Title: Enclosure: [Report From the Minister Plenipotentiary of France], 8 June 1793
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To:

The Secretary of the Treasury to whom was referred a Communication from the Minister Plenipotentiary of the Republic of France, on the subject of the Debt of the United States to France, respectfully makes thereupon the following Report.
The object of this communication is to engage the United States to enter into an arrangement for discharging the residue of the Debt, which they owe to France; by an anticipated payment of the Instalments not yet due, either in specie or bank bills of equal currency with specie, or in Government Bonds bearing interest & payable at certain specified periods; upon condition, that the sum advanced shall be invested in productions of the UStates for the supply of the French Dominions.
With regard to the first expedient, namely a payment in specie or bank bills, the resources of the Treasury of the United States do not admit of its being adopted. The Government has relied for the means of reimbursing its foreign Debt on new Loans to be made abroad. The late events in Europe have thrown a temporary obstacle in the way of these loans—producing consequently an inability to make payment, by anticipation, of the residue of the Debt hereafter to grow due.
With regard to the second expedient, that of Government bonds payable at certain specified periods, this in substance, though in other forms, has repeatedly come under consideration & has as often been declined, as ineligible. Great inconveniences to the credit of the Government, tending to derange its general operations of finance, have been & must continue to be perceived, in every plan which is calculated to throw suddenly upon the market a large additional sum of its bonds. The present state of things, for obvious reasons, wou’d serve to augment the evil of such a circumstance; while the existing & possible exigencies of the United States admonish them to be particularly cautious, at this juncture, of any measure, which may tend to hazard or impair their Credit.
These considerations greatly outweigh the advantage, which is suggested, as an inducement to the measure, (the conditions respecting which is the principal circumstance of difference between the present & former propositions) to arise from an investment of the sum to be advanced in the products of the Country; an advantage on which, perhaps little stress can be laid, in the present & probable state of foreign demand for these products.
The motives which dissuade from the adoption of the proposed measure, may, it is conceived, be the more readily yielded to from the probability that the utility of it to France might not, on experiment, prove an equivalent for the sacrifices, which she might have to make in the disposition of the bonds.
All which is humbly submitted,

Alex: HamiltonSecy. of the Treasury.
Treasury Departmt. 8 June 1793.


Title: Conversation with George Hammond, [10 June–6 July 1793]
From: Hammond, George,Hamilton, Alexander
To:

[Philadelphia, June 10–July 6, 1793]

For this purpose, I waited on a very influential member of the American administration, who informed me that the fact was much as it had been communicated to the public, and that Mr. Genêt’s conduct was a direct violation of a formal compact, originally entered into with Mr. Ternant and subsequently confirmed by himself both in conversation and in writing, and on the faith of which the last payment of the installment due had been made: but notwithstanding the precise conditions of the contract, Mr. Genêt had not only refused payment of the bills in question, but had treated all the remonstrances of the government on the subject, with the utmost arrogance, and contempt. My informant farther said that this circumstance was extremely embarassing to the government, as it stood pledged to its own citizens that these bills should be paid. In consequence of which it would be under the necessity of anticipating as much of the installment due next September as would discharge these bills. Upon this, I took the liberty of remarking that Mr. Genêt’s conduct unworthy as it was, seemed to me to have originated in the design of entrapping the government into the last mentioned measure, as the best mode of remedying his failure in the proposition he had himself made to this government (the particulars of which have been stated in some of my former dispatches) to incline it to grant him some money in advance: for it was evident that he had occasion for a large sum to supply some urgent necessities, that he had directed to them the money he had received for other purposes, and had imagined that he should thereby compel the government to anticipate a part of the next installment, in order to fulfil its engagements to its own citizens, and that the disgrace attendant on his breach of contract would soon be forgotten after the claims of the merchants had been satisfied. Upon this account I thought it below the dignity of any government to be the dupe of such an artifice, or be forced by it into the abandonment of a system that it had wisely formed after the most mature deliberation. I also added that, however manifest the necessity of the measure might appear to those, who were not unacquainted with it, it might in others create a suspicion that the whole transaction had been concerted with Mr. Genêt, in order to afford this government a colourable pretext for partly gratifying the wishes, which the French government had expressed to effect an alteration in the mode of liquidating the debt oweing by the United States. These observations appeared to make some impression upon the Gentleman with whom I was conversing, and whom I again saw yesterday, when he acquainted me that in consequence of what had fallen from me, it had been determined to adhere to the resolution of not anticipating the next installment, and that the merchants, holding these bills, had been informed that they would not be paid until September next—the period, at which the installment would become due.… I have been informed, most confidentially and secretly, that he [Genêt] has lately delivered a memorial to the executive government, couched in language the most offensive and intemperate, and containing, the most pointed animadversions in the conduct of the government since his arrival, as well as some direct menaces. The President, is at present in the country, but he will return on Wednesday next, and I shall then endeavor to discover the light, in which he may regard this singular performance, and the consequent measures that he may think it expedient to pursue.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Andrew G. Fraunces, 10 June 1793
From: Fraunces, Andrew G.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Philadelphia, June 10, 1793.
Sir,

I had the honor of receiving your letter of the 18th ult. I observe what you advice with respect to the warrants of the late Board of Treasury, and shall lodge those I possess in the proper office, agreeably to the act quoted by you.
Having purchased these warrants from an idea that they would immediately be paid on presentation, I feel a little embarrassed at receiving information that they must wait the issue of a regular adjustment, with other claims against the United States, notwithstanding I am willing to dispose of them as you advise in your letter aforesaid.
It will be satisfactory to me, however, to receive an answer to the following, and it will relieve in some measure the inconvenience I labor under from advances I made when I purchased them.
Whether those warrants will be paid, if it be found from the accounts of the late Treasurer and Receiver of Taxes, that they never have been taken up by those officers, or that the United States have never been charged with the payment of them? When and at what time they will be taken under consideration, and the claim finally determined on by the present officers of the United States? Whether I as the present holder, owner, and presenter of them, (and not any one else, unless legally empowered by me) will receive the amount of them, if it should be found that they are a legal claim against the United States? And whether there are any steps necessary to be taken by me that can throw further light on the business, and thereby expedite their final adjustment?
Notwithstanding I ask these questions, I must confess I feel myself perfectly satisfied that they are a substantial claim against the United States; yet, as there is another person to be satisfied as well as myself, I wish them answered as fully as the present state of things will admit, and as you may please to favor me from the above statement.
I have the honor to be, Sir,   Your obedient servant,

Andrew G. Fraunces.
Hon. A. Hamilton, Esq. Secretaryof the Treasury of the United States.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Thomas Jefferson, 10 June 1793
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Treasury DepartmentJune 10th 1793.
Sir

The Comptroller of the Treasury has reported to me that “On examining the subsisting contracts between the United States and the Government of France and the Farmers General and a comparison thereof with the foreign accounts and documents transmitted to the Treasury the following facts appear.
That, previous to the Treaty of February 1778, the sum of Three millions of livres had been advanced by the Government of France to the Agents of the United States, under the title of gratuitous assistance for which no reimbursement was to be made.
That the payments which composed the before mentioned sum of Three millions of Livres are stated in a letter of Mr Durival to Mr Grand, dated in 1776, to have been made at the following periods.
One million delivered by the Royal Treasury the 10th of June 1776, and two other millions advanced also by the Royal Treasury in 1777, on four receipts of the Deputies of Congress of the 17th of January, 3d of April, 10th of June and 15th of October of the same year.
In the accounts of Mr Ferdinand Grand, Banker of the United States, the following sums are credited. viz—

1777
January 31st
Livres
500,000

”
April 28th

500,000

”
June 4th

1.000,000

”
July 3rd

500,000

”
October 10th

  500,000

Amounting, in the whole, to Livs

3,000,000

The Farmers General of France claim a large balance from the United States on account of one million of Livres which they contend was advanced in June, 1777, in consequence of a special contract with Messrs. Franklin and Deane, to be repaid by the delivery of Tobacco at certain stipulated prices—and the advance made by the Farmers General is said to be the same money as is credited by Mr Grand on the 4th of June 1777.
After a careful examination of the foreign accounts, it is found that no more than Three millions of Livres have been credited by any Agents of the United States.
An opinion was entertained by the late Officers of the Treasury, that the sum claimed by the Farmers General, composed a part of the sum supplied as a gratuitous aid by the Government. Subsequent explanations have, however, rendered it probable, that, including the claim of the Farmers General, the sum of four millions of livres were in fact received: it is, however, indispensable, that it should be known to whom the money was paid.
The most direct mode of obtaining this information will be to call for Copies of the receipts mentioned in Mr Durivals letter of 1786, and, more particularly, a Copy of that said to have been given on the 10th of June 1776”—and, as explanatory of the Transaction, has sent me the documents herewith transmitted.
The most likely conjecture, in my mind, considering the period of the advance and the circumstances of that period is that the unaccounted for million went into the hands of M De Beaumarchais. The supplies which he furnished to the United States exceeded his own probable resources, besides the imprudence of having hazarded so much at that stage of our affairs upon our ability to pay—and there were many symtoms at the time of his having been secretly put in motion by the Government.
It is now become urgent that the truth of the case should be known. An account has recently passed the Auditor’s Office, admitting, in favor of Mr De Beaumarchais, a balance of 422,265 Dollars and 18 Cents—with a reservation only of the question of the Million. If he has received that Million, which has been acknowledged as a free gift from the French Government, it is unjust that he should be able to establish a claim against the United States for supplies which must have been the proceeds of that sum. If he has never received the million every days suspension of his claim, after the immense delays heretofore incurred, is a grievous hardship upon him. It concerns, materially, the Interests and more the Justice, the Credit and the Character of the United States, that as speedy a solution, as possible, of the enigma may be obtained.
With a view to this I have the honor to make you the present communication, that you may be pleased to take such steps as shall appear to you the most proper and efficacious, to procure, as speedily as the nature of the case will admit, the requisite explanations.
With great respect,   I have the honor to be,   Sir, your Mo. Obedt Servant,

Alexander Hamilton
The Secretary of State.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to George Washington, [11 June 1793]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

[Philadelphia, June 11, 1793]
The Secretary of the Treasury presents his respects to The President, sends him for consideration, two letters on the subject of a proper site for a Custom House, on the New York side of Lake Champlain. The Secretary will have the honor of waiting on the President in a day or two to submit whatever further may occur & take his orders.

