Title: From John Adams to John Jebb, 10 September 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Jebb, John

            Dear Sir
            Grosvenor Square Septr 10th 1785

          It is a Wise Maxim that Every Freeman ought to have some Profession Calling Trade or Farm, whereby he may honnestly subsist, but it by no means follows as a Consequence that there can be no necessity for, nor use in Establishing offices of profit, if we mean by these, offices with moderate, decent and stated, sallaries sufficient for the comfortable support of the officers and their Families. offices in General ought to yeald as honnest a subsistance and as Clear an independance as Professions Callings Trades or Farms, if by offices of Profit we mean, offices of excessive profits, it is not only true that there can be no necessity for them nor use in establishing them, but it is clear they aught never to exist,—the dependance and servility, unbecomeing Freemen in the Possessors and Expectants: tho Faction Contention Corruption and dissorder amongst the People does not arise from the honest profit but from the Excess, and they oftener arise from Ambition than Avarice. an office without Profits, without sallary Fees Perquisites or any kind of Emolument is sought for with servility Faction and Corruption from Ambition as often as an office of Profit is sought from Avarice
          And this is the Way in which Corruption is constantly introduced into society it constantly begins with the People, in their Elections, indeed the first Step of Corruption is this dishonnest disposition in the People, an unwillingness to pay their Representatives. the moment they require of a Candidate that he serve them Gratis. they establish an Aristocracy by excluding from a Possibility of serving them all who are Poor & unambitious, and by confining their suffrages to a few rich Men, when this Point is once gained of the People. which is easily gained because their own avarice pleads for it, Tyranny has made a Gigantic stride. I appeal to your Knowledge of England whether servility Faction, Contention and Corruption appears any where in so Gross forms, as in the Election of Members of Parliament whose offices are very expensive and have not Profits. is not the Legislative at this Hour more Corrupt than the Executive? is not more servility, Faction Contention and Corruption in the offices in the Election of the People, than is disposing of those in the Gift of the Crown? are there not as many in Proportion who apply for these elections as for offices in the Army Navy Church or Revenue? the Number of Persons who apply for an office then is no Proof of an increase of its Fees or Profits.
          the Man who offers a City or Burrough to serve them for nothing, offers a Bribe to every Elector, and the answer should be Sir you affront me.— I want a service which is worth something, I am able and willing to Pay for it. I will not lay myself under any obligation to you by accepting your Gift. I will owe you no gratitude any further than you serve me faithfully the obligation and Gratitude Shall be from you to me, and if you do not do your Duty to me I will be perfectly free to call you to an account and to punish you and if you will not accept of Pay for your service you shall not serve me—
          There are in History examples of Characters wholy disinterested who have displayed the sublimest tallents the greatest virtues, at the same time that they have made long and Severe sacrifices to their Country, of their Time their Estates their Labour Healths and even their Lives, and they are deservedly admired and revered by all virtuous Men. but how few have they been One in two or three ages, certainly not enough to watch over the Rights of Mankind for these have been last in almost all ages and Nations, societies Should not depend upon a succession of such Men for the Preservation of their Liberties, the People Ruin their own cause by exacting such sacrifices in their service. Men see nothing but Misery to themselvs and ruin to their families attached to the honest service of the People. and the examples of Aristrides Fabricious and Cincinnatus have in all ages terrified thousands of able and worthy Men from engaging in a service so hopeless and uncomfortable—
          Knaves and Hipocrates see through the Whole sistem at once. I will take the People their own way says one of these, I will serve them without Pay, I will give them money, I will make them beleive that I am perfectly disinterested untill I gain their Confidence and exite their enthusiasm. then I will Carry that Confidence and Enthusiasm to markett and will sell it for more than all I give them, and all their Pay would have amounted to—si populus vult decipi decipiatur.
          It should be a fundamental maxim with the People never to receive any services Gratis, nor to suffer any faithfull service to go unrewarded, nor any unfaithfull services unpunished. their rewards should be temperate, instead of this how stingy are they at first and how wild at last, Stingy untill the Man has served them long enough to gain their Confidence mad and frantick with generossity afterwards. their Gratitude when once their Enthusiasm is excited knows no bounds. it scatters their favours all around the Man. his family, his Father Brother son, all his relations all his Particular Friends must be idolized, Wealth and Power without measure or End must be confered upon them, without considering whether they be Wise Men or Fools Honest Men or Knaves.—
          the social science will never be much improved untill the People unanimously know and Consider themselvs as the fountain of Power and untill they Shall know how to manage it Wisely and honestly. reformation must begin with the Body of the People which can be done only, to affect, in their Educations. the Whole People must take upon themselvs the Education of the Whole People and must be willing to bear the expences of it. there should not be a district of one Mile Square without a school in it, not founded by a Charitable individual but maintained at the expence of the People themselvs they must be taught to reverence themselvs instead of adoreing their servants their Generals Admirals Bishops and Statesmen
          Instead of Admiring so extravegantly a Prince of Orange, we Should admire the Batavian Nation which produced him. Instead of Adoring a Washington, Mankind Should applaud the Nation which Educated him. If Thebes owes its Liberty and Glory to Epaminondas, She will loose both when he dies, and it would have been as well if She had never enjoyed a taste of either: but if the Knowledge the Principles the Virtues and Capacities of the Theban Nation produced an Epaminondas, her Liberties and Glory will remain when he is no more: and if an analogous system of Education is Established and Enjoyed by the Whole Nation, it will produce a succession of Epaminandas’s. the Human Mind naturally exerts itself to form its Character according to the Ideas of those about it. when Chrildren and Youth hear their Parents and Neighbours and all about them applauding the Love of Country of Labour of Liberty and all the Virtues Habits and Faculties which constitute a good Citizen, that is a Patriot and an Hero—those Chrildren indeavour to acquire those quallities and a sensible and Virtuous People will never fail to form Multitudes of Patriots and Heroes. I Glory in the Character of a Washington because I know him to be only an Examplification of the American Character, I know that the General Character of the Natives of the United states is the same with him and that the prevalence of such sentiments and Principles Produced his Character and preserved it and I know there are thousands of others, who have in them all the essential Qualities, Moral & Intellectual which compose it. if his Character Stood alone, I should value it very little, I should wish it had never existed, because altho it might have wrought a great Event, yet that Event would be no Blessing. in the days of Pompey Washington would have been a Ceasar, his officers and Partisans would have stimulated him to it. he could not have had their Confidence without it—in the time of Charles a Cromwell—in the days of Phillip the second—a Prince of Orange, and would have wished to be Count of Holland. But in America he could have no other ambition than that of retiring; in Wiser and more Virtuous Times he would not have had that, for that, is am Ambition. He would still be content to be Governor of Virginia Pressident of Congress a Member of a Senate or an House of Representatives. it was a General sentiment in America that Washington must retire. Why? What is implied, in this necessity:? if he could not offer to serve the public longer without Pay, let him be paid. would it Lessen his Reputation? Why Should it? if the People were perfectly judicious instead of Lessening it would raise it; But if it did not surely the late revolution was not undertaken to raise one Great reputation to make a sublime Page in History, but for the Good of the People.
          does not this Idea of the necessity of his retiring, imply an opinion of danger to the Public from his Continuing in Public? a Jealousy that he might become ambitious? and does it not imply something still more humiliating a Jealousy in the People of one another? a Jealousy of one Part of the People that another Part had grown too fond of him and acquired habitually too much Confidence in him, and that there would be danger of setting him up for a king undoubtedly it does, and undoubtedly there were such suspicions, and Grounds for them too. Now I ask what occasioned this dangerous Enthusiasm for him? I answer that Great as his Tallents and Virtues are they did not alltogether contribute so much to it, as his serving without Pay, which never fails to turn the Heads of the Multitude. His ten thousand officers under him and all his other admirers might have sounded his Fame as much as they would, and they might have justly sounded it very high. and it would not all have produced such Extacies among the People as this single circumstance— Now I say this is all wrong. there should have been no such distinction made between him and the other Generals, he should have been paid as well as they. And the People should have too high a sense of their own Dignity ever to suffer any Man to serve them for nothing. the higher and more important the office the more rigorously Should they insist upon acknowledging its appointment by them, and its dependance upon them,: but then they must be sensible of their own Enthusiasm, and constantly upon their Gaurd against it. they Should consider that although History presents us perhaps with one example in 500 years of one disinterested Character, it Shews us ten thousand Instances every year of the semblance of Disinterestedness Counterfeited, for the most selfish purposes of Cheating them more effectually. and the Glory of an Aristides and half a dozen others with the transient flashes of Liberty they preserved in the World are a miserable Compensation to Mankind for the long dreary ages of Gloomy Despotism which have passed all most over the Whole Earth, by means of disinterested Patriots, becoming Artfull knaves, or rather by the People themselvs not suffering their Benefactors to persevere in that Disinterestedness to the End which they exact of them at first, for I think that it has been the People themselvs who have allways created their own Despots
          You erased something you had written about the Present times. I wish you would restore it. this Correspondence must be confidential. But the Late Lord Chatham, is a Striking example. he preserved the Character of disinterestedness but imperfectly. Yet it was somewhat of this Kind that elevated him so high in the affections of the People. and you now see the consequences, the People think it a duty to God to make up in their Devotion to his Son what they think they were wanting in gratitude to Him. What but a Whirl Wind Could have done what we have seen? Government must become something more intelligable rational an Steady—
          Pardon all this from your Friend.


