Title: From John Adams to William Tudor, Sr., 11 March 1818
From: Adams, John
To: Tudor, William, Sr.

Dear Sir
Quincy March 11th. 1818

Your Pupil Mr Minot was a young Gentleman of excellent character; pure, spotless in Morals and Manners, loving Truth above all things. Agreed. But can you accuse me of prejudice or Malignity when I perceive a Tang of the Old Cask of Toryism in his History? He Studies, he labours for impartiality; but does he always hit it?
In page 142 of his Second Volume, he Says “There was a Pause in the “Opposition to the Measures of the Crown and Parliament!” “A Pause,” indeed there was! An hiatus vœlde deflendus! I never could account for it; and I cannot to this day account for it, to my own intire Satisfaction. There was an Appearance of Coalition between Otis and Hutchinson, which had well nigh destroyed Otis’s Popularity and Influence forever.—The Rage against him in the Town of Boston Seemed to be without bounds.— He was called a Reprobate an Apostate and a Traitor in every Street in Boston.—I have heard Sober Substantial independent Housholder, lament with tears in their Eyes the Fall of Otis, and declare that they never had so high an Opinion of any Man before and they never would have so much Confidence in any Man again.—The Indignation of all his political Friends against him was Universal.—His Colleague Mr Thatcher was in private as explicit as any body, in condemning him. If I may, without or with Vanity mention myself in such company.—I must acknowledge that I was Staggered and inflamed.—I said What! Is a Controversy between two quarters of the Globe become a dispute between two petty Names of Office and Seal on the Bench of Common Please at Barnstable on the other? A Meeting of the Bar was called upon some critical Point Connected with Politicks, Otis did not appear. Though several Messages were sent for him he would not come.—I suspected him of skulking; and was so provoked that I rashly said, and publickly to all the Bar young as I was “Otis is a Mastiff, that will bark and roar like a Lion, One hour, and the next, if a Sap is thrown his way will creep like a Spanil.” Horresce reperens.! I shall never forgive myself for this wild Sally. Thatcher beckoned me to come to him. He whispered in my Ear “Adams you are too warm.” Happy would it have been for me if I had always had so faithful a Monitor. But I then Suspected and believed that this was corrupted, and bought off, and expected that Otis and Hutchinson would in future go hand in hand in support of Ministerial Measures and Parliamentary Taxation, and that all the Ministerial People would at the next Election use all their Influence to secure his Reelection into the Legislature. And this was the general Opinion. But when the Election drew near, it was found that all this was an artfull stratagim to turn Otis out. The old Calumnies were revived, that Otis’s sole motive had been Vengeance for his Fathers disappointed Ambition, but a few days before the Election appeared an envenomed Song, in which Otis was abused more virulently than the Elder Pitt was on his Acceptance of a Pensio Pension and a Peerage.—This convinced the People that Otis had not committed the unpardonable Sin against them. And he was again elected, though by a small Majority.
I heard him afterwards in the House attempt a Vindecation of himself but it was not to my entire Satisfaction. He represented the Clamour that had been raised against him; said that he had thought himself ruined; But he added “The Song of the Drunkard Saved me.” Samuel Waterhouse an Old Scribler for Hutchinson against Pounal was Supposed to be the Auther of the Song: and Samuel Waterhouse was repected to be intemperate.
Mr Otis cannot be exculpated from the Charge of Wavering in his Opinions. In his “Rights of the Colonies asserted and proved” though a noble Monument to his Fame and an important document on the early History of the Revolution; there are nevertheless concessions in favour of Authority in Parliament, inconsistent with the Ground he had taken three Years before in his Argument against the Sugar Act the Molasses Act, and Writs of Assistance; and with many of his Ardent Speeches in the Legislature in the Year 1761 and 1762. Otis had ploughed harrowed and manured a rich Strong Soil, and Sown the best Seeds, but as the worthy Farmers in my Neighbourhood express themselves “There was a Slack after planting.” A light cloud passed over the Province which diminesed its Lustre; but not over the Town of Boston, for that still glowed with Light and Heat.—Who could account for this Phenomena—
Otis the Son had no conceivable Object. Colonel Otis the Father was the undisputed head of the Bar in the three Counties of Barnstable Plymouth and Bristol. besid’s occasional Engagements in other Countries.—His Profits must have been much greater than the pitiful Emoluments of the Office to which he was appointed. Besides, he was Supposed to be rich, and he was rich for those times— Certainly he was rich in Connections in popularity, in Power and in property.—
But the Strange unaccountable Election of Hutchinson to the Agencey was an Astonishment and a cruel Mortification to all the Inflexibles.—It was committing the tender Kid to the Custody and Guardianship of the hungry Lion—There was, little confidence in any of the Agents Bolten De Brett Manduit or Jackson. They could know nothing with certainty of London Characters, but it is certain they had better have appointed Will. Molineux or Dr Young than Hutchinson.— The Legislature were indeed to be pitied. They knew not whome to trust.—
To account for Hutchinsons election to the Agency look to your Pupils Second Volume pages 144. 145. 146 &c.—
In page 146., Hutchinson is imployed in draughting Instructions to Mr Manduit, against the Several Acts of Parliament so detrimental to the Trade and Fishery of the Province.”
But your Pupil does not inform us who were United with Hutchinson in draughting these Instructions, He ought to have given Us the Instructions Word for Word. No Historian ought to be trusted in abridging State Papers so critical as this.— The only Construction I can put upon this whole Transaction is and was, that Hutchinson was intriguing with all his Subtilaty and Simulation, to get himself elected Agent. that he assumed so much the appearance of an Angel of Light as to deceive the very Elect. There are Moments when the firmest Minds tremble and the clearest Understanding are clouded. Who would believe that Catherine de Medicies could deceive the Admirale Coligne, the profoundest Statesman the honestest Man in Europe to his own destruction, and that of the Protestant Religion in France.—
In the Boston Gazette of the 4th of April 1763 Mr Otis published a Vindication of himself with his Name. Where can you find a more manly Morcel. Charles Paxton, the Essence of Customs, Taxation and Revenue appears to have been Governor Lieutenant Governor Secretary and chief Justice. A more deliberate, cool, studied corrupt Appointment never was made than that of Hutchinson to be chief Justice. It was done for the direct Purpose of enslaving this whole Continent and consequently Britain and Man: and if Otis did Say he would Sett the Province in a Flame, it was one of the Subliments Expressions that ever was uttered, and he ought to have a Statue of Adament erected in honour of it. But I believe he only said “Hutchinsons Appointment will set the Province in a flame But I care not a Farthing for the difference; in either case, it was a glorious Prophecy, equal to any in Daniel and as perfectly fulfilled.
It never was pretended that Otis voted for Hutchinson to be Agent and it soon appeared that he was no Traitor. He again appeared the Life and Soul of the Revolution and continued such to his Assassination. Hutchinson was soon excused from his Agency

John Adams—


Title: To John Adams from Henry Dearborn, 11 March 1818
From: Dearborn, Henry
To: Adams, John

					Dear Sir,
					Boston March 11th.1818

				This will be presented to you by Mr. Binon the sculptor who waits on you, as proposed, to form a model, from which he will sculpture your Bust in marble.—with the highest respect / I am Sir your / Humbe.Servant

					H. Dearborn


Title: To John Adams from Arnold Welles, 16 March 1818
From: Welles, Arnold
To: Adams, John

					Sir
					March 16th. 1818.—

				In behalf of a numerous body of Citizens of Boston, we request your consent, to set for a Bust, in Marble, to be executed by an eminent Artist, now resident in that Town, to be placed in Faneuil Hall.—In soliciting your assent, to this tribute of our high Respect & Veneration, we are particularly influenced, by a desire of transmitting to our Children, the Features of the Man, whose patriotic energies, were so strenuously exerted; for the Independence of our common Country:—and that future Ages, while contemplating the object, may recall the Virtues Talents & Courage, of one of the Founders of the American Republic.—

					Arnold WellesH. DearbornWm: Tudor.Wm. SpoonerJosiah Quincy


Title: To John Adams from LeRay de Chaumont, 21 March 1818
From: Chaumont, LeRay de
To: Adams, John

					Sir
					Albany 21 March 1818

				I noticed with great disappointment in the Letters you honored me with the 12 of last month, that you had not then received the Letter which I had the pleasure to write to you at the same time that I sent you the address, which you received with so much kindness and indulgence. I could not help however feeling grateful for the Neglect of some of the Post Offices since it was the cause that instead of one Letter I received two upon which I set the greatest value, for then you would have received sooner my most earnest thanks if the last had not just got to my hands when I was getting into my Sleigh to make a very extensive Tour in this State. I postponed to take the pen till I would be stationary for some time in one Place. You must pardon me if I have not been able to restrain myself from shewing your first letter to the members of our new Agricultural Society. I would not have done it if I had not felt so strongly how gratifying & encouraging it would be for them all. I knew too well how they would be delighted to see their beloved & venerated first majistrate enjoying at the age of eighty four all the so long admired vigor of his mind, adorned yet by a gay and lively imagination. I read it first to our committee, they pronounced that our general assembly ought not to be secreted from such a valuable & respectable communication, & when accordingly read in the assembly the general voice would have it printed at the head of the proceedings of our assembly. To give you an idea of the sensation & pleasure it occasioned I must quote Mr Sterling the most distinguished Lawyer of our County who after having heard it in the committee, heard it in the general assembly, asked me the perusal of that most admired Letter. I will not speak to you here of the feelings of one who constantly viewing your active, brilliant & long carreer has followed with the warmest interest & most ardent wishes for the continuation of it. My Characteristic is not full of words when I express my own Sentiments. I wish you only to be assured that you have not a friend more interested in your happiness & glory.Since you wish to hear some particulars about a family of whom all the members living remember with the most lively sensation the happy moments they passed in your company. I must begin by informing you that it is already many years since we have had the misfortune to lose my Father who died at Chaumont at the age of Seventy seven. I have also had the great misfortune of loseing my Wife. I had by the advice of Physcians taken her from this her native country, but nothing could rescue her from a long & dangerous illness, she has blessed me with three Children, two of whom being now grown young men follow with the same partiality my plans for settling the wilderness & encouraging Agriculture. My Mother who is of your same age is thank God like you full of life & of that lively spirit & imagination which contributes so effectually to the Happiness of those who surround her. My four Sisters are living but have not encreased our family, they divide their time between the town & country & sometimes at Chaumont the family estate I own, & where I follow the European style of Agriculture upon a much more improved method than I do in this Country where I apply myself much more to clear new Lands than to improve old ones. It is at Chaumont where I cultivate with so much success the Yellow Beet out of which I have made last year upwards of 20,000 lbs of Sugar, but I perceive this Letter to be too long &  I must stop & conclude with the assurance of my respectful friendship & utmost regard

					LeRay de Chaumont

					P.S. My health is yet good, but I cannot write half a page without exposing myself to a disagreable giddyness. We are in hope to get during this session of the Legislature a state Agricultural Society. Every member of ours wished to have you, most respectable Sir, an honorary member, but we were for the moment confined to the State. We will be happyer at our next General meeting.