11 June 1793.


Title: Cabinet Meeting. Opinion Respecting the Measures to Be Taken Relative to a Sloop Fitted Out as a Privateer, 12 June 1793
From: Jefferson, Thomas,Knox, Henry,Hamilton, Alexander
To:

[Philadelphia] June 12. 1793.

The President having required the opinions of the heads of the three departments on a letter from Governor Clinton of the 9th. inst. stating that he had taken possession of the sloop Polly, now called the Republican, which was arming, equipping & manning by French & other citizens to cruize against some of the belligerent powers, and desiring to know what further was to be done, and they having met & deliberated thereon, are unanimously of opinion, that Governor Clinton be desired to deliver over to the civil power the said vessel & her appurtenances, to be dealt with according to law: and that the Attorney of the US. for the district of New York be desired, to have such proceedings at law instituted as well concerning the sd vessel and her appurtenances, as against all the persons citizens or aliens participating in the armament or object thereof as he shall think will be most effectual for punishing the said offenders, & preventing the sd vessel & appurtenances from being applied to the destined purpose: and that if he shall be of opinion that no judiciary process will be sufficient to prevent such application of the vessel to the hostile purpose intended that then the Governor be desired to detain her by force till the further advice of the General government can be taken.
The President having also required the same opinions on the Memorial of the British minister of the 11th. inst. on the subject of the British brigantine Catherine captured by the French frigete the Embuscade within the limits of the protection of the US. as is said, and carried into the harbour of New York, they are of opinion unanimously, that the governor of N. York be desired to seize the said vessel in the first instance, and then deliver her over to the civil power, and that the Attorney of the US. for the district of New York be instructed to institute proceedings at law in the proper court for deciding whether the sd capture was made within the limits of the protection of the US. & for delivering her up to her owners if it be so decided: but that if it shall be found that no court may take cognisance of the sd question, then the said vessel to be detained by the Governor until the further orders of the general government can be had thereon.

Th. Jefferson
H Knox
Alexander Hamilton


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from James Hamilton, 12 June 1793
From: Hamilton, James Sr. (1718–1799)
To: Hamilton, Alexander

St. Vincent [British West Indies] June 12th. 1793
Dear Alexander

I wrote you a letter in June 1792 inclosed in one to Mr. Donald of Virginia Since which I have had no further accounts from you. My bad State of health has prevented my going to Sea at this time being afflicted with a complication of disorders.
The war which has lately broke out between France & England makes it very dengerous going to Sea at this time, however we daily expect news of a peace & when that takes place provided it is not too late in the Season I will embark in the first Vessel that Sails for Philadelphia.
I have now Settled all my business in this part of the World, with the assistance of my good freind Mr. Donald who has been of every Service to me that lay in his power in contributing to make my life Easy, at this advanced period of life. The bearer of this, Capt. Sherref of the Brig, Dispatch Sails direct for Philadelphia & has promised to deliver you this letter with his own hands, & as he returns to this Island from Philadelphia I beg you will drop me a few lines letting me know how you & your family keeps your health as I am uneasy at not having heard from you for some time past.
I beg my respectfull Compliments to Mrs. Hamilton & your Children, & wishing you health & happiness, I remain, with esteem
Dear Alexander   Your very Affectte. Father

James Hamilton


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to George Washington, [12 June 1793]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

[Philadelphia, June 12, 1793]

The Secretary of the Treasury has the honor to transmit to the President a Letter which he has just received from Judge Symmes, together with certificates of the payments which have been made. On Monday he will wait upon the President on the subject.
12 June 1793


Title: George Washington to Alexander Hamilton, Thomas Jefferson, and Henry Knox, 12 June 1793
From: Washington, George
To: Hamilton, Alexander,Jefferson, Thomas,Knox, Henry

[Philadelphia] June 12th. 1793.
Gentlemen,

As you are about to meet on other business, it is my desire, that you would take the enclosed application into consideration. It is not my wish, on one hand, to throw unnecessary obstacles in the way of gratifying the wishes of the applicants. On the other, it is incumbent on me to proceed with regularity. Would not the granting a Patent then, which I believe is always the concluding Act and predicated upon the Survey (as a necessary document) have too much the appearance of placing the Cart before the horse? And does not the Law enjoin something on the Attorney General of the U. States previous to the Signature of the President? What can be done with propriety I am willing to do. More I ought not to do.

Go: Washington
To the Secretaries of State Treasury & War.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Otho H. Williams, 12 June 1793
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Williams, Otho H.

Treasury DepartmentJune 12th 1793.
Sir

Your letter of the 24th Ultimo was received some time ago.
You will make the arrangement in question, as to Boats, combining the accomodation of the Cutter with that of the Port.
It does not appear that there is sufficient reason for complying with the wishes of the Boatmen, as to wages. If there be inconveniences, there are counterbalancing advantages in their situation.
With consideration,   I am, Sir, your Obed Servt.

A Hamilton
Otho H Williams Esqr.Collector, Baltimore.


Title: Treasury Department Circular to the Collectors of the Customs, 13 June 1793
From: Treasury Department
To: Collectors of the Customs

Treasury Department, June 13, 1793.
Sir,

I have to desire that you extend my Instructions, of the 2d of January, 1792, relatively to the Receipt of the Cash and Post Notes of the Bank of the United States, to the Notes of the several Branches of this Institution, the Offices of Discount and Deposit, at Boston, New-York, Baltimore, and Charleston.
The Signatures of the Presidents of these Offices are, herewith, transmitted to you, to serve as a Check against the Imposition of Counterfeits.
With Consideration,   I am, Sir,   Your Obedient Servant,

A Hamilton


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from William Heth, 14 June 1793
From: Heth, William
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Bermuda Hundred [Virginia] 14th June 1793
Dear Sir

I am favor’d with your private address of the 3d. Inst. Instead of making use of the Mayor of Petersburg to perfect the Sea letters—I got the favor of a County Magistrate to come down, who very readily, and without scruple, signed & sealed as many as I wished, being a more proper & consistent expedient, than the one suggested before.
If I may Judge of the public-pulse, respecting the questions which you ask, from the opinions & sentiments of the best informed, and best characters within the small circle to which I am confined, I can inform you pretty accurately, how it beats. First respecting War. No man of common sense, & common honesty, wishes, I believe, to See America engaged in the present European contest. It is a calamity, on which, no virtuous, or good Man; or one, who really prays for the happiness and prosperity of this Country, can reflect, but with extreme concern & horror: and the few among us—and thank God, they are very few—who talk with great calmness & ease about War, and of our being bound by gratitude to take an immediate and decided part in favor of France, are not those, I assure you, who are held in estimation, either for their talents, their Virtue, or their property; nor are they those, who—if we should be obliged to fight, or be kicked—will be found to meet the Enemy in the hour of danger. They are Men, either desperate in their circumstances, of unprincipled and envious characters, or, who have been uniformly & violently opposed to the present constitution, and all the measures of government; and some of whom—in case of a general convulsion—may expect to better their fortunes, for worse they cannot well be; but whose buzzing, & insignificate clamor, only serves to render them more contemptible. These, you may rely are the sentiments of every man of information, & acknowledgd probity, within my acquaintance, and whose names, if mentioned, would command your respect, and esteem. But, at the same time—However much the horrors of war ought to be dreaded—and those who pass’d thro’ the late glorious revolution, can form some tolerable Idea of its calamities—If we must either take up Arms, or remain in peace, on such terms as GBritain may be pleased to prescribe to us; or, as I have said before—if we must either fight, or be kicked by G Britain, then, it will be found, that those who are now most averse to War, will be the first in the field, and in the front of the battle. In that case, it will be found that the resentment of our much injured Country towards that proud, haughty nation, which—so much to the honor & credit of human nature—was sinking fast into oblivion, will be rekindled in a moment, and the noble enthusiatic spirit of 75. 76. & 77, will, I trust, in Heaven like a stroke of electricity, fill at the same instant, the breast of every American.
The aforegoing answer may be apply’d to your second question respecting Neutrality—for those who deprecate the Idea of a War, as the greatest evil which could befall us; must, of course, pray devoutly, that the most pure & strict neutrality, may be observed by our government; not only, from the most pacific motives, but from the fullest conviction, that it is a line of conduct which the soundest policy would urge us to observe, and Such, as if America hast not lost her Guardian Angel, will unquestionably be recommended to every council and department in the United States, in terms, which cannot be disobeyed; unless indeed dire necessity Should justify a different conduct, and then I trust, the same Guardian Angel will not be less careful of us than heretofore. But before I leave the subject of Neutrality I must observe, that I should hold myself a very uncandid, & unworthy confidential correspondent, if I did not tell you that, the instructions contained in your circular of the 30th Ulto, are not altogether approved by those, whose opinions I so highly respect, & whom, I have already described, as being now much averse to the very Idea of War—tho’ they entertain not the least doubt of the Wisdom & propriety of the decision of the Executive of the United States. But they cannot see how—if the Treaty with France, can Justify, such a partiality in favor of that Nation—why, the Dutch are not entitled to the same marks of Neutrality; since, the article in the Treaties with both, on that particular question, are precisely the same. And it is apprehended, or rather, feared, that this decision, will draw from G. Britain, such language and conditions, as cannot be submitted to, so long as America possesses the smallest degree of pride or national spirit, whatever may be the Consequences.
3dly—French Revolution. Until the Execution of Louis 16th there appeared, but one wish on this subject; and that was, that the French might succeed. But Since that period, or rather, since Great Britain has taken a decided part in the contest, there has been a very considerable outward change of opinion, not among the natives, or those foreigners who were attached to, or took a part with us, in the late American revolution. No: they are still on our side, in favor of the French; notwithstanding the many acts of licentiousness which they have committed. The others, are those, who adhered to the British Army & government, & who fell under the denomination of Tories & Refugees during the late War, and who now, almost openly deprecate every measure of the National Convention. Beleiving, as I do, my religious creed, that no man who joind the British in the late War, can really love the American government, or, will remain a true & steady friend to America, in case of another Rupture with G Britain: and moreover, that Such men, can never pray cordially for the establishment of a republican Government in any part of the World;