Title: Prussian-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce
From:
To:

          The Hague, 10 September 1785. MS (PCC, No. 135, I, f. 286–320). PRINTED: Miller, TreatiesTreaties and Other International Acts of the United States of America, ed. Hunter Miller, Washington, D.C., 1931–1948; 8 vols., 2:162–184. LbC (Adams Papers); APM Reel 111. The undated LbC was done by Charles Storer in early August from the copies brought to London by William Short on 3 Aug. for John Adams’ signature (to Thomas Jefferson, 4 Aug., above).
          The Prussian-American treaty was concluded on the evening of 10 Sept. when Baron Friedrich Wilhelm von Thulemeier, the Prussian negotiator, signed two copies of the treaty at The Hague in the presence of C. W. F. Dumas and Short and delivered one of the copies to Short to be dispatched to America for ratification (commissioners’ 5 Aug. letter to Short, above; from Short, 11 Sept., below). The treaty had been signed by Benjamin Franklin at Passy on 9 July; by Jefferson at Paris on 28 July; and by Adams at London on 5 August. Prussia ratified the treaty on 24 Sept. 1785, and the United States did so on 17 May 1786.
          The delay in the American ratification was owing to the fact that the treaty was enclosed in the commissioners’ letter to John Jay of [11 Oct. 1785], below, which apparently was not received until Feb. 1786, and Congress did not act until May because of its inability to assemble a quorum. The ratifications were exchanged at The Hague on 8 Aug. 1786 (Miller, TreatiesTreaties and Other International Acts of the United States of America, ed. Hunter Miller, Washington, D.C., 1931–1948; 8 vols., 2:162; JCCJournals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, ed. Worthington Chauncey Ford, Gaillard Hunt, John C. Fitzpatrick, Roscoe R. Hill, and others, Washington, D.C., 1904–1937; 34 vols., 30:61; from Jay, 4 May 1786, Dipl. Corr., 1783–1789The Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States of America, from . . . 1783, to . . . 1789, [ed. William A. Weaver], repr., Washington, D.C., 1837 [actually 1855]; 3 vols., 2:562–563).
          For drafts of a proposed Prussian-American treaty and the negotiations—first by Adams alone and then in company with Franklin and Jefferson—that ultimately led to its conclusion, see vol. 16:132–161, 373–420.


Title: From John Adams to C. W. F. Dumas and William Short, 11 September 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Dumas, C. W. F.,Short, William

            Gentlemen,
            Grosvr: Square. 11th. Septemr: 1785.

          I have recd. from Mr: Jefferson a copy of his letter to you of the 1st. inst: & agree fully with him in sentiment that we should agree to consider the french column as the Original, if the Baron thinks himself bound to insist upon it; but if the practice of his Court will admit of the execution in the two languages, each to be considered as equally original, it would be very agreable to me—
          I have recd. Mr: Short’s letter of the 5th. inst: & agree with you that it will be necessary to cede the point, if the Baron cannot be persuaded to sign the Copy in both languages, upon your agreeing that the French shall be considered as the Original— I wish, however, to try the experiment; not urging it with too much earnestness, nor persisting in it too long— I will not disguise from you, what I should advise you to reserve from others with some discretion, that, old as I am, I hope to live to see the day when the American language will be understood & respected in every Court in Europe—not from any dislike to the French or the Latin—
          Pray what do they say in Holland to our Navigation-Act of Massachusetts? Do you think it will be followed by the other States? Can the five Southernmost States adopt it immediately? The Americans here applaud it with remarkable unanimity—
          My Cold is much better, & I thank you for your sympathy—
          I am, Gentlemen, / Yrs: &c: &c.


Title: Editorial Note
From:
To:

In 1784 and 1785 the absence of any treaties between the United States and the Barbary States produced a crisis when Morocco and Algiers seized American ships. Congress’ decision in March 1785 to resolve that problem, at the behest of the commissioners and the emperor of Morocco, opened a new chapter in the nation’s diplomacy. The documents presented here indicate the basis upon which the negotiations would be conducted, and the problems inherent in American diplomats’ undertaking negotiations far removed in time and distance from Congress. They also show the difficulties resulting from placing responsibility for negotiations in the hands of joint commissioners located in different cities—Paris and London—who were forced to delegate the actual negotiations to agents—Thomas Barclay and John Lamb—operating at a considerable distance from their superiors. With the exception of the letters to the loan consortium, William Carmichael, the Comte de Vergennes, and the supplemental instructions to Lamb, all of the documents printed here are to or for Barclay. This is because, in all but the supplemental instructions, the documents carried by the two men were identical except for differences resulting from the country for which they were bound. But most importantly, only Barclay’s mission to Morocco actually resulted in a treaty, that of 1786 (Miller, TreatiesTreaties and Other International Acts of the United States of America, ed. Hunter Miller, Washington, D.C., 1931–1948; 8 vols., 2:185–227). In May 1784 Congress appointed John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, and Thomas Jefferson to a new joint commission to negotiate commercial treaties. In addition to European nations, they were authorized to conclude agreements with the North African states of Algiers, Morocco, Tripoli, and Tunis (vol. 16:193–202, 590, 591). As a practical matter, however, it was impossible for the commissioners to travel to North Africa, and they lacked both the power to appoint an agent to negotiate the treaties on the spot as well as the funds necessary to finance the negotiations. For these reasons, as well as the low priority such negotiations had in August 1784, when the new commission arrived, the commissioners did not notify the Barbary States of their new powers. Priorities changed in October 1784 when Moroccan forces captured the American brig Betsy. The capture resulted largely from the Moroccan emperor’s frustration at the United States’ failure to open negotiations for a treaty despite his previous overtures. When news of the capture and the imprisonment of the Betsy’s crew reached Paris, the commissioners were spurred to act. They directed Carmichael, chargé d’affaires at Madrid, to seek Spanish assistance in obtaining the release of the vessel and its crew. They consulted the French government regarding the best way to proceed with negotiations, and undertook the collection of information concerning previous negotiations between the Barbary States and European nations. In March and April 1785 the commissioners reported their findings to John Jay, together with their views on the necessity for and difficulty of negotiations with the North African powers (vol. 16:568–569; commissioners to Jay, 13 April, above). Congress too received news of the capture and the emperor’s frustration and acted even before the commissioners’ letters reached New York. In a letter of 11 March, Jay informed the commissioners that Congress had that day issued new commissions for negotiations with the Barbary States. Congress authorized the commissions in its resolutions of 14 February wherein it authorized the commissioners to appoint an agent to go to North Africa, and it appropriated $80,000 from the Dutch loans to finance the negotiations. Jay’s letter, with its enclosed commissions, instructions, and supporting documents, was entrusted to Lamb, who did not reach Paris until 18 September (vol. 16:559–566; from Jefferson, 19 Sept., below). The commissioners first learned of Congress’ action in late May and early June from Jay’s 13 April letter to Adams, above. In anticipation of Lamb’s arrival, Franklin, soon to return to America, produced preliminary notes for a draft treaty to be used in any negotiations that took place, but until early September little else was done (from Jefferson, 6 Aug., note 1, above). Then the issue of negotiations took on new urgency when news arrived of Algiers’ capture of the Maria from Boston and the Dauphin from Philadelphia (No. VIII, below). Frustrated at Lamb’s failure to appear and determined to wait no longer, Jefferson, with Adams’ concurrence, decided to appoint Barclay as the commissioners’ agent to negotiate treaties with Algiers, Morocco, Tripoli, and Tunis. Thus it was that on 4 September Jefferson sent David Salisbury Franks to London with drafts of Barclay’s letter of credence, inquiries to be made during his residence in Morocco, and instructions for conducting the negotiations. Adams turned the drafts into fair copies for Jefferson’s signature and, also at Jefferson’s request, prepared letters to Carmichael, Vergennes, and the Amsterdam bankers responsible for the 1782 and 1784 Dutch loans (Nos. I, II, III, IV, V, and VII, all below). With the exception of the letter to the bankers, Adams sent those documents to Jefferson with his letter of 15 September 1785, but by the time they reached Paris, Lamb had arrived and the commissioners were forced to consider anew how and by whom the Barbary negotiations would be conducted. Lamb, a Norwich, Connecticut, merchant and ship-owner, had experience on the North African coast and had solicited Congress’ appointment to negotiate with the Barbary States. Congress did not grant his request, but he arrived at Paris with recommendations from Connecticut political figures and a lukewarm endorsement from Jay. Because of the crisis in relations with Morocco and Algiers, Jefferson, with some misgivings, proposed that Barclay go to Morocco and Lamb be sent to Algiers, Tripoli, and Tunis. Adams concurred in Jefferson’s proposal, but new documents were required for both men (from Jefferson, 24 Sept., below). Their letters of credence, originally intended for Barclay, needed revision because Lamb brought a letter from Congress to the emperor of Morocco, Sidi Muhammad ibn Abdallah, that duplicated much in the commissioners’ original draft. Moreover, the commissioners needed to provide Lamb with additional instructions owing to Algiers’ capture of the Maria and Dauphin, and to revise their letter to Vergennes to reflect the powers under which they now operated (Nos. VIII and IX, below). The new documents were drafted by Jefferson and sent to Adams with his letter of 24 September, below. It was left to Adams to prepare commissions for both men based on the commissioners’ own 11 March commissions, and to prepare letters of credit for Barclay and Lamb under which, as suggested by Jefferson, they would draw their drafts directly on Adams at London because of his relationship with the Dutch bankers (Nos. XI and XII, below). Adams signed all the documents and enclosed them, for Jefferson’s signature, with his letter of 2 October, which, according to its postscript, was not sent off until the 5th. For Jefferson’s receipt of that letter on the evening of 10 October, see his letter of the 11th (all below).