Title: From John Adams to Henry Dearborn, 25 March 1818
From: Adams, John
To: Dearborn, Henry

Dear Sir
Quincy March. 25th 1818.

I am obliged to borrow a hand to thank you for your favour of March 11th. and for introducing to me, Mr Binon—whom I find to be a Gentleman of Sense and Letters—as well as Taste and skill—in all the fine Arts—He has been an agreeable Companion—and we have been fortunate enough to procure the best Accommodations  Accommodations for him—
Excuse me for I can barely write the name of your Friend, and humble, Servant—
John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from James Smith, 28 March 1818
From: Smith, James
To: Adams, John

					Most respected Sir
					Baltimore 28th. March 1818.

				If you will permit me to intrude upon the repose of your happy retirement I would beg leave to present you with one of the first Copies of my Prospectus of a national Vaccine Institution, to be established in the City of Washington. And if you should approve of an attempt of this kind it would confer a most distinguished honor to be directed to  record your Name on the Book of the Institution as one of its first Patrons.Be assured that the veneration due to your Excellency inspire me with the most profound Respect, While I remain / Your most obedient and  / Humble Servant

					James Smith


Title: To John Adams from A. & J.W. Picket, 30 March 1818
From: Picket, A. & J.W.
To: Adams, John

					Respected Sir,
					New York, March, 30. 1818,

				Considering you a patron of literature & science, & a well wisher to the general interest of education, the editors of the Academician, by this day’s mail, forward you the 1, 2 & 3 Nos. for perusal. Should you approve of the work, your signature as a subscriber & influence to make the work known would aid us very much in effecting the Object we have in view.With the greatest respect, / We subscribe Ourselves, / Your Most Obedt. Servts.

					A. & J. W. Picket


Title: To John Adams from William Tudor, Sr., March 1818
From: Tudor, William, Sr.
To: Adams, John

					Dear Sir
					Boston March 1818

				At the Request of General Welles I write this Letter to introduce Mr. Binon the Artist we yesterday mentioned in the Committee’s Address & whose Services you so kindly condescended to encourage, for the Public Purpose of gratifying the Citizens of this Town, & Posterity.From the Specimen of his Abilities as an Artist of which We have a satisfying Proof in a Bust of General Dearborn, we confide in a successful Obtainment of a much desired Purpose, not lessened by the interesting Interview which took Place Yesterday at Quincy.most respectfully Yours

					Wm Tudor


Title: To John Adams from Alexander Townsend, 2 April 1818
From: Townsend, Alexander
To: Adams, John

					Dr. Sir,
					Boston 2 Apr: 1818.

				I take the liberty to request, that you wd. at your leisure favour me wh. the chronology of the events of your life. Unless your own hand does this, I fear it will be done but imperfectly. Me it wd. cost some research. Many who have them in memory, have not your ability to put them on paper. I am aware, you never can become your own biographer. A life spent in forming materials for history, has little time to spare for the writing it. But may not part of your hours be now usefully given to doing what no one living can do so well, furnishing data for future biography or history? I shd. be proud to be the depository of such a paper. But if this note prompts to the writing it, confide it, when written, to whom you may, I shall be satisfied, that in prompting it “I have done the state some service.”Speakg. of the administration in which, thanks to your discernment & kindness, he bore a distinguished part, and of its transcendent merit as compared wh. those that followed, Mr. Dexter once complained to me of the injustice of contemporaries in their estimation of its relative worth. “History” was the answer, “will do it justice.” “That depends on who writes history,” he replied and terminated the conversation. To furnish history with the facts correctly, is a precaution for a faithful narrative, that I hope your wisdom is not above taking. A precaution that may be expedient, if not necessary; and your fame, pardon me for saying it, needs no other precaution.I am grateful for what you have said of James Otis; but shd. be more so, wd. you enable some one hereafter to do equal justice to a greater character.With the most Sincere and profound / respect, yr. obliged humb. Servt.

					A. Townsend.


Title: From John Adams to Nathaniel Bowditch, 4 April 1818
From: Adams, John
To: Bowditch, Nathaniel

Dear Sir
Quincy April 4 1818

I have recceived with Pride and Pleasure a Volume of Mathematical Papers from a Fellow Citizen and Native of Massachusetts who alredy ranks among the greatest Masters of the Sublimest Sciences which Human Understanding is capable of comprehending.
If it is true, as it is reported that you have made a Translation of the Méchanique Céleste, I pray you to admit my name into the List of Subscribers for its publication.
Mrs Adams prays me to thank you for your obliging remembrance of her, and for the civilities She recieved from you at Salem
With great and Sincere Esteem, I have to Honour / to be, Sir your Friend and / humble Servant
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Alexander Townsend, 4 April 1818
From: Adams, John
To: Townsend, Alexander

4 April 1818

John Adams was Born at Quincy on the 19th. of October 1735. of John and Susana Boylston Adams. he entered College 1751. took his first degree in 1755. kept the Latin School in Worcester.—Studied Law with Coll James Putnam till 1758. when he took his Second degree at College, and was admitted to the Practice of the Law in Boston.—in 1761. he was admitted Barrister in the Supreme Judicial Court of the Province.—In 1764 he married Miss Smith of Weymouth.—In 1765 he was chosen by the Town of Boston with Mr Gridley and Mr Otis to appear before the Governour and Counsel to demand the Opinions of the Courts—to Administer justice without Stamp papers—In 1770 he was Elected by the Town of Boston, one of their representatives in the General Court.—In 1774 he was chosen one of the Delegates to represent the Province at Congress; where he served till 1778. when he was sent to France as a Minister with Mr Franklin, and Mr Arther Lee—in 1779 he returned to America and Represented the Town of Quincy in Convention for forming the Constitution of Massachusetts—At the close of the Same Year he was sent to Europe with a Commission to make Peace—when Peace shall be proposed—& In 1776 he had been appointed ch. J. of G. Sup. C. of Massachusts In 1781. he received a Commission to make a Treaty with Holland—In 1782 He Signed the Treaty with Holland—and on the 30th. of November the same Year the Preliminaries of Peace with Great Brittain.—and on the 3d of September 1783. the Definitive Treaty of Peace;—1784. he was united with Mr Frankline, and Jefferson, in Several Commissions to Treat with Several Nations of Europe and all the Barbary Powers.—In 1785 he was sent as Minister to the Court of S.t James where He resided till 1788 when he returned to America—In 1789 he was chosen Vice President of the United States.—In which Office he served 8 years—in 1797 he was chosen President in which Office he served four years—when in 1801 was dismissed from his Labours—And his works followed, like Dr Pitcairns Mason.—least this Comparison should not be understood it must be explained—A Mason in Scotland was building a Chimney far above the ridge-pole of a House Seven Stories high—He had laid his Bricks so loosely and built his Scaffoldings so lightly that both gave way together and precipitated the Artist to the Ground where he lay covered and crushed with his own Bricks and Morter—Dr Pitcairn riding by on horse-back saw the whole catastrophy and instantly cryed out—“Blessed are the dead who die in the Lord, for their works they rest from their Labours, and their works follow them.” Adams retired to Quincy where he has lived in Charity with all Men till this fourth day of April 1785 1818.
A true Account, Errors accepted
John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to William Tudor, Sr., 5 April 1818
From: Adams, John
To: Tudor, William, Sr.

