Title: To John Adams from William Tudor, Sr., 27 May 1796
From: Tudor, William, Sr.
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Boston 27 May 1796

I have to regret that I was out of Town the Morning that you called upon me. At the Time Doctor Welsh acquainted me with it he added that you had returned to Braintree, or I should have endeavoured immediately to have seen you, to have thanked you for so kind a Visit, as well as for those many Acts of Friendship from which, in early Life, I derived so much advantage. The Voyage and subsequent Tour I propose making have always been interesting & desirable Objects. As Life properly consists only in the Multiplication of our Ideas, & as I can better at this Period leave my Family than at any future Day, I think myself excusable in gratifying a favourite, & at my Time of Life I presume not a useless Wish. But I cannot leave my Country without rejoicing in its present Prospects in so great a Degree attributable to the Firmness and Providence of the efficient individual Members of our Government. Anxious as I must ever feel for its Prosperity I should dread the Resignation of our fortunate & glorious President, if I did not with ardent Satisfaction anticipate that the good Sense of my Countrymen, & the guardian Genius of America, will place in his Seat the Man among her Citizens who long, energetic and successful Labours coequal in the Cabinet with those of the immortal Washington in the Field of our Revolutions merit & I hope will meet their Supreme Reward.
But whether at the Head of the american Nation you shall be destined to dignify her Councils, or direct the Energy of her measures, or aloof from the Turbulence of Politicks, and beyond the Reach of the Malignancy of Party you retire to Philosophic life, may you long live to enjoy the Prosperity of our common Country annually increasing.
Adieu! my dear Sir, and be assured that I shall ever retain sentiments of Respect & gratitude under a deep impression of which I remain / your obliged Friend & / most faithfull hble Servant
Wm. Tudor


Title: From Hannibal Dobbyn to John Adams, 28 May 1796
From: Dobbyn, Hannibal
To: Adams, John,United States Senate

					To the Honorable the President and Senate of the United States.
					28th May 1796

				The Memorial of Hannibal William Dobbyn humbly shewethThat Memorialist came to America in the year one thousand seven hundred and eighty nine; to purchase a Tract of Land in the Western Territory of the United States for a Number of respectable Families from Ireland & for himself; that your Memorialist upon his arrival presented a Petition to Congress to be permitted to buy said Lands, which Petition was refered to a Committee, who reported in favour of said Petition; the Secretary of the Treasury not thinking it expedient to open the Sale of the Western Lands, on account of the Indian Title not being at that Time extinguished, Your Memorialist was prevented from compleating said purchase, and has remained in America ever since the Year one thousand seven hundred and eighty nine in daily expectation of confirming it, at a very considerable expence and loss of Time; Your Memorialist having immediately acquainted those Families  who most ardently wished to emigrate to America, that the Committee had reported in favour of their being permitted to purchase Lands, they were induced to sell their property in Ireland; many of whom have been driven to great distress by being so long prevented from acquiring said lands, & by being compelled to live on their Capital, they are so far reduced, as to be totally unable to give the price which Congress has fixed on for them—Your Memorialist therefore humbly prays that Your Honourable House will take the Subject in Your Consideration, and permit him to purchase Lands in the Western Country at the same price at which they were when he presented his former Petition, or at the moderate rate, which You in Your Wisdom shall think proper

					Hannibal William Dobbyn


Title: To John Adams from Timothy Pickering, 31 May 1796
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Adams, John

Sir
Department of State May 31. 1796.

I have the honor to enclose a report on the memorial and petition of William Somarfall & son & John Price, merchants of Charleston, South Carolina, yesterday referred to me by the Senate; and to be with perfect respect, / Sir, / Your most obedient servant

Timothy PickeringSecy. of State


Title: From John Adams to Oliver Wolcott, Jr., 1 June 1796
From: Adams, John
To: Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.

Dear Sir
Quincy June 1. 1796

According to an intimation I gave you at Philadelphia before I left it, I had now the Honour to request the favour of you to Send me a Quarters Salary, in a Post Note for Twelve hundred and fifty Dollars, and I hereby Authorize you to discharge the Warrant neccessary for that Purpose as fully as I could do, if I were Present.
The Political World in this Quarter of it, is as Still and calm as a Dutch Canal. We have not yet heard of the Rising of Congress. If any Thing very curious Should turn up, I Should be much obliged to you, for a Line now and then. I am much pleased with the Appointments of Mr King and Mr Humphreys. I Shall have more confidence in future in Representations from abroad.
With great Regard and Sincere friendship / I am dear Sir, your most obdt
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 3 June 1796
From: Adams, John
To: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan

Dear Sir
Quincy June 3, 1796

The Reverend Dr Belknap and Dr Morse being upon a Journey into your Neighbourhood I have been desirous that they Should have an Opportunity of Seeing you, and that you Should have an Opportunity of Seeing them. They are     clergy men of great Fame and what  better of great Merit. I have not  add any Thing more,  assurances of unva esteem  humble sert

John Adams


Title: To John Adams from John Quincy Adams, 6 June 1796
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, John

N: 21.
My dear Sir.
The Hague June 6. 1796.

At length I have been released from a situation, equally remote from all public utility and all personal satisfaction. After a detention which I could not avoid, but which was at least unnecessary, of several months I left London on the 28th: of last month, and arrived here on the 31st: The People there were in the midst of the Saturnalian electioneering holidays. The writs issued for the New Parliament are made returnable on the 12th: of July. The changes will not be numerous and the majorities of the Minister will be as great as they have been hitherto. Such at least was the general opinion, which was confirmed by the elections that had been made previous to my departure.
The account of the resolution of the House of Representatives of the United States, relative to the British Treaty, passed on the 17th: of April, had arrived a few days before I came away. It was brought by the Arab, a sloop of War dispatched from New York, expressly for the purpose, and which had a passage of only twenty-three days. The Resolution was considered as the natural precursor of a final decision, not to pass the laws necessary to carry the Treaty into effect on the part of the United States, and the sensation which the intelligence produced was even greater than I should have expected. I confess it made me doubly desirous to quit a country, where the malevolence that is so common against America was exulting in the triumph with which it pointed to the event, as a proof of our Executive imbecility, or of our Legislative perfidy. It was difficult to refute both the alternatives, and I retired with pleasure from the humiliating task of palliating what I felt myself altogether incapable to justify.
To all the Americans in England that I met with after the news of this Resolution, it was quite unexpected, as their accounts from home had uniformly led them to the hope or fear of a different event. But I cannot say the case was thus with me, and in my letter of April 4. (N: 19.) which I hope has reached you before this, you will find at full length the opinion that I then held upon the subject. As a party manoeuvre the proceedings to which the House have given their sanction were well conducted, and indeed it would be blindness indeed not to perceive that the operations of that party are conducted with a skill and perseverance, an harmony and consistency which the friends of the Government seldom discover.—That all the weight of french influence was exerted on that occasion is unquestionable. The delivery of the forts was a thing too much dreaded by them to be suffered without a struggle. That event would have been the death blow to all their hopes of engaging the United States in the War and they well knew it was inevitable, if the Treaty did not first meet with non-compliance on our part.—Under the present circumstances the forts will assuredly not be delivered, and the party who have succeeded in preventing it will make them again the watch-word of their war-whoop. You may depend upon it as a certain fact that the french policy of the present day, is determined upon involving us yet in the War. From the complexion of the present House of Representatives I have strong apprehensions that they will succeed: if they do we shall not be found despicable enemies, but what will become of our National Government? what will become of our federal union? I am unwilling to look the prospect in the face.
If the late proceedings of the house were to be considered merely as the flashes of anger and resentment against the British Government, whatever my opinion of their wisdom might be, I should concur with my whole soul in the motives, and should have comparatively but trifling apprehensions of the consequences. But the wound is evidently deeper: the symptoms indicate an infallible struggle between the popular and Executive branches of our Government. In such a struggle what will become of the Executive? especially if it should get incumbered with such a distressing War, as they are endeavouring to excite—In my opinion it must inevitably fall.
The system of french government in America is not changed as far as I can discover. But an alteration of measures has certainly taken place. The bullying Embassy which I mentioned in my N: 19: as being in contemplation is now said to be laid aside, and even Mr: Pain’s threatened pamphlet has not yet appeared. He has only published a piece upon the English finances, which I sent you from London, and which in his own opinion amply revenges all the injuries and insults which the United States and France have received from Great Britain for the last four years.—What the present views of the American Representation in France are, I am unable to say but the final object of the french system is still to involve us in War, and to new model our Executive.
I have already written you my ideas as to the purposes of France to raise a combination of all the maritime Powers against Great Britain. It does not however appear probable at present that she will succeed. The difference between Russia and Sweden appears to have been settled by the unconditional submission of the latter, and the Swedish Ambassador at Paris is recalled. The Court of Denmark though stimulated no less than the United States by France, and though provoked by still greater injuries and aggressions by Britain remains in such check by the latter on one side and the Empress on the other that it will not abandon its neutrality at the risk of a contest with them. Spain though upon very indifferent terms with the British Court equally dreads their superior maritime power and if the Italian States under the pressure of the moment should acquiesce in such commercial stipulations as France may subscribe, it they will only repeat the experience of this Country which by land and sea has alternately been made the victim of the two great rival powers.
The campaign of Italy commenced and finished in the course of a month has been as brilliant in its operations and as splendid in its success to the french armies, as any of those of the preceding years in other quarters. It has terminated in a Peace with the King of Sardinia, upon the terms dictated by the Directory, and has opened the whole extent of Italy to their arms.—The armistice upon the Rhine was by Notice from the Austrian General to cease on the first of this month and the intelligence of the renewal of hostilities is expected from day to day. The french armies there are said to be in very great force, and as they will probably act principally on the defensive, the imperial forces are not like to make any great impression during this campaign. It is generally supposed that by the close of the Season the Emperor will be so far exhausted as to subscribe even to the sacrifice of the Netherlands for the sake of Peace. From the style of the ministerial Papers in England, it is evident that the Government is beginning to prepare the public mind for that event and for the continuation of the War only between them and France.
You will see in the public papers an account of an obscure conspiracy to destroy the present French Constitution, and to massacre the legislative and Executive bodies. At the head of it is said to have been Droust the famous Post Master who stopped the late king in his flight at Varennes; who was afterwards a member of the Convention; was one of his deputies delivered by Dumourier at the time of his defection, to the Austrian General; and was recently returned from thence as one of the persons given in Exchange for the daughter of Louis the 16th. The object of the plot was to restore the reign of the Jacobin faction, and the Constitution of 1793. But there are many persons who think that the Directory have very much exaggerated the facts in order to strengthen themselves by giving an alarm to the People.
In this Country a National Assembly representing the whole Republic has since my absence taken the place of the States General, and has now been more than three months in Session. They have appointed from among themselves a Committee to form a Constitution. The members of this Committee while employed upon the work do not retain their seats in the Assembly. It is supposed that the federal union will be abandoned altogether and that the future Republic will be one and indivisible. The organization will resemble that of France. The theory of Government is not like to derive any very useful new discovery from the Batavian Revolution, and they will scarcely venture to abandon in any material article the example of their allies and patrons. The Man whose character was the most strongly marked of any one that has borne a part in the recent events, Mr: Paulus, is dead, nor is it yet seen upon whom his mantle has descended.—But I have been so long absent that I have almost lost the chain of political occurrences here, and since my return I have not yet had time to resume it.
I have no letters from you since those that Mr: Hall brought me. My own correspondence from England was more frequent than it had previously been. But I have so few correspondents that even acknowledge the receipt of my letters, that I cannot expect constant returns from you, who have so good reasons for not writing.
I remain in duty and affection, your Son
John Q. Adams.