Title: I. The American Commissioners’ Draft of Thomas Barclay’s Letter of Credence to the Emperor of Morocco, 12 September 1785
From: American Commissioners,Adams, John,Jefferson, Thomas
To: Morocco, the Emperor of

              [12 September 1785]

            The United States of America, heretofore connected in Government with Great Britain, have found it necessary for their Happiness to Seperate from her, and to assume an independant Station. consisting of a number of Seperate States, they have confederated together, and placed the Sovereignty of the whole, in matters relating to foreign nations, in an body an Assembly consisting of Delegates from every State and called the Congress of the United States. Great Britain after a distressing War of Eight Years has solemnly confirmed their Seperation and acknowledged their Independence. After the conclusion of the Peace, which terminated the distressing War of Eight Years, in which they had been engaged for the Establishment of their Independence, the first Attentions of Congress were necessarily engrossed by the re-establishment of order & regular Government. As Soon as it was possible, they turned their Attention to foreign Nations, and, desirous of entering into Amity & Commerce with them, have been pleased to appoint us, with Dr: B: Franklin, to execute such treaties for this purpose, as shall might be agreed on by such Nations, with us, or any two of us— Dr: Franklin having found it necessary to return to America, the execution of these several Commissns: has devolved on us— One of us, being placed as Min: Plepo: fm. the U: S: at the Court of G B: & the other at the Court of France; these Circumstances, together with the Commissions with wh: we are charged for entering into treaties with various other nations, put it out of our power to attend at the other Courts in person & oblige us to negotiate by the intervention of confidential persons— Respecting the friendly disposition of his M. the E. of Morocco shewn by Yr: Majesty towards the U: S:, & in compliance with their desire of forming a Connection with a Sovregn so renowned for his power, his wisdom & his justice, We have embraced the first moment possible of assuring him Yr: Majesty of these the Sentiments of our Country & of ourselves, and of expressing our wishes to enter into a Connection of friend ship & Commerce with him Yr: Majesty—
            For this purpose, We have Commissioned the Bearer hereof, Thos: Barclay Esqr: a person in the highest Confidence of the Congress of the U: S:, & as such, havg: been several years, & still being their Consul General with our great & good friend, & Ally the K. of France, to arrange with his Yr. Imperial M. the Emperor those conditions wh: it might be advantageous for both Nations to adopt for the regulation of their Commerce & their mutual Conduct towards each other— We have delivered to him a Copy of the full powers with which we are invested to conclude a treaty with Yr: Majesty, which Copy he is instructed to present to Yr: Majesty: Altho’ we are not authorised by these powers to delegate to him the full authority of ultimately signing the treaty; yet such is our reliance on his wisdom, his integrity, & his attention to the Instructions with which he is charged, that We assure your Majesty that the Conditions wh: he shall arrange & send to us shall be returned with our Signature in order to receive that of the person whom Yr: M. shall commission for the same purpose.—
            With the most profound respect, & our best wishes for the health, happiness, prosperity & glory of Yr: Imperieel Majesty We have the honor of subscribg ourselves, Yr: Majesty’s / Most Oedt.—Most Huml: servt.—

              J: A— T. J—


Title: IV. The American Commissioners to William Carmichael, 12 September 1785 – 11 October 1785
From: Adams, John,American Commissioners,Jefferson, Thomas
To: Carmichael, William

              Sir
              [12 September – 11 October 1785]

            Mr. Barclay will deliver you this letter in his way to Morocco.
            We have appointed him to this negotiation in hopes of obtaining the friendship of that State to our country, & of opening by that means the commerce of the Mediterranean, an object of sufficient importance to induce him to accept of the trust
            We recommend him & Colo. Franks who goes with him to your attention & assistance, and we particularly desire you to interest the court of Spain in his favour if you think it practicable— Your success upon many occasions with the Spanish Ministers, gives us hopes that you may obtain for him, Instructions or Letters to Spanish Consuls or other Gentleman which may contribute both to the comfort of his travels & the success of his Mission
            Any Dispatches, for us, which he may convey to you, your own just sense of the importance of them will induce you to transmit to us with all possible care—
            We are informed of the friendly attention of the court of Madrid to the case of our fellow citizens late in captivity as well as on many other occasions, and if you think it will not be taken amiss, you will oblige us by expressing our grateful sense of it wherever you think proper.

            With great esteem / We have the honour to be / Sir / Your Most obedt & / Most humble Servts.
            (signed)
            London Septr 12 1785

              John Adams T. Jefferson


Title: V. The American Commissioners’ Draft Letter to the Comte de Vergennes, 15 September 1785
From: Adams, John,American Commissioners
To: Vergennes, the Comte de

              Sir
              London Septr. 15 1785.

            We do ourselves the Honour to acquaint your Excellency, that We have appointed Thomas Barclay Esq the Consul General of the United States in France, to proceed to the coast of Barbary in Africa, there to enter into Negotiation and to endeavour to form Treaties, of Amity between the United States and the King or Emperor of Morocco or Fez; the Regencies of Algiers, Tunis and Tripoli, or with any of them; and also with every other Prince, State or Power, of the said coast,: & that Mr Barclay is ready to proceed upon his Journey for that purpose.
            That he may have the better hopes of success, We do ourselves the Honour to request that his most Christian Majesty will be pleased to employ his good Offices and Interpositions, with those Powers, and their subjects, in such manner as to his Majestys Wisdom shall seem fit convenient in order to promote the Views of Mr Barclay in his Mission and in Order to provide as fully and efficaciously as possible for the Benefit, conveniency, and Safety of the said United States, and each of them, their subjects, People and Inhabitants and their Vessells and Effects, against all Violence, Insults Attacks or Depredations, on the Part of the Said Princes and States of Barbary, or their Subjects. and to this End that the Ministers Consuls, and Agents of France residing in those Countries may be instructed to Advice and assist Mr Barclay, according to the Spirit of the Eighth Article of the Treaty of Commerce, between his Majesty and the United states of America.
            With great Respect We have the Honour / to be, Sir, your Excellencys most / obedient and most humble Servant

              John Adams.


Title: VII. The American Commissioners’ Instructions to Thomas Barclay for Negotiations with Morocco, 1–11 October 1785
From: Adams, John,American Commissioners
To: Morocco, Thomas Barclay for Negotiations with

              Instructions to Thomas Barclay Esqr.
              [1–11 October 1785]

            Congress having been pleased to invest us with full powers for entering into treaty of Amity and Alliance with the Emperor of Morocco, and it being impracticable for us to attend his court in person & equally impracticable on account of our seperate stations to receive a Minister from him, we have concluded to effect our object by the intervention of a confidential person. We concur in wishing to avail the United States of your talents in the execution of this business, & therefore furnish you with a letter to the Emperor of Morocco to give a due credit to your transactions with him.
            We advise you to proceed by the way of Madrid, where you will have opportunities of deriving many lights from Mr Carmichael, through whom many communications with the court of Morocco have already passed. From thence you will proceed by such rout as you shall think best to the court of the Emperor.

            You will present to him our letter with the copy of our full powers, with which you are furnished; at such time or times, and in such manner as you shall think best.
            As the negotiation & conclusion of a treaty may be a work of time you will endeavour in the first place to procure an immediate suspension of hositilities. You will proceed to negotiate with his Minister the terms of a treaty of Amity & Commerce as nearly as possible conformed to the draught we give you: where alterations, which in your opinion shall not be of great importance, shall be urged by the other party, you are at liberty to agree to them: where they shall be of great importance, and such as you think should be rejected, you will reject them: but where they are of great importance, & you think they may be accepted, you will ask time to take our advice; & you will advise with us accordingly by letter or by courier as you shall think best. When the articles shall all be agreed you will sign them in a preliminary form & send them to us by some proper person for definitive execution.—
            The whole expences of this treaty, including as well the expences of all persons employed about it as the presents to the Emperor & his servants, must not exceed 20000 Dollars & we urge you to use your best endeavours to bring them as much below that sum as you possibly can,—and to this end, we leave it to your discretion to represent to His Majesty or to his Ministers, if it may be done with safety, the particular circumstances of the United States just emerging from a long & distressing war with one of the most powerful nations of Europe, which we hope may be an apology if our presents should not be so splendid as those of older & abler nations. As custom may have rendered some presents necessary in the beginning or progress of this business; & before it is concluded or even in a way to be concluded, we authorize you to conform to the custom; confiding in your descretion to hazard as little as possible before a certainty of the event, & to provide that your engagements shall become binding only on the definitive execution of the treaty. We trust to you also to procure the best information in what form & to what persons these presents should be made, & to make them accordingly.
            The difference between the customs of that & other courts, the difficulty of obtaining a knowledge of those customs but on the spot & our great confidence in your discretion, induce us to leave to that all other circumstances relative to the object of your mission It will be necessary for you to take a Secretary well skilled in the French language to aid you in your business, & to take charge of your papers in case of any accident to yourself, we think you may allow him 150 guineas a year, besides his expences for traveling & subsistence. We engage to furnish your own expences according to the respectability of the character with which you are invested; but, as to the allowance for your troubles, we wish to leave it to Congress
            We annex hereto sundry heads of enquiry which we wish you to make, & to give us thereon the best information you shall be able to obtain. We desire you to correspond with us by every opportunity which you think should be trusted; giving us from time to time an account of your proceedings & prospects by the way of Holland under cover to Mr Dumas at the Hague or Messrs Willincks of Amsterdam; by the way of England to Uriah Forrest Esqr., by way of France to Mr Grand Paris, & to Mr Carmichael by way of Spain.
            We wish you a pleasant journey & happy succeess, being with great esteem &c. &c. &c.


