Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Mary Stevenson, 17 June 1767
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson

Cravenstreet, June 17. 1767
We were greatly disappointed yesterday that we had not the Pleasure, promis’d us, of our dear Polly’s Company.
Your good Mother would have me write a Line in Answer to your Letter. A Muse, you must know, visited me this Morning! I see you are surpriz’d, as I was. I never saw one before. And shall never see another. So I took the Opportunity of her Help to put the Answer into Verse, because I was some Verse in your Debt ever since you sent me the last Pair of Garters. This Muse appear’d to be no Housewife. I suppose few of them are. She was drest (if the Expression is allowable) in an Undress; a kind of slatternly Negligée, neither neat and clean nor well-made; and she has given the same sort of Dress to my Piece. On reviewing it I would have reform’d the Lines, and made them all of a Length, as I am told Lines ought to be; but I find I can’t lengthen the short ones without stretching them on the Rack, and I think it would be  equally cruel to cut off any Part of the long ones. Besides, the Superfluity of these make up for the Deficiency of those; and so, from a Principle of Justice, I leave them at full Length, that I may give you, at least in one Sense of the Word, good Measure. Adieu, my dear good Girl, and believe me ever Your affectionate faithful Friend
B Franklin
 Addressed: To / Miss Stevenson / at Mrs. Tickell’s / Church Lane / Kensington
Endorsed: June 17–67


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Joseph Galloway, 18 June 1767
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Galloway, Joseph

Dear Sir,
London, June 18. 1767
With this you will receive a Power of Attorney from Messrs. Brown and Sons, Bankers, to recover a Debt of one Mitchel, which I recommend to your Care. The Case is this, When I was in Philadelphia, this Mitchel came to England on a Scheme for Purchasing some Lands in Partnership with Mr. Hughes, who desired me to give him a Letter of Credit for any Sum he might want under a £1000 Sterling. I did so, Mr. Hughes engaging under his Hand to make it good to me. Mitchel took up £360 which, with Interest now amounts to near £400. Brown’s Account is against Mitchel; but he considers me as accountable if Mitchel does not pay, because he credited him upon my Letter. Mr. Hughes writes me, that Mitchel refuses to discharge the Debt to Brown; (I send his Letter): and as Mr. Hughes does not find it convenient at present to indemnify me, I may suffer if Mitchel is not brought to pay. I hope therefore I may rely on your Friendship to give this Matter the utmost Dispatch.

I never have heard from you what was done in the Affair of Mary Pitts, which I left in your Hands.
You will also receive another Power of Attorney from my Friend Collinson, against a Debtor of his, which I recommend in my Friends Behalf to your Attention.
I hope Mr. Berners will soon hear from you. With great Esteem,
I am, Dear Friend, Yours affectionately
B Franklin
Joseph Galloway Esqr.

 Addressed: To / Joseph Galloway Esqr / Philadelphia / per favour of / The Revd Mr Magaw
Endorsed: June 9. 1767 B. Franklin Esqr. Answd. Sept. 20. 1767


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Sargent, 20 June 1767
From: Sargent, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Downing street Saturday 20th June. [1767?]
Mr. Sargent presents his Compliments to Dr. Franklin, and desires the favour of his Company to Dinner on Thursday next to meet Sir Matthew Fetherstone.
 Addressed: To / Dr. Franklin / at Mrs. Stephenson’s / Craven Street


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 21 June 1767
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

My dear Child,
London, June 21. 1767
Capt. Falkener has just been here to bring me your Letters. I rejoice to hear that you and Sally are well. My dear Love to her. I will write to you and all my Friends per next Packet. Some Things go for you in a Case to Mr. Foxcroft from his Brother.
I send you 4 Handkerchiefs, as a little Present, which please to accept. I bought a Piece and keep half of it. I send also the little Shade that was copied from the great one.
I am very well, Thanks to God, whom I pray may keep and preserve you well and happy.
I send a Book on Mr. Harrison’s Watch. Present it from me to our ingenious Friend Mr. Duffeld, with my Love to them and their Children. I am, my dear Debby, Your affectionate Husband
B Franklin
 Addressed: To / Mrs Franklin / Philadelphia


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 22 June 1767
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

My dear Child,
London, June 22. 1767
Capt. Falkener is arriv’d, and came yesterday to see me, and bring my Letters. I was extreamly glad of yours, because I had none by the Packet.
It seems now as if I should stay here another Winter, and therefore I must leave it to your Judgment to act in the Affair of your Daughter’s Match as shall seem best. If you think it a suitable one, I suppose the sooner it is compleated, the better. In that case, I would only advise that you do not make an expensive feasting Wedding, but conduct every thing with Frugality and Oeconomy, which our Circumstances really now require to be observed in all our Expences; For since my Partnership with Mr. Hall is expired, a great Source of our Income is cut off; and if I should lose the Post Office, which among the many Changes here is far from being unlikely, we should be reduc’d to our Rent and Interest of Money for a Subsistence, which will by no means afford the chargeable Housekeeping and Entertainments we have been used to; for my own Part I live here as frugally as possible not to be destitute of the Comforts of Life, making no Dinners for any body, and contenting my self with a single Dish when I dine at home; and yet such is the Dearness of Living here in every Article, that my Expences amaze me. I see too by the Sums you have received in my Absence, that yours are very great, and I am very sensible that your Situation naturally brings you a great many Visitors which occasion an Expence not easily to be avoided, especially when one has been long in the Practice and Habit of it: But when People’s Incomes are lessened, if they cannot proportionably lessen their Outgoings, they must come to Poverty. If we were young enough to begin Business again, it might be another Matter; but I doubt we are past it; and Business not well managed ruins one faster than no Business. In short, with Frugality and prudent Care  we may subsist decently on what we have, and leave it entire to our Children: but without such Care, we shall not be able to keep it together; it will melt away like Butter in the Sunshine; and we may live long enough to feel the miserable Consequences of our Indiscretion.
I know very little of the Gentleman or his Character, nor can I at this Distance. I hope his Expectations are not great of any Fortune to be had with our Daughter before our Death. I can only say, that if he proves a good Husband to her, and a good Son to me, he shall find me as good a Father as I can be: but at present I suppose you would agree with me that we cannot do more than fit her out handsomely in Cloaths and Furniture, not exceeding in the whole Five Hundred Pounds, of Value. For the rest, they must depend as you and I did, on their own Industry and Care: as what remains in our Hands will be barely sufficient for our Support, and not enough for them when it comes to be divided at our Decease.
Having lately bought a Piece of fine Pocket Handkerchiefs, I send you 4 of them, being Half the Piece; and shall look out for the Quilts you mention, that is, Mrs. Stevenson will, and for the Muff and Snail for Sally. None of the Things are yet come on shore.
I send you the little Shade that was copied from that great one. If it will be acceptable to my good Friend Mr. Roberts, pray give it to him.
Our Polly’s Match is quite broke off. The Difference was about Money-Matters. I am not displeas’d at it, as I did not much like the Man, thinking him a mean-spirited mercenary Fellow, and not worthy so valuable a Girl as she is in every Respect, Person, Fortune, Temper, and excellent Understanding.
Sally Franklin is well; her Father who had not seen her for a twelve month, came lately and took her home with him for a few Weeks to see her Friends; he is very desirous I should take her with me to America.
I suppose the blue Room is too blue, the Wood being of the same Colour with the Paper, and so looks too dark. I would have you finish it as soon as you can, thus. Paint the Wainscot a dead white; Paper the Walls blue, and tack the gilt Border round just above the Surbase and under the Cornish. If the Paper is not equal Coloured when pasted on, let it be brush’d over again with the same Colour: and let the Papier machée musical Figures be tack’d to the middle of the Cieling; when this is done, I think it will look very well.
Who is the Mrs. Morris you mention, as Mother to Dr. Rush[?] I am glad my Recommendations were of any Service to him.
I am glad to hear that Sally keeps up and increases the Number of her Friends. The best Wishes of a fond Father for her Happiness always attend her. I am, my dear Debby, Your affectionate Husband
B Franklin
 Addressed: To / Mrs Franklin / Philadelphia


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Payne, 25 June 1767
From: Payne, James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Brackley 25 June 1767.
Though I conclude from the long Silence of Mrs. Stevenson that she hath wholly Declin’d the Intention of Purchasing the House at Wappenham I think it not Improper to enclose Mr. Cockeriles Letter that I may have her Instructions what answer to give him. I Continue in the Opinion Imparted in my last That a House of  £40 or £50 Purchase would be more Serviceable To Thos. Walker than A House of Six or Seven pounds a Year. The Rent of which I think would be a Difficult Matter for him to pay. My Wife Joyns me in Respect To Mrs. Stevenson, and I am Sir Your most humble Servant
James Payne
P S I enclose Mrs. Walkers Draught For your Charitable Benefaction which Mrs. Stevenson will pay to my Brother.
 Addressed: For / Benj. Franklin Esqr / at Mrs. Stevensons / in Craven Street / in the Strand / London


Title: King George III: Commission for Determining the New York–New Jersey Boundary, 26 June 1767
From: George III, King of Great Britain and Ireland
To:

By documents dated June 23 and 24, 1664, the Duke of York granted to his friends, John Lord Berkeley and Sir George Carteret, a tract of land to be called New Ceserea or New Jersey, part of the much larger territory his brother, Charles II, had recently granted him. In these indentures the duke had defined the boundaries of the New Jersey grant in part as running along the Delaware “Northward as farre as the Northernmost Branch of the said Bay or River of Delaware which is in fourtie one degrees and fourtie Minutes of Lattitude and Crosseth over thence in a Straight Line to Hudsons River in fourty one degrees of Lattitude.”
Again and again during the century that followed there were futile efforts to effect an agreement between the two provinces of New York and New Jersey as to precisely where the terminal points on this boundary should be established and, consequently, just where the line itself should run. Individuals occupying lands in the area involved who based their titles on grants from the government of New York or the proprietors of East Jersey were in danger of being ejected by officials from the other province; disturbances inevitably followed, and riots and other outrages were all too common.
At last, during the years 1762–64 the assemblies and governors of the two provinces passed acceptable acts for the adjudication of the boundary by a royally appointed commission. After some difficulties had been resolved concerning the commissioners to be appointed, the Privy Council committee accepted the draft commission printed below, and on June 26, 1767, the King approved it by order in council.
Apparently the inclusion of Franklin’s name among the appointees was based on the assumption that he would have returned to America before the group would be ready to act. Since he remained in Great Britain until 1775, however, he took no part in the commission’s activities. Actually, only six of the thirteen appointees did appear when, after further delays, the commission held its first formal meeting in July 1769. Ultimately it set the northwesterly end of the boundary line at 41 degrees, 21 minutes, and 37 seconds, north latitude, at the point where the Mackhackimack (Neversink) River flows into the Delaware, and the southeasterly end at the Hudson River at 41 degrees. Though both provinces threatened to appeal the decision to the King, they finally accepted it and passed acts approving the action of the commission. On Nov. 30, 1774, representatives of both provinces reported the completion of the survey and the erection of forty-eight numbered stone monuments at one-mile distances along the whole boundary line.