Title: To John Adams from Barnabas Bidwell, 20 June 1796
From: Bidwell, Barnabas
To: Adams, John

Sir,
Stockbridge, June 20th 1796

In behalf of the Connecticut Susquehannah Company, I take the liberty of addressing to you an enquiry relative to one point of their Title to land lying west of New York, within the limits of their Charter, and covered also by the Charter to Sr. William Penn.
I need not mention that their claim rests upon three foundations, viz. the earliest royal grants, the earliest valid Indian Deed, and the earliest actual occupancy. Their grants from the Crown are contained in the original Charter to the great Plymouth Council, the Assignments deduced down from said Company, through the Earl of Warwick, Sr. Jay &c &the Confirmatory Charter of Charles 2nd. dated in 1662. These all extend westward, it is conceived, to the South Sea. In addition to the express words of the Charters, there are collateral proofs of their extent. The Congress at Albany in 1754, declared that "The Ancient Colonies of the Massachusetts Bay & Connecticut are were by their Charters respective Charters made to extend to the said South Sea." The acceptance of the Cessions from Massachusetts & Connecticut, by the Congress, under the articles of Confederation, are considered as tacit acknowledgments of the western extent of those Charters. You have understood that in negotiating the Peace of 1783 our Ministers urged these Charters, as well as that of Virginia, as an argument for ceding or rather confirming to the United States, the lands westward as far as the Mississippi, the western boundary of the former British dominions; that the British Ministers acknowledged that extent of the grants contained in the Charters; and that it was upon that principle solely, or chiefly that the Western Territory was obtained. If these were the facts, we conceive they furnish additional proof of our construction of the Connecticut Charter, to wit, that it extends westward of the State of New York, whereas the Pennsylvania Claimamants confine it to the eastern side of that State:
As you, Sir, acted a principal part in that memorable negotiation, the knowledge of the whole is doubtless in your possession. Such information upon these points, as may be proper to be communicated, I have the honour to request. Whether the negociation was conducted by letter or personal conferences or both; whether the negotiators kept journals of the arguments urged by them; whether, if such documents remain, extracts relative to our purpose would be parted, with liberty to make public use of them, are questions respectfully submitted.
The magnitude of the subject, the immense property depending upon the determination, & my duty to the Connecticut Company, as one of their Council; are my apologies for the trouble of this application. Being an entire stranger, I make it with diffidence; but I hope it will be excused. An answer by the mail, as soon as more important occupations will permit, will confer a peculiar obligation upon a numerous class of citizens, who are interested in the event of the question.
With sentiments of veneration & the warmest wishes for the prosperity of that Government, which you have so largely contributed to form, to cement, to enlighten & direct, I have the honour to be, Sir, your most obedient humble servant
Barnabas Bidwell


Title: To John Adams from John Quincy Adams, 24 June 1796
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, John

N: 22.
My Dear Sir.
The Hague June 24. 1796.

