Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Rush, 21 July 1789
From: Rush, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

My dear friend
Philadelphia July 21st. 1789.

From an unfortunate concurrence of circumstances, I find myself under the influence of the same difficult command in corresponding with the Vice President of the United States, which the King of Syria gave to the Captains of his chariots.—
"Fight ye not with small or great, save only with the King of Israel."—
The subjects upon which we differ are monarchy—titles—& the Latin & Greek languages.
I repeat again that Republicanism has never yet had a fair tryal in the world.—It is now likely to be tried in the United States. Had our goverment been more completely ballanced; that is, had the President possessed more power, I believe it would have realised all the wishes of the most sanguine friends to republican liberty. Licentiousness factions—seditions & rebellions have not been restrained by monarchy even in great Britain. They have been more numerous in that country than in any of the less free monarchies, or more free republics of Europe.—The factions—seditions—& rebellions of Republics arise wholly from the want of checks or ballances, and from a defect of equal representation. The wisdom of modern times has discovered, & in part remedied these evils.—we may hope therefore that our republican forms of government will be more safe, and durable than formerly. When we reject a republic, I wish we may adopt an absolute monarchy, for goverments (like women among whom it is said no one, between a virtuous woman & a prostitute ought ever to please) should know no medium between absolute Republicanism & absolute monarchy. There cannot be a greater absurdity than to connect together in one government, the living principle of liberty in the people with the deadly principle of tyranny in an heriditary monarch. They must in time, with the best ballance in the world overset each other. They are created with implements of war in their hands. Fighting will be natural & necessary to each of them to preserve an existence. From a variety of circumstances, the victory 99 times in an 100 will be in favor of the monarch—& hence will arise the annihilation of liberty.—
An hundred years hence Absolute monarchy will probably be rendered necessary in our Country by the corruption of our people. But why should we precipitate an event for which we are not yet prepared?—Shall I at five & twenty years of age, because I expect to be an old man—draw my teeth—put on artificial grey hairs & bend my back over a short cane?—No—I will enjoy the health & vigor of youth & manhood, and leave old age to the care of itself.—I will do more. I will husband my health & vigor, & try to keep off Old Age as long as I can, by temperance, proper cloathing simple manners—and the practice of domestic virtues.
The characters you so much admire among the ancients were formed wholly by republican forms of goverments.—
Republican forms of goverment are more calculated to promote Christianity than monarchies. The precepts of the gospel, and the maxims of republics in many instances agree with each other.
Please to take notice that when I speak of a Republic, I mean a Goverment consisting of three branches, and each derived at different times & for different periods from the people. Where this circulation is wanting between rulers & the ruled, there will be an obstruction to genuine goverment. A king or a senate not chosen by the people at certain periods becomes a sebimus—a Bubo or an Abscess in the body politic which must sooner or later distroy the healthiest State.—
A simple democracy, or an unballanced republic is one of the greatest of evils. I think with Dr. Zubly that "a Democracy (with only one branch) is the devils own government." These words he uttered at my table in the Spring of 1776; upon my giving as a toast the "Commonwealth of America." At the same instant that he spoke these words, he turned his glass upside downwards, and refused to drink the toast.
I have no objection to men being accosted by the titles which they derive from their Offices. Mr President—Mr Vice President—Senator—Councillor Judge—or even Constable—may all the used with propriety, but why should  we prefix noble, honourable—or elective to them?—Such epithets are a transgression of a rule in composition which forbids us to use unnecessary adjectives, inasmuch as they always enfeeble the sense of a Sentence. I cannot think, with you that titles overawe or restrain the profligate part of a Community. The very atmosphere of London is impregnated with the Sounds of "My Lord"—"My Lady," "Right honourable"—"Your Honor"—"Sir John & Sir James," and yet when will you find more profligate manners than among the citizens of London?—The use of titles begets pride in rulers & baseness among the common people.—Among the Romans whom you so much admire, Cæsar was Cæsar—& Scipio was Scipio in all companies.—The conquered provinces I believe first introduced titles. Among the Quakers the highest degrees of order are preserved without titles.—But if we begin with titles in the United States, where will they end? A new Vocabulary must be formed to provide for all the officers of the federal & state goverments, for the states still retain the power of creating titles. If titles are given to men must not the women be permitted to share in them? By what rule shall we settle precedency? Shall a law, or a title Office be necessary for this purpose?—In a word my friend, I see no end to the difficulties—disputes—and Absurdities of admitting titles into our Country. They are equally contrary to reason and religion, and in my opinion are no more necessary to give dignity or energy to a goverment than swearing is to govern a ship’s crew, or Spirituous liquors to gather in the fruits of the earth.—
Upon the Subject of the latin & greek languages I shall only ask two questions.—
Who are guilty of the greatest absurdity, the Chinese who press the feet into deformity by small Shoes, or the Europeans & Americans who press the brain into obliquity by greek & Latin?—
Do not men use Latin and greek as the Scuttlefish emit their ink on purpose to conceal themselves from an intercourse with the common people?
Indeed my friend I owe nothing to the latin & greek classics, but the turgid and affected stile of my youthful compositions, & a neglect of English grammar. At 22 years of Age I read Lowths introduction to the grammar of our language, and Hume’s History of England as also some of Swift’s works. By means of these Authors I learned to put words together, and if I profess at this time any knowledge of Stile or language, I owe it to my having nearly forgotten the greek, and suspended for many years the delight with which I once read the Roman poets and historians.
I often look back with regret upon the four years I spent at an academy on the border or Maryland and Pennsylvania in learning the Latin & greek languages,—and had not my master (a pious Clergyman & an industrious farmer) taught me during those years the first principles & duties of Christianity, and at the same time given me habits of labor, which produced some knowledge in moral affairs, I should wish the memory of those years blotted out of my mind for ever.
I expect to prevail in the United States in my Attempt to bring the dead languages into disrepute, for my next attack upon them shall be addressed to our American ladies.—They are not perverted by any prejudice upon this subject—. They will hear from me the language of reason and nature,—and their influence will render my opinions sooner or later universal. From the Character you Once gave me of Mrs Adams, & which I have had confirmed by all who have ever conversed with her, I anticipate support from her in my Undertaking.
If the years I spent in teaching boys greek & roman mythology, were spent in teaching them Jewish antiquities, and the connection between the types and prophesies of the old testaments, with the events of the new, don’t you think we should have less infidelity and of course less immorality & bad goverment in the world?—
My friend the late Anthony Benezet, one of the greatest and best men that ever lived, used to say that "the height of all Charity was to bear with the unreasonableness of mankind."—Men love Royalty—titles—and the latin & greek languages—They make wars—enslave their fellow creatures—distil and drink rum—all because they are not governed by Reason.
I have only to beg your pardon for the length of this letter, and to assure you that no difference of sentiment upon any subject can alter the respect and regard with which  I am my Dr Sir / your sincere / friend
Benjn. Rush


Title: From John Adams to Roger Sherman, 22 July 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Sherman, Roger

Dear Sir
New York. July 22. 1789

As the Citizens of these States, are all Legislators, or Creditors of Legislators, it is, as you observe in your favor of the 20th., neccessary that Government should be well understood by them, it is necessary too that we Should understand it alike. That We should all agree in Principles, and the essential Parts of Systems, to this end it is necessary that We understand each others Language, and agree in the deffinitions of Terms, especially Words of Art. if We do not our Intercourse with each other, will be a Series of political fraud. for Example, The Constitution, Art. 4, Sect. 4. Says "The United States Shall guarantee, to every state in this Union, a Republican form of Government." in order to determine, what is the meaning of the Word Republican; We must enquire what is a Republic? Look into Entick’s or Perry’s dictionary. They define it "a Commonwealth without a King"—Look into Johnson and Sheridan. They define it "A State, in which the Power is lodged in more than one"—The Readers of Entick, will therefore Under Stand that the Constitution renders it their Duty to be King killers—The Readers of Johnson, will understand that the Constitution has guaranteed to them the Rights of their Ancestors, and the Solid Blessings of English liberty. Is this Government, my Friend? or, is it Paper Money? Is it thus that we are to cheat or be cheated? Let us take a little pains to understand one another, and then to make ourselves understood, by the People... You and I, will never be reproached by the People that We have deceived them. The Deffinition of Entick and Perry, is as ignorant as the pedantical Schoolmasters who made it.—All Writers ancient and modern from Plato and Aristotle, all Courts present and passed—all the Universities of the World, are against them.—All those Authorities have ever agreed that Lacedemon was a republic, though it had, for Seven hundred Years, hereditary Kings: that Poland is a Republic, tho it has a King: and that England is a Republic tho’ it has hereditary Kings.
But, Sir, are Words to be abused in this manner? if our popular Government is to be conducted by the abuse of Words We are undone.—The vicious Part of the Community, will avail itself of this Instrument of Government, more than the Virtuous. Are We, employing another Abuse of Words in the Name President.? Are Americans so Simple, as to be amused with a Name.? The Prince of Orange Said to me, in March 1788 "Sir You are going to have a King under, the Title of President." This Princes Judgment, upon this Occasion, would be approved by Sidney and Harrington, Cicero and Livy, Plato and Aristotle, every one of whom, upon reading our Constitution would pronounce the President, a King.Incomplete


Title: To John Adams from Jabez Bowen, 22 July 1789
From: Bowen, Jabez
To: Adams, John

Sir
Providence July 22d. 1789

I was honoured with your favour of the 18th. of June for which I return you my Thanks, and was happy to hear of the safe arival of Mrs. Adams and family.
Our Rulers continue as obstinately opposed to the Federal Government as ever, and I have no Idea that they ever intend to call a Convention; they are striving to alienate the minds of the people at large by exagerating the amount of the Salleries allowed the Members of Congress, and take hold of every Topick that in any measure answers their wicked purposes; I am still of opinion if Congress could send and enquire of the State in a pretty plain & firm Tone the Reason why they do not take up the great Question of the Constitution in the mode Recommended by the Grand Convention and the Resolve of Congress. That it would stagger their Mermedons; and occasion the people to look to the Minority to get them out of the Dialemma they are now in.
In establishing the Judiciary System; was in hopes to have seen some stroke that would have saved the publick & private securities of the inhabitants of this State that have been obliged to put them off in other States to save them. I see no remedy if the Bill pass as first proposed.
This will be delivered you by the Revrñd. Mr. Hitchcock, who I Recommend to your particular Notice as a worthy Character in the Clerical line. Your noticing him will be obliging one who with every sentiment of Esteeme remains your Excellencys most obedient and humb. Servant
Jabez Bowen