Sir
Quincy April 5th 1818

In Mr Wirts elegant and eloquent Panegyrick on Mr Henry.—I beg your attention to page 56 to page 67. the end of the second section. Where you will read a curious specimen of the agonies of Patriotism in the early Stages of the Revolution—“When Mr Henry could carry his Resolutions but by one Vote, and that against the influence of Randolph, Bland, Pendelton Wythe and all the Old members whose influence in the House had till then been unbroken; and when Peyton Randolph afterwards President of Congress swore a round Oath, he would have given 500 Guineas for a Single Vote; for one Vote would have divided the House and Robinson was in the Chair, who he knew would have negatived the Resolution.”—
And you will also see the confused manner in which they were first recorded, and how they have since been garbled in History.—My remarks at present will be confined to the anecdote in page 65.—
Caesar had his Brutus, Charles the first his Cromwell—and George the third.—Treason cried the Speaker—Treason—Treason—echoed from every part of the House.—Henry finished his sentence, by the words—“May profit by their example”—If this be Treason make the most of it.—!
In Judge Minots History of Massachusetts Bay, Volume second, in Page 102 and 103, You will find another Agony of Patriotism in 1762, three years before Mr Henry’s. Mr Otis suffered one of equal severity in the House of Representatives of Massachusetts.—Judge Minots account of it, is this.—
It was passed
The remonstrance offered to the Governor was attended with agravating circumstances. It was passed; after a very warm Speech, by a Member in the House—and at first contained the following offensive Observation—
“For it will be of little consequence to the People whether they were subject to George or Louis—the King of Great Britain, or the French King—if both were Arbitary, as both would be, if both could Levy Taxes without Parliament.” Though Judge Minot does not say it—the warm Speech was from the Tongue, and the Offensive Observation, from the pen, of James Otis—When these words of the Remonstrance were first read in the House, Timothy Paine Esqr a Member from Worcester,—in his Zeal for Royalty though a very worthy and a very Amiable Man cryed out, Treason! Treason! The House were not however intimidated, but Voted the remonstrance with all the Treason contained in it—by a large Majority, and it was presented to the Governor by a committe of which Mr Otis was a Member.—
Judge Minot proceeds—“The Governor was so displeased with the passage that he sent a Letter to the Speaker returning the Message of House;—in which he said,—that the Kings Name,—dignity, and Cause, were so improperly treated that he was obliged to desire the Speaker to recommend earnestly to the House,—that it might not be entered upon the minutes in the terms in which it then Stood.—For if it should, he was then Satisfied they would again, and again, wish that some part of it were expunged—especially if it should appear, as he doubted not it would when he entered upon his Vindication,that there was not the least ground for the insinuation, under Colour of which, that Sacred and well-beloved name was so disrespectfully brought into question.—Upon the reading of this Letter, the exceptionable Clause was struck out of the Message.—
I have now before me a Pamphlet printed in 1763 by Edes and Gill in Queen Street Boston—Entitled a Vindication of the Conduct of the House of Representatives of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay—More particularly in the last Session of the General Assembly, by James Otis Esqr. a member of said House, with this Motto:Let such, such, only tread this Sacred floor,Who dare to love their Country, and be poor;Or good, tho’ rich, humane and wise, tho’ great,Jove give but these, tho’ we’ve nought to fear from fate.
I wish I could transcribe the whole of this Pamphlet, because it is a document of importance in the early History of Revolution, which ought never to be forgotten.—It shows in a Strong light the Heaves and throes of the burning Mountain, three years at least, before the Explosion of the Volcano in Massachusetts, or Virginia.—
Had Judge Minot ever seen this Pamphlet, could he have given so superficial an Account of this year 1762.?—There was more than one “warm Speech” made in that Session of the Legislature—Mr Otis himself made many.—A dark Cloud hung over the whole Continent;—but it was peculiarly black and threatening over Massachusetts and the Town of Boston, against which devoted City the first Thunderbolts of Parliamentary Omnipotence were intended and expected to be darted.—Mr Otis from his first appearance in the House in 1761. had shewn such a vast Superiority of Talents, Information, and Energy to every other Member of the House,—that in 1762, he took the lead as it were of Course.—He opened the Session with a Speech,—a Sketch of which he has given Us himself. It depends upon no man’s Memory. It is warm; it is true. But it is warm only with Loyalty to his King, Love to his Country, and Exultations in her Exertions in the national Cause.—
This Pamphlet ought to be reprinted and deposited in the Cabinet of the Curious. The Preface is a frank candid and manly Page, explaining the Motive of the Publication, viz, the Clamours against the House for their Proceedings, in which he truly says.—“The World ever has been, and ever will be pritty equally divided, between those two great Parties, vulgarly called the Winners and the Loosers; or to speak more precisely, between those who are discontented that they have no Power, and those who think they never can have enough.”—now it is absolutely impossible to please both sides, either by temporizing, trimming, or retreating; the two former, justly incur the Censure of a wicked heart, the latter that of Cowardice, and fairly and manfully fighting the Battle, and is in the opinion of many worse than either.—On the 8th of September A. D. 1762. the War still continuening in North America and the West Indies Governor Bernard made his Speech to both Houses, and presented a Requisition of Sir Jeffrey Amherst, that the Massachusetts Troops should be continued in Pay during the Winter—
Mr Otis made a Speech, the outlines of which he has recorded in the Pamphlet, urging a Complyance with the Governor’s recommendation and general Amherst’s Requisition; and concluding with a Motion for a Committee to Consider of both.
5 April Continued
A Committee was appointed of whom Mr Otis was one and reported not only a Continuence of the Troops already in Service, but an addition of Nine hundred Men with an augmented Bounty to encourage their Inlistment.—
If the Orators on the 4th. of July, really wish to investigate the principles and Feelings which produced the Revolution, they ought to Study this Pamphlet and Dr Mayhew’s Sermon on Passive Obedience and Non Risistance, and all the documents of those 9 hr days.*—have departed from the Object of their Institution as much as the Society for propagation of the Gospel in forign Parts, have from their Charter.— The Institution had better be wholly abolished, than continued an Engine of the Politicks and Feelings of the day instead of a Memorial of the Principles and Feelings of the Revolution half a Century ago. I might have said for two Centuries before.—
This Pamphlet of Mr Otis exhibits the interesting Spectacle of a great Man, glowing with Loyalty to his Sovereign, proud of his Connection, with the British Empire, rejoicing in its Prosperity, its Tryumphs, and its Glory, exulting in the unexampled Efforts of his own native Province to promote them all: But at the Same time grieving and complaining at the Ungenerous Treatment that Province had received from its Begining from the Mother Country and Shuddering under the Prospect of Still greater Ingratitude and Cruelty from the Same Source. Hear a few of his Words and read all the rest.—
Mr Speaker
“This Province has upon all Occations been distinguished by its Loyalty and readiness to contribute its most Strenuous Efforts for his Majesty’s Service, I hope this Spirit will ever remain as an indelible Characteristic of this People” &c &c. &c. “Our own immediate Interest, therefore, as well as the general Cause of our King and Country requires, that we should contribute the last Penny and the last drop of blood, rather than by any backwardness of ours, His Majesty’s Measures should be embarrassed; and thereby any of the Enterprises that may be planned for the Regular Troops, miscarry. some of these Considerations, I presume, induced the Assembly, upon his Majesty’s Requisition, Signified last Spring by Lord Egrement so cheerfully and Unanimously to raise Thirty three hundred Men for the present Campaign; and upon another Requisition, Signified by Sir Jeffery Amherst to give a handsome bounty for enlisting about nine hundred more, into the Regular Service.—The Colonies, we know have often been blamed, without Cause; and we have had Some Share of it. Witness the miscarriage of the pretended Expedition against Canada, in Queen Anne’s time, just before the infamous Treaty of Utrecht. It is well known by some now living in this Metropolis; that theoffice Officers both of the Army, and Navy, expressed their Utmost Surprize, at it, upon their arrival.—To some of them no doubt, it was a disappointment; for in order to shift the blame of this Shamefull Affair from themselves, they endeavoured to lay it, upon the New England Colonies. &c
I am therefore clearly for raising the Men. &c &c &c. This Province, has, since the Year 1754, levied for his Majesty’s Service as Soldiers and Seamen, near thirty thousand Men, besides what have been otherwise employed. One year in particular it was said that every fifth Man was engaged in one shape or another. We have raised sums for the support of this War, that the last Generation could hardly have formed any Idea of. We are now deeply in debt.” & &—
On the 14th. of September the House received a Message from the Governor. Containing, a somewhat awkward Confession of Certain Expenditures of Public Money with Advice of Counsell, which had not been appropriated by the House.—He had fitted out the Massachusetts Sloop of War, encreased her Establishment of Men. &c—Five years before, perhaps this Irregularity might have been connived at or pardoned. But, since the Debate concerning Writts of Assistants, and since it was known that the Acts of Trade were to be enforced and a Revenue Collected by Authority of Parliament, Mr Otis’s; Maxim, that “Taxation without Representations was Tyranny”—“and that Expenditures of publick Money, without Appropriations by the Representatives of the People, were unconstitutional, arbitrary and therefore tyrannical,” had become popular Proverbs.—They were become, common Place Observations in the Streets. It was impossible that Otis should not take fire, upon this Message of the Governor, he accordingly did take fire, upon this message of the and made that flaming Speech which Judge Minot calls “a warm Speech” without informing Us, who made it, or what it contained. I wish Mr Otis had given us this warm Speech as he has the comparatively cool one, at the Opening of the Session. But this is lost forever. It concluded however, with a Motion for a Committee to consider the Governor’s Message and report—The Committe was appointed and Otis was the first after the Speaker.—
The Committe, reported the following Answer and Remonstrance every syllable of which, is Otis.—
“May it please your Excellency.”
“The House have duely attended to your Excellency’s Message of the Eleventh instant, relating to the Massachusetts Sloop, and are humble of Opinion that there is not the least necessity for keeping Up, her present Complement of Men, and therefore desire that your Excellency would be pleased to reduce them to Six, the Old Establishment made for Said Sloop by the General Court. Justice to ourselves, and to our Constituents obliges Us, to remonstrate against the method of making or increasing Establishments by the Governor and Councill.—
“It is, in effect, taking or increasing from the House, their most darling Privelege, The Right of Originating all Taxes.—
“It is in short annihilating one Branch of the Legislature, And when once, the Representativs of the People give up this Privilege the Government will very soon become arbitrary.—
“No. Necessity, therefore, can be sufficient to justify, a House of Representatives in giving Up, such a Priveledge; for it would be of little Consequence to the People, whether they were Subject to George or Louis the King of Great Britain or the French King, if both were arbitrary, as both would be, if both could levy Taxes without Parliament.—
“Had this been the first Instance of the kind, we might not have troubled your Excellency about it; but lest the matter should grow into Precedent; we earnestly beseech your Excellency, as you regard the Peace and Welfare of the Province, that no measures of this nature be taken for the future, let the advice of Council be what it may”—
“This Remonstrance, being read was accepted by a large Majority and sent up and presented to his Excellency by a Committe of whom Mr Otis was one.—Sic
“But here, Mr Tudor, allow me, a digression, an Episode. Lord Ellenbourgh in the late Trial of Hone, “Says The Athanasian Creed is the most beautiful Composition that ever flowed from the pen of Man.”—
I agree, with his Lordship, that it is the most Consummate mass of Absurdity, Inconsistency and Contradiction that ever was put together. But I appeal to your Taste and your Conscience, Mr Tudor, whether the foregoing Remonstrance of James Otis is not as terse a Morsell of good Sense, as Athanasius’s Creed, is of Nonsense, and Blasphemy?
5 April Continued 3d. Sheet
The same day the above Remonstrance was delivered, the Town was allarmed with a report, that the House had Sent a Message to his Excellency reflecting on his Majisty’s Person and Government, and highly derogatory to his Crown and Dignity, and therein desired that his Excellency would in no case, take the Advice of his Majesty’s Council.
The Governors Letter to the Speaker, is as Judge Minot represents it. Upon reading it, the Same Person who had before cried out “Treason! Treason” when he first heard the Offensive Words, now cried out “Rase them! Rase them!” They were, accordingly expunged.
In the course of the debate, a new and Surprising doctrine was advanced. We have Seen the times, when the Majority of a Council by their Words and Actions have Seemed to think themselves obliged to comply with every thing proposed by the Chair, and to have no Rule of conduct but a Governors will and Pleasure. But now for the first Time, it was asserted, that the Governor, in all cases, was obliged to Act according to the Advice of Council, and consequently would be deemed to have no Judgment of his own.
In page 17, Mr Otis enter on his Apology, Excuse or Justification of the offensive Words; which as it is as facetius as it is edifying, I will transcribe at length in his own Words. viz.
“In Order to excuse, if not altogether justify, the Offensive passage and clear it from ambiguity, I beg leave to premise, two or three Data. 1. God made all Men naturally equal. 2. The Ideas of earthly Superiority Preheminence and Grandeur are educational, at least acquired, not innate. 3. Kings were, and Plantation Governors Should be made for the good of the People, and not the People for them. 4. No Government has a Right to make Hobby Horses, Asses and Slaves of the Subject; nature having made Sufficient of the former, for all the lawful purposes of man, from the harmless peasant in the field, to the most refined Politician in the Cabinet; but none of the last, which infallibly proves they are unnecessary. 5. Tho’ most Governments are de facto arbitrary and consequently, the curse and Scandal of Human Nature, Yet none are de Jure, arbitrary. 6. The British Constitution of Government as now established in his Majesty’s Person and Family, is the wisest and best in the World. 7. The King of Great Britain is the best, as well as the most glorious Monarch upon the Globe and his Subjects the happiest in the Universe. 8. It is most humbly presumed, the King would have all his Plantation Governors follow his Royal Example, in a wise and Strict Adherence to the Principles of the British Constitution, by which in conjunction with his other Royal Virtues, he is enabled to reign in the hearts of a brave and generous a free and loyal People. 9. This is the Summit, the Ne plus Ultra of human Glory and Felicity. 10. The French King is a despotick arbitrary Prince, and consequently, his Subjects are very miserable.”
“Let Us now take a more careful review of this passage, which by Some out of doors has been represented as Seditious, rebellious and traiterous. I hope none, however, will be So wanting to the Interest of their Country as to represent the matter in this light on the East Side of the Atlantick, tho’ recent instances of Such a Conduct might be quoted, wherein the Province has, after its most Strenuous Efforts, during this and other Wars been painted in all the Odious Colours that Avarice Malice and the worst Passions could Suggest.”
“The House assert, that it would be of little importanc Consequence to the People, whether they were Subject to George or Louis, The King of Great Britain or the French King, if both were arbitrary as both would be, if both could levy Taxes without Parliament.” Or in the Same Words transposed without, without the least Alteration of the Sense. It would be of little consequence to the People, whether they were Subject to George the King of Great Britain, or Lewis the French King, if both were arbitrary as both would be, if both could levy Taxes without Parliament.”
“The first question that would occur to a Philosopher, if any question could be made about it, would be, whether it were true. But Truth being of little importance, with most modern Politicians, We Shall touch lightly on that Topick, and proceed to Enquiries of a more interesting nature.”
“That arbitrary Government implies the worst of Temporary Evils, or at least the continual danger of them, is certain. That a Man would be pretty equally Subject to these Evils, under every arbitrary Government is clear. That I should die very Soon after my head Should be cutt off, whether by a Sabre or a broad Sword, whether chopped off to gratify a Tyrant, by the Christian name of Tom, Dick or Harry, is evident. That the Name of the Tyrant would be of no more avail to Save my Life, than the Name of the Executioner needs no proof. It is therefore manifestly of no importance what a Princes Christian name is, if he be arbitrary, any more indeed if he were not arbitrary. So the whole amount of this dangerous Proposition may at least in one View be reduced to this, viz. It is of little importance what a Kings Christian name is. It is, indeed of Importance that a King, a Governor, and all other good Christians, Should have a Christian Name, but whether Edward Francis or William, is of none, that I can discern. It being a Rule to put the most mild and favourable construction upon Words that they can possibly bear, it will follow that this Proposition is a very harmless one, that cannot by any means tend to prejudice his Majesty’s Person, Crown, Dignity, or Cause, all which I deem equally Sacred, with his Excellency.”