[June 26, 1767]
George the Third by the Grace of God of Great Britain France and Ireland King Defender of the Faith &c. To our Trusty and well beloved John Temple Esqr. Surveyor General of the Customs for the Northern District of America Peter Randolph Esquire Surveyor General of the Customs for the Southern District of America, Charles Stewart Esquire Surveyor General of the Customs for the District of Quebec Andrew Elliot Esquire Receiver General of our Quit-Rents in the province of New York Chambers Russell Esquire Judge of the Court of Vice Admiralty for the Province of the Massachusets Bay, William Allen Esquire Chief Justice of the province of Pensylvania Samuel Holland Esquire Surveyor General of Lands for the Northern District of America William De Brahm Esquire Surveyor General of Lands for the Southern District of America Andrew Oliver Esqr. Secretary of the province of the Massachusets Bay, Charles Morris Esquire Surveyor of Lands and one of the Council of the Province of Nova Scotia, Payton Randolph Esquire Attorney General and one of the Council of Virginia, Benjamin Franklin Esquire of the Province of Pensilvania, and Jared Ingersoll Esquire of the Colony of Connecticut Greeting WhereAS the Boundary or Partition Line between our Colonies of New York and Nova Cesaria or New Jersey from the Station on Hudsons River to the Station on Delawar River hath not hitherto been duly ascertained from which unsettled State of the Boundaries of our said two Colonies not only the Extent of their respective Jurisdictions remains uncertain and the Due and Regular Administration of Government in both Colonies is by that means greatly Impeaded but also frequent and Dangerous Riots have been occasioned and are Still likely to arise as well Concerning the Extent of the respective Jurisdictions as the property of the Soil to the Great Disturbance of the publick peace and the Manifest discouragement of our Good Subjects in the settlement and Improvement of that part of our Dominion. And WhereAS our said Colonies of New York and New Jersey have by acts passed in their respective General Assemblies concurred in Submitting the property of Lands in both Colonies to such a Method of Decision as to us by our Royal Commission or otherwise should seem meet in which Acts they have made provision for defraying the Expence which may attend the Execution of this Salutary Measure and have also appointed agents therein named in behalf of each Colony to manage the said Controversy of which Acts of Assembly laid before us in our Council We have been Graciously pleased to Declare our Royal approbation Know Ye therefore that We reposing Special Trust and Confidence in your Knowledge Ability and Integrity, have nominated Authorized and appointed and Do by these presents Nominate authorize and appoint You the said John Temple, Peter Randolph, Charles Stewart, Andrew Elliot Chambers Russell William Allen, Samuel Holland, William De Brahm Andrew Oliver Charles Morris Payton Randolph Benjamin Franklin and Jared Ingersoll or any five or more of You to be our Commissioners for ascertaining Settling Adjusting and Determining the Boundary aforesaid between our said two Colonys of New York and New Jersey in such manner as from sufficient Evidence produced to you shall appear Just and Equitable. Our Will AND Pleasure therefore is, that after Notice shall be given to you and each of you or left at your respective places of Abode by any two of the agents named on the part of the Colony of New York and any two of the Agents named on the part of New Jersey jointly (not seperately) for Managing the said Controversy of this our Royal Commission to you directed and of the Day by the said Agents jointly assigned and appointed for holding the first Meeting at our City of New York within our said Colony being most Conveniently Situated for that purpose at least one Calendar Month before the Day to be by them so appointed for the said first meeting You do repair to our said City on the Day so appointed and there hold Your first meeting from which Day and any future Days of Adjournment You may adjourn to such time and times Place and places as may be most Convenient to you for the furtherance of the Business committed to Your Care hereby directing that of the Commissioners present at any Meeting he who is first named in the List of Commissioners shall preside at such meeting and shall Issue out the necessary Summons for such Witnesses as either party shall require and in Case five of You shall not be present on the Day of your first Meeting or on any other Day of adjournment then such as shall be present or a Majority of them shall and may Adjourn the further Execution of this Commission in manner aforesaid And We do direct that at the first meeting at which five of you shall be present You do make Choice of one or more Clerk or Clerks to enter Your Minutes and proceedings, and also make Choice of one or more Skilful persons as Surveyors to make and prepare Draughts and plans of the Country or Boundaries as from time to time there shall be occasion and to Discover survey and mark out such River or Rivers Branch or Branches thereof Latitudes Lines or Stations as You shall think Necessary and that you do Administer to Such Clerks Surveyors and other Persons as you shall employ an oath, or (if they be of the people called Quakers) an affirmation for the due and faithful Execution of their Trusts which oath or affirmation the Commissioners presiding at your respective meetings are hereby impowered to administer And our further Will and Pleasure is, that in Case either of Our said Colonies shall neglect to send to you our said Commissioner at your first or Second Meeting where five of you shall be present a plain and full State in Writing Signed by two or more of the Agents named on each side as aforesaid of the Demand or p[r]etensions of our said Colonies respectively, Describing where and in what place the Boundaries in Question do begin or Terminate whether that Termination be by a Line or Lines Latitude or Longitude by Rivers or other Waters by Branch or Branches of Rivers and Waters by Hills or Mountains or by any other Mark or Marks whatsoever and to what other Station or Stations the said Boundaries ought to run and in what manner and how far the same ought to run and Extend (to the End that Copies thereof may be mutually Exchanged in order to prevent any unnecessary Delay and that each party may come fully prepared) and in Case either of our said Colonies shall neglect to send to you our said Commissioners at your first or second Meeting where five of you shall be present the Names and places of abode of two of the said Agents of each side residing in their respective Colonies on either of whom or at whose place of abode any Notice Summons or Final Judgment of you our said Commissioners may be served or left, that then in each or either of these Cases you our said Commissioners or any five of you do proceed Exparte in the execution of this our Commission And We do further Direct and Command that no Witness or Witnesses be admitted to give Evidence but such as shall be Sworn or being of the people called Quakers shall take a Solemn Affirmation before you in open Court which Oath or affirmation, you or any five or more of you are hereby Impowered to administer, and that all Interrogatories and Questions which shall be put to such Witnesses before you shall be set down in Writing and that the whole of what such Witnesses shall depose shall also be set down in Writing by the said Clerk or Clerks in the presence of You and of the respective Witnesses, and that the same be read over to and Signed by the respective Witnesses And that You shall appoint such time as You shall find reasonable, within which time all the Witnesses on each side shall be produced to be Examined And We do further order and Direct that Enteries be made of all Charters Grants Deeds plans and other Written proofs received by You as Evidence, and also of all your proceedings and Resolutions and that such plans Maps or Draughts of such Boundaries as shall be agreed upon by You With a full Description thereof be annexed to Your Determination And our further Will and Pleasure is that when you shall have made your final Determination and Signed the same Copies thereof shall be forthwith sent to the two Agents of each of our said respective Colonies whose Names and places of abode have been certified unto You as before mentioned together with Notice of another meeting to be held by You at the distance of two Months or at such further reasonable time not exceeding three Calendar Months as You shall appoint at which future meeting the said Colonies or either of them who shall think themselves aggrieved may by two of their Agents as aforesaid enter their appeal to Us in Our privy Council with a Declaration what parts of the Determination made by you they respectively abide by or appeal from, But if either of Our said Colonies shall not enter their respective Appeals against such Determination at such last meeting, Our Will is that then no appeal shall be afterwards received or admitted, and in Case neither of our said Colonies shall then enter any appeal the Determination of you (being Confirmed by Us in Council) shall be final and Conclusive to both our said Colonies, And further our Will is that each of our said Colonies be permitted to take out at their own respective Expence Copies of the whole or any part of your proceedings to be attested by five or more of You Our Commissioners, and that you do return this our Commission together with all your proceedings thereto annexed attested by five or more of You to Us in Council. And Lastly Our Will is that the Charge of this Commission and of Carrying it into Execution and of You Our Commissioners Your Clerks Surveyors and officers be born and paid in equal Moieties by each of our said Colonies as in the aforementioned Acts of their respective General Assemblies is Stipulated to be done and performed In Witness whereof We have Caused these our Letters to be made patent.
 Endorsed: St. James’s June 26. 1767. Order in Council for appointing Commissioners to settle the Boundary between the Provinces of New York and New Jersey.


Title: Privy Council: Order for a Grant of Land for Benjamin Franklin, 26 June 1767
From: Privy Council
To:

Not content with his share in the Nova Scotia lands granted in October 1765 to Alexander McNutt and a group of Philadelphians (above, XII, 345–50), Franklin petitioned the Privy Council in January or February 1766 for a grant in his own name for 20,000 acres, wherever he or his agent might choose them in Nova Scotia. On Feb. 10, 1766, the Privy Council referred the application to the Board of Trade for report and recommendation; above, XIII, 123.
The Board seems to have been in no hurry to act, for it allowed this application and several other requests for Nova Scotia lands made during 1765–66 to remain unnoticed in its files until the spring of 1767. Then, after consideration on May 15 and 21, the Board submitted two reports on May 28 dealing with these applications. The Privy Council Committee considered these documents and on June 12 adopted its own reports embodying the Board’s recommendations. The paper relating to the grants for Franklin and some other individuals contained several specific “Conditions and Reservations.” When the Privy Council acted in plenary session on June 26 it incorporated these provisions almost verbatim in its order for each individual grant.