Title: VIII. John Lamb’s Supplementary Instructions for Negotiations with Algiers, 1–11 October 1785
From: Adams, John,American Commissioners,Jefferson, Thomas
To:

              Supplementary Instruction for Mr. Lamb
              [1–11 October 1785]

            We have received information that two American vessels, the Dauphin from Philadelphia & and the Maria from Boston with their Crews & Cargoes have lately been taken by the Algerines off the coast of Portugal, & that the crews are reduced to slavery. Our full powers to that State being for the general purpose only of concluding a treaty of Amity & Commerce, the redemption of our citizens made captive before the conclusion of such treaty may not be thought comprehended within those powers. nevertheless as the misfortune of these our countrymen has not been produced by any fault or folly of theirs, as their situation would illy admit the delay of our asking & receiving the pleasure of Congress on their subject, & as we presume stronly that it would be the will of Congress that they should be redeemed from their present calamitous condition, we think ourselves bound, in so distant a situation, & where the emergency of the case is so great, to act according to what we think would be the desire of Congress, and to trust to their goodness & the purity of our own motives for our justification.
            We therefore authorize you to treat for the emancipation of the crews of the said vessels & of any others which have been or may be taken by the same power before the cessasation of hostilities which we expect you to effect. Administering in the mean time such necessary aids as their situation may require. In negotiating this special treaty you are to consider yourself as acting for the masters of the vessels as well as for the United States, and you will agree to no terms which they shall not approve. You will take from them their obligations, each for his crew separately, binding themselves & their owners to indemnify the United States for the monies which shall be paid for their redemption, subsistence, transportation to their own country & other charges incurred, if the Congress shall be of opinion that such indemnification should be required, transmitting to us such special treaty for our definitive execution. You will also adopt the best measures you can for returning the citizens you shall redeem to their own country. As we require a transmission of this treaty before its definitive conclusion, it is the less necessary for us to speak of the sum which you may venture to engage. We do not expect to redeem our captives for less than 100 Dollars a head, & we should be fearful to go beyond the double of that sum—howevever we trust much in your discretion & good management for obtaining them on terms still better than these if possible.

                London. Octr. 1. 1785.
                John Adams.

                Paris. Octr. 11. 1785.
                Th: Jefferson


Title: X. Thomas Barclay’s Commission to Negotiate with Morocco, 5–11 October 1785
From: Adams, John,American Commissioners,Jefferson, Thomas
To:

              [5–11 October 1785]

            To all to whom these Presents shall come or, be may be made known.
            Whereas the United States of America in Congress Assembled, reposing special trust & confidence in the integrity prudence & ability of their trusty & well-beloved the Honble John Adams late one of their Ministers Plenipotentiary for negotiating a peace, and heretofore a Delegate in Congress from the State of Massachusetts & chief Justice of the Sd. State: the Honble Doctr. Benjamin Franklin their Minister Plenipotentiary at the court of Versailles & late another of their Ministers Plenipotentiary for negotiating a peace: and the Honble Thomas Jefferson a Delegate in Congress from the State of Virginia & late Governor of the sd State, did by their Commission under the seal of the United States & the signature of their then President, bearing date the twelfth day of May in the year of our Lord Christ one thousand seven hundred & eighty four, constitute & appoint the said John Adams Benjamin Franklin & Thomas Jefferson their Ministers Plenipotentiary, giving to them or a majority of them full powers & authority for the sd United States & in their name to confer, treat and negotiate with the Ambassador, Minister or Commissioner of His Majesty the Emperor of Morocco, vested with full & sufficient powers of & concerning a Treaty of Amity & Commerce as the case might be, to make & receive propositions for such a Treaty, & to conclude & sign the same transmitting it to the United States in Congress Assembled for their final ratification. And as it might so happen that the great and various affairs which the said United States had committed to the care & management of their sd. Ministers Plenipotentiary, might not admit of their meeting the Minister or Commissioner of which His Majesty the Emperor of Morocco might appoint to treat with them, of & concerning such Treaty, at a time & place that might otherwise be most convenient. Therefore The said United States in Congress Assembled, did on the eleventh day of March in the year of our Lord Christ one thousand seven hundred & eighty five, by their Commission under their seal & the signature of their President, authorize & empower their said three Ministers Plenipotentiary and the majority of them, by writing under their hands & seals to appoint & employ, and at pleasure to remove, such Agent in the said business as they, or the majority of them might think proper, which said Agent should have authority under directions & instructions of their said Ministers, to commence & prosecute negotiations & conferences for the said Treaty, with such person or persons on the part of His Majesty the Emperor of Morocco as to their said Ministers, or the majority of them should appear proper. Provided always that the Treaty in question should be signed by the said Ministers, but that preliminary articles thereto, might if previously approved by their said Ministers, or the majority of them be signed by the said Agent. And whereas Dr Benjamin Franklin one of the Ministers Plenipotentiary aforesaid is since returned to America.
            Now know ye, that we John Adams Minister Plenipoten[tiary] of the United States of America at the court of Great Britain and Thomas Jeffer[son] Minister Plenipotentiary of the said States at the court of France, two of the Ministers Plenipotentiary aforesaid & a majority of them, reposing special trust & confi[dence] in the integrity, prudence & ability of the Honble. Thomas Barclay Esqr Consul General of the United States in France, have constituted, appointed & employed, and do by these presents constitute appoint & employ him the said Thomas Barclay, as Agent in the business aforesaid, hereby giving him full authority under our direc[tions] and instructions, to commence & prosecute negotiations & conferences for the said Treaty with such person or persons on the part of the Emperor of Morocco, as His Majesty shall appoint & empower for that purpose. Provided always that the Treaty in question shall be signed by us, but that preliminary articles thereto may if previously approved by us, be signed by the said Agent.
            In testimony whereof we have hereto set our hands & seals

                London Octr. 5. 1785
                Paris 11 Otober 1785

                John Adams L.S.
                Ths Jefferson L.S.


Title: XI. To Wilhem & Jan Willink and Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, 6 October 1785
From: Adams, John
To:

              Gentn.
              Grosvenor Square Westminster 6th Ocr. 1785

            On the other Leaf of this Sheet you have Copy of a Resolution of Congress of fourtenth of Feby. last. You will please to hold this Money in readiness to be transmitted to London as I shall have occasion for it, to pay Bills of Exchange which are to be drawn upon me & which I shall accept payable at the House of Messrs. C & R: Puller in London or at your Firm in Amsterdam as occasion may be. I shall have time to give you advice from time to time, as the Bills will be drawn at one or two usances, so that there will be no necessity to transmit much of this Money here at present—it is to be hoped the exchange will be more favorable the longer the delay
            Your friend & sert.—


Title: XII. Thomas Barclay’s Letter of Credit, 6–[11] October 1785
From: Adams, John
To:

              Sir
              Grovenor Shquare London Westminster Octr 6.[–11] 1785.

            The United States of America in Congress Assembled on the 14th day of Febry. last resolved, that the Ministers of the United States who are directed to form Treaties with the Emperor of Morocco and the Regencees of Algiers Tunis & Tripoli be empowered to apply any Money in Europe belonging to the United States to that use: As you are appointed to proceed to Morocco as Agent for forming such Treaty with the Emperor you are hereby authorized & empowered to draw Bills of Exchange to the amount of a sum not exceeding twenty thousand Dollars, at one or two usances, upon “John Adams Esqr. Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America at the court of Great Britain, residing in Grosvenor Square, at the corner between Duke Street & Brook Street,” who will regularly accept & pay the same either at the house of R & C Puller in London or of Wilhem & Jan Willink & Nicholas & Jacob Staphorst at Amsterdam. Your Bills are however to be always accompanied with a letter of Advice in your own hand writing to Mr Adams, a duplicate of which you will also send by some other conveyance.
            With great respect / We have the honour to be / Sir / Your affectionate friends & / humble Servants

              Grosvenor Square London Octr. 6. 1785.
              Paris Octr. 11. 1785
              John Adams Ths Jefferson.


Title: To John Adams from John Jebb, 13 September 1785
From: Jebb, John
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir
            Perliamt. Street. 13 sept 1785.