A few days ago, I received your favour of April 5. which acknowledges the receipt of three little scraps from me, merely accompanying the newspapers, and some pamphlets. Your letter speaks of my long ones, but as it does not particularly notice the receipt of any that I wrote from England, I am still a little apprehensive on their account. As my long Letters to you have all been regularly numbered from the time of my arrival in Europe to the present, if any number should be missing you will immediately perceive it. The numbers from 14 to 20. were written in England, and are altogether distinct from the few lines which I generally sent with the newspapers.—I mention these circumstances, because I have yet no intimation from America, that any of my letters from London relative to public affairs have been received, and know not therefore how many of them may have miscarried.
If the accounts received here are well founded, the House of Representatives have at last, past the Laws necessary to execute on our part the Treaty with Britain, though by a very small majority. There will therefore now be left no pretext for refusing or delaying any longer the delivery of the forts, and I believe that it will be, or rather that it has been done. If there should be any further cavilling and quibbling on this subject, I think our Government may conclude that all hope or expectation of amicable adjustment are vain, and hope they will pursue such a line of conduct as will either curb an insolence altogether insupportable, or bring to the test the importance of our national friendship.
The American Citizens partial to the french interest, that I meet occasionally, and the french political characters with whom I have an opportunity to converse, all foretell, with a confidence, which would alarm if its motive were not discernible, and which even as it is deserves attention, that the forts will not be delivered up according to the Treaty, and some of them undertake particularly to specify the fort of Niagara, which they say will certainly be withheld. This confident foresight however is one of the party manoeuvres. They hoped that the House of Representatives would make such a stand against the Treaty as at least to leave its efficacy in suspense untill after the period designated for the surrender of the Posts. They had no doubt but that in that case the British Government would at least delay the delivery while a question on our side remained, and they were desirous to secure the benefit of a future pretension that the delay on the part of the British, proceeded not from the obstacles raised by us, but from a deliberate and perfidious intention, to make a sport of the most solemn obligations.—This policy has so long been evident to me that I thought the party in our national Representative body would endeavour only to delay the resolve for passing the necessary laws, and would not venture out point-blank against their enactment at all.—
As to the good faith of the British Government, I have just the same opinion of it, that I have of their friendly disposition towards the United States, or of their commercial generosity; they are all upon a level, and Heaven forefend that our only dependance for their performance of stipulations should ever rest upon either. But I cannot see what pretext they can now raise to varnish a further delay, and although the influential party among them would rejoyce at an opportunity to go to War with us, they dare not do it without some plausible reason to stimulate the animosity of their own People.
I feel therefore almost as confident that the Posts will be delivered up, as my french friends are, or appear to be that they will not. I have been obscurely sounded both directly and indirectly, by the french Minister here, to discover my opinion upon this Article, since my return from England, but have not thought it consistent with my duty to gratify his curiosity.
But if they should not, upon whatever pretence the denial may be grounded, it will certainly become an important object with our Government to take measures of preparation for a state of hostility, which will in that case I think be unavoidable, and which will scarce be worth attempting any longer to avoid.
Our only vulnerable part will be our commerce: but that will for a certain period of time be very much exposed, and while the contest continues must expect to be totally suspended, in our own vessels at least. This last part of the evil will admit of no preventive remedy; it must follow from the incontestable superior naval power of Britain, and is proved sufficiently by the present experience of this Republic, as well as France, neither of which have I think an ounce of merchandize a float under their own flags, for any trade but that of coasting; which is likewise very insecure.
Whether the Government will have the means of providing a shelter for any part of the navigation that will be in danger of immediate capture, I am not able to conjecture. But there are some observations which occur so frequently to my mind, that I cannot avoid mentioning them. If they can be of no service, at least they will do no harm.
It has been you know, the policy of Great Britain for more than a hundred years past, whenever she was determined to go to War with any other Nation, to begin hostilities without giving any previous notice, to continue her depredations as long as the patience of her adverse party would bear a continuance of pacific negotiation, and to amuse with one expedient and another; until the defenceless navigation of the complaining power, has been ruined, at least as much as depended upon her: You know likewise that France has by dear experience been so clearly convinced that this is the permanent british system, that in the last War and the present she has taken special care to be beforehand in the attack. From the general disposition of the British Government and Nation towards the United States, and more especially from their conduct towards us during the present War, we may be assured that she will invariably follow the same principles in her differences with us. The orders of Council of the 6th: of November 1793. are alone a sufficient proof of their dispositions, and indeed when the Nature of the british power is considered, the conclusion is inevitable, that the course cannot possibly be otherwise.
Let us take it therefore for granted that such will be the maxims of the cabinet, and let us suppose that the intention to make an application of them to America should exist. It is apparent that the more the American commerce is extended the more it will inevitably suffer from this species of preliminary plunder. These facts being so clear make the very magnitude of the commerce into which our neutrality has led our countrymen, a subject of alarm.—I, appears evident to me that at this moment our People are over-trading; that a larger portion of the capital of the Country is employed in commerce and navigation, than it can support, and that we shall suffer for it either during the War, by getting involved in it, or at the Peace by the exclusions which will naturally follow from the regulations of the powers now belligerent.
I am apprehensive that this over-trading will continue and have a tendency to increase still further the longer the War shall last without our participating in it. Should this be the case, we shall be continually more exposed to injury, the further we advance, and continually offer to the rapacity of the british navy a fairer object of plunder.
We have no naval power of our own, and from the general temper of our People, I suspect that they will never submit to the expence without which it can neither be created nor maintained, untill a bitter experience shall teach them that in the present state of the world, and with such a Nation as Britain existing, the expence of a respectable naval power is the price, which must be paid for a secure commerce, by every other.
I know not whether our Government is in possession of any means that can restrain the boundless avidity of our commercial speculators, who seem in many instances to think that a power which cannot exact obedience, is however competent to give protection. They will therefore venture upon the wildest commercial schemes, and when they have brought them into trouble curse the Government for not helping them out. It is a fact which the popular Passions would refuse to hear, but which I firmly believe, that the stipulations in the British Treaty which have abandoned for the present the power of protecting Enemies’ property in neutral vessels, will have an operation very favourable to the United States, by checking that excessive extraordinary trade, which must be stopp’d entirely upon the return of Peace. The present state of our Commerce may be compared to a boiling fluid, which unless properly guarded, swells and overflows, but upon subsiding leaves the vessel emptied in part of its contents.
I sometimes think that you will judge from the complection of my letters, that my imagination is apt to raise phantoms and then tremble before them: that my opinions have too strong a tincture of timidity for the boldness necessary to a political character.—And I freely confess that the neutrality of the United States throughout the present War untill its final termination is in my mind an object of such inestimable value, and involves so deeply the welfare not of the present age only, but of all posterity that I may perhaps be inclined to see through a magnifying medium every thing that can have a tendency to defeat it. It is certain that France and this Country too, are ardently desirous to engage us in the War. The principal inducements which have heretofore contributed to make France acquiesce in our neutrality have recently been removed. They were, the debt which we owed them, and their dependence upon us for provisions. Their present plenty, and the prospect of an abundant Harvest make them confident of producing sufficient for their own subsistence, and that part of the debt that remained undischarged has been sold to a private company. On the other hand France has a fair hope of making an advantageous and honourable Peace with Austria, her only remaining formidable continental enemy, and she expects to be soon left to contend with Britain alone whose relative situation is so advantageous that there is no prospect of her consenting to a Peace, such as the french Government think themselves obliged to require. For it is to be remarked that the situation of Britain relative to France is similar to that of France relative to the continental powers. The Dutch Colonies both of East and West Indies are falling one after another into the hands of the British. And unless France can procure some other resource besides her maritime exertions, her own possessions will meet the same fate. That resource I have more than once mentioned to you in my former letters. It is to distress the british commerce by uniting all the maritime powers in War against her, or rather by provoking them all to quarrel with her. This system was pursued with Sweden, and was on the point of succeeding, when the Empress of Russia interfered in her usual style by prescribing the most humiliating conditions, to which after some blustering Sweden was compelled to submit. The Ambassador your old acquaintance de Stael is therefore removed from Paris, and the french policy may be considered as entirely defeated at present in Sweden. The same terror of Russia controuls the Danish Cabinet, which appears inflexibly determined upon the preservation of neutrality, though they are no less indignant than ourselves at the depredations and insolence of the British. It was but the other day, that they cut out a french or Dutch vessel, from the Port of Bergen. The french Government complained in an high tone, but the final answer they received was that they had been and should be protected as far as the Danish Government was able, but if they expected their vessels to be safe, they must direct them to anchor only in the Ports that are well fortified, and of strength beyond an insult. Hamburg has also resisted the french operations which would have involved their City with the Emperor. But as France had a vast number of their vessels in her Ports she has dealt not so ceremoniously with them, but embargoed them all, and now insists upon a large sum as a price of accommodation.—In Spain the french views have a better prospect of success. The differences between that Government and the British encrease and the harmony of the former with the French Republic is likewise augmenting.—The success of the Italian campaign has laid the Princes of that Country at the feet of the Directory, who prescribe to them all their own terms of Peace. It is said, and with the greatest appearance of probability that they will required of the king of Sardinia, the Duke of Modena, the Pope, and the king of Naples, as indispensable terms such stipulations as will exclude the British from all their Dominions. Tuscany is indeed a neutral power, but will be so much at the mercy of the French, that the Government will no doubt be very much under their influence. As to their respect for neutral rights, they may be inferred from what the commander in chief Buonaparte writes recently to the Directory. He has taken possession of Verona in the Venetian territory; and of course a neutral city. But it seems the french Pretender not long since had resided there, and Buonaparte says that if he had not been gone before his arrival, he would have set fire to the city, for having the insolence to think itself the capital of the french Empire.
It is not improbable therefore that they will be able to shut the whole Italian market against the British Navigation, and if so it will become very difficult for the British to retain Corsica, or to maintain their Commerce in the black sea. The french therefore have a fair prospect of excluding their enemy from the benefit of trade with all Europe, excepting only the Baltic, and it is the power of Russia which alone will hinder them from obtaining the same advantage there.—If in addition to this they can equally deprive her of all the immense advantages of the American Market, they think, and with great appearance of reason, that the british commerce must decline so as to occasion a deficiency of revenue, a loss of credit, perhaps a deficiency of national payments, and such a general distress and clamour for Peace, as will bring the haughtiness of Britain down to the modesty even of a pacification at the expence of many sacrifices; or perhaps they flatter themselves with the still more pleasing hope of seeing their inveterate and deadly rival, a completely ruined Nation.
It is not to be doubted therefore, but that France will use all the influence in her power to produce a War between the United States and Britain.—What her influence is at all times, and what her talents at exerting it, are perfectly well known to you. But there is one cause operating at present which gives unusual weight to her influence, and of which few people among us I believe are aware.—The public opinion in America concerning European affairs is in a considerable degree formed from the representations of the Americans, arriving occasionally from Europe, or writing from some part of it to their Friends. But it so happens that nine tenths of the Americans both in France and England have powerful motives both of feeling and of interest to bias their judgments: to make them favourable to the french cause and adverse to the british. The motives of feeling arise not only from the popularity, which the ideas of a struggle for Liberty has given to the french, but from the difference of treatment that the our countrymen experience in the two Countries. In the general treatment of strangers the french manners are captivating, the English are repulsive. In the particular sentiments towards Americans which give the tone to the behaviour of individuals, those of France are amicable and attractive, those of England always cold and distant, generally insolent and overbearing, and not unfrequently contemptuous and malignant.—It is impossible for any American having the common feelings of a Man, to be conversant with the two Nations, without contracting an instinctive propensity of good-will towards the former, and of malevolence or at least of resentment towards the latter. The motives of interest have the same tendency. Great numbers of the Americans in France have debts due to them from the french Government. Almost all have speculated either in the purchase of confiscated estates or of Assignats, or in some other manner, upon revolutionary ground. It is not necessary to reason at any great length, in order to shew that the private interest of all such persons is concerned in the success of France through the war, and in her attainment of an advantageous Peace. On the other hand the Americans in England are almost universally indebted more or less to the British merchants, and they generally believe that a War between the United States and Britain would serve as a spunge for their debts, or at least relieve them from payment as long as it should last, and leave them in the meantime possessed of the capital upon which the debts arose. There are some Americans and they are among the number of those whose abilities give their statements and representations the greatest weight who have all these motives operating upon them at once; who are at the same time debtors to British Merchants, creditors to the french Government and speculators in all the french revolutionary funds, all to an immense amount.—These persons as creditors of the french Government, if not in any other capacity have access to many members of the Legislative and Executive bodies. With all their incentives of feeling and of interest, they are not only stimulated to wish well to France, but may be sensible that they cannot ingratiate themselves better than by contributing to the furtherance of the french views, and the conclusion of the whole matter is that the whole weight and influence of such people in America, is far from being friendly to the Peace of the United States. It is easy to conceive how much energy this kind of combination may have acquired, by a regular intercourse, and concerted operations with the principal partizans for War, in the United States; as the force of such a concert would be but the more efficacious for being secret.
There is nothing therefore but a Peace between France and Britain that can extricate us from the danger of being sooner or later involved in the quarrel. But at the same time it is evident that the state of affairs at present makes it more than ever the interest of the british Government to avoid a rupture with us. The longer the war continues the more that interest will encrease, from the double cause of their constant weakening, and our continually growing strength. These circumstances will not be overlooked I trust by the American Government, nor by whatever negotiator shall finish the business relative to the late Treaty. That subject will be of extreme delicacy; for on the one hand it will offer abundant occasions to try seriously the degree of pliability of which the british cabinet is capable, and on the other there will be some danger of straining that string too far. By the full effect that is now given to the Treaty on our part, the advantage of Justice appears to be altogether on our side, and if we must eventually try the temper of our swords that circumstance will at least afford a great consolation.
From some of the facts upon which these observations are founded, there may be drawn an inference that in all times of maritime War, the closest possible attention is to be paid by the American Minister in England to the proceedings of the privy Council. It is upon orders proceeding from them that all the captures by the King’s ships and privateers, are founded, and when the object of the Government is to negotiate and plunder at the same time, as long as the patience of those whom they injure may last, these orders are kept as secret as possible. It should therefore I think be a standing instruction to our Minister at that Court, whenever they are at War, to use all the endeavours in his power to obtain information of the secret orders of Council to the commanders of armed vessels. I know not how far it could at any time be effected, but I am fully perswaded that the day will come, when such information if procured at the time when the orders are resolved on, will prove of the utmost utility to the protection of our own commercial property.
I remain with every dutiful and affectionate sentiment, your son

John Q. Adams.