June 26, 1767
Whereas Application hath been made to His Majesty at this Board, by Benjamin Franklin, L.L.D. Praying for a Grant of Lands, in His Majesty’s Province of Nova Scotia, in Order to make a Settlement thereupon; His Majesty this day took the same into Consideration, and having received the Opinion, of the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, and also of a Committee of the Lords, of His Majestys most Honourable Privy Council thereupon, is hereby pleased, with the Advice of His Privy Council, to order, that the Governor or Commander in Chief, of His Majestys Province of Nova Scotia for the time being, do immediately upon the Receipt hereof, cause twenty thousand Acres of Land to be Surveyed in one Contiguous Tract, (Conformable to the directions of His Majesty’s Instructions, with regard to the Manner of laying out Grants of Land) in such part on the Continent of the said Province as the said Benjamin Franklin or his Agent shall Chuse, not already granted or Surveyed to others nor Allotted for Townships already engaged to be Settled, and not possessed or Claimed by the Indians, and that upon a return of such Survey, he do pass a Grant for the same to the said Benjamin Franklin, under the Seal of the said Province, upon the following Terms, Conditions and Reservations Vizt.
1st. That the Grantee do Settle the Lands within ten Years from the date of the Grant, in the proportion of one person for two hundred Acres, in failure whereof, the Lands to Revert to His Majesty his Heirs and Successors.
2d. That the Conditions of Cultivation and Improvements, be the same as those directed in His Majesty’s Instructions, to the Governor of the said Province.
3rd. That the Settlers so to be Introduced, be protestants from such parts of Europe, as are not within his Majesty’s Dominions or such persons, as have resided within His Majestys Dominions in America, for two Years Antecedent to the date of the Grant.
4th. That an Annual Quit Rent of two shillings for every hundred Acres, be reserved to His Majesty his Heirs and Successors, Payable on the Feast of St. Michael in every Year, the first Payment to Commence on the said Feast of St. Michael which shall first happen, after the Expiration of Ten Years from the date of the Grant.
5th That there be a Reservation to His Majesty His Heirs and Successors of all those parts of the Lands, which the Surveyor shall upon the return of the Survey, Report to be proper for erecting Fortifications, Publick Wharfs and Naval Yards, or for other Military Purposes, and a Reservation of an Entire Liberty to All His Majesty’s Subjects, to Fish upon the Coast of the said Tract where such Tract Abutts upon the Sea Shore.
6th. That there be a reservation to His Majesty, his Heirs and Successors, of all Mines of Gold, Silver, Copper, Lead and Coals;

7th. That there be also a Reservation to His Majesty his Heirs and Successors, of all White or other Pine Trees, of the Growth of twenty four Inches Diameter and upwards, at twelve Inches from the Earth, and that if such Trees shall be cut or felled without Licence for so doing, either from the Surveyor General of the Woods, or his Deputy, or from the Governor of the Province for the time being, the Lot or Share of Land on which they shall be so cut, shall be forfeited and the Lands Revert to His Majesty His Heirs and Successors.
And the Governor or Commander in Chief, of His Majesty’s Province of Nova Scotia for the time being, and all others whom it may Concern, are required to Carry his Majesty’s Commands hereby Signified into Execution.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Mary Rich, [June–August 1767]
From: Rich, Mary
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Grosvenor Square Monday [June-August 1767?]
Miss Rich is very unwilling to trouble Mr. Franklin again about the Glass Instrument, well knowing that every moment of his time is employ’d in things of much greater Consequence; but not having been well lately, She is apprehensive She May be sent suddenly to the Bath, and cannot help wishing to recieve from Him some Little Idea of the practice of it before she goes. She has just heard that Miss Davies has been performing at Roupells with great Applause.
 Addressed: To / Doctor Franklin / in Craven Street / in the / Strand


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Count Sarsfield, [June 1767]
From: Sarsfield, Guy-Claude, comte de
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Tuesday [June 1767]
Count Sarsfield’s compliments to Dr. Franklin and desires to know if he will be at home about Eleven, because the count can’t tomorrow have the honour to Call on him for Some material business hinders him.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin (I), 3 July 1767
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

My dear Child,
London, July 3. 1767.
With this you will receive a Box with 2 of the Petticoats quilted in the Loom; one for you, the other for Sally—also a Negligee and Petticoat for Sally, and some Snail. I shall write more fully per Pacquet next Week. I can now only add that I am, Your ever loving Husband
B Franklin
PS. I have been ill this Week past with the epidemical Cold that every body has had, or I should have written to all my Friends by this Conveyance; but I am getting well again very fast.
 Addressed: To / Mrs Franklin / Philadelphia / per favour of / Capt. Chambers.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin (II), 3 July 1767
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

My dear Child,
London, July 3. 1767.
My Friend Mr. Neave calling to acquaint me of his going, I write this Line to let you know that I am well at present, tho’ I have been all last Week so ill with the general Cold and Fever which everybody has had, that I could not hold a Pen, or I should have written fully by him to you and all my Friends as I intended. But the Packet goes next Week by which I purpose answering the Number of Letters I have lately received by Falkner, Friend, and the Pacquet. My Love to Sally and all enquiring Friends. I am Your ever loving Husband
B Franklin
I recommend Mr. Neave to your Civilities.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Rudolphe Erich Raspe, 6 July 1767
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Raspe, Rudolph Erich

Dear Sir,
London, July 6. 1767
I received long since your Favours of Feb. 10. and March 3. I need not tell you I am the worst Correspondent in the World; you are convinc’d of it, as is every one else that does me the Honour of writing to me. If I were younger, I might hope to mend this Fault; I wish Age, or any thing else could excuse it; I can now only confess, and hope my Friends will forgive it.
I am not yet certain that I shall return to Pensilvania this Summer. It would really be a great Pleasure to me to have your Company thither, if I could assure you of any Employment worthy your Learning and Abilities. Sir John Pringle and myself both wish to see you here, and he frequently speaks of you to such as we imagine may have any Influence in facilitating it, but as yet without Effect. We think the Lights you would obtain among our Philosophers here, might be serviceable to your Prince and Country on your Return; and that the Prospect of this, if properly represented to those in Power, might induce them to direct your making the Journey, and provide that it should be without Expence to yourself. We have no doubt that your Merits will in time bring you into a more advantageous Situation than the present, and wish we could any way contribute to accelerate it.
I am much oblig’d to Mr. Andreae and to you for sending me those ingenious Alchemistic Letters. Pray present my Compliments to him. I forwarded the other Copy to Dr. Lewis. I shall endeavour to get and read the Essay on Lime that you mention.
I wish, for their own sakes, as well as for yours, that the Reviewers had behaved more properly. If I had had any Influence with them, they would have done so.
The new Edition of my Electric Letters is not yet finish’d, I purpose to send you a Copy as soon as it is ready. There is already a Translation in German of the former Edition, but there are now great Additions; tho’ the Subject being now less in Vogue, I doubt whether it can be worth your while to translate them.
I shall be glad to see Professor Meister’s Account of my Armonica, as well as yours in the German Bibliotheque of Belles Lettres, in which you so kindly defend the Character and Reputation of your Friend. I wish your Artist may succeed in making the Armonica. Mr. Professor Gatzert has heard that Instrument plaid upon here by an excellent Hand, and can give you some Account of the great Sweetness of its Tones, and the fine Harmony it produces.
With this I send you a Copy that has been printed here of my Examination before the House of Commons upon the Affair of the Stamp Act, the Session before the last; supposing it may afford you some Amusement.
I inclose you two Letters, one from Mr. Canton, the other from Dr. Knight, which I have had in my Hands too long, waiting for an Opportunity of sending them to you without Charge of Postage. With sincere Esteem, I am, Dear Friend, Yours most affectionately
B Franklin
Mr. Raspe


Title: Note Respecting Trade and Manufactures, 7 July 1767
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

This memorandum may have been intended as a newspaper article, although the editors have not discovered any printing of it in the London or Philadelphia papers. On the other hand, BF may have written it only for his own or his friends’ amusement. The manuscript is badly torn along its right side, so that many words are lost. The missing words have been supplied from William Temple Franklin’s printing of the document.

London, July 7. 1767.
Suppose a Country, X, with three Man[ufactures] as Cloth, Silk, Iron, supplying 3 other Co[untries,] A, B, C; but is desirous of increasing the Vent [and] raising the Price of Cloth; in favour of her own Clo[thiers.]
In order to this, she forbids the Importati[on of] foreign Cloth from A.

A in return forbids Silks from X.
Then the Silk workers complain [of a decay] of Trade.
And X to content th[em, forbids silks from B.]
B in return forbids [iron-ware from X.]
Then the Iron workers complain of [decay.]
And X forbids the Importation of Iron [from] C.
C in return forbids Cloth from X.
What is got by all these Prohibitions?
Answer, All four find their common Stock of Enjoyments and Conveniences of Life diminished.

[B.F.]


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Peter Collinson, 13 July 1767
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Collinson, Peter

Dear Friend
London, July 13. 1767
I have heard of an Account you lately received from Russia of some Discovery of an ancient Sepulchre in the Frontiers of that Country. I wish I could see that Account. In the mean time I send you a Passage I have met with in Herodotus, that most ancient Historian, concerning the Sepulchres of the Sythian Kings, which may possibly throw some Light on this Discovery. The Boristhenes you know is a River that takes its Rise in the North, and empties itself into the Euxine Sea. I am, as ever, Yours affectionately
B Franklin
[Enclosure]
The Sepulchres of the Scythian Kings are in the Country of the Gerrhians, where the Borysthenes is first known to be navigable. When their King dies, they dig a great Hole in the Ground, of a quadrangular form, and having receiv’d the Body cover’d with Wax, they open and cleanse the Belly, filling the Space with bruis’d Cypress, Incense, Seeds of Parsley, and Anis: And after they have sow’d up the Belly again, they carry the Body in a Chariot to another Province; where, those who receive it imitate the Royal Scythians in the following Custom. They cut off part of one Ear; shave their Heads; wound themselves on the Arms, Forehead, and Nose; and pierce the left Hand with an Arrow. Having done thus, they accompany the Chariot to another District; and this Manner is observ’d in every Province; ’till having carried the dead Body of the King thro’ all his Dominions, they bury him in the Country of the Gerrhians, who inhabit the remotest parts of the Kingdom. Here they lay him in the Sepulchre, upon a Bed incompass’d on all Sides with Spears; which they cover with Timber, and spread a Canopy over the whole Monument. In the Spaces that remain vacant, they place one of the king’s Concubines strangled; with a Cup Bearer; a Cook; a Groom; a Waiter; a Messenger; certain Horses; and some of all Things necessary. To these they add Cups of Gold; because Silver and Brass are not used amongst them. This done, they throw up the Earth with great Diligence, and endeavour to raise the Mount as high as Possibly they can.
Herodotus, Book IV.
  Addressed: To / Peter Collinson, Esqr. / Mill Hill / To be left at No 39 in Grace church Street
Endorsed: Pryer


