Title: To John Adams from Richard Rush, 3 November 1815
From: Rush, Richard
To: Adams, John

					Respected Sir.
					Washington November 3. 1815.

				Professor Cooper of Carlisle in Pennsylvania, formerly Tom Cooper the friend of Dr Priestly, is, I imagine, one of the most learned men in this, or in any country. His genius is universal, and his attainments seem without limit. Abandoning politicks, he is more usefully engaged in scientifick and literary discussions. My father used to doubt whether he or Priestly had most knowledge. He now writes, more copiously I fancy than any other man in America (at least so far as I am informed,) for the periodical works that are published in Pennsylvania; and is, I also believe, doing a great deal towards diffusing a useful zeal for letters throughout our country.In a late number of the Port Folio, Mr Cooper, in the course of a general notice which he takes of Mr Clintons discourse, delivered not long since before the Literary and Philosophical society of New York, thus expresses himself.“Mr Adams’s defence of the constitution of the United states, however his opinions may be controverted on this side of the atlantic, is such a condensed view of the merits and defects of the various forms of government, antient and modern, as is no where else to be found, so far as I know. An Englishman would probably admire it more than I do; but Mr Adams has certainly furnished ample materials for reflection to those who differ from his political creed. England can show no such work. The triffling and popular panegyric of De Lolme is not to be compared with it.” So much for Mr Cooper; And I cannot resist the occasion, Sir, to say that I agree with Mr Cooper. I have never yet read any English author upon government, so rich with learning and reflections, so profound and generally so wise.I prize very much your favor to me of the 9th of last month. What you say of the consolato del mare, is already carefully noted for use at a future day. I have read Howdens commentaries, and every word of “Cocus quidam,” with all Hargraves and Butler’s improvements upon him, long before I read Bynkershæk.I agree to all you say of them, with some little allowance.The little pamphlet I threw out embraced only a few outlines rapidly sketched. If ever I come to a year or two of comparative leisure, after the toil of study and the bustle of affairs shall have in a degree gone by with me, I have in view the plan of a work upon jurisprudence, of which some of the materials are already laid up while others are to be collected, and of which the little tract knocked off at a heat, last month, is but in part the vestibule. However, like a thousand others, perhaps I have merely formed a plan to think of, to nurse up, and never execute. But in this consists part of our happiness.I hear with great concern of the inflamation in your eyes, which I trust by this time has passed off. May your health and life long continue blessings to yourself, your friends, and your country. So prays—

					Richard Rush


Title: From John Adams to David Sewall, 4 November 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Sewall, David

Dear Sir
Quincy November 4th 1815

your friendly letter of 31st October, has given me great pleasure. But if Envy were lawful I should envy the neatness, and firmness of your hand. Neither my eyes, nor my quivering fingers will allow me the power to write as you do.
The vicissitudes of the last year have been like the Hurricane of the last Equinox, unexampled in the memory of Man. What other changes are to follow? I fear the World has not grown more steady since the triumphs of the Allies. I thought Tom Paines, age of reason, an age of darkness visible, but I am now terrified with the prospect of an age of darkness that may, and will be felt. If you and I cannot be selfish enough to be indifferent, we ought to be wise enough “to trust the ruler with his skies.”
The Saline Mist that was diffused by the storm, was observed, here as with you. A thick film of Salt was found covering our glass windows, and the verdure of the grass & folliage, was not only tarnished but distempered by it.
The Peace is a subject of congratulation, but the duration of it, must be left to future counsels. America is not exempted from the Lot of Humanity. She has dangers enough, easy to foresee, and if she does not prepare for her own defence, she will deserve to suffer.
I dare not reason upon the prophecies of the Millennium. So many have erred from Peter the Hermit, to Priestly and Towers & our Friend West, that I have reason to distrust my learning. When I recollect the horrible butcheries of mankind, that have been excited by false interpretations, however honestly adopted, I dare not march upon such ground. Incedio per ignes suppositos cineri doloso.
I rejoice in a more liberal communication of sentiments, among the nations. Translations of the Bible into all languages & sent among all people, I hope will produce translations into English & French, Spanish & German & Italian of the sacred books of the Persians, the Chinese, the Hindoos, &c &c &c. Then our Grandchildren & my Great Grandchildren may compare notes, & hold fast all that is good.
Wentworth, Sewall, Dalton, Whitemore, Adams, are all that remain of our class, and these are more in proportion, than are to be found in any class before us or for twenty years after us. Ours I beleive has been the longest lived class in the Catalogue.
It would give me great pleasure, to see you at Quincy, not only for a few hours, but for days and weeks.
Before I conclude I have a favour to ask. In your Investigation, with our friend Jonathan, into the history of the name & Family of Sewall, did you ever find the name of Hull?
I have seen an original letter form the ancient Chief Justice Sewall to his son, Dr Sewall of the old South, in which he mentions the Dr’s Uncle Quincy, & some connection with a family of Hulls. If you can give me any information of the ancient connections between the Sewalls, Quincys, & Hulls, you will much oblige me.
I am, dear Sir your ancient classmate, and with great esteem and sincere affection your invariable friend
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Thomas Marston, 6 November 1815
From: Marston, Thomas
To: Adams, John

					Dear Sir
					6th Novr 1815

				Agreeably to your request, I send you the names of those gentlemen who visited you last saturday.An advertisement has been inserted in our daily paper, expressing a want of certain political essays signed Massachusettensis, and the answer by the Honble John Adams. As I know you do not take the Daily Advertiser, I have mentioned it for your information. They were written in 1774—Very respectfully / yr friend

					John Marston

			JJJMajor Genl BrownColo Jones}AidsMajor FrazierMajor BrownColo HindmanColo TowsonMajor Crane—Colo Austin.—Colo Austin


Title: To John Adams from François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 9 November 1815
From: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan
To: Adams, John

					Olden Barneveld, November 9, 1815.

				Musing on Molière, the last precious gift of de Gyzelaer, which I received this summer, I was as usual diverted from him to you, recollecting your kindness. My own health is improved, my old enemy raps only now and then a lady’s knock at the door; though I am not always permitted to say not at home, our pour parler does not last long. I shall go to-night to make a party of Quadrille with my old friend Mappa, but tell it not in Gath. I have laid aside all serious studies for a time, turning to Shakespeare, and amused myself with Redi il bacco in Toscana. I am delighted with Fortiguerra’s admirable Ricciardetto. Can you send me Ronsard’s Poésies and Condorcet? And can you explain the spinning with a distaff? I can’t conceive how. It is yet done in Siberia.


Title: From John Adams to François Adriaan Van der Kemp, 10 November 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan

Dear Sir
Quincy Nov. 10. 1815

May your anticipations of another Visit to Quincy be reallised! Much good may your Theological Studies do you! I have been reading an Abridgment of Scheffmachers Demonstration of the necessity of a Sovereign Judge of the Faith upon Earth from the Doctrine of the Trinity. He Says the New Testament flatly contradicts itself: affirming with equal perspicuity and Energy that J. C. is, and that he not God. Human Reason cannot understand this Mystery nor reconcile this contradiction. Nothing but Grace and Faith can assent to it, and of these the Soverign Pontiff and Holy Church are the final infallible Judge. Now, Sir Will certain Doctors by forcing on a Controversy, promote Popery or Infidelity, or undefiled Religion, most?
I hope the good Dr will learn “that Heaven can contain numberless Individuals, besides Calvinists” and to assist him in this lesson, I would recommend to him the Authority of the Fathers of the three first Centuries, who were more charitable, tolerant and liberal than modern Doctors papistical or Presbyterian. St. Justin for example Says “Και οἱ μετὰ λόγου βιώσαντες Χριστιανοἴ εἰσί, καν ἄθεοι ἐνομίσθησαν. Et quicunque, cum ratione vixere, Christiani Sunt, quamvis Athei, et nullius Numinis cultores habity Sunt. And againΟἱ δὲ μετὰ λόγου βιώσαντες, καὶ βιοῦντες Χριστιανοὶ καὶ ἄφοβοι καὶ ἀτάραχοι ὑπαρχουσι. At, qui cum ratione vixere, atque etiam nunc vivunt, Christiani, et extra metum et perturbationem, omnes Sunt.
Just. Martyr. Apolog. 2. pag. 83.
What would Saint Justin Say to a modern Priest who would burn an honest Man for eating a Piggs foot or for doubting the Transportation of the Church of Loretto? or who would refuse to eat or drink with another because he could not believe 3 to be equal to one, and one to be equal to 3.?
The Works of Buffon, with whom I have eaten and drank, are much more delightfull than his conversation. Nature appears in his Works in great Glory; and Natures God in Still greater as appears to me, thought it did not to him. I would read him again if I had Eyes.
S. G. Perkins has been much in Europe heretofore; his Lady never.
I recollect the Supper at the Golden Lion in Leyden, very well and my dissapointment too, in loosing your company So Soon.
J. Q is overwhelmed with Business of a very trifling though indispensible Nature under a cruel British Alien Law. We know nothing of his Public Conduct which all goes to Washington, and from thence there is Nulla retrorsum.
The Egyptian wheat is Still unsown.
The 18th. Century has become So odious and unpopular in England and France that I do not believe it possible to make the Sketch known in either.
The equinoctial Hurrcane blowed over many fruit Trees and Forest trees, Scattered Fences and injured out Buildings for me, but not more than for others but it gave Us Colds that were worse to repair than the Fences. I am now afflicted with it Such a degree that I am not fit to write more /  than
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from David Sewall, 10 November 1815
From: Sewall, David
To: Adams, John

					Dear Sir
					York 10th. Novr. 1815.