   If I am not greatly mistaken by dear Sir, you have a Man near you whose pen—notwithstanding the magnanimity of his Country, in so far forgeting his crimes, as to give him an important office with a handsome salary; and notwithstanding your personal friendship towards him—has been employd in abusing the measures of government, and particularly, your Official conduct; and whose study has been to sap, and undermine you, in hopes of filling your place, through the Interests of—— you know who. You may imagine, that this is a suspicion, proceeding altogether from the vile opinion in which I must ever hold such traitorous scoundrels beleiving them capable of every species of perfidy and ingratitude. But do not I beseech you. The time may come, when I may feel myself at liberty to be more explicit. In the mean time, neglect not the advice of one who loves you. Watch him narrowly. Attend closely to the motions of his eyes, & changes of countenance when he may suppose you are placeing confidence in him, & you will not be long in discovering the perfidious, & ungrateful friend.

 I could not help using & marking as above, the words “appeard” and “outward change”—for I deem it impossible, that any man, who really wish’d well to the French Revolution before the Decapitation of Louis the 16th, can wish otherwise now, notwithstanding he may view that affair, in so criminal a point of view, as to feel himself Justified, if it was in his power—to order the same measure to every man, who voted for the death of the unfortunate King. This Massacre then, as it is called, is only a pitiful pretext for change of Sentiment. The true cause is, that their old friend John Bull, has again bellowed and steped forth on the Theatre of War.
I wrote you a long private, and confidential letter in April last, congratulating you on the Victory which you obtained at the close of the last, and giving you some account of the new forces likely to be employ’d against you the ensuing Campaign—with some cursory observations on the temper of the times. But having deliverd my opinions—and which are the Same with those whom you esteem in this quarter—with my usual freedom I have been unwilling to risque it, even in the Mail as it sometimes gets rob’d and, in such a case, a letter of mine might perchance—as a curiosity—find its way into the Public prints—and tho’, I Should not hesitate one second, to tell every Man to his face, whose character I have drawn—what I think of him—yet, I should be unwilling to be thus exhibited to the public, lest even knaves & fools, might attribute my giving you such communications to motives, which my soul abhors—viz. that, of paying court to you, or any Man under Heaven! If I can meet with such a private oppy. as I like, I will forward it—or if you will assure me, that it shall be burnt so soon as it is read, I will trust it by stage. Has any person whatever access to your private correspondence? I ask this question, because I am well convinced, that observations of mine, respecting certain men, have been communicated to them, but perhaps, they were made in Official letters.
Having answered your questions with great sincerity & freedom, may I hope to be indulged with your private opinions on the same subject? Such, as you may wish to remain with me, as secret as the grave; or such, as you may not be unwilling I should communicate to those who esteem & admire you, and with whom I am upon an intimate footing—Viz.—Our Governor—John Marshall, & Colo. Innis & Carrington. As to my own private opinion about the War, I am so apprehensive that We shall be drawn into it, that I am seriously thinking of disposing of what little stock, I have left, for Valuable lands—to put myself into keeping for Military employment, and to make such an arrangement of my affairs, as to be ready to take the field at the shortest Notice. If you really think that my apprehensions, are not sufficiently grounded to Justify the first step—pray my dear friend, advise me; for I would not willingly come altogether out of the funds. I fear, I have exhausted your patience.
Adieu
Yrs truly

W Heth


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Rufus King, 14 June 1793
From: King, Rufus
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[New York, June 14, 1793. On June 15, 1793, Hamilton wrote to King: “The ideas expressed in your letter of the 14th correspond with my view of the subject.” Letter not found.]


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Nicholas Low, [14 June 1793]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Low, Nicholas

[Philadelphia, June 14, 1793]
Sir

The bearer of this is a Mr Campbell who has lately brought from Europe some Machinery to hand for establishing a Cotton Manufactory at Patterson. He wants to ascertain when & how soon the proper accommodation & Materials can be found there. Be so good as to aid him with all the necessary lights.
Yrs. with much esteem

A Hamilton


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to John Addison and Peter Van Gaasbeck, 15 June 1793
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Van Gaasbeck, Peter,Addison, John

Treasury DepartmentPhiladelphia June 15. 1793
Gentlemen

I received two or three days since your letter of the 30th. of May.
The Intention of Mr. Tappen to resign is not yet known to the Assistant of the Post Master General, who in his absence represents him. But you may depend, that when the event you mention shall happen, I shall take care to bring under the consideration of the Post Master General the Gentleman whom you recommend and in a manner corresponding with the decided terms in which you speak of his pretensions. With sentiments of great consideration and esteem I am
Gentlemen   Your obedient servt

A Hamilton

Peter Van Gaasbeck
}
Esquires

John Addison


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Edward Carrington, 15 June 1793
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Carrington, Edward

[Philadelphia, June 15, 1793. On July 2, 1793, Carrington wrote to Hamilton: “I am favored with yours of the 15th. June.” Letter not found.]


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Rufus King, [15 June 1793]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: King, Rufus

[Philadelphia, June 15, 1793]

The ideas expressed in your letter of the 14th correspond with my view of the subject, in general. I did not perceive that any process could be devised to detain the Privateer and concluded that the issue would be to leave her in military custody. Indeed I believe this was rather the expectation with all, though it was thought adviseable to make the experiment of a reference to the Civil Tribunal.
With regard to the Catharine I also entertain the doubt you appear to have. In the case of the Grange, the surrender was brought about by a demand of Mr. Genet and his interposition. But it was in contemplation of employing the Military in case of refusal.
Yet since that time a libel has been filed in the District Court in the case of another vessel alleged to have been captured within the limits of our Jurisdiction. And both Mr. Lewis and Mr. Rawle Atty of the District hold that the District or Admiralty Court will take cognizance of this question. They argue that it would be a great chasm in the law that there should not be some competent judicial authority to do justice between parties in the case of an illegal seizure within our jurisdiction. That the Court of Admiralty has naturally cognizance of tortious takings on the high seas & as she gives relief in rem, may cause a redelivery. That though as a general principle a Court of a Neutral Nation will not examine the question of prize or not prize, between belligerent Powers—yet this principle must except the case of the infraction of the Jurisdiction of the Neutral Power itself. Quoad this fact its Courts will interpose & give relief.
This is their reasoning and it has much force. The desire of the Executive is to have the point ascertained & if possible to put the affair in this train. There may arise nice disputes about the fact and nice points about the extent of jurisdiction at sea which the Courts had best settle.
The Contest in form must as you say be between the Owners and the Captors. For this purpose Mr. Hammond is to cause the proper instructions to be given.
Yrs. truly

A Hamilton
June 15. 1793.

There is a letter from me to Harrison. If Troupe has not opened it, let him do it.
R King Esq


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Henry Lee, 15 June 1793
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Lee, Henry

[Philadelphia, June 15, 1793. On the back of Lee’s letter to him of May 6, 1793, Hamilton wrote: “Answered June 15.” Letter not found.]


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to George Washington, 15 June 1793
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

Private
Philadelphia June 15. 1793
Sir

The inclosed report will I trust make it appear, that there are good reasons relative to the execution of the purposes specified in the laws for making a further loan to the extent proposed.
But bottoming the proceeding upon the direct object of the laws, as the legal and primary inducement, it appears to me justifiable and wise to embrace as secondary and collateral motives the probable operation of the measure on the public interests in ways not immediately indicated in the laws. On this ground I think the legal considerations for a further loan are enforced by the general state of affairs at the present Juncture. Should a general Indian War ensue & still more should we unfortunately be involved in a European War, nothing could be more convenient than to have anticipated such a resource, which the Legislature might apply to the new exigencies, as far as regards the purchase of the Debt, without any violation of principle.
In the event of a European War breaking out, it would probably be too late to attempt what before hand would be practicable without difficulty.
With perfect respect &   the truest attachment   I have the honor to be Sir   Your most Obedt & humble servant

A Hamilton
The President of The UStates


Title: Enclosure: [Amount of Funds Arising from Foreign Loans], [15 June 1793]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

[Philadelphia, June 15, 1793]

The Secretary of the Treasury in obedience to the order of the President of the U States of the 6. instant, respectfully makes the following Report.
The statement herewith transmitted marked A shews, on the credit side thereof, the amount of the fund arising from foreign Loans transferred to the United States, amounting to 2,965,643. Dollars & 47 Cents; and on the debit side thereof the amount of the sums which have been actually disbursed and are in a course of disbursement out of that fund for specific purposes, being 2,400,159 Dolls. & 19 Cents.
There of course remains free for and subject to application, according to the Laws authorising the Loans, a balance of 565,484 Dollars & 28 Cents.

