the Cargos and their produce to satisfie your demands.
Mistrust the Irish and scotch houses in Europe. I have reasons to give you this Caution-send no more ships to Lisbon.
Pliarne Penet & Co.

I have the Honour to write to General Washington, I ask him a favour. Would you be pleased to sollicit it for me, I shall think myself happy to merit it, that is that he would grant me the title and Commission without sallary, of his first Aid de Camp, that I may have the Honour to wear the uniform and the Ribbon they have when I shall have the pleasure to appear before, I shall be greaty obliged to you if you can send me this Commission. Pardon my importunity, but I am too much attached to your Nation not to be honourd with a Rank which I hope I shall deserve, and may be given to me with all Confidence.
Make yourself easy Sir I can not say more by this. We are all your Freinds and will give you prooffs of it. Four Persons which I send will soon be with you, two of which are of Distinction and of great Merit, who will deliver you my Letters themselves. I could not intrust them to anyone else as they are of great advantage and importance to you. I have the Honour to be with Respect Sir Your most humble and Obedient Servant
P. Penet & Co.
Doctr. Franklin Philadelphia

PS. I have the honour to observe, fear nothing as to Warlike Amunition. I will furnish all you may want, in as large quantitys as you can require as well as Cannon. I labour with your Freind Mr. Dubourg to whoom I have not yet deliverd your Letter having left it with my Effects in holland where I landed. I shall send it to him soon.
I beg Mr. Franklin would inform Congress that we shall have besides the above mentioned Amunition a quantity of Cloths, Linnen Blanketts &ca. so as to dispatch the ships as soon as they arrive, that you may have them with you before the Winter.
Penet & Co.

Endorsed: Pliarne Penet & Co. Nantes 3d August 1776.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Charles-Guillaume-Frederic Dumas, 4 August 1776
From: Dumas, Charles-Guillaume-Frédéric
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
4e. Août 1776 S.D. No. 1
A Gentleman belonging to Jam[aica] a particular friend of Dr. B.F., and very well known to him (je me sers de ces propres termes et il m’a assuré que vous le reconnoîtrez à ce signalement sans avoir besoin que je vous declare son nom) m’a chargé de bouche de lui écrire le plutôt possible pour . . . communes.
Pour meilleure intelligence de ce que vous venez de lire M. je crois devoir vous dire que ce Gentilhomme m’a apporté une Lettre de celui avec qui vous savez que je corresponds par votre ordre en Europe, laquelle Lettre débute ainsi: Dear Sir, this will be delivered to you by -- a friend of Dr. F., of Liberty; and of America. He is a Philosopher, very well instructed on the Subject of America; and I trust will be both an agreable and useful acquaintance, while he remains near you.

Ce Gentilhomme m’a avoué qu’il . . . l’un de l’autre.
Je vous ai écrit M. deux Lettres, la premiére que je nomme A en date du 30e. Avril, et l’autre B du 14e. May dernier, par la voie que vous m’avez indiquée dans votre Lettre du 12e. Xbre. passé, dans lesquelles je vous rends compte de la maniere dont j’ai exécuté les autres commissions que vous m’avez données. Ayez la bonté de m’en accuser la réception, comme aussi, d’une troisieme C, que je prépare pour vous l’envoyer par premier vaisseau qui fera voile pour le même Port que A et B, et enfin de la présente que je cote S. D. No. 1.
Recevez, M., les assurances de mon profond respect pour vous, pour Mr. D pour Mr. J—— et pour tous vos dignes et excellents amis. Aprés cela permettez que je fasse pour un moment abstraction de celui que m’imposent vos qualités représentatives, pour m’elever avec toute la vénération que je vous dois personnellement au précieux titre d’ami dont vous m’honorez. La souri de la fable le mérita de la part du lion. J’espere de le mériter par le zele, la fidelité, la joie avec laquelle j’obéirai constamment à vos ordres; et je m’estimerai moi-même à proportion de l’utilité dont je pourrai vous être..
Vous fixez sur vous, Messieurs, les yeux de l’humanité. Vous lui donnez un spectacle bien interessant, unique dans l’histoire: on s’attend à quelque chose de plus grand de votre part qu’à des batailles, des conquêtes, des Alexandres, des Césars et des Frederics, à une constitution et Législation qui par sa sagesse couronne tous vos nobles efforts.
Puisse-je vivre pour en être témoin, et dire en mourant: le république qui veulent le bonheur des peuples. En attendant Concordia etc.

P.S. Dans ce moment, M., je recois la Lettre dont vous m’avez honnoré en date du 2e. Mars. Le porteur me promet le plaisir de le voir au commencement du mois prochain. Je l’attends avec un coeur plein de votre recommandation. Entre ce Porteur et Mr. Storey vous faites mention d’une Lettre que Vous m’avez écrite Monsieur, by another Conveyance; elle ne m’est pas encore parvenue.
A Mr. B. F. à P. sous couvert de Mr. C. Marchand au Port St. Nicolas à St. D. voyez la Lettre précédente à Δ.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Ray Greene, 4 August 1776
From: Greene, Ray
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honord Sir
Warwick August 4th, 1776
It would be Ungrateful in me not to Acknoqledge the many Obligations I am Under to you and my Good Granmah Mecom by so good an opportunity as this. Pappa and Mammah had thoughts of taking me with them. My mamma wrote you of my getting home well or I should Certainly have done it as I know you thought of me. We had a very Pleasent journey I saw some of my relations in new york very intimate acquaintances that did not know me. They said I was so much altered and by their Smiles Concluded they thought it was for the better. Most all my friends wishes me to go back again shall I Conclude they love me? Indeed Sir I love you Dearly Gratitude says I must but had rather stay at home. Pray give my Duty to Mr. and Mrs. Bache and Sincere love to Mr. temple and all the family who I tenderly Regard. Permit to write a few lines to my Dear Granmah in your letter I’m your Dutiful and Oblidged Servant
Ray Greene

Addressed: To / Doctr. Franklin / Philadelphia


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Elizabeth Franklin, 6 August 1776
From: Franklin, Elizabeth
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Since the outbreak of hostilities William Franklin’s position had become increasingly precarious. “At present we only live, as it were, upon Sufferance,” he had written three days after Bunker Hill, “nor is it in our power to mend our Situation.” He managed to hold onto the remnants of his authority longer than most colonial governors, but by the beginning of 1776 the remnants were tatters. In early January he sent a confidential report to Lord George Germain, the new Secretary of State for the American Colonies; the report was intercepted and brought to the local commander of militia, Lord Stirling, who concluded that it traduced the American cause. The Governor’s house was surrounded by soldiers, and invaded in the middle of the night; his wife was so frightened that he feared for her life. She had no relatives of her own to turn to, and had little support from the Baches and none from her father-in-law. William, distressed as he was for her, stood his ground and held onto office until June. Then, in response to a resolution of Congress urging the establishment of new governments in all the colonies, the New Jersey provincial congress moved to secure his person. On June 19 he was removed from his house, and on the 21st examined before the congress, which recommended that the Continental Congress send him out of the province as soon as possible. On the 26th orders came from Philadelphia to transfer him to Connecticut; he arrived there on July 4, and on giving his parole was lodged in a private house in Wallingford.