				I was much gratified with the reception of yours of Novr. 4th. Current And if it were in my power to communicate the Strength of Nerve, Which by the indulgence of Providence I am permitted to enjoy, It would spedily and with great pleasure be afforded.—I now & then peruse the last Chapr. of Ecclesiastes—which is supposed, a description of Persons in advanced periods of life—some of Which, such as Ceasing of the Grinders, and some times, the Burthen of the Grasshopper I can experimentally apply—my loco motive, or ambulatory facultys I yet—retaine in a Comfortable degree—A Mile or two Walk from home I am yet able to perform without inconveniences.—And my Sight is tolerably good my Specks—the Same—that I have used for near 20 Years—still answer their intended purposes.—We some times Anticipate Evils, in Imagination that never happen And if We truly reallize that an unerring being unto whom the past, the present and the future, are equally apparent, Governs the World and its courses It will afford aid and Consolation under the various Occurrences of life To be prepared for War, is doubless a probably & prudent precausion, to prevents it Origin. And had the Sums been expended in increasing the Maritime strength of the Nation, Which were desired & intended, under the comencement of the Government under the Constitution—The late War, might perhaps have been avoided.—I am one of those undiscerning ones, Who never discovered the benefits resulting from the embargo or non Intercourse System—The benefits arising from the most probable and Zealous expectations of those who commenced  War had its success equalled their most sanguine desires.—But as Peace has again taken place let the misfortunes and calamitys that have been incident to be a State of War, be repaired—What I always apprehended from the Embargo & Non Intercourse System has in a considerable degree been realized.—The contaminating the Moral Sence of many of our Cytizens.—The general punctual collection of the duties, with Integrity, during the first 12 Years of the Admina. under the Constitution is unhappily diminished—It was formerly dishonorable to smuggle Goods—But that discredit and dishonourableness formerly attached to such transactions is greatly diminished. And in some Instances, I have reason to suppose Fraud & Perjury had been practiced But I am permitting my Pen to ramble Where perhaps it ought not, and will come to the Information, you desire so far forth as is in my Power to Communicate respecting “the Connection between the Sewalls, Quincys, and Hulls.”—I recollect to have seen an Original Letter dated 1720 from the ancient Chief Justice Sewall to one of his Sons on his own & his Father, He Says Emigration—containing nearly a Sheet of Paper, of Which I made a copy but have mislaid itFrom some other sources I have made a geneological Sketch of the New-England Sewalls from their Common Ancester Henry Who was a Supposed Grandson, of the mayor of Coventry. I have been more minute perhaps in the business than your Curiosity divided—But having noted the three great Stamina you may from thence or some of the ramifications Obtaine more Satisfactory knowledge—I recollect, when at College in an a pedestrian excurtion with my Chum Weld to his Fathers at Jamaica Roxbury—to have called at the House of a Sewall, in Brookline—the man of the House, who I think was said to be Henry, was absent—his lady was a sensible Woman but of What Family or Connection I know not—One Source of Information in the Pedigree inclosed was taken from a Stones in the Old burying Ground adjoining the Meeting House in Newbury Where the late Docr. Tucker officiated, and read thus.—“Mr. Henry Sewall, sent by Henry Sewall his Father in the Ship Elizabeth & Dorcas, Capt. Watt Commander, arived at Boston 1634. wintered at Ipswich, helped begin this Plantation 1635. furnishing English Servants, neat Cattle and provisions. Married Miss Jane Dummer march 25th. 1646. died may 16th. 1700 Etatis 86. his fruitfull vine being thus disjoined fell to the ground Jany. 13th. following Etatis 74 Psalm 27th. 10”“John Sewall died Augst. 8th 1699 Etatis 45. The weary are at rest”“Hannah [Sewall] the virtuous Wife of Jacob Toppan died Novr. 11th. 1669 Etatis 51”These Stones were probaly Cut & erected under the direction of Old chief Justice Sewall, as well one at Cambrige bearing a latin Inscription on the death of Thomas Sewall an under Graduate who died July 14th. 1716 E. 22.another Source, was from a publication annexed to Mr. Thomas Princes funeral Sermon in 1730 on the Death of Judge Samuel Sewall.—and from a Letter from R. Cromell protector in 1658. to the Govrs. & Compy printed in the apendix of Govr. Hutchinsons Hystory 1. Voll.—The Dummer & Sewall, had land Contiguous at Byfield being partly in Newbury and partly in Rowley—The Dummer Estate there was by the Will of Liet Gov Dummer appropriated to the Support of a grammar School, & since the revolution made an Academy of Which Samuel Moody (the Grandson of the York Minister of the same Name) was the first—and for a Series of Years the Preceptor—There is a tradition in our Family, that about the period the Sewall emigration took place to New England—a Brother of the Catholic perswasion came Over to Maryland, Whose descendant now remains there. Indeed a kinsman of mine prior to the American Revolun. upon a trading Voyage thither actually Convened, with some there of the Name of Sewall—Who made use of the same Family Arms, and from that, & some other circumstances recognized a Relationship—But lest I should injure your Eyes in perusing this Genealogical, Communication. I will add nothing further on the Subject / and Subscribe myself your old classmate / & Sincere friend

					David Sewall


Title: From John Adams to Richard Rush, 11 November 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Rush, Richard

Dear Rush
Quincy Novbr 11th 1815

To your studies in Jurisprudence, I wish all the success, which you can possibly wish for yourself; but you must collect yourself & remember that Intemperance in the pursuit of knowledge, is not less dangerous than in that of pleasure.
Your favour of the third has afforded me much amusement, though a dozen years ago & more I was convinced that mr Cooper was a man of talents and Science; yet at that period, he was the last gentleman in the world, the last Citizen in the Republic of letters, from whom I should have expected a compliment upon my ill fated Volumes. Next to him was mr Matthew Cary; yet he too has invested in the Olive branch, a respectful recommendation of them, to the friends of his readers. After these two examples, I need not despair. Something whispers me nevertheless, that such are the vicissitudes of life, that the nation of New England, where they were once most respected, may soon condemn them a Hartford Convention consisting of members, who formerly applauded them, may soon vote them Heresy; and that Theophilus Parsons, & Fisher Ames, the two loudest Panegyrists of them, that ever lived, if they were now living, might be among their severest Censurers.
For my own part I am a sincere believer, in my own “defence,” and “Discourses on Davila” They have never done me any good; On the contrary, incalculable injury to me, & my family. They are the property of the Public and the world will do with them, what it pleases. It cannot easily, however, get rid of them. They have made the press groan with three editions of them in 8vo, & three at least in 12mo, in English. They have been translated into the German language, as well as the French: so that the Index Expurgatories; or even  their high mightiness at Vienna, would be puzzled to suppress them. For Mr Taylor of Hazelwood has immortalized them in six, or seven hundred pages, this study of 20 years.
Mr Hume compliments Montesquieu on the good he has done to mankind principally by exciting Controversies, discussions, & researches, into the foundations of laws. As my object in writing was to throw out some Investigations for the consideration for the American people & the great patriots of France, at a time when they were labouring with all their might to tear up the foundations of the Earth, & break open the fountains of the great deep; if I should be so fortunate at last, as to excite a controversy between Messieurs Taylor Cooper, & Cary, & other champions, so that mankind might be compelled to understand the subject better than they do, sublimi feriam. Sidera Vertice. My eyes though somewhat better, still admonish me, not to work them too hard; I will only add the best wishes, for the accomplishment of your projected work on Jurisprudence of
John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 13 November 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Jefferson, Thomas

Dear sir
Quincy Nov. 13 1815

The fundamental Article of my political Creed is, that Despotism, or unlimited Sovereignty, or absolute Power is the same in a Majority of a popular Assembly, and Aristocratical Counsel, an Oligarchical Junto and a Single Emperor. Equally arbitrary cruel bloody and in every respect, diabolical.
Accordingly arbitrary Power, wherever it has resided, has never failed to destroy all the records Memorials and Histories of former times which it did not like and to corrupt and interpolate such as it was cunning enough to preserve or to tolerate. We cannot therefore say with much confidence, what Knowledge or what Virtues may have prevailed in some former Ages in some quarters of the World.
Nevertheless, according to the few lights that remain to Us, We may Say that the Eighteenth Century, notwithstanding all its Errors and Vices has been, of all that are past, the most honourable to human Nature. Knowledge and Virtues were increased and diffused; Arts Sciences useful to Men, ameliorating their condition, were improved, more than in any former equal Period.
But, what are We to say now? Is the Nineteenth Century to be a Contrast to the Eighteenth? Is it to extinguish all the Lights of its Predecessor? Are the Sorbonne, the Inquisition, the Index expurgatorius, and the Knights Errant of St Ignatius Loyola to be revived and restored to all their Salutary Powers of Supporting and propagating the mild Spirit of Christianity.? The Proceedings of the Allies and their Congress at Vienna, the accounts from Spain France &c the Chateuabriands and the Genlis indicate which Way the Wind blows. The Priests are at their old Work again. The Protestants are denounced and another St Bartholomew’s day, threatened.
This however, will probably, 25 years hence, be honoured with the Character of “The effusions of a splenetic mind, rather than as the sober reflections of an unbiased Understanding.” I have recd “Memoirs of the Life of Dr Price by William Morgan F. R. S. In pages 157 and 155 Mr Morgan says, “So well assured was Dr Price of the establishment of a free constitution in France, and of the subsequent Overthrow of Despotism through Europe as the consequence o fit, that he never failed to express his Gratitude to Heaven for having extended his life to the present happy Period in which ‘after sharing the Benefits of one Revolution, he had been spared to be a Witness to two others Revolutions both glorious.’ But some of his Correspondents were not quite so sanguine in their expectation from the last of these Revolutions; and among these, the late American ambassador, Mr John Adams. In a long letter which he wrote to Dr Price at this time, so far from congratulating him, on the occasion, he expresses himself in terms of contempt, in regard to the French revolution; and after asking rather too severely what good was to be expected from a Nation of Atheits, he concludes with foretelling the destruction of a million of human Beings as the probable consequence of it. These harsh censures and gloomy Predictions were particularly ungratefull to Dr Price; nor can it be denied that they must have then appeared as the effusions of a splenetic mind rather than as the sober reflections of an unbiased Understanding.”
I know not what a candid Public will think of this practice of Mr Morgan after the Example of Mr Belsham, who finding private Letters in the Cabinet of a great and good Man after his decease, written in the Utmost freedom and confidence of intimate friendship, by Persons still living, though after the lapse of a quarter of a Century, produces them before the World. Dr Disney had different Feelings, and a different Judgment. Finding some cursory Letters among the Papers of Mr Hollis he would not publish them without my consent. In answer to his request I submitted them to his discretion and might have done the same to Mr Morgan. Indeed had Mr Morgan published my Letter entire I should not have given him nor myself any concern about it. But as in his Summary he has not done the Letter Justice, I shall give it with all its faults.
Mr Morgan has been more discrete and complaisant to you than to me. He has mentioned respectfully your Letters from Paris to Dr Price, but has given Us none of them. As I would give more for those Letters that for all the rest of book, I am more angry with him for disappointing me; than for all he says of me and my Letter, which, Scrambling as it is, contains nothing but the sure Words of Prophecy.
I am as usual yours
John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to David Sewall, 19 November 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Sewall, David