To this will be to be added, when ascertained, certain sums of interest subsequent to the year 1790 which will have been included in the payments to France & Spain out of the proceeds of the foreign Loans; & which will thereby have been virtually transferred to the United States—provision having been made for that object out of domestic funds. The addition however will not be large.
Hence results an answer to the first question stated by the President.
In answer to the Second Question, the Secretary has the honor to observe that it would be, in his opinion, expedient, for the reason which has governed hitherto, the convenience of which has been fully experienced, namely, the power of applying the funds to the purposes of either Law according to circumstances—that the proposed Loan should be made upon the authority of both acts, & not upon the seperate authority of either of them.
The following summary answers the third Question proposed.
The sum allowed to be borrowed by the two Acts of the 4. & 12. of August 1790 is 14.000,000 of Dollars. The whole amount of the Loans hitherto made is 19,550,000 Guilders, equal, at 36⁴⁄₁₁ ninetieths of a Dollar ⅌ Guilder, to 7,898,989 Dollars & 88 Cents; consequently “the balance remaining unborrowed of the two Sums allowed to be borrowed” is 6,101,010 Dollars and 12 Cents.
Which leaves much more than sufficient latitude for a Loan of 3,000,000 of florins in addition to that for 2,000,000, already directed & probably set on foot.
The immediate main object of this further loan would be the purchase of the Debt.
The Installments of the Debt to France falling due in September & November next, & the interest for a year upon so much of the Debt, as by the terms of Contract would fall due after the present time, amount to 3,335,000 Livres, or Dollars 605,302, and 50 Cents which, if to be wholly paid, will more than absorb the balance on hand of the foreign fund.
Supposing the application of this balance to that purpose there would remain to be borrowed for the purpose of purchases of the Debt, Dollars 1,715,098 and 11 Cents.

The two millions of Guilders already directed to be borrowed, & the three millions, the loan of which is proposed to be authorised, would amount together to 2,020,202. Dollars & 2 Cents, which would exceed the sum requisite for purchases of the Debt by 305,103 Dollars and 91. Cents.
But it is so possible that events may arise which would render it desirable to the United States to encrease its payments to France, as in that view alone to make such an excess not inconvenient. Besides that on the first of June 1794 another installment of the Dutch loans becomes payable, & it is probable if instructions to set on foot the loan, should go at this time, the entire payment of the sums subscribed to the loan would not be completed much sooner than June next. Add to this that it is frequently possible to get the periods of payments protracted.
It would have been fortunate in every sense, if the state of the Treasury had permitted the entering the market for purchases, in force; but the detail which has been given, shews that it could not have been done, under the obstacles which the state of European Affairs lately threw in the way of Loans, without materially hazarding the credit of the United States.
While it is prudent to wait, ’till it is experimentally ascertained, that these obstacles have been removed by the change of affairs, it is desireable to be provided to the extent of the authority given, with means of prosecuting purchases.
It is probable that for a considerable time to come the prices of stock will remain at a point which will render purchases extremely advantageous.
The further consideration which has been stated with reference to France & the next installment of the Dutch Loans, may not be found unworthy of attention.
All which is humbly submitted.

Alexander HamiltonSecy. of the Treasy.
Treasury DepartmentJune 15. 1793.

[A]
Dr. State of Monies transferred to The United States out of the proceeds of Foreign Loans.

To this sum expended in purchases of the public Debt
284,901.89.

To this sum paid & to be paid to France for the use of St. Domingo
726,000.

To this sum paid & to be paid to France on accot. of the 3,000,000 of Livres promised
544,500.

To this sum paid to France for miscellaneous purposes
49,400.

To this sum paid & to be paid to Foreign Officers
191,316.90

To this sum appropriated for the 1st installment due to the Bank of the U S
200,000.

To this sum remitted to Europe for paying an installment due the 1st June on the Dutch Debt 1,000,000 of Guilders at 36⁴⁄₁₁ ninetieths pr. Guilder
404,040.40.

2400,159.19.

Balce. subject to future disposition
565,484.28.

2,965,643.47.

Pr. Contra. Cr.

By the Sum drawn for by Saml. Meredith, Treasurer
2,305,769.13.

By this sum applied in Amsterdam to the payment of interest for which provision was made out of domestic funds & thereby virtually drawn to the U. States 1,633,189 guilders & 2 stivers @ 36⁴⁄₁₁ ninetieths per guilder
659,874.34

D.
2,965,643.47.

Treasy. Depmt. 15 June 1793.
Alex: HamiltonSecy of ye. Treasy


Title: Cabinet Meeting. Opinion Respecting French Privateers, 17 June 1793
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Jefferson, Thomas,Knox, Henry
To:

[Philadelphia] June 17, 1793.

At a meeting of the heads of departments at the President’s this day, on summons from him, a letter from mr Genet of the 15th. inst. addressed to the Secretary of state on the subject of the seizure of a vessel by the Govr. of New York as having been armed, equipped & manned in that port with a design to cruize on the enemies of France, was read, as also the draught of an answer prepared by the Secretary of state, which was approved.
Read also a letter of June 14, from mr Hammond to the Secretary of state desiring to know whether the French privateers the Citizen Genet & Sans Culottes are to be allowed to return or send their prizes into the ports of the US. It is the opinion that he be informed that they were required to depart to the dominions of their own sovereign and nothing expressed as to their ulterior proceedings, and that in answer to that part of the same letter which states that the Sans Culottes has increased it’s force in the port of Baltimore & remains there in the avowed intention of watching the motions of a valuable ship now lying there, it be answered that we expect the speedy departure of those privateers will obviate the inconveniences apprehended, and that it will be considered whether any practicable arrangements can be adopted to prevent the augmentation of the force of armed vessels.

Th: Jefferson
H Knox   A Hamilton


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from William Ellery, 17 June 1793
From: Ellery, William
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Colles Office [Newport, Rhode Island] June 17 1793
Sir,

I acknowledge the receipt of your circular letter of the 30th of may last concerning the entry of vessels and their Cargoes captured and brought into our ports by the ships of war and privateers of France, and of five Sea letters in a blank wrapper freed by you. Permit me to ask whether vessels so captured and brought into our ports, and sold to citizens of the United States may be registered. By the 2nd & 4. Sec: of the Act concerning the Registering and Recording of Ships or Vessels it appears to me that such Vessels cannot be registered; but it may be made a question, and I wish to be prepared with an answer from you. If it should be your opinion that they may be registered I should be happy to know how the Certificates of Registry for Vessels so circumstanced are to be filled.
With great consideration   I have the honour to be Sir yr. most obedt. servt.

Wm Ellery Colle
Alexr. HamiltonEsqr. Secry of Treasy


Title: Thomas Jefferson to Alexander Hamilton and Henry Knox, [19 June 1793]
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Hamilton, Alexander,Knox, Henry

[Philadelphia, June 19, 1793]

Th: Jefferson has the honor to inclose to the Secretaries of the Treasury & war, draughts of two letters of this day’s date to the Ministers of France & England. He confesses himself not satisfied with the latter altogether, as it has somewhat of the appearance of evasion. The gentlemen will be pleased to propose any alteration either may desire, handing the letters round to him to be finally submitted to the President.
June 19. 1793.


Title: Cabinet Meeting. Opinion Respecting a Communication from the Spanish Commissioners, 20 June 1793
From: Hamilton, Alexander,Jefferson, Thomas,Knox, Henry
To:

[Philadelphia] June 20. 1793.

At a meeting this day of the heads of departments at the President’s on summons from him, a letter from Messrs. Viar & Jaudenes dated June 18. & addressed to the Secretary of state, was read: whereupon it is the opinion that a full detail of the proceedings of the US. with respect to the Southern Indians, & the Spaniards be prepared, and a justification as to the particular matters charged in the said letter, that this be sent with all the necessary documents to our Commissioners at the court of Madrid with instructions to them to communicate the same to the court of Madrid, leaving to them a discretion to change expressions in it which to them may appear likely to give offence in the circumstances under which things may be at the time of their receiving it, & that a copy be sent to mr Pinckney for his information, & to make such use of the matter it contains as to him shall seem expedient; that an answer be written to Messrs. Viar & Jaudenes, informing them that we shall convey our sentiments on the subject to their court through our commissioners at Madrid, and letting them see that we are not insensible of the stile & manner of their communications.
A draught of a letter from the Secretary of state to mr Hammond asking when an answer to his letter of May 29. 1792. might be expected, was read & approved.

Th: JeffersonA HamiltonH. Knox


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from George Washington, [20 June 1793]
From: Washington, George
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Philadelphia, June 20, 1793]
Sir

I have received & paid attention to your report of the 15 instant.
The result is, that the Loan of 2,000,000 of florins ought, in my opinion, to be urged without delay, if it can be obtained within the limitations of the Law. The further proposal of borrowing 3,000,000 of florins in addition, I shall (seeing no inconvenience that will arise from the delay) take a few days longer to consider; as some reasons occur against, as well as for the measure, in the present unsettled state of credit, & military & other operations in Europe.
In the mean time it would contribute to my understanding the subject better, if you was to let me know how the whole sum borrowed under the Acts of the 4 & 12. of August 1790. (instead of the sums which have been transferred to the United States) has been applied. And whether the 200,000 dollars, “first installment to the Bank of the U. States,” is a legal charge, under those Acts or any other, in the Account A referred to in the report. Also, whether the 284,901 D. & 89 Cents expended in the purchase of the public Debt does not appear in the report of the Commissioners of the Sinking fund, or some other report made to Congress last Session as appertaining more properly to the surplus revenue.
I ask these questions for information, because if the answers should be in the affirmative, the difference will be very material, & when added to the balance of 565,484 Dolls. & 28 Cents as pr. your statement A would, with the 2,000,000 of florins negotiating, cover all the ascertained demands upon the UStates for the years 1793. & 1794, exclusive of what may be required for the Sinking fund; for which you have made no specific appropriation whereby to form an estimate of the aggregate sum required.

Go. Washington
Philadelphia20 June 1793.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Thomas Willing, 20 June 1793
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Willing, Thomas

Treasury Department, June 20, 1793. Transmits “the President’s Ratification of the Contract lately made with the Bank of The U States for Eight hundred thousand Dollars.”