His besetting worry was for his wife. She suffered from asthma, and she had broken down at his forced departure from their home. Sally Bache invited her to Philadelphia, but she refused to leave her house for fear of pillagers. She was, as she says here, weighed down with troubles. By early August, however, her situation improved somewhat: Temple came to stay with her, bringing a note and some badly needed money from his grandfather. This letter was her acknowledgment, and her plea to have her husband back. The plea fell on deaf ears. The elder Franklin, as far as we know, did nothing more for her or for his son.

Honored Sir
Amboy Augst: 6: 1776.
Your Favor by my Son I received Safe, and should have done myself the Honor of answering it by the first Post after, but I have been of late much Indisposed. I am infinitely obliged to you for the 60: Dollars, and as soon as Mr: Pettit Settles his Account with me I will punctually repay you.
My Troubles do Indeed lie heavy on my Mind, and tho’ many People may Suffer Still more than I do, yet that does not lessen the Weight of mine, which are really more than so weak a Frame is able to Support. I will not Disstress you by enumerating all my Afflictions, but allow me Dear Sir, to mention, that it is greatly in your Power to Relieve them. Suppose that Mr. Franklin would Sign a Parole not dishonorable to himself, and Satisfactory to Governor Trumbull, why may he not be permitted to return into this Province and to his Family? Many of the Officers that have been taken during the War has had that Indulgence shewn them, and why should it be denied to him? His private Affairs are unsettled, his Family Disstressd and he is living very uncomfortably, and at a great expence, which he can very illy afford at present. Consider my Dear and Honored Sir, that I am now pleading the Cause of your Son, and my Beloved Husband. If I have Said, or done anything wrong I beg to be forgiven. I am with great Respect Honored Sir Your Dutifull and affectionate Daughter
Eliza. Franklin

Addressed: To / Doctor Franklin / Philadelphia


Title: The Committee of Secret Correspondence to Silas Deane, 7 August 1776
From: Committee of Secret Correspondence,Franklin, Benjamin,Dickinson, John,Harrison, Benjamin,Jay, John,Johnson, Thomas
To: Deane, Silas

Dear Sir
Philadelphia August 7th 1776
The above is a Copy of our last, which went by the Dispatch Captain Parker.
The Congress have since taken into consideration the heads of a Treaty to be proposed to France, but as they are not yet concluded upon, we cannot say more of them per this conveyance.
You will see by the Newspapers which accompany this, that the expedition against South Carolina is foiled by the gallant resistance made there. The Enemy, much diminished by Sickness, it is thought will attempt nothing farther in those parts. The people of North Carolina, who at first had taken up their Bridges, and broken the Roads, to prevent the Enemys penetrating their Country; have since, being ready to receive him, repaired the Roads and Bridges, and wish him to attempt making use of them.

Gen: Howe is posted now on Staten Island near New York, with the Troops he carried to Halifax when he was driven out of Boston. Lord Howe is also arrived there with some reinforcements, and more are expected, as the great push seems intended to be made in that Province. Gen. Washington’s Army is in possession of the Town, about which many entrenchments are thrown up, so as to give an opportunity of disputing the possession with G: Howe; if he should attempt it, and of making it cost him something; but it is not so regularly fortified as to Stand a Siege. We have also a flying Camp in the Jerseys, to harrass the Enemy if he should attempt to penetrate thro’ that Province to Philada.
In the different Colonies we have now near 80,000 men in the pay of the Congress. The Declaration of Independence meets with universal approbation, and the people every where seem more animated by it in defence of their Country. Most of our Frigates are Launched in the different Provinces, and are fitting for Sea with all the expedition in our power. They are fine ships, and will be capable of good service. Our small Privateers and Continental arm’d Vessells have already had great success as the papers will shew you; and by abstaining from Trade ourselves while we distress that of our enemys, we expect to make their men of war weary of their unprofitable and hopeless Cruisses, and their Merchants Sick of a Contest in which so much is risk’d and nothing gained. The forming a Navy is a very capital object with us, and the Marine Committee is ordered to bring in a plan for increasing it very considerably. The Armed Boats for the defence of our Rivers and Bays grow more and more in repute. They venture to attack large men of war, and are very troublesome to them. The papers will give you Several instances of their success.
We hope that by this time you are at Paris, and that Mr. Morris has joined you, whom we recommend to you warmly, and desire you may mutually co-operate in the public service. With great esteem we are Dear sir Your very humble Servants
B FranklinBenja HarrisonRobt Morris

Notation: Letter from Secret Committe August 7th. 1776.


Title: John Dickinson to the Pennsylvania Convention, 7 August 1776
From: Dickinson, John
To: Pennsylvania Convention

Sir,
Elizabeth Town Augt. 7th, 1776
I have this Moment recd. Information, that Adam Shetsline and Stophel Young two Privates of Capt. Goodwin’s Company, have left the Camp without Leave, and are gone Homeward. One of them lives on Mr. Willing’s Place, the other on Mr. York’s, both in Moyamensing. If some Measures are not immediately taken to discourage such Behaviour, it will be impossible to keep the Troops here. I am, with great Esteem, sir, your very humble servant
John Dickinson