“If this Proposition will bear an hudred different Constructions they must all be admitted before any that imports any bad Meaning, much more a treasonable one.”
“It is conceived the House intended nothing disrespectful of His Majesty, his Government, or Governor, in those Words. It would be very injurious to insinuate this of a House that upon all Occasions has distinguished itself by a truly loyal Spirit and which Spirit possesses at least nine hundred and ninety nine in a thousand, of their Constituents throughout the Province. One good natured Construction at least Seems to be implied in the Assertion and that pretty Stronly, viz. that in the present Situation of Great Britain and France, it is of vast importance to be a Briton rather than a Frenchman, as the French King is an arbitrary despotic Prince but the King of Great Britain is not So de Jure, de Facto, nor by Inclination; a greater difference on this Side of the Grave cannot be found, than that which Subsists between British Subjects and the Slaves of Tyranny.”
“Perhaps it may be objected, that there is Some difference ever between arbitrary Princes, in this respect at least, that Some are more rigorous than others. It is granted; but then, let it be remembered that the Life of Man is as a vapour that Soon vanisheth away, and We know not who may come after him a wise Man or a Fool; though the Chances before and Since Solomon have ever been in favour of the latter. Therefore it is Said of little Consequence. Had it been, No instead of Little, the Clause upon the most rigid Stricture might have been found barely exceptionable.”
“Some fine Gentlemen have charged the Expression as indelicate. This is a Capital Impeachment in Politicks, and therefore demands our most Serious Attention. The Idea of delicacy, in the Creed of Some Politicians implies, that an Inferior Should at the Peril of all that is near and dear to him, i.e. his Interest, avoid every the least trifle that can offend his Superior. Does my Superior want my Estate? I must give it him, and that with a good Grace; which is appearing, and if possible, being really obliged to him, that he will condescend to take it. The Reason in evident; it might give him Some little pain or Uneasiness to See me whimpering, much more openly complaining, at the loss of a little glittering dirt. I must according to the System, not only endeavour to acquire myself, but impress upon all around me, a reverence and passive Obedience to the Sentiments of my Superior, little Short of Adoration. Is the Superior in contemplation, a King, I must consider him as Gods Vicegerent, cloathed with unlimited Power, his Will the Supream Law, and not accountable for his Actions, let them be what they may to any Tribunal upon Earth. Is the Superior, a Plantation Governor? He must be viewed, not only as the most excellent Representation of Majesty, but as a Vice Roy in his department, and quoad Provincial Administration, to all intents and purpose vested with all the Prerogatives that were ever exercised by the most absolute Prince in Great Britain.”
“The Votaries of this Sect, are all Monopotizers of Offices, Peculators, Informers, and generally the Seekers of all Kinds. It is better Say they, to “give up any thing and every thing quietly, than contend with a Superior, who, by his Prerogative can do, and as the Vulgar express it, right or wrong, will have whatever he pleases. For you must know, that according to Some of the most refined and fashionable Systems of modern Politicks, the Ideas of Right and Wrong, and all the moral Virtues, are to be considered only as the Vagaries of a weak or distempered Imagination in the Possessor, and of no Use in the World but for the Skilful Politician to employ convert to his own Purposes of Power And Profit.” “With these”
“The Love of Country is an emptly name
For Gold they hunger; but ne’er thirst for fame.”
“It is well known that the least “patriotic Spark” unawares “catche”’ and discovered, disqualifies a Candidate from all further preforment in this famous and flourishing order of Knights errant. It must however be confessed they are So catholic as to admit all Sorts, from the Knights of the Post to a Garter and Star; provided they are thoroughly divested of the fear of God and the Love of Mankind; and have concentrated all their Views in dear Self, with them the only “Sacred and Well beloved name” or thing in the Universe. See Cardinal Richlieus Political Testament, and the greater Bible of the Sect, Mandeville’s Fable of the Bees. Richlieu expressly, in Solemn earnest, without any Sarcasm or Irony, advises the discarding all honest Men from the presence of a Prince, and from even the Purlieus of a Court. According to Mandeville, “The moral Virtues are the political Offspring, which Flattery begot upon Pride.” The most darling Principle of the great Apostle of the Order who has done more than any Mortal, towards diffusing Corruption not only through the three Kingdoms, but through the remotest dominions is, that “Every Man has his Price, and that if you bid high enough You are Sure of him.”
“To those who have been taught to bow, at the Name of a King with as much Ardor and devotion, as a Papist at the Sight of a Crucifix, the Assertion under Examination may appear harsh; but there is an immense difference between the Sentiments of a British House of commons remonstrating, And those of a Courtier cringing for a favour. A House of Representatives here at least bears an equal proportion to a Governor, with that of a House of Commons to the King. There is indeed one difference in favour of a House of Representatives; when a House of Repres Commons address the King, they Speak to their Sovereign, who is truely the most august Personae, upon Earth: When a House of Representatives remonstrate to a Governor, they Speak to a Fellow Subject; though a Superior, who is undoubtedly intitled to decency and respect; but I hardly think, to quite So much reverence as his Master.
“I may not be amiss to observe, that a form of Speech, may be in no Sort improper, when Used Arguendo, or for illustration, Speaking of the King, which Same form may be very harsh, indecent and ridiculous, if Spoken to the King.”
“The Expression under Censure, has had the Approbation of diverse Gentlemen of Sense, who are quite unprejudiced to any Party. They have taken it to imply a Compliment, rather than any indecent reflection, upon his Majesty’s wise and gracious Administration. It Seems Strange therefore, that the House Should be So Suddenly charged by his Excellency, with “Impropriety, groundless Insinuation” Etc.
“What cause of So bitter repentance, “again and again,” could possibly have taken place, if this Clause had been printed in the Journal, I cannot imagine. If the case be fairly represented, I guess the Province can be in no danger from a House of Representatives daring to Speak plain English when they are complaing of a Grivance. I Sincerely believe the House had no disposition to enter into any Contest with the Governor or Council. Sure I am that the promoters of this Address had no Such View. On the contrary, there is the highest reason to presume that the House of Representatives will at all times rejoice in the Prosperity of the Governor and Council, and contribute their Utmost Assistance, in Supporting those two Branches of the Legislature in all their just Rights and Preheminance. But the House is, and ought to be jealous and tenacious of its own Priviledges; these are a Sacred Deposit intrusted by the People, and the Jealousy of them is a Godly Jealousy.”
Allow me now, Mr Tudor a few Remarks.
1. Why has the Sublime Compliment of “Treason”! “Treason”! made to Mr Henry in 1765 been So celebrated when that to Mr Otis in 1762, three years before, has been totally forgotten?—Because the Virginia Patriot has had many Trumpitters and very loud ones; but the Massachusets Patriot; none, though false Accusers and vile Calumniators in Abundance.
2. I know not whether Judge Minot was born in 1762. He certainly never Saw, heard, felt or understood any Thing of the Principles or Feelings of that Year. If he had, he could not have given So frosty an Account of it. The “Warm Speech” he mentions, was an Abridgment or Second Edition of Otis’s Argument in 1761 against the Execution of the Acts of Trade. It was a flaming Declamation against Taxation without Representation. It was a warning Voice against the Calamities that were coming Upon his Country. It was an ardent Effort to alarm and arrouse his Countrymen against the menacing System of Parliamentary Taxation.
3. Bernard was no great Thing, but he was not a Fool. It is impossible to believe that he thought the Offensive Passage, Treason, Sedition, or of Such danger and importance as he represented it. But his design was to destroy Otis. “There is your Enemy,” Said Bernard, (after a Scottish General) “If Ye do not kill him, he will kill You.”
4. How many Volumes are concentrated in this little fugitive Pamplet, the Production of a few hurried hours, amidst the Continual Solicitations of a Croud of Clients, for his Business at the Bar, at that time was very extensive and of the first importance; and amidst the Host of Politicians, Suggesting their Plans and Schemes claiming his Advice and directions!
5. Look over the Declarations of Rights and Wrongs issued by Congress in 1774. Look into the Declaration of the Independence in 1776. Look into the Writings of Dr Price and Dr Priestly, look into all the French Constitutions of Government, and to cap the Climax, look into Mr Thomas Pains Common Sense, Crisis and Rights of Man; what can you find that is not to be found in Solid Substance in this “Vindication of the House of Representatives.”?
6. Is it not an Affront to common Sense? an Insult to Truth Virtue and Patriotism to represent Patrick Henry, though he was my Friend as much as Otis, as the Father of the American Revolution and the Founder of American Independence? The Gentleman who has done this Sincerely believed what he wrote I doubt not; but he ought to be made Sensible that he is of Yesterday and knows nothing of the real Origin of the American Revolution.
7. If there is any bitterness of Spirit discernible in Mr Otis’s Vindication this was not natural to him. He was generous, candid, manly, Social, friendly, agreable, Amiable, witty, and gay, by Nature, and by habit. Honest almost to a Proverb, though quick and passionate against meanness and deceit. But at this time he was agitated by Anxiety for his Country and irritated by a torrent of Slander and Scurrility constantly pouring upon him from all quarters.
Mr Otis has fortified his Vindication, in a long and learned Note, which, in mercy to my Eyes and Fingers, I must borrow another hand to transcribe, in another Sheet.
*The natural liberty of Man is to be free from any Superior power on earth, and not to be under the Will or legislative authority of Man; but to have only the law of Nature for his rule.—The liberty of Man in Society, it to be under no other legislative power, but that established by consent in the common wealth; not under the dominion of any will, or restraint of any law, but what that legislature shall enact according to the trust put in it. Freedom then is not what Sir Robert Filmer tells Us, O. A. 55. A liberty for every one to do what he lists, to live as he pleases, and not to be tied by any laws. But freedom of Men under government, is to have a standing rule to live by, common to every one of that society, and made by the legislative power erected in it; a liberty to follow my own will in all things where that rule prescribes not, and not to be Subject to the unknown, unconstant, uncertain, arbitrary will of another Man; a freedom of Nature is to be under no restraint but the law of Nature—This freedom from absolute arbitrary power, is so necessary to, and closely joined with a Man’s preservation, that he cannot part with it but by what forfeits his preservation & life together. For a Man not having power over his own life, cannot by compact or his own cons consent enslave himself to any one, nor put himself under the absolute, arbitrary power of another, to take a-way his life when he pleases: nobody can give more power than he has himself. He that cannot take away his own life, cannot give another power over it.
Locke’s Discourse on Govern’t. Part II. CH. IV. The legislative, whether placed in one or more, whether it be always in being, or only by intervals, though it be the Supreme power in every common-wealth, yet in the Utmost bounds of it, it is limited to the public good of the Society, it is a power that hath no end but preservation; and those can never have a right to destroy, enslave or designedly to impoverish the Subjects.—
These are the bounds to which the trust that is put in them, by the society, and the laws of God and nature, have set to the legislative power of every common wealth, in all forms of government.
First, They are to govern by established promulgated laws, not to be varied in particular cases; but to have one rule for rich and poor, for the favourite at court, and the countryman at plough.—
Secondly, These laws ought to be designed for no other and ultimately, but the good of the people.—
Thirdly, They must not raise taxes on the property of the people, without the consent of the people, given by themselves or deputies.
Fourthly, The legislature neither must nor can transfer the power of making laws to any body else, nor place it anywhere but where the people have.Id. Ch. XI.
Where the legislative and executive power are in distinct hands, as they are in all moderated monarchies and well formed governments, there the good of the Society requires that several things should be left to the discretion of him that has the supreme executive power. This power to act according to discretion for the public good, without the prescription of Law, and sometimes even against it, is that which is called PREROGATIVE.
This power, while employed for the benefit of the community, and suitable to the trust and ends of Government, is undoubted Prerogative, and is never questioned. For the people are very seldom or never scrupulous or nice in the point, they are far from examining Prerogative whilest it is in any tolerable degree employed for the use it was meant, that is, for the good of the people, and not manifestly against it. But if there comes to be a question between the executive power and the people about a thing claimed as a prerogative, the tendency of the exercise of such prerogative to the good or hurt of the people will easily decide the question.—
Prerogative is nothing but the power of doing public good without a rule. The old question will be asked in this matterer of Prerogative, But who shall be judge when this power is made a right use of.? I answer, between an executive power in being with such prerogative, and a legislative, that depends upon his will, for their convening—There can be no judge on earth, as there can be none between the legislative and the people. Should either the executive or legislative, when they have got this power in their hands, design or go about to destroy them, the people: have no other remedy in this, as in other cases, when they have no judge upon earth, but to appeal to Heaven. Nor let any one think that this lays a perpetual foundation for disorder, for this operates not till the inconveniency is so great that the majority feel it, and are wary weary of it, and find a necessity to have it amended. But this the executive power or wise Princes never need come in the danger of; and it is the thing of all others, they have most need to avoid; as of all others the most perilous.Id. Ch. XIV.
“Fatherly Authority, or a right of Fatherhood in our Author’s Sense (i.e. Sir Robert Filmer) is a divine unalterable right of Sovereignty, whereby a Father, or a Prince, (and a Governor might have been added) hath an absolute, arbitrary, unlimitted, and unlimitable power over the lives, liberties and estates of his Children and Subjects; so that he may take or alienate their estates, sell, castrate or use their persons as he pleases, they being all his Slaves, and he Lord proprietor of everything, and his unbounded will their law.”Locke on Govt. B. I. Ch II.
He that will not give just occasion to think that all Government in the World is the product only of force and violence, and that men live altogether by no other rules but that of beasts, where the strongest carries it, and so lay a foundation for perpetual disorder, mischief, tumult, sedition and rebellion. (Things that the followers of that hypothesis, i.e. Filmer, and the advocates for passive Obedience, so loudly cry out against) must of necessity find out another rise of Government, another original of political power, and another way of designing and knowing the persons that have it, than what Sir R. Filmer hath taught us.”Locke on Govt. B. II. Ch. II.
This other original Mr Locke has demonstrated to be the consent of a free people. It is possible there are a few, and I desire to thank God there is no reason to think there are many among us, that can’t bear the names of Liberty and PROPERTY, much less that the things signified by those terms, should be enjoyed by the vulgar. These may be inclined to brand some of the principles advanced in the vindication of the house.—with the odious epithets Seditious and levelling. Had any thing to justify them been quoted from Col. Algernon, Sidney, or other British Martyrs, to the liberty of their country, and outcry of Rebellion would not be surprizing. The Authority of Mr Locke has therefore been preferred to all others, for these further reasons, 1st. He was not only  One of the most wise as well as most honest. but the most impartial Man that ever lived, 2. He professedly wrote his discourses on Government, as he himself expresses it, “To establish the throne of the great restorer King William, to make good his title in the consent of the people, which being the only one of all lawful Governments, he had more fully and clearly, than any Prince in christendom, and to justify to the World, the People of England whose love of Liberty, their just and natural rights, with their resolution to preserve them, saved the Nation when it was on the brink of slavery and ruin.” By this title our Illustrious Sovereign George the Third (whom God long preserve) now holds. 3. Mr Locke was as great an ornament, under a Crown’d head, as the church of England ever had to boast off. Had all her Sons been of his wise, moderate, tolerant principles, we should probably never have heard of those civil dissentions that have so often brought the Nation to the borders of perdition. Upon the score of his being a Churchman however, his Sentiments are less liable to those inviduous reflections and insinuations that High-flyers, Jacobites, and other stupid Bigots, are apt too liberally to bestow, not only upon Dissenters of all denominations, but upon the moderate; and therefore infinitely the most valuable part of the Church of England itself.—
Pardon the trouble of reading the Letter, from your / habitual Partiality for your Friend
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from William Tudor, Sr., 5 April 1818
From: Tudor, William, Sr.
To: Adams, John