Title: From John Adams to Jeremy Belknap, 24 July 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Belknap, Jeremy

Dear Sir
New York July 24. 1789

I have, this morning received your letter of the 18th. George Chalmers, I have seen in London. He is a Scot, who adventured to Maryland and practised Law; When hostilities commenced, he fled to the British army in N. York. He has much of the scornful, fastidious Temper of his nation; has been a very bitter Tory; but is a laborious writer. There is no second Volume of his Annals; and as he has had the art of obtaining some employment under the present Ministry, I Suppose it probable that he will neither find profit nor pleasure to tempt him to labour longer at Annals.
Mr. Fenno asked my leave to publish the letters to Kalkoen, and I consented.—There was never any other reason for printing them, more than a dozen volumes of others but this, that the originals of them were on loose papers instead of proper letter books, and consequently in continual danger of being lost.—Mr Jay has surprised me, since I came here, by shewing me six folio volumes of my dispatches to Congress, recorded in a beautiful hand. He has taken the same prudent care of the dispatches of all the other American Ministers abroad—so that this branch of our history is well Secured—Private letters, however, are often wanted as commentaries on publick ones.—and many, I fear, will be lost, which would be necessary to shew the Secret Springs.
There are several circumstances, which I wish were preserved somewhere, of much importance to this end, which are in danger of being lost—respecting the opposition to Bernard and Hutchinson and British Ministers and measures in the Massachusetts; to the formation of the union of the Colonies in 1774—to the organization of our army in 1775—to the Negotiations in France and Holland—and to many other events.
Some of these ought not to be public, but they ought not to be lost.—My experience has very much diminished my Faith in the veracity of History.—it has convinced me that many of the most important facts are concealed.—some of the most important characters but imperfectly known—and many false facts imposed on historians and the world—and many empty characters displayed in great pomp—All this, I am sure, will happen in our American history.
The idea that a party or faction should demolish thirteen established governments, and erect as many new ones in opposition to the sense of the people, and in opposition to large armies and powerful Fleets, is ridiculous.—
The anecdote of Baron de Kalb that you enquire after never came to my knowledge. De Kalb was in America before the War, and not long after the peace of 1763, but it was accidental, owing to shipwreck, as I have heard. Very probably he might make such a Report, that the Americans were indissolubly attached to England, to the French Ministry; but I dont believe he was ever sent by them.
After the loss of Canada, the vast addition to the naval power and commercial advantages of England, allarmed the French very much, and there is no doubt that the thought of assisting the British Colonies to throw off the yoke occurred to them, as the loss of America now rankling in the hearts and tingling in the veins of the English nation, is every day suggesting to them projects of assisting the Spaniards of South America to seperate from Spain. Monsieur Le Roi, a French Accademician, on  who had heen acquainted with Dr Franklin in England, upon introducing him at Paris to some members of the Accademy of Sciences, said, Voila Monsieur Frankland, qui est de cette ce pays la en Amerique, qui nous debarrassera, un jour de ces Angloises. This Le Roi told me in presence of Franklin, who said he remembered it very well.—This sentiment, I doubt not, had its influence in procuring Franklin to be elected a member of that Accademy.—But it was a vague tho’ general Resentiment, and no explicit advances were ever made to him or any one else by the French Court till 1775.—
I shall have more occasion for apology than you have, if I proceed. The oftener you write me, and the more you enquire of me, the more you will oblige, Sir, your / most obedient

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from John Browne Cutting, 24 July 1789
From: Cutting, John Browne
To: Adams, John

My dear Sir
Bordeaux 24th July 1789

By a vessel that departs from hence in half an hour bound for the Potomac I send you some authentic papers which contain details of the late revolution in the government of France. Mr. Jefferson’s last letter to me is dated on the 16th. He confirms most of the facts contained in the printed letter of M. Nairac and in the "Extrait D’une lettre de Paris"—and concludes by remarking that the people of Paris are still in such a heat in consequence of the late bloodshed that they distrust the royal word and continue arming—Yet that he (Mr Jefferson) believes that the King is now perfectly sincere in his surrender at discretion to the States General and will do whatsoever they desire him. All the troops that were lately assembled in the vicinity of Versailles and Paris are actually on their march to the frontier towns of the kingdom.
The Queen, it is whisperd, has retired into a Convent of which she is foundress—for the present—near Versailles. Madam De Polinac has escaped to England. Count D’artois has fled to his brother in law the King of Sardenia. The Condee’s, Conte’s Marschall de Broglio and those ministers and instruments of the court cabal who had the temerity to assemble forty thousand troops to overawe or dissolve the states general and crush every hope of a thorough national reform have been most egregiously out-general’d and miserably defeated. A number of those capital culprets will be impeachd. The soldiers the Subaltern officers, the inferior clergy the lower middling and opulent classes in the cities and many potent nobles and great land holders in the country are so united in sentiment upon this great occasion and the spirit of the nation is so hot for the measure that nothing can prevent it but a miraculous mitigation of the public temper. M. Neckar on the contrary and Count Montmorrin the two honest ministers whose dismission from office & late exile was the signal of conflict between the Court and Country—will doubtless be re-instated.
On the 17th of July the King entered Paris guarded by the burgers only and the late President of the Commons, M. Baily, now Mayor of Paris delivered to him the keys of that capital with a speech which I am told was to the following effect. "These keys that Henry the fourth restored to the City which he had conquer’d; in the name of the City are now returned to his descendent whom we have conquer’d."
The Marquis La Lafayette being nominated by the armed Burgers of Paris commander in Chief of their forces the States general approved the appointment and the King countersigning his commission has confirmed it. At this moment it is unquestionably the first command in the nation. The most moderate accounts state the number of armed people in Paris at two hundred thousand.
The French troops for refusing to butcher their fellow citizens when that blind old bigot De Brolio instigated by a corrupt junto of courtesans and courtiers, not only commanded but endeavoured to seduce them to do it by an offer of the whole pillage of Paris—it is said they have not only in general acquir‘d credit, but a part of them in particular have obtain’d renown and the universal applause of the country for their gallant deeds in behalf of their bleeding brethren. The burgers in whose ranks they fought till the mercenary Germans were repuls’d and then led them on the same city band to attack the arsenal and storm the Bastile. In the display of this honourable, generous and manly spirit which guided, emulated and guarded those neighbours Whom they were commanded to slaughter, the corps of French guards was greatly distinguish’d—especially in that daring assault of the Bastile the success of which dismayed their enemies and still astonishes the nation. The same Bastile is now level’d in the dust and razed to its lowest foundations. Most of the French guards I understand and many soldiers also of other Royal regiments are now incorporated with the armd burgers of Paris who with reason love & cherish them and from whose associations they are never again to separate. Perhaps this single circumstance may partly account for the immense number of Parisians in arms, now under command of the Marquis. The same soul and spirit pervades the provinces—nor does it appear that in any quarter of the Kingdom there exists the Shadow of an opposition to the measures of the States general nor one murmuring of Sympathy in favour of the court or King.
In a word the monarch & his ministers mistook the temper of the times and grossly miscalculated both in despising the intrepidity of citizens and disbelieving the patriotism of soldiers. I rejoice that their error is as irretrievable as it is conspicuous. I rejoice that the people are triumphant—that the rights of man are asserted—that freedom prospers—that tyranny withers—and that despotism is dying in France.
Will Mrs. Adams and yourself have the goodness thus abruptly to accept my best compliments and believe me always to be / with unalterable affection / and respect / Your Most Obed. Servt.
John Brown Cutting


Title: To John Adams from James Lovell, 26 July 1789
From: Lovell, James
To: Adams, John

My dear Honoured Friend
Boston July 26th 1789

I had often considered your Situation, before the receipt of your Letter of the 16th; and I had hoped you would "Possess yourself in Patience." If you already draw a picture, Teste di legno and talk of sharpening an ax for Decapitation, what am I to look for in the Run of a twelvemonth?
I do not like your diminuitive italien Idea. You who are said to be more than half British ought to have called yourself a spare rudder or Mainmast, and that would have given me a fine opportunity to comment upon the Parsimony of those who will not pay for a good one when the Length and Risk of an Enterprise demands such a precautionary Duplicate. Once more however I recur to the Tëte de bois—Tis a delphic one you must own; and you are to expect the delectable Chance of being applied to in all Cases of Difficulty; I do not mean when the Judgment of the Senate is in Reality at Moieties, for, that will not be the Event one Time in Fifty, while 49 Times relative Contingencies of Popularity will balance the Votes and your oracular Decision will have the Praise or Blame. "You have decided in Favor of the Power of the Prime because you look up to that Goal." If I did not know you well I would not write this to you. A weak Man only would be discouraged by such suggestions of the Base. All whom you esteem here are pleased with your Vote. But, better then that, I know you have your own Approbation upon your own Principles which lead regularly to impavidum ferient ruinæ.
I feel at this Period redoubled mortification that you was not at Home when I dined with your Lady and conversed with Doctr. Tufts upon the Point of Time when the continental Government was to affect our Laws of Revenue. He conceded to my Idea that we could not be deranged till the compleat Organization of Congress, when I expected a proclamation from the President directing the Continuence of the Offices & Officers of the confederation till further orders, and providing against any Derangements in the individual States, where the new Constitution might be naturally supposed to interfere, till the Legislative measures of Congress should be in operation.
I have 8 org Causes of Libel to be tried this Week some of them as high as twelve hundred pounds; and I am told most of the Bar are engaged together for mutual Assistance to defend upon the principle that no Import Law has been in Force here since—I know not when.
"Congress" are to have such and such Powers—"and to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into Execution the foregoing powers and all the powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States." Sec. VIII Last paragraph.
If these seizures of mine are acquitted all the Duties I have collected in the Period, be it what it may, are to be refunded.—It was upon that Paragraph of the VIIIth Section, that I fixed for the Termination of my State Collection of Import. What say the Merchants of N. York or Philada. respecting State Duties? Is it only here that Doubts exist? I can give only one of two Reasons why a Proclamation did not appear. The Idea at Head Quarters must have been either that Nobody could suppose we had a Right here to Import or, that nobody could doubt but that we had it—Yet, in Fact, there is a great Division of Sentiment upon the Point.
I have directed the attorney General to go forward by Discussion or Appeal, and I had advised the Supreme Judges to converse upon the Subject as they were riding the Eastern Circuit or smoaking their Evening pipes together.
Have we now the Right of Tender? In my opinion the Constitution decides that without the necessity of any Law of Congress. Can a Pirate be now tried? Our Law is Sufficient till Congress promulge one. This last Principle avails in the Import. Excuse my Impertinence in showing my Opinion, while I meant to intreat yours.
I salute you and your Lady and Family cordially. Pardon the slovenlyness, I have detained the Postmaster already too long from his office.
Your devoted Friend
James Lovell