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from George Baker, 13 July 1767
From: Baker, George
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Monday 11 o’clock 13. July, 1767
Dr. Baker waited on Dr. Franklyn, in order to shew him the inclosed paper, which is extracted from a paper which Dr. B. is to read this afternoon at the College of Physicians.
If Dr. Franklyn has any thing to object, or to add, Dr. B. will take it as a particular favour, if he will send his alterations to him in Jermyn-Street.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Peter and Michael Collinson, 14 July 1767
From: Collinson, Peter,Collinson, Michael
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Mill Hill Tuesday 14: July 1767
P Collinson and Son’s Respects to their Good Friend Benn: Franklin Request the favour to Enjoye His company at Mill-Hill any  Day this Week that it Suites Him: to Make his Stay more Agreeable—I have by this Post requested the like favour, of Doct. Solander. I hope you Two Gentlemen will Concert Measures, to Come together, but if that can’t conveniently Be; pray Come your Self. The Stage comes every Day from the Bull Inn Holbourn near St. Andrews Church.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Joseph Sherwood, 28 July 1767
From: Sherwood, Joseph
To: Franklin, Benjamin

28th. July 1767
Joseph Sherwood’s respects to Benjn. Franklyn Esqr., Sherwood has Inclosed a Draught of a Case to be laid before the Attorney General, as clear as Sherwood is able to do it, with the materials he has got, Sherwood desires his Friend Franklyn will give it an Attentive Perusal and Amend it as Occasion shall require, Sherwood will call in Craven Street in a day or two.
Benjn Franklyn Esqr


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Mr. Pomeroy, 1 August 1767
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Pomeroy, Mr. ——

Sir
Cravenstreet Augt. 1. 67
I yesterday had the Pleasure of receiving the enclosed from Dr. Robertson, Principal of the University of Edinburgh, in answer to mine relating to Mr. Cooper, of which I send you a Copy. I feel myself happy in having been any way instrumental in procuring an Honour so justly due to that Gentleman’s uncommon Merit. As soon as I receive the Diploma, I shall hand it to you for Conveyance to Boston. I am, very respectfully, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
Mr. Pomeroy


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Richard Price, 1 August 1767
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Price, Richard

Reverend and dear Sir,
Cravenstreet Saturday Aug 1. 67
Last Night I received a Letter from Dr. Robertson, acquainting me that the University of Edinburgh have on my Recommendation conferr’d the Degree of Dr. in Divinity upon the Revd. Mr. Cooper of Boston: an Event, that when I last had the Pleasure of seeing you, you may remember I was desirous of waiting for, before I should be concern’d in any new Application of the same kind. And indeed as I have made three already, I begin to feel a little unwilling to apply again immediately to the same University in favour of another, lest they should think me troublesome; tho’ they have hitherto been very obliging. And recollecting that you mention’d your having a Correspondence with the Principal of the College at Glasgow, I now purpose applying to that University for Mr. Elliot’s Degree, if you approve of it, and will with Mr. Radcliffe address your recommendation to the same Place, to accompany mine. Please to present my respectful Compliments to  Mrs. Price and Mrs. Barker; and believe me, with sincere Esteem, Dear Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from [Samuel] Potts, 3 August 1767
From: Potts, Samuel
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Genl. Post Office Augt. 3: 1767
Mr. Potts presents his Compliments to Mr. Frankland and desires the favour of his Company to dine on a Buck of the Postmaster Generals on Wednesday next at the Kings Arms in Cornhill at 3 in the Afternoon.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Cadwalader Evans, 5 [August] 1767
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Evans, Cadwalader

Dear Doctor:
London, May [Aug.] 5, 1767.
I received your obliging favour of May 16. I am always glad to hear from you when you have Leisure to write, and I expect no Apologies for your not Writing. I wish all correspondence was on the Foot of Writing and answering when one can, or when one is dispos’d to it, without the compulsions of Ceremony. I am pleased with your Scheme of a medical Library, at the Hospital; and I fancy I can procure you some Donations among my medical Friends here, if you will send me a Catalogue of what Books you already have. Inclos’d I send you the only Book of the kind in my Possession here, having just receiv’d it as a Present from the Author. It is not yet published to be sold, and will not be for some time, till the second Part is ready to accompany it.
I thank you for your Remarks on the Gout. They may be useful to me who have already had some Touches of that Distemper. As to Lord Chatham, it is said that his Constitution is totally destroy’d and gone, partly thro’ the violence of the Disease, and partly by his own continual Quacking with it. There is at present no Access to him; he is said to be not capable of receiving any more than of giving advice. But still there is such a Deference paid to him that much business is delay’d on his account, that so when entered on it may have the Strength of his Concurrence, or not be liable to his Reprehension if he should recover his Ability and Activity. The ministry we at present have, has not been looked upon, either by itself or others, as settled, which is another Cause of postponing every thing not immediately necessary to be considered. New Men, and perhaps new Measures are often expected and apprehended, whence arise continual Cabals, Factions and Intrigues among the Outs and Ins, that keep every thing in Confusion. And when Affairs will mend, is very uncertain. With great Esteem I am, Dear Friend, Yours affectionately
B. Franklin.


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 5 August 1767
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

My dear Child,
London, Augt 5. 1767
I have now before me all your late Letters, and shall answer them Article by Article.
Capt. Ourry din’d here a few Days since, and thanks you for remembering him, desiring his Respects to you and Sally—Mr. Strahan and Family the same.
I received the Bill sent per Mr. Potts, and suppose it will be duly paid. You will return him the Overplus.
I wish I could take my Passage this time with Capt. Falkener. I was on board the other day with Mr. and Mrs. West, Mrs. Stevenson and Mr. Hopkinson, to drink Tea. ’Tis a fine Ship, and I think it not unlikely that I may go with him next time, as he is a very kind good Friend whom I much respect.
The Nocake proves very good, and I thank you for it. I am glad you go sometimes to Burlington. The Harmony you mention in our Family and among our Children gives me great Pleasure.
I am sorry to hear of the Death of our old Friend Debbey Norris. She was a worthy good Woman, and will be miss’d.
If I can in any shape be of Service to Mr. Francis you may depend I shall do it, being much concern’d for his Misfortune. I am told the Affair is like to turn out better for [him?] than was expected.

I will [torn] Shades done as you desire.
[Sally Franklin is] now in the Country with her Father. [torn] Child, and a very good Girl. I think you would like her, and her Father wishes I would take her over with me; but I object to it, as the Care of educating other People’s Children is a Trust too weighty for us as we grow old. He is still a Widower, and is between 40 and 50. His Name is Thomas Franklin; how came you to call him Billy Franklin?
I receiv’d the Watch-Chain which you say you send to be put to rights. I do not see what it wants. Mrs. Stevenson says it is too old fashion’d for Sally, and advises sending the Watch also, to be chang’d away for a new Watch and Chain.
In your last Letters you say nothing concerning Mr. Bache. The Misfortune that has lately happened to his Affairs, tho’ it may not lessen his Character as an honest or a prudent Man, will probably induce him to forbear entering hastily into a State that must require a great Addition to his Expence, when he will be less able to supply it. If you think that in the mean time it will be some Amusement to Sally to visit her Friends here and return with me, I should have no objection to her coming over with Capt. Falkener, provided Mrs. Falkener comes at the same time as is talk’d of. I think too it might be some Improvement to her.
I am at present meditating a Journey somewhere. Perhaps to Bath and Bristol; as I begin to find a little Giddiness in my Head, a Token that I want the Exercise I have yearly been accustomed to.
I long to see you and be with you, being as ever, my dear Debby, Your affectionate Husband
B Franklin
My Love to Sally. I shall write her by to morrow’s Packet, and several other Friends shall send the Letters I intended per Capt. Falkener, as they will probably get sooner to hand.
There is a Muffcase for Sally on board Capt. Falkener, containing a Scarlet Muff, her Buckle mended, a Ring for Miss Ross, a Pair of Mitts, and some Pamphlets for Cousin Davenport.
Capt. Ourry just come in, sends the enclos’d.

 Addressed: To / Mrs Franklin / at / Philadelphia / per favour of / [Capt] Falkener


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Edward Penington, 5 August 1767
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Penington, Edward

Sir,
London, Augt. 5. 1767
I received yours of May 21. and 25. with a Letter and Papers enclos’d for Mrs. Penn, which I forwarded. Yours of June 8. is since come to hand, with one for her by the Name of Durdin. She will now change neither her Name nor her Mind any more, for I hear she is dead. I have nevertheless seal’d and forwarded the Letter to Ireland. They were strange fickle People, and I think you have been very ill used by them. Whether you will ever obtain any Recompence for the Trouble you have taken in their Affairs, is very uncertain. Possibly as you are now so well acquainted with all Circumstances relating to the Lands, Lots, &c. those whose Right they now are may find it their Interest to apply to and consider you. If they should, you may get some Satisfaction. I do not know Major Fell or Springett’s Sister. I fancy they live in Ireland, out of my Way. I am sorry this Affair has not turned out of some Advantage to you; and hope you will excuse any Share I had in recommending you, as it was well intended tho’ unsuccessful. I am, with sincere Regard, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant
B Franklin
P.S. Augt. 8. I have just heard that Major Fell is in Town and very much at the Proprietor’s.
Mr. Pennington
 Endorsed: Augt. 5th. 1767 from B Franklin