Dear Sir
Quincy November 19th 1815

I am much obliged to you for your favour of the 10th. Your political sentiments, so far as you disclose them, are so nearly my own, that I shall have no controversy with you, upon these Topics.
Your account of connections between the Quincy’s Sewall’s and Hull’s is very entertaining to me, and agrees very well, with all I have heard, or known of the subject.
Mr Hull who made and executed the contract, with the government, for coining the New England Shillings, called pine trees in 1652 had two daughters. One named Joanna, who married Edmund Quincy of Braintree. From this marriage issued a Son who was named Daniel Quincy, who married a daughter of Thomas Shepard, of Charlestown so much celebrated by Dr Mather, in his Magnolia, and by her, had a son John Quincy who was born, lived, and died, in Braintree; he died in July 1767. his only son Norton Quincy, died 1803 without issue, so that the name of Quincy, in the Hull branch of it, is extinct. Joanna died, leaving only one son, Edmund, married a second wife, a daughter of Major General Gookin; & from this marriage are descended all who has the name of Quincy, to this day. There is in the Congregational Church in this town the oldest section of the ancient town of Braintree, a gravestone of very fine, & very solid slate, from which, as it is in perfect preservation, I have copied the following inscription, engraved, in very distinct characters.
“Here lyeth buried the body of mrs Joanna Quincy the wife of mr Edmund Quincy, Aged 55 years. Died the 16th of May 1680” she must have been born in 1625, whether in England or America, does not appear. Norton Quincy told me many years ago, that his father possessed the original stamp, that struck the new England Shillings. the other miss Hull the sister of Joanna married Chief Justice Samuel Sewall, & from this marriage sprang the famous Joseph Sewall D.D.
After all I cannot certain whether these ladies, the two Hulls, were daughters, or Sisters of the mint master; or of a Clergyman, an early minister of the old South Church, Boston. But I Know they left excellent posterities, among whom, there have been, and are men & women of excellent qualities, Diamonds of the first water.
I have a curiosity to know whether the nominal hero of Detroit; or the real hero, who conquered the Guerriere the first frigate in the royal navy of Great Britain and performed the first splendid exploit, among the many of the last war, are the descended from the same stock.
My Son having a boy to christen, a Sunday or two after Dacres Captivity, in a fit of Enthusiasms calld him Isaac Hull. I laughed at him afterwards for calling his child after one of his Ancestors, though he only imitated my example in two instances. he was surprised, never having suspected, that he had a drop of blood in his veins, that ever came from a Hull. I am Sir, as ever your friend
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Thomas McKean, 20 November 1815
From: McKean, Thomas
To: Adams, John

					Dear Sir,
					Philadelphia, Novemr. 20th. 1815.

				I can now answer the questions in your favor of the 30th. July last, viz. Who shall write the history of the American Revolution &c.?Major General James Wilkinson has written it. He commences with the battle of Bunker’s or Breed’s hill at Boston and concludes with the battle near New-Orleans on the Missisippi, a period of forty years. It will be published in three volumes large octavo, each containing about 500 pages.The General (I am informed) confines himself to military transactions, with a reference to a very few of the civil. I knew him personally near forty years ago, but have not seen or heard from him for the last seven years: I think him above mediocrity. He has been in the army during the whole time & is better qualified to give a description of its proceedings than any Gentleman with whom I am acquainted.This history has been written within the last seven or eight months at Germantown about six miles from this city; tho’ I have not heard of the General being there ’till lately: he has kept himself quite retired & private.I do not recollect any formal speeches, such as are made in the British Parliament and our late Congresses, to have been made in the revolutionary Congress, tho’ I was a member for eight years from 1774 until the Preliminaries of peace were signed. We had no time to hear such speeches, little for deliberation; action was the order of the day. The speech of Mr; Richard H. Lee given by the Italian, the Chevalier Botta, which I have read, may have been delivered, but I have no remembrance of it, tho’ in Congress, nor would it do any member much credit: I have no favorable opinion of the Chevalier, he appears to me a vain & presuming character to have attempted such a history; perhaps the res angusta domil (poverty) impelled him.Altho’ we may not in the United States have a Thucidydis, a Tacitus, Hume, Robertson or Gibbon, who have been reckoned the best historians in Greece, Rome or Great Britain, yet we have Gentlemen of great talents and capable of writing the history of our Revolution with at least as much regard to truth as any of them has exhibited.With respect to General Wilkinson I recollect an Anecdote: he was in 1777 an Aid to General Gates, and by him sent to Congress at Yorktown in Pennsylvania with the dispatches, giving an account of the surrender of Sir John Burgoyne & the British army to the Americans at Saratoga; on the way he spent a day at Reading, about fifty miles from Yorktown, with a young Lady from Philadelphia, whom he afterwards married. When the dispatches were read in Congress, propositions were made for paying a proper compliment to the Favorite of General Gates, who brought us such pleasing news.Governor Samuel Adams, with a grave & solemn face, moved Congress, that the young gentleman should be presented with “a pair of spurs.”What changes in Europe have occurred since I had the pleasure of writing to you last? Lewis 18th. is again on the throne of France, the great Napoleon at the bottom of the wheel, never to rise more, a prisoner for life. The French nation miserable; Spain has re-established the tribunal of the Inquisition and restored the Jesuits. The rulers of Portugal void of common sense. South of America in a state of opposition to the government of Spain, and in all appearance will soon be independent of it. Whatever is right, said Mr; Pope, the first of poets & moralists.I have nothing to do with politics, nor much with any thing else in this world, but I hear & listen. It is said, that James Monro, secretary of State, John Armstrong, late secretary at war, Dewit Clinton, late Mayor of New York, & perhaps Rufus King, now a Senator, will be proposed as candidates for the next Presidency. I do not think the prospect of either or any of them very encouraging.Mr; John Q. Adams has been named, but it is not known whether this may not create jealosy or injure him with the present administration, which his friends would by all means avoid.My sheet is almost finished. God bless you.Your old friend,

					Thos M:Kean


Title: From John Adams to Thomas McKean, 26 November 1815
From: Adams, John
To: McKean, Thomas

Dear Sir
Quincy Nov. 26 1815

Your favour of the 20th revives me. A Brother Octogenarian who can write with Such vigour of hand and mind, excites a kind of Emulation even in these old Veins.A History of the first War of The United States, is a very different thing from an History of The American Revolution. I have Seen in France a military History of France during the Reign of Louis the 14th. by the Marquis of Quincy. This Work was held in high esteem by military men: but it was nothing like an history of the Reign of that Monarck
General Wilkinson may have written the military History of the War that followed the Revolution, that was an effect of it, and was supported by the American Citizens in defence of it, against an invasion of it, by the Government of Great Britain and Ireland and all her Allies black white and pied: but this will, by no means be an history of the American Revolution.
The Revolution was in the Minds of the People, and in the Union of the Colonies, both of which were accomplished, before Hostilities commenced. This Revolution and Union were gradually forming from the year 1760 to 1775. The Records of the British Government and the Records of all the thirteen Colonies, and the Pamphlets Newspapers and handbills of both Parties must be examined and the Essence extracted before a correct history can be written of the American Revolution.
I agree with you that General Wilkinson’s Talents are by no means inconsiderable. His openness of Soul and a little too much pomp have as usual made him Ennemies and given them Advantages.I do not recollect that my impatience was ever wrought up to an higher pitch, than by the total failure of all Intelligence Official and unofficial from Saratoga, for so long a time after We had heard a confused fugitive rumour of the defeat of Burgoine. Wilkinson according to your Anecdote, which I never heard before, seems to have put an amorous Construction on the Precept Cedant Arma Togee. I had I known that he had fallen in Love at Reading with so fine a Woman as his after Wife really was, my rigorous heart would have somewhat relented.
I remember a jocular Suggestion thrown out in a private Conversation in which Mr Samuel Adams and Mr Hancock wer present on the morning after Wilkinsons Arrival, and before Congress met: that it would be proper to present the Courier with a horsewhip and a pair of Spurrs: but I never before heard that a Motion was actually made in Congress, in jest or in earnest to that purpose. I must have been absent at that moment upon some Committee.
Awakenings and Revivals of Religion always attend the most cruel Extremities of Anarchy Despotism and civil War. They have brought again the Pope and all his train of Jesuits, Inquisitions Sorbonnes Massacres &c The Pendulum Swings as far on one Side as on the other. You and I should be convinced that our Friend Governor Adams was in the right when he said that Anarchy was better than Tyranny because it was of shorter duration: if We did no know that Anarchy is always followed by more permanent Despotism.
Washington and Jefferson have introduced a Custom of retiring after Eight Years, and Madison it is said will follow their Example. I am not inamoured with this practice. I may be wrong.
I have heard the Names you mention and Governor Tompkins of New York Added to them. I can only conjecture. But I presume Mr Monroe will be nominated by the Republicans and Mr King by the Federalists. The Event cannot be doubtfull in your Mind or mine. A Vice President will probably be sought by the Republicans in New York. I know not who will be Selected by the Federalists, unless it be Mr Harper of Mariland. But in the present posture of Men and Things Mr King for President and Mr Harper for Vice President will not be an equal Match for Mr Monroe for President and any one of the Gentlemen of New York you have named as Vice President; or any respectable Gentleman of Pensilvania.
I must acknowledge I contemplate with pleasure the rising Generation. As much Secluded as I am from the World I See a Succession of able and honourable Characters from Members of Congress down to Batchelors and Students in our Universities, who will take care of the Liberties which you have cherrished and done So much to Support. The greatest danger is that their Numbers are So great, and their Pretensions will all be So high, that Rivalries, pernicious to the Nation and her Union may arise.
The Federalists will still hold up their Pretentions and nominate their Men, however desperate their prospect may be.
I am, my dear Sir your old Friend
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to James Maury, 28 November 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Maury, James

Dear Sir
Quincy 28th November 1815

It is a long time, that I have owed you many thanks, for your civil attention in sending me packets of Newspapers. I should have endeavoured, to return your compliments in the same way, if my retired situation in the Country had not made it impossible for me to convey our news to you, so soon as you must receive them from many other parts of America. And indeed after all, our papers, contain little beside articles & Extracts from English Journals, which you must have seen three months before.
I may not forget your kindness to my Grand Sons, upon their arrival in your City, which in their letters they acknowledge, in terms of respectful gratitude.
It is my intention that this letter shall go by Mr Parbell and his lady, who is a relation and particular connection of my family. They may have occasion of your official assistance; and as their views are principally, if not wholly, Commercial, your friendly, personal advice, may be very useful to them. With much respect & esteem, I am Sir your obliged friend and humble Servant
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Jedidiah Morse, 2 December 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Morse, Jedidiah