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Jeremiah Banning, 21 June 1793
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Banning, Jeremiah

Treasury Department June 21st 1793
Sir

In answer to your letter of the 6th instant, I refer you to mine of the 30th of may.
I should earlier have sent you a direction, in the particular case; but that I had understood that proceedings at law had been commenced, which had removed the Eunice from your custody to that of the Court.
If still in your custody she is to be surrendered to the Captor.
with consideration   I am Sir   Your obedt servt

Alexander Hamilton
Jere Banning EsqrCollectorOxford Maryland


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Richard Harison, 21 June 1793
From: Harison, Richard
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Albany 21st. June 1793.
Dear Sir,

I feel myself infinitely obliged to you for your late confidential Communication. The Principles you have stated are perfectly just, and your Hints will be carefully attended to. It has been very unfortunate that I should be sent from New York at so important a Period; but whilst your Officers are without Salaries they cannot possibly neglect the Business upon which they depend for their daily Bread. However, I have no Doubt that Troup will do on my Behalf every Thing that is proper. He is a true Man, and has correct Ideas upon the Subject of our national Government and Interests. If he should be at a Loss, I trust that he will consult with Mr. King upon whose Judgment we both have the fullest Reliance. Judge Duane is at Schenectady. I have informed him by Letter of the Propriety of his repairing to New York, tho’ it may interfere with his domestic Arrangements. My present Business here is to argue for Kayaderosses as in their Controversies about Boundaries with Half Moon, Clifton Park and Schenectady. The Hearing I hope will end in three or four Days, and I shall then immediately set off for New York. I do not at present see how the Privateer can be legally detained or proceeded against; but upon my Return I shall consider the Matter more fully, and take every Measure that I can with Propriety to promote (what I esteem) the true Interest of the Nation, your Wishes, and the Intentions of Government.
Believe me most sincerely,   Dr. Sir,   Your obliged Friend & Most obedt. Servt.

Rich. Harison
Hon. A. Hamilton Esq.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to George Washington, 21 June 1793
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

Philadelphia June 21. 1793
Sir

Considerations, relative both to the public Interest and to my own delicacy, have brought me, after mature reflection, to a resolution to resign the office, I hold, towards the close of the ensuing session of Congress.
I postpone the final act to that period, because some propositions remain to be submitted by me to Congress, which are necessary to the full developement of my original plan, and, as I suppose, of some consequence to my reputation—and because, in the second place, I am desirous of giving an opportunity, while I shall be still in office, to the revival and more deliberate prosecution of the Inquiry into my conduct, which was instituted during the last session.
I think it proper to communicate my determination, thus early, among other reasons, because it will afford full time to investigate and weigh all the considerations, which ought to guide the appointment of my successor.
With the most perfect respect   I have the honor to be, Sir, Your most Obedient   & most humble Servant

Alexander Hamilton
The President of The United States


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Otho H. Williams, 21 June 1793
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Williams, Otho H.

Philadelphia June 21. 1793

Private & Confidential
My Dear Sir

I learnt with real pleasure, your return from the West Indies in improved health. Be assured, that I interest myself, with friendship, in your welfare.

The Collector of Anapolis has announced his intention to resign by the first of next month. Do you know a character there fit and probably willing to serve? There is a salary of 200 Dollars a year besides the per Centage & fees. The whole however is moderate enough.
If any inquiry is made it must be so as to avoid all possible commitment. For it is the President’s practice to seek information through different channels & to decide according to the result of the whole.
Yrs. with real esteem & regard

A Hamilton
Otho Williams Esqr


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Henry Lee, 22 June 1793
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Lee, Henry

Philad June 22. 1793

There is no foundation, My Dear Sir, that I know of, for the Report of the Offence said to have [been] taken by the British Minister, in relation to the subject of my circular letter. No symptom of dissatisfaction on this score has appeared; nor, as I believe, exists. I presume, it is regarded as a measure, in which the Executive Government had no option.
I need not tell you how much my ideas agree with yours on the subject of peace. And I hope it will be preserved. But this must of course much depend on a firm and sincere perseverance in measures truly neutral on the part of the Government, supported by the community.
Estimating as I do the importance of Peace, I am not without anxiety on the score of what is passing among the people. Open and ardent demonstrations of attachment to the cause of France and opprobrium of the most offensive kind against the Powers at War with her may not be entirely without inconvenience. They hold us up to the jealousy and resentment of those Nations and after all statesmen are but men and far more actuated by their passions than they ought to be. Besides, regarding as they do the French as Anarchists whom it is the interest of all governments to suppress, there is some hazard to us in inculcating an opinion that our sentiments and theirs accord.
If we run a risk ’tis probably chiefly on this score. Yet one may as well preach moderation to the Winds as to our zealots.
You ask me what is the real sitution of France. In truth my friend, I am as much at a loss as you to pronounce. My opinion always has been, that she would be able to defend herself against any possible combination, if she could maintain system and order within. But my prevailing expectation, since the 10th of August, has been, that her factions would subvert her. I continue in this belief, though the circumstances which have attended Dumouriers attempt places their affairs in my view upon as favourable a footing as at any period subsequent to that I have mentioned. If the accounts are true that the least violent party have gained the Ascendant, it portends better chances to their cause.
As to the merits of this cause, I leave them to sounder casuists than myself. What I have said is merely as a Calculation of probabilities.
Yours truly & Affecy

A Hamilton

I am much pleased with the disposition you announce your way as to the question of peace

Governor Lee


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to George Washington, 22 June 1793
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

Treasuy. Departmt. 22d. June 1793
Sir,

I have the honor to submit to the consideration of the President [a recommendation] of the 4 inst. from the Commissioner of the Revenue on the subject of compensations to Keepers of Light houses, being the result of an enquiry some time since instituted.
When this business was first organized, the only guide which presented itself was the previous arrangements of the respective States. It is found upon examination that these arrangements were made without much principle or system & that an alteration will conduce not only to œconomy, but to more equal justice.
The subject does not indeed admit of a very precise rule. Something after all must be a kind of arbitration of circumstances; but the present extremes may be corrected and a progress made towards a more equitable apportionment.
Upon a conference with the Commissioner of the Revenue, the following rates of compensations have been adjusted in the cases which appeared to require revision, to be submitted to the consideration & decision of the President, vizt.—
1st. for the Keeper of the Lighthouse, Thatcher’s Island

⅌ annum—

Dolls.
266.⅔

2.
Do.
Boston bay.
266.⅔

3.
Do.
Plymouth.
200.

4.
Do.
Portland head
160.

5.
Do.
Conanicut.
160.

6.
Do
New London
120.

7.
Do
Sandy Hook.
266⅔

to commence from the 1st of July ensuing.
There can be no doubt of the impropriety of a Keepers acting by Deputy. If the President approves therefore, it will be signified to the Keeper of the Portsmouth Lighthouse, that he is either to take up his residence on the spot or relinquish the appointment.
The same thing cannot, it is presumed, be done with regard to the Keeper of the Plymouth establishment, because his right is represented to be founded on a condition of the original cession of the land on which the Lighthouse stands.
With perfect respect   I have the honor to be &c.

Alexander Hamilton


Title: Thomas Jefferson to Edmond Charles Genet, 23 June 1793
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Genet, Edmond Charles

Philadelphia June 23. 1793
Sir

In answer to your letter of the 18th. inst. I am instructed by the President to inform you that the fund in question has been so clearly understood on all hands to be specifically appropriated for the payment of the bills which were recognised by the former agents of France here as to be incapable of being diverted without disappointing the just expectations of our citizens holders of those Bills.
Indeed the Government has been so much a party in countenancg those expectations, as in such an event to be under an obligation in point of propriety to see that the parties are satisfied, to the extent of the ballance which yet remains to be advanced.
I have the honor to be with great respect & esteem Sir   your mo. obedt. & most hble sevt.

Th: J
The Minister Plenipy. of the republic of France


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Gouverneur Morris, 23 June 1793
From: Morris, Gouverneur
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Sain Port [France] 23 June 1793.
Dear Sir

The annexed is Duplicate of what I had the Honor to write on the twentieth of May. For your better understanding of it I will here add a short explanation of the Plan I had formed and would have carried into Effect. It was to open a loan for Stg £300000 of which the Interest of 4p% was to be paid here annually and the Capital at the End of fourteen years. For the Interest one of the first Banking houses in Europe was to be responsible to the Lenders and that same House was to distribute among the Bankers here with such Allowance as they might agree on the Obligations. That house was to pay Nett to the Use of the United States Stg £150000 and to give landed Security to double that Amount for the regular payment of the Interest. In the Difference between four and five per Cent Interest was to be found the Douceur to the Bankers who should distribute the Obligations and the Advantage of the house making the Loan consisted in the employing of £150000 in this Country at the then favourable Exchange an Advantage which could not but be very great. You will see that this plan built on the Circumstances of the moment could only be practicable under such Circumstances in a Country where hitherto there has been more of Credit than of Cash and where consequently those possess’d of the latter have always carefully kept it to support the other by whose means their immense Fortunes were accumulated.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Caleb Gibbs, 24 June 1793
From: Gibbs, Caleb
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Boston June 24th. 1793

Convinced as I have always been My Dear Sir of the sincerity of your friendship towards me, and still retaining the same Idea, leads me again to address you.
Fortune has once more altered my situation and returned me to this place with my little family where I have been but a few days. Mrs. Gibbs being very unhappy in the country owing to the seperation from her connextions; the impossibility of obtaining an Education for our Children; the unaccustomed manner of living, and falling in the rear with hard fare and close Industry and the End of the year, were Inducements with other inconveniencies to occasion my removal.
Thus circumstanced I am prompted to solicit your patronage and protection, and if any place should open in which you may think me equal to the duties, I beg if it may be consistent with your own feelings and the public good that I may be had in your remembrance.
It is not for myself I ask no My Dear Sir be assured it is not, it is for the Comfort and support of one of the most amiable Wife’s on Earth and three promissing children which I wish to carry through life with decency and reputation. A small competency sufficient with the strictest oeconomy to enjoy my little domestick family is all my desire in this life.
I would take the liberty to suggest that if any vacancy should take place in the Officers of the Customs in this place, and the Surveyors should become vacant I think it would be in my power to discharge the duties of that Office honorable to myself and satisfactory to the public, and as it is a place that requires considerable activity it would be still more agreable to me.
If a laisure hour presents itself, it will make me extremly happy to receive a line from you at an early period as possible.
I beg you to offer me in terms of respect to your amiable Lady.
With the greatest respect and sincere attachment I have the honor to be   My Dear Sir   Your most Obedient and very humble Servant

Caleb Gibbs
The Honble.Alexander Hamilton Esqr.&ca.Philadelphia

P.S. I should have sent the money to taken up the note I gave you when I was at New York but it is out of my power at present. I am not doing any business but anxiously wait to be employed by my friends.
Mrs. Gibbs and family are well, a few weeks since she presented me with a fine daughter.

