Relativization that you did...
Subtitle: formerly known as Relativization and Ellipsis
By: by Adam Szczegielniak.
Contributors: Advisor: Noam Chomsky; Committee: David Pesetsky, Cedric Boeckx, Jay Jasanoff
Series: MIT occasional papers in linguistics -- no. 24
Publisher: Distributed by MIT working papers in linguistics
Published: 2005
Place of publication: Cambridge, MA
Language: eng
Number of pages: 157
Subjects: Russian language -- Ellipsis; Polish language -- Ellipsis; Russian language -- Relative clauses; Polish language -- Relative clauses; Grammar, Comparative and general -- Ellipsis; Grammar, Comparative and general -- Relative clauses; Syntax; Semantics; Generative Linguistics
Genres: PhD Thesis
Other titles: Relativization and ellipsis
First sentence: This work investigates two puzzles concerning the behavior of VP ellipsis in relative clauses in Polish and Russian.  The first puzzle can be exemplified by the contrast below. Relatives headed by co/čto can undergo bare-VP ellipsis, where only the subject is not elided, but relatives headed by który/kotoryj cannot.
Description: This work address the puzzle why VP ellipsis where the subject plus an auxiliary/modal /negation (non bare-VP ellipsis) is not possible in relatives derived via operator movement, whereas VP ellipsis where only the subject remains (bare-VP ellipsis) is possible in both relatives derived via operator movement as well as head noun movement. I will argue that Polish and Russian ellipsis data points to the generalization that VP-ellipsis is essentially deletion of a topic VP.
In the first part of the thesis, I show that Polish and Russian relative clauses divide into two types: (i) derived by head noun movement (co/čto-relatives), and (ii) derived by operator movement and adjunction of the relative to the head noun (który/kotoryj-relatives). 
In the second part, I answer why bare-VP ellipsis is only possible in co/čto-relatives, and non bare-VP ellipsis is possible in both types of relatives. I will argue that de-stressing and subsequent ellipsis requires the establishment of Topic and Focus in overt syntax. The establishment of Topic/Focus interacts with relative clause formation giving rise to the asymmetry in the availability of both types of VP ellipsis in different kinds of relative clauses.
Notes: Formerly known as: Relativization and ellipsis.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Harvard University, 2004.

Includes bibliographical references.

Full text can be found at:
 
http://www.people.fas.harvard.edu/~szczeg/papers/dissertation_web.pdf
Table of contents: label: 1
title: Introduction
pagenum: 1; label: 2
title: Two Types of Relative Clauses; label: 2.1
title: Introduction
pagenum: 11; label: 2.2
title: Types of relative clauses
pagenum: 14; label: 2.3
title: Reconstruction tests: amount/degree vs. restrictive readings
pagenum: 17; label: 2.4
title: Idioms
pagenum: 23; label: 2.5
title: Scope
pagenum: 25; label: 2.6
title: Appositive vs. restrictive readings
pagenum: 27; label: 2.7
title: Binding Conditions – Condition C
pagenum: 31; label: 2.8
title: Binding Conditions – Condition A
pagenum: 33; label: 2.9
title: Adjunct vs. complement of relative clauses
pagenum: 36; label: 2.10
title: Summary so far
pagenum: 39; label: 2.11
title: Reconstruction of adjunct head nouns
pagenum: 40; label: 2.12
title: Summary so far
pagenum: 48; label: 2.13
title: Blocking reconstruction – resumptive pronouns
pagenum: 49; label: 2.14
title: Blocking reconstruction – extraposition
pagenum: 70; label: 3
title: VP Ellipsis in Relative Clauses; label: 3.1
title: Introduction
pagenum: 80; label: 3.2
title: VP ellipsis in Polish and Russian
pagenum: 86; label: 3.3
title: Topicalization and Focus license de-stressing
pagenum: 90; label: 3.4
title: De-stressing and VP ellipsis
pagenum: 94; label: 3.5
title: VP ellipsis and topicalization
pagenum: 99; label: 3.6
title: VP movement in bare-VP ellipsis is topicalization
pagenum: 102; label: 3.7
title: Summary of the discussion so far
pagenum: 106; label: 3.8
title: Bare-VP ellipsis – the answer to the first part of the puzzle
pagenum: 108; label: 3.9
title: Making bare-VP ellipsis possible in który/kotoryj relatives
pagenum: 113; label: 3.10
title: Non bare-VP ellipsis
pagenum: 117; label: 3.11
title: VP ellipsis and resumptive pronouns
pagenum: 123; label: 3.12
title: Extraposition and VP ellipsis
pagenum: 126; label: 3.13
title: Antecedent Contained Deletion
pagenum: 129; label: 3.14
title: Summary
pagenum: 139; label: 4
title: Conclusion
pagenum: 141; label: 5
title: References
pagenum: 151