Title: To John Adams from Archibald Maclaine, 26 June 1796
From: Maclaine, Archibald
To: Adams, John

Honoured and Worthy Sir!
Hague June 26. 1796

I seize with avidity the opportunity presented to me by the Bearer of recalling to your remembrance a man, who has been constantly nourishing, these nine years past, the pleasing feelings of esteem and attachment which accompany his daily remembrance of you and who will ever retain a deep and grateful impression of the kind marks of attention with which you honoured him during your residence at the Hague. Indeed, Sir, I think of you every day, both as a man and a statesman with the highest veneration,—and I peruse your learned labours with new pleasure in these calamitous times, which exhibit terrible and afflicting proofs of the truth of your doctrine.—But alas! what can doctrine or science do, when virtue and principle have, (astrea–like!) returned to heaven, and left, for a time, the affairs of our continent (with the wise but awful permission of Providence) to the fury and frenzy of the greatest of all tyrants—the passions of men?
I do not pretend to inform you of the situation of affairs here, as you must derive much better instruction, on that head, than I can give, from the worthy American minister here, who cannot apply to his Diplomatick Situation the words of David, when he said the lines are fallen to me in pleasant places.—I will only say that the state of this country for three years past cost me my health, and temporal happiness,—because I loved the country, received many marks of friendship and esteem from its inhabitants, and enjoyed in their society: during a long series of years, great satisfaction and comfort.—All that is now blasted,—and I have at last resolved to pass the Channel, please God, in the course of this month and set myself down at Bath, for the few remaining days of my chequer’d life.
Will you, honored Sir, add to former marks of your goodness to me one more, in favour of the bearer of this letter, Mr. John Bikker, a young man of merit, of one of the best families in Amsterdam, whose father, was in the Government there and left a large fortune to his children. I don’t mean, that he should obtain from your goodness and condescension any thing farther than the honour of making you his bow and the precious advantage of your good advice, to enable him to travel with profit thro’ the American Provinces,—where he will see true liberty. He goes there to get out of the reach of its Counterfeit here, and its infernal antipode elsewhere.
I am sure you will pardon the freedom I take of refreshing your remembrance of your old Parish Priest and asking an audience for Mr. Bikker.—I have a secret persuasion that I shall obtain your indulgence when I consider the Sentiments of veneration and affection which are constantly assisting you across the Atlantic and with which I shall be, dum spiritus hos reget artus / Honored Sir! / your most respectfully affectionate / and devoted servant

A. MaClaine
P:S: I was chosen some years ago a member of the Boston Academy, & received my Diploma with a letter from Eliphalet Pearson; whose venerable Pronomen gave a solemn Old-Testament-Test to my Literary Promotion. I was and will always be proud of this honourable distinction, but not knowing how it could find out an obscure man at such a vast distance, my first thoughts were and still continue to be, that I owed it to your recommendation. I however wrote a Letter of humble thanks to the academy, addressed to the Gentleman above-mentioned, and accompanied with a Theologico-Philosophical Dissertation;—which I hope was received, tho’ at that time the means of correspondence were not so easy as they have been since.


Title: To John Adams from John Rutherford, 28 June 1796
From: Rutherford, John
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir
Tranquillity 28th June 1796

I put the outline of the report on manures which you were so kind as to send me into the hands of Mr Boardley, while he was reading it he made notes on several parts of it and has transcribed them for me, as they may be of service in preparing general observations on the report in the manner proposed by the author I take the liberty to transmit them to you.
I am enjoying a delightful calm, after the ferment of last winter, and as we are all of one mind here, I have not heard a dispute on politics since I left Francis’s
With the greatest respect and esteem I am Dear Sir /  your most obedient / humble Servant
John Rutherford


Title: To John Adams from Benjamin Thompson, 12 July 1796
From: Thompson, Benjamin
To: Adams, John

Sir /
London—12th: July 1796.

Desirous of contributing efficaciously to the advancement of a Branch of Science which has long employed my Attention, and which appears to me to be of the highest Importance to Mankind, and wishing at the same time to leave a lasting Testimony of my respect for the American Academy of Arts and Sciences,—I take the liberty to request that the Academy would do me the Honor to accept of Five Thousand Dollars Three per Cent stock in the Funds of the United States of North America, which stock I have actually purchased, and which I beg leave to transfer to the Fellows of the Academy, to the end that the Interest of the same may be by them, and by their successors, received from Time to Time, for ever, and the Amount of the same applied and given once every Second Year as a premium to the Author of the most Important Discovery or useful Improvement which shall be made and published by printing, or in any way made Known to the Public, in any part of the Continent of America, or in any of the American Islands, during the preceeding two years, on Heat or on Light, the preference always being given to such Discoveries as shall in the Opinion of the Academy tend most to promote the good of Mankind.—
With regard to the formallities to be observed by the Academy in their Decisions upon the Comparative Merits of those Discoveries which in the Opinion of the Academy may intitle their Authors to be Considered as Competitors for the biennial Premium, the Academy will be pleased to adopt such Regulations as they in their Wisdom may judge to be proper and necessary—But in regard to the Form in which this premium is conferred, I take the liberty to Request that it may always be given in two Medals, struck in the same dye, the one of Gold and the other of Silver, and of such Dimensions that both of them together may be just equal in intrinsic value to the Amount of the Interest of the aforesaid Five Thousand Dollars stock during two Years;—that is to say, that they may together be of the Value of Three hundred Dollars.—
The Academy will be pleased to order such Device or inscription to be Engraved on the Dye they shall cause to be prepared for striking these Medals, as they may judge proper.—
If during any term of two Years, reckoning from the last adjudication, or from the last period for the adjudication of this premium by the Academy, no new Discovery or Improvement should be made in any part of America, relative to either of the Subjects in Question,  (Heat or Light,) which, in the opinion of the Academy, shall be of sufficient Importance to deserve this premium, in that case, it is my desire that the premium may not be given, but that the Value of it may be reserved and being laid out in the Purchase of Additional stock in the American Funds may be employed to Augment the Capital of this premium, and that the Interest of the Sums by which the Capital may from time to time be so augmented may regularly be given in Money with the two Medals and as an addition to the Original Premium, at each succeeding adjudication of it.—And it is farther my Particular request that those Additions to the Value of the Premium arising from its occasional Non-adjudications may be suffered to increase without limitation—
With the highest respect for the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and the most Earnest Wishes for their success in their labours for the good of Mankind—I have the Honor to be with much Esteem and Regard,— / Sir / Your most Obedient / Humble Servant
Rumford


Title: To John Adams from James Sullivan, 30 July 1796
From: Sullivan, James
To: Adams, John

Sir
Boston July 30th 1796

Upon contemplating the subject of settleing the eastern boundary of the untied States, and attending to of expression in the treaty of 1795, that the commissioners shall decide what river was intended by the commissioners at Paris in 1783, as the Saint Croix; I am of opinion that it is necessary to establish the facts, that Mitchells map was, as an authority before the commissioners, and that the river thereon marked as the boundary of of the Massachusetts, was by them intended as the Saint Croix. For their purposes I think it will be necessary to obtain the evidence of these facts from the Commissioners themselves. I have therefore, since I had the honor of an interview with you, forwarded a letter to Governor Jay, requesting him to give me in writing, inform of an affidavit, or otherwise, as shall be most agreeable to him, and most conducive to the national interest, his recollection on this subject. I have the honor to make the same request to you, knowing that you are my best judge of the propriety, as well as of the necessity of such a measure, and that you will readily do Whatever may be properly done in this exigency. Perhaps one fact is very important, that it was not intended by the Treaty of 1783 to give any new boundary to the east side of Massachusetts.
I am with the greatest / respect your most / humble Servant
Ja Sullivan


Title: From John Adams to James Sullivan, 2 August 1796
From: Adams, John
To: Sullivan, James

Sir
Quincy August 2. 1796

I received; last Evening the Letter you did me the honour to write me, the 30th of July, and am ready to give you all the Information in my power
Mitchel’s Maps was the only one, which the Ministers Plenipotentiary of The United States and The Minister Plenipotentiary of great Britain made use of in their Conferences and Discussions relative to the Boundaries of the United States, in their Negotiation of the Peace of 1783 and of the Provisional Articles of the 30th of November 1782. Upon that Maps and that only were these Boundaries delineated: and the River marked on that Map, with the Name of St. Croix, was the River agreed upon as the Eastern Boundary of the State of Massachusettes and of the United States. It was not intended by either Party to give any new Boundary to the East Side of Massachusetts; but the real Eastern Boundary of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, according to the Charter of William and Mary was intended to be the Eastern Boundary of the United States. To the forgoing Facts I am ready to attest in any manner that may be judged neccessary: and if Mr Jay should transmit you an Affidavit I shall be very willing to do the same. But I can scarsely think it neccessary because I cannot believe that any of these Facts will be denied or questioned—
The decease of Mr Oswald is unfortunate because I am well assured he would have avowed all these Facts with the utmost frankness and Candor. Mr Whiteford the Secretary to his Commission I am confident will readily admit them all. Mr William Franklin the Secretary to the American Commission knows them. Dr Franklin before his Death transmitted to the then Secretary of State Mr Jefferson as I was informed by him a full State of this affair according to this Reccollection, a Document which probably Col. Pickering has transmitted to you—if not it may be usefull for you to obtain it from his office. Lord St Helens formerly Mr Fitzherbert might or might not be informed by Mr oswald at the time. If he was I have confidence enough in his Lordships Honour and Candour to believe that he will confirm all that I have Said. Benjamin Vaughan Esq might or might not be informed. if he was, either by Mr oswald or Mr Whiteford or any of the American Ministers his Testimony cannot but corrobrate the Account I have given.
Wishing you a pleasant Voyage and Safe return / I have the Honour to be, Sir, your most / Obedient
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Pinckney, 6 August 1796
From: Pinckney, Thomas
To: Adams, John