Addressed: On public Service / To / Benjamin Franklin Esquire / President of the Convention / in / Philadelphia.
Endorsed: Augt. 7th. 1776 Letter from Col. Dickinson 2 Deserters.
Notation: Augt. 12th. 1776 read & referred to the Council of Safety.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Dunlap, 10 August 1776
From: Dunlap, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honord Sir
King and Queen: Aug: 10th: 1776.
Having lately labour’d under a most dangerous and severe Fit of Sickness, and being now but just able to hold my Pen, it will apologize for my Brevety and Imperfection of Expression. I have just received a Letter from my poor Son Ben, couch’d in Terms the most distressing to me: He tells me the worthy Dr. Witherspoon has apprized him, That the Exigencies of the Times, had intirely put it out of the Power of the truly benevolent Gentleman in England, to whom he owd his Education, from contributing any Thing further on that Head, and he must now shift for himself. To your Humanity I can only appeal on this Occasion; whether you can find in your Heart to carry on the good Work begun by taking my poor Boy under your Patronage: He may yet live to be an Ornament by your means to his Country and a Blessing to his Friends. Or must, Oh Sir must his ardent Thirst for Knowledge be entirely quash’d, and must the worthy Youth have Recourse to the Plough or the Spade for a wretched Subsistance!
The Papers will inform you, I am married to a Woman of Fortune. The Truth is, the Lady in Question is possess’d of upwards of £2000 in Land, Negroes, Stock, &c. but not a Farthing Cash: she never had a Child. Knowing I was in Debt, she secur’d every Farthing of the Income of her Estate for the Maintenance of herself and the Family. At her Death, one Half of the Estate is to go to my Children as I may Will: the other Half is at her own Disposal. Thus tho’ my poor Ben: will one Day be entitled to Something, at present I cannot command a single Farthing to help him with. My unhappy Son Frank, engag’d some Months ago in the Marines, in which Service he died, having behav’d very well. I have now three Daughters besides my Ben. who are all well, and I hope will be a Blessing. Leaving the Event of this Application to you and a merciful God, I remain, Honor’d Sir, your most Obedient Humble Servant
W. Dunlap

P.S. While Ben: was under the Patronage of his Unknown Benifactor, he was oblig’d to bend his Profession to Divinity; but I know Physick woud be most agreeable to him and me.

Endorsed: Letters of small Import.


Title: The Pennsylvania Convention: Order to Pay George Ross and Others, 12 August 1776: résumé
From: Pennsylvania Convention
To: Council of Safety

<August 12, 1776: A note to the council of safety to pay George Ross, Timothy Matlack, and Henry Slagle £10,000 in the public service of the state of Pennsylvania, signed by Franklin as president of the convention, attested by John Morris, Jr., as secretary, and addressed to Jno. M. Nesbitt. Below Franklin’s signature is an order to pay, dated August 13 and signed by Thomas Wharton, Jr., president of the council of safety. On the verso is a receipt, signed by Slagle, that he has received the full sum from Nesbitt.>


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from the Chevalier de Kermorvan, [12 August 1776?]
From: Kermorvan, Gilles-Jean Barazer, chevalier de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monsieur
[August 12?, 1776.]
  J’ai reçû l’honneur de votre Lettre. J’ai lû avec le plus grand plaisir votre judicieuse dissertation sur mon plan de défense. J’ai parfaitement senti les raisons qui feront qu’on ne l’executera que quand l’ennemi seroit descendu. Vos peuples ne veulent pas travailler et ne voyent de danger que quand l’ennemi est sur eux. Le travail d’un camp rétranché n’est rien c’est l’affaire d’un jour pour la troupe qui est dans ce camp c’est seulement une elevation de terre plus ou moins haute plus ou moins epaisse selon le terrein; d’ailleurs je n’ai jamais entendu rétrancher 1500 milles d’etenduë de coste. Ce travail seroit aussi inutile ici que la grande muraille de la chine qui n’a pas préservé cet empire d’estre conquis par les tartares. Toutes les fois qu’on veut garder un pays, une province il n’y a de moyens que d’y mettre dans les endroits plats vuides de bois et d’autres défenses, un camp rétranché, et d’occuper les hauteurs par de bonne artillerie, et les bois par de l’infanterie, amboy est un point tout découvert de bois, qui a deux mille de circonference. S’il est vrai que dans toute l’amerique le pays soit couvert de bois, vous avez beaucoup moins a craindre. Mais dans la circonstance présente si l’on ne venoit pas a bout d’empescher l’ennemi de descendre au centre des colonies nous perdrions toute notre réputation dans l’europe qui a les yeux ouverts sur nous; ainsi le point interessant est de rapprocher les camps de la coste parcequ’ils sont trop eloignés; alors si par malheur l’ennemi descendoit vos peuples le voyant se rétrancher en arrivant ne se feront plus prier pour travailler, et quand ils auront de la bonne volonté vous conviendrez, Monsieur, que cela est possible.