CG.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from John Jay, 24 June 1793
From: Jay, John
To: Hamilton, Alexander

new York 24 June 1793
Dear Sir

On Saturday week last I arrived at Pha. and very early the next monday morning set out in the Stage for this place. I recollected your Deed, but as Mr Iredell came to Pha. with me, and could take the acknowledgmt. I am persuaded you will excuse my passing on without waiting for that Business.
The G. Jury at Richmd. requested a Copy of the Charge, the Burden of which was neutrality, and directed it to be printed. I requested Mr Marshall the Clerk of the Court to send you two copies of it. I hope he will not forget it. I wish I had thought of making the like Request to mr Carrington.
Yours affy.

John Jay
Col. Hamilton


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Thomas Jefferson, 24 June 1793
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Treasury Department, June 24, 1793. “… The Collectors have been furnished with all the Sea letters that have been received from your Department and … a demand exists at several of the Custom Houses for more.”


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to George Washington, 24 June 1793
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

Treasury Depmt. 24 June 1793.
Sir,

Pursuant to your requisition of the 20 inst., I have the honor to submit a statement of the application of the whole of the monies borrowed by virtue of the Acts of the 4. & 12. of August. The precise accuracy of this statement cannot be warranted, ’till there shall be a settlement at the Treasury of all the accounts on which it depends (a business now in train). But the items generally are so well ascertained, as to leave no possibility of any material error.
That the 200,000 Dollars, for the first installment of the Debt to the Bank of the United States, is properly chargeable to the foreign funds, will be seen by a recurrence to the act of the 2d. of March last, authorising the payment of that installment; which Act expressly directs that it shall be made out of the monies borrowed pursuant to the 4. Section of the Act entitled, “An Act making provision for the reduction of the Public Debt,” which is the act of the 4. of August 1790, authorising the borrowing of 2,000,000 of Dollars in order to purchases of the Debt.
The 284,901 Dollars & 89 Cents, is equally a charge on the same fund. It appears in no report to Congress at the last Session, or at any other time, as appertaining to the Domestic fund or surplus revenue. On the contrary, that sum is expressly stated to have been issued out of the foreign fund, in my third letter to the House of Representatives, dated February 13. 1793. For the more complete elucidation of this fact, a certificate of the Register of the Treasury is annexed, shewing that the sum in question was originally carried, in the Books of the Treasury, to the account of the foreign fund.
In my report of the 15 inst: I stated that on the supposition of full payment to France, of the installments of September & November next, with interest, which would absorb the unapplied balance of the foreign fund “There would remain to be borrowed for the purpose of purchases of the Debt Dollars 1.715.098 & 11 Cents.” This remainder is found by deducting the above mentioned sum of 284.901 Ds. & 89. Cents (the sum expended in purchases out of the foreign fund) from 2,000,000 of Dollars, the whole sum authorised to be borrowed for that purpose.
This sum then, of 1.715.098 Dollars and 11 Cents, is the sum still to be procured to complete the views of the Legislature with regard to purchases; and, if the present European War continues, may, in all probability, be invested with advantage as fast as it can be commanded.
I have the honor to be &c.

Alexander Hamilton


Title: Thomas Jefferson to Alexander Hamilton and Henry Knox, [25 June 1793]
From: Jefferson, Thomas
To: Hamilton, Alexander,Knox, Henry

[Philadelphia, June 25, 1793]

Th. Jefferson has the honor to submit to the correction & approbation of the Secretaries of the Treasury & War, the inclosed draughts of letters to the French minister on the subject of the ship William & others in her situation, & to Mr. Hammond & mr. Pinckney on the subject of the Snow Suckey.
June. 25. 1793.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Henry Knox, 25 June 1793
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Knox, Henry

Treasury DepartmentJune 25 1793
Sir

I have concluded to direct purchases of distilled spirits to be made on account of the Government and for the use of the army in the Western Parts of Pensylvania Maryland & Virginia and in the State of Kentucke, to be delivered; according to the convenience of the sellers, at the several Forts McIntosh, Washington and Steuben, and also at the Mouth of Musskingum; a mode in which I intend by way of experiment to conduct the supply of the army in that article during the year 1793.
I request that you will be pleased to give the necessary directions for the reception and safe keeping of the spirits which shall be delivered at the said places—to be delivered to the care, and issued under the direction of the Quarter Master’s department. A return similar to that which is furnished, for the purpose of receiving provisions receipted upon by the proper officer must be the voucher for each issue of spirits.
It is probable that for the greater security of the Revenue an Officer of the Revenue may be sent to reside at Fort MC.Intosh. I request that the Commanding Officer of the Post may be instructed to afford accommodation for this purpose and to aid him with a boat and hands to manage her, when necessary.
With respectful consideration   I have the honor to be   Sir Your obedient ser

A H


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Jeremiah Olney, 26 June 1793
From: Olney, Jeremiah
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Custom-House,District of Providence 26th June 1793.
Sir.

The Sloop Abigail of this Port, burthen 46 ⁶³⁄₉₅ Tons, Michael Anthony Master, arrived here on the 24th instant, having a Register, and a License which expired on the 5th Day of the present Month: he cleared his Vessel at New-York on the 20th Instant; and appears to have committed a breach of the 6th Section of the new Coasting Law; but as that Section makes a distinction between registered, and Enrolled Vessels; the Law having so lately taken place, and the Master declaring that he ignorantly and unintentionally violated it, which I have no doubt was the case, I have thought it most advisable to permit the Cargo to be delivered, which consisted of the Articles contained in the enclosed copy of his Manifest; and respectfully to submit his Case for your consideration and Instructions.
I have the Honor to be &c.

Jereh. Olney Collr.
Alexander Hamilton Esquire,Secretary of the Treasury.


Title: Conversation with Edmond Charles Genet, 27 June 1793
From: Genet, Edmond Charles,Hamilton, Alexander
To:

Entretient avec Mr Hamilton le 27. Juin 1793.

Proposition de faire un nouveau fonds de 45,000 dollars si Je consens à payer les traites et insinuation qu’en faisant un fonds plus étendu ce seroit s’écarter de l’impartialité que le gouvernement fédéral s’est préscrit vis à vis des puissances en guerre. Mon indignation—discussion politique sur le Casus foederis. Il pense que nous sommes les agresseurs et que l’Amerique n’est point obligée de remplir ses engagements; ma réponse dèfinitions des deux éspeces d’agression citation de l’éxposé de la Conduite. Il ne le connoit pas c’est la faute de Jefferson. Autre discussion sur le pouvoir du gouvernement federal. Il pense qu’il peut déclarer la neutralité. Je pense le contraire parceque déclarer la neutralité c’est préjuger le droit de guerre ou de paix qui appartient au Congrès. Consentement de faire un nouveau fonds pour payer 45 000 dollars en attendant que le Président ait éxaminé s’l convient de payer la totalité des traites.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Nicholas Low, 27 June 1793
From: Low, Nicholas
To: Hamilton, Alexander

New York 27. June 1793
Dear sir

The Quarterly Meeting of the Directors of the Society for estg. usef. Manuf. is postponed from the first to the Third Tuesday in July. The Meeting will therefore be held at Paterson on the 16 of July. You talked of meeting us and I hope therefore to have the Pleasure to see you there. Will you take the Trouble of communicating to Major L’Enfant the above Circumstance—probably he may accompany you to Paterson. Mr. Colt is going on wonderfully well with the new Project of Aqueduct—and I am in Hopes the thing will at last succeed. I am very Truly
yours &ca. &ca.

Nichs Low


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Thomas Smith, 27 June 1793
From: Smith, Thomas
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[Philadelphia] June 27, 1793. Sends itemized “statement of the Stock remaining on the Books of this Office … for the quarter ending the 30th June.” States that the total is “Dollars 26.013..2..6.”


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to George Washington, 27 June 1793
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Washington, George

Treasury Departmt. 27. June 1793.
Sir,

The seventh section of an Act of the 2d. of March last, intitled “An Act supplementary to the Act intitled An Act to provide more effectually for the collection of the Duties imposed by Law on goods, wares & merchandizes imported into the United States, and on the tonnage of Ships or Vessels,” provides “That the President of the United States may, if he shall judge it conducive to the public interest, increase the complement of mariners to the several Revenue Cutters, so that the number do not exceed seven mariners to each Cutter.”
I request the President’s direction concerning this provision.
The necessity of increasing the number of hands to these Cutters has been several times represented to this Department; & the nature of the service appears to recommend such an increase.
The mere navigation of these vessels would not require more than the present complement—but this is not the only object. The Law contemplates that the officers are to be occasionally detached from the Cutters to accompany the vessels they fall in with on our coast & in our bays and there is frequently a necessity of sending the boats of a Cutter on board a vessel at Sea; for which purpose a sufficient number of hands cannot be spared, so as to leave a competent number for the management of the Cutter; especially as casualties of ill health sometimes occur.
With the most perfect respect   I have the honor to be &c.