Sir:
London 6th August 1796

I have the honor of forwarding herewith two parcels addressed to the American Academy of Arts and Sciences at Cambridge & a letter addressed to yourself as President of that Society, which were committed to my charge by Count Rumford.
A duplicate of the letter and one other parcel are sent by a different conveyance.With my best wishes for the prosperity of that valuable institution & for your own health & happiness, I remain Sir, your most respectful / & obedient Servant
Thomas Pinckney


Title: To John Adams from John Quincy Adams, 13 August 1796
From: Adams, John Quincy
To: Adams, John

My dear Sir
The Hague August. 13. 1796

A few days ago, I received from England, together, your favours of March 25., May 5., and June 10. The two first were brought to London and forwarded from thence by Mr. Cook, whom as recommended by you, I shall be happy to see either here or in England, if his or my peregrinations should at any time bring us within reach of each other. At the same time I received with several other letters one from the Secretary of State dated June 11. one day later than the last from you. But various circumstances induce me to believe the purport of its contents were then unknown to you, and even unexpected. You will perhaps think them rationally sufficient to induce a submission to the ostracism a little longer.
Your indifference concerning the event of a possible future competition; the determination to be altogether passive, and the intrepedity with which the prospects of either decision are contemplated I readily believe; and rejoice in believing them, because I have no doubt but that the transaction will call for the exercise of all those qualities in an eminent degree. Besides the innumerable sources of opposition, all native Americans, and the principles of which are so fully unfolded in your great political work, you will expect all the art and intrigue of France, and all its weight and influence concerted with the american adverse party, in formal array displayed against you. Their talents at political manoeuvre, are well known and appreciated by you. The range of their means comprehending everything that can be atchieved, and limited by no scruple of general morality is understood. The popularity of their pretexts, the terror of their brilliant success in War, and the natural disposition among men of cringing before the insolence of victory, are duly estimated. You will also be prepared I presume for an opposition equally malignant, though more concealed, and perhaps during the first period altogether inactive, from the rival influence of G. Britain nor are you unaware of the dangers to which the station at the helm will be exposed at the most tempestuous political season that the world perhaps ever witnessed, when the elements of civil Society are rapidly and inevitably returning to Chaos in Europe and at a moment when the fame of the predecessor has heaped to such accumulation the burden of the successor’s tasks. All, I am well convinced has been maturely weighed. It remains for me as a Man, as an American, and as your Son, only to say, quod felix, faustumque sit!
Since I wrote you last many important events have occurred serving to unfold the views of the french Government, and they all tend to confirm the certainty of that system of policy which has made the subject of many of my former letters to you, and which I have hinted with more caution in some of my letters to the Secretary of State, because I have felt myself more at liberty to indulge in conjecture in a private correspondence, than when official responsibility is attached to the accuracy of opinions The french armies upon the Rhine have been not much less successful than that of Italy had been before The campaign is not yet terminated, but the Duke of Wirtemberg and the Margrave of Baden have purchased a cessation of hostilities and with many other of the German Princes are negotiating their separate Peace The king of Prussia on his side is encroaching upon the imperial dominions and has taken quiet possession of the City of Nurenberg. The Empire is to be dissolved entirely and the House of Austria reduced to the hereditary possessions. A new Empire or confederation is to be formed at the head of which the king of Prussia, in alliance with France is to be placed, and perhaps the Duke of Brunswick retreat from Champagne in 1792 may be cleared of some part of the obscurity with which it has been surrounded, by the arrangements which are on the point of being put into effect. These arrangements are of the greatest importance to the political system of Europe, and will perhaps give the final blow to that balance which the first division of Poland invaded An entirely new order of political combinations formed, for all Europe, and there is every prospect at present that it will be effected.
The french Government has formally assumed for a principle of their negotiations that G. Britain shall not interfere in any of the continental arrangements. They are preparing for the expected event of a struggle with her alone, and pursue the system of taking the markets of the world from her commerce with a degree of ardour uncontrouled by any regard for other nations or for their own stipulations. They have seriously determined to produce a Revolution of Government in Great Britain, and as they have very powerful means of Execution they flatter themselves with the hope of success The plan appears to me very extravagant, but in the present State of Europe, it is impossible to predict what its Event will be. Probably they will grow sick of their revolutionary scheme, and settle at length in a Peace in which both parties will take breath to begin again a War more furious even than the present.
They have proceeded in their purposes to obtain possession of the Coast of Italy. The property belonging to their Enemies, which they found at Leghorn, they have taken under the pretext of considering it as property captured at Sea. They have not yet absolutely taken similar possession of Genoa, but they are endeavouring to pick a quarrel with the Government of that Republic, and already threaten them in their usual tone.
The british fleet in the mediterranean has blockaded Leghorn, and they have in their turn taken possession of Porte Ferrajo in the island of Elba, which they say they hold merely to prevent the french from taking it in order to direct from thence an expedition against Corsica. A number of privateers have been fitted out from Corsica to intercept the french commerce in the mediterranean, who are said to have taken some neutral vessels bound to Leghorn.—This circumstance has furnished the french Government with an occasion to bring forward another instrument of their new system of which I have no doubt but you will hear much in America.
The political agents of France, with all the neutral Governments, are directed to address to them with Energy, the voice of their own Interest, and after telling them that they are upon the point of being made the victims of English Ambition, to declare: “that the french Government are informed, the English have issued new positive orders to their commanders of armed vessels to seize all cargoes destinés aux Francois, in neutral vessels; and that the commanders of the Squadrons and Privateers of the Republic are ordered to treat the vessels of the neutral Nations, in the same manner as their Governments shall suffer the English to treat them." This is to be stated as an act of reprizal against the British, and is to be seasoned with proper encomiums of upon the honour and generosity of  France and upon her profound respect for the Laws of Nations, the only tie and security of civilized life, as well as  with proper sallies against the perfidy, and Machiavelian policy of Britain—In connection with this may be mentioned that Mr Adet, is to be recalled, and Mangourit, the former noted Consul at Charleston appointed to succeed him. Mangourit is now Secretary to the french legation in Spain. You have doubtless heard that it has been in contemplation between France and Spain to exchange the part of Saint Domingo, ceded to the former by the late Treaty of Peace, for Louisiana, upon our Continent—There is at present in Paris one if not more of the South Carolinians who accepted the Commissions of Genet, and drew upon themselves the animadversions of the S. Carolina legislature. He has made himself very conspicuous among the Americans, by every species of censure upon the President, and the Government of the United States. He has probably too much encouragement for such conduct and conversation, which by means of him and of other similar characters is so industriously spread among the Americans in Paris, as to make the french naturally conclude it must be the general public opinion in America. Several facts are here mentioned together, and you will probably be aware that they are not grouped altogether at random. Their connection will perhaps be much better understood by you, than it is comprehended by me. Our Country must be upon its guard. I must add however that I am informed it is probable another person may be appointed instead of Mangourit.
Mr. Pain is said to be yet writing his pamphlet against the President of the United States, and his administration, but he does not now live in the house of Mr. Monroe. He has retired to Surenne a village near Paris.—There was much threatening of this pamphlet, and of this new mission, last Winter, but the latter measure was suspended by the french Government, perhaps to give our House of Representatives an opportunity to refuse their concurrence for the Execution of our Treaty with Britain—At present, the threat at least of both the measures is revived. The pamphlet war against the character of the President was begun under the auspices of the french Government, the last Summer. If it is now to be renewed it will be still under their auspices, but they may perhaps discover that his personal feelings and fortunes are as inaccessible to their attacks, as his fame But as panegyric and calumny are equally among their means, and they are perfectly indifferent which of them it is they employ, the choice is decided by circumstances only, and they will at an hour’s warning be prepared to erect a statue to him whom they find they cannot ruin
But measures and not men is their maxim, and their only means of destroying a system, is by attacking the person upon whom they suppose its support to depend. It may therefore be expected that the french Government  and their pamphleteers will from the same batteries only change the direction of their Artillery. The object will remain the same to force us out of our neutrality, to deprive us at least of all connection with Britain, and to alter our Constitution to such a form, as shall give them a more certain and effectual influence over our national Executive.
The energetic mode in which they purpose to shew the neutral Governments their own Interests, and this appointment of Mangourit indicates that they mean to resume the system of terror, in their external relations, and if I judge from the letters I receive from some of their adherents, they imagine that these new measures will throw the American Government into such a profound consternation that they will think themselves fortunate to obtain forgiveness by unqualified submission. They tell me of the rage of the french Government at our Treaty with Britain, of their inflexible determination to resent it by some determined act, of their raising their tone as they advance in victory of the dreadful consequences to be apprehended from their resentments, and which nothing under Heaven can avert, unless it be peradventure the extreme prudence of Mr. Monroe, in whom they have very great confidence It is from native Americans that I receive under hand and seal this language fit for the remorse of a worm of the dust, in the presence of offended omnipotence; from a man particularly, from Pennsylvania, a deep speculator in the french revolutionary funds, and a confidential friend of Mr. Monroe, together with Hichborn, whose conversation was of exactly the same complection more than a twelve month ago.
The Drawcansir style of these letters would divert you, if you should see them, because the intention with which they were written would be discerned by you at once. They profess to be confidential communications, but are so far from really possessing that character, that while they are all foaming with the froth of french indignation, they studiously conceal the measures which the Directory had determined to pursue, and which must have been known to the writer, at the time when he wrote. Neither the orders to make enemy’s property in neutral vessels, nor the recall of Adet, nor the appointment of Mangourit were hinted to me from by him. My intelligence comes from other quarters.
If they really mean to confiscate only enemy’s property found in neutral vessels, that indeed will be an act violent and unjust enough considering it as a direct and positive violation of the stipulation in our Treaty; yet considering that our vessels will be like to have but little property to carry belonging to their enemies, and also that they cannot keep many armed vessels in any sea, to infest our trade, owing to the naval superior force of their antagonist I think they will not injure us much by this. If its eventual issue should be such as to controul in some degree the overflowings of our commercial enterprize, a benefit may result from it, as it will weaken the shock of a diminished trade, that must await us at the termination of a War, when all the parties now contending will encourage as much as the possible their domestic navigation by the exclusion of that of strangers But from the very vague manner in which the orders intimated to have been issued, are expressed, they may design to extend the practice of depredation much further than the British ever have. They probably do not intend to treat us as the British have done this Season, at least in these European Seas, for they have not as I hear captured a single vessel for months past; though they have had an undisputed command of the Seas, and board almost every neutral vessel that floats upon them, they let them all pass, and there are numbers of Americans arriving now every day in the ports of this Republic as well as in those of France.
If the admiralty Courts of France are to condemn all the property various found on board neutral vessels, destinés aux ennemis de la Republique Francaise, and this expression is to be understood in all the latitude of which it is susceptible, it will be a treatment much more injurious than ever we have experienced from the British, as it will assume the principle of intercepting all our navigation whatsoever destined to the Ports of the nations at enmity with France But I cannot believe this to be the intention. The manner in which the orders are executed will soon discover the design. I only give you conjectures, which with other circumstances perceptible to you, though unknown to me may have a tendency to prepare you for the explosion of the mine that is working.
I am unwilling to believe that the french Government has been taught to found the support of their influence in the United States upon a wretched distinction between the policy and interest of one part of the Union in opposition to those of another; or that they have been induced to suppose they could gratify and promote its agricultural by distressing its commercial power. I sometimes imagine that this recent order is rather meant as a false attack, to avert the attention of our Government from another more formidable which they keep in reserve. It has indeed been hinted that they  had thought of stopping their payment to those of our Citizens to whom they are indebted, untill our Government shall have reclaimed the property taken from our vessels belonging to the inhabitants of St. Domingo—That they will catch at any pretext to stop their payments is very probable, since they have in many instances already stopped them without any pretext at all, except that of their own necessity. They have so many of the beasts with great bellies, which must be fed, that plenteous as their plunder has been during the present campaign, their finances have become more and more irretrievable from day to day. But as this measure has been formally announced, I question much whether it will be employed.
It is proper however that you should be aware, that to all appearance they have seriously resumed the plan of revolutionizing the whole world, so openly professed by the Brissotins party in 1792, though at present they think proper totally to deny such a design. I have reason to believe however that they are fomenting stirring up the leas of democracy among their friends the Danes, and even in the dominions of their intended dear Prussian ally. In the states of all the German Princes they are indefatigable, and are working upon materials, which require scarce any thing but the accidental spark to kindle a flame as devouring as that of France. The Directory have persisted  in their refusal to receive the Baron de Rehausen, as chargé des affaires from Sweden and have ordered him to leave Paris They have further ordered their chargé des affaires in Sweden to leave Stockholm, after assuring the Swedish Nation of the friendship of the french Republic. There are some obscure symptoms, indicating their disposition at the present juncture to inflame a political odium against the Government of Venice; and in Geneva there has been it is said a new Insurrection in which the People deposed all their magistrates and requested the french Resident provisionally to supply their places
In the midst of all these revolutionary projects, the Directory, is not itself without internal enemies equally disposed to overturn them and their constitution. It has been openly avowed as the object of the conspiracy at the head of which were Drouet and Baboeuf. The trial of those persons is not yet completed. At the annual municipal elections, they were attended with tumult and massacre at Marseilles, at Aix and several other places in the Southern Departments. At Paris, the Directory were so apprehensive of similar consequences that they found it expedient to address a proclamation to the People warning them against the designs of the terrorists; and the renewal of one third of the legislative councils at this moment is a period of particular anxiety to them. The rebellion in the Vendee appears to be finally quelled entirely, and the inhabitants are all disarmed. Paris is yet nearly in the same State, and has besides an army of sixty thousand men to secure its tranquility close at its gates—The Government itself is said not to be united. Sieyes is opposed to their prevailing system, or at least preparing to abandon them in case of need. Their Minister of foreign affairs, if not involved more or less in the affair of Drouet, favours at least the terrorist party as much as he can. It is intimated, that he keeps secret agents in foreign Countries to act as spies upon the public acknowledged Ministers appointed by the Directory. One of the Ministers from the Republic in France, and the Minister of Geneva, have been removed, owing to some kind of connection with the intrigue of Drouet. The General Buonaparte in Italy, is said to pay them but little respect, and rumours with regard to him have circulated, which the Directory have thought it necessary positively to contradict. They employ for the same pamphleteering engines, to fix themselves that they use to unseat every other Government, and while with one hand they are endeavouring to tear up every root of confidence in settled establishments, with the other they are imploring for themselves the confidence of their own people, and of foreign nations without being able to obtain it.
From repeated intimations which have been made to me by the Danish Legation here, with which I have been upon very friendly terms, from my first acquaintance with the Minister and the Secretary, I find that the Government of Denmark, would be pleased to have an exchange of Ministers between the United States and them. They doubtless expect the compliment of receiving the first, as the eldest party, but if they were sure of a return, I know not but they would overlook the mere point of sending first. It has been hinted to me that while the United States have Ministers with almost all the commercial Powers in Europe, it looks something like an unpleasant distinction to see them omit sending one to that which commands the passage of the Sound, and with which the United States have already a considerable direct commerce. I have never mentioned these circumstances before for two reasons. The first, because I had no inclination to promote the multiplication of the American foreign Missions unnecessarily; and the second, because I thought it might tend to raise a suspicion of a personal motive on my part, founded upon the desire to enlarge our diplomatic field. Under my present destination the latter cannot influence me, and I pretend not to judge of the necessity, or propriety of the measure. I only state a fact and an argument as it has been presented to me by persons who certainly did not use them without authority.
Your dutiful Son
J. Q. A.
P.S. Our old friend Dumas, died suddenly on the 11th. instt:


