The effect of foreign intervention on Somali conflict in Mogadishu, Somalia
Subtitle: First Edition
Publisher: University of Somalia
Published: Mogadishu, Somalia (2014)
Place of publication: Mogadishu, Somalia
Language: eng
Format: Parerback
Number of pages: 40
Description: I pledged This thesis Book to the graduate students, politicians, researchers and anyone who interest the Somali politics.
Table of contents: title: THE EFFECT OF FOREIGN INTERVENTION ON SOMALI CONFLICT IN MOGADISHU, SOMALIA; title: HASSAN OMAR AHMED; title: A RESEARCH THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE IN THE COOLEGE OF EDUCATION, SOCIAL SCIENCE AND HUMANITIES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REGUIREMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF BACHELOR DEGREE OF SOCIAL SCIENCE, UNIVERSITY OF SOMALIA IN MOGADISHU, SOMALIA; title: July; title: 2014; title: 1. DECLARATION: CANDIDATE APPROVAL; title: I declare that this thesis entitled the effect of foreign intervention on Somalia conflict in Mogadishu-Somalia is the result of my own research except as cited in the references; the thesis has not been accepted for any degree and is not concurrently submitted in candidature of any other degree.; title: Name of the candidate: Hassan Mudane; title: Signature: Hassan; title: Date: 31/07/2014; title: 2. DECLARATION: SUPERVISOR’S APPROVAL; title: I hereby declare that I have read this thesis and in my opinion it is sufficient in terms of scope and quality for the award of the degree of Bachelor of Social science and I accepted for the submission to the examining panel.; title: Name: Mr Khaliif; title: Signature: Khaliif; title: Date: 31/07/2014; title: 3. DECLARATION: EXAMINING PANEL APPROVAL; title: This thesis entitled the effect of foreign intervention on Somali conflict in Mogadishu-Somalia prepared and submitted by Hassan Mudane in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the award of the degree of Bachelor o Social science has been examined and accepted by examining panel with a grade of 90.; title: Name of the chairman of the examining panel: Mr. Hamud; title: Signature: Hamud; title: Name of the panelist: Mr. Abdiasiis; title: Signature: Abdiasiis; title: Name of the panelist: Ms. Rakia; title: Signature: Rakia; title: Date: 05/08/2014; title: Grade: A; title: ACKNOWLEDGEMENT:; title: I have realized in life that a journey of a thousand kilometers begins with a step. Thank Allah for that step which was inspired by my parents during my formative years, the various mentors that I have come across in the journey of my academic pursuits, I have also realized that you fall off a bicycle only when you stop pedaling. Actualization of one’s dream does not come easy; it must be through persistence and determination. It is only the grace of Allah that calms the troubled waters. I am fortunate that my research and sanity have been able to rely on support from many people. However, considering my Bachelor thesis is entitled the effect of foreign intervention on Somali conflict, I can safely say that my research has benefited more from this daily ritual. A special acknowledgement must go to Ms. fardows Hashi my admirer, editor and biggest supporter. I feel very lucky to have had her with me throughout this journey. I would also like to thank two senior professors who sacrificed their time to run graduate classes at the University of Somalia. Over many years, Mr. Sa’ed and Hussein have provided research students with valuable direction and instruction. I know that this thesis is stronger for their efforts. I would also like to thank the research participants in the process, especially the interviewed participants Mr. Rashid, Mr. Hassan, Mr. Mohamed and Mr. Ablaal, for helping me in providing all the necessary information related to the research. A blanket thank you must go to all the Bachelor candidates in the Faculty of Education, Social science and Humanities who accompanied me on this journey. In particular, I must thank all my graduate friends for being a voice of reason, for being a voice of insanity. Finally, I must thank my family. My dad, mum and sister have been a consistent Source of support and encouragement; I have dedicated this thesis to my admirer, who we all still wish very much.; title: Above all my special thanks to Almighty Allah.; title: Thank you all,; title: Hassan Mudane; title: ABSTRACT:; title: This research work investigated the effect of foreign intervention on Somali conflict, the study identified the correlation between the effect of foreign intervention on Somali conflict and the self-sustaining nature of the Somali conflict, taking into account the variety of actors and overlapping interests involved. The main objectives of the study were to find out the effect of foreign intervention on Somali conflict in capital city-Somalia, immediate local, regional, and global circumstances at hand have made Somalia currently in Mogadishu-Somalia through survey research and interview techniques. The research also analyses the foreign interventions of regional and global players on the Somali conflict. To end the effect of foreign intervention on Somali conflict, the researcher suggested that using homegrown values and employing the assistance of all types of forces. Shari’s courts and traditional leaders would help create a secure environment. For the area of political institutions the researcher, posited that a democratic-based power sharing formula would produce a broad-based legitimate government in Somalia. The researcher also suggested that timely economic assistance should be provided when various groups sign a new peace accord. Using Hadrawi’s recent peace caravan as an example suggested that appropriate peace education programmes should be designed and delivered formally and informally. Further research is needed in order to provide policymakers and stakeholders with practical suggestions for addressing these problems. The conflict theories and foreign interventions were discussed in the beginning of the research. At the qualitative research method was used in the study. The interview technique was used in the process and interview with the six participants was conducted for the research. There were six respondents out of a total 44 participants in the process. The results driven from the research showed that there is a strong correlation between the effects of foreign intervention on Somali conflict, and the self-sustaining nature of the Somali conflict. The regional and external interventions such as neighbors countries Kenya, Ethiopia and United kingdom was one of the major reasons for perpetuating the conflict in Somalia. Finally foreign interventions whether direct or indirect intervention was found out to be very important key factors to the fuel the conflict in the country.; title: TABLE OF CONTENTS:; title: DECLARATION                                                                                                               i; title: ACKNOWLEDGMENT                                                                                                   iii; title: ABSTRACT                                                                                                                      iv; title: 1. Introduction………………………………………………………1; title: 1. 