          My delay in answering your obliging favour of the 21st. ult. has arisen partly from business, partly ill health. which have alternately prevented me from giving the proper degree of attention to the objections you have stated against the 36th Article of the Pensylvanian Frame of Government. I esteem myself much honoured by your invitation to communicate mutually our sentiments upon the American Constitutions. Nothing can be more pleasing than an Enquiry into the acts of Freemen, as Reason & the Public Good in such cases being acknowledged the supreme arbiters, a tribunal is established to which the parties can appeal—and in the present Instance I have every reason to believe that what I offer will be received & considered with candour.
          The first Inference in the 36th resolution—viz. that there can be no necessity for nor use in establishing offices of profit is certainly too peremptory and extensive—& I own that when I expressed to you my approbation of that article I had not afforded sufficient consideration to the Subject— The Interpretation however that you put upon the passage, viz, that there can be no necessity for nor use in annexing either Salary fees, nor perquisites to public offices seems to be precluded by the acknowledgement that when a man is called into public service to the prejudice of his private affairs, he has a right to a reasonable compensation. To me the Article appears to be founded upon the following principle. “Although it is the right of every Individual, and in some measure an obligation imposed upon him by the Law of Nature, to pursue the means of acquiring an independent support, yet it is also every freemans duty, to bear his portion of the Public Burdens, & either is Just rotation, or according to other prescribed rules to perform those services which the welfare of the State requires & when he can perform these Services without any considerable detriment to his private fortune, or injury to his family, no recompence is due; the State justly requires a certain sacrifice of time—of labour—of emolument, from all its subjects. But if the detriment is considerable, and the burden unequal in its pressure, he has a right to a compensation from his country.” Perhaps the Persons who drew up this Article had also in contemplation that period, when through the admission of the Principles of corruption, offices of profit might be instituted solely for the purpose of increasing influence under the pretext of engaging persons of ability in the public service—and therefore they wished to guard against that multiplication of honours & Emoluments, of which Experience has sufficiently demonstrated the pernicious nature in our European States.
          Having thus given that Interpretation of the article, which I think must have been the intention of its framers, I will proceed to examine your objections, which perhaps may with almost equal force be urged against the original article, & the preceding interpretation.
          You urge first, that Public Offices in general require the whole time, & all the attention of those who hold them. the word general here I think does not sufficiently qualify the assertion. Let us descend to particulars. First with respect to the office of a member of the House of Assembly. Independency of fortune here is certainly a proper requisite—yet I agree it ought not to be required by Law—free Citizens will naturally Elect independent Characters to represent them. The persons chosen have a right to a reasonable compensation—but surely the senatorial office does not require a previous specific Education. In this instance therefore the doctrine advanced in the article is just & proper.
          Secondly in a state, wherein every Citizen ought to be trained to the use of arms, the officers of the militia, although when actually called out into the field, or even when obliged to leave their families or employments in order to acquire the requisite degree of discipline, they have a right to a reasonable recompence, yet they ought not to be esteemed in the same light as the officers of a standing army, where the necessary professional skill undoubtedly requires much previous preparation—even the whole employment of their time.
          The office of Justice of the Peace with us requires little previous preparation—at least not more than can be afforded to it without injury to the private engagements of the persons who are called to it. and it is a fortunate circumstance when men equally independent will undertake its duties
          The lower orders of magistracy, so necessary to the preservation of the tranquillity of the community may with advantage be considered in the light of public Burdens—to be born in Just rotation by the Inhabitants of Townships. the Stipend such as barely to compensate for the labour, or expence of the discharging of them.
          And in the highest station that of Governor, although I am of opinion that a very honourable allowance should be settled upon the person who holds it, during his continuance in office; yet I see something peculiarly noble and also useful in the Idea of his returning after having faithfully served his country in this instance to the enjoyments of an independent though a private station.
          You will perceive that our Ideas on these subjects approach nearly to harmony when I declare to you, that I perfectly accord with you in Sentiment, respecting the evils, that have arisen from supposing that the Citizens of a free state have a claim to public gratitude, even when, in Miltons phrase, “they have performed justly skillfully & magnanimously, all the offices both private & public of Peace & War.” If the office is imposed upon him as a burden by equall Law, in duely discharging it he only performs his bounden duty to his country—if led to accept it by the splendor & emoluments of the station in that splendor & those Emoluments let him behold his full reward.
          I am decidedly of opinion that a law establishing the principle, that no man should hold an office, who has not a private income sufficient for the honourable subsistance of himself & family, would lead to Aristocratic despotism & every Evil you describe. Yet I cannot but most sedulously maintain that in the offices I have hinted at, the moment they approach to the Idea of professional, they become incentives to ambition & every inordinate affection that can influence the human heart.
          Other Offices there are, which require previous Education, & which by their very nature require the whole attention of the mind. With respect to these I perfectly accord with you in opinion, that the possessors of them should enjoy stated, & in some cases ample Emoluments sufficient to interest the man of ability & business in the honourable pursuit. Such I mean are all Judicial places— Such offices in finance as require previous preparation to a skillful discharge of their duties— Offices in the naval department &c. In all these cases the parties should hold their Station during good behaviour—their Salaries should be fixed—but all Ideas of perquisites & patronage should be utterly excluded.
          With respect to your second objection I certainly agree with you that there is inconsistency, or at least a want of necessary precision in the expression; & what you afterwards urge respecting the difference between legal profits, & secret perquisites, appears strictly Just.
          But I cannot consent in toto to your third position, that the dependence & servility in the possessors & expectants of public offices do not proceed from the legal profits of offices, which are known to all, but from the perquisites patronage & abuses which are known only to a few.
          I will suppose all perquisites &c abolished & yet the aforesaid Evils may remain. the nature of the office the mode of appointment are also to be considered. If the office be strictly useful—the emoluments reasonable—& the power of appointment properly vested, there will only subsist that degree of Emulation which gives life to all the organizations of a state. But if the office or Station—or the mode of appointment, bear any resemblance to the generality of offices in European States, a servile prostration of all principle, leading to the Establishment of faction or despotism must be the inevitable result— In this view of things I am of opinion with dr. Price that those states are happy which know not Bishops Peers or Kings; & are strangers to those offices & Honours falsely so called, which owe their existence to those fantastic monuments of human folly. But if you mean such offices as are necessary in a well constituted state—& if provision be made for a proper appointment to them the assertion is strictly true.
          It is said in the Article that whenever an office, through encrease of fees or othewise becomes so unprofitable as to occasion many to apply for it, the profits ought to be lessened by the Legislature— This you observe is not a good Rule. I certainly would agree with you that the Idea is not expressed either with propriety or precision— And yet I think there is some force in the principle. The Stated fees & emoluments of offices that require previous education &c should be sufficiently ample to call forth ability & merit, and a number of aspirants may be permitted, or rather such encouragement may be afforded as will produce a number of aspirants, without substantial evil, but on the contrary with advantage to the State. But if the fees should increase far beyond the first appointment, all due allowance being made for change in the value of Commodities &c & if the number of Claimants should encrease in the same proportion too many valuable members of society would be allured by the greatness of the prizes to embark in the pursuit of public Honours— they would by degrees become insensible to the modes of acquiring an honest Independency by persevering Industry—& neglect the opportunity of increasing their own patrimony—& the patrimony of the state which agriculture Commerce & the Arts hold forth as the sure & certain rewards of virtuous Labour in states circumstanced as the American, with respect to extent of territory & the various produce of the Soil.
          With regard to the subsequent parts of your letter, I am altogether of your opinion. The Support & reward of Public officers, should ever be considered as matter of Justice. not of gratitude. Indeed in almost all points I trust the appearance of difference in Statement will decrease in proportion as our principles are explained—

          There are some other points in the American Constitutions, upon which I will take the liberty of submitting to you my Sentiments— I think myself truly happy in your permission to communicate with you on these interesting topics— I regard the Establishment of liberty in America with a pleasure bordering on Enthusiasm— I feel with Dr Price the ardent wish that nothing may retard the extent & influence of freedom.— I detest The mean & sordid Policy of our present rulers with respect to both America & Ireland— I am sorry to perceive that their opponents are too much actuated with the same Spirit—but I will trust that the same good Providence which hath smiled on the exertions of freemen will safely guide them through every storm, untill at length the bright example shall influence the People from whence they sprang, & every other European State, to shake off the Shackles of Civil & Religious despotism & enable their Inhabitants more generally to become what Heaven intended men to be—virtuous—rational—wise & happy here—& consequently prepared for the enjoyment of still superior degrees of happiness in a more enduring State— The latter is a sentiment which I am not ashamed to confess makes an important article in my Politics— For I really believe that if the genuine doctrines of the Gospel were generally known & practiced—nothing would tend more to restore the order of Human affairs—& to establish the liberties of Mankind.
          Mrs Jebb Joins me in best respects to Mrs Adams— & I am with the / greatest esteem / Yr. obedt. servt.

            John Jebb


Title: To John Adams from Christian Lotter, 13 September 1785
From: Lotter, Christian
To: Adams, John

            May it please Your Excellency!
            Hague, September 13th: 1785:

          Your Excellency’s most honoured of the 4th: hujus arrived too late to be of any Service to me, or time enough to restrain the awful Sentence already past against me from Messrs: Willinks and Messrs: van Staphorst. by an ultimatum under the 6th: of this present, to quitt and clear the hotel against the latter end of this month at the farthest, and in case of non compliance, and Strictest Subordination to the order, they then Should be obliged to use Such measures as will be very disagreeable to them, and, I fancy by their notions, Scandalous to me, id est, to turn me and my family, with little American John, who were called in by Your Excellency out of their quiet and peaceful habitation, into the Street, to accomplish the proverb, he came to his own, and his own received him not; Solid and tender feeling will Speak.— Such a Compliment from Gentlemen to whom, to my very Knowledge I never have paid the least Incivility nor given the Smallest offence, Your Excely: may judge, what a hearty breakfast it was for me to Suggest; but, am I to blame Messrs: Willink, de la Lande & Fynje for those very genteel compliments, O no, for their part, I might as well remain in the hotel, as they in their own houses, but then! how would Madame Dùmas be revenged for the disgrace I So foolishly have laid upon her honest administration of the affairs of the hotel, t’is no wonder, for to lay truth of Such an insupportable nature to open Sight, and for me to extract a Sursolid root, out of a given problem in Algebraic progressions, which the best American Arithmeticien never would have been able to resolve, is thought very unbecoming in me, tho’ nevertheless my duty and therefore, no doubt, it is the opinion, and Strongly recommended by Madame Dùmas, that Such an Arithmetical fool as I must be turned out before the new American Minister arrives here.
          Last Saturday the 10th: in the afternoon Mr: van Staphorst honored us with a visit, to hear my opinion upon the last friendly Letter I had received from them, because I had Sent no answer, I beg in the name of goodness and Sound reason, what answer does or can a person give upon an already pronounced Sentence, patiently yielding to a Superior force, is the best and Shortest answer, I had hereby occasion to acquaint Mr: van Staphorst, that from Your Excely: I had been favoured with a Letter of the 4th:, wherein my Staying in the hotel was mentioned, and to obtain the consent of the Gentlemen for that purpose, which I had done long before this but with no other redress, then a few Weeks longer vexations.
          Not to Set Your Excellency’s Kind patience any longer upon the touchstone, and taking away Your precious time, I only Shall take the Liberty to add, that one day I Shall have the happiness to See her weep, who now rejoices in the political Step She has taken, to have So much influence upon the mind of worthy, Sensible and good men as Messrs: Willinks, & van Staphorsts. so to take a morsel of bread out of my Childrens mouth; and, I can’t forget the thoughts, to make and chase those Gentlemen of character. to be the executioners of her revenge and haughty caprice.
          Since now, nothing else is remaining for me to do, then to make my most humble excuses to Your Excely: for the many troubles and incumbrances this late affair has occasioned to You, I cordially ask Your pardon, farther trusting to Your Generosity that my Small demand of a quarter of a years Salary, which has begun the 8th: of June, then Still in the Service, and a restitution of 10 Guilders for removing of my effects backwards and forwards may not be deemed unreasonable, a half a years housrent until May I leave entirely to Your Excelys: disgretion. because I Shall now be obliged to pay a greater rent, then I have done before, at least till May.
          Sir I am Sincerely thankful for the favours Your Excellency has been pleased to bestow upon me, and nothing Shall extinguish the Esteem I constantly preserve for Your person and honorable family, and always Shall pray for Your health and Prosperity, and am / Your Excellency’s / most devoted and most obed: / humble Servant.