Revnd. Dr Morse
Quincy December 2nd 1815

If I ever comply with your request, I must make haste, & employ the few intervals of light which my eyes afford me. Where is the man to be found, at this day, when we see Methodistical Bishops, Bishops of the Church of England, & Bishops, Archbishops, & Jesuits of the Church of Rome, with indifference; who will beleive, that the apprehension of Episcopacy, contributed 50 years ago, as much as any other cause, to arouse the attention, not only of the enquiring mind but of the common people? And urge them to close thinking on the Constitutional Authority of Parliament over the Colonies? This nevertheless, was a fact, as certain as any in the history of North America.
The object was not merely to the office of a Bishop though even that was dreaded, as to the Authority of Parliament, on which it must be founded. The reasoning was this. the Archbishops, and Bishops in England, can neither locate & limit Dioceses in America, nor ordain Bishops in any part of the dominions of Great Britain, out of the realm; by any law of the Kingdom or any of the Colonies, nor by any Cannon law acknowledged by either. The King cannot grant his Congé d’elire to any people out of his realm. There is no power or pretended power, less than Parliament, that can create Bishops in America. But if Parliament can erect Diocesses & appoint Bishops, they may introduce the whole Hierarchy, establish Tithes, forbid marriages & funerals, establish religions, forbid Dissenters, make Schism Heresy, impose penalties, extending to life and limb, as well as to liberty & property
Here, Sir, opens an extensive field of investigation, even for a young historian who might be disposed to undertake so laborious an enterprize.
The opinion, the principles, the spirit, the temper, the views, disigns, Intrigues, and arbitrary exertions of power, displayed by the Church of England, at that time towards the Dissenters, as they were, contemptuously called, though in reality the Churchmen, were the real dissenters; this ought to be stated, at full length. The truth is that the Congregationalists, Presbyterians, the Anabaptists, the Methodists, or even the Quakers, or Moravians, were each of them as numerous as the Churchmen; Several of them immensely more numerous; and all of them together, more than fifteen to one.
In Virginia the Church of England, was established by law, in exclusion, & without toleration of any other denomination; The British Statute called, The Act of Uniformity, was acknowledged, as law & carried into Execution, by the Magistrates; It is worthy of enquiry, whether the same law, was not in force, in Maryland the Carolinas and Georgia. In Pensylvania, the Quakers, the Presbyterians, the German Lutherans, & Calvanists, the Anabaptists, the Methodists the Dunkers, the Marianists and the Roman Catholicks were so numerous & the Church of England so few that the latter found it difficult to support their cause, & the ridiculous Incarnations, & Tergiversations of the Proteus, Dr Smith, & that other weaker Proteus, Du Shu & the Bigotry of Covents, shewed their awkward struggles, to preserve their cause from Contempt. White, now Bishop, then young, behaved with uniform candour, moderation and decorum.
In new York the Church of England, displayed its essential character of Intolerance. The royal Governors, Counsellors, Judges &c had such overbearing influence, that they dared to grant, large tracts of fertile lands, to the Churches of England, and laid the foundation of the ample riches they still hold, which no other denomination could obtain any. Even Dr Rogers’ Congregation, numerous, & respectable as it was, could never obtain a legal title to a spot to bury their dead. The writings of Livingston & Smith, furnish evidence enough, of the spirit of these times. Great exertions were made in New England York, to propogate Anglican Episcopacy in Connecticutt, & a famous Dr Cutler, and a more famous Dr Johnson, & his still more celebrated Son, were employed with success in that service. With such success, indeed, that an English Church, and an Episcopal Priest, now appeared in all the towns from New Haven, to New York. The efforts in New Hampshire & Rhode Island, though they ought to be recorded, I pass over, and hasten to Massachusetts. And here I want to write a volume; Here the Clergy, and principle Gentlemen among the Laity, were high Churchmen, indeed; Passive obedience, and non resistance, in the most unqualified and unlimited sense, were their avowed principles in Government, and the power of the Church, to decree Rites and Ceremonies, and the authority of the Church, in Controversies of faith, were explicitly avowed. I know not where to begin, nor where to end. The Anecdotes, which I could relate, as an eye, & an ear witness would be innumerable. This North Precinct of the large, and Ancient town of Braintree, now called Quincy, in which I was born, and bred and in which my Father, Grand Father, Great Grand Father, & Great, Great Grand Father, lived, died, and lay buried, was a very focus of Episcopal Bigotry, Intrigue, Intolerance and persecution. I could introduce here a Dramatis Personæ of names, which I will not now commit to paper, & entertain you with plots, & Intrigues,  which would compose a Comedy, equal to any of Moliere or Shakespeare, if corruption prostitution & Dupery can compose a Comedy. leaving this for the present, we will proceed to Cambridge; Several branches of our Braintree family of Vassals, had removed, and planted themselves in the very front of the University, & they must have an Episcopal Church. Our Braintree family of Apthorps, instantly turned their attention to that seat of muses and dissenters— Mr East Apthorp hot from Oxford, and still more warned by holy orders, from Episcopal hand, returned to his native Country; and soon after, arose a splendid Edifice, as it was then thought; which every body immediately concluded, was intended for an Episcopal Palace, & in time for a Lambeth. All sensible men knew, that this system could not be effected, but by act of Parliament. And if Parliament could do this, they could do all things; and what security could Americans have, for life, Liberty, property or religion?
The society for propagating the gospel, had long perverted their Revenues, from their original design to the support of the Church of England Ministers. Upon the death of Dr Miller of Braintree a satirical Irony appeared in a Newspaper, the point of which, turned upon this abuse, of the Societies resources. This Jeu d’Esprit soon produced an explosion. Mr Apthorp came out with an eloquent & zealous pamphlet. Dr Mayhew appeared with his comparison, between the charter, and conduct of the society, shewing their non conformity with each other. The Controversy soon interested all men, spread through America, & in Europe, brought forward the aged Dr Johnson, & at last the Arch Bishop of Canterbury. All denominations in America became interested in it, & began to think of the secret latent principle, upon which all encroachments upon us, must be founded, the power of parliament. The Nature and extent of the Authority of Parliament, over the colonies, was discussed every where, till it was discovered, that it had none at all; a conclusion, still more forcibly impressed upon the people by the Canada bill, by which the Roman Catholic religion, & Popish Bishops, were established in that province by authority of a British Parliament. The people said, if Parliament can do this in Canada, they can do the same in all the other Colonies; & they began to see, & freely say, that Parliament had no authority over them, in any case whatsoever.
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Jedidiah Morse, 5 December 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Morse, Jedidiah

Revd Dr. Morse
Quincy December 5. 1815

If such was the Spirit of the English Church in America, and especially in Virginia before the Revolution: Can you wonder, that Men So enlightened as Richard Henry Lee and his Brothers, Patrick Henry Chancellor Wythe Chief Justice Pendleton, Mr Jefferson Mr Madison &c, though they had been all educated in that Church, became afterwards Disciples of Lock, Blackburne, Fourneux and William Penn, and united in destroying all Ecclesiastical Establishment in that State?
But to return to the narration of the Progress of Investigation into the nature and extent of the Jurisdiction of Great Britain and especially of the Authority of Parliament over these North American Colonies.
From 1761 to 1764 America was all alive with Jealousies and Apprehensions of the designs of the British Ministry and their own Governors and their Adherents.
In 1764 Mr George Grenville moved and carried in the House of Commons, a number of fifty five Resolutions, that it would be expedient to lay Taxes particularly Stamp Duties upon the Colonies.
Here, the Cloak was thrown off and the Masque trampled under foot. Nothing in Religion or Government ever touched to the quick, the People of all Classes in any Country, like Taxation. The Cry was, if Parliament can tax Us, We are undone forever in Soul, Body and Estate. They can give Us, what Religion and Government they please: and do what they will, with our Property, Persons and Consciences. Resistance to the last Extremity, at whatever risque, must be made. How often have I heard in conversation in private Companies, and how often was it said in the Streets “I will never live to See Such Acts of Parliament executed in this Country.” And how constantly was it ecchoed from Man to Man. “Nor I.” “Nor I.” “Nor I.” And no Man thought it expedient to say, I will.
I remember to have read, Somewhere, I believe in the Writings of Doctor Tillotson, that Providence had been pleased in the Person of Martin Luther, to raise up a bold and daring Genius, a proper Wedge for Splitting So hard and knotty a Block, as the Papal Usurpation upon Mankind Providence was now raising Up, in the Person of Mr Otis, a Genius equally bold and daring, equally well tempered and qualified as a Wedge to Split the knotty Lignum Vitæ Block of Parliamentary Usurpation over the Colonies.
Mr Otis whose Tongue and whose Pen had never been idle in the cause of his Country from 1761, now printed his “Rights of the Colonies asserted and proved” a Work that was So popular, that it was read in the House of Representatives and went out to the Public under a kind of Sanction from that Body, who by their Resolutions Solemnly denied the Right of Parliament to tax the Colonies. The next year on the 29th. of May 1765 The Same Resolution was adopted in Virginia, and not long afterwards by all the other Colonies. Between the Denyal of Massachusetts and that of Virginia vizt. on the 22d of March 1765 the Stamp Act was passed.
Here then was a declaration of War on both Sides. Here were already two Nations directly and explicitly at issue concerning their fundamental Laws. For if the Sovereignty of the Empire was vested in Parliament, a Denial of its Right to tax the Colonies was a Declaration of total Independence on Parliament: and the Stamp Act was a Declaration of War against the Colonies, by King, Lords and Commons. As the King had conspired, with his Lords and commons in this treasonable Invasion of the legal Sovereignties of the Colonies, His Majesty was upon their Principles A Rebel; a Traitor; and a declared Enemy: And they had a Right if they pleased, to “cashier him” notwithstanding the musical Insolence of Mr Burke against Dr Price, in the Strictest Sense of the Doctors Expression. Nay they had as clear a Right to hang, draw and quarter him, upon their Principles, as He had, upon his, notwithstanding his Anointment with holy Oil, to practice a simular Inhumanity upon Samuel Adams and John Hancock, for which he has recorded to endless Ages, So ardent a desire.
At this Period Events croud upon my memory in Such numbers, that I can only refer you to the Records and Journals of 1764 and 1765. Massachusetts wrote circular Letters to all the Colonies requesting a general Congress. Ministerial Monkery was practiced in New Hampshire, Virginia North Carolina and Georgia, to prevent those Colonies from Sending Delegates. Nine Colonies only were represented, in the Congress who met on the 7th. of October 1775. While Mr Otis was absent upon this Legation Mr Samuel Adams was chosen by the Town of Boston a Member of the Legislature of the Province. If Otis was Martin Luther, Samuel Adams was John Calvin. If Luther was rough, hasty and loved good Cheer; Calvin was cool abstemious, polished and refined, though more inflexible, uniform and consistent. The People in Boston, New York Philadelphia Charston and every where else arose like a Hurricane and bore down the Stamp Act, the Stamps their Officers and principal Abettors as Nullities.
This open resistance by Force was a virtual Declaration by the People of all the Colonies of their Independance on Parliament and on the Crown too, whenever that Crown Should cease to defend and protect their fundamental Laws and essential Liberties, and especially when it united with Lords and Commons in a plan to destroy them all. For this Resistance was as decided to the Executive as it was to the Legislative Power of Great Britain.
The violent Sensation and the profound Reflections excited by this universal Hostility to the whole Authority of Great Britain Setting at open Defiance all its boasted Power: disseminated the freedom of Inquiry and the Spirit of Investigation into the four Corners of the Colonies. The Principles the Objects and the Ends of Government became the Topicks of discussion in all companies and at the firesides of private Families. Writers on the Laws of Nations were more read and more deffinite notions of our Relation to Great Britain were formed than ever had prevailed. The Opinions of the People were more unanimous at that Epoch than they have ever have been Since. No Party was yet formed against their Country. A great Majority of the partial Friends of Great Britain would acknowledge the Rectitude of the American cause and would vote against the Authority of Parliament. Their last resort was to the omnipotence of Great Britain and the Imbecility of the Colonies. It was a Child of five years old challenging his Father to Single Combat. The Boy was right and the Man wrong arbitrary cruel: but Resistance was vain, and would only provoke the old Gentleman to greater moroseness and more cruel Severity. It has been a question, long since forgotten, Whether, if Great Britain had persevered in Support of the Stamp Act and Sent a military Force of Ships and Troops to inforce its execution; the People of the Colonies would then have resisted? Dr Chauncy and Dr Mayhew in Sermons which they preached and printed, after the Repeal of the Stamp Act, have left to Posterity their explicit opinions upon this question. If my more extensive familiarity with the Sentiments and Feelings of the People in the Eastern, Western and Southern Counties of Massachusetts may apologize for my presumption, I Subscribe without a doubt to the Opinions of Chauncy and Mayhew. What would have been the Consequence of resistance in Arms? Here opens an unbounded field of Speculation. The Condition of Britain, the State of Parties in it, The State of France and Spain, the ungristeled youth of G. 3d the Unpopularity of his Mother and Preceptor would have forced Chatham into Power, and Chatham might have fallen from a more enviable Height than Napoleon has in 1815.
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to James Williams, 5 December 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Williams, James