1 Historical background                                                                                                1; title: 1.2 Purpose of the study                                                                                                    6; title: 13 Research objectives                                                                                                      6; title: 1.4 Research questions                                                                                                      6; title: 1.5 Scope of the study                                                                                                         7; title: 1.6 Significance of the study                                                                                             7; title: 1.7 Definition variables                                                                                                     8; title: 2. Literature review……………………………………………………9; title: 2.1.0 Theoretical framework                                                                                              10; title: 2.1.1 Concepts on Conflict; society as an arena for conflict                                       10; title: 2.1.2 Marxism conflict model                                                                                      10; title: 2.1.3 Parsonian conflict model                                                                                   11; title: 2.1.4 Elite Conflict model                                                                                               11; title: 2.1.5 A brief introduction of Somalia                                                                                11; title: 2.1.6 The conflict in Somalia                                                                                            12; title: 2.2 Concepts on intervention                                                                                             12; title: 2.2.1 Concepts of intervention models; challenging Intervention Model                         14; title: 2.2.2 Impartial Intervention Model                                                                             14; title: 2.2.3 Witness Model                                                                                                       14; title: 2.2.4 Balance of Power Model                                                                                          15; title: 2.2.5 The foreign interventions in Somalia                                                                       15; title: 2. 3 Effect of foreign intervention on conflict                                                                   16; title: 2. 4 Conclusion                                                                                                                  22; title: 3. Research methodology…………………………………………….23; title: 3.1 Research design                                                                                                           23; title: 3.2 Population and sampling                                                                                             23; title: 3.3 Procedure of the data collection                                                                                   24; title: 3.4 Quality control                                                                                                             25; title: 3.5 Data analysis                                                                                                                25; title: 3.6 Limitations                                                                                                                  26; title: 3.7 Ethical considerations                                                                                                  26; title: 4. Analyzing the data and the discussion………….……………........27; title: 4.1 Interview analysis                                                                                                       27; title: 4.2 Discussion of result                                                                                                      30; title: 5. Conclusion, research based out and recommendation……………31; title: 5.1 Conclusions                                                                                                                  31; title: 5.2 Research based outcome                                                                                            32; title: 5.3 Recommendations and future research                                                                        33; title: 5.4 References and appendances                                                                                      34; title: 5.5 Appendances                                                                                                                35; title: List appendices; title: 1. Appendix: Title page; title: 2. Appendix: Declaration 1, 2, and 3; title: Declaration 1: candidate approval; title: Declaration 2: supervisor’s approval; title: Declaration 3: examining panel approval; title: 3. Appendix; 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, and 8 interview questions for the participants:; title: CHAPTER ONE; title: INTRODUCTION; title: 1.1.0 Historical background:; title: In Europe continent, as a result of German unity and increasing German nationalism as well as various other causes, Germany began on what Kaiser Wilhelm II called a "new course" to earn its "place in the sun." After 1871, Germany's trade and industry increased vigorously, challenging and, in some areas, even exceeding that of Great Britain, until then the premier industrial nation of Europe. A many-sided rivalry developed between