            C. Lotter.


Title: From John Adams to John Jay, 15 September 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Jay, John

            Dear Sir
            Grosvenor Square Septr. 15. 1785.

          Having So good an Opportunity as this by Mr Charles Storer, I do myself the Honour to transmit to Congress, by him, the Ratification of the Treaty, and Convention between the United States and the States General of the United Netherlands, which I received in Exchange for the Ratification of Congress transmitted to me.
          I Should wish that the Receipt of it may be noted in the Journal of Congress, and acknowledged in your Dispatches to me. The Seals are in elegant Silver Boxes—one to the Treaty, and one to the Convention.
          With great Respect I have the Honour to be / Sir, your most obedient and most humble / Servant

            John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 15 September 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

            Dear Sir
            Grosvenor Square Septr. 15. 1785

          I have received your Letter of the fourth instant by Colonel Franks, with a Project of a Letter to the Emperor of Morocco, and Several other Papers.
          I have had this Letter, fairly copied, with very few and very inconsiderable Alterations and have Signed it. I have left room enough, at the Beginning, for you to insert, or leave Mr Barclay to insert, the Emperors Titles and Address, which may be done, with the most certainty in Morocco.
          By the Treaty We have with Holland, the States General have agreed, upon Requisition, to second our negotiations in the most favourable manner, by means of their Consuls. I would have prepared a Memorial and Requisition to that Purpose and have sent it to the Hague. But such a Memorial would publish to all the World Mr Barclays Mission.— I Shall wait for your Advice, and if you think proper, I will Still Send a Memorial: But I am inclined to think We had better wait till We receive from Mr Barclay in Morocco Some Account of his Prospects.
          The best Argument Mr Barclay can use, to obtain Treaties upon moderate Terms, is that We have absolutely as yet no Ships in the Mediterranean Sea, and Shall have none untill Treaties are made. That our Seamen will not go there, untill Treaties are made. That therefore the Algerines will have no Chance of taking any American Vessells, any where but in the Atlantic. and there they can expect to take but very few, at a vast Expence of Corsairs, and exposed to our Privateers and Frigates.
          Treaties of Peace are very unpopular, with the People of Algiers. They Say it is taking from them all the Opportunities of making Profits by Prizes for the sake of inriching the Dey by Presents. The Probability then that our Trade would be more beneficial to the People, than the Few Prizes they would have a chance to make, by going at a vast Expence out of the mediterranean and Spreading themselves over the Ocean in quest of our ships, exposed to our Frigates and the Men of War of Portugal, &c would be the best Reason for the Dey to use with the People. The common Argument is the Bombardments and Depredations with which their Ennemies threaten them by their Fleets and Squadrons, which commonly accompany the Embassy. Mr Barclay will be very naked in this respect.
          With great Respect, your most obedient

            John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Barclay, 17 September 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Barclay, Thomas

            Dear Sir
            Grosvenor Square 17 Spr:

          I allowed Mr. Thaxter only 4 years Salary vizt. from 13 Novr. 1779 to 13 Novr. 1783, three of which I paid him at £100 the other year is charged to the Public at £300— He did not reach home ’till after that Period vizt. Decr. 1783 or Jany. 1784. But that must be left to Congress— I really pitty that faithful Youth for 4 years, indefatigable Server, he has never received more than would cloath him—
          You have not allowed me too much for Postage— I had sometimes Quintuplicates of voluminous dispatches, both as Minister for the Peace, as Minister in Holland, and as Agent for the Loan, besides all that all Mr. Danas dispatches to & from Congress while he was in Russia went through my hands for more than a Year, & sometimes huge Packets of News Papers came to me through France by the Post—
          You will see in my Account several draughts of Mrs. Adams, these were for the Expences of her Voyage and Expences in London, before I came to her. But I dare not propose that this should be allowed to me. I shall think myself well off if I am allowed House Rent & Stationary.
          I have Sent you my Accounts up to the first of August of this Year, because it was the first of August last year that our reduced Salarys began— settle the whole as you please & Congress will Strike off from your settlement what they please, But I shall never envy hereafter an itinerant Embassador, such a rolling Stone can gather no Moss— fix’d to one station I could have kept regular Accots & have saved many hundreds which now are lost—
          I have charged a Coach. My Carriage at the Hague which would have been sufficient, has been useless & I must now give it away or if I sell it will fetch me little or nothing; strike off this Article however if you think proper or any other, But every journey ruins a pair of wheels & wrecks the Carriage so that it costs you half its value to repair it & put it in order— Let me pray you to Settle my Accts: however & send me a Copy of it before you go off for Madrid— with great Esteem sir / Your humble svt.


Title: From John Adams to William Stephens Smith, 19 September 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Smith, William Stephens

            Dear Sir
            Grosvenor Square Septr. 19. 1785

          I have recd your Favours from Harwich, Amsterdam and Berlin, and congratulate you on your Reception by the King of Prussia.
          I Shall have much Occasion for your Assistance but Still I would not advise you, to leave Paris without Spending a Week or Ten Days there and being presented by Mr Jefferson to the King, provided there is a Court day at Versailles.
          I have been much pressed with Business since you left me, but by the Help of Mr Storer and Coll Franks I have got through. the former is now embarked if not Sailed for New York and I have no Assistance whatever
          with great Esteem your Friend & / sert

            John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Wilhem & Jan Willink and Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, 20 September 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business),Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)

            Gentlemen
            Grosvenor Square Sept. 20. 1785

          Yours of 13 is received. I did approve of Messrs Pullers paying the Account of Mr Baker, the Broker, amounting to £105. 13s: 6d st.— The Account appeared to me very high. But I could not do any otherwise than Submit it to the Judgment of Messrs Pullers, who thought it could not be done for less.
          I have drawn an order, besides, within a few days upon Messieurs Pullers, for Seventy five Guineas, payable to the Bearer. it was for Cash for Coll David Franks, to pay for Articles, purchased here for the Use of the United States. Franks is to be accountable to Mr Barclay for the Expenditure of it.— I Shall be obliged to you if you would mention in the Charge you make of it, that it was for Coll Franks and that he is to be accountable to Mr Barclay. Whenever I draw, for any Cash for the Service of the United States, I wish to have the Name or the Service appear upon your Books, that when Accounts come to be settled, some Such Circumstance may Appear.


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 24 September 1785
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir
            Paris Sep. 24. 1785.

          I have received your favor of the 18th. inclosing your compliments on your presentation. the sentiments you therein expressed were such as were entertained in America till the Commercial proclamation, & such as would again return were a rational conduct to be adopted by Gr. Britain. I think therefore you by no means compromitted yourself or our country, nor expressed more than it would be our interest to encourage, if they were disposed to meet us. I am pleased however to see the answer of the king. it bears the marks of suddenness & surprize, & as he seems not to have had time for reflection we may suppose he was obliged to find his answer in the real sentiments of his heart, if that heart has any sentiment. I have no doubt however that it contains the real creed of an Englishman, and that the word which he has let escape is the true word of the aenigma. “the moment I see such sentiments as yours prevail & a disposition to give this country the preference, I will &c.” all this I stedfastly beleive. but the condition is impossible. our interest calls for a perfect equality in our conduct towards these two nations; but no preferences any where. if however circumstances should ever oblige us to shew a preference, a respect for our character, if we had no better motive, would decide to which it should be given.— my letters from members of Congress render it doubtful whether they would not that full time should be given for the present disposition of America to mature itself & to produce a permanent improvement in the federal constitution, rather than, by removing the incentive, to prevent the improvement. it is certain that our commerce is in agonies at present, & that these would be relieved by opening the British ports in the W. Indies. it remains to consider whether a temporary continuance under these sufferings would be paid for by the amendment it is likely to produce. however I beleive there is no fear that Great Britain will puzzle us by leaving it in our choice to hasten or delay a treaty.
          Is insurance made on Houdon’s life? I am uneasy about it, lest we should hear of any accident. as yet there is no reason to doubt their safe passage. if the insurance is not made I will pray you to have it done immediately.
          As I have not received any London newspapers as yet I am obliged to ask you what is done as to them, lest the delay should proceed from some obstacle to be removed. there is a mr̃ Thompson at Dover who has proposed to me a method of getting them post free: but I have declined resorting to it till I should know in what train the matter is actually.
          I have the honour to be with the most perfect esteem Dear Sir / Your friend & servt

            Th: Jefferson


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 24 September 1785
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Adams, John

            Dear Sir
            Paris Sep. 24. 1785.