Sir
Quincy December 5th 1815

I had the honour, this morning to receive your favour from New York of the 30th of November. At the same time I had the pleasure to receive two small pacquets of letters from London; I thank you Sir for your kind care of these letters, and congratulate you on your safe return to this Country. I am Sir respectfully, your obliged & obedient Servant
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Delaplaine, 6 December 1815
From: Delaplaine, Joseph
To: Adams, John

					Dear sir,
					Philadelphia December 6th: 1815.

				I had the honor of writing to you nearly 2 years ago & was favoured with your reply on the subject of your portrait.—You mentioned that you would feel gratified in receiving a portrait of Mr. Jay & Dr Rush. I now take the liberty of enclosing one of each, which I beg you to accept as a token of my great respect.My work of the biography & Portraits of distinguished Americans is progressing & the first half volume will appear in January or February. I enclose a prospectus of it.I am desirous of obtaining your portrait for the purpose of having an engraving taken from it for the Repository. A respectable young gentleman, Mr. Morse lately from London Son of the Revd. Dr. Morse is an excellent artist I learn, & I beg you to do me the honor of sitting to him at my expence. I have written to him on the subject, & he will wait to receive from you a letter in which have the goodness to state the place & time when and where it will be most agreeable for you to sit.—With great respect & regard / I am your obed. hume. st

					Joseph Delaplaine


Title: From John Adams to Joseph Delaplaine, 17 December 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Delaplaine, Joseph

Sir
Quincy December 17. 1815

I have recd, with pleasure your obliging Letter of the Sixth. Accept, Sir my cordial Thanks for the Portraits of my Friends Rush and Jay. The latter appears with proper Dignity in his Robes of Chief Justice and the Likeness of the Countenance is correct.
What Shall I Say of the former? Dr Rush the last time I Saw him in March 1801, was as upright as a Reed and his Countenance no less animated than Intelligent. But his Portrait now exhibits not only the decrepitude of Old Age worn out by long labours in the cause of humanity: but a Costume of democratical plainness which my excellent Friend Sometimes too much Affected. He thought it Simplicity: I called it meanness.
I received from The Revd. Dr Morse Some Weeks ago a request to Sit to his Son. You ask the same thing. I should be glad to oblige both. But it seems not worth while, to take a bald head, on which fourscore Winters have Snowed.
It would be very inconvenient for me to Sit, any where but in my own house. Here I could make myself, and the Artist comfortable from Morning to Night. But it would be too much to ask him to come to me, and it would be distressing for me in the dead of Winter to go to Boston, where I have not been these twelve months. In the Spring I might have no great Objection. But who knows what may happen before Spring?
I thank you, Sir, for your Prospectus: but I cannot Subscribe.
I am Sir, your obliged and obedient Servant
John Adams.


Title: From John Adams to Jedidiah Morse, 18 December 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Morse, Jedidiah

Dear Sir
Quincy Decr. 18. 1815

In your favour of the 15th of November, you ask, in the Name of your eldest Son, the Liberty to take my Buste
By Saturdays Mail I recd a Letter dated Philadelphia Decr. 6th. from Mr Joseph De la Plaine, a Gentleman whom I know not, who Says “A respectable Young Gentleman, Mr Morse, lately from London, Son of the Revd. Dr Morse is an excellent Artist I learn. I beg you to do me the honour of Sitting to him, at my expence. I have written to him on the Subject and he will wait to receive from you a Letter in which have the goodness to State the place and time, where and when it will be most agreable for you to Sit.”
What can be more civil! I would reciprocate Such Politeness, if I could. But you Sir as a Philosopher and a Christian, know full well that a head balded and blanched by the Snows of fourscore Winters, is Scarcely worth preserving in the Original, much less by representation.
Never the less, if your Son will do me the favour to come here to Quincy he Shall have his Choice of all my rooms and Chambers and I will engage to make him comfortable from Morning to Night and through the Night and the next day, and as many Nights and days as he pleases.
But as I know by dismal Experience, that Artists require many Sittings, half a dozen Journeys to Boston are A Serious Consideration. I have not been in that great City more than two or three times for two or three Years and then only for two or three hours at a time.
In the Spring or Summer, it would be no great Sacrifice: but in the dead of Winter, it would cost more than it would come to. It would be “paying too dear for the Whistle.

John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Benjamin Waterhouse, 18 December 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Waterhouse, Benjamin

Dear Sir
Quincy Decr 18th. 1815

Permit me to sympathize with you and your Children on the loss of your amiable and excellent Consort. As my reflections on this mournfull Event can be no other than your own I shall spare you the pain of reading them.
I thank you for your Letter of the 14th and the Pamphlet inclosed.
Do you know the Meaning of the Words “Awakenings”? and “Revivals”? I am old enough to have attended the Predications of that great Model of that great modell of theatrical grace and Eleganc, of harmonious Oratory, and att the same time as I verily believe of fervent Piety The Reverend Mr George Whitefield. I have since seen and heard Larrive, at Paris, and Mrs Siddons in London.
The “Awakenings and Revivals” excited by Mr Whitefield now forgotten, would fill Volumes which would make you laugh and cry, like a Madman. Laugh at the Absurdities and weep over the Wickedness of your Species.
“Awakenings and Revivals” are now running over the whole Globe. They have awakened the Doctrine, that “there must be but one Religion in the World.” This reminds me of a Dialogue between Dr Mayhew and my Schoolmaster first and my Tenant afterwards a zealous Churchman Mr Joseph Cleverly.
Mayhew. Mr Cleverly! If you were an absolute Monarch, for Example, like a King of France or Spain, what Regulations would you make in regard in Religion?
Cleverly. I would have but one Religion in my Dominions. Mayhew. Would you persecute all who differed from it? Clevery. Yes. No Persecution could be too severe to secure the Unity of the Church.
This Dialogue I had from the Lips of Dr Mayhew Himself: and I had not then nor have had since a doubt of its litteral Truth for I had before and after that, held twenty Conversations with Cleverly in which he had uniformly avowed the same Bigotry Superstition and Enthusiasm.
Our Parson Briant who was as facecious as the Great Paley used to say that Clevery would be the best Man in the World, if he had no Religion.
According to the Pamphlet You sent me, We must all pay, voluntarily or involuntarily, Tiths or Fifths or thirds or halves or all We have, to send Bibles and Missionaries to convert all Men and save their Souls. I am confident that all the Property of Europe and America would not be sufficient to convert Asia and Africa
Mankind must have a Crusade A War of Reformation A French Revolution, or Anti Revolution to amuse them and preserve them from Ennui.
The Christian is the Religion of the heart: but the heart is deceiptfull above all things and unless controuled by the Dominion of the Head, will lead Us into Salt ponds.
Awakenings and Revivals are not peculiar to Religion. Philosophy and Policy at times are capable of taking the Infection. The Distemper broke out in France in 1785 with dreadfull symptoms of the Purple kind In 1814 and 1815 it has seized all Europe. Cannot you and your Friend Jenner discover some recondite Inoculation, to moderate its deleterious Rage?
I fear I must leave behind me to Posterity the Character of a Grogniard of Grogneur, a Grumbletonion, a Cassandra or a Laoccoon. For I can not go away with every Wind,  especially when two hurricanes blow from opposite Points of the Compass. Sobrius esto.
John Adams
P.S. Father Niles’s Controversy with my Parson Bryant contributed very much to moderate The Awakenings and Revivals of Mr Whitefield. And I entertain a pleasing hope that Dr Morses Controversy in favour of Athanasianism, will operate as a soporific, to some of the Unnatural Awakenings of the present times