					My dear Sir
					April 5th. 1818

				Since my last short Conversation with you,  I have read Mr. Wirt’s Biographical Romance, a singular Book indeed! Composed more with a View to display the Author’s Talents, than those of his Subject. A better attempt at flattering Virginians, than furnishing Facts for sober, future, Historians. His Materials were scanty indeed, & he has made the most of them. Henry was undoubtedly a bold & natural Orator, well calculated to rouse & astonish a willing Auditory, but they were very little known beyond the proud Boundaries of the Ancient Dominion. Where else do we find him, except for a few short Weeks in the Congress of 1774? Where are his Writings to be found? In what Region did he ever display his diplomatic Talents? That he was a sound Patriot, & an honest Revolusionist, is granted, but it was to other & greater Men who breasted every Difficulty at home & abroad, & who in foreign Countries performd Services, that eventuated in the Peace, Freedom & Empire of their oppressed & insulted Country!Where is the Man who has a soul for high Exploit & immortal Renown who would not rather have been a Negotiator of the Treaty of Paris in Novr. 1782, than possessessed than of all the Ephemeral Reputation of all the glowing Speeches, which Mr. Wirt has arrayed, from hearsay, in such splendid Colours.Whilst carrying some of his Rhetorical Painting to the very Verge of the ridiculous, as if conscious of having mounted his Hero on too elevated Stilts, he weakly attempted to let him down by producing some vulgar & unworhy Charges against him, which Mr. H’s surviving Family will not thank him for reviving, and which were surely unworthy of recording. But I will tire you no longer with Observations on a Book which has disappointed me—& which I begin to suspect will not fully meet your own. If I was not afraid of engaging you on a new Subject, I would ask your Opinion, or rather the Causes of those inveterate Parties that sprung from the Adoption of the Adoption national Constitution in 1789 which has, & again will, disgrace, distract & endanger the general Safety? By this Question I don’t meerly mean the Circumstances peculiar to the Time, & the novelties of the Experiment. Nor why the Man who had endangered every Thing in the sacred Cause of Freedom, & whose whole Life was dedicated to it’s Service, should, in the Career of his Exertions, be stigmatised as a Monarchist by one Party, and deserted by the other, because his Principles & his Measures set him above both? Nor why—but I will venture no farther untill I have Encouragement to put more particular Questions, which when Fear, Favour, Affection & hope of Reward shall be turned into honorable Inquiry, & dispassionate discussion, may be duly appreciated. I ask this for the Benefit of Posterity, Answer me as you please, but be assured of my unabated Esteem & Gratitude—