  Pour ce qui est des forts aux embouchures des rivieres, comme vous n’avez point de gros canons de 24, 36, et 48, il est presque inutile de construire autre chose que de simples batteries pour empescher les descentes des troupes et le passage des batteaux, et la meilleure défense des rivieres dont l’embouchure est large sera d’y avoir des galleres armées de gros canons ou des batteaux armés; car des boulets de 4, six, huit, comme nous avons ici ne font pas d’effet sur un vaisseau et ne l’empescheront pas un moment de passer. Il est egalement nécessaire de couler bas au milieu des passages quelque môles enchainés, a fleur d’eau mais cela demendera a estre fait cet hyver car il est trop tard aujourdhuy. Je n’aurois jamais imaginé que, s’il est vrai que vous fondez du canon comme tout le monde le dit, vous n’en fondiez pas les deux tiers de gros calibre. On ne fait pas la guerre avec avantage sans le gros canon. Ainsi sur une riviere ou l’on veut empescher des citadelles flottantes comme des vaisseaux de passer il faut avoir dans les endroits etroits seulement, comme a billings-port des batteries de gros canon, alors il n’y a point de vaisseau de ligne qui ose passer sous un feu aussi prochain et qui le préviendra [interlined: battera] un mille avant qu’il soit sous le canon du fort. Nous eprouvons en europe que les vaisseaux n’osent passer sous le feu de St. malo et de brest. Mais ces avantages sont trop chers pour une république naissante, de simples batteries pour empescher les descentes des batteaux; des galleres ou batteaus armés, des masses coulées bas dans les passes des rivieres voilà tout ce qu’il vous faut comme vous l’avez pensé très judicieusement.
  Il n’est pas aussi aisé dans une république d’executer des grandes choses tout de suite parceque le consentement de tout le monde n’est pas aisé a réunir et tous les hommes ne pensent pas egalement bien en faveur de la bonne cause; je vois qu’ils voudroient presque tous avoir la liberté sans l’acquerir. J’etois plus content de leur conduite a philadelphie qu’ici, vos bourgeois donnent un exemple de mauvaise volonté trés nuisible a notre cause. En verité je crois que les hommes sont nés pour estre esclaves, pour la plupart, encore ne meritent ils pas qu’on se donne la peine de veiller sur leurs interrests et de les commander. J’ai fait une batterie qui est trés bien placée, les canons batteront et défenderont bien la riviere, les feux sont bien dirigés, mais vos gens l’ont si mal faite contre ma volontè que je suis mortifié de l’avoir entreprise. Dès le premier jour ils se sont revoltés et m’ont fait dire que ma façon de leur faire placer le gazon et les fascines n’etoit pas de leur goust, et qu’ils ne vouloient faire que comme ils avoient toujours fait, qu’ils ne vouloient pas d’ailleurs travailler inutilement, que l’ennemi ne viendroit pas dans la riviere et qu’enfin ils n’etoient pas payés pour travailler. Tous ces propos et leur mécontentement m’anéantit. Je leur fis dire de faire comme ils voudroient; j’ai eté malgré cela deux fois par jour les voir travailler et les diriger dans la forme de l’ouvrage, ils ont mis le gazon qui a une apparence trés malpropre et qui ne peut pas se soutenir dans un temps aussi sec que l’été. Jugez, Monsieur, de ma position, faire un ouvrage mal executé, avoir la fievre continuelle, faire quatre mille a pieds tous les jours dans un etat de foiblesse, coucher sur la paille, avoir très peu de considération dans un pays où le genie est inutile et son métier est celuy d’un masson ou regardé comme tel, ne pouvoir rien dire pour le bien du service et pour epargner le sang des américains, parce que je crains de déplaire. J’ai pris le parti de faire dire le plus pressé d’executer par m. du bois qui parle volontiers. Convenez, Monsieur, qu’il faut estre nè pour la cause generale de l’humanité, et n’avoir d’autre désir que de voir cette cause une fois triompher, pour souffrir patiemment tous ces désagrémens. Mais aussi je mourrois content, si votre independance etablie sous de bonnes loix, etoit en sureté et faisoit un exemple pour le reste du monde.
  J’ai appris que m: de woëdké etoit mort au canada et n’avoit laissé que peu de regrets, j’en suis fâché sincerement. J’avois une lettre de recommendation pour luy, de m: du bourg qui nous invitoit a estre amis et nous lier pour la cause commune, voilà tous nos liens rompus. Si vous vouliez, Monsieur, me faire hériter de son grade le droit que j’aurois de participer aux conseils de guerre me donneroit plus d’influence et plus de droit a conseiller de meilleures dispositions, sans avoir plus de commandement que je ne désire point, mais plus d’aisance qui m’est nécessaire. Je commence a parler tant soit peu l’anglois, a me faire entendre, je le lis parfaitement. Je vous suis, Monsieur, parfaitement et sincerement réconnoissant de vos avis judicieux et de l’interrest que vous me marquez prendre a ma réputation. Je ne connoissois pas aussi bien l’esprit du peuple américain que je le connois ici. Ce peuple est le mesme partout inconstant et volage, de plus on devroit avoir des hommes d’esprit en qui ce peuple auroit quelque confiance qui leur parlât de tems en temps de leur devoir pour leur patrie et de la cause commune. Leurs generaux qu’ils ont elûs devroient aller les voir dans leurs tentes les exciter; les blessés devroient estre visités et soignés presque par les premiers officiers de l’armée, voilà comme se soutient l’ardeur patriotique qu’il est nécessaire d’infuser aux ames basses et populaires.
Dans un pays où il y a autant d’aisance il vous sera toujours difficile d’avoir des armées soudoyées que vous puissiez commander, il vaut mieux pour vous, pour un etat libre avoir une milice agricole.
Vous sçavez mieux que moy, Monsieur, qu’il est dangereux d’avoir des troupes dans son sein mesme a sa solde, que c’est l’origine de la corruption des états et des meurs du peuple, qu’un etat libre ne doit avoir qu’une bonne milice agricole, que tout le monde travaille la terre et fasse l’exercice, et qu’il n’y ait d’exempts que ceux qui ont des enfans qui les remplacent dans leur vieillesse.
Je partage bien sincerement le plaisir de la nouvelle que vous avez reçuë de france si elle est vraie je n’en suis pas surpris. Mais a moins que vous n’ayez eû cette nouvelle de quelqu’un qui tienne cette permission secrettement du ministre, comme elle peut avoir ete donnée dans les ports de france secrettement de la part du ministre, car cette campagne n’est pas encore assez avancée, et nous n’avons pas encore eu assez d’avantages décisifs sur l’ennemi pour que la france se montre ouvertement opposée a la cour de Londres. La france ne pourroit pas mieux faire. Il y a long temps que m: de choiseul le conseille mais nous n’avons dans le ministere que de vieux procureurs qui ne sçavent faire la guerre qu’aux sujets de l’etat avec du papier timbré qui leur demende leur fortune, mais j’augure bien de l’interrest qu’offre votre commerce. Je suis avec le plus parfait respect, Monsieur Votre trés humble et trés obeissant serviteur
Le chevalier de Kermorvan

  Je vous prie d’engager le congrés [à] ordonner au genéral de m’envoyer dans les lieux où l’on croit que l’ennemi attaquera. Je vais demender a m: mercer [d’aller?] a new york. Je ne sçais s’il le voudra.


Title: Proposal for the Great Seal of the United States, [before 14 August 1776]
From: Franklin, Benjamin,Jefferson, Thomas
To:

  On July 4, 1776, Franklin, John Adams, and Jefferson were named as a committee to suggest a seal. Each man proposed designs, and one of Jefferson’s closely resembled Franklin’s. In addition the painter Pierre Du Simitière, who had been called in as a consultant, produced a version of his own. A letter from John Adams of August 14 described the various proposals; hence Franklin’s had been submitted by that time. On the 20th the committee brought in its report; one side of the seal, with the motto E Pluribus Unum, was substantially what Du Simitière had suggested, and the other what Franklin and Jefferson had agreed upon. Congress tabled the report, and not until 1782 was the present seal adopted. All that it retained of the first committee’s handiwork was the Latin motto.