J. A.


Title: To John Adams from Jedidiah Morse, 18 December 1815
From: Morse, Jedidiah
To: Adams, John

					Dear Sir,
					Charlestown Dec. 18th. 1815

				I thank you very sincerely for your two last very valuable communications, one of the 5th. inst—& the preceding one—They throw light on a very interesting period of our history—They contain many unrecorded facts, known probably to no other man living, except yourself, & whh a historian ought to know. I pray that your health may be continued, that you may be enabled to put into a State to be preserved many more important & unrecorded facts.I condole with you sincerely on the death of that good man, Dr. Tufts. I was long acquainted with him, & he shared very largely in my respect & esteem.My son, lately from Engd., has recd. a request to from from Mr De la plane Phila. (who says he has written you, Sir, on the Subject) to take a portrait (a copy) of Gov. Hancock, & one also of yourself for a national work whh he is publishing. He intimated also that he had your consent to sit for your likeness—My son requests me to ask, whether you will do him the honor—to pay him a visit at his rooms in Boston, whh are very warm & convenient, & give him a few hours in a day, for two or three days? in whh time, he thinks he could accomplish the object. He thinks it wd. be impracticable to convey his necessary apparatus to Quincy at this season of the year.He hopes to begin & accomplish the complete the Portrait of Gov. Hancock this week.—He will accommodate himself to your own time—only wishes it may be early—He waits your reply.—With respects to Mrs A. I am / Dear Sir, very respectfully / Your obdt friend

					J Morse


Title: To John Adams from Jedidiah Morse, 21 December 1815
From: Morse, Jedidiah
To: Adams, John

					Dear sir,
					Charlestown Dec. 21. 1815

				Your favor of the 28th. is before me, My son, & his parents feel much obliged to You for your polite & kind invitation to him, to visit you at your house for the purpose of taking your Portrait. He will deem it an honor & a privilege to enjoy the Society of Mrs Adams & yourself for a few days. He, therefore, authorises me to say to you, sir, that should it not be convenient to you to visit him at his (warm & convenient) rooms in Boston, in the as I mentioned in my last (sent a few hours before I recd. yours)—& whh he would on some accts. prefer,—he will accept Your kind invitation, & bring down his Apparatus, & take your Portrait at Quincy. As he has just opened his Exhibition, it will not be convenient for to come till about a fortnight hence—Of the precise day when you may expect him, you shall have due noticeMrs M. & my son join me in respects to You & Mrs Adams, with your / friend & humble / servt

					Jedh Morse


Title: From John Adams to Jedidiah Morse, 22 December 1815
From: Adams, John
To: Morse, Jedidiah

Dear Sir
Quincy Decr. 22. 1815 Feast of the Pilgrims.

You are examining me upon Interrogatories. I must tell you the Truth and nothing but the Truth. But to tell you the whole Truth is impossible. It would require more Volumes than I can calculate. I am as in capable of composing or Writing them as I am of commanding the Sun to Stand Still. I can only note a few broken Hints.
In 1765 the Colonies were more unanimous than they ever have been Since, either as Coloies or States. No Party was formed against their Country. The few who voted against the General Sentiment were but an handfull. The Resistance in America was So universal and So determined, that Great Britain with all her omnipotence, dared not attempt to enforce her Pretensions. She retreated, and resorted to an insidious Policy. She was by too long practice and habit too perfect a Mistress of the Maxim, “In bello Stratagemata Sunt licita,” to forget it, upon this critical Emergency. She Saw, She felt that She could do nothing without her Chatham. He was called in to command the forlorn hope and at the Same time to invent the “Ruse de Guerre.” Ducente Chatham, The Stamp Act was repealed and the Statute passed that “Parliament was Sovereign over the Colonies in all Cases whatsoever” Such was the great Chatham, a great national Minister, because he always flattered and gratified the National Passion for War, Victory and Conquest: but he was not a wise Minister. He was not an Elizabeth’s Minister. He was not a Cecil.
He died a Martyr to his Idol. He fell in the House of Lords with the Sovereignty of Parliament in his Mouth. Who or which was the most extravagant, Great Britain in openly and avowedly asserting the Souvereignty of the Seas? Napoleon without asserting, yet attempting to Exercise, to the Souvereignty of Europe of by Land? Or Chatham, perishing with the Sovereignty of Parliament over the whole Globe? For if Parliament had any Sovereigny beyond the Realm, they had it wherever they could carry their Arms and Conquests in Europe, Asia, Africa, and America. A more universal Empire than Napoleon Louis 14, Henry 4, or Charlemagne ever usurped or assumed.
When the immortal Chatham had established in the Laws of Kingdom and in the Minds of his People, for they were his in a Stricter Sense than they were those of George the third; his fundamental Principle that Parliament was Souvereign, supream, unlimited and uncontroulable over the Colonies in all parts of the World: the Ministry had recourse to Address, Intrigue, Artifice and Stratagem. Hopes and Fears, Promises and Threatenings, Avarice and Ambition were excited, Promotion Advancement Honour Glory, Wealth and Power were promised: Disgrace, Ruin Poverty Contempt Torture and death were threatened. And this pious moral system was pursued, with steady and invariable Perseverance for ten years, i.e. from 1765 to 1775. And What was their Success? Blot it out my Tears! But the recording Angel has noted it, and my Lamentations would be vain. In the Course of these ten years, They formed and organised and drilled and disciplined a Party in favour of Great Britain, and they Seduced and deluded, nearly one Third of the People of the Colonies.
If you can Spare the time and take the pains, to enquire, you may find a Catalogue in New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Connecticutt, New York, New Jersey, Pensilvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina South Carolina and Georgia, of names, among whom were many Men of the first Rank, Station Property, Education, Influence, and Power, who in 1765 had been real or pretended Americans, converted during this Period to real Britons.
Let me confine myself to Massachusetts, and here to a few only of Individuals. In 1764 and 1765 Harrison Gray Esqr Treasurer of the Province and Member of his Majesty’s Counsell, and Colonel Brattle of Cambridge also a Member of his Majesty’s Council and Colonel of a Regiment of Militia were both as open and decided Americans as James Otis. In 1766 Dr Mayhew who had been an oracle to the Treasurer died and left him without a Mentor. Had Mayhew lived it is believd that Gray would never have been a Refugee. But the Seducers prevailed, though he had connected his Blood with an Otis by marrying his beautiful Daughter to a Brother of the Great Patriot James Otis Junior.
Brattle, who was a Divine, a Lawyer and a Physician, and however Superficial in each Character, had acquired great popularity by his Zeal, and I must Say by his indiscreet and indecorous Ostentation of it, against the Measures of the British Government. The two Subtle Spirits Hutchinson and Sewall Saw his Character, as well as Trowbridge who had been his rival at the Barr for many years. Sewall was the chosen Spirit, to convert Brattle. Sewall became, all at once, intimate with Brattle. Brattle was Soon converted and Soon announced a Brigadier General in the Militia. From this moment the Tories pronounced Brattle a Convert, and the Whigs an Apostate. This Rank in the Militia, in time of Peace was an Innovation, and it was instantly perceived to have been invented to take in, the Gudgeon.
Jonathan Sewell, Daniel Leonard and Samuel Quincy were my Brother Barristers at the Barr, and my cordial confidential and bosom Friends. I never, in the whole Course of my life, lived in with any Men in more perfect Intimacy. They had all been Patriots as decided, as I believed, as I was. I have already hinted at the manner and means of Sewalls Conversion.
Daniel Leonard was the only Child of Colonel Ephraim Leonard of Norton. He was a Schollar a Lawyer and an Orator, according to the Standard of those days. As a Member of the House of Representatives, even down to the year 1770 he made the most ardent Speeches which were delivered in that House against Great Britain and in favour of the Colonies. His Popularity became allarming. The two Sagacious Spirits Hutchinson and Sewall Soon penetrated his Character of which indeed he had exhibited very visible proofs. He had married a daughter of Mr Hammock, who had left her a Portion, as it was thought in that day. He wore a broad Gold Lace round the rim of his Hatt;. He had made his Cloak glitter with laces Still broader. He had sett up his Charriot and Pair and constantly travelled in it from Taunton to Boston. This made the World Stare. It was a Novelty. Not another Lawyer in the Province, Attorney or Barrister, of whatever Age Reputation Rank or Station presumed to ride in a Coach or a Charriot. The discerning ones Soon perceived that Wealth and Power must have charms to a heart that delighted in So much finery and indulged in such unusual Expence. Such Marks could not escape the vigilant Eyes of the two Arch Tempters Hutchinson and Sewall, who had more Art, Insinuation and Adress than all the rest of their Party. Poor Daniel was beset, with great Zeal for his Conversion. Hutchinson sent for him, courted him with the Ardor of a Lover, reasoned with him flattered him, overawed him frightened him, invited him to come frequently to his House. As I was Intimate with Mr Leonard during the whole of this process I had the Substance of this Information from his own Mouth, was a Witness to the progress of the Impression made upon him, and to many of the Labours and Struggles of his Mind between his Interest or his Vanity and his Duty.
Samuel Quincy was born in the same Town and Parish with me. I was three years at Colledge with him and as intimate with him as with any one there. We were Sworn at the Bar in October 1758 together on the Same day. He was upright at first in his Views though he meddled not much in Politicks: but he belonged to a Clubb who affected to be thought neutral, though their real propensities were all on one Side. This Gentleman could not escape the Notice of Hutchinson and Sewall who had married his Cousin. History, must Search the human heart. Josiah Quincy Junior, was by many years younger than Samuel his Brother; many years after him at Colledge and at the Barr; Possessing more Energy of Character, more ardour of Spirit, more obstinate and patient and persevering Application to Study and to Business and an Eloquence more popular and imposing than all his other qualities and openly espousing the cause of his Country: Soon eclipsed his Brother attracted and commanded much more Buisness and much more important and lucrative Business in his Profession, than his Elder Brother. Such a Rivalry and Such a Jealousy was more than human Nature could bear; at least in this instance. Hutchinson and Sewal perceived it. They accordingly applied their Magic Arts to him. He was made Solicitor General as Successor to Sewall; and became henceforward a Tory and a Refugee.
My Classmate Brown, a solid judicious Character, was once a Disciple of James Otis and a cordial Supporter of him and his Cause in the House of Representatives. This I know from his own Lips as well as from his recorded Votes. Butt, they made him a Judge of the Superiour Court, and that Society made him a Refugee. A Tory, I verily believe, he never was.
I know, the Grief, the resentment and the Rage, that this Narration will excite in many Families. But I owe nothing to them, and every thing to Truth. I could descend to minuter details and to many inferiour Examples, in Boston and Massachusetts, but these may Suffice, for the present, as Specimens or Exemplifications of the Arts that were employed in all the Colonies for ten years, i.e from 1765 to 1775 to divide the People and form a Party in favour of Great Britain. Where is the Historian, who can and will travel through the United States and investigate all the Similar Intrigues in each of them for the Same purpose? Yet, without this, the real History of the United States and especially of their Revolution, never can be written. I could crowd Sheets of Paper with Anecdotes and Names which would Surprise you of Conversions in the other States. If you insist upon it, I may hereafter give you a few of the most conspicuous Names and Characters: But I give you Notice, that not one of your Friends the Federalists, through the Continent will thank you, for your Curiosity.
There is another very remarkable Source of historical Information, now totally forgotten. So unanimous were the Sentiments and So universal the congenial Feelings of the People of Massachusetts in 1764 and 1765, that almost if not quite every Town in the Province was arroused to instruct their Representatives in the General Court; all breathing the Same Spirit, all decided against Submission. These Instructions were read in the House and it was proposed and expected that they Should be published in Volumes. But the Expence and especially the Repeal of the Stamp Act prevented it. I know not how well or how ill the Records and Files of our Legislature have been preserved; but these Documents ought now to be found Somewhere. Still less do I know now the Records of Towns have been kept or preserved. But these Instructions ought to be in the hands of the Town Clerks.
There is another large Tract of Inquiry to be travailed, in the Correspondence of the Comittees of the Town of Boston with the other Towns and States, commonly called The Committees of Correspondence. For Reasons too numerous to be stated at present I never belonged to any of these Committees and have never Seen one of their Letters Sent or received. None of them have ever been published, at least I have never Seen one. Nevertheless, I doubt not they exist. Where they are, I know not where they are and I never knew. Indeed I never enquired. But in my Opinion the History of the United States never can be written, till they are discovered. What an Engine? France imitated it, and produced a Revolution. England and Scotland was upon the Point of imitating it, in order to produce another Revolution and all Europe was inclined to imitate it for the Same Revolutionary Purposes.
The History of the World for the last thirty Years is a Sufficient Commentary upon it. That History ought to convince all Mankind that Committees of Secret Correspondence are dangerous Machines. That they are Causticks and Inscision Knives, to which Recourse Should never be had but in the last Extremities of Life; in the last question between Life and Death.
In this year 1765, The Congress met at New York. Their Proceedings must be Stated: but it must also be remembered, that a Part of that Body very important at that time was hostile to the Buisiness and their influence is visible in the Complexion of the Results. The Assembly Nevertheless was So prominent a Phenomonon as to draw the Attention of other Nations as well as this to the question concerning the Authority of Parliament, and raised the hopes of the People to a Union of the Colonies, to be accomplished And perfected by future more universal Congresses for their defence protection and Security.
I am, Sir as ever
John Adams