					Wm Tudor


Title: To John Adams from François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 12 April 1818
From: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan
To: Adams, John

My Dear and respected Sir!
Oldenbarneveld—12 Apr. 1818

Since I was gratified with your favour of march the 10, another of my intimate acquaintances—whom you may, perhaps, may recollect to have Seen in Holland, H. de Roo, van Wulverhorst is gone—the harvest for gathering my frends Seems to be at hand—two more, Vreed-en Cau, are yet left—and this week my Son communicated to us the death of his youngest Boy—only Six years—of uncommon bodily strenght and more promising yet from his mental endowments. He lingered a few weeks—the cause of the desease remains unknown The deep afflicted parents, the mother peculiarly So—are composed—and Submit and adore—It has plunged us in a deep Sorrow—we endeavour to imitate our children—knowing—that it must be, on the whole, for the best—but the Stroke was Severe for mrs v. d. Kemp—now 72 and my daughter, who doated upon the boy—by all who knew—him beloved and admired—and yet his Strong passions—bodily Strenght and Strenght of mind—might have become Sources—rich in unhappiness—So—that, could we See through the veil, we would be thankful, that he has not been put to the Severe test. I know—you and mrs Adams feel for us, or I Should not have dared to indulge this Strain—to unbosom to a frend is relief, in time perhaps I may recover my cheerfulness.
I knew—you would approve my undertaking—as my friend it must enhance your gratification, that it was unsought by me—I expect—that next winter Session it Shall be finally determined—how long I Shall be willing to continue—I Should be unwilling to negotiate with his Successor or his ministers—I leave the whole to his disposal, but this determination I was holden to communicate to Him. The task is arduous—and my eyes Suffer. At first I apprehended it would be a disheartening drudgery—but I experience the contrarÿ—It is deeply interesting—to the historian and Statesman—Since the 21 of Febr. I compleated about 240 Pages in Folio. It contains a full drawn picture of the Dutch mercantile views—prudence—energy and Success—with a few exceptions I Should not desire a more complete instruction, would I establish a mercantile colony. Nothing was to them a triffle—nothing was overlooked—but commerce was the Soul and yet agriculture not neglected It was a Settlement rather of merchants than Colonists—feeble in Strenght—if compared with N. England yet So powerful on the Atlantic—So beneficial to them, that while N.E. did feed them, they in their turn—provided N.E. and Virginia with wares and merchandises, and often exported their products. They were the possessors—exclusively—of the Fur trade—of Tobacco chiefly—and of Salt. But their rules of government were aristocratical—to an excess—and bigotry tainted their—religious establishment—No freedom of religion—except to the Calvinist—no printing press—and yet as early as 1652—a minister was Send to preach at N. Amsterdam in English—to conciliate the N. England Settlers—The Spirit of N. Eng—had made her appearance—and lured Some influential men—to foster it—No taxes as in which was consented—but it Soon was driven of "This was no concern of their Subjects" You See—it must afford Some amusement—I Shall communicate the rough outlines of my discoveries to De Witt Clinton as it must reward him, that he brought it forward.
I must renew my cordial thanks for the repeated gift of the Mem. of the acad—you can do no more—if your intention again might fail—and you are not alone—whose best wishes in my favour are often frustrated—Cau Send me again a box with valuable books—among these Herbelot—the vessel arrived in Savety at N. york—and the first tiding—Send me by Mess Le Roy—was—the Box was Stolen—presumtively—by one of the crew—the master of the Vessel left nothing untried—but in vain—he detained $20 from the crew’s wages—I do not Suspect that it is willful neglect in mr Shaw—Ever far be it from me—but Such triffles escape a mind engaged in more momentous pursuits—and I will not think very hard of him, as he does So much goods in his Sphere—
I feel—I must not go on, confident of your frendship and that of your excellent Lady—I remain with the highest consideration and respect / My Dear Sir! / Your affectionate and obliged / Frend!

Fr. Adr. vander Kemp

This morning I was unexpectedly cheared. I can not express the pleasure, which I felt—Mrs. Baste Send me the Portrait of Dr Wistar—It is He indeed—once you flattered me with the prospect, to receive your’s—a correct etching would gratify my wishes. Think once upon it—and vouch Safe this boon to one if not your oldest, of your Sincerest frends—


Title: From John Adams to William Tudor, Sr., 15 April 1818
From: Adams, John
To: Tudor, William, Sr.

dear sir,
Quincy, April 15, 1818.

I HAVE received your obliging favour of the 8th, but cannot consent to your resolution to ask no more questions. Your questions revive my sluggish memory. Since our national legislature have established a national painter—a wise measure, for which I thank them, my imagination runs upon the art, and has already painted, I know not how many, historical pictures. I have sent you one, give me leave to send another. The bloody rencontre between the citizens and the soldiers, on the 5th of March, 1770, produced a tremendous sensation throughout the town and country. The people assembled first at Faneuil Hall, and adjourned to the old South Church, to the number, as was conjectured, of ten or twelve thousand men, among whom were the most virtuous, substantial, independent, disinterested and intelligent citizens.—They formed themselves into a regular deliberative body, chose their moderator and secretary, entered into discussions, deliberations and debates, adopted resolutions, appointed committees. What has become of these records, Mr. Tudor? Where are they? Their resolutions in public were conformable to those of every man in private, who dared to express his thoughts or his feelings, “that the regular soldiers should be banished from the town, at all hazards.” Jonathan Williams, a very pious, inoffensive and conscientious gentleman, was their moderator. A remonstrance to the governor, or the governor and council, was ordained, and a demand that the regular troops should be removed from the town. A committee was appointed to present this remonstrance, of which Samuel Adams was the chairman.
Now for the picture. The theatre and the scenery are the same with those at the discussion of writs of assistance. The same glorious portraits of king Charles II. and king James II. to which might be added, and should be added, little miserable likenesses of Gov. Winthrop, Gov. Bradstreet, Gov. Endicott and Gov. Belcher, hung up in obscure corners of the room. Lieut. Gov. Hutchinson, commander in chief in the absence of the governor, must be placed at the head of the council table. Lieut. Col. Dalrymple, commander in chief of his majesty’s military forces, taking rank of all his majesty’s counsellors, must be seated by the side of the lieutenant governor and commander in chief of the province. Eight and twenty counsellors must be painted, all seated at the council board. Let me see, what costume? What was the fashion of that day, in the month of March? Large white wigs, English scarlet cloth cloaks, some of them with gold laced hats, not on their heads, indeed, in so august a presence, but on a table before them. Before these illustrious personages appeared Samuel Adams, a member of the house of representatives and their clerk, now at the head of the committee of the great assembly at the old South church. Thucidydes, Livy or Sallust would make a speech for him, or, perhaps, the Italian Bota, if he had known any thing of this transaction, one of the most important of the revolution; but I am wholly incapable of it; and, if I had vanity enough to think myself capable of it, should not dare to attempt it. He represented the state of the town and the country; the dangerous, ruinous and fatal effects of standing armies in populous cities in time of peace, and the determined resolution of the public, that the regular troops, at all events, should be removed from the town. Lieutenant governor Hutchinson, then commander in chief, at the head of a trembling council, said, “he had no authority over the king’s troops, that they had their separate commander and separate orders and instructions, and that he could not interfere with them.” Mr. Adams instantly appealed to the charter of the province, by which the governor, and in his absence the lieutenant governor, was constituted “commander in chief of all the military and naval power within its jurisdiction.” So obviously true and so irrefragable was the reply, that it is astonishing that Mr. Hutchinson should have so grossly betrayed the constitution, and so atrociously have violated the duties of his office by asserting the contrary. But either the fears or the ambition of this gentleman, upon this and many other occasions, especially in his controversy with the two houses, three years afterwards, on the supremacy of parliament, appear to have totally disarranged his understanding. He certainly asserted in public, in the most solemn manner, a multitude of the roundest falshoods, which he must have known to be such, and which he must have known could be easily and would certainly be detected, if he had not wholly lost his memory, even of his own public writing. You, Mr. Tudor, knew Mr. Adams from your childhood to his death. In his common appearance, he was a plain, simple, decent citizen, of middling stature, dress and manners. He had an exquisite ear for music, and a charming voice, when he pleased to exert it.—Yet his ordinary speeches in town meetings, in the house of representatives and in congress, exhibited nothing extraordinary; but upon great occasions, when his deeper feelings were excited, he erected himself, or rather nature seemed to erect him, without the smallest symptom of affectation, into an upright dignity of figure and gesture, and gave a harmony to his voice, which made a strong impression on spectators and auditors, the more lasting for the purity, correctness and nervous elegance of his style.
This was a delicate and a dangerous crisis. The question in the last resort was, whether the town of Boston should become a scene of carnage and desolation or not? Humanity to the soldiers conspired with a regard for the safety of the town, in suggesting the wise measure of calling the town together to deliberate. For nothing short of the most solemn promises to the people, that the soldiers should, at all hazards, be driven from the town, had preserved its peace. Not only the immense assemblies of the people, from day to day, but military arrangements from night to night, were necessary to keep the people and the soldiers from getting together by the ears. The life of a red coat would not have been safe in any street or corner of the town. Nor would the lives of the inhabitants have been much more secure. The whole militia of the city was in requisition, and military watches and guards were every where placed. We were all upon a level; no man was exempted; our military officers were our only superiors. I had the honor to be summoned in my turn, and attended at the state house with my musket and bayonet, my broad sword and cartridge box, under the command of the famous Paddock. I know you will laugh at my military figure; but I believe there was not a more obedient soldier in the regiment, nor one more impartial between the people and the regulars. In this character I was upon duty all night in my turn. No man appeared more anxious or more deeply impressed with a sense of danger on all sides, than our commander Paddock. He called me, common soldier as I was, frequently to his councils. I had a great deal of conversation with him, and no man appeared more apprehensive of a fatal calamity to the town, or more zealous by every prudent measure to prevent it. Such was the situation of affairs, when Samuel Adams was reasoning with lieutenant governor Hutchinson and lieutenant colonel Dalrymple. He had fairly driven them from all their outworks, breastworks and entrenchments, to their citadel. There they paused and considered and deliberated. The heads of Hutchinson and Dalrymple were laid together in whispers for a long time: when the whispering ceased, a long and solemn pause ensued, extremely painful to an impatient and expecting audience. Hutchinson, in time, broke silence; he had consulted with colonel Dalrymple, and the colonel had authorized him to say that he might order one regiment down to the castle, if that would satisfy the people. With a self-recollection, a self-possession, a self-command, a presence of mind that was admired by every man present, Samuel Adams arose with an air of dignity and majesty, of which he was sometimes capable, stretched forth his arm, though even then quivering with palsy, and with an harmonious voice and decisive tone, said, “if the lieutenant governor or colonel Dalrymple, or both together, have authority to remove one regiment, they have authority to remove two; and nothing short of the total evacuation of the town by all the regular troops, will satisfy the public mind or preserve the peace of the province.”
These few words thrilled through the veins of every man in the audience, and produced the great result. After a little awkward hesitation, it was agreed that the town should be evacuated and both regiments sent to the castle.
After all this gravity it is merry enough to relate that William Molineaux, was obliged to march side by side with the commander of some of their troops, to protect them from the indignation of the people, in their progress to the wharf of embarcation for the castle. Nor is it less amusing that lord North, as I was repeatedly and credibly informed in England, with his characteristic mixture of good humour and sarcasm, ever after called these troops by the title of “Sam Adams’s two regiments.”
The painter should seize upon the critical moment when Samuel Adams stretched out his arm, and made his last speech.
It will be as difficult to do justice, as to paint an Apollo; and the transaction deserves to be painted as much as the surrender of Burgoyne. Whether any artist will ever attempt it, I know not.