Title: To John Adams from Roger Sherman, 27 July 1789
From: Sherman, Roger
To: Adams, John

Sir
New York July 27th. 1789

I received your letter of the 20th Inst. I had in mine of the same date Communicated my Ideas on that part of the Constitution limiting the President’s power of negativing the acts of the legislature—and just hinted at the propriety of the provision made by the legislature for appointment to offices. I esteem that to be a matter of very great importance, on which the liberties and safety of the people depends nearly as much as on legislation. If that was vested in the President alone he might render himself despotic. It was a saying of one of the Kings of England that while the King could appoint the Bishops and judges he might have what religion & law he pleased. to give that observation its full effect they must hold their offices during his pleasure, by such appointments without controul a power might be gradually established, that would be more formidable than a Standing army.
It appears to me that the Senate is the most important branch in the government. For the aid and support of the executive, for securing the rights of the individual States, the government of the United States & the liberties of the People.—The Executive is not to execute its own will but the will of the legislature declared by the laws, and the Senate being a branch of the legislature, will be disposed to accomplish that end, and advise to such appointments as will be most likely to effect it—from their knowledge of the people in the Several States they can give the best information who are qualified for offices, and they will as you justly observe in some degree lessen his responsibility, yet will he not have as much remaining as he can well support? and may not their advice enable him to make such judicious appointments as to render responsibility less necessary? No person can deserve censure when he acts honestly according to his best discretion.
The Senators being chosen by the legislatures of the States, & depending on them for reelection will Naturally be watchful to prevent any infringement of the rights of the States—And the government of the united States being federal and instituted by the number of Sovereign States for the better Security of their rights, and advancement of their Interests, they may be considered as so many pillars to support it, and by the exercise of the State governments peace and good order may be preserved in the places most remote from the Seat of the federal government as well as at the centre. I believe this will be a better balance to secure the government than three Independent negatives would be—.I think you admit in your defence of the governments of the united States, that even one branch might Serve in a Diplomatic government like that of the Union; but I think the constitution is much improved by the addition of another branch & those of the Executive and judiciary. this seems to be an improvement on federal government beyond what has been made by any other States. I can see nothing in the constitution that will tend to its dissolution except the article for making amendments—That the evils that you suggest may happen in consequence of the power vested in the Senate to aid the executive—appear to me to be but barely possible. The Senators from the provision made for their appointment, will commonly be some of the most respectable citizens in the States, for wisdom & probity, and superiour to faction, intrigue, or low artifice, to obtain appointments for themselves or their friends, and any attempts of that kind would destroy their reputation with a free & enlightened people and so frustrate the end they would have in view. their being candidates for re election will probably be one of the most powerful motives, (next to that of their virtue) to fidelity in office, & by that mean alone could they hope for Success.  “He that walketh uprightly, walketh Surely.” is the Saying of a divinely inspired writer, They will naturally have the confidence of the people as they will be chosen by their immediate representatives, as well as from their character as men of wisdom & Integrity—And I See not why all the branches of government Should not harmonize in promoting the great end of their Institution the good & happiness of the people.
The Senators & representatives being eligible from  the citizens at large, & wealth not being a requisite qualification for either, they will be persons nearly of equal number as to wealth and other qualifications, so that there seems not to be any principle tending to Aristocracy, which if I understand the term, is a government by Nobles independent of the people which can’t take place with us in either respect without a total Subversion of the Constitution.
I believe the more this provision of the Constitution is attended to & experienced, the more the wisdom and utility of it will appear. as Senators cant hold any other office themselves they will not be influenced in their advice to the President by interested motives. But ‘tis said they may have friends & kindred to provide for, it is true  they may, but when we consider their character & situation, Will they not be diffident of nominating a friend or relation who may wish for an office & be well qualified lest it should be suspected to proceed from partiality? And will not their fellow members have a degree of the same reluctance, lest it should be thought they acted from friendship to a member of their body? so that their friends & connections would Stand a worse chance in proportion to their real merit than Strangers.—But if the President was left to select a council for himself though he may be supposed to be actuated by the best motives. Yet he would be surrounded by flatters, who would Assume the character of friends & patriots, though they had no attachment to the public good, no regard to the laws of their Country, but influenced wholly by Self interest, would wish to extend the power of the executive in order to increase their own, they would often advise him to dispense with the laws that Should thwart their Schemes, & in excuse plead that it was done from necessity to promote the public good—they will use their own influence, induce the President to use his to get laws repealed or the Constitution altered to extend his powers & prerogatives under pretext of advancing the public good, and gradually render the government a despotism. this seems to be according to the course of human affairs, & what may be expected from the natural tendency of things. I think that members of the legislature would be most likely duly to execute the laws both in the executive and judiciary departments.


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Rush, 28 July 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Richmond Hill July 28. 1789

“The Characters I so much admire among the ancients.” were not “formed wholly by Republican forms of government."—I admire, Phillip and Alexander, as much as I do Themistocles and Pericles, nay as much as Demosthenes—I admire Pisistratus, almost as much as Solon: and think that the Arts, Elegance, Literature and Science of Athens, was his work, and that of his sons, more than of any or all the popular Commanders or oraters.
The two Republicks of Antiquity, that I most admire are Sparta and Rome, and these were both monarchical Republicks—Athens indeed was ballanced, with great Care and some Art, till Aristides overturned the Constitution to make himself popular and acquire the Title of just. So that I think the Man, who voted to ostracise him because he was called just by the Mob, was a Man of Sense, Spirit and Virtue—
You doubt whether titles overawe the profligate.—You ask where do I find more profligate manners, than among the Citizens of London?—I am almost disposed to answer You, by saying, in Boston, in New York, in Philadelphia.—I assure you, my friend I wish my dear countrymen had less Vanity and more Pride. The Advantages We have, over Europe, are chiefly geographical—I see very little, moral or political Preference.—As far as I can judge, there is as much Vice, Folly, and more Infidelity, and  Idleness and Luxury and Dissipation, in any of our great Towns, in Proportion to Numbers, as in London.—But the question should be what would be, the degree of profligacy in London, if there were no titles? and I Seriously believe it would be much greater than it is.—Nay I don’t believe it would be possible to support any government at all, among such multitudes without Distinctions of Rank and the Titles that mark them.—According to what I have seen in England, as well as France Holland Spain and Germany, there is nothing Strikes and overawes the most abandoned of the Populace so much as Titles.
Whether Titles beget Pride in Rulers, or not is not an argument.—Would you reject every Thing that begets Pride? If you do you must reject Virtue, which begets the most exquisite, exalted and unconquerable Pride.—You must reject Laws, Government, offices of all Kind, and even Religion. Spiritual Pride, has grown out of Religion. Would you reject religion.
Men who will be made proud by a Title, will be made So by an office without a Title.—
But Why Should Titles beget Baseness among the common People?—Respect, Reverence, Submission and Obedience to the Laws and lawful Magistrates You would wish to see both in the virtuous and vicious of the common People. if Obedience cannot be obtained from the vicious without begetting Baseness, by which I suppose you mean fear, why should you object to that.—But Titles have no Tendency to beget Baseness in poor Men who are virtuous, more than offices without Titles.—But I must insist that Laws are made and Magistrates appointed on Purpose, to create Fear & Terror in the Minds of the vicious, and if Titles will Save you the expence of Gallows, Stocks, Whipping Posts, or the Pain of employing them, why not use then? If Titles will do instead of Armies and Navies, or any Part of them, why reject them? Don’t the Gallows beget Baseness in the common People?—Would you have no Gallows? dont a prison beget Baseness? Would you have no Prison?—dont all Sorts of Punishment beget Baseness? would you abolish all Punishments?
You say the conquered Provinces first introduced Titles into the Roman Empire.—But in this I assume you are mistaken.—had the Kings of Rome, no Titles?— Vir amplissimus—Vir Clarissimus. Vir amplissimus Consul.—Vir Summus. These were familiar among them, in the Simplest times.
Historians indeed never use Titles.—But Titles were useful in Life,; and had their Influence.—
1 The Romans conferred Titles very early, e.g. Manlius, Capitolinus, and very late as Scipio Africanus.—These Titles, were very common and had great Influence, for they carried with them the Ideas of Triumphs and Glory, beyond any Titles in our Times.
2. They managed their Agnomen, Cognomen and Nomen in a manner, to influence the People, as much as our Titles.—Cicero tells us, what was their Custom "Nomen cum dicimus, cognomenm quoque et Agnomen, intelligatur, oportet."
1 The Prænomen, was, our Christian Name. 2. The nomen was the Name of a Race, or Gens.—as all descended from Julus the son of Eneas the Son of Venus, were called Julii, and were accounted divine. 3. The Cognonum distinguished different Families of the Same Race. For Gens Signified the whole and Familia a Part.—Those of the same Gens were called Gentiles, (whence our Word Genteel and gentleman).—Those of the same family Agnati. 4 The Agnomen, like Scipio Africanus and Scipio Afraticus, has been mentioned before.—Julius signified the Gens and Cæsar the Familia.
As these Families and Races, happened to be of consular Prætorian, or Tribunitian Dignity, or even only of patrician Dignity, their names carried more Influence, than the Title of Princes, Dukes, Marquises, Earls Barons do at this day in Europe, for We must always recollect, that these Families and Offices were all consecrated: and consequently Struck the Roman Mind which was certainly more Superstitious, if not more religious than ours, with an holy Awe.—in order to form Some Idea of the religious Veneration, approaching to Adoration, which the Roman Policy inspired into the Minds of their Citizens towards their Magistraties and the Races and Families which exercised them We must recollect their Legis Sacratæ. And what was a Lex Sacrata? Sacratæ Leges Sunt, (inquit Festus) quibus Sancitum est, qui quid adversus eas fecerit, Sacer alicui deorum Sit, cum familiâ, pecuniâque.—There were Several of these Sacred Laws, by which all their Magistrates were protected. The Lex Sacrata, passed upon the holy Mountain, for the Security of the Tribunes, is in Dionysius as follows "Tribunum nemo in ordinem redigito, neque in vitum quidquam facere cogito, nec verberato, nec alium verberare jubeto. 2. Si quis contra fecerit, Sacer esto, et bona ejus Cereri Sacra Sunto: et qui eum occiderit, purus a cæde esto.—hanc legem omnes juraverunt Seque et Posteros in Sempiternum observaturos.—only consider the Effect of taking an Oath by all the People to observe this Law.
Now Sir, I contend that as Consuls, Prætors, Tibunste were consecrated officers, the Title of Sacrosanctus belonged to them all, and was little short of that of Sacred Majesty.—I say farther that Patres Conscripti, was an higher Title than My Lords, or most Honourable. and that the Names of Sacred Gentes, et Familia, had greater Influence among the Romans than modern European Titles.
Never Let me again hear the Romans quoted, as neglecting of despizing Titles.—if I do, I will persecute You with more latin. Yours affectionately
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Robert Morris, 28 July 1789
From: Morris, Robert
To: Adams, John