A Hamilton


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from John Wendell, 27 June 1793
From: Wendell, John
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Portsmouth [New Hampshire] June 27, 1793. Asks Hamilton for “a loan of £1000 Sterling for three years, on the most approved Security.” Is willing to “give 8 P Cent for the Money.”


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Otho H. Williams, 27 June 1793
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Williams, Otho H.

[Philadelphia, June 27, 1793. Directs “surrender of Prize to French Privateer.” Letter not found.]


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to William Ellery, 28 June 1793
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Ellery, William

[Philadelphia, June 28, 1793. On July 15, 1793, Ellery wrote to Hamilton: “By the last post I recd. your letters of the … 28th and 29th of the last month.” Letter of June 28 not found.]


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Joseph Nourse, 28 June 1793
From: Nourse, Joseph
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Treasury DepartmentRegisters Office 28 June 1793
Sir

From an Adjustment of the Quarter Yearly Interest on the Registered Debt which becomes due at the Treasury on the 30th June 1793 it appears that the Sum of four thousand seven hundred and fifty five Dollars and fifty Cents is the Amount of the Dividend then due to the several Creditors.

A Balance remains on hand of 1,812 ⁶³⁄₉₀ but as this is insufficient to Answer the immediate Probable Demands for the Discharge of the Arrearage, of Interest on said Debt I recommend that a Warrant may be issued on the Treasurer of the United States in favour of John Kean Cashier of the Bank of the United States for 6,000 drs. to be by him applied in the Payment of said Interest and Arrearages of Interest and for the Expenditure whereof he [is] to be held Accountable.
I have the Honor to be   Sir   Your mo: obed: Servt.

Honble. Alex: Hamilton Esqr.Secy. of the Treasury


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to William Ellery, 29 June 1793
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Ellery, William

[Philadelphia, June 29, 1793. On July 15, 1793, Ellery wrote to Hamilton: “By the last post I recd. your letters of the … 28th and 29th of the last month.” Letter of June 29 not found.]


Title: Pacificus No. I, [29 June 1793]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To:

[Philadelphia, June 29, 1793]

As attempts are making very dangerous to the peace, and it is to be feared not very friendly to the constitution of the UStates—it becomes the duty of those who wish well to both to endeavour to prevent their success.
The objections which have been raised against the Proclamation of Neutrality lately issued by the President have been urged in a spirit of acrimony and invective, which demonstrates, that more was in view than merely a free discussion of an important public measure; that the discussion covers a design of weakening the confidence of the People in the author of the measure; in order to remove or lessen a powerful obstacle to the success of an opposition to the Government, which however it may change its form, according to circumstances, seems still to be adhered to and pursued with persevering Industry.
This Reflection adds to the motives connected with the measure itself to recommend endeavours by proper explanations to place it in a just light. Such explanations at least cannot but be satisfactory to those who may not have leisure or opportunity for pursuing themselves an investigation of the subject, and who may wish to perceive that the policy of the Government is not inconsistent with its obligations or its honor.
The objections in question fall under three heads—
1   That the Proclamation was without authority
2   That it was contrary to our treaties with France
3   That it was contrary to the gratitude, which is due from this to that country; for the succours rendered us in our own Revolution.
4   That it was out of time & unnecessary.
In order to judge of the solidity of the first of these objection [s], it is necessary to examine what is the nature and design of a proclamation of neutrality.
The true nature & design of such an act is—to make known to the powers at War and to the Citizens of the Country, whose Government does the Act that such country is in the condition of a Nation at Peace with the belligerent parties, and under no obligations of Treaty, to become an associate in the war with either of them; that this being its situation its intention is to observe a conduct conformable with it and to perform towards each the duties of neutrality; and as a consequence of this state of things, to give warning to all within its jurisdiction to abstain from acts that shall contravene those duties, under the penalties which the laws of the land (of which the law of Nations is a part) annexes to acts of contravention.
This, and no more, is conceived to be the true import of a Proclamation of Neutrality.
It does not imply, that the Nation which makes the declaration will forbear to perform to any of the warring Powers any stipulations in Treaties which can be performed without rendering it an associate or party in the War. It therefore does not imply in our case, that the UStates will not make those distinctions, between the present belligerent powers, which are stipulated in the 17th and 22d articles of our Treaty with France; because these distinctions are not incompatible with a state of neutrality; they will in no shape render the UStates an associate or party in the War. This must be evident, when it is considered, that even to furnish determinate succours, of a certain number of Ships or troops, to a Power at War, in consequence of antecedent treaties having no particular reference to the existing war, is not inconsistent with neutrality; a position well established by the doctrines of Writers and the practice of Nations.

   See Vatel Book III Chap. VI § 101.

But no special aids, succours or favors having relation to war, not positively and precisely stipulated by some Treaty of the above description, can be afforded to either party, without a breach of neutrality.
In stating that the Proclamation of Neutrality does not imply the non performance of any stipulations of Treaties which are not of a nature to make the Nation an associate or party in the war, it is conceded that an execution of the clause of Guarantee contained in the 11th article of our Treaty of Alliance with France would be contrary to the sense and spirit of the Proclamation; because it would engage us with our whole force as an associate or auxiliary in the War; it would be much more than the case of a definite limited succour, previously ascertained.
It follows that the Proclamation is virtually a manifestation of the sense of the Government that the UStates are, under the circumstances of the case, not bound to execute the clause of Guarantee.
If this be a just view of the true force and import of the Proclamation, it will remain to see whether the President in issuing it acted within his proper sphere, or stepped beyond the bounds of his constitutional authority and duty.
It will not be disputed that the management of the affairs of this country with foreign nations is confided to the Government of the UStates.
It can as little be disputed, that a Proclamation of Neutrality, where a Nation is at liberty to keep out of a War in which other Nations are engaged and means so to do, is a usual and a proper measure. Its main object and effect are to prevent the Nation being immediately responsible for acts done by its citizens, without the privity or connivance of the Government, in contravention of the principles of neutrality.

   See Vatel Book III Chap VII § 113.

An object this of the greatest importance to a Country whose true interest lies in the preservation of peace.
The inquiry then is—what department of the Government of the UStates is the prop⟨er⟩ one to make a declaration of Neutrality in the cases in which the engagements ⟨of⟩ the Nation permit and its interests require such a declaration.
A correct and well informed mind will discern at once that it can belong neit⟨her⟩ to the Legislative nor Judicial Department and of course must belong to the Executive.
The Legislative Department is not the organ of intercourse between the UStates and foreign Nations. It is charged neither with making nor interpreting Treaties. It is therefore not naturally that Organ of the Government which is to pronounce the existing condition of the Nation, with regard to foreign Powers, or to admonish the Citizens of their obligations and duties as founded upon that condition of things. Still less is it charged with enforcing the execution and observance of these obligations and those duties.
It is equally obvious that the act in question is foreign to the Judiciary Department of the Government. The province of that Department is to decide litigations in particular cases. It is indeed charged with the interpretation of treaties; but it exercises this function only in the litigated cases; that is where contending parties bring before it a specific controversy. It has no concern with pronouncing upon the external political relations of Treaties between Government and Government. This position is too plain to need being insisted upon.
It must then of necessity belong to the Executive Department to exercise the function in Question—when a proper case for the exercise of it occurs.
It appears to be connected with that department in various capacities, as the organ of intercourse between the Nation and foreign Nations—as the interpreter of the National Treaties in those cases in which the Judiciary is not competent, that is in the cases between Government and Government—as that Power, which is charged with the Execution of the Laws, of which Treaties form a part—as that Power which is charged with the command and application of the Public Force.
This view of the subject is so natural and obvious—so analogous to general theory and practice—that no doubt can be entertained of its justness, unless such doubt can be deduced from particular provisions of the Constitution of the UStates.
Let us see then if cause for such doubt is to be found in that constitution.
The second Article of the Constitution of the UStates, section 1st, establishes this general Proposition, That “The Executive Power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America.”
The same article in a succeeding Section proceeds to designate particular cases of Executive Power. It declares among other things that the President shall be Commander in Cheif of the army and navy of the UStates and of the Militia of the several states when called into the actual service of the UStates, that he shall have power by and with the advice of the senate to make treaties; that it shall be his duty to receive ambassadors and other public Ministers and to take care that the laws be faithfully executed.
It would not consist with the rules of sound construction to consider this enumeration of particular authorities as derogating from the more comprehensive grant contained in the general clause, further than as it may be coupled with express restrictions or qualifications; as in regard to the cooperation of the Senate in the appointment of Officers and the making of treaties; which are qualifica⟨tions⟩ of the general executive powers of appointing officers and making treaties: Because the difficulty of a complete and perfect specification of all the cases of Executive authority would naturally dictate the use of general terms—and would render it improbable that a specification of certain particulars was designd as a substitute for those terms, when antecedently used. The different mode of expression employed in the constitution in regard to the two powers the Legislative and the Executive serves to confirm this inference. In the article which grants the legislative powers of the Governt. the expressions are—“All Legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the UStates;” in that which grants the Executive Power the expressions are, as already quoted “The Executive Po⟨wer⟩ shall be vested in a President of the UStates of America.”
The enumeration ought rather therefore to be considered as intended by way of greater caution, to specify and regulate the principal articles implied in the definition of Executive Power; leaving the rest to flow from the general grant of that power, interpreted in conformity to other parts ⟨of⟩ the constitution and to the principles of free government.
The general doctrine then of our constitution is, that the Executive Power of the Nation is vested in the President; subject only to the exceptions and qu[a]lifications which are expressed in the instrument.
Two of these have been already noticed—the participation of the Senate in the appointment of Officers and the making of Treaties. A third remains to be mentioned the right of the Legislature “to declare war and grant letters of marque and reprisal.”