[Before August 14, 1776]
Moses standing on the Shore, and extending his Hand over the Sea, thereby causing the same to overwhelm Pharoah who is sitting in an open Chariot, a Crown on his Head and a Sword in his hand. Rays from a Pillar of Fire in the Clouds reaching to Moses, to express that he acts by Command of the Deity.
Motto, Rebellion to Tyrants Is Obedience to God.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Lord Howe, 16 August 1776
From: Howe, Rear Adm. Richard, Viscount
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Eagle off Staten Island Augt. the 16: 1776.
I am sorry my worthy friend, that it is only on the assurances you give me of my having still preserved a place in your esteem, that I can now found a pretension to trouble you with a reply to your favour of the 21st. past.
I can have no difficulty to acknowledge that the powers I am invested with, were never calculated to negociate a reunion with America, under any other description than as subject to the crown of Great Britain. But I do esteem those powers competent, not only to confer and negotiate with any gentlemen of influence in the Colonies upon the terms, but also to effect a lasting peace and reunion between the two countries; were the temper of the Colonies such as professed in the last petition of the Congress to the King. America would have judged in the discussion how far the means were adequate to the end; both for engaging her confidence and proving our integrity. Nor did I think it necessary to say more in my public declaration; not conceiving it could be understood to refer to peace, on any other conditions but those of mutual interest to both countries, which could alone render it permanent.
But as I perceive from the tenor of your letter, how little I am to reckon upon the advantage of your assistance for restoring that permanent union which has long been the object of my endeavours, and which I flattered myself when I left England would be in the compass of my power; I will only add, that as the dishonour to which you deem me exposed by my military situation in this country, has effected no change in your sentiments of personal regard towards me; so shall no difference in political points alter my desire of proving how much I am your sincere and obedient humble Servant
Howe
To Dr. Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Temple Franklin, 17 August 1776
From: Franklin, William Temple
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honored Sir
Philada Augst. 17th. 1776
It being rather late when I got to Mr. Duffields and the Road from there to Mr. Galloways being very bad; by the kind invitation of Mr. and Mrs. Duffield I staid that Night and waited on Mr. Galloway in the Morning, and proceeded on my way to this place where I arrived yesterday afternoon with out any accident. Let Mrs. Bache know that her Son William has been very well, except now and then the Musick in his Ear, but by Mrs. Duffields good nurseing is now much better.
If it is not too much Trouble let Aunt Mecome know, that according to her desire I waited on Mrs. Van Voredice, who being indisposed I had not the pleasure of seeing, but I saw her Son, who told me that last they heard of Mrs. Turner and her husband, was, that they were both in London and that he was to have a Commission in the Guards.

Mrs. Franklin desires her duty to you and aunt Mecome and Love to the Family, with that of Honored Sir your ever dutiful Grandson
W T Franklin

Addressed: To / Dr. / Franklin / Philada / per Post


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from George Ross, 18 August 1776
From: Ross, George
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
New York 18th. Augt: 1776
The Phenix and Rose have Just now passed our Batterys and I fear without much damage. I was in one of the Batterys during the whole time they were within gun shot. The visit they had two nights agoe from our fire ships made them sick of their Station and they have now Joind the fleet at the Narrows. Every countenance here is chearfull and if our Enemies dare attack they will undoubtedly procure themselves a severe drubbing. My complyments to friends. I am Sir Your very Humble Servant
Geo: Ross

Addressed: For / The Honble Docr: Benjn: Franklin / Philada:


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from George Washington, 18 August 1776
From: Washington, George
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir,
New York Augt. 18th. 1776.
I have been honourd with your favour of the 16th., and the several Inclosures contained therein, which are now return’d with my thanks for the oppertunity of perusing them. I also Inclose you a Letter from Lord Howe, sent out (with others) by a Flag in the Afternoon of yesterday. With it comes a Letter for Lieutt. Barrington, who if not among those who broke their Parole, and went of for Canada, is in York, Pensylvania. With very great esteem and respect, I have the honour to be Sir Your Most Obedient Humble Servant
Go. Washington
The Honble. Benja. Franklin Esqr.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Bowdoin, 19 August 1776
From: Bowdoin, James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Boston Augst. 19th. 1776
I recd. per Mr. Gerry a Packet from you containing a Russian Book on Comets, and Vattel’s Droit des Gens.
The former agreable to your desire I have sent to Mr. Oliver at Salem together with your Billet. The latter when I have looked over it I shall send to the President of Harvard College as a Present to the Library from you. Dr. Cooper shewed me your letter to Lord Howe and his Lordships to you which occasioned it. It gave me great pleasure, as it has all that have seen it. His Lordship’s sensibility must be touched with some parts of it, unless Court-Manners and Court-Politics have benumbed it. Some persons think they see a Treaty of Commerce growing out of this Correspondence with Lord Howe, and that he will take hold of the opportunity you give him of treating with Congress on that head. But from the Act of Parliament authorizing the King to appoint Commissioners and from Lord Howe’s circular Letter and Declaration grounded upon it, it seems very unlikely: especially as Ministry appear very confident of Success in their military manoeuvres, and have declared by the King’s Speech at the Late prorogation of Parliament that the Force in America with the blessing of Providence will be sufficient to quell the Rebels. Can you my dear friend! with all your philosophical gravity refrain a Smile when you hear such men talk of a dependence on Providence?
As the Enemy have by this time collected all the Force designed against New York, it is probable we shall soon hear of a general attack. By what we learn here of the number and State of our Troops, we have reason to hope it will be an unsuccessful one. But it is proper to provide against the worst that may happen. If nothing decisive should take place before the first of Decr. I am under great concern lest the Continental Troops (whose inlistments expire at that time) or a great proportion of them will then quit the Service. The Re-inlistment last year you know was attended with great difficulty, and I am afraid it will be with much greater the present. But as this is a matter of capital importance, there’s no doubt Congress will early take effectual care about it. As the giving great Bounties to inlist men for a short time cannot be supported long, we must fall upon some other method of raising them. For this purpose, would it do to form the militia in each Town into four or five divisions, as equal as may be as to number and circumstances, and require the personal service yearly of one of these divisions, they casting lots to determine the order or Succession of their Service? If any individuals in the division called to duty, could not attend, they should be obliged to procure able bodied men (voluntiers) in their stead, which the other divisions could supply. Such voluntiers having recd. an equivalent for this extra-Service not to be excused on that account from duty when called upon with the division they belong to. Or would it do to give a handsome bounty once for all of money or land, on condition of enlisting for as long a time as the war shall continue? This last method is liable to an objection from Desertions, Deaths and other casualties: In which cases every campaign would make Recruits and further bounties necessary. I hope some effectual way will be found to procure men to engage in the Service during the war.
I am glad to find that notwithstanding your Countrymen have had so many good slices of you for those forty years past: there’s enough remaining of you to afford them good Picking Still. Notwithstanding the past Regales they still expect to feast upon you, and to feast as usual most deliciously. Like Beggars once indulged they ask for more. I am my dear Friend, with the sincerest Regard your affectionate humble servant
J B.
CopiedDr. Benja. Franklin


Title: Protest against the First Draft of the Articles of Confederation, [before 20 August 1776]
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