Tuesday July 28th. 1789

Mr. R. Morris presents his Respectful Compts to his Excelly the Vice President of the United States & would with great pleasure have accepted his polite Invitation for Saturday next, but He expects to be on a journey through the Jerseys on that day.


Title: To John Adams from United States House of Representatives, 28 July 1789
From: United States House of Representatives
To: Adams, John

					Mr. President:
					July 28, 1789

				The House of Representatives have considered the amendments proposed by the Senate upon the bill, entitled “An act to regulate the collection of the duties imposed by law on the tonnage of ships or vessels, and on goods, wares, and merchandises, imported into the United States,” and have concurred therein.


Title: To John Adams from Samuel Smedley, 29 July 1789
From: Smedley, Samuel
To: Adams, John

Sir—
Fairfield 29th. July 1789

Could you Know the anxiety of my Mind on the Nomination of the Officer for Collector for this Port, I think an Apology to a Mind like yours would be needless, for troubling you with A repetition of my request—I have, as I before inform’d you, A powerful Competitor, Our Characters I have reason to believe stand nearly equal with the President, having on my side the Advantage of being more Acquainted with Navigation and all business relative to a Custom House, by being Concern’d in this Business both as Owner and Master of A Vessel from my youth, I am likewise a Native of the Town, and well Acquainted with all the Ports and Harbours in the State, beside A general Acquaintance with all the Mercantile Characters, and as to my Moral Character I think the President is in possession of Sufficient Testimony, so that it remains only for you to say something (if you have not Already) in my behalf to the President, to Secure me the place, it is in your power Sir to render the most Important Service to an Unfortunate Man. the Time must be near at Hand in which the Appointment must be made, and from your Known goodness and the Encouragement you was pleas’d to give me at our last Interview, I cannot but place the Utmost Confidence and hope of Success
I have the Honour to be Sir / with the Utmost respect and Esteem / your most Obt. humbl. Servt.
Sam Smedley


Title: To John Adams from Francis Dana, 31 July 1789
From: Dana, Francis
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Cambridge July 31. 1789

I did not receive your very obliging favour of the 10th. inst: till yesterday, when I returned from the eastern Circuit. I have heard that the Judicial bill has been passed in the Senate without any alterations respecting the general plan of the judicial system. But you seem to think changes may be made in it in the house of Representatives—that the district Judges may be annihilated altogether, and the number of Supreme Judges as well as the number of Circuits doubled. It appears to me indispensably necessary to have district Judges who shall have jurisdiction of all—Admiralty matters, and whatever may in any way concern the Revenue. This I mean as to the beginning of things; and that all causes at Common Law, whether between the Citizens of different states, or foreigners and Citizens, shou’d originate in the Supreme Common Law Courts of the respective States, whereever the Justices thereof are appointed during good behavior, and have fixed permanent salaries annexed to their offices; but that where this is not the case, that all such Causes may be originated in the federal district Court, or if your please shall be so originated, with the right of appeal to the Circuit Court, upon either plan, When judgment shall be given against the foreigner or the Citizen of another State, but no appeal from the judgment of the Supreme Common Law Courts when the judgment shall be in their favour: it appearing reasonable to me that every Citizen ought to sit down quiet under the judgments of their own Supreme Courts. Aprovision of this nature wou’d probably have the happy effect of bringing on a speedy establishment of the Sup: Com: Law Courts upon their only proper ground, in every State where they are now differently constituted. It has been my opinion from the first, that an augmentation of the Judges of the Supreme Federal Court wou’d be found necessary, say to nine; but I do by no means think so as to the number of Circuits. The Circuit Courts are to be holden twice a year in each State which will be sufficient, at least for some years to come. I understand an idea is gaining ground in the House of Representatives, of annihilating the district Judges, and throwing all the Admiralty & Revenue Causes originally into the State Sup: Judicial Courts. This wou’d in my opinion, be exceedingly impolite, as it wou’d not only be difficult to withdraw such Causes from their jurisdiction when it should be found inconvenient to continue them under it, but wou’d also infallibly have a strong tendency to render those Courts, if they shou’d discharge their duty in Revenue Causes, very unpopular, since to lesson that opinion of their impartiality, which th ought ever to be kept up among the people at large, to weaken their authority, and of course the respect for the Laws, and for Government itself; These appear to me but a part of the fatal consequences, which wou’d ensue from such a temporizing system. Tho’ œconomy is held up as the ostensible ground of such a system, yet it seems to be in reality nothing less than an unpardonable thirst for popularity—I have seen a letter from a Representative, in which he says, that when Salaries are under Consideration (alluding to the judicial system) nothing less than 2, or 3000 Dollrs: comports with the ideas of some Gentlemen; because they say no man of Respectability in the Law wou’d accept any office under such a salary. What may be the case of certain Law characters I do not know: but I should think 1500 wou’d not be rejected by any one in this State who shou’d be appointed district judge, and considerably lesser sum might do in the smaller States—
I agree with you touching the characters you have named as Candidates for the Judicial Departments, except the gentleman whose condemnations, you say, have immortalized his name. He is a friend of mine, a good Federal character: but, between us, not fit for such an appointment. He is not a Lawyer.
Whether in the case you mention, that by these the Governor cou’d be persuaded to appoint Mr: L., I am much at a loss. I fear he wou’d rather nominate Sullivan or Hitchbourn, if he thought his Council wou’d advise to their appointment—
I was sincere when I told you that I did not wish for an appointment upon the Supreme Federal Bench. Our Chief Justice or Lowell would be worthy Members of that Court. Yet I doubt whether the former would accept a seat there, on account of their distant employment at certain times. His abilities are equal to that station. Jay wou’d give universal satisfaction, but I have thought he wou’d rather prefer his present office. The Gentn: you mention for the District of Maine is not only the fittest Man, but the only fit one within that District: But our present Sup: Jud: Court must not be entirely changed: for to tell you a truth, I know not where their places can be equally well filled. I shou’d dread the appointment of some persons under the present Administration, as the greatest curse that could fall on this Commonwealth. You know whom I allude to.
I feel myself infinitely obliged to you for the favourable sentiments you have been pleased to express of me. It is my highest ambition to merit in some degree  the good opinion of all good men.
We beg you and your Lady’s acceptance of our most sincere regards, and we shall be ever happy in keeping up that friendly connection which has been formed between us.
I am, Dear Sir, with much respect & esteem / your obliged friend & humble Servant
F M Dana


Title: From John Adams to Francis Dana, July 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Dana, Francis

Dear Sir
July 1789

I have received the letter you did me the honor to write on the 26th. of last month and am much obliged to you for it. The judicial bill is still under consideration of the Senate, and although it has undergone many alterations and amendments it is imposible to say what further changes may be made in the house of representatives. The district judges may be annihilated altogether, and the number of supreem judges as well as the number of circuits doubled. The Attorney general is now to be appointed by the President, with consent of the Senate, in course we are upon an amendment made a few days ago, if this plan continues. The Attorney Genl: will appoint persons to act for him, or the court will appoint in his appearance in the district courts. Mr Nathan Cushing, Mr Dana Mr Lowell Mr Parsons and Mr Sullivan have been mentioned here, as candidates for offices in the judicial system. And I will say to you that another person has been mentioned for one of the judges of the Supreme court and that is chief Justice Cushing. For my own part I only wish that the best and ablest men may be brought into the public service, such as have the clearest and fairest reputations, are known to the people and have acquired weight and consequence in their estimation. Parsons I think would make an excellent Attorney General, but I know not that he will be likely to be appointed. When a President has the whole continent to look through for a single officer it is imposible to guess where his choice will fix. Dana or Lowell would be the best of judges for the district: and if Main should be a district by itself, Sewal is the fittest man. If Cushing should be a Supreme Judge, Dana and Sewal district judges, could Mr H be persuaded to appoint Lowel to one of their places? Parsons I presume would be one unless he should be attorney General. If Lowell should be a supreme judge I presume Dana may district judge if he will, and vice versa. I speak only from my own conjecture however. The President has representations and solicitations no doubt from many quarters, but nothing can ultimately arranged till the bill is passed.—I feel some anxiety for Nathan Cushing’ whose condemnation of vessels in hard times have certainly made his name immortal. Mr. Sullivan I presume, will have representations made in his favor from several points of compass. His ambition is unbounded: but I wish his moral sentiments were as delicate and his political systems as consistent, as his industry is exemplary and his abilities respectable. If the President should consult me, I shall give him every information in my power, with the utmost impartiality. With regard to yourself, I have no scruple to say, that any places in the judicial system would be honored by your acceptance of them in my humble opinion. Reserving always however, the chief Justices office for Mr. Jay.
With Mrs. Adams’s and my best regards to Mrs Dana I remain with &c &c
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Jeremiah Wadsworth, 3 August 1789
From: Wadsworth, Jeremiah
To: Adams, John

Monday 3 Augt. 1789

Mr. Wadsworth presents his Compliments to the Vice President of the United States and will do him self the Honor to dine with him on fry day next—


Title: From John Adams to Mr. Hardy, 6 August 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Hardy, Mr.