Title: From John Adams to Oliver Wolcott, Jr., 29 August 1796
From: Adams, John
To: Wolcott, Oliver, Jr.

Dear Sir
Quincy August 29. 1796

My Wants are So numerous and my means of Supplying them So moderate, that I am obliged to ask the favour of you, to direct a Post note to be Sent me for a Quarters Salary, as Soon after the fourth of September as possible. Mr Meredith at your Desire was So good as to Send me a Note for the last Quarter in good Season. We have the most tranquil Summer and most plentiful Season I ever knew.
With great and Sincere Esteem I am / your faithful and obliged
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 1 September 1796
From: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan
To: Adams, John

Sir!
Kemp-mik Oneida Lake 1 Sept. 1796.

Though I was not fortunate enough to See Dr Belknap and Morse, as you Excellencÿ kindly intended, there they went not so far to the western as the place of mÿ abode. the first of these Gentleman favour’d me with an Letter, and included yours of Jan. 3th. How retired my way of living maÿ be, to which I am obliged as wel as inclined, I Should have rejoiced—at becoming acquainted with Such estimable characters, as your Excell: condescended to recommend to me.
Considerable events have taken place in Europe Since my last—and I am verÿ doubtful, if these shall not be Succeeded by others—perhaps no less astonishing, than what had been blending the eÿes of our modern daylÿ Politicians. France made one bold Step—but time alone will prove, it was a Step towards a gradual perfection—or that She—being entirely wearied—changed alone her posture and outward appearance—the Same Seeds of fermentation destroying Secretly the most noble vital parts. for the benefit of mankind we maÿ wish that the first maÿ be true, but, if we consult with past ages and the dominant national Character, then yet, with the warmest wishes for their prosperitÿ, we maÿ doubt at the happÿ issue of their Arduous Struggle. Perhaps Sir! I have alreadÿ been too long removed of the Scene of action, to appreciate the real value of men and things—and it will not be a deadly Sin in an inhabitant of the Western words—if he is a Little more or less mistaken in his guessings about the Political evenements of the continent. But, Should it not be possible, that by his new constitution a School was opened for new divisions and that it was only intended by the few, to throw a veil over their true intention, and cover a plan—not yet organised—alone in embrÿo?
I know your Excell. wil rather excuse mÿ ravings in Politics, than if I could commit the Same blunders in morals, but I cannot yet discover the contradiction. Whÿ different members of the Directorÿ—of different Sentiments—principles and vices—may not allure a considerable number among the Ancients and five hundred in their opinions and divide So the whole Communalty in a Duum- or Triumverate—neither it Seems to me an absurditÿ among a nation—So warm—So Sensible So electric—that one of the Directorÿ—a man of Superior talents—a Guise by example—after having captivated the mob bÿ Some happÿ or Splendid atchievements, favoured bÿ the circumstances of time, maÿ get Such an ascendent in the council of the ancients—orand 500—or Self alone in the latter assemblÿ—that this Bodÿ—was—with—or against its will—obliged by an intoxicated Populace to wrap a civic crown—easy changed with a diadem—around the head of this Dis-intrested Patriot—The Victories of this nation, in the mean time Shall eternise her name in the Annals of Libertÿ, and the battle of Lodi will afford a fresh proof, that the Valours of the best-disciplend troops fals too Short by the undaunted intrepidity of her Votaries—Your Excellencÿ shall expect that I am not Silent with regard to the Dutch—but what Shall I Saÿ—in knowing Scarce yet, where to Set mÿ foot; to look quietly around, to distinguish the objects and appreciate them—If the Dutch People has preserved more of a National Character—and Patriotism, than I believed in the years—from 81-87—If theÿ can become Superior to partÿ-prejudices—and make a generous Sacrifice of the private Interests of provinces—Cities in each of them—of individuals—If the majoritÿ—as wel as the pars potior—are united—without any Controul from abroad—if they are Sure, that France nevel will—(Selvs not if bÿ this trifle—They could obtain the utmost of her wishes—betraÿ the Dutch to England and Prussia—just as She betray’d them in 87—and if the Dutch then can agree to adopt a good constitution, and return to the good faith—industrÿ—and frugal life of their Ancestors, then the Descendents of the Vanquishers of Philip will be again by their virtues the astonishment of their contemporaries of Posterity—But, Sir! there is yet So much wanting to compleat this collection of ifs—that I am yet verÿ anxious about the issue. It Seems to me, as of the Principal Leading men were of the Old Aristocratical faction—they are, the best—the ablest—and most desinterested Some of the Democratical party of that time, equal to the former in abilities and dis-intrested views—are again in the minoritÿ—It is not to be feared again—if the virtuous of both parties can not be reconciled together—that both will be overpowered bÿ a , Lurking in the darkness—and adsisted—in the prop  bÿ the vicious—profligate and unprincipled maj—I hope, that I Soon maÿ sited by your Excellency as a false Prophet—though I never wish to return again in that once beloved Countrÿ—though the most Scanty circumstances may be my Share—trough the rest of my days—in the lonely woods—I am, and Shall remain a wel-wisher of the Dutch, and would rejoice, if they became a free, independent People, and formed them Selves a Constitution what ensured them peace and prosperitÿ—
Favour me with the continuance of your remembrance—permit me, to recommend my whole family to your Excell. obliging attention, and allow me to remain with Sentiments of the highest consideration and esteem / Sir! / Your Excell: obliged and / most humble St.
Fr Adr vanderkemp