This document, as Franklin explains in his note at the end, is not what it appears to be. It was a protest from him and not, despite its opening sentence, from the convention. If he ever submitted it to that body, the meager minutes say nothing about it; and it was certainly not submitted to Congress. He wrote it at some period between late June and late August, 1776; the precise date cannot be determined, and our chronological placement is faute de mieux.
The background of the decision that Franklin is attacking, to accord the colonies equal representation in Congress, is explained in our note above, July 30, 1776, on his part in the debate on that issue. The protest is directed against Article 17, as numbered in the report of Dickinson’s committee. The articles were discussed and amended until August 20, when a revised version was ordered printed for the delegates alone, and in the process were renumbered, we do not know when. Hence Franklin was writing after the committee’s draft neared completion (and probably after it was presented to Congress on July 12) and before the revision went to press. His saying here that the small states have already voted in favor of Article 17 might suggest a date after August 1, if he did not also say that Congress has submitted the plan of confederation to the states, an action which in fact it delayed until late in 1777. The second statement, then, is prediction, and the first may equally well be. The most likely date of composition appears to be late July or early August.
The position that Franklin takes here is one that he had long held and continued to hold. The idea of proportioning a colony’s representation according to its financial contribution to the confederacy or to its population–the two were closely related–was in his sketch of the Albany Plan and in the plan itself, and in his proposed articles in 1775; and he supported the same idea in the federal convention of 1787. The tone in which he couches the present argument is harsh and uncompromising, like that of his memorandum to Dartmouth on a different subject just before leaving England; but in both cases he refrained from pushing to extremes. Dartmouth never saw the memorandum. If the Pennsylvania convention saw this protest, Congress did not; and in 1787 Franklin helped engineer the “great compromise” between equal and proportional representation. Although anger might at times make him harsh, in the end he almost invariably gave way, as here, to “prudential Considerations” of the larger issues involved.

[Before August 20, 1776]
We the Representatives of the State of Pennsylvania in full Convention met, having duly considered the Plan of Confederation formed in Congress, and submitted to the several States for their Assent or Dissent, do hereby declare the Dissent of this State to the same, for the following Reasons, viz.
1. Because the Foundations of every Confederation intended to be lasting, ought to be laid in Justice and Equity, no unfair Advantage being given to, or taken by, any of the Contracting Parties.
  2. Because it is in the Nature of things just and equal that the respective States of the Confederacy should be represented in Congress and have Votes there in proportion to their Importance, arising from their Numbers of People, and the degree [interlined: Share] of Strength they afford to the united Body. And therefore the XVIIth Article, which gives one Vote to the smallest State, and no more to the largest when the Difference between them may be as 10 to 1, or greater, is unjust, and injurious to the larger States, since all of them are by other Articles obliged to contribute in proportion to their respective Abilities.
  3. Because the Practice hitherto in Congress, of allowing only one Vote to each Colony, was originally taken up under a Conviction of its Impropriety and Injustice, was intended to be in some future time corrected, and was then and since submitted to only as a temporary Expedient, to be used in ordinary Business until the Means of rectifying the same could be obtained. This clearly appears by the Resolve of Congress dated Sept. 6. 1774. being the Day of its Meeting, which Resolve is in these Words, “That in determining Questions in this Congress, each Colony or Province shall have one Vote; the Congress not being possessed of, or at present able to procure proper Materials for ascertaining the Importance of each Colony.” That Importance has since been suppos’d to be best found in the Numbers of People, for the Congress not only by their Resolution when the issuing Bills was agreed to, but by this present Confederation have judged that the Contribution towards sinking those Bills and to the common Expence should be in proportion to such Numbers when they could be taken, which has not yet been done. And tho the larger Colonies submitted to this Temporary Inequality of Representation expecting it would much sooner have been rectified, it never was understood that by the Resolution above cited, a Power was given to the smaller States to fix that Inequality upon them forever, as those small States have now attempted to do by combining to vote for this 17th Article, and thereby to deprive the larger States of their just Right acknowledged in the same Resolution. And the smaller States having given us in Advance this striking Instance of the Injustice they are capable of, and of the possible Effects of their Combination, is of itself a sufficient Reason for our determining not to put ourselves in their Power by agreeing to this Article, as it stands connected with those concerning the Quota’s of each State, since being a Majority of the States in Congress they may by the same Means at any time deprive the larger States of any Share in the Disposition of our Strength and Wealth and the Management of our common Interests.
But as the smaller Colonies may object, that if the larger are allowed a Number of Votes in proportion to their Importance, the smaller will then be equally in danger of being overpower’d and govern’d by them; We not having the least Desire of any Influence or Power that is unjust or unequal, or disproportion’d to the Burthens we are to bear, do hereby offer our Consent to the said 17th Article as it now stands, provided the Quotas to be contributed by the larger Provinces shall be reduced to an Equality with that of the smallest, in which Case, all by contributing equally will have a just right to equal Votes. Not that we mean thereby to avoid granting additional Aids when the Exigence of our common Interests shall appear to us to make them proper and necessary; but leaving to the Congress with regard to such additional Aids the Right of making Requisitions as enjoy’d by our late Kings we would reserve to ourselves the Right of judging of the Propriety of those Requisitions, and of Refusing or Complying with them in part or in the whole as to us shall seem best, and of modifying our Grants with such Conditions as we shall judge necessary, in like manner as our Assemblies might formerly do with regard to Requisitions from the Crown. For it appears to us just and reasonable that we should retain the Disposition of what Strength we have above the equal Proportion contributed as aforesaid by our State to the common Service; with every Power necessary to apply the same, as Occasions may arise, for our own particular Security; this we mean to do from this time forward unless we are allow’d Votes in Congress proportion’d to the Importance of our State, as was originally intended.
Signed by Order of the Convention
Rough of Protest against the Inequality of Voting in Congress

[Franklin’s note:] This Paper was drawn up by B Franklin in 1776, he being then President of the Convention of Pennsylvania; but he was dissuaded from endeavouring to carry it through, from some prudential Considerations respecting the necessary Union at that time of all the States in Confederation.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to [Lord Howe], 20 August 1776
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Howe, Rear Adm. Richard, Viscount

My Lord
Philada Aug 20. 76
The Temper of the Colonies as professed in their several Petitions to the Crown was sincere. The Terms they proposed should then have been closed with, and all might have been Peace. I dare say your Lordship as well as my self, laments they were not accepted. I remember I told you that better would never be offered, and I have not forgotten your just Comparison of the Sybyl’s Leaves. But the Contempt with which those Petitions were treated, none of them being vouchsaf’d an Answer; and the cruel Measures since taken, have chang’d that Temper. It could not be otherwise. To propose now to the Colonies a Submission to the Crown of Great Britain, would be fruitless. The Time is past. One might as well propose it to France, on the Footing of a former title.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Thomas McKean, 24 August 1776
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: McKean, Thomas

Dear Sir,
Philada. Augt. 24. 1776
I heard your Letter read in Congress relating to the Disposition of the German Troops; and understanding from Col. Ross, that they are canton’d on the Island opposite to the Jersey Shore, I send you herewith some of the Resolutions of the Congress translated into their Language, as possibly you may find some Opportunity of conveying them over the Water, to those People. Some of the Papers have Tobacco Marks on the Back, it being suppos’d by the Committee, that if a little Tobacco were put up in each as the Tobacconists use to do, and a Quantity made to fall into the Hands of that Soldiery, by being put into a Drift Canoe among some other little Things, it would be divided among them as Plunder before the Officers could know the Contents of the Paper and prevent it. With great Esteem, I am, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
Col. McKean