Sir
Richmond hill Augt 6 1789

In 1779 at Bilbau I was solicited for relief by a number of American seamen who had been captured by the English and turned adrift in Portugal. These wandered to Spain with much difficulty and in great distress. I had no means of supplying them: but Mr. Gordoqui very generously offered to assist them upon my advice. The article in his account, ought to be allowed him with interest and thanks. I only regret, that the multiplicity of other cares, prevented me from doing justice to my own feelings as well as to the honor of this Country by remitting the money to Bilbau from Holland, where I had money of the public in my hands. I am &c.
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from John Browne Cutting, 6 August 1789
From: Cutting, John Browne
To: Adams, John

My Dear Sir.
Bordeaux 6 Aug 1789

Before this reaches you I hope Aou will have authentic accounts of the late revolution in France.
At such a distance from Paris it is difficult to ascertain the such truth of such important transactions as have continually taken place since the 14th of July at court and in the capital. By Capt Bond of the Washington I inclosed you a parcel of  pamphlets and newspapers which afforded you I hope some satisfaction.
I now add a few more. This City was beautifully illuminated last night in honor of Mr Neckar’s reinstatement in office
No new administration is yet formed—The establishment of a national constitution it is thought will precede that measure Meanwhile those ministers who did not manifest their guilt by fear or flight continue to perform the functions of their respective offices.
I set off for Paris tomorrow, when You Shall again hear from me if Mr Jefferson be not jailed.
I take advantage of a Ship that Sails in a day or two for Philadelphia to transmit this scrawl to You and am with must respect and attachment / Your Mo. Obedt: Sert:
John Brown Cutting


Title: To John Adams from John Lowell, 7 August 1789 to 9 August 1789
From: Lowell, John
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Roxbury Augt. 7th. 1789—

Although I have had frequent occasions to sollicit in Favour of my Friends (or such other Characters) as I have thought might be usefully employed in public business, my early Habits, which in all Cases influence our Sentiments, have been such that I have never conversed or written on any such Subject when immediately affecting myself, thô I have been of Opinion that Custom, & the Expectation of the World, having created different ideas even in Persons of the greatest real Delicacy of Mind that this Habit might lead me into an unnecessary reserve, & be only false Delicacy, but I have been obliged to combat it with great Efforts;—I have always entertained such an Idea of your Friendship, & had such a Confidence in the Rectitude of your Sentiments, that I can say with much Sincerity that there is no Person to whom I should with more Freedom commit myself in such a Case than to you.—The general Voice, not only of my Circle of Friends & Acquaintance, but of others has so frequently & freely informed me, that in the Arrangement of Appointments under the new Constitution, it was probable I should be thought of to sustain the important & hoñble office of an Associate Judge, that I supposed it would not be necessary for me to interfere in the Business, or on that Occasion break thrô the Habit I have explained to you, and that if I should be thought capable of doing Service to my Country in that Line, I should not have Occasion to trouble my Friends on that Subject, but as I have received Letters from two of our Friends at New York, which have drawn me out farther than I before thought necessary, I could not omit opening myself to you, for I should feel guilty of not using that Confidence which I really possess;—The Appointment is so important in its nature to our Country that I dare not assume a Confidence in my own Qualifications for it, I am too much concerned to judge impartially, and I have a sense of Reputation & I flatter myself of Rectitude too great to wish if it was in my Power that my own Judgment should decide that point; all I intend is to mention these Circumstances, to you which in Case your own Opinion coincides with the Partiality of my Friends might have their Weights when compared with those that may attend other Candidates.—I am so far advanced in my professional Line, that I find my young Brethren & Children pressing fast on my heels, & many of them possessing so much real merit and having a Warmth & Vigour of imagination, to be found only in youth, & so necessary with other Qualities to the shining past of our Profession, that I see very plainly my Situation among them will soon be less agreable than it has been—I have sustained a Commission under Congress, which has been repeatedly executed in Philadelphia & New York, within the Knowledge & Observation of most of the leading Characters in the Union, & I have acquired a personal Acquaintance with many of them; If the Confederation (too rotten I confess to have been thoroughly repaired) had been amended by additional Powers given to Congress, respecting Trade revenue &c this Commission would without doubt have drawn to it cognizance of these Matters: the new Court will take up specifically the Powers of that commission, intended it is true, & renderedmore important. The Gentlemen who were with me in it have been taken out of Office, by very hoñble Appointments; one of them having two years since been a member & President of Congress, which vacated his comn: the other is now a Senator. I am the only one whom the new Appointments will discharge & supercede, this will undoubtedly produce a question in the minds of those who have been acquainted under these facts, respecting the Cause of my being omitted; I can avoid seeing the Gentlemen at a Distance, but so universal has been the prevailing Opinion in this State & Newhampshire, that I should be reappointed that I must meet the question & condolence of most with whom I shall converse: If however the defect of Qualifications is the real Cause, however painful it may be, it is so just, that it ought to be acquiesced in without a murmur.—A Gentleman of our State, of whose merit no Man entertains a greater Idea, I have heard has been proposed to fill this office. That he will fill it honourably there can be no Question; whether he wishes or would incline to exchange his present Office for it I know not, but I conceive he will not feel himself neglected, or hurt if it should not be proposed to him; he now holds in the State a very respectable comn., perhaps as respectable as any in it, & he receives the Satisfaction of knowing that he possesses the esteem of all whose Esteem he would wish for, the Enemies of our local peace alone would rejoice at his Removal the friend of it would be satisfied that he was still doing good; how far & how long he would be able to go thro the Fatigues of an Associate Judge, which if the proposed arrangement takes place will call him far from Home, at the most inclement seasons of the year I cannot tell: But my Dear Sir who will take his Place in Massachusetts? If the Question is answered by saying the Senior Judge undoubtedly for on any other Principle I take it the whole Bench will be broken up: Who will supply the Vacancy? Can any body answer for the whims & caprices of—The Present Court of Masss harmonize, & all fœderal, all disposed to support the Government of the Union, will they continue to do so in the contingency supposed? & is it of small Consequence to the general Good that in such a State as this, at such a Time, this Point should be put at Risque—but I know but I reason under the Influence of personality, I have opened myself with unbounded Freedom to you my Friend, & with your Judgment alone to decide.—If this Occasion is permitted I am left alone to the gratifications of those Enemies who, thô not numerous, have taken much Pains to mortify me, because they conceive I have not bowed down to their idol: our Friends Lincoln & Lovell, I trust will be placed out of their Reach—I have great Reason to suppose that among the good Men who may promote the Appointment of so respectable a Character as our Ch. J. some will be found of another Class who wish to give Pain & Dishonor to me, I have been told that some of this Description have been already suggesting the measure.—I am ashamed of being so long on this Subject you will however by it have the fullest Evidence of my entire Confidence.—I have only intended to suggest some Things, which perhaps might not have occurred to you without; I have an Interest in the happy Establishment of this Government, far superiour, after all, to any personal Event in this Business, which my Family & Country claim & which I would not have receive a detriment to avoid my own Humiliation—
I am with real Esteem / your most Obedt Servt.
J. LovellAugust 9th. I have just heard that Genl. L. is appointed Collector of Boston it will gratify all good men with us—


Title: To John Adams from John Bondfield, 8 August 1789
From: Bondfield, John
To: Adams, John

Sir
Bordeaux 8 Aug. 1789

A ship sailing in the morning as it interests you to know the state of the Nation. I have the pleasure to advice you that the appearances promises perfect accomplishment of the Revolution.
All the Chiefs in opposition are fled. The National assembly proceed, and are advand in the Ground Work of the Constition, the most Liberal that to this has been held out to any Social Body, not Excepting America,
Inclosed I have the honor to transmit you two Papers refering to your Ideas the fermentations and the State in which all parties were Situated.
A perfect Calm at present reigns in the Capital and the Provinces, all the Nation form one National Army, all are regimented, on an Instant in case of need ready for the field fortunately no Enimies appear, The Regular Troops instruct the New Levies in Military dicipline.
Many Referances in the Grand Assembly to the American Institutions. Mr Jefferson  is not without application for Council he has openings and I believe has some influence in the present plans—
With due respect I have the honor to be / Sir / Your most obedient / Servant
John Bondfield


Title: To John Adams from Stephen Hall, 15 August 1789
From: Hall, Stephen
To: Adams, John

My very Dear & much honoured Friend;
Portland 15 Aug. 1789.