          My letter of Sep. 19. written the morning after mr̃ Lamb’s arrival here, would inform you of that circumstance. I transmit you herewith copies of the papers he brought to us on the subject of the Barbary treaties. you will see by them that Congress has adopted the very plan which we were proposing to pursue. it will now go on under less danger of objection from the other parties. the receipt of these new papers therefore has rendered necessary no change in matter of substance in the dispatches we had prepared. but they render some formal changes necessary. for instance in our letter of credence for mr̃ Barclay to the Emperor of Marocco, it becomes improper to enter into those explanations which seemed proper when that letter was drawn; because Congress in their letter enter into that explanation. in the letter to the Ct. de Vergennes it became proper to mention the new full powers received from Congress & which in some measure accord with the idea communicated by him to us from the M. de Castries. these & other formal alterations, which appeared necessary to me, I have made, leaving so much of the original draughts approved & amended by you as were not inconsistent with these alterations. I have therefore had them prepared fair to save you the trouble of copying; yet wherever you chuse to make alterations you will be so good as to make them; taking in that case the trouble of having new fair copies made out.
          You will perceive by mr̃ Jay’s letter that Congress had not thought proper to give mr̃ Lamb any appointment. I imagine they apprehended it might interfere with measures actually taken by us. notwithstanding the perfect freedom which they are pleased to leave to us on his subject, I cannot feel myself clear of that bias which a presumption of their pleasure gives, & ought to give. I presume that mr̃ Lamb met their approbation, because of the recommendations he carried from the Governor & state of Connecticut, because of his actual knowlege of the country and people of the states of Barbary, because of the detention of these letters from March to July, which considering their pressing nature would otherwise have been sent by other Americans who in the mean time have come from N. York to Paris; & because too of the information we received by mr̃ Jarvis. these reasons are not strong enough to set aside our appointment of mr̃ Barclay to Marocco: that I think should go on, as no man could be sent who would enjoy more the confidence of Congress. but they are strong enough to induce me to propose to you the appointment of Lamb to Algiers. he has followed for many years the Barbary trade & seems intimately acquainted with those states. I have not seen enough of him to judge of his abilities. he seems not deficient as far as I can see, & the footing on which he comes must furnish a presumption for what we do not see. we must say the same as to his integrity; we must rely for this on the recommendations he brings, as it is impossible for us to judge of this for ourselves. yet it will be our duty to use such reasonable cautions as are in our power. two occur to me. 1. to give him a clerk capable of assisting & attending to his proceedings and who, in case he thought any thing was going amiss, might give us information. 2. not to give a credit on Van Staphorst & Willinck, but let his draughts be made on yourself, which with the knowlege you will have of his proceedings, will enable you to check them, if you are sensible of any abuse intended. this will give you trouble; but as I have never found you declining trouble when it is necessary, I venture to propose it. I hope it will not expose you to inconvenience as by instructing Lamb to insert in his draughts a proper usance you can in the mean time raise the money for them by drawing on Holland. I must inform you that mr̃ Barclay wishes to be put on the same footing with mr̃ Lamb as to this article & therefore I return you your letter of Credit on Van Staphorsts & co. as to the 1st. article there is great difficulty. there is no body at Paris fit for the undertaking who would be likely to accept of it. I mean there is no American, for I should be anxious to place a native in the trust. perhaps you can send us one from London. there is a mr̃ Randolph there from New York whom mr̃ Barclay thinks might be relied on very firmly for integrity & capacity. he is there for his health: perhaps you can persuade him to go to Algiers in pursuit of it. if you cannot, I really know not what will be done. it is impossible to propose to Bancroft to go in a secondary capacity. mr̃ Barclay & myself have thought of Cairnes at l’Orient as a dernier resort. but it is incertain, or rather improbable that he will undertake it. you will be pleased in the first place to consider of my proposition to send Lamb to Algiers, & in the next all the circumstances before detailed as consequences of that. the inclosed letter from Richard O’Bryan furnishes powerful motives for commencing by some means or other, the treaty with Algiers more immediately than would be done if left on mr̃ Barclay. you will perceive by that that two of our vessels with their crews & cargoes have been carried captive into that port. what is to be done as to those poor people? I am for hazarding the supplementory instruction to Lamb which accompanies these papers. alter it or reject it as you please. you ask what I think of claiming the Dutch interposition. I doubt the fidelity of any interposition too much to desire it sincerely. our letters to this court heretofore seemed to oblige us to communicate with them on the subject. if you think the Dutch would take amiss our not applying to them, I will join you in the application. otherwise the fewer are apprised of our proceedings the better. to communicate them to the States of Holland is to communicate them to the whole world.
          Mr̃ Short returned last night & brought the Prussian treaty duly executed in English & French. we may send it to Congress by the mr̃ Fitzhughs going from hence. will you draw & sign a short letter for that purpose? I send you a copy of a letter received from the M. Fayette. in the present unsettled state of American commerce, I had as lieve avoid all further treaties except with American powers. if Count Merci therefore does not propose the subject to me, I shall not to him, nor do more than decency requires if he does propose it. I am with great esteem Dr. Sir / your most obedient humble sevt.

            Th: Jefferson


Title: From John Adams to John Jebb, 25 September 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Jebb, John

            Dear Sir
            Grosvenor Square Septr. 25th 1785—

          I have read with pleasure your Letter of the 13th and although I cannot entirely agree with you, I find the difference between us is very Small in comparison with that between me and some other of my friends, in Mr Humes perfect commonwealth “no representative Magistrate or Senator as such has any salary. The Protector Secretaries, Councils and Ambassadors have salaries” your opinion Coincides with his excepting that you think the higher Magistrates as the Judges for example Should have salaries
          I Carry the point so far as to desire that all representatives, Magistrates and Senators as well as Judges and Executive Officers Should have salaries; not merely upon the Principle of Justice that every Man has a right to compensation for his Time and Labour, but to maintain the responsibility of the Person, and to raise and support both in the Minds of the People themselvs and of their representatives senators and Magistrates a sense of the Dignity and importance of the People. these salaries to be sure Should be in proportion to the Nature and duration of the service a project to introduce such a practise into this Country would be Chimerical: but in a Country, where it has long obtained and still exists. I wish it to continue. in some parts of the United States it has ever prevailed and it is to be hoped it may be extended to all other parts. it is thought by many to be one of the best securities of Liberty and Equality
          in the 13. p of the 2 Chap of the Constitution of Massachusetts you may see their sense of the Importance of salaries to Governors and Judges. my friend de Mably page 87 expresses great indignation against it “Je voudrois au contraire qu’a mesure que les Dignites sont plus importantes on leur attribuat des appointmens, moins considerables; Je voudrois méme qu elles ne’neussent aucun. on aime bien peu la Patrie, qu’and on demande des salaires Pour la servir. Que la Republique de Mass. ait le Courage de detruire la loi dont Je me plains” I loves the Abby and revere his memory: but I was sorry, that so crude an Idea Should be scattered in America where many will be greedy to lay hold of it: and that a Great writer who had spent fifty years in reading upon Government, and done honour to his age by his writings Should adopt with such facility so Gross a Vulgar Error and popular blunder. Flattery has done more mischeif to society when addressed to the People than when offered to Kings. there is all ways in every Popular Assembly a Party actuated by a sordid avarice one of two Candidates for an Election by offering to serve without Pay will have all the votes of this description of Electors. so will the Abbys doctrine but he had not considered that an Aristocracy would be the immediate and inevitable Consequence of it. in the Mass. there would be no choice left there are but two at most. if there is more than one who could serve as Governor. a fine bargain the People would make of it. for the sake of saving a Penny a peice, which it would cost them for a salary they must pass by a thousand Wise and virtuous Men, and give their votes only for two rich ones and that, wheather they have Wisdom and virtues or not
          The People save nothing in the End. the Consequence, is there must be no Strict inquiry, no exact accounts the Governors family must be provided for by offices, and his son, fit or unfit must be put in his place. the Magistrates in France instead of having salaries buy their offices. what is the Consequences Let the Abby himself say, he would answer from Heaven that they find ways to levy partial taxes to support even their Mistresses at three times the expence of the Whole salary of a Mass. Governor
          adeiu—


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 25 September 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

            Dear Sir
            Grosvenor Square Sept. 25. 1785.

          The Bearer of this Letter Mr Thomas Boylston, is one of the clearest and most Solid Capitalists, that ever raised himself by private Commerce in North America. He Seems to be desirous of assisting Us, in introducing the Knowledge and Use of our white Sperma Cæti Oil, into France. His Judgment and Abilities to carry through whatever he undertakes may be depended on. Let me beg your Attention to him.
          With great Esteem, I have the Honour to be, / Sir your most obedient and most / humble Servant

            John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from the Abbés Chalut and Arnoux, 26 September 1785
From: Chalut, Abbé,Arnoux, Abbé
To: Adams, John

            Paris 26. 7bre 1785.