John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to William Tudor, Sr., 23 April 1818
From: Adams, John
To: Tudor, William, Sr.

Dear Sir
Quincy April 23d. 1818

I have Seldom read so much good sense, in so few Words as in your Letter of the 5th. Your Judgment of Mr Wirts Biography of My Friend Mr Henry, is in exact Unison with my own. I have read it with more delight than Scotts Romances in Verse and Prose or Miss Porters Scottish Chiefs and other Novels.
I am sorry you have introduced me. I could wish my own Name forgotten, if I could devellope, the true causes of the Rise and Progress of American Revolution and Independence.
Why have Harmodius and Brutus, Coligni and Brederode Cromwell and Napoleon failed, and a thousand others? Because human Nature cannot bear Prosperity. Success always intoxicates Patriots as well as other Men; and because Birth and Wealth always in the End, overcome popular and Vulgar Envy, more than surely than publick Interest—The Causes of our Parties during and since the Revolution would lead me too far—
You cannot ask me two many Questions—I will answer them all according as strength shall be allowed to your / Aged and Infirm Friend.
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Justin Griswold, 3 May 1818
From: Adams, John
To: Griswold, Justin

Sir
Quincy May 3d. 1818.

I was born on the nineteenth of October 1735, and consequently was eighty two years of age, on the thirtieth of October 1817.
My Son John Quincy, was born on the eleventh of July 1767, and consequently will be fifty one years of age, on the eleventh of July next.
If this information can afford any gratification to the old revolutionary Gentleman of your vicinity, everyone of whom I love, it is communicated with pleasure though it is not written without pain by the quivering hand of your and their age and respectfull / humble servant
John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to William Tudor, Sr., 12 May 1818
From: Adams, John
To: Tudor, William, Sr.

Dear Tudor
Quincy May 12. 1818

In my Letters to you, I regard no order. And I think, I ought to make you laugh Sometimes: otherwise my Letters would be too grave, if not too melancholly. To this End I Send you Jemmibellero “the Song of the Drunkard” which was published in Fleets “Boston Evening Post” on the 13th. of May 1765. It was universally agreed to have been written by Samuel Waterhouse, who had been the most notorious Scribler, Satyrist, and Libeller, in the Service of the Conspirators against the Liberties of America and against the Administration of Governor Pounal, and against the Characters of Mr Pratt and Mr Tyng. The Rascal had Witt. Butt is Ridicule the Test of Truth? You See the bacchanalian Ha! Ha! at Otis’s Prosodies Greek and Latin. And you See the Encouragement of Scollarship in that Age. The whole Legion, the whole Phalangs, the whole Host of Conspirators against the Liberties of America could not have produced Mr Otis’s Greek and Latin Prosodies. Yet they must be made the Scorn of Fools. Such was the Character of the Age, or rather of the day. Such have been and Such will be the rewards of real Patriotism in all Ages and all over the World. I am, as ever, your old Friend and / humble Servant
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Isaac H. Jackson, 16 May 1818
From: Jackson, Isaac H.
To: Adams, John

					Repsected Sir
					Greene Township near Cincinnati O. May 16. 1818

				Though satisfied you are always willing to give information; yet as an entire stranger I must beg you will pardon the liberty taken of intruding on you, in requesting the name of the author of a poem written I imagine in Massachusetts about the year 1768 ns, entitled “An Address to a Provincial Bashaw”. The strong language in which it is written induced me many years since to copy it from some work I do not recollect but presume from a British periodical publication as it has the following introductory lines. “This Poem which is addressed to the Governor of a North American Colony, has been so highly celebrated by our American fellow–subjects, that we shall make no Apology for laying it before the readers of this Country.”—It consists of twenty six stanzas; the first one	“When elevated work commands esteem,Each glowing heart surrenders to the claim,And pregnant genius, brooding o’er the theme,Inscribes his honours on the roll of fame.”The concluding ones are“O’er Life’s last ebbs, though nameless horrors roll,To one like thee, abandon’d, unforgiven,Though sharp the conflict of that parting soul,Which long maintain’d a desperate war with heaven,Yet trust me B—, not the heart-wrung tearShall snatch they name from obloquy below,Nor sore repentance, which absolves the there,Shall sooth the vengeance of a mortal foe.”I have no doubt but you must have read it & probably have a copy of it, but should you not, & have the least desire for it, it will afford me great pleasure to send one.—With great respect I remain / Your Ob. sert.

					Isaac H. Jackson


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Owen Tyler, 16 May 1818
From: Tyler, Benjamin Owen
To: Adams, John

					Venerable and Respected Sir
					City of Washington May 16th 1818

				I have executed and published an elegant copy of the Declaration of American Independence, being the first and only copy ever published with facsimilies of the signatures of that ever venerated band of patriots who signed it, among whom you Sir were the foremost, and as your Illustrious compatriot Thomas Jefferson expressed in a letter to a gentleman in this city, “the pillar of its support on the floor of congress” For the glorious manner in which you distinguished yourself on that interesting occasion, the American people your grateful countrymen, have been pleased to elevate you to the highest and most dignified station in the power of a free people to confer. A gracious Providence, has been pleased to preserve your valuable life, to behold your utmost wishes realized, that of seeing your native country free, Independent and happy, and our Government established on a foundation which must well elevate her to the highest rank and respect among the nations of the earth. The very name of those Heroes, Statesman, and patriots, who achieved our Independence, will animate and nerve the arm of future generations to defend and protect those dear–bought rights, and liberties, we now enjoy. The most sanguine heroes of the revolution could not have anticipated a result so glorious that in 40 years after the Declaration of American Independence was announced to the world, that the United States of America, would have become one of the greatest and most flourishing nations on earth, and the only assylum for the oppress’d. The copy I have published is plain, and the same size of the original and is afforded at a price which, almost every American can have it in his power possess a correct copy of the charter of his freedom—combining an elegant specimen of American penmanship and engraving, with the most interesting subject that ever excited the attention and admiration of the political world. Few indeed are now living, who assisted in erecting this proud column of American Liberty. When we look over the list of those who  enroll’d their names on that sacred pledge of every thing dear to them, I believe all but five (viz. Mr Ellery, Mr Floyd, Mr Carroll, Mr Jefferson and yourself) have paid the debt of nature, and but a few days more can we point to a single survivor. My Grandfather (a native American) now more than 90 years old once had the honor of your acquaintance, and assisted with four of his sons, (among whom my father was one) in gaining the liberty, and happiness which is now sought by the oppresse’d of all nations. It will ever be a source of the highest gratification to me, that I have been able to execute a faithful copy, with facsimilies of the signatures of all those sages who signed that invaluable document, that it may be preserved entire for the benefit of future generations.Sir please to accept the enclosed copy, as a testimony of the gratitude and respect, I entertain, (to use an expression of the venerable Jefferson) “for one of the finest Statesman and patriots America ever produced”I have the honor to be with the / highest respect and esteem / Your most obedient / Servant

					Benjamin O. Tyler

					P.S. I have taken the liberty to enclose an advertisement wherein is contained the names of a number Gentlemens names from whom I have the most satisfactory recommendations, all of whom I am personally acquainted.yours &c

			B. O. Tyler


Title: To John Adams from William P. Gardner, 19 May 1818
From: Gardner, William P.
To: Adams, John

					Venerable Sir,
					Washington City 19th. May 1818.

