To North Korea  Trumpâs military parade will look like fear not strength
I spend a lot of time watching military parades. Itâs not because I particularly like them â in fact  I find them tedious and jingoistic â but because often they are a source of valuable information about countries such as Russia  China and North Korea  where thatâs usually hard to come by. Analysts like me scrutinize both the military hardware on display and the leaders watching  the parade .
Parades in places like China and North Korea only make sense if we understand the broader propaganda context in which they take place. And from my experience analyzing parades there  I can predict how the military parade  President Trump  wants to hold in Washington this year might play in Moscow  Beijing or Pyongyang.
It will not  despite what  Trump  may think  be seen as a sign of American confidence.
[Iâm an Iraq war veteran. The military doesnât want or need Trumpâs parade.]
But parades are already a recurring leitmotif of the  Trump  era: One of the presidentâs fondest memories  going by how often he mentions it  is leading cadets from his military academy in a Columbus Day parade.  Trump  reportedly wanted to include military vehicles in  his  inaugural parade  and now  having seen a grand military parade in France for Bastille Day   he âs pushing the idea with the Pentagon again.
Are we really going to be looking at where John Kelly sits or how  Trump  reacts to him to determine whether Kelly is likely to remain as chief of staff or be removed in a staff purge? Or wondering whether the inclusion of an F-35 flyover means that the program no longer suffers presidential disapproval? I suppose we are.
And yet  of all the reasons to be uncomfortable with the idea of a parade  I am not bothered that the United States will look like Russia  China or North Korea.  Trump  is a stain on our democracy  parade or no parade.
There is a deeper  more disconcerting issue here  though  that goes beyond whatever divisions and military equipment march down Pennsylvania Avenue. In an interview with The Washington Post before his inauguration   Trump  placed the issue of parades in a broader context about signaling military strength: âWeâre going to show the people as we build up our military. â¦ That military may come marching down Pennsylvania Avenue. That military may be flying over New York City and Washington  D.C.  for parades. I mean  weâre going to be showing our military.â
In this way  I fear  Trump âs parade may backfire. A massive demonstration of military might  especially if it includes some aspect of the nationâs nuclear deterrent  is only going to convince Kim Jong Un and others that the United States sees its power flagging and is frightened. Itâs like telling a bully our biggest fear  except weâre putting it on a float and rolling it through downtown Washington.
 Inexplicably  Trump  and  his  ilk do not seem to grasp this  although  they  are extraordinarily intuitive bullies.  Trump  has made a career of taking up residence inside  his  enemiesâ heads.  His  supporters openly celebrate flaunting democratic norms not despite the outrage they cause  but to elicit it. âTriggering libsâ is a call-to-arms for millions of red-hat wearing Trumpists: âOne sure way you know [the parade] is a great idea â one such pundit wrote  âis by how upset liberals have already become.â
How  President Trump  could tweet  his  way into nuclear war with North Korea
If  Trump  wants to use nuclear weapons  whether itâs âlegalâ wonât matter
I spend a lot of time watching military parades. Itâs not because I particularly like them â in fact  I find them tedious and jingoistic â but because often they are a source of valuable information about countries such as Russia  China and North Korea  where thatâs usually hard to come by. Analysts like me scrutinize both the military hardware on display and the leaders watching  the parade .
Parades in places like China and North Korea only make sense if we understand the broader propaganda context in which they take place. And from my experience analyzing parades there  I can predict how the military parade  President Trump  wants to hold in Washington this year might play in Moscow  Beijing or Pyongyang.
It will not  despite what   [TGT] may think  be seen as a sign of American confidence.
[Iâm an Iraq war veteran. The military doesnât want or need Trumpâs parade.]
But parades are already a recurring leitmotif of the   [TGT] era: One of the presidentâs fondest memories  going by how often  [TGT]  mentions it  is leading cadets from  [TGT]  military academy in a Columbus Day parade.   [TGT]   reportedly wanted to include military vehicles in   [TGT]   inaugural parade  and now  having seen a grand military parade in France for Bastille Day    [TGT]  âs pushing the idea with the Pentagon again.
Are we really going to be looking at where John Kelly sits or how   [TGT]   reacts to him to determine whether Kelly is likely to remain as chief of staff or be removed in a staff purge? Or wondering whether the inclusion of an F-35 flyover means that the program no longer suffers presidential disapproval? I suppose we are.
And yet  of all the reasons to be uncomfortable with the idea of a parade  I am not bothered that the United States will look like Russia  China or North Korea.   [TGT] is a stain on our democracy  parade or no parade.
There is a deeper  more disconcerting issue here  though  that goes beyond whatever divisions and military equipment march down Pennsylvania Avenue. In an interview with The Washington Post before his inauguration    [TGT]   placed the issue of parades in a broader context about signaling military strength: âWeâre going to show the people as we build up our military. â¦ That military may come marching down Pennsylvania Avenue. That military may be flying over New York City and Washington  D.C.  for parades. I mean  weâre going to be showing our military.â
In this way  I fear  Trump âs parade may backfire. A massive demonstration of military might  especially if it includes some aspect of the nationâs nuclear deterrent  is only going to convince Kim Jong Un and others that the United States sees its power flagging and is frightened. Itâs like telling a bully our biggest fear  except weâre putting it on a float and rolling it through downtown Washington.
 Inexplicably   [TGT] and  his  ilk do not seem to grasp this  although  they  are extraordinarily intuitive bullies.   [TGT] has made a career of taking up residence inside   [TGT]   enemiesâ heads.   [TGT]   supporters openly celebrate flaunting democratic norms not despite the outrage they cause  but to elicit it. âTriggering libsâ is a call-to-arms for millions of red-hat wearing Trumpists: âOne sure way you know [the parade] is a great idea â one such pundit wrote  âis by how upset liberals have already become.â
How   [TGT] could tweet   [TGT]   way into nuclear war with North Korea
If   [TGT] wants to use nuclear weapons  whether itâs âlegalâ wonât matter