          Vous nous avez fait, notre cher ami, un veritable plaisir en nous donnant de vos nouvelles; nous avons Souvent prié M. Jefferson de vous faire parvenir nos Compliments et de vous temoigner tous nos regrets sur votre absence, il n’a surement pas manqué de remplir Cette Commission.
          Si nous ne consultions que l’amitié que nous avons pour vous, nous ferions le voyage de Londres nous avons tant et tant de Chaines qui nous retiennent, qu’il faut que nous renoncions à Cette douce Satisfaction. tout Ce que nous pouvons faire c’est de vous donner de nos nouvelles et de vous assurer que nous vous aimons toujours et que nous Sommes disposés à faire tout Ce qui pourra vous etre agreable
          vous pouvez, notre cher ami, faire valoir notre zele à vous Servir dans tout Ce qui dependra de nous. nos Services ne Cesseront pas d’etre à vos ordres, et nous mettrons au nombre de nos plaisirs Celui de vous etre utile.
          nous nous flattons, et notre amitié pour vous est notre garans, que vos nouveaux amis de Londres ne vous ont pas fait oublier Ceux de Paris. nos droits Sur votre Cœur Sont et Seront respectés par votre vertu. vous ne trouverez pas dans toute l’Angleterre et meme dans votre nouvelle republique, des amis qui vous Soient plus Sincerement et plus Constamment attachés que nous. vous Connoissez notre façon de penser, la forme de notre gouvernement n’a pas deformé notre ame, nous Conservons notre raison avec tous Ses privileges. nous Sommes veritablement philantropes. mais nous avons des sentiments particuliers, que nous n’accordons pas à la generalité. nous Sçavons distinguer les talents et les vertus et placer auprès d’eux notre estime et notre respect.—
          vous voyez, notre Cher ami, qu’avec notre philantropie vous n’êtes pas Confondu avec la foule. vous meritez à la verité Cette distinction et notre amitié vous rend Cette justice.

          nous Sommes bien Sensible au souvenir de Mde et de Mlle. Adams. nous vous prions de les assurer de notre attachement respectueux, vous étes heureux par votre femme et par vos enfants. nous vous en felicitons, vous le Serez encore par vos petits enfants parce que la vertu est toujours une Source de bonheur.
          Votre Sagesse ne vous permettoit pas de nous parler des affaires de votre Ministere, nous Sçavons ce que vous devez à votre qualité d’homme public. nous profiterons de notre liberte d’hommes privés pour vous dire que quand on traite des affaires d’Etat et que l’avarice Se mele de la partie, on trouvee mille et mille obstacles. on voit avec douleur que la bonheur des nations n’est pas l’objet essentiel des gouvernements. ils ne veulent que de l’argent de l’argent et de l’argent. ils n’aiment le Commerce ils ne le favorisent ils ne l’étendent que pour avoir de l’argent. ils Scavent qu’avec ce metal et nos idees, ils Seront maitres de tout. dans cet état de choses nous vous plaignons et nous partageons vos peines et vos embarras. il vous a été plus facile de Conquerir votre liberté que de faire entendre raison à l’avarice; notre interest pour l’amerique nous a fait partager les heureux Succès de votre guerre, le meme interest nous fera partager ceux de votre mission.
          nous reclamons votre amitié, notre cher Monsieur, en faveur de M. Poncet Celebre Sculpteur françois que les Affaires Conduisent à Londres. il vous remettra notre lettre. nous aimons et nous estimons Cet Artiste, et nous vous prions de lui faire toutes les politesses qui dependrons de vous. notre amitié vous tiendra Compte de tout ce que vous ferez pour lui. nous l’avons prié de nous apporter de vos nouvelles et de Celles de vos dames. Son Sejour à londres ne sera que d’un mois. vous avez tout le tems necessaire pour nous ecrire une longue et très longue lettre, votre françois nous plait beaucoup, vous Connoissez assez notre langue pour nous Communiquer toutes les idées et tous les Sentiments que votre Coeur vous inspirera pour deux abbés qui vous ont voué leur estime et leur amitié et qui Seront toujours avec ces Sentiments / notre cher ami / vos très humbles / et très obeissants serviteurs

            L’A. Chalut l’abbé Arnoux.

            nous avons bien recommandé à M. Poncet, de nous apporter une lettre de votre part. Comme il aura l’honneur de diner avec vous et de boire avec vous à notre Santé à Son retour à Paris nous boirons à la votre et à Celle de vos dames

          TRANSLATION

            Paris, 26 September 1785

          You granted us a distinct pleasure, dear friend, in sending us word of yourself. We have oftentimes begged Mr. Jefferson to send you our compliments and to attest to you how much we regret your absence. Surely he has not failed to satisfy our request.
          If it were up to the friendship alone which we feel for you, we would make the voyage to London. We have so many chains which tie us down that we must give up the hope of such a sweet satisfaction. All that we may do is to send you news of us, and to assure you that we love you still and that we are disposed to do everything that might be agreeable to you.
          You may, dear friend, call on our zeal to serve you in everything that is in our power. Our services will never cease to be at your command, and we count our being useful to you among our pleasures.
          We flatter ourselves, and our friendship for you assures us, that your new London friends have not caused you to forget those of Paris. Our rights upon your heart are and shall be respected by your virtue. You will not find in all of England, and even in your new republic, any friends who are more sincerely and more steadfastly devoted to you than us. You are familiar with our way of thinking, our form of government has not corrupted our soul, and we conserve our reason with all of its privileges. We are truly philanthropes, but we have certain feelings which we do not bestow upon everyone in general. We know how to distinguish talents and virtues, and to invest our esteem and our respect in them.
          You see then, our dear friend, that by our philanthropy you are not thrown in with the masses. In truth, you deserve this distinction and in this our friendship does you justice.
          We cherish well our recollections of Mrs. and Miss Adams. We pray you remind them of our respectful attachment. You are blessed by your wife and children. We congratulate you. You will be all the more by your grandchildren because virtue is always a source of happiness.
          Your wisdom did not permit you to speak of the affairs of your office. We know what you owe to your duty as a man of public service. We take advantage of the liberty of private men in telling you that when engaged in political matters, if avarice gets involved in the situation, one finds thousands upon thousands of obstacles. We painfully recognize that the well-being of nations is not the principal object of governments. They desire but money and money and more money. They love commerce, they favor it, they help it expand only to have money. They know that with that metal and our ideas they shall be masters over everything. In this state of affairs we commiserate with you and share your troubles and your difficulties. It was easier for you to win your liberty than to make avarice hear reason. Our concern for America had us share the fortunate outcome of your war; the same concern will have us share that of your mission.
          We call upon your friendship, our dear sir, to favor Mr. Poncet, celebrated French sculptor, who is headed to London on business. He will transmit our letter to you. We love and esteem this artist, and we beg you to grant him all of the courtesies in your power. Our friendship shall not neglect to repay everything you might do for him. We have asked him to bring us news of you and of your ladies. His stay in London will be for only a month. You have all the requisite time to write us a nice, long letter. Your French pleases us greatly. You know our language well enough to communicate all the ideas and all the sentiments that your heart will inspire you for two priests who have vowed you their esteem and their friendship, and who shall always be, with these same sentiments, dear friend, your most humble and most obedient servants

            L’A. Chalut l’abbé Arnoux.

            We have recommended to Mr. Poncet that he bring us a letter from you. As he will have the honor of dining with you and drinking with you to our health, upon his return to Paris we will drink to yours and that of your ladies.


Title: From John Adams to Jonathan Jackson, 1 October 1785
From: Adams, John
To: Jackson, Jonathan

            Dear Sir—
            London Octr. 1st 1785

          I am very much obliged to you for your Kind Letter, and to Mr Higginson for his and intend to answer both very particularly, but my time is so taken up at present with preparing Papers for Algiers and Morroco that I cannot spare a moment for anything elce.
          Mr Higginsons Letter Shews him to be a great Master of the subject, but there are some things in it, which must be handled here with great discretion. this Nation notwithstanding all their aukward endeavours to despise the United States, really Consider them as a great rival Power, I have not time to be particular, but I am much mistaken if their whole Conduct towards us is not Governed by that Principle. Our Oyl will not be received here upon better terms I fear untill the British Whale Fishery Shall fail. that it will be found unprofitable, and will decline in two or three years, I beleive, but untill that time ours will suffer if We cannot find other Markets
          The Mass. as far as I can see are in the only right Way. every encouragement that can be given to their own Navigation and Manufactures, will be profitable to them in one way or another, it will procure them the Commerce which they want or ensure to them a substitute for it.
          We Shall have a tedious Negotiation to go through with this Country as well as with the Powers of Barbary, and we must wait with Patience for events that we cannot force. I am inclined to think that the Ministry would, if they could pursue their own Judgments agree with us upon tolerable Terms: but they have to consider what they can carry through Parliament, and opposition is as silent as Administration at present. the Question with Admn. is not what is for the Good of the Nation only, but what will escape opposition. the Question with opposition is not what is for the Public Good alone but what will discredid Ministry. What can be expected from such Inquiries.
          It is astonishing that our Manufacture of Pot-Ash Should not revive. it looks as if our People were very thoughtless and would do nothing While their money lasted, but as that is now gone they must Work—
          I see no reasonable Ground to hope that our Commerce will be relieved in the Smallest degree by anything which will be done here, for a long time to come, nor indeed ever, untill the states have demonstrated to the World the Falsity of certain Postulata upon which this Nation has Grounded its Policy: One is that the states are not and cannot be United. Another is that We cannot manufacture amongst ourselvs. and a third is that we cannot supply ourselvs from the rest of Europe, but must in all events come to them
          I firmly beleive they had rather increase the Ships and seamen of France than those of New England. this is strong: but it is true: and you may safely pursue it through all its Consequences, if Mr Higginson believes this, he will see that the Discontent and despair which he apprehends in our sea Ports must happen, unless you can prevent it by Frugality and Industry, by encouraging your own Manufactures and by striking out new Channells of Commerce with other Nations of Europe
          The English profit largely by the fears of our seamen of the Moors and Algeerianes. We are sending Mr Barclay and Mr Lamb to treat, but whether we Shall be rich enough to succeed I know not. I have Letters from Algiers from Obrien of Philadelphia and stevens of Boston: but the spirit of forgery is gone forth in so many Shapes that there is still a Possibility of doubt altho Mr Jefferson and I shall act as if there was none. these forgeries will go on even after we Shall have signed Treaties, and a thousand Artifices devised to continue the fears of our sailors, keep up the Premiums of Insureance and the Price of their Fish in the Medeterranean Markett—
          I am with much Esteem your friend—