				I yesterday had the pleasure to receive the Letter which you did me the Honor to address to me under date of the 11 Instant for which you  will be pleased to accept my thanks.—It is indeed highly grateful to my feelings to have the honor of a friendly Letter from one of the most illustrious founders of the American Republic.—I observe that your Hand is tremulous, the enevitable Consequence of a very advanced Age, hence I presume that writing has become extreemly irksome to you.—I feel Regret that I have been the Cause of imposing the task.—In answer to one part of your Letter, I wou’d wish to remark that the Copy Declaration of Independence about to be publishd in Philadelphia is not by Mr. De La Plane, but by a Mr. Binns.—I can only gather from the Proposals that your Likeness is not intended to embellish his plate.—I am extreemly sorry that this is the Case.—Some Explanation is here necessary for your Information.—So long back as about the Presidency of General Washington, under whose Administration I was employd in the Treasury Department of the United States I contemplated publishing a splendid Copy of the Declaration of American Independence with emblematical Ornaments, likenesses of the most prominent characters who acted upon that ever memorable Occasion and fac Similies of the Signatures of the immortal Band of Patriots who signed it.—As there were no Artists at that time in Philadelphia to execute the Business in such manner as I cou’d wish the matter continued at rest in my Mind.In the early part of the Year 1810 in this City I became acquainted with Mr. George Murray, an Engraver of Eminence in Philadelphia who was introduced to me by letter from a Gentleman of that City.—I found Mr Murray an intellegent, well informd Man and concluded he was one of the fittest persons to form an Association with in Order to carry on and bring to completion my intended publication.—I accordingly unfolded my Mind to him under an Injunction of Secrecy.—This he promised faithfully to observe.—I told him I had come to a fixt Determination to do nothing in this Business without previously consulting Mr. Jefferson, who I believed to be one of the main Stays of our Country on that trying Occasion.—The matter rested here for some time, my Duties in Office requiring my close Attention from Day to day.On the 13 February 1813 I wrote to Mr. Jefferson enclosing a Sketch drawn by the late Mr. Barralet of Philadelphia.—A Copy of Mr. Jefferson’s Answer I did myself the Honor to enclose to you.The Sketch drawn by the late Mr. Barralet represented the Genius of Liberty indignantly hurling to Destruction the Demon of Tyranny and trampling on Crowns, Sceptres and other Appendages of Royalty.—Beneath were three medallion Ovals intended to represent Likenesses of the most prominent of those immortal Patriots who Signed that glorious Charter of our Country’s Rights and Liberties, and under the Body of the Declaration fac Similies of their Signatures.—This Sketch received the Approbation of Mr. Jefferson, as will appear by the following Extract of his Letter to me of 19 february 1813 in Answer to mine of the 13th: of same month.—“I am too little versed in the Art of Design to be able to offer any Suggestions to the Artist.—So far as I am a Judge the Composition appears to be judicious and well immagind.—Were I to hazzard a Suggestion it shoud be that Mr. Hancock as President of Congress shoud occupy the middle and principal place. (in the Ovals)“No Man better merited than Mr. John Adams to hold a most conspicuous place in the Design.—He was the Pillar of its Support on the floor of Congress, its ablest Advocate and Defender against the multifarious Assaults it encountered; for many excellent persons opposed it on Doubts whether we were provided sufficiently with the means of supporting it, whether the minds of our Constituents were yet prepared to receive it &ca., who, after it was decided, united Zealously in the measures it called for.”In accordance with the Suggestion and wish of Mr. Jefferson, which in fact immediately became mine also, on the Receipt of his Letter, I came to the fixt Determination to render unto Cæsar the things that are Cæsars, to render Justice to whom it was due.—My intention was that the Likeness of Mr: Hancock as President of Congress shoud occupy the Middle and principal place in the three Ovals.—Mr. Jefferson and yourself each side.—I transmitted to Mr. Murray a Copy of Mr. Jefferson’s Letter.—From time to time I expected to have heard from him on the subject.—He has since observed a profound Silence and the first Intimation or Knowledge I had of the publication of this important state paper going on was by the proposals issued in the Democratic Press of Philadelphia by John Binns, in which Mr. Murray’s name is announced as one of the Engravers.—The Reason why he has not been announced as a Principal in the undertaking must be obvious to the decerning mind, when the public are informd that I have in my Possession many of the Letters of Mr. Murray to me, which go to prove the Connection subsisting between us in this undertaking.—By their Prospectus I find, venerable sir, that they have deviated from my Design by omitting your Likeness.—Both these Persons have landed on our shores since the Peace which gave us Independence.—As adopted Citizens they are now in the full Enjoyment, after having bade farewell to a Land of Tyranny and Oppression of that Liberty and security founded and establishd by the Wisdom and firmness of you, venerable sir, in Conjunction with your illustrious Compatriots.—Yet at the Close of your glorious and useful Life they wou’d treat you thus.In Consequence of the Justice which has been denied you in that quarter Mr. Tyler’s Intention is, I understand to have three Ovals with Likenesses of Mr: Hancock, as President of Congress in the principal or centre and Mr. Jefferson and yourself on each side, surmounted by the American Eagle with suitable Emblems and surrounded with the words Pro Patria as an Accompanyment to his Copy of the Declaration of Independence.—Venerable Sir—Posterity will be proud to render you the tribute of Justice when the names of your Revilers, those mere Ephemera, together with their falshoods and Calumniations shall have decended to the Silent Tomb of Oblivion.—I also, sir, during my Residence in several parts of Europe have seen many of the nations of that section of the Globe prostrate as footstools at the feet of France during her ill guided sanguinary an mad Revolution and, after having trampled upon the Rights and Liberties of every nation within her power and bathed her huge Limbs in human Gore, I have lived to see her also bow her Neck without a Struggle to an usurper and a Tyrant and in her turn prostrate also.—Never cou’d I observe, either under the Governments of Republican, regal or imperial France, that the Blessings of Liberty, the freedom of Speech and protection of person were effectually secured.—With the Declaration of the Rights of Man in the One Hand, the Successive Rulers of that ill fated nation held the iron Rod of Tyranny in the other.If Mankind wish to be taught Lessons of Liberty, Equality and the Rights of Man the American soil is the only Spot where they can receive them, the only Nation in the world where Liberty has unfurld her Standard.—Thanks, venerable sir, to the illustrious patriots, Heroes and statesmen of ‘76.—May a Kind Providence continue to you Health and every other Blessing is the wish of venerable sir / very respectfully, / Your most obedient / and Humble Servant

					Wm. P. Gardner

					P. S. Mr. Tyler is a young Gentleman possessd of very superior talents in penmanship—He has resided some time in this City and came recommended in the highest Terms by the Governor of New York and most of the principal Characters of that State.—His Father and his Grand father, now about 90 Years of Age, helpt to fight the Battles of our Revolution.—Mr. Tyler told me that he woud transmit two Copies of the Declaration to you—The One on parchment, the other on paper.—I presume he has done so ‘ere this time—He is now in Philadelphia.—I observe what you say in respect to your Likeness wanted by Mr. Delaplane for the national Work of Heads and Lives of illustrious persons.—I am sorry that Mr. Delaplane has not succeeded in obtaining one.—I can perhaps obtain One for him—A very striking likeness.—It is an Engraving a Bust on quarto paper, which some years since belongd to a Gentleman of this City who is now dead.—The likeness is very striking.—You will perhaps ask how do I know this.—I will briefly tell you sir.—When you filld the high and honorable situation of President of these United States you frequented the same places of worship in Philadelphia that I did and my Father before me.—The Presbyterian meeting in Market street south side between third and fourth streets, of which the Reverend James Ewing, Provost of the College of Pennsylvania was minister.—Under that Gentleman at the College of Pennsylvania I received my Education.—At that Meeting-House, I, of course, had an Opportunity of closely examining your features which I have often done and have now in my minds’ Eye a perfect Recollection of your face, as well as your Person.—I will endeavour to procure the Engraving to which I allude.—I have thought it not amiss to give you these Details respecting the publication of the Declaration of American Independence. I have been employd in public Office under four different Presidents, Genl: Washington yourself, Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison.—I am at present not in any public situation.—It has pleased God to give me a sufficiency to live upon.—I shou’d be happy to receive merely a few Lines to know that this Letter has reached your Hands.—


Title: To John Adams from William Tudor, Sr., 20 May 1818
From: Tudor, William, Sr.
To: Adams, John

					Dear Sir
					Boston 20th. May 1818

				Did Mr. Otis write more than two political Pamphlets? One his spirited “Vindication of the House of Representatives” printed in 1762. And the other that “Of the Rights of the Colonies asserted & proved” in which he strangely concedes the Authority & Right of the British Parliament to make Laws binding upon the Subjects however distant their Situation, & variant their Circumstances, in all Cases that they may think proper; directing his argument against the Expediency & Policy of their Exercise. It certainly was a different Doctrine & sounder principle that produced the Emancipation of our Country from an oppressive Domination. In our Historical Library there is another Pamphlet supposed to have been written by him printed by Almon in 1765 called “Considerations in behalf of the Colonies addressed to a noble Lord.”There is also another which is ascribed to Mr. Thacher and intitled “Sentiments of a British American.” printed by Edes & Gill in 1764. Did this honest & excellent Man write any other?I take back in Part, the Request which you say would lead you too far, & will hazard a few of my own Sentiments on the Charactericks of Party since the Revolution, or rather springing out of the National Constitution.Mr. Otis in his Preface to the “Vindication &c. divides the political World into two great Parties “Those who are discontented that they have no Power, and those who think they can never have enough.” This was true in his Time, but had he lived till & during the last 25 years he might have increased his Divisionary Definitions.Among the many political aphorisms which Experience has sanctioned, no one, however trite, is more true thanThat Party Spirit is the Madness of the Many for the Benefit of the few.This precious few in the United States I would distinguish by thoseWho have Ambition & Talents & become public Men to obtain Places either of Eminence or EmolumentThose who with some reading & a ready Elocution aspire to head a Party, & would overturn a state to establish an OpinionandThose who commence Leaders to blacken the Men they envy, safely affront those they hate, and attempt the Ruin of all who despize them.They each insist upon their own Sect being exclusive Patriots & therefore alone to be confided in. And the general Mass of us the People, who sometimes distrust them all, are looked upon either as very stupid, or very indifferent to the Welfare of our dear Country and its all glorious Constitution. These gratuitous Guardians of the public Weal are perpetually sounding in our Ears the momentous Crisis of our Affairs, which according to their knowlege, Belief & most honest Fears, is continually occurring, and that the Country would be lost if it was not prevented by their disinterested Labours. And thus the Public is to be kept in an unceasing Sate of Ferment, Alarm, & Jealousy that these People may talk, write, & falsify with Impunity. Doctor Saml. Johnson was used to declare that he loved a good Hater. How happy must he have been had he lived in this Land of Freedom during the last Age! But I will no longer trifle with your time by Observations that must have so often occurred in your Eventfull Life, & can serve only to rouse those Reminiscences which are painful.What must have been the Character of the Age when such wretched Ribaldry as “the Song of the Drunkard” could have been read and thought to be witty?I am most truly / your’s

					Wm Tudor