Permit me overwhelmed with grief and chagrined at disappointment to beg your kind attention for a minute. I am grieved, because my pretensions to the Office I sollicited were certainly far better grounded than his, who holds the Appointment: I am chagrined because my expectations were with reason high.
I think it not vanity to say I have some degree of personal merit; and some publick. Seals of Government, with papers (even complimentary) accompanying, which I have on file, witness some small Services I have rendered the publick.In the year 1779 I served then, at my own expense, as Commander of the Troops at Falmouth, and met with the approbation, & received even the Compliments of the Government of the Massachusetts. In the year 1780 I again voluntarily served them as Secretary to General Wadswoth, Commander in the eastern Department. Altho’ there was no establishment originally made for a Secretary in that Department; yet the State saw fit to offer me handsome Compensation; but I choose to enjoy their gratitude, rather than accept their pay farther then to reimburse my expenses. I continued my endeavors to serve the publick without remission to the end of the war; and then confined my Self to my domestic affairs, pleased with the reflection that I had contributed my mite to the Service of my Country.—With such pretensions, encouraged by the friendship of some of the most eminent Gentlemen in  Congress, I flattered my Self that Government would favor me with some degree of attention. But when I experienced your Goodness and Condescention in favoring me with a line, I tho’t my Self certain of Success; especially as Mr. Wingate had informed me that the President himself had not forgotten me since he knew me at Cambridge: And I think success must have attended me, had it not been for Mr. Thatchers very great zeal in serving his particular friends; for whom I find provision is made at every Port, in this eastern part of the Government, where he had them.—If Mr. Thacher has endeavoured to serve them merely because they were his friends, and not because of their deserts, & of their capacity to serve the publick, I think, he has done wrong: If he has made use of a certain Recommendation in favor of Mr. Fosdick. (of which Mr: Wingate can particularly inform You, and also how it was obtained) I think he has imposed upon the President, and personally injured me.
Had others, who have pretensions similar to mine, been appointed; I should only have been disappointed; but should not have been grieved: But to see the appointment conferred upon a person, to whom his most zealous friends cannot with truth ascribe any peculiar merit, and he himself would not pretend to any services he had ever rendered the public, is truly aggravating.
To say he sustained the Office before, is not true: He was only a Naval Officer; and that Office he had not long sustained; and the manner in which he obtained it from those much more deserving reflects no great honor upon him.—But so it is.—It is done—He has obtained his appointment—He has practiced, & has prospered.—I am not envious; but I am grieved. The cause of my grief I think would have been prevented, had things been known as they really are: But perhaps it cannot now be removed. I think however it will shortly be found that a Naval Officer will be necessary at this Port; as I think there is, and I am told so by Gentlemen in trade, much more business to be done in this District, than in either of the Districts of Portsmouth, or of Newbury-Port: or there may be some other agreeable Appointments to be made that I know not of. I should suspect the Collection–Bill suggests an intervening Officer between the Collectors & the Treasury; as I find the Collectors are to settle their Accounts once in three months, or oftener.
I still wish for an agreeable Employment under Government; and shall most gratefully acknowledge your kindness in befriending me, if any should present.—Relying upon your Goodness to excuse the freedom I have taken, & the trouble I have givenYyou, permit me to subscribe my Self with every Sentiment of Respect & Gratitude, Your Excellency’s / most obedient and obliged, / humble Servant;
Stephen Hall


Title: To John Adams from James Schureman, 15 August 1789
From: Schureman, James
To: Adams, John

New York 15 Augt 1789

Mr. Schuerman presents his compliments to the Vice President Pprior engagement will prevent him the honor of waiting on the V President at dinner on thursday next


Title: To John Adams from Roger Sherman, 16 August 1789
From: Sherman, Roger
To: Adams, John

Augst: 16th. 1789

Mr. Sherman returns his respectful Compliments to the Vice–President, and would have done himself the honor of Waiting on him to Dine on Thursday next but he was previously engaged.


Title: To John Adams from James Sullivan, 18 August 1789
From: Sullivan, James
To: Adams, John

Sir
Boston 18th August. 1789

Permit me to mention a word on a subject which perhaps has been fully discussed in the great National Council, and upon which my feeble mind can make but very Little impression.
Doctor Price calculated the circulating medium of great Britain of about 24,000000. by a late experement it is said to have been found to be 30,000000. the paper in circulation added to that Sum makes the whole 230,000000. our Medium cannot more than ten Millions of Dollars. The Import will call annually for nearly one third of it. but what Nation can pay annually in taxes one third of their currency? 230,000000 millions or rather two hundred millions are an the representative of the thirty millions. Why cannot we have as much paper as will equal the ten millions of Dollars or their proper representative? I do not like  private Banks because it enriches private men & does no good to the public, but I beleive a public bank may Emit paper equal to the money we possess.
the people when pressed for Money will be prone to blame the government for their distresses.
I am with regard and the / highest Respect your Excellencys Most Humble Servt
Ja Sullivan


Title: To John Adams from James Sullivan, 20 August 1789
From: Sullivan, James
To: Adams, John

Sir
Boston t 20th Augt. 1787

I have only time to mention that Mr Dawes of Charlestown has had the super-intendence of the Light-Houses here for a long time he has built them &c. he is by some means suspicious that some other Person may take the business from him. you may remember that he was an Early advocate of his Countrys Independence, and is an honest punctual man every friend to the revolution would be hurt by his being displaced—
I am your Excellencys / Most Hble Servt
Ja Sullivan


Title: To John Adams from John Hathorn, 21 August 1789
From: Hathorn, John
To: Adams, John

Friday 21st. August. ca. 1789

Mr. Hathorn will do himself the honor to dine with the Vice President of the United States on Friday Next at 4.  o.Clock.


Title: To John Adams from James Jackson, 21 August 1789
From: Jackson, James
To: Adams, John

Friday 21st: August 1789

Mr Jackson presents his Compliments to the Vice President of the United states & will do himself the honor of dining with the Vice President on Friday next.


Title: To John Adams from Roger Sherman, 21 August 1789
From: Sherman, Roger
To: Adams, John

Friday Augt. 21. ca. 1789

Mr. Sherman returns his respectful compliments to the Vice President, and will wait on him on Friday next agreeable to his request.


Title: To John Adams from William Cushing, 22 August 1789
From: Cushing, William
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir,
Scituate August the 22d. 1789

I hope you will excuse my indolence as to writing; but I ought before now to have expressed my thanks for your favor of the Second volume Hollandois, which has afforded me a great fund of entertainment & instruction: you accomplished a great work and of a variety of thoughts arising upon the occasion, this is one—that the minister of a mighty monarch appears to make but a small Figure before a minister of a scarcely existing state. I wish your present office & Situation may be agreeable; though an inflexible adherence to the rule of right & the public good may produce opposition if not trouble; & I fear your compensation will not be equal to the circumstances.—
You were reduced lately to a new Situation to be obliged to turn a point of Prerogative, but rightly turned, I think.—
I was absent Seven weeks on the Pownalborough Circuit, on our return (—Mrs. Cushing with me) we stopped two nights at Judge Sargent’s; where we had the pleasure of Seeing Mr. & Mrs. Shaw & your youngest Son, who were well. And there I had the pleasure of seeing a letter of yours (on confidence) wherein you state some difficulties or defects respecting Supremacies &c. As to the Legislative & Judicial, it seems to me, they will work their way; As to the Executive—there’s the rub. Assuming the State debts would be a capital Stroke, if practicable.
I would propose a question upon the Constitution of the U.S., on the third Section of the third Article, & Second Section of the fourth Article, Respecting treason, whether there be any kind of treason which may be tried by a particular state, consistent with the Constitution, and if any what kind. For the Constitution declares what shall be treason against the United States—determines a mode of evidence, gives Congress power to declare the punishment; & the Second Section of the third article extends the Judicial power to all cases arising under the Constitution;—and yet the Second Section of the Fourth article seems to suppose a State may have Jurisdiction in a case of treason.
Another question is, whether the power of our S. J. Court of this state, of trying piracies & felonies committed upon the high Seas, by force of the ordinance of Congress of 5th April 1781, is not now at an end. It seems, a small vessel of about 30 tons, which touched in at Cape Elizabeth, while we were at Portland, was piratically run away with from the Coast of Africa, according to the account given us, on examination by the three hands on board. We ordered them committed, till duely discharged.
I must take the Liberty to remind you of our friend N. C. the late maritime Judge, who behaved, for ought I know, with propriety in his office, who has been a Staunch invaluable friend of the cause of liberty & his Country, & at the Same time a Supporter of good government & good men, exerted himself much and got nothing of any consequence. The office of District Judge would seem naturally to fall to him, and I must desire your attention, if you think proper, to that matter. Indeed I have heard something which makes me suppose, you have thought of him already.—
I have never had the honor to see or be known to his greatness & goodness, the president (I can give titles though Congress can’t) and if I had,—a word of yours would outweigh many of mine.—
Mrs. Cushing joins in best respect to you & Mrs. Adams. I am, Sir, your affectionate humble servant
Wm. Cushing


Title: To John Adams from John Brown, 24 August 1789
From: Brown, John
To: Adams, John

Dr. Sr.
Providence Augt. 24th. 1789

The Federalest of this State are Very much Alarmed that the tunnage Act Should be as is generly Supposed to be put in force Immediately on all Vessells of this State, tho the produce of the State May go Free of Impost, the Federalests are allso further Agreaved by a Law of this State Which Makes them First pay a Contenentell impost fee on in spetia, which will not Exempt them from the payment of the Fourreighn Duty When Exported to Any State of the Union, had Congress Thought proper to have put the produce of the State on a Simmular Footing with the property of the merchants Who are Nearly all Federal their Feelings would not have been So much Wounded but will the property of the Antics go untouched it Seems by the preceedings of the House of Representitives in Congress the Federals of this State or the alredy too much Oppressed are to Undergo the Severity of their friends. the Navigation of the State belongs 9/10th. to the Federal party who in Leu of paying any Extra on any Tunnage or Impost are Justly Intituled to Every Indulgence of Congress, Such as paying no more Tunnage Nor Impost then is pd. by the Other States, at Least the Federalests of this State thinkes them selves Intituled to this Lennity, till the Antics of the State has had Some Notice pd. them from Congress by some proibition or Resstrictations Against their property as well as Against their App that of the Federalest, I ad no more, thinking it Impossable that the Act can pass the Sennet as it has the Representitives, & I Can not account for their Conduct in no other way then as a Desire to bring the Federalest before them by way of Petition, when perhaps they may Conclude, the Case of the State at Large must be tacon up
I am with all Due Respect / Your Obt Humble Servt.
John Brown