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Parker, 24 August 1767
From: Parker, James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honoured Sir
New York, Aug. 24. 1767.
All yours of April 14. May 23. and June 12. I received within a few Days of each other: I congratulate you, on the Renewal of your Commission. Thank you for all your kind Advice, and as Mr. Foxcroft has since appointed Mr. Babcock at New Haven, I am glad my Sentiments tallied with both yours.
I have received the Chronicles by the two last Packets from Mr. Potts: I shall send him now one Guinea, and as fast as it is due,  more: By all Merchantmen I shall send Mr. Kar[r] Papers, and by the Packet both to Mr. Potts and you.
I think you will have seen the Pieces you recommend already in my Paper, I continue to swim as it were against Tide, I make but slow Advances, yet I think I do get a-head: If I finally conquer, it will shew the surprizing Power of Diligence and Perseverance: for I have scarce had the Appearance of one fortunate Chance in common: Even not one Packet, till that by which this comes over arrived since I have been here, between Monday and Thursday, but always for the other Time: and this had been too long to bring any Thing; and yet I every Week get one or so: tho’ Pay will doubtless be bad, as Times are distressing to many. However, I don’t yet despair, notwithstanding, I have almost constant Sickness in my Family: My Son just recovering from a very violent Spell, Myself have had about 10 Days a smart Paroxysm of the Gout which now seems going off.
Every Thing sent is come safe, and I would have sent a Power to you now: but the Time is too sudden for this Packet, I shall try by the next, but I spoke to the Surveyor General some time ago, and he says, the Certificate of my being in the Office was sent some time ago to the Board, under the Broad Seal of this Place signed by the Governor; which is the standing Testimonial: Mr. Colden tells me, that is all that is needful: Nevertheless, as I took two of those Certificates, I will send you the other with the Power.
I will pay Mr. Miller the ten Guineas you order in a few Days: I expect Mr. Foxcroft here soon; and I suppose he will go to New-Haven—Mr. Ingersol appoints me to come up the Beginning of October, when the Auditors are to meet to proceed: I shall give such Evidence as is Truth, let it fall for or against me: Holt keeps close, or else our Sheriff is dishonest—Our Friend Hughes keeps close still, but follows his School yet.
A Merchantman sails in a Day or two, perhaps he may stay till my next Paper: If he does shall write again. Almost all the Vessels of late from Europe here have had long Passages.
All my Family; being Wife, Son and Daughter join in humble Respects with Your most obliged Servant
James Parker
To Dr. Franklin London
 Endorsed: J. Parker, from Aug 8 to Oct. 1. 1767


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Deborah Franklin, 28 August 1767
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, Deborah

My dear Child
London, Augt. 28. 1767
I have staid too long in London this Summer, and now sensibly feel the Want of my usual Journey to preserve my Health. Therefore I this Morning am to set for a Trip to Paris. Sir John Pringle, the Queen’s Physician, goes with me. He has Leave for Six Weeks only, her Majesty being again pregnant. I shall write to you from thence. I receiv’d yours by Sir John Peyton. Mrs. Stevenson will forward the Things you write for. My Love to all. I am, ever, Your affectionate Husband
B Franklin


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to William Franklin, 28 August 1767
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Franklin, William

Dear Son,
London, August 28, 1767.
I have no letter of yours since my last, in which I answered all preceding ones.
Last week I dined at Lord Shelburne’s, and had a long conversation with him and Mr. Conway (there being no other company), on the subject of reducing American expence. They have it in contemplation to return the management of Indian affairs into the hands of the several provinces on which the nations border, that the colonies may bear the charge of treaties, &c. which they think will then be managed more frugally, the treasury being tired with the immense drafts of the superintendants, &c. I took the opportunity of urging it as one means of saving expence in supporting the out-posts, that a settlement should be made in the Illinois country; expatiated on the various advantages, viz. furnishing provisions cheaper to the garrisons, securing the country, retaining the trade, raising a strength there which on occasion of a future war, might easily be poured down the Missisippi upon the lower country, and into the Bay of Mexico, to be used against Cuba, or Mexico itself, &c. I mentioned your plan, its being approved by Sir William Johnson, the readiness and ability of the gentlemen concerned to carry the settlement into execution with very little expence to the crown, &c. &c. The Secretaries appeared finally to be fully convinced, and there remained no obstacle but the Board of Trade, which was to be brought over privately before the matter should be referred to them officially. In case of laying aside the Superintendants, a provision was thought of for Sir William Johnson, &c. We had a good deal of farther discourse on American affairs, particularly on paper money: Lord Shelburne declared himself fully convinced of the utility of taking off the restraint, by my answer to the report of the Board of Trade. General Conway had not seen it, and desired me to send it to him, which I did next morning. They gave me expectation of a repeal next session, Lord Clare being come over: but they said there was some difficulty with others at the board who had signed that report: for there was a good deal in what Soame Jenyns had laughingly said when asked to concur in some measure, I have no kind of objection to it, provided we have heretofore signed nothing to the contrary. In this conversation I did not forget our main Pennsylvania business, and I think made some farther progress, though but little. The two Secretaries seemed intent upon preparing business for next parliament, which makes me think, that the late projects of changes are now quite over, and that they expect to continue in place. But whether they will do much or little, I cannot say.

Du Guerchy the French Ambassador is gone home, and Monsieur Durand is left Minister Plenipotentiary. He is extremely curious to inform himself in the affairs of America; pretends to have a great esteem for me, on account of the abilities shown in my examination; has desired to have all my political writings, invited me to dine with him, was very inquisitive, treated me with great civility, makes me visits, &c. I fancy that intriguing nation would like very well to meddle on occasion, and blow up the coals between Britain and her colonies; but I hope we shall give them no opportunity.
I write this in a great hurry, being setting out in an hour on another journey with my steady good friend Sir John Pringle. We propose to visit Paris. Durand has given me letters of recommendation to the Lord knows who. I am told I shall meet with great respect there; but winds change and perhaps it will be full as well if I do not. We shall be gone about six weeks. I have a little private commission to transact of which more another time. Communicate nothing of this letter but privately to our friend Galloway. I am your affectionate father,
B. Franklin.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Parker, 1 September 1767
From: Parker, James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honoured Sir
Newyork, Sept. 1. 1767
Having wrote twice since 8 Days ago, I have not any Thing material to write now only that I have not been able yet to execute a proper Power: Indeed, the chief Reason is for some Weeks past, I have had the Gout wandering from Limb to Limb, and tho’ none so very violent as to lay me quite up, yet so much, that I have no sooner Ease in one Part, than I have fresh pain in another, and I every Day hoping I should be better, have put it off from Day to Day, and yet the Disease hangs upon me: This is one of the greatest Discouragements I have, as I struggle continually to get the better of it, as well as of others, of which I seem to have a double Share: Nothing however, short of Death shall hinder me from striving against them all: I have had the Gout most in my Hands and Arms, my Ancle next, and my Toes least, Tho’ no Part is exempted. I suppose by the Time of the next Packet Mr. Foxcroft will be here, in order to proceed to New Haven. I hope I may be well enough to go thither, as I wish that Affair finished. Mr. Chew, I have Reason to think has failed. He is in Arrear, and pleads that you promis’d to allow him Pay for hiring some Riders up the River in the Years 1755 and 1756: and Mr. Foxcroft nor I know any Thing about the Matter: I suppose Mr. Foxcroft will write to you; but he thinks Mr. Chew must be displaced: The same Paper I sent you Thursday last by a Merchantman—Almost all the Vessels from Europe have had long Passages this Summer. We all send our Respects whilst I am Your most obliged Servant
James Parker.
 Addressed: For / Benjamin Franklin Esqr / Craven-Street / London / per Packet


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Michell, 6 September 1767
From: Michell, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir,
Newark 6 Sept 1767
I am just returned to Newark from an expedition into Yorkshire to see Thornhill, the place I told you I was going to remove to. In my return, I came through Sheffield, where I enquired after the Stands for small Wax Candles, with nippers, such as Mrs. Stevenson wanted; but found there were none of them made yet of the plated ware, by any of the workmen in that way. I talked however to the first person, who began that business, (and who I believe is the best man to be depended upon, though there are others, that carry on a larger manufacture in it) and he told me, he apprehended, they would come to about 14s. or 15s. apiece, and the manner, in which he talked of doing them seemed to me very judicious and such as would make them firm and good. If Mrs. Stevenson has a mind to have one or more, I will write to Sheffield about it, and I hope it will not be long before I can procure it for her, though Mr. Hancock, the person I mean to apply to, is apt to be a little dilatory in any new things, that they have not been used to make before; but as this is a very small thing, that does not want many new tools, and is likely enough to make an addition to the trade, it is probable Mr. Hancock will make no scruple of making the necessary tools immediately.
The house at Thornhill I found a large and good one, with a great deal of pretty good, and some very good room in it, and with a very moderate expence, I think, I can make it a very good house: the country also, I think, a very agreable one; but there is not much company nearer than within two or three miles; but I shall probably be able to give you a more exact account of Matters after I have been settled there a little while. I propose to leave Newark in about three weeks, and to remove immediately to Thornhill.
I hope this will find yourself and all friends in London in good health. Sir J. Pringle, I see by the Papers, is gone to France; I hope it is rather a journey of pleasure and amusement, than what he thinks necessary for his health. I must beg you to present my due respects to all friends. With all good wishes, I am, Dear Sir, Your obedient Servant
J. Michell


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from John Baskerville, 7 September 1767
From: Baskerville, John
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir,
Easy Hill, Birmm. 7 Sepr. 1767
After having obtained the Reputation of excelling in the most useful Art known to Mankind; of which I have your Testimony; Is it not to the last Degree provoking, that I cannot get even bread by it? I must starve, had I no other Dependence.
I have offered the London Booksellers to print for them within 5 per Cent. as low as their common Currency, but can not get from them a single Jobb.
I offered my whole Apparatus of Letter founding, printing &c. to the Court of France by the Duke de Nivernois when he was Ambassador here for £8000. which was politely refused as being too large a Sum.