Germany and Britain, intensifying when the sometimes-bellicose Wilhelm II assumed power and began building a strong, ocean-going navy. The perceived danger of "encirclement" by hostile nations began to loom in the minds of German leaders. These factors together formed some of the tinder which would ignite the outbreak of war in 1914. It is interesting to note, however, that all the ruling families of Europe were related to each other in some form or fashion, This led to many Europeans feeling that it was a family affair that they had been dragged into and forced to endure. On June 28, 1914, Archduke Franz Ferdinand, heir to the Austria-Hungary throne, was assassinated in Sarajevo. As a result, Austria declared war on Serbia. Germany declared war on Russia and France, On August 4, Germany invaded neutral Belgium before the French. This precipitated in Great Britain's declaration of war on Germany, (European history: world war one).; title: In Africa, during the four decades between the 1960s and the 1990s, there have been about 80 violent changes of governments (Adedeji 1999, 3) in the 48 sub- Saharan African countries. During the same period many of these countries also experienced different types of civil strife, conflicts, and wars. At the beginning of the new millennium, there were 18 countries facing armed rebellion, facing severe political crises (Adedeji 1999, 5), and 19 enjoying more or less various states of stable political condition. And some of the countries in the last two categories have only recently moved from the first categorized.  However, recently urban violence has taken the form of reacting to poverty and to struggles between supporters of political parties – parties which are often ethnically based (Bujra, 2002).; title: Somalia has experienced violent conflict and instability since 1991, when central authority broke down in the country. Jihadist has become increasingly prevalent as the civil war has dragged on. As a result of the severity of the conflict, including regional spill over, external actors, most notably Somalia’s regional neighbors Ethiopia, Kenya and most recently, Uganda, have become entrenched in the conflict. In addition, a number of other actors such as the African Union (AU), the European Union (EU), the United Nations (UN) and the United States (US) have committed themselves to intervene in Somalia’s statehood process. These actors have played the role of both secondary and third party actors. External interventions in civil war-like situations continue to be practiced by states in the international system. Typically, in such circumstances, a party tends to intervene in another party’s armed conflict in order to support one of the belligerents for their own interests. This can be done either directly or indirectly through military support of any kind. The intervening state can have several reasons for its decision to intervene: genuine altruism (benevolence), coercion, as a result of creeping involvement, or for the sake of other vested interests. Yet, military engagement need not be the only option. A turn to political dialogue, reconciliation and an effort to overcome ethnic- and clan-based security dilemmas could also be strategically fruitful. Although complicated to achieve without more forceful responses (i.e. continued military deployment), this is the path that both domestic and international actors eventually need to walk. However, for this to take place, parties to the conflict, including external actors,; title: Need to find comfort in such a decision. Experiences and lessons learned can be drawn from other civil wars (i.e. Bosnia-Herzegovina).; title: To initiate conflict resolution mechanisms that do not lean explicitly on armed force, but are rather coupled with such, regional trust needs to be built. Regrettably, there are signs that neighboring relations are currently drifting away from such trust.; title: The military involvement of Kenya, Uganda and Ethiopia have so far been with the consent of the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS), but it is now on the brink of causing regional tensions as these states have different political visions for Somalia. A split in the political alignment poses a challenge for de-escalating the cycle of conflict. Kampala has allowed itself to become one of the most influential regional actors in Somalia’s civil war. As the largest troop contributor to the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), Uganda has several stakes in the political and military process. Uganda is clearly pursing a different strategy in Somalia than Kenya and Ethiopia. While Uganda is interested in a stable and strong state in Somalia, Kenya and Ethiopia have their own distinct agendas that are at odds with the political priorities of Kampala and the FGS. For example, there is clear empirical evidence that both Kenya and Ethiopia are trying to create buffer zones, and to increase their own influence over various regions of Somalia at Mogadishu’s expense. A related issue is that the new Provisional Constitution is viewed with some skepticism, as it calls for the formation of undetermined federal member states which could serve to undermine rather than support national unity in Somalia (the international community currently divides, for administrative purposes, Somalia in 3 de facto regions: Somaliland, Puntland and South-Central, (Erikson, 2013).; title: Kenya is critical to the future development of a stable Somalia. Nairobi’s involvement in the regional dynamics of the Jubba regions (recognizing the sensitivity of this term, Jubba regions will hereafter be referred to “Jubbland”, an area close to the Kenyan border) will have a decisive impact on Somalia’s stability. Kenya’s involvement in Jubbaland was intended to create a ‘buffer zone’ against Al Shabaab’s destabilizing activities. However, this strategy has been at odds with the wishes of the FGS as it would entail a further regionalization of Somalia, A development that the FGS does not want. As a consequence, it remains at the core of current tensions between Kenya and Somalia, together with the unauthorized operations by Kenyan air and naval units. It is also creating tensions with Ethiopia, as the groups Kenya supports have affiliations with the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), with which Ethiopia is in armed conflict. Kenya has also played a key role in the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), the regional block, and is the driving force behind some of its political