Title: To John Adams from Timothy Pickering, 5 September 1796
From: Pickering, Timothy
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir,
Philada. Sept. 5. 1796

I have just received your letter of the 29th. ulto. enquiring about your son Thos. B. Adams at the Hague. On the day of the date of your letter I recd. one from him dated the 28th. of May, from which be pleased to receive the following extract, containing all the information I can give in answer to your enquiries, excepting that the latest letter from your eldest son is dated the 22d. of June in which he says nothing of his brother; whence you may hope that he had recovered his health.
Extract from T.B.A.’s letter of May 28th. 96.
"For the interruption which has taken place in my correspondence since the commencement of March, I can only offer as an apology, the derangement in my health, occasioned by repeated attacks with disorders incident to this climate. The season, indeed, has been more than usually unhealthy and the multiciplicity of diseases through the Spring is attributed to the remarkable mildness of the winter."
On the same 29th. of August I recd the letter of June 22d. from your son J.Q.A. with others dated the 4th 11th & 16th of the same month. In that of June 4th. he says "On the 28th. ulto. I left London, and came over in a small Prussian vessel to Rotterdam. On the 30th I arrived at this place." In the same letter he says, "my brother has regularly supplied, as far as the state of his health has permitted, the information which in England I could not transmit, nor obtain, of the general progress of affairs in this country."
I hope by the same conveyance which brought me these letters, you will have received some that may dispel all your apprehensions.
You will wonder that your son  J.Q.A. should have remained so long in London: His letter of June 22d accounts for it: he wanted money to enable him to leave London: the ten thousand dollars given here to Mr. Randolph on the 14th. of Augt. 1795, were destined to defray the expences of your son’s mission to London. After his resignation, as soon as he returned from his journey to Rhode Island, I sent the chief Clerk to enquire what had been done with that money. He assured the Clerk that he had remitted every dollar; and that he would send him the letters which accompanied the remittance. The letters have not been sent to this office; nor has any banker or foreign correspondent ever advised me of the receipt of any part of the 10,000$ and your son’s letter now convinces me that Mr. R. never made the remittance.—On the 21st. of May Mr. Pinckney received from me a remittance of £5000. sterling, out of which your son was supplied.
After your eldest son’s appointment for Purtugal, there was some difficulty in providing a successor at the Hague, & it was not  thought improper to leave the place vacant. It was also judged best that Colo. Humphreys should close the Algerine business before he should leave Portugal. Letters were therefore sent to both, informing of their new appointments, but desiring them to remain where they were for further advice. The Algerine business is unhappily yet in suspense; and no further advice has been transmitted to either in respect to their future proceeding. As soon as any thing shall be decided, I will do myself the pleasure to inform you. The intelligence with which the letters of your younger son have been written, show that the affairs of the U. States in the Netherlands might very well be committed to his direction: but I do not know what are the President’s intentions on the subject.
With sincere respect /  I am dear Sir /  your obt. sert.

T. Pickering


Title: To John Adams from Eliphalet Pearson, 7 September 1796
From: Pearson, Eliphalet
To: Adams, John

Sir,
Cambridge 7 Sepr. 1796

I am directed by the American Acady. of Arts & Sciences to return you their thanks for your late present of a vol. entitled, "Outlines of the 15th. chapter of the proposed general report from the board of agriculture, on the subject of manures, by Robert Somerville". With every sentiment of respect & gratitude, due to an eminently distinguished public benefactor, permit me to subscribe myself, / Sir, / Your most obliged, /  And very humble servant,

Eliphalet Pearson


Title: To John Adams from François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 10 October 1796
From: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan
To: Adams, John

Sir!
Kempwick 10 Oct. 1796.

Washington’s resignation, which crowns that excellent man with glory, opens the career for my worthy and much respected friend, to bestow new obligations upon his Country-men, if they are wise enough to take hold of this favourable opportunity. Can your Excell—without compromitting  yourself procure your old friend a place among the Electors in this State—you know upon to whom he Shall paÿ the tribute, which every American owes to your meritorious Character.
Permit me to assure you, that / I am / with the highest veneration / your Excell: most ob. St. / and obliged frend:

Fr. Adr. van der kemp


Title: To John Adams from John Browne Cutting, 18 October 1796
From: Cutting, John Browne
To: Adams, John

Dear Sir,
Boston 18 Octr. 1796

I regret that urgent business hinders me from making yourself and Mrs Adams a visit at Braintree prior to my return to Philadelphia. It was a pleasure I had reckond upon and the rather as my friend H.G. Otis had promised to accompany me in his carriage. As it is very possible I may be absent during the next Session of Congress in Philadelphia—and considering you Sir, in the double capacity of an high officer of the United States and as an old and true Friend of mine; I take the liberty of inclosing a statement that I hope will at least satisfy you that I have behaved like an honourable and honest man—in a transaction which has been much misunderstood and misrepresented. It is printed—merely to save the expence of copying; for private perusal not for publication. May every blessing attend you and your Family!
Your respectful & affectionate / Friend and Sert

John B. Cutting


Title: To John Adams from Judith Sargent Stevens Murray, 1 November 1796
From: Murray, Judith Sargent Stevens
To: Adams, John

Sir
Boston Franklin Place November 1st 1796

Stimulated by the same ambitious views which first impelled me to become a Scribbler, I am solicitous to attain the highest emenance of that summit, which, with many an anxious effort, my unwearied footsteps have long sought to ascend—Hence proceeds my application to that Luminary whose refulgent beams hath brightened with transcindent lustre; this younger world, and whose unborrowed rays can communicate a value too, and throw a light over, beings the most Opaque.
Yes sir, I would give celebrity to my essays, by your name, and I solicit your patronage, not only as a Subscriber to my proposals, but, penetrated with the highest idea of your character and your virtues, I earnestly request permission to dedicate the volumes which I contemplate to you! “Presumptious woman! Upon what undue liberties doth thy unwarrentable pride precipitate thee!" Once I should have subscribed to the propriety of this exclamation. Previous to my introduction to you, and the accomplished Lady, whose kindred mind seems so  fitly associated with yours, the idea of  my own inferiority, while anticipating the intended visit, covered my face with blushes, and I was ready to accuse my Companion of an unauthorized temerity, but we entered your hospitable mansion, you smiled benignantly upon us, and grateful admiration absorbed every lesser consideration —Yes, timidity became prostrate, and I felt that I could confide in your benevolence; as much a I venerated those rare qualifications which will unquestionably convey your illustrious name, and services to the latest posterity.
If my intended publication obtains your sanction—I shall have attained a high degree of elevation. My hopes will be new plumed, and, thus soothed, and flattered I shall spread the boldest pinions.
I enclose you, Sir, my proposals—If you return the paper with your signature, and accede to my wishes relative to the dedication—you will confer a very important obligation—but if the grant of either, or both of these petitions, is inconvenient for you, or inconsistent—with your views, I however take the liberty to request, you will have the condescending goodness to favor me with an answer—as all the pirturbation, consequent upon suspense, will be the Companion of my bosom untill I am honored by your determination.
Permit me to offer to your amiable Lady my most respectful regards.
I have, Sir, the honor to be, with all possible respect, esteem, and veneration /  your most obedient humble servant
J. Sargent Murray


Title: To John Adams from Josiah, III Quincy, 1 November 1796
From: Quincy, Josiah, III
To: Adams, John

Sir—
Boston. 1st. Nov. 1796—

The last time I had the honor of being at your house your lady intimated to me, it would be agreeable to you, to peruse the enclosed paper for a few subsequent weeks. I then promised her I would transmit mine, as it was of no use to me. But it escaped my memory until this moment. I now take the liberty to comply with her request. When you find me a subscriber to this paper, I hope you will not consider me, as a patron of its principles, or attribute it to any low search for popularity among its dirty sources. In Justice to myself you will allow me to say that very different, &, I trust, laudable motives, are my inducements; although I dare not presume so far upon your patience, particularly to mention them—With very great respect / I am, Sir, your most obedt. / and humble Servt.
Josiah Quincy


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Lincoln, 7 November 1796
From: Adams, John
To: Lincoln, Benjamin

Dear sir
Quincy Novr. 7. 1796

I was in hopes to have troubled you no more in this Way: but am disappointed. If you can oblige me, I shall transmit the Sum to you, as soon as I get to Philadelphia.
I am with Usual Esteem and / Love, yours
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 10 November 1796
From: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan
To: Adams, John

Sir!
Kempwick 10 Nov. 1796.

