How Wobbly Is Our Democracy?
White Christians are not just any group: They are a once-dominant majority in decline. When a dominant groupâs social status is threatened  racial and cultural differences can be perceived as existential and irreconcilable. The resulting polarization preceded (indeed  made possible)  the Trump presidency   and it is likely to persist after  it .
Extreme partisan polarization had already begun to eviscerate our democratic norms long before Mr. Trumpâs election. By the time of Barack Obamaâs presidency  many Republicans had abandoned mutual toleration. Prominent Republicans attacked Mr. Obama and the Democrats as anti-American. And of course  in 2016  the Republican Party nominated for president a man who questioned Mr. Obamaâs citizenship and insisted that his rival was a criminal.
Democrats are beginning to respond in kind. Their recent filibuster triggering a government shutdown took a page out of the Gingrich playbook. And if they retake the Senate in 2018  there is talk of denying  President Trump  the opportunity to fill any Supreme Court vacancy. This is a dangerous spiral.
American democracy retains important sources of strength  including vast national wealth  a vibrant media and civil society  and a robust judiciary and rule of law. But the norms that once protected our institutions are coming unmoored.  President Trump  has accelerated this norm erosion  but  he  didnât start it. Intensifying polarization  driven by an extremist Republican Party  is making constitutional hardball a new norm for party politics.
The lessons of history are clear. Extreme polarization can wreck even established democracies. America is no exception. As long as Americans do not overcome their deepening partisan animosities  democracy remains at risk â President Trump or  no President Trump .
White Christians are not just any group: They are a once-dominant majority in decline. When a dominant groupâs social status is threatened  racial and cultural differences can be perceived as existential and irreconcilable. The resulting polarization preceded (indeed  made possible)   [TGT] and  [TGT]  is likely to persist after   [TGT]  .
Extreme partisan polarization had already begun to eviscerate our democratic norms long before Mr. Trumpâs election. By the time of Barack Obamaâs presidency  many Republicans had abandoned mutual toleration. Prominent Republicans attacked Mr. Obama and the Democrats as anti-American. And of course  in 2016  the Republican Party nominated for president a man who questioned Mr. Obamaâs citizenship and insisted that his rival was a criminal.
Democrats are beginning to respond in kind. Their recent filibuster triggering a government shutdown took a page out of the Gingrich playbook. And if they retake the Senate in 2018  there is talk of denying   [TGT] the opportunity to fill any Supreme Court vacancy. This is a dangerous spiral.
American democracy retains important sources of strength  including vast national wealth  a vibrant media and civil society  and a robust judiciary and rule of law. But the norms that once protected our institutions are coming unmoored.   [TGT] has accelerated this norm erosion  but   [TGT]   didnât start  [TGT] . Intensifying polarization  driven by an extremist Republican Party  is making constitutional hardball a new norm for party politics.
The lessons of history are clear. Extreme polarization can wreck even established democracies. America is no exception. As long as Americans do not overcome their deepening partisan animosities  democracy remains at risk â President Trump or  no President Trump .