Mr. Godfroy, who may be heard of at Mr. Sayde’s Optitian to the King, lately told our good Friend Mr. Boulton, that France wished to be possessed of my printing &c. on moderate Terms, in which I heartily join.
The Intention of this is therefore, to beg the Favor of you to propose and recommend this Affair, as Mr. Godfroy may point out the Way. I want only to set on Foot a Treaty; if they will not come to my Terms, I may possibly come to theirs.
Suppose we reduce the price to £6000. Lewis the 14th would have given three times that Sum, or Czar Peter. Let the Reason of my parting with it be, the Death of my Son and intended Successor, and having acquired a moderate Fortune, I wish to consult my Ease in the Afternoon of Life, as I am now turn’d of 60. I am Dear Sir with the greatest Esteem your most obedient humble Servant
John Baskerville
 Endorsed: Mr. Baskerville Sept. 7. 67


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Joseph Sherwood, 11 September 1767
From: Sherwood, Joseph
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Warnford Court, Throgmorton Street11th. September 1767.
Joseph Sherwood Presents his Respects to B. Franklyn Esqr. and Informs him, that Sherwood Attended at his Lodgings the beginning of the Week, with the Papers &c. ready to send to Charles Read Esqr.
 Addressed: For / Benjn. Franklyn Esqr. / at Mrs. Stephensons / Craven Street / Strand


Title: From Benjamin Franklin to Mary Stevenson, 14 September 1767
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To: Hewson, Mary (Polly) Stevenson

Dear Polly
Paris, Sept. 14. 1767
I am always pleas’d with a Letter from you, and I flatter myself you may be sometimes pleas’d in receiving one from me, tho’ it should be of little Importance, such as this, which is to consist of a few occasional Remarks made here and in my Journey hither.
Soon after I left you in that agreable Society at Bromley, I took the Resolution of making a Trip with Sir John Pringle into France. We set out the 28th past. All the way to Dover we were furnished with Post Chaises hung so as to lean forward, the Top coming down over one’s Eyes, like a Hood, as if to prevent one’s seeing the Country, which being one of my great Pleasures, I was engag’d in perpetual Disputes with the Innkeepers, Hostlers and Postillions about getting the Straps taken up a Hole or two before, and let down as much behind, they insisting that the Chaise leaning forward was an Ease to the Horses, and that the contrary would kill them. I suppose the Chaise leaning forward looks to them like a Willingness to go forward; and that its hanging back shows a Reluctance. They added other Reasons that were no Reasons at all, and made me, as upon a 100 other Occasions, almost wish that Mankind had never been endow’d with a reasoning Faculty, since they know so little how to make use of it, and so often mislead  themselves by it; and that they had been furnish’d with a good sensible Instinct instead of it.
At Dover the next Morning we embark’d for Calais with a Number of Passengers who had never been before at Sea. They would previously make a hearty Breakfast, because if the Wind should fail, we might not get over till Supper-time. Doubtless they thought that when they had paid for their Breakfast they had a Right to it, and that when they had swallowed it they were sure of it. But they had scarce been out half an Hour before the Sea laid Claim to it, and they were oblig’d to deliver it up. So it seems there are Uncertainties even beyond those between the Cup and the Lip. If ever you go to sea, take my Advice, and live sparingly a Day or two before hand. The Sickness, if any, will be the lighter and sooner over. We got to Calais that Evening.
Various Impositions we suffer’d from Boat-men, Porters, &c. on both Sides the Water. I know not which are most rapacious, the English or French; but the latter have, with their Knavery the most Politeness.
The Roads we found equally good with ours in England, in some Places pav’d with smooth Stone like our new Streets for many Miles together, and Rows of Trees on each Side and yet there are no Turnpikes. But then the poor Peasants complain’d to us grievously, that they were oblig’d to work upon the Roads full two Months in the Year without being paid for their Labour: Whether this is Truth, or whether, like Englishmen, they grumble Cause or no Cause, I have not yet been able fully to inform myself.
The Women we saw at Calais, on the Road, at Bouloigne and in the Inns and Villages, were generally of dark Complexions; but arriving at Abbeville we found a sudden Change, a Multitude both of Women and Men in that Place appearing remarkably fair. Whether this is owing to a small Colony of Spinners, Woolcombers and Weavers, &c. brought hither from Holland with the Woollen Manufacture about 60 Years ago; or to their being less expos’d to the Sun than in other Places, their Business keeping them much within Doors, I know not. Perhaps as in some other Cases, different Causes may club in producing the Effect, but the Effect itself is certain. Never was I in a Place of greater Industry, Wheels and Looms going in every House. As soon as we left Abbeville the Swarthiness return’d. I speak generally, for here are some fair Women at Paris, who I think are not whiten’d by Art. As to Rouge, they don’t pretend to imitate Nature in laying it on. There is no gradual Diminution of the Colour from the full Bloom in the Middle of the Cheek to the faint Tint near the Sides, nor does it show itself differently in different Faces. I have not had the Honour of being at any Lady’s Toylette to see how it is laid on, but I fancy I can tell you how it is or may be done: Cut a Hole of 3 Inches Diameter in a Piece of Paper, place it on the Side of your Face in such a Manner as that the Top of the Hole may be just under your Eye; then with a Brush dipt in the Colour paint Face and Paper together; so when the Paper is taken off there will remain a round Patch of Red exactly the Form of the Hole. This is the Mode, from the Actresses on the Stage upwards thro’ all Ranks of Ladies to the Princesses of the Blood, but it stops there, the Queen not using it, having in the Serenity, Complacence and Benignity that shine so eminently in or rather through her Countenance, sufficient Beauty, tho’ now an old Woman, to do extreamly well without it.
You see I speak of the Queen as if I had seen her, and so I have; for you must know I have been at Court. We went to Versailles last Sunday, and had the Honour of being presented to the King, he spoke to both of us very graciously and chearfully, is a handsome Man, has a very lively Look, and appears younger than he is. In the Evening we were at the Grand Couvert, where the Family sup in Publick. The Form of their sitting at the Table was this:

   The Table as you see was half a Hollow Square, the Service Gold. When either made a Sign for Drink, the Word was given by one of the Waiters, A boire pour le Roy, or A boire pour la Reine, &c. then two Persons within the Square approach’d, one with Wine the other with Water in Caraffes, each drank a little Glass of what they brought, and then put both the Caraffes with a Glass on a Salver and presented it. Their Distance from each other was such as that other Chairs might have been plac’d between any two of them. An Officer of the Court brought us up thro’ the Croud of Spectators, and plac’d Sir John so as to stand between the King and Madame Adelaide, and me between the Queen and Madame Victoire. The King talk’d a good deal to Sir John, asking many Questions about our Royal Family; and did me too the Honour of taking some Notice of me; that’s saying enough, for I would not have you think me so much pleas’d with this King and Queen as to have a Whit less Regard than I us’d to have for ours. No Frenchman shall go beyond me in thinking my own King and Queen the very best in the World and the most amiable.

Versailles has had infinite Sums laid out in Building it and Supplying it with Water: Some say the Expence exceeded 80 Millions Sterling. The Range of Building is immense, the Garden Front most magnificent all of hewn Stone, the Number of Statues, Figures, Urns, &c in Marble and Bronze of exquisite Workmanship is beyond Conception. But the Waterworks are out of Repair, and so is great Part of the Front next the Town, looking with its shabby half Brick Walls and broken Windows not much better than the Houses in Durham Yard. There is, in short, both at Versailles and Paris, a prodigious Mixture of Magnificence and Negligence, with every kind of Elegance except that of Cleanliness, and what we call Tidyness. Tho’ I must do Paris the Justice to say, that in two Points of Cleanliness they exceed us. The Water they drink, tho’ from the River, they render as pure as that of the best Spring, by filtring it thro’ Cisterns fill’d with Sand; and the Streets by constant Sweeping are fit to walk in tho’ there is no pav’d foot Path. Accordingly many well dress’d People are constantly seen walking in them. The Crouds of Coaches and Chairs for that Reason is not so great; Men as well as Women carry Umbrellas in their Hands, which they extend in case of Rain or two much Sun; and a Man with an Umbrella not taking up more than 3 foot square or 9 square feet of the Street, when if in a Coach he would take up 240 square feet, you can easily conceive that tho’ the Streets here are narrower they may be much less encumber’d. They are extreamly well pav’d, and the Stones being generally Cubes, when worn on one Side may be turn’d and become new.
The Civilities we every where receive give us the strongest Impressions of the French Politeness. It seems to be a Point settled here universally that Strangers are to be treated with Respect, and one has just the same Deference shewn one here by being a Stranger as in England by being a Lady. The Custom House Officers at Port St. Denis, as we enter’d Paris, were about to seize 2 Doz. of excellent Bourdeaux Wine given us at Boulogne, and which we brought with us; but as soon as they found we were Strangers, it was immediately remitted on that Account. At the Church of Notre Dame, when we went to see a magnificent Illumination with Figures &c. for the deceas’d Dauphiness, we found an immense Croud who were kept out by Guards; but the Officer being told that we were Strangers from England, he immediately admitted us, accompanied and show’d us every thing. Why don’t we practise this Urbanity to Frenchmen? Why should they be allow’d to out-do us in any thing?
Here is an Exhibition of Paintings, &c. like ours in London, to which Multitudes flock daily. I am not Connoisseur enough to judge which has most Merit. Every Night, Sundays not excepted here are Plays or Operas; and tho’ the Weather has been hot, and the Houses full, one is not incommoded by the Heat so much as with us in Winter. They must have some Way of changing the Air that we are not acquainted with. I shall enquire into it.
Travelling is one Way of lengthening Life, at least in Appearance. It is but a Fortnight since we left London; but the Variety of Scenes we have gone through makes it seem equal to Six Months living in one Place. Perhaps I have suffered a greater Change too in my own Person than I could have done in Six Years at home. I  had not been here Six Days before my Taylor and Peruquier had transform’d me into a Frenchman. Only think what a Figure I make in a little Bag Wig and naked Ears! They told me I was become 20 Years younger, and look’d very galante; so being in Paris where the Mode is to be sacredly follow’d, I was once very near making Love to my Friend’s Wife.
This Letter shall cost you a Shilling, and you may think it cheap when you consider that it has cost me at least 50 Guineas to get into the Situation that enables me to write it. Besides, I might, if I had staid at home, have won perhaps two shillings of you at Cribbidge. By the Way, now I mention Cards, let me tell you that Quadrille is quite out of Fashion here, and English Whisk all the Mode, at Paris and the Court.
And pray look upon it as no small Matter, that surrounded as I am by the Glories of this World and Amusements of all Sorts, I remember you and Dolly and all the dear good Folks at Bromley. ’Tis true I can’t help it, but must and ever shall remember you all with Pleasure. Need I add that I am particularly, my dear good Friend Yours most affectionately
B Franklin
Miss Stevenson
 Endorsed: Paris Sep 14—67


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Thomas Wharton, 21 September 1767
From: Wharton, Thomas
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear friend
Philada. Septemr. 21st. 1767
I wrote thee on the 8th Inst. since which have none of thy favours, as I in my last inform’d thee, relative to the Affairs of Baynton Wharton & Morgan, I have now the satisfaction of saying, that, in a few Days after, they calld their Creditors together, and laid before them, a state, whereby it clearly appeared they had a Capital of £28.000 and Upwards, after paying all their Creditors their full demands and deducting very largely for Doubtfull and Bad Debts, And reckoning their great Adventure to the Illinois, at only the prime Cost with Charges; this state so satisfied them that they with the greatest Chearfullness came into a Letter of Licence for 3 Years, the business to be transacted by the House, under the Councill of Eight of their Creditors, and distribution to be made rateable among them, as fast as a Sum is receiv’d, on which it would be worth while; the distribution to be on the same proportion to B & Ws. Creditors as those of B.W & M; thus they are now happily at work, and their George Morgan setts off this Week for the Illinois, in order to finish their great Adventure in that country; should the Profitts continue at the rate they have hitherto sold, its not doubted, their Ballance on winding up, (which they hope will be before—the termination of the 3 Years) will be much larger. I dont find they can have it in their power to write to Rd. Neave & Son or David Barclay & Sons by this Opportunity, so that, should it be convenient, thou can communicate the Contents to them.