Addressed: Free / To / The honble. Colonel McKean / of the Pennsylvania Forces / East Jersey / B Free Franklin
Endorsed: Letter. August 24th: 1776 Doctor Benjamin Franklin Member of Congress.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Fraser, 24 August 1776
From: Fraser, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Reading 24th August 1776
I took the liberty of addressing Some lines to you about two months ago, as I never was favour’d with an answer, perhaps they did not reach, even if they did, I am not Surprised that matters of importance shoud prevent any attention to them; however as it was about business of the utmost consequence to myself and the peace of my Family, I hope you will excuse me if I intrude once more: when I’ll have tried every possible chance, I’ll have no neglect to reproach myself with, from such considerations I have wrote sundry letters to Mr. Clinton whom I personally knew at Esopus, I even wrote about four weeks ago to Messrs. McKean and Samuel Adams, but without so much as an answer. I write this however with confidence yet woud be extremely Sorry to be deemed trouble some. I’ll certainly not be so after this, even if unsuccessfull now, but quietly trust to fate.
The cause of my writing the first time was from my receiving a letter from Montreal dated the 6th of may, wherein I was informed that you was so good as to agree to my return to Canada, the letter however had scearcely come to hand when I learned that you was come back from Montreal and was on your way to Philadelphia. I therefore begg’d you would let me Know whither I had been misinformed or not: if I was not, I willingly hoped there was no impropriety in my getting even then my passport. In my first letter I said very little about my case, I will Say as little now, because I must Suppose you acquainted with the merits thereof: I’ll only observe that I was treated with Such rigour in Canada that it was with pleasure I learned the order for Albany; altho’ at the very worst and most inclement time of the winter Season: I looked on the cause of my apprehension So trivial and insufficient, that I never entertained the least doubt of procuring liberty to return to Canada as soon as I woud be hear’d here.
To demand papers that chanced to be in my custody in a publick and judicial capacity and which papers related to transactions prior to any footing in Canada, I thought there was no right to ask, therefore the greatest impropriety to grant and I have had the Satisfaction of never meeting with any whatever his politicks, that has differ’d with me in opinion. As to the papers in themselves they are not of the smallest consequence, they relate to private persons and were these papers in ashes there woud be just the same hold of the persons concerned had they remained in Canada: these papers however are the Cause of my being now eight long months torn from my Family-Sufferings to be sure of a private nature and nothing in the scales of publick matters, but for that very reason I woud fain expect not to be made to Suffer any longer for a Supposed private injury but be redressed and let go by the Gentlemen who are at the head of publick affairs: I am really Sensible this is perhaps the worst time for an individual to expect any attention, but, sir, I have allready given my reasons and I hope you will easily forgive my being So full of my own personal affair, the obligation woud be greater then I Can express, woud you procure relief, was it even only to go to Canada on my Parole to return when required or at least to get leave to go to Philadelphia.

I beg pardon for being so troublesome. I have the honor to be Sir your most humble and Obedient Servant
John Fraser

Addressed: Benjamin Franklin Esqr.
Notation: Letter of John Frazier prisoner to Doctr B. Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Temple Franklin, 27 August 1776
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, William Temple

Dear Grandson
Philada Augt. 27. 1776
Your Letter acquainting us with your safe Arrival was very agreable to us all. But as you are near the Scene of Action, we wish to hear from you by every Post, and to have all the News. It will cost you but little Trouble to write, and will give us much Satisfaction.
This Family has been in great Grief, from the Loss of our dear little Girl. She suffer’d much: but is now at Rest. Will is to come home to-morrow; he will help to comfort us.

Give my Love to your Mother, and let me know what you hear from your Father. I am, Your affectionate Grand Father
B Franklin
Say how you spend your time; I hope in some Improvement.

Addressed: Mr W. T. Franklin / at Mrs Franklin’s / P. Amboy


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to John Adams, 28 August 1776
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

Sir,
Augt. 28. 1776
The Bearer Mr. Measam was a Merchant of good Reputation at Montreal; but having engag’d warmly in the American Cause, has been oblig’d to abandon that Country, to the great Detriment of his Affairs. He was appointed by Gen. Wooster a Commissary of Stores there; and apprehending such an Officer to be at this time necessary in our Northern Army, he has apply’d to Congress for a Continuance in that Office. I understand that his Memorial is referred to the Board of War. As I have had occasion to know Mr. Measam as a good Accomptant, a Man of Method, and very correct in Business, I cannot but think that if such an Officer is wanting, he is extremely well qualify’d for the Employ, and as such beg leave to recommend him to the Favour of the Board. With great Respect, I have the Honour to be Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
Honble. Jno Adams Esqr

Addressed: Honourable John Adams, Esqr
Notation: Dr Franklins Letter concerning Mr Measom


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Horatio Gates, 28 August 1776
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Gates, Horatio

Dear Sir,
Philadelphia August 28th. 1776.
The Congress being advised, that there was a probability that the Hessians might be induced to quit the British service by offers of land, &c., came to two resolves for this purpose, which, being translated into German and printed, are sent to Staten Island to be distributed, if practicable, among those people. Some of them have tobacco marks on the back, that so tobacco being put up in them in small quantities, as the tobacconists use, and suffered to fall into the hands of these people, they might divide the papers as plunder, before their officers could come to the knowledge of the contents, and prevent their being read by the men. That was the first resolve. A second has since been made for the officers themselves. I am desired to send some of both sorts to you, that, if you find it practicable, you may convey them among the Germans that shall come against you.
The Congress continue firmly united, and we begin to distress the enemy’s trade very much, many valuable prizes being continually brought in. Arms and ammunition are also continually arriving, the French having resolved to permit the exportation to us, as they heartily wish us success; so that in another year we shall be well provided.
As you may not have seen Dr. Price’s excellent pamphlet, for writing which the City of London presented him a Freedom in a gold box of fifty pounds value, I send you one of them.
My last advices from England say, that the Ministry have done their utmost in fitting out this armament, and that, if it fails, they cannot find means next year to go on with the war. While I am writing comes an account that the armies were engaged on Long Island, the event unknown, which throws us into anxious suspense. God grant success. I am &c.
B. Franklin
From Dr. Franklin to Genl. Horatio Gates.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Anthony Wayne, 28 August 1776
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Wayne, Anthony