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Delaplaine, 24 December 1815
From: Delaplaine, Joseph
To: Adams, John

					Dear sir
					Philada. Decr. 24th: 1815.

				I have received you very obliging favour, & thank you for you kindness in promising to sit to Mr. Morse, for your portrait for me. I enclose a letter for him in which I have requested him to wait on you at Your house, and I will pay every expence attending his journey. Do me the favour of sending it to him enclosed in one from yourself, in which be pleased to invite him.—I am extremely desirous to have a portrait of you, & as soon as your son John Quincy Adams arrives, I shall request him to sit also for his.—I have had a fine portrait of Rufus King Esqr. & Judge Washington taken for me. They both obligingly sat for me to a painter in this City.— With perfect respect & esteem / I am your Obed hume st

					Joseph Delaplaine

					P.S. Have the goodness dear sir, to drop me a letter containing a little sketch of your life. I mean principally facts; I want them to make a Biography from.—I want the names of your parents—where they were born—where you were born & when—your education & at what Schools—your profession—when you first came into public life—the early part  you took in the Revolution—& other facts which you may deem proper. & if not too troublesome the same facts of your brother the late Samuel Adams Esqr. whose portrait & life will also appear in my work.—No party politics will appear in my work, and no man’s life will be written with disgusting panegric. Nothing will appear but a dignified, plain, concise statement of facts.


Title: From John Adams to Jedidiah Morse, 1 January 1816
From: Adams, John
To: Morse, Jedidiah

Dr Morse,
Quincy January 1st. 1816

From 1760 to 1766 was the purest period of patriotism, from 1766 to 1776 was the period of corruption from 1775 to 1783 was the period of war; not a revolutionary war, for the revolution was complete in the minds of the people & the Union of the Colonies before the war commenced, in the Skirmishes of Concord & Lexington on the 19th of April 1775.
In 1766 commenced the seperation of parties, the stamp act was repealed Universal rejoicings had ran like wild fire, through the Continent. But Chathams declaratory Act of the Sovereignty of Parliament hung like a cloud over the whole American Continent, thinking men & discerning eyes saw it, and amidst all the popular rejoicings dreaded its omninous appearance. The public opinion thought it a brutum fulmen, a mere device, to preserve the nominal dignity of G Britain, without any intention of ever bringing it forward into action.
When the General Court met in May, Mr Otis’s services, sacrifices, & exertions had been so splendid, that the house of representatives, by a spontaneous, & almost unanimous feeling of gratitude chose him their speaker. Bernard negatived him. Hutchinson, without whom Bernard was nothing, was instantly believed to be the advisor, to this declaration of hostility. The conviction flashed like lightening through the Community, that the Sovereignty of Parliament, was not intended to be relinquished & that future calamities must be expected. The house of representatives, was electrified to such a degree that when the Election of Counsellors came upon the Carpet, Hutchinson, though Lieutenant Governor, & Chief Justice and all his Brother Judges of the superior Court of Judicature, Court of Assize & general goal delivery were turned out of the Counsel & a general looking for future troubles took place. It was now seen, that every man who espoused the cause of his Country, must prepare himself for the fate of a Martyr, or Confessor; & that every man of any consequence who would betray his Country, might expect lucrative, as well as honourable rewards. Honourable, I mean, in the common sense of the word in the world. It was not long before these apprehensions were confirmed. A bill was brought into Parliament, imposing taxes, on glass, Tea, Paper, Colours, &c imported into the Colonies.
The great Chatham was destined to,
“Close his long glories, with a sigh, to find
The unwilling gratitude of base mankind.”
Although his name still carried great power; the mortification, arising from the loss, of so much of his popularity, by his acceptance of a peerage & a pension, the unbounded licentiousness of the press in abusing him for it, & perhaps above all the Embarrassments, he had found, in forming a Ministry, among the factions of Rockingham, Bedford, and Bute, when his Brother, Lord Temple, & even the Duke of Portland, deserted him; aggravated the natural & habitual infirmity of his Constitution, & rendered him incapable of that activity in business, & that fire which inspired every body with his own Enthusiasm, which had been so conspicuous in all parts of his former life.
This new act of Tyranical taxation rekindled all the fires of opposition & resistance on this side the water. The associations against its execution were universal through all the Colonies, & ought to be stated and related in detail, because they illustrate the progress of the revolution in the minds of the people, against the authority of Parliament, towards a union of the Colonies, & a total Independence, on one hand, & the progress of corruption & seduction on the other.Another Innovation was contrived and a board of Commissioners of the customs created, but the remonstrances and associations, against the execution of the Acts, were so formidable, that the Ministry thought it necessary to send a fleet, and Army to protect Temple, Hallowell, Paxton, Birch & Robertson, their adherents and followers. In 1768 there appeared a general disposition to oppose their landing by force. But many gentlemen, apprehending confusion from unconcerted resistance, took measures, for inviting a Convention of the Province. The circumstances of this year ought to be distinctly developed, and the result of the Convention stated. The fleet was drawn up, to fire upon the town, and protect the landing of these illustrious personages, the Commissioners, & their drunken Secretary, and their defenders, the troops, which were given out to be four thousand men, though probably they were not half the number. These poor Creatures the Soldiers, were in a forlorn condition. No Barracks, no shelter, hungry, and cold. The inhabitants shut their doors, and would admit Panthers & Serpents as soon. The address of their officers upon this critical and dangerous crisis I shall never forget. They became suppliants, & appealed to humanity. had the door of a Citizen been broken, to let in the Soldiers, such was the inflamation of spirits that they would all have been made prisoners before morning, but the officers had too much sense. They put themselves & their men upon the compassionate list. “The poor Soldiers were innocent. They knew not why they were sent here; Can you see your fellow Creatures, perish in your street for want of shelter?” Humanity prevailed. The troops were paraded in the Common: One regiment appeared every day in Brattle Square, with their left flank before the front of the white house where I then lived; Every morning I saw from my front windows, Major Small, exercising his Battalion, or his regiment; and admired his patient, persevering assiduity no less than the regularity of his men; What were my reflections and feelings at these sights? Poor Puppets! you know nothing of the invisible hand, which dances you upon its wires! No more than the Cogs & wheels of a clock of the weights that move them or the hand which they point to the hour. Those men who understand the Machinery, & are the first springs of its movement, know no more of what they are doing than you do. They are heaping up Vengeance, against the day of Vengeance, against you, against themselves, & against unnumbered thousands of others, as innocent as you. Major Small, & I passed each other every day, but never spoke. The troops lived in Boston for a few months more than a year, as the allied forces, now reside in France, the blood of the inhabitants, boiling with indignation, & the continent sympathizing with them. Wrangles & quarrels frequently occurred between the citizens & the Soldiers; exasperation increased on both sides, till it broke out in the melancholy Catastrophy of the 5th of March 1770. Now appeared the spirit of freeman. Multitudes from Boston & the neighbouring towns, assembled spontaneously the next day, & from day to day. Strong guards were placed in the State house, and every Man appeared to be ready at the toll of a bell, or the sound of Gun, to turn out with his arms. The Assembly applied to the Governor & Counsel. Mr Hutchinson was Lieutenant Governor & Commander in Chief; Colonel Dalrymple was sent for, Samuel Adams, appeared in his true character; his caution, his discretion, his ingenuity, his sagacity his self command, his presence of mind, and his intrepidity, commanded the admiration and loud applauses of both parties. The troops were ordered to the Castle, and Lord North called them from this time “Sam Adams’s two regiments.”
John Adams