Our Election is near at hand, [and] we have little reason to fear a change in our Ticket; except [torn] of Our friend John Potts, who is so Ill, that his [torn] Expected. There has lately been a Change in the [torn] A Stedman left out, and John Lawrence placed in his stead, and Thomas Willing made the fourth supream Judge; Capt. James Young and Charles Jolly Judges of the Pleas &c. We are inform[ed] the Order for these Creations came from Your side; And Its expected We shall have a Number of New Common Councill Men elected shortly; These Appointments a good deal sower the New Allies as some of them expected to have been Exalted.
There is some reason to believe that W A will lose his Election in Cumberland County. I remain thy real and Affect[ionate] Friend
Tho Wharton
 Addressed: For / Benjamin Franklin / Esqr / Deputy Post Master General of No. America / In / Craven Street / London. / per favour of / Capt Jefferies / Packet
Endorsed: Mr Tho Wharton Sept. 21, 1767


Title: Of Lightning, and the Method (Now Used in America) of Securing Buildings and Persons from Its Mischievous Effects, September 1767
From: Franklin, Benjamin
To:

This paper, appearing for the first time in the 1769 edition of Franklin’s important work, is headed “Letter lix.” The date line indicates that he wrote it during his and Pringle’s visit to Paris in 1767. Unlike most of the letters printed in Experiments and Observations, however, this piece bears no subheading to indicate the individual to whom Franklin wrote it and it includes no salutation or complimentary close. Its contents show clearly that it was not intended for any expert on the subject of electricity, for it reported nothing essentially new; rather it seems to have been written to tell persons who knew virtually nothing about the subject something about the electrical nature of lightning, how it behaves in contact with substances and objects near the ground, and how they could protect their houses and themselves from injury during thunder storms.
Since Franklin was writing while in Paris, he probably expected that the piece would be translated into French and published in some Parisian journal. His expectation was fulfilled, for the paper is listed as appearing under the title “Du tonnerre, et des moyens employés en Amérique pour préserver les bâtiments et les personnes de ses funestes accidents” in Mémoires pour l’histoire des sciences et des beaux-arts, Novembre, 1767, p. 197.

Paris, Sept. 1767
Experiments made in electricity first gave philosophers a suspicion that the matter of lightning was the same with the electric matter. Experiments afterwards made on lightning obtained from the clouds by pointed rods, received into bottles, and subjected to every trial, have since proved this suspicion to be perfectly well founded; and that whatever properties we find in electricity, are also the properties of lightning.
This matter of lightning, or of electricity, is an extream subtile fluid, penetrating other bodies, and subsisting in them, equally diffused.
When by any operation of art or nature, there happens to be a greater proportion of this fluid in one body than in another, the body which has most, will communicate to that which has least, till the proportion becomes equal; provided the distance between them be not too great; or, if it is too great, till there be proper conductors to convey it from one to the other.
If the communication be through the air without any conductor, a bright light is seen between the bodies, and a sound is heard. In our small experiments we call this light and sound the electric spark and snap; but in the great operations of nature, the light is what we call lightning, and the sound (produced at the same time, tho’ generally arriving later at our ears than the light does to our eyes) is, with its echoes, called thunder.
If the communication of this fluid is by a conductor, it may be without either light or sound, the subtle fluid passing in the substance of the conductor.
If the conductor be good and of sufficient bigness, the fluid passes through it without hurting it. If otherwise, it is damaged or destroyed.
All metals, and water, are good conductors. Other bodies may become conductors by having some quantity of water in them, as wood, and other materials used in building, but not having much water in them, they are not good conductors, and therefore are often damaged in the operation.
Glass, wax, silk, wool, hair; feathers, and even wood, perfectly dry are non-conductors: that is, they resist instead of facilitating the passage of this suble fluid.
When this fluid has an opportunity of passing through two conductors, one good, and sufficient, as of metal, the other not so good, it passes in the best, and will follow it in any direction.
The distance at which a body charged with this fluid will discharge itself suddenly, striking through the air into another body that is not charged, or not so highly charg’d, is different according to the quantity of the fluid, the dimensions and form of the bodies themselves, and the state of the air between them. This distance, whatever it happens to be between any two bodies, is called their striking distance, as till they come within that distance of each other, no stroke will be made.
The clouds have often more of this fluid in proportion than the earth; in which case as soon as they come near enough (that is, within the striking distance) or meet with a conductor, the fluid quits them and strikes into the earth. A cloud fully charged with this fluid, if so high as to be beyond the striking distance from the earth, passes quietly without making noise or giving light; unless it meets with other clouds that have less.
Tall trees, and lofty buildings, as the towers and spires of churches, become sometimes conductors between the clouds and the earth; but not being good ones, that is, not conveying the fluid freely, they are often damaged.
Buildings that have their roofs covered with lead, or other metal, and spouts of metal continued from the roof into the ground to carry off the water, are never hurt by lightning, as whenever it falls on such a building, it passes in the metals and not in the walls.
When other buildings happen to be within the striking distance from such clouds, the fluid passes in the walls whether of wood, brick or stone, quitting the walls only when it can find better conductors near them, as metal rods, bolts, and hinges of windows or doors, gilding on wainscot, or frames of pictures; the silvering on the backs of looking-glasses; the wires for bells; and the bodies of animals, as containing watry fluids. And in passing thro’ the house it follows the direction of these conductors, taking as many in it’s way as can assist it in its passage, whether in a strait or crooked line, leaping from one to the other, if not far distant from each other, only rending the wall in the spaces where these partial good conductors are too distant from each other.
An iron rod being placed on the outside of a building, from the highest part continued down into the moist earth, in any direction strait or crooked, following the form of the roof or other parts of the building, will receive the lightning at its upper end, attracting it so as to prevent its striking any other part; and, affording it a good conveyance into the earth, will prevent its damaging any part of the building.
A small quantity of metal is found able to conduct a great quantity of this fluid. A wire no bigger than a goose quill, has been known to conduct (with safety to the building as far as the wire was continued) a quantity of lightning that did prodigious damage both above and below it; and probably larger rods are not necessary, tho’ it is common in America, to make them of half an inch, some of three quarters, or an inch diameter.
The rod may be fastened to the wall, chimney, &c. with staples of iron. The lightning will not leave the rod (a good conductor) to pass into the wall (a bad conductor), through those staples. It would rather, if any were in the wall, pass out of it into the rod to get more readily by that conductor into the earth.
If the building be very large and extensive, two or more rods may be placed at different parts, for greater security.
Small ragged parts of clouds suspended in the air between the great body of clouds and the earth (like leaf gold in electrical experiments), often serve as partial conductors for the lightning, which proceeds from one of them to another, and by their help comes within the striking distance to the earth or a building. It therefore strikes through those conductors a building that would otherwise be out of the striking distance.
Long sharp points communicating with the earth, and presented to such parts of clouds, drawing silently from them the fluid they are charged with, they are then attracted to the cloud, and may leave the distance so great as to be beyond the reach of striking.
It is therefore that we elevate the upper end of the rod six or eight feet above the highest part of the building, tapering it gradually to a fine sharp point, which is gilt to prevent its rusting.
Thus the pointed rod either prevents a stroke from the cloud, or, if a stroke is made, conducts it to the earth with safety to the building.
The lower end of the rod should enter the earth so deep as to come at the moist part, perhaps two or three feet; and if bent when under the surface so as to go in a horizontal line six or eight feet from the wall, and then bent again downwards three or four feet, it will prevent damage to any of the stones of the foundation.

A person apprehensive of danger from lightning, happening during the time of thunder to be in a house not so secured, will do well to avoid sitting near the chimney, near a looking glass, or any gilt pictures or wainscot; the safest place is in the middle of the room, (so it be not under a metal lustre suspended by a chain) sitting in one chair and laying the feet up in another. It is still safer to bring two or three mattrasses or beds into the middle of the room, and folding them up double, place the chair upon them; for they not being so good conductors as the walls, the lightning will not chuse an interrupted course through the air of the room and the bedding, when it can go thro’ a continued better conductor the wall. But where it can be had, a hamock or swinging bed, suspended by silk cords equally distant from the walls on every side, and from the cieling and floor above and below, affords the safest situation a person can have in any room whatever; and what indeed may be deemed quite free from danger of any stroke by lightning.
B.F.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Johann Friedrich Hartmann, 1 October 1767
From: Hartmann, Johann Friedrich
To: Franklin, Benjamin

[Hanover, October 1, 1767]

To the highly venerable Franklin, S.p.D.
Johann Friedrich Hartmann
The most enjoyable memory of that day when it was first possible to see you and converse with you has often come back to me. Believe me, I strongly regret that for reasons of time and place I could not offer for your inspection the electrical machines and experiments in a way worthy of the notice of so great and so learned a man. Do not think that any part of the blame should rest with me.

When Prince Schwarzburg Rudolstadt who, because of his love of literature, carries on an exchange of letters with me, heard that you had undertaken a trip through Germany, he had no greater desire than to be granted the chance of a conversation with you: for this reason he had sent to Göttingen a learned man, his friend, that he might greet you in his name. This man, however, only arrived in Göttingen on the very day that you had left the town, and therefore was disappointed in his hope of seeing you.
Meanwhile, a prince in Germany has asked me to take care of the installation of lightning rods on his estates: therefore I beseech you, with the most urgent prayers, to describe more precisely the method which you have used to this end in America. You would, that way, be most helpful to my fellow citizens and acquire the greatest prestige among them.
My intention is to compile a full history of electricity, as best I can. Now, since virtually nobody in this field enjoys a greater fame than you, I would like to report such experiments and inventions of yours that seem worthiest of being remembered. Indeed, I do not deny that I am quite bold in asking you this, but your humanity has always helped my timidity, and so did your favorable disposition toward me, which I would count among my highest blessings.
If I can be of any use to you, you shall find me prompt and fully ready. Farewell and wishes. Given in Hannover, DCCLXII, the calends of October.