Dear Sir,
Philada Augt. 28. 1776
I have received two of your Favours, which were immediately communicated to the Board of War, who are a Committee of Congress appointed to take Care of every thing in that Department, and who will I make no doubt take the necessary Measures for supplying your Wants. But as America is new in the Business of Providing for Armies, there must be for a time Deficiencies that are very inconvenient to the Troops, and which Experience only can bring us into the Mode of Preventing. I am pleas’d to find your People bear them with a Soldierly Spirit, and I hope they will soon be remedied.
A general Action is every day expected at New York. If the Enemy is beaten, it will probably be decisive as to them; for they can hardly produce such another Armament for another Campaign: But our growing Country can bear considerable Losses, and recover them, so that a Defeat on our part will not by any means occasion our giving up the Cause. Much depends on the Bravery of you who are posted at Ticonderoga. If you prevent the Junction of the two Armies, their Project for this Year will be broken, and the Credit of the British Arms thro’out Europe and of the Ministry in England will be demolish’d, and the Nation grow sick of the Contest.
I am much oblig’d by your Draft of the Situation of our Troops, and of the Defences. I pray heartily for your Success, not doubting you will deserve it.
The greatest Unanimity continues in the Congress. The Convention of this Province is sitting, engag’d in framing a new Government. The greatest Part of our Militia are in New Jersey. Arms and Ammunition are daily arriving, the French Government having resolv’d to wink at the Supplying of us: So that in another Year our People throughout the Continent will be both better arm’d and better disciplin’d, as most of them will have some Experience of a Camp Life and actual Service. Present my best Respects to General Gates, and believe me, with sincere Esteem, Dear Sir Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
Col. Wayne

Endorsed: 28th Augt 1776. B Franklin Esqr Exd[?] Holding out encouragement to the Army &c.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Anthony Wayne, 1 September 1776
From: Wayne, Anthony
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Tyconderoga 1st. Septr. 1776
It was with the greatest Concern I recd. the Acct. of Liet. Col. Allen’s Resignation. He undoubtedly at that time had his reasons for such a step. Circumstanced as he then was, and some unmerited Injuries recently Offered (as he thought) to his nearest Connections might percipitate him into a measure that strict prudence wou’d not justify. I yet hope it is not too late to Correct the error. Genl. St. Clairs promotion has opened the Door for his Admission to the Command of a Battalion who I know wishes for Nothing more than to see him at their head. He was a young fellow who gave up ease and Affluance for the fatagus and Dangers of a Camp. These he Indured with the fortitude becoming a true and Good Officer.
The share he had in Conducting the Retreat of our Shatter’d Army after the Defeat at three Rivers when left by every other field Officer but him and one more Merits some Attention. I believe his Spirit wou’d not Admit him to ask for any such thing but I am well assured that he wou’d Accept of it and pledge myself for his being a Gentleman and a Soldier who will do honor to his Appointment.
I have nothing new to write you except that we have lately Recd. a Re enforcement of upwards of 4000 men from the Eastward, that St. Clair and myself have Renderd the old french lines much Stronger than ever, that our men have Recoverd health and Spirits, and that we wish for nothing more than an Oppertunity of meeting that thundering son of Mars Burgoyne with all his Mercenaris face to face, when you may rest Assured we shall Produce a Conviction to the World that the sons of America deserve to be free. Interim believe me Dear Sir Your Assured friend and most Obedient Humble Servant
Anty Wayne

Notation: 1 Septr. 1776 Doctr. Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to [Lord Howe], 8 September 1776
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Howe, Rear Adm. Richard, Viscount

Whitehall had entrusted the peace mission to Lord Howe and his brother, but the Admiral played the leading part. He had carried on the lengthy maneuvering in London about the commission, he wrote the declaration that was disseminated on his arrival, and although he consulted with his brother he took charge of negotiating in America. His first problem was finding people with whom to negotiate. He approached Washington and Franklin and got nowhere. He was not empowered to treat with Congress as representing the colonies, let alone as representing the independent United States; yet unless he found a way to sound out the delegates, and met some response from them, he could not treat at all. At the end of August the opportunity came, and he seized it. On the 27th the British won an overwhelming victory in the Battle of Long Island; three days later the remnant of the American forces retreated to Manhattan, where Washington’s whole army was threatened with disaster. Now if ever Congress might be expected to listen to an overture for peace.
Howe paroled John Sullivan, captured in the battle, and sent him to Philadelphia with a message. The Admiral could not treat with Congress as such, Sullivan told that body on September 3, but wished to confer unofficially with some of its members, for the present as private individuals. The brothers had full power to settle the quarrel on terms advantageous to both sides, “the obtaining of which Delayed him near Two months in England, and prevented his arrival at this place before the Declaration of Independency took place.” Now was the time to reach agreement, before a decisive blow compelled one side or the other-a delicate euphemism-to sue for peace. In the event of such an agreement, the message added mysteriously, many things for which the Americans had not yet asked “might and ought to be granted Them”; and the authority of Congress would have to be acknowledged, for “otherwise The Compact would not be Compleat.”
This message put the delegates in a difficult position. If they agreed to an unofficial meeting, they might be accused of clutching at any straw to find a settlement; if they refused a meeting, they might be accused of brushing aside a genuine and promising overture. After long debate they reached their decision on September 5: Congress would not send members to a private conference with Howe, but “will send a committee of their body to know whether he has any authority to treat with persons authorized by Congress for that purpose, in behalf of America, and what that authority is, and to hear such propositions as he shall think fit to make respecting the same.” The next day Franklin, John Adams, and Edward Rutledge were designated as the members of the committee. It represented Congress, with which Howe had declined official dealing; and for that reason some expected him not to receive the three emissaries. He did so, nevertheless, and the account of the interview is below, September 11.

My Lord
Philada. Sept. 8. 1776
  I received your Favour of the 16th past. I did not immediately answer it, because I found that my Corresponding with your Lordship was dislik’d by some Members of Congress. I hope now soon to have an Opportunity of discussing with you, vivâ voce, the Matters mention’d in it; as I am with Mr. Adams and Mr. Rutledge appointed to wait on your Lordship in consequence of a Desire you exprest in some Conversation with Gen. Sullivan, and of a Resolution of Congress made thereupon which that Gentleman has probably before this time communicated to you. We purpose to set out on our Journey to-morrow Morning, and to be at Amboy on Wednesday about 9 aClock, where we should be glad to meet a Line from your Lordship, appointing the Time and Place of Meeting. If it would be agreable to your Lordship, we apprehend that either at the House on Staten Island, opposite to Amboy, or at the Governor’s House in Amboy, we might be accommodated with a Room for the purpose. With the greatest Esteem and Respect, I have the Honour to be My Lord, &c.