With these exceptions the Executive Power of the Union is completely lodged in the President. This mode of construing the Constitution has indeed been recognized by Congress in formal acts, upon full consideration and debate. The power of removal from office is an inportant instance.
And since upon general principles for reasons already given, the issuing of a proclamation of neutrality is merely an Executive Act; since also the general Executive Power of the Union is vested in the President, the conclusion is, that the step, which has been taken by him, is liable to no just exception on the score of authority.
It may be observed that this Inference w⟨ould⟩ be just if the power of declaring war had ⟨not⟩ been vested in the Legislature, but that ⟨this⟩ power naturally includes the right of judg⟨ing⟩ whether the Nation is under obligations to m⟨ake⟩ war or not.
The answer to this is, that however true it may be, that th⟨e⟩ right of the Legislature to declare wa⟨r⟩ includes the right of judging whether the N⟨ation⟩ be under obligations to make War or not—it will not follow that the Executive is in any case excluded from a similar right of Judgment, in the execution of its own functions.
If the Legislature have a right to make war on the one hand—it is on the other the duty of the Executive to preserve Peace till war is declared; and in fulfilling that duty, it must necessarily possess a right of judging what is the nature of the obligations which the treaties of the Country impose on the Government; and when in pursuance of this right it has concluded that there is nothing in them inconsistent with a state of neutrality, it becomes both its province and its duty to enforce the laws incident to that state of the Nation. The Executive is charged with the execution of all laws, the laws of Nations as well as the Municipal law, which recognises and adopts those laws. It is consequently bound, by faithfully executing the laws of neutrality, when that is the state of the Nation, to avoid giving a cause of war to foreign Powers.
This is the direct and proper end of the proclamation of neutrality. It declares to the UStates their situation with regard to the Powers at war and makes known to the Community that the laws incident to that situation will be enforced. In doing this, it conforms to an established usage of Nations, the operation of which as before remarked is to obviate a responsibility on the part of the whole Society, for secret and unknown violations of the rights of any of the warring parties by its citizens.
Those who object to the proclamation will readily admit that it is the right and duty of the Executive to judge of, or to interpret, those articles of our treaties which give to France particular privileges, in order to the enforcement of those privileges: But the necessary consequence of this is, that the Executive must judge what are the proper bounds of those privileges—what rights are given to other nations by our treaties with them—what rights the law of Nature and Nations gives and our treaties permit, in respect to those Nations with whom we have no treaties; in fine what are the reciprocal rights and obligations of the United States & of all & each of the powers at War.
The right of the Executive to receive ambassadors and other public Ministers may serve to illustrate the relative duties of the Executive and Legislative Departments. This right includes that of judging, in the case of a Revolution of Government in a foreign Country, whether the new rulers are competent organs of the National Will and ought to ⟨be⟩ recognised or not: And where a treaty antecedently exists between the UStates and such nation that right involves the power of giving operation or not to such treaty. For until the new Government is acknowleged, the treaties between the nations, as far at least as regards public rights, are of course suspended.
This power of determ[in]ing virtually in the case supposed upon the operation of national Treaties as a consequence, of the power to receive ambassadors and other public Ministers, is an important instance of the right of the Executive to decide the obligations of the Nation with regard to foreign Nations. To apply it to the case of France, if the⟨re⟩ had been a Treaty of alliance offensive ⟨and⟩ defensive between the UStates and that Coun⟨try,⟩ the unqualified acknowlegement of the new Government would have put the UStates in a condition to become an associate in the War in which France was engaged—and would have laid the Legislature under an obligation, if required, and there was otherwise no valid excuse, of exercising its power of declaring war.
This serves as an example of the right of the Executive, in certain cases, to determine the condition of the Nation, though it may consequentially affect the proper or improper exercise of the Power of the Legislature to declare war. The Executive indeed cannot control the exercise of that power—further than by the exer[c]ise of its general right of objecting to all acts of the Legislature; liable to being overruled by two thirds of both houses of Congress. The Legislature is free to perform its own duties according to its own sense of them—though the Executive in the exercise of its constitutional powers, may establish an antecedent state of things which ought to weigh in the legislative decisions. From the division of the Executive Power there results, in referrence to it, a concurrent authority, in the distributed cases.
Hence in the case stated, though treaties can only be made by the President and Senate, their activity may be continued or suspended by the President alone.
No objection has been made to the Presidents having acknowleged the Republic of France, by the Reception of its Minister, without having consulted the Senate; though that body is connected with him in the making of Treaties, and though the consequence of his act of reception is to give operation to the Treaties heretofore made with that Country: But he is censured for having declared the UStates to be in a state of peace & neutrality, with regard to the Powers at War; because the right of changing that state & declaring war belongs to the Legislature.
It deserves to be remarked, that as the participation of the senate in the making of Treaties and the power of the Legislature to declare war are exceptions out of the general “Executive Power” vested in the President, they are to be construed strictly—and ought to be extended no further than is essential to their execution.
While therefore the Legislature can alone declare war, can alone actually transfer the nation from a state of Peace to a state of War—it belongs to the “Executive Power,” to do whatever else the laws of Nations cooperating with the Treaties of the Country enjoin, in the intercourse of the UStates with foreign Powers.
In this distribution of powers the wisdom of our constitution is manifested. It is the province and duty of the Executive to preserve to the Nation the blessings of peace. The Legislature alone can interrupt those blessings, by placing the Nation in a state of War.
But though it has been thought adviseable to vindicate the authority of the Executive on this broad and comprehensive ground—it was not absolutely necessary to do so. That clause of the constitution which makes it his duty to “take care that the laws be faithfully executed” might alone have been relied upon, and this simple process of argument pursued.
The President is the constitutional Executor of the laws. Our Treaties and the laws of Nations form a part of the law of the land. He who is to execute the laws must first judge for himself of their meaning. In order to the observance of that conduct, which the laws of nations combined with our treaties prescribed to this country, in reference to the present War in Europe, it was necessary for the President to judge for himself whether there was any thing in our treaties incompatible with an adherence to neutrality. Having judged that there was not, he had a right, and if in his opinion the interests of the Nation required it, it was his duty, as Executor of the laws, to proclaim the neutrality of the Nation, to exhort all persons to observe it, and to warn them of the penalties which would attend its non observance.
The Proclamation has been represented as enacting some new law. This is a view of it entirely erroneous. It only proclaims a fact with regard to the existing state of the Nation, informs the citizens of what the laws previously established require of them in that state, & warns them that these laws will be put in execution against the Infractors of them.


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Rufus King, [June–July 1793]
From: King, Rufus
To: Hamilton, Alexander

[New York, June–July, 1793]

Not finding Philadelphia notes to remit, I have directed Specie to be sent to you, by the messenger of the Branch, who sets out tomorrow. Will not the late change of affairs in Holland enable you to proceed with a loan? On every account, it would be truly advantageous, if you had a handsome Sum to invest at this Time. The Bank you are sensible are disposed to do all in their power, but notwithstanding the force of personal considerations, they may not be able to supply money sufficient for all the Projects which may be urged for your adoption.

The late accounts from Europe may teach moderation, and cannot fail to inspire the Government with Caution—every thing seems to be changing; distrust, defeat, confusion & Dejection, are manifest in the affairs of France. It seems as if their past Fortunes had suffered an almost total change. Even the spaniards are said to have advanced into their country. The army in Savoy has been defeated by the austrians, and Biron their commander is said to be wounded. On the 27. march the Prussian army of 60,000 Men, with the King at their head commenced their operations against Custine at Mayence, and by intelligence of their progress, it can scarcely be doubted that the French army must fall.
The commissioners charged to arrest Demourier have been themselves arrested & sent to the Austrians. He has declared against the Convention & says France must have a King—whether all or a large part of his army will adhere to their chief, we can only conjecture. The commissioners could not have been arrested without the knowledge of the Army. Whether he opened to his army his views of restoring the monarchy does not appear—but it is certain that he was with his Army on the second day after having sent the Commissioners to the Austrians, when that event could not be a secret to any Part of his Army. We have no hint what conduct will be observed by the Prince Cobourgh—whether he will cooperate with Demourier by uniting the two Armies, or remain a Spectator of the internal convulsions of France.
The Paris accounts up to the 1st. Apl. shew the alarming situation of that Metropolis—and render it probable that they were at the point of another massacre.
The Bristol vessel which bring in this information, left at Bristol a ship belonging to this port which would sail five or six days after her—so that we may hourly expect more full information respecting the affairs of France.
Yours affectionately

Rufus King


Title: To Alexander Hamilton from Andrew G. Fraunces, 1 July 1793
From: Fraunces, Andrew G.
To: Hamilton, Alexander

Philadelphia, July 1, 1793.
Sir,

On the 10th ult. I wrote to you concerning the payment of certain warrants of the late Board of Treasury, drawn as follows:

 No.  236—On Nathaniel Appleton, for 3500
}
dollars.

 No. 1155—On Michael Hillegas, for 2000

In which letter I requested an answer to certain questions stated therein, to which I received from you a verbal answer, that the thing required further consideration, or that direct answers could not, as those warrants were circumstanced, be given at that time. I now, Sir, again apply for an answer to those questions, or if they still cannot be given, I request you will as far favor me as you have done other applicants for similar claims.
I have the honor to be,   Sir, your obedient servant,

Andrew G. Fraunces.
The hon. A. Hamilton, Esq. Secretaryof the Treasury of the United States.


Title: From Alexander Hamilton to Edmond Charles Genet, [1 July 1793]
From: Hamilton, Alexander
To: Genet, Edmond Charles

[Philadelphia, July 1, 1793]

The Secretary of the Treasury presents his Compliments to The Minister Plenipotentiary of France. Among the bills presented to the Treasury as having been refused by him is one for 135 Dolls. & 51½ Cts which was payable the 3d. of June. It was taken for granted, that all the Bills which became due in the first fortnight of June had been satisfied. The contrary appearance is an additional embarrassment. The Secretary of the Treasury requests that the Minister will cause him to be furnished with a note of the bills which have been paid by Mr. Bournonville out of the funds heretofore put into his hands destined for that object.
July 1. 1793