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from James Parker, 1 October 1767
From: Parker, James
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Honoured Sir
Nyork. Octob 1. 1767
No doubt you will wonder I have not sent you a Power according to my Promise: The Reason is this: Mr. Colden tells me  he has a Copy of the Power he sent, Which he would lend me to form one by: and he says he cannot at present recollect where it is, but will search for it, and I being desirous to have it unexceptionable, have waited in hopes he will find it: If he can’t find it, by the next Packet after this, I will get some other.
To-morrow Morning, I set out for New Haven therefore write this at a Venture: I purpose to declare all I know truly, and leave the Issue to Providence. The July Packet you will see is come in this Afternoon; if I have any Letters or not, I can’t yet say, but she has had now 10 Weeks Passage, and can bring little News.
I don’t know any Thing worthy your Attention to inform you of: I creep along yet, gain Ground a little every Week, and now print between 15 and 16 Quire of News: but the Times are dreadfully dull and hard here indeed. Yet, thank God, I believe I fare as well as some of my Neighbours: I will follow your Counsel, nor cease to Struggle till I either gain the Port, or sink for ever.
We all join in respectful Complements: Whilst I remain Your most obliged Servant
James Parker.
 Addressed: For / Dr Benjamin Franklin / Craven Street / London


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from William Trent, with List of Traders’ Losses and Benjamin Franklin’s Certificate, 1 October 1767, 26 December 1767
From: Trent, William
To: Franklin, Benjamin

  Benjamin Franklin Esqr.Sir
Philadelphia October 1st. 1767
In March 1766, Colonel Croghan took the liberty of inclosing you a Letter from himself to Messrs. Mildred & Roberts of London And therein desired, That they would deliver to you, All the Accounts belonging to the Indian Traders who had lost by the  Depredations of the French and Indians and also the Vouchers attending them.
Colonel Croghan has not had the pleasure of hearing whether Messrs. Mildred & Roberts have delivered these Accounts to you and therefore he requests I would inclose you the within duplicate of his Letter to those Gentlemen, for that purpose.
I am duly constituted by Letter of substitution, the Attorney in fact, for those Indian Traders mentioned at the foot of this Letter, As Messrs. Baynton, Wharton & Morgan will inform you, Wherefore I must request, as a particular favor, That you will be pleased on Receipt hereof, to transmit to me by the first Packet, all those several Indian Traders Accounts and Vouchers, (mentioned below) or for fear of loss by Sea, That you will be so good as to hire a Clerk (The Expence whereof I will immediately pay Mrs. Franklin or to your Order) And have all those Traders Accounts and their Vouchers properly Copied, and then certified by you, to be true Copys, Which pray send to me in the Stead of the Originals.
It is indispensably necessary for me to have those Accounts here with all possible expedition. Wherefore I hope Sir you will be so obliging to gratify me in this my earnest Solicitation. I am very respectfully Sir Your most obedient and very humble Servant
William Trent
Doctor Franklin is earnestly requested to send by the first Packet, The following Indian Traders Accounts of Losses with the Vouchers attending them to Wm. Trent their Attorney in fact. Vidzt,

William Trent, George Croghan, Robert Callender and Michel Teaffs [Taafe’s or Teaffe’s] Account in Company
}
£2496
  2
  6

William Trent and George Croghan Account in Compy
6511
5
9

Thomas McKees Account in Compy
3256
13
8

Hugh Crawford’s Account
1312
10
0

Samuel Chambers Account
270
0
0

James Silvers ditto
350
0
0

Arthur Auchmutys ditto
203
9
9

Adam Terrences Accot
368
9
6

John Frasers ditto
2585
12
0

Thomas Kintons ditto
363
9
0

John Grays ditto
630
15
11

Alexander Stevens’s ditto
311
18
1½

James Rankins ditto
26
0
0

John Galbreaths Account
1581

[torn]

Francis Campbells ditto
721
0
[3]

James Young and John Frasers ditto
1025
10
3

Robert Callender and Michel Teaffs ditto
2969
3
6

James Dunings Accot
1204
16
9

Paul Pierces Account
2087
12
0

John Owens ditto
1040
6
9

William Blyths ditto
395
6
0

Morris Turner’s ditto
420
0
0
Alexander McKennets ditto
78
0
0

[In Franklin’s hand:]
London, Dec. 26. 1767
Agreable to the Request contained in the within Letter, I have caused to be transcribed all the Accounts therein mentioned, and the Depositions thereunto relating; and having carefully examined the Copies made thereof, and compared the same with the Originals remaining in my Hands, I do hereby certify that the said  Copies are correct and true; and as such I have connected them with this Letter and Certificate by a blue Ribband sealed with my Seal. Witness my Hand
B Franklin
 Endorsed: Mr Trent Oct. 1. 1767 Indian Accts. w[ere] sent certify’d by me


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from George Croghan, 2 October 1767
From: Croghan, George
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Sir
Lancaster October 2d. 1767
I was favoured with your Letter of the 18th April and I return you my sincere thanks, for the Notice you are pleased to take of my Publick Transactions; And shall think myself happy if my Conduct meets with the approbation of the Kings Ministers.
I have been about three Months this Summer, at Sir William Johnson’s, where we had several Conferences with the Six Nations and at every meeting They expressed great uneasiness that the Boundary between their Hunting Country and the midle British Colonies, was not confirmed, agreeable to the settlement of it, made above two Years agoe with Sir William Johnson, when they agreed to it, as they understood, it was desired by the King and wished for by themselves, with a view to prevent any further disputes between their Warriors and their Brethren the Kings Subjects; but at those Conferences, they said, that to their great surprise their Father the King, had taken no Notice of that Agreement, and that the English, on the Frontiers of the Colonies and in particular, on that of Virginia, have since that Agreement was formed, Made more encroachments on their Country, Than ever they had before and had killed several of their Warriors, this last Spring (which unhappily is but two true). They complained likewise of the Regulations of Trade, in their Country, and said, That the Traders will not comply with them, (which indeed cannot be denyed). Nor can the General and Sir William Johnson oblige them to conform to the intentions of Government, without a proper authority from his Majesty, for that purpose. Every thing that could with propriety be mentioned to them, was done by Sir William Johnson, but they appeared, as if they thought that all which was said to them, was intended only to amuse them and they declared plainly, That they could not believe, but if it had been the King’s desire to prevent his Subjects from making Settlements, in their Country, before it was purchased or killing their People, or preventing frauds and abuses in Trade, he would have done it before now, as he made laws to rule his People by; and that they dreaded the Consequence of not confirming that Boundary, as all the Western Tribes and Senecas, were as much or more concerned in it, than themselves, and that, those were the Tribes, who had lost several of their Warriors last Spring, on the Frontiers of Virginia and who they feared, then were meditating a method of taking revenge.
About the beginning of September, several Letters were brought to Sir William Johnson and myself from the out Posts, acquainting us, with the great dissatisfaction of the several Tribes to the Westward and of the Senecas and informing us, that a Conference of the Warriors of the Senecas and twelve different Tribes of the Western Indians, was to be held this Fall, in the Shawnesse Country, which left us no room to doubt, of the design of this great Council. On which Sir William determined to go himself immediately into the Six Nation Country, and for me to proceed to the Shawnesse Towns and Detroit, by way of Fort Pitt, in order to divert them and divide their Councils, if possable, for a while.
On my way through this Province, I have received a Letter from the Commissary of Indian Affairs at Fort Pitt, confirming the Account of this great meeting in the Shawnisse Country and that several Hundreds were already assembled there; You Sir are well acquainted with the Indians and their Customs and Manners. They are Jealous and revengefull, never forget and seldom forgive, where they think they are injured and a delay and neglect they cannot bear and often construe them, into a design against themselves. Indeed! such is their opinion, at present, respecting this Boundary and the delays of Government, in not ordering it to be confirmed, That it must inevitably produce an Indian War, early next Spring or perhaps this Winter, unless Sir William Johnson and myself, should be able to divert it; For their Intentions are, I am convinced, to do themselves justice, by force of Arms, as they say, They are agrieved and much slighted and deceived by us.
No doubt Sir William Johnson has wrote his Majesty’s Ministers fully on this occasion, but as I know your Zeal for the good of the King’s Interest, I could not let slip this opportunity, of communicating such very interesting Intelligence, to the Commerce of great Brittain and to the Peace of these Colonies.
I set of[f] to morrow for Fort Pitt and beg leave to assure you I am with great esteem and regard Sir Your most obedient and most humble Servant
Geo: Croghan
Benjamin Franklin Esquire


Title: To Benjamin Franklin from Samuel Wharton, 4 October 1767
From: Wharton, Samuel
To: Franklin, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Philad. October 4th 1767
Since writing on the other Side, The apprehensions of Hostility’s shortly commencing, unless the Indians could be quieted by the Agents, Are too soon (And too fataly for my Partners and self) confirmed.
An Express, yesterday brought us, the following alarming Advices.
That Our Factor at Fort Pitt had sent from Thence, in July last, Two large Batteaus, With Cargos to the Amount of about Three Thousand pounds Sterling And That Near to the Falls of the River Ohio, One Devereaux Smith, who was coming up That River, saw one of Them, near to the East Side of it And upon examining her, found no Person On Board, That the Cargo was mostly destroyed And part scattered, for several miles along the River Side.
And from Detroit, There is also certain Intelligence, That all the Crew of those Boats, being fourteen in Number, was murdered by a party of Chippeways (One of the Western Tribes who are now meeting at the Shawanese Towns) Who had returned with the Plunder, to their Nation.
This Loss is very severe upon us and Especialy when added to the vast Sum, we lost the last Indian War; And no Retribution received for Them.
All Trade must cease from hence to the Illinois, as it will be impossible for any Persons to carry it On, Unless some speedy and efficacious Measures are taken, To pacify the Indians. No English Merchants save Ourselves, have yet ventured to send British Merchandize to the Illinois And I dare say, None will be so rash, as to do it hereafter. At best, Not until Methods are adopted, To gratify the Natives in Their Expectations. I am respectfully Dear Sir your affectionate Friend
S Wharton