Title: To John Adams from Edward Bancroft, 29 August 1789
From: Bancroft, Edward
To: Adams, John

Sir
London August 29th. 1789

As Dr. Jeffries is about to return to America, I have desired him to take charge of a Letter from, & of two volumes lately Published by, Major Jardine of the British Artillery, an acquaintance of mine to whom I lent your three Volumes on the Science of Government, with which he has been greatly pleased.
Dr. Jeffries has at last determined to fix his residence in the United States a determination which gives me great pleasure, as I am persuaded it will not only prove advantageous to himself but to those of our countrymen who may hereafter need his professional Assistance. To you who know his merits my testimony in their favour would be superfluous: but perhaps it may not be altogether useless for you to be informed of the Opinions of more competent Judges, such as Dr. Warren and others who are at the head of the Medical Profession in this Country, and who after a multitude of opportunities of properly estimating his talents & acquirements in the healing arts, uniformly speak of them in Terms of the highest Commendation, and I am confident, those in America who may either call for his aid or recommend it to others, will never have occasion to regret their doing so.
To Dr. Jeffries I must refer you for such information as you may desire respecting men & things here—I cannot however conclude without offering you my cordial Congratulations upon that Choice of the United States by which you have been lately placed in the most important & distinguished Situations, which I have no doubt of your continuing to fill to your own honor & the greatest benefit.
I beg my most respectful Compliments to your Lady, and to Mrs. & Col. Smith, and that you will believe me to be with the greatest Sincerity & respect / Sir / Your most faithful / & most devoted Humble Servant
Edwd. Bancroft


Title: From John Adams to Sylvanus Bourne, 30 August 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Bourne, Sylvanus

Dear Sir
New York August 30th 1789

I have received your letter of the 18th of this month and have communicated that to the President, which was inclosed in it. The particular office you sollicit by that letter, will be sought by numbers: and among them probably will be men advanced in life, incumbered with large families, in necessitous circumstances, perhaps occasioned by public services, by appreciated public promises & &—The President will as he ought, weigh all these particulars and give the preference upon the whole as justice humanity and wisdom shall dictate.
There is another gentleman who has applied for it whose pretensions perhaps will have great weight and will be supported by recommendations of the first sort. I must caution you my dear Sir against having any dependance on my influence, or that of any other person—No man I believe has influence with the President. he seeks information from all quarters and judges more independently than any man I ever knew. It is of so much importance to the public that he should preserve this superiority, that I hope I shall never see the time that any man will have influence with him beyond the powers of reason and argument.
Who is it, pray that has been honoring—Vice—in poetry.
J A.


Title: To John Adams from George Walton, 30 August 1789
From: Walton, George
To: Adams, John

Sir,
Augusta, 30 August, 1789.

After the interval of so many years, I do myself the pleasure to greet you on the substantial ground on which our Countrymen are at length so happily placed. A review of the incidents which happened in the progress of its change, whilst it might pain the recollection, will, no doubt, excite new zeal and exertion firmly to establish into permanent system the present ominous concurrence of opinions.—At a crisis so interesting, the Americans may congratulate themselves on the appointments, generally, which have already taken place; and which afford a just confidence that the same spirit will direct in those yet to be made.—In the arduous scene, and splendid prospect of things, I have felt myself animated with the desire of participating in the federal labors; and a known predilection for the judiciary functions, has, I find, induced some of our deputies to hold me up as a Candidate for the Judge’s office of this District. I confess it is not disagreeable to me; and, if appointed, shall not hesitate. It will, indeed, be more acceptable, if it shall be accompanied with the knowledge of your approbation; for I have always been with great estimation and respect. Sir, / Your Most Obt. & very / Hble Servt.
Geo Walton.


Title: To John Adams from Richard Bassett, 1 September 1789
From: Bassett, Richard
To: Adams, John

Tuesday—Sepr. 1st: ca. 1789

Mr: Bassetts Compliments to the Vice President, and will do himself the honor of Dining with him on Friday next—


Title: To John Adams from William Patterson, 1 September 1789
From: Patterson, William
To: Adams, John

Tuesday, 1 Sepr. 1789.

Mr. Patterson presents his Compliments to the Vice-President, and will do himself the Honor of dining with him on Friday next.


Title: To John Adams from Paine Wingate, 1 September 1789
From: Wingate, Paine
To: Adams, John

Tuesday Sept. 1.st. 1789

Mr Wingate presents his compliments to the Vice–President and must be excused the honor of dining with him on Friday next, being engaged.


Title: To John Adams from Sylvanus Bourne, 8 September 1789
From: Bourne, Sylvanus
To: Adams, John

My respected Sir—
Boston Sept. 8th. 1789

I was honoured by the due receipt of your obliging favr. of Augt 30th for which you have my Cordial thanks—I am sensible of the justness of your observations relative to the Presidents nominations, and doubt not they will be all made free from any partial bias whatever, and on the principles of humanity, Wisdom, & justice to his Country, whose best interests, have been his uniform study and pursuit; no personal disappointment will ever excite in my mind a distrustful idea of the good wishes of my friends towards me, convinced of the uncertain nature of these kind of applications—
I have yet some hopes of a registership in the judiciary to which Object Mr. Jay may have it in his power to assist me effectually—Should I be eventually defeated in my wishes for a domestic Office I would wish the favr of your opinion upon the subject of my original intent of going as Consul to Cadiz—You once observed to me while at Mr. Jay’s that if Harrison did not go you thought it clear for me—Harrison has repeatedly told his friends here, that he did not want to go unless a salary was affixed to the office; but I will consent to go without, depending on forming some mercantile connection & the chance of a future moderate grant from Govt: Should the President be inclined to favr my views I suppose it to be fully within his power to originate this appointment if unaccompanied by a pecuniary Stipend & should he think it of public advantage & that I am capable of rendering public Service herein—he can send down his nomination before the Senate rise thris Session in a leisure moment will you please to inform me on this Subject.—
Prompted I hope by justifiable motives I have chosen this onus to obtain some employ in my Countrys Service but if foiled in every attempt—I shall not yet despair—by fortitude, industry, & perseverance in private pursuits to be able to support that Character & Reputation in the world without which life would be to me scarce an object of desire—I sometimes am led to think it a curse to possess any Ambition & to look with envy on the stupid, senseless part of Mankind, who are willing to head on the same "dull pace from day to day."
D Sir I suppose the poem you allude to—to be the infamous production of a disappointed expectant by the name of Edward Church, who tainted by his Brother’s treacherous blood, would hope to poison the public mind—but a Character like yours Sir built on the broad basis of tried Integrity, Superior ability and an ardent love of your Country manifested by a series of painful Services, is not to be Shaken by the envenomed Shafts of Envy—or the rancorous ebulitions of a corroded mind—But shall remain unsullied in the grateful sentiments of the virtuous part of your Countrymen, till time shall be no more, and after that curtain shall drop, which will open to your view, the more peaceful scenes of a future existence.
Please to tender my best respects to Mrs.  Adams & the rest of your good Family believing me, to be with unfeigned Esteem & respect / your Obliged & devoted / Servt.
Silva: Bourn


Title: From John Adams to John Lowell, 14 September 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Lowell, John

Dear Sir
New York Septr. 14. 1789

I received your Letter of the 7th in due Season and have delayed my Answer, in hopes it might be more determinate. I have received also Letters from Governor Bowdoin and Mr Higginson on the same subject. The Contents of these letters appeared to me to be of such Importance, that I thought it my Duty to lay them before the President, as Information that ought to be possessed of; since which I have had more than one personal Conference with him on the subject.—What his decision will be I am not able to say. Applications and Recommendations and Representations are made to him from all Parties. Mr H. & Mr A. are not silent, any more than others who are more zealous for the new Govt.—The President examines and weighs with great attention and Care, and determines according to Principles which he has laid down for himself which in general are good & wholesome.
For my Part, I am so clearly convinced of the Necessity of an Unity in the Executive Authority of Government, and of the propriety of having all Appointments vested in one Breast, that I wish my Friends would excuse me from interfering on any Occasion. The Daily Labor, of my Attendance in Senate, is fatiguing, the delicacy of finding proper times to converse with the President, on appointments, renders it difficult, and after all, my information can be but partial, when his, is compleat.—Especially as I am to be made the Scape Goat, on whom all the sins of Unpopularity are to be laid.—My exertions for Lincoln, have torn open an hornets Nest at Boston, and my vote for the Presidents Power of Removal, according to the Constitution, has raised from Hell an host of political and  poetical Devils.—
I have waited on the President expressely in behalf of our Friend Jackson: He listenened attentively to all my Representations: but I found that other Characters were in contemplation, meritorious officers in the late Army and amiable Men, it must be confessed.
In all Events, my Friend, Suffer not these Things to affect your Spirits or your Happiness.—You may have cause to rejoice, that you have met a disappointment, if even that should happen.—Things are not enough Settled, to make any Place desireable.
at least this is still the opinion of, dear Sir / your old Friend and faithful humble / Sert
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to John Warren, 14 September 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Warren, John

Dear Sir
New York septr 14 1789

I have received your letter of the second of this month, and am obliged to you for he confidence you place in me. I know of no pretensions equal to yours and shall take care that the truth be represented where it ought to be: but advise you to write to General Knox is whose department it is.
With all my heart I wish you success and if you do not obtain it, you may depend upon it, it will not be the fault of your
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Nicolaas Van Staphorst, 14 September 1789
From: Van Staphorst, Nicolaas,Van Staphorst, Jacob
To: Adams, John