I hasten to send your Excellencÿ another letter from mÿ solitarÿ mansion. before the united American Electors have called you to occupy the chair of their President. It would have been a pleasant satisfaction if I could have contributed to it my part. it seems this must not so be, but you know my heart. Once—in my life—I begged of a man in place the favor, to be classed among the electors that I might deserve well once more of a countrÿ what I believed me obliged to defend with my pen, before I enjoy’d her favours; and to encourage their negotiations for moneÿ—but—early spent perhaps in this—plays her part; and knowing, that I could not be lost for John Adams—or principally of a wel-moulded government Providence dictated perhaps to cast the die for another, who might be got over by such an allurement I shall be certainly satisfied to be left home, if there is made choice of an Elector, as warmly adicted to you—to our Interests I mean, and more influential by his collegues.
Amusing me Self—these long evenings, of pervoleurig again the works of that Great Prussian King, whom’s merits receive a new lustre from the vices of his base successor. I was struck, that he consider’d the idea of a French Republic—supposed as possible by the late Helvetius de Paradoxe et folie complette oeuvr.  xi—p. 326—and perhaps if he was this moment alive—he would yet defend his Sentiment, and answer to the objected established constitution waxt.—till the last act of this tragical farce is concluded. Or think you, that his politics would have changed so fast as Condorcet’s? I can not help of transcribing few lines from one of his letter to the Prussian King of 11 Maÿ 1785 “le bonheur des Peuples depend plus des lumieres de ceux qui les gouvernent, que de la forme de constitutions Politiques, et que plus ses formes sont compliquées, plus elles approchent de la Democratie, moins elles conviennent aux nations ou le commun des Citoyens manque d’instruction, ou de temps, pour s’occuper des affaires Publiques—. qu’enfin il y’a plus d’esperance dans une Monarchie que dans une République, de voir la destruction des abus s’operer avec prompitude et d’une maniere tranquille (oeuvr. xii. 324) Should Condorcet, Roche–foucauld and manÿ yet this moment have believed that one Assemblÿ would afford the safest opportunity of restoring Royalty as a unb–limited Monarchÿ?
I did see no European accounts since Jordan’s repeal before Prince Charles—but my opinion with regard French Politicks and the stability of their actual form of Government is not yet shaked no more—than my hopes encrease for the permanent deliverance of the batavians from the yoke of their late Stadholder—to their Resident I applÿ, what Willem Burgandÿ, alias, Prince of Orange answer’d Count Salm—asking the Stadhoulder how his Alma viva—(the Count came with this kind of surtout for the first time on the Parade) did please his Highness. Il vous sied parfaitement bien—il se trame a tout vent.
I was not—to return to the wel–fighting French armies, surprised at all at Jordan’s check, and expect more severe blows from that Quarter in proportion the French armies leave the plains, and penetrate in the mountains and woods of Moravia and Bohemia—full of defiles, where the Austrians—by their superior knowledge of the local situation shall prepossess them of the best entrenched camps—and crush the Separated bodies—if I am not mistaken, uncertain if you have King Fred’s works—I shall—there all what respects America—merits your notice—how triffling it may be—and few triffles escaped Fred’ks pen. transcribe few lines more from them.
In a letter to Alembert 17 March 1777. he says— si les Anglois, animes des fureurs du Dieu Mars, ont la fievre chaude, il n’y a pas d’apparence que L’epidemie franchisse les mers, pour se communiquer au Continent; Leur guinees l’ont fait passer a quelques Principi di Germania besognosi di scudi. Sans doute cela s’arretera la, et la guerre de L’Amerique sera pour les Européens  ce qu’etoient pour les Anciens Romains les Combats des Gladiateurs (oeuvr. xii p. 25.)In a letter to Volatire 18 Juin 1776—which ought to have been placed first “Vous me faites trop d’honneur (parlant de Landgrave de Hesse) de m’attribuer son education: S’il etoit sorti de mon ecole, il ne se feroit pas fait Catholique, et n’auroit pas vendu ses sujets aux Anglois, comme on vend du betail, pour les faire egorger—La passion d’un interet sordide est L’unique cause de cette demarche. Je plains ces pauvres Hessois, qui termineront aussi malheureusement, qu’inutilement leur carriere en amerique (oeuv. xiii. 391) sur ce que D’alembert demandoit ce que S.M. pensoit de la Conduite Politique et militiare des Anglois, et de manoeuvres de Washington” oeuv. xii. 83
the king answer’d him 13 aug. 1777. “qu’ils ont peché contre la bonne foi en ne tenant pas leur Colonies Le Pacte, tel qu’ils l’avoient fait avec elles; en declarant mal adroitement, et contre les regles de la prudence, la guerre a un des leur membres, dont il ne pourroit resulter que de mal pour eux; parce qu’ils ont ignoré stupidement la force de ces Colonies, et se sont imaginés, que le General Gage les pourroit soumettre avec 5 ou 6000 hommes, qu’il commandoit; qu’ils ont pris des troupes a leur solde, sans avoir songé aux vaisseaux, qui devoient les transporter en Amerique; qu’ils ont acheté sur le marché de Londres les provisions et vivres pour cette armee, qui devoit combattre en Pensylvanie, enfin il n’y a que des fautes a reprocher a ces Insulaires. Pourquoi ont ils separé a la distance de trois cent mille le corps, que Carleton commandoit, et celui a la tete duquel est maintenant Bourgoÿne? comment ces corps pouvoient ils dans cet eloignement se porter des secours mutuels, falloit il encore dans une telle situation se brouiller, de gaiete du coeur avec les Russes, indisposer les Hollandois par leur insolente arrogance, et multiplier le nombre de leur ennemis par leur mauvaise conduite? au reste, je commence de vous delcarer, que les voiles epais, qui cachent L’avenir, les derobent si bien a mes yeux qu’a ceux des autres; mais si je voulois, a L’exemple de Ciceron, prevoir ce que certaines circonstances semblent annoncer, je pourrois peut-etre hasarder de dire, qu’il paroit que les Colonies se rendront independantes, parce que cette campagne ne les ecrasera pas, que le Gouvernement des Gott–dams aura de la peine a fouiller dans les bourses des Particuliers pour fournir a la campagne prochaine, qu’entre ceci et le printemps prochain la guerre sera declaré entre La France et L’angleterre—Voilà des reves &.—he answers not a word with respect to Washington—Il (5 oct. 1777) faudroit en faire prendre au Parlement D’angleterre (il parle d’un remede contre les morsures d’un chien enragé, car il semble que quelque chien enragé la mordu. Ces gens se conduisent comme des insenses—vous aurez surement la guerre avec les Gott–dams. Ces colonies viendront independantes. xii. 94/95Pardon me, if I abuse of your time: It is the ensemble, what is found in Fred: works concerning America, can it be, procure me the perusal of Davila’s discourses, and Danima’s Revolutions of Greece and Italy. translated—of original—I shall return them with thanks.Allow me one question more—Is there not an incongruity in the Signatures of the acts of Congres—by the Vice–President and President of the Senate? It is a double titulature—both Significant—but the last, as it seems, the only proper—in the Legislative relation—the forst the title of denomination by Excellence, of the second magistrate of the union—favor me with the continuance of your remembrance—then I am with the highest consideration / your Excellency’s devoted Srt.

V. D. Kemp


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Thompson, 11 November 1796
From: Adams, John
To: Thompson, Benjamin

Sir
Quincy near Boston November. 11th. 1796—

I have received the Letter you did me the Honour to write me from London, the twelfth of July, from the Hand of our mutual Friend, Dr. Walter with a Volume of your Essays, which I have read with great Pleasure. They are the Result of no less fertility of genious than benevolence of Heart.
I have also received the Volume which you desired might be presented to the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, With the Profile of the Author and the Letter in which you request the Academy to accept of Five Thousand Dollars in three Per Cent Stock to be supplied to particular Purposes.
All these I laid before the Academy on Wednesday of this Week; They were received with great sensibility for the favor and their Secretary Mr. Pearson was directed to transmit you their Resolution expressing their Thanks, As no Stock was enclosed in those Letters and Paketts it was Suposed that your waited to hear from the Academy, before you transmitted it and the Secretary will Send you an Account of the Mode of transfering Stock which it was Supposed might not have come to your knowledge.—
I beg you to accept of my Thanks for the elegant Present of a Volume of your Essays to me; and to add my gratitude to that of the Accademy for your generous Proposal of a Donation to that Corperation.
I wish you every Success in your Career of doing good to Mankind and have the Honour to be with great Esteem for your Character your Countryman and most humble Servant—

John Adams—