Title: From John Adams to Jedidiah Morse, 5 January 1816
From: Adams, John
To: Morse, Jedidiah

Dr Morse
Quincy January 5th 1816

The trials of the officer & Soldiers, who were indited for the slaughter in King Street were pending, for the greatest part of the year 1770, & when they came on, consumed six, or seven days each; the discussions & Decisions, in those cases, convinced the people that they could depend on no protection, against the Sovereignty of Parliament but Providence, & their own Arms. Accordingly they were found in Boston & all the neighboring towns, forming companies, for voluntary, military excercises. Even Salem, Marblehead, & Newbury, caught the flame, though the county of Essex, next to Worcester, & Hampshire, was the last to abandon the Ministry & their Governors.
These trials, as important in the history of Mankind as any that are recorded in the history of Jurisprudence, never have been, and never can be truly, impartially & faithfully represented to posterity. The first was taken down, & transmitted to  England, by a Scottish, or English Stenographer, without any known authority but his own. The British Government have never permitted it to see the light, & probably never will.
The second trial was taken by the same Stenographer, by permission of the Court, & allowed to be published. The Court allowed him to shew his Manuscript to the Council. he brought it to me. Upon reading it over, I found so much inaccuracy, & so many errors, that I scratched out every thing, but the legal Authorities, and the testimonies of the Witnesses. Mr Quincy & Mr Paine, were consulted, and the result of their deliberations appear in the printed trial. Mr Sewall, the Attorney General, who ought, at the hazard of his existence, to have conducted those prosecutions, disappeared; & Mr Paine & Mr Samuel Quincy were substituted, nobody knew, whether by the Court, or the Attorney General. I leave to the Masters of Chess to make their reflections on this curious arrangement of Kings, Knights, and Pawns, upon the board. I speculated little on these Puppet Shows & idle games. To the Law, & the testimony, was my only maxim. The law & the testimony, prevailed and destroyed, as much of my popularity, as Mr. Pitt lost by accepting a peerage and a pension. It was instantly propagated, that I had been bribed by an immense Fee, to sell my Country. I never uttered a word, or suggested a hint, alluding to fees, from first to last. A single Guinea was put into my hand by the Irish Infant, for a retaining fee; ten Guineas were all the fees, I ever received for a whole year of distressing anxiety, & for 13 or 14 days, of the hardest labour in the trials that I ever went through; Add to all this, the Taunts, & Scoffs, & bitter reproaches of the Whigs, & the Giggling, & tittering of the Tories, which was more provoking than all the rest.
This great event,turned the attention, of all the Colonies to it, & the Supremacy of Parliament stared all men in the face. If parliament was omnipotent, could enact what Statutes they pleased, & employ Armies & Navies, Governors, Councellors, & Judges to interpret them, & carry them into Execution, of what use could our houses of representatives be? And what were our religion, Liberties, properties, or Existence worth? I recollect no event which increased the horror of Parliamentary Usurpation, so much as this. The Journals, the pamphlets, & the records of this period, ought to be collected and examined, with patient attentions. About this period, parties in England were as angry, as in America. Wilks, & Junius agitated King, Ministry, parliament, & nation. Oppositions pretended friendship for America; but no members of either house; of Administration, or opposition, ever dared to avow the true American principle, or to express a doubt of the supreme, unlimited Authority of Parliament over all the dominions of the Crown
Standing Armies, in time of peace, stationed in populous Cities to preserve internal peace, Cato’s letters & the Independent Whig, and all the Writings of Trenchard, & Gordon, Mrs Maccahy’s history, Burgh’s political disquisitions, Clarendons history, of the civil war, & all the writings relative to the revolutions in England, became fashionable reading. Hutchinson, whose Ambition, made him as weak as water, had declared publickly in Councel, that he had no Authority over the Kings troops; that the military force had a separate command, & he could do nothing without Dalrymple. Good God! said the public, is this our situation already? Is a military authority, already erected, over the civil Authority, or independent of it. Is a Lieutenant Colonel of a Regiment, Commander in Chief of the Province,? Or even independent upon him. We remember the time when Brigadier, Timothy Ruggles, Commander in Chief of massachusetts troops, was put under the Command of a British Ensign for a whole campaign. Is the whole civil Authority of the province now to be placed under the command of a Lieutenant Colonel of a British regiment? To talk or think of liberty, or Privileges, under a military government, is as idle & absurd as under an Ecclesiastical Government.
How slightly however, historians, may have passed over this event, the blood of the Martyrs, right, or wrong, proved to be the seeds of the Congregation. Not the Battle of Lexington or Bunkers Hill; not the surrender of Burgoyne, or Cornwallis, were more important Events in American history than the battle of Kingstreet, on the 5th of March 1770.
The town of Boston instituted an Annual Oration in Commemoration of this Catastrophe, “upon the danger of standing Armies, stationed in populous Cities, in time of Peace,” and among the first Orators, were such names as Hancock, Warren, and Lovell. These Orations were read, I had almost said by every body that Could read, & scarcely ever with dry eyes. They have now been continued for 45 years! Will you read them all? They were not long continued in their original design; but other gentlemen, with other views, had influence enough to obtain a change from “standing armies,” to “feelings which produced the revolution”. Of these 45 Orations, I have read as many as I have seen.  They have been made the Engine of bringing forward to public notice, young gentlemen of promising genius, whose connections & sentiments, were conformably tolerable to the prevailing opinions of the moment. There is Juvenile Ingenuity in all that I have read. There are few men of consequence, among us, who did not commence their career by an Oration on the 5th of March. I have read these Orations with a mixture of grief, pleasure, & pity. Young gentlemen of genius describing scenes, they never saw, & descanting on feelings they never felt, & which great pains had been taken that they never should feel. When will these orations end? And when will they cease to be monuments of the fluctuations of public opinion, & general feeling in Boston, Massachusetts, New England, & the United States? They are infinitely more indicative of the feelings of the moment, than of the feelings that produced the Revolution.
Remember, Sir, that I am not writing history, nor Annals, I am only stating a few facts, & suggesting a few hints. If I could be 50 years younger, & had nothing better to do, I would have these Orations, collected, & printed in Volumes; and then write the history of the last forty five years, in Commentaries upon them
John Adams.


Title: To John Adams from David Sewall, 5 January 1816
From: Sewall, David
To: Adams, John

					Dear Sir
					York 5th. Januy 1816.

				Your communication of Novr. 19th. ulto. came to hand a few days before my departure to attend the district Court at Portland, the duties of Which, & other engagements, has hitherto prevented paying that particular attention, which it always affords me pleasure to make on your Letters, whichI have found the Copy formerly made from the Original of old Judge Samuel Sewall to his eldest son Samuel of Brookline upon the Family Pedigree—and which I had mislaid at the time I Wrote you on the family Geneology it contains a sheet of Paper and is dated at the beginning april 21. 1720—and closes with Augt. 26th. of the Same Year.—When mentg. his admission into College. He writes“In the year 1667 my father brought me to be admitted—by the very learned and pious mr. Charles Chauncy, who gave me my first Degree in the year 1671 there ware no Masters that year. These Bachellors were the last—mr. Chauncy gave a degree to. For He died the Feby. following. In July 1672 Dr. Hoar came over with his Lady and sojourned with your Grandfather Hull (He was my aunt Quincys Brother)—He was installed in the College Hall in Decr. 1672. Govr. Bellingham lay dead in his House, and Depy. Goverr Leverell was the chief civil Majistrate present at that solemnity.—In 1674 I took my 2nd. Degree, and Miss Hannah Hull my dear Wife, your hond. mother, was invited by the Dr. & his lady to be with them a while at Cambridge She saw me when I took my 2nd. Degree, and put her affections on me tho’ I knew nothing of it till after our Marriage which was Feby. 28th. 1775/6—you seem to be uncertain whether the Miss Hull’s were Daughters of the Mint officer, or Sister Daughter of a Clergiman—Minister of old South Church Boston—The Hystorical Societys publication 3rd Vol. 258 (which I suppose correct) make no mention of any Minister of the old South by the Name of Hull—they mention a Baptist Preacher of that Name. The extract from the letter seem to afford presumtive evidence on the Subject.—Probably Genl. Hull, who married Judge Fuller of Watertown only Daughter, and Who is said to be a near relation of Commodore Hulls can satisfy your curiosity, as to the descent or Relationship to the Miss Hulls who were married to Quncy & Sewall.—With respect to Political Sentiment it is of very little consequence of what mine are at this time of life to the Community—But we are apt to express them upon Some Occasions even unnecessarily.—With respect to the late War I alway tho’t it improvidently and inconsideratly declared by Congress, and am yet to learn the blessings, or benefits that  have resulted from it to the America’s Nation, unless Felix quem facisunt aliena Pericula Cautum. I Wish you the Compliments of the Season and  / all the enjoyments and consolations our advanced Years / can rationally desire. / your Freind & Ser.

					David Sewall


Title: To John Adams from Joseph Delaplaine, 9 January 1816
From: Delaplaine, Joseph
To: Adams, John

					Dr. Sir,
					Philada: January 9 1816.

				I had the honor of receiving your very obliging favour of the 1st. instant, giving me a sketch of your life, which is highly satisfactory, & for which be pleased to accept my sincere thanks.	I shall have the pleasure of speaking to young Dr. Rush, with whom I am acquainted respecting the sketch which you have mentioned.I am glad you have settled the plan with Mr: Morse, to whom be pleased to deliver the enclosed letter.With the highest respect & esteem / I am Dr. Sir / your obed. huml. St.

					Joseph Delaplaine

					P.S. I scarcely know how to take the liberty of asking you to give me six lines respecting the birth nativity, professing education, service &c &c of the late Samuel Adams. If you could take the trouble it would greatly  serve me & I should esteem it a great favour. Have the goodness to inform Mr Morse whether there is a portrait of the late Samuel Adams.