Sir
Amsterdam 14 September 1789

On the 26th. last Month only we received your respected favor of 2 Decbr to our Predecessors, accompanying the Second and Third Volumes of Your Defence of the American Constitutions, to compleat the Setts presented us; For which Mark of your Friendship and Remembrance, Please accept our hearty Thanks.
Your departure from Europe, has been followed by Events of infinite importance indeed; Here the Flame caught by your glorious Revolution, has been smothered for a time, But in France it appears to have made such Progress, as will We hope ensure to that populous & happily situated Country; a Constitution of Freedom, the basis of which is already laid by a Declaration of the sacred and inalienable Rights of Mankind. Should this grand Work be carried to Maturity, of which there is a good prospect, its Consequences will spread all around, and this Country certainly not feel them the less.
The Dread of this great Revolution already alarms the Foes to the natural Liberties of Mankind, and may probably cause an Embrasure in Europe, that by involving the different powers of this Quarter of the Globe, would prove highly advantageous to your Commerce and Credit in Europe The present State of the latter of which confirms in the fullest manner, what we have often assured to you in person, that its Revival depended solely upon the Establishment and Operation of an efficient and respectable Government in the United-States: As the Parent of the American Credit in this Country, You Sir, cannot but be more than ordinarily interested in its progress, and Situation, wherefore We are certain to gratify you, in communicating more early perhaps than You would know thro’ your Official Channel, the purport of the Letter the Commissioners of the American Loans here address & this conveyance to your Treasury-Board, to the inclosed Copy of which We have only to subjoin, that Your Four per Cent Bonds are now One to Two per Cent above par, and the Five per Cents from 96 to 99 per Cent, So that they now appear most respectably among the other Loans negotiated here, with the appearance of going still higher, and thus will be rendered easy the raising here on favorable  Terms, what further Sums the United-States may stand in need of.
We beg you to accept our most sincere Congratulations upon this Situation of the American Credit here, as well as upon the successful Operations of Your new Federal Government, and your Appointment to the very distinguished Post You occupy in it; which We wish you a long Enjoyment of, not doubting but You will discharge it with equal Assiduity and Abilities as You have manifested in all your former Employs, Which have secured you the most flattering Recompence, the Esteem and Gratitude of your Fellow Citizens.
Mrs. Van Staphorst joins in presenting our most respectful Compliments to Mrs. Adams; and requesting that when in our power to render you any useful or agreeable Offices here, you will not spare us, as it will at all times  afford us real Satisfaction to convince you how truly and respectfully We are / Sir / Your most obd hble Servts.
N & J. Van Staphorst & Hubbard


Title: From John Adams to John Brown, 15 September 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Brown, John

Sir
New York Septr: 15. 1789

I received your letter I received in due time your favour of August 24, the subject of which has since been under the deliberation of both houses. The act which has been the result of their attention to the petitions of New Port Providence  and other towns, will appear to you probably before this letter. Whether it will, in all respects be conformable to your wishes, I am not able to say: but it seemed to be the greatest length that some of the best informed members, thought it safe to go. We are all very sanguine in our hopes, that you will send us members of both houses, before the 15 of Jany:, Indeed on the first Monday in December. All unkind questions will then be done away. But if unhappily Rhode Island should not call a convention; or calling one not adopt the constitution, Something much more serious than has ever yet been done or talked of will most probably be undertaken. We have very often been irritated with rumors of correspondences between the Antis in your state and those in Massachusetts, New York, Virginia, N Carolina &c. and even with insinuations of intrigues with British emmisaries. These are very serious reports. Such intercourses are extreamly criminal in the citizens of the Union, and hostile at least in those who are not—If the citizens of Rhode Island place themselves in the light of correspondence with criminal citizens of the union, or in that of ennemies to the United States, their good sense will suggest to them, that the consequences will be very speedy and very bitter. I rely upon it therefore, that unless your state is devoted and abandoned to the judicial dispensations of heaven, that your people will open their eyes before it is too late. This is the very serious advice of one who has ever been and still is the hearty friend, but who must cease to be so when they become the enemies of the united states. There can be no medium. Enemies they must be, or fellow citizens, and that in a very short time.
I am sir &c &c
J. Adams


Title: From John Adams to John Bondfield, 16 September 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Bondfield, John

Sir
New York Septr 16, 1789

I have received the letter you did me the honor to write me on the 15 of May, and take this opportunity to return you my thanks for your polite congratulations. It is now five months within a few days since I entered on the execution of my office: and although I had many apprehensions from the novelty of it, and from my own long habits formed to different scenes of life, in the course of a ten years residence abroad in Paris, London andthe Hague; yet I have not found much injury to my health or depression of spirits. The greatest pleasure I enjoy is in the reflection that I am now employed in doing every thing in my power to form a system of policy and Finance that may enable us to pay those debts both at home and abroad which I had so great a hand in contracting. You will always oblige me Sir by transmitting me any information concerning the public affairs of France in whose happiness and prosperity I am not a little interested.
In what will the fermentations in France and the rest of Europe end? Will the spirit and the system of constitutional liberty prevail or will confusion preceed despotism?
If you can send me a cask of Claret such as you sent me at the Hotel De Valois, Rue de Richelieu, and another of the Vin De Grave to be delivered to me at my house at New York, at your Risque and can contrive to receive your pay at the time and place of delivery, I should be much obliged to you.
I am sir Yours & &
J Adams


Title: From John Adams to Guy Claude Sarsfield, 16 September 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Sarsfield, Guy Claude

My dear Count
New York Septr 16 1789

Your friendly letter of the 23 of April, has laid me under obligations to you which it shall be my endeavor to discharge.
It will ever be a pleasure to me to hear of your health and happiness: and perhaps you may have a curiosity to hear of mine.—I have been here about five months, and without missing a single day (excepting one when my own salary was under consideration, and delicacy induced me to absent myself) have constantly attended the Senate. Such constancy in attending to the deliberations of such an assembly, on such a variety of buisiness, and the continual exercise of speaking, are laborious Service, and will endanger my health. Hitherto, however, by good air at home, and regular daily exercise at vacant hours, I have preserved a good share of health and Spirits.—We are very anxious about the state of Europe, and that of France in particular. Will the states general claim authority to controul the crown, or will they be contended to advise it? Mixed in one assembly with the commons, will not the nobles be lost? Out numbered and out voted on all occasions? If in earnest a constitution is to be established you must separate the Nobles by themselves and the Commons must be placed in another assembly; and the Clergy divided between the two. In short your legislature must have three branches, and your Executive and Legislative must be balanced against each other, or you will have confusions: Let my acquaintance the Marquis of Condorcet say what he will. But my friend, you may take the word of one who speaks from experience, dear bought experience! when a man suffers himself to be drawn in by the current which leads to a revolution, he knows not where he is going. He will soon find himself in a torrent which he can neither resist nor guide. Winds, tides and water spouts which no wisdom could foresee will occur. Ignorance, if not knavery will intervene, and by means of passions, imagination, superstition, or enthusiasm carry away the confidence of the people from truth virtue and the public good—Humiliations and mortifications innumerable if not total ruin will be his lot. If however humanity on the whole is a gainer, a Philosopher will find some consolation. You will oblige me always by your letters as well as by presenting my most affectionate respects to M le Duc and Me La Duchess de la Vauguion and by accepting the compliments of my family as well as the repeated assurances of the sincere friendship of
J Adams


Title: From John Adams to James Sullivan, 17 September 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Sullivan, James

Sir
New York Septr 17, 1789

In your letter of the 18th of August, you ask why we may not have as much paper in circulation in proportion to our circulating silver and gold, as Great Britain has in proportion to hers? Give me leave to answer you without hesitation. We may as soon as we shall have any credit.—We have none. No man of common sense will trust us. As long as an unlimited democracy tyrannized over the rich, no man of property was safe. If ever an unlimited Aristocracy shall tyrannize over the poor, and the moderately rich at once, the greater portion of society will not dare to trust the less. But if a government well ordered mixed and counterpoised should take place, and in consequence of it, the commandment Thou shall not steal, be observed, then and not till then you may circulate what paper you may find necessary—But I doubt very much whether our circumstances will require any paper at all. The cash paid in imports will immediately be paid to creditors and by them circulated in society.
I am sir &
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Jabez Bowen, 18 September 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Bowen, Jabez

Sir
New York Septr 18. 1789

I am honored with your letter of 31 of August. Your complaint against our laws was well founded but we have  passed a law which I hope will give satisfaction. This was done in full confidence, that you will adopt the constitution and send us Senators and Representatives before next session. I/we should be disappointed I presume that serious measures will be suggested, to let your Anti’s know that their interests are connected with ours, and that a desperate conspiracy of unjust men are not able to do so much mischief as they flattered themselves they had the power to do. Dr Sender and Mr Bourne did not give me an opportunity of shewing them the civilities which your recommendation entitled them to, and my own inclination prompted. The turbulent state of Europe ought to be a motive with us to get into order as soon as possible, and Rhode Island especially ought to feel the impropriety of her conduct in embarrassing themselves and their neighbors as they have done. out of the union there is no hope for your people but misery to themselves and mischief to others.
I have been happy in the company of my old friend Mr. Marchant of N Port whose success in his negotiation I hope will recommend him to the favorable attention of his Counrty—I have known him these five and thirty years the same honest candid and sensible man
With esteem & & &
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to John Laurence, 19 September 1789
From: Adams, John
To: Laurence, John

Sir
New York Septr. 19 1789

My second son the bearer of this letter as soon as he was out of College was entered as a student at Law in the office of Colo. Hamilton upon certain conditions, one that if I should remove from New York, he should be at liberty to remove with me, and another was that if Hamilton should be made a minister of State his pupil should look out another patron. The Latter condition being now realized, I send my son to you sir in order to know upon what conditions you will take him into your office.
If it should not be inconvenient to you to receive him I should be obliged to you for your answer. I must still make a condition that I may be at liberty to take him with me wherever I may go. He will board with me, and attend your office as he did Col Hamiltons, from ten in the morning till three in the afternoon.
John Adams