initiatives in Somalia. Like Kenya, Ethiopia’s influence in Somalia is significant at both the political and the military levels. Apart from having an intimate unilateral military presence in Somalia, it also has strong relations with Somaliland, a region seeking independence from Somalia, and Puntland, semi-autonomous region. The Ethiopian intervention is unpopular among Somalis in general, and there is an impression among decision makers in Ethiopia that any action taken will be viewed with suspicion. While many observers argue that Ethiopia wants a weak and fractured Somalia, it has taken several steps to strengthen the legitimacy of the FGS in Somalia (i.e. training Somali security forces). Moving forward, the continued presence of Ethiopia in Somalia is complicated, especially due to both countries’ poor economic situations. Nonetheless, the likelihood of Ethiopia joining AMISOM seems low, and if it did this would probably cause tensions with Kenya and Uganda. The continued success and stability of the FGS is currently the most critical factor for a stable Somalia. This can only be achieved with continued international support. The study concludes that a further push for diplomacy and reconciliation is needed to get to grips with Somalia’s civil war. Diplomacy is needed to help the actors in the region overcome their security dilemma, and reconciliation is needed to undermine the continued resistance of armed groups, (ibid, 6).; title: The institutionalized principles of clan equality and representation in politics constituted a conceptual framework and basis for power sharing and government crisis management but failed to resolve the intense socio-political conflicts of the decade. The Somali government used the framework, although in a limited way, to promote representative democracy, crises management and conflict resolution. In the larger regional context, the pattern of refugee displacement and the dynamics of the spillover of the armed conflicts from Somalia to the neighboring countries of Djibouti, Ethiopia and Kenya have on the contrary, revealed the strength of cultural solidarity as a factor of social integration in Africa. The Somali-speaking communities in these countries played active roles in not only receiving but also helping the refugees to integrate into their host communities. Both at national and regional levels, the generalization potential of the civil war revealed the mobilizing capacity of cultural over civic values.; title: Under these circumstances, human rights, tolerance and coexistence principles central to violence prevention, conflict resolution, political stability, peace and development, were greatly undermined. The political conflicts and governmental crises in Somalia which escalated into a prolonged civil war in 1989 were ultimately the climax of a process which had begun with the country’s declaration of independence in 1960. Unification had failed to resolve disagreements over the state’s origins, problems of the partisan participation of the different clan communities in the process of decolonization, power sharing, and the nation-state building process. These problems would not simply disappear. The dynamics of state modernization and the dispute with neighboring countries over the national borders defined by the colonial administration became important conflict stakes, (Florence, 2003).; title: During the last decade or so, but especially during the last years, Somalia has become one of the main battlefields in the US global "war on terror", together with Afghanistan and Iraq. The situation has been further complicated by a chaotic situation prevailing in the country, caused by sixteen long and devastating years of civil war between various Somali clans and sub-clans, thus, the Somali civil war has developed into a regional and global conflict, (Daniel, 2008).; title: 1.2.0 Purpose of the Study:; title: The main purpose of this study is to identify the close correlation between the effect of foreign intervention on Somali conflict in Mogadishu-Somalia and the self-sustaining nature of the Somali conflict, taking into account the variety of actors and overlapping interests involved.; title: 1.3.0 Research objectives:; title: The researcher has the following objectives including general and specific objective.; title: General:; title: •	To find how the effect of foreign intervention on Somali conflict, immediate local, regional, and global circumstances at hand have made Somalia currently in Mogadishu-Somalia through survey research and interview techniques.; title: Specific:; title: •	To identify the effect of foreign intervention on Somali conflict; title: •	To analyses the foreign intervention of regional and global players on the Somali conflict; title: •	To explain the causes of self-sustained nature of the Somali conflict; title: 1.4.0 Research questions:; title: For the purpose of this research the following questions were addressed:; title: 1.	What is the effect of foreign intervention on Somali conflict?; title: 2.	What is the foreign intervention of regional and global players on the Somali conflict?; title: 3.	What are the causes of self-sustained nature of the Somali conflict?; title: 1.5.0 Scope of the study:; title: This study will carry out at the capital Mogadishu-Somalia, which the researcher selected some of the target population. However, the participants of this study were including, former military officers, lecturers from different universities, civil servants in the capital Mogadishu-Somalia through survey research and interview techniques. The study has drawn at the end of July, 2014.; title: 1.6.0 Significance of the study:; title: A significant amount of empirical research has been carried out within the country on the relationship between foreign intervention on Somali conflict  It has been observed from the literature, that most research works treated foreign intervention, as a problem to Somali unity. To the best of our knowledge, the impact of foreign intervention of Somali conflict has not been empirically tested in the literature, especially in Mogadishu-Somalia. Most researchers in the Country have also not taken time to document the nature, intervention involved in Somali conflict. This study therefore becomes significant in filling this observed gap by testing empirically the impact of foreign intervention on Somali conflict and by examining the capability of political institutions in exploring the expansion capacity of regional intervention in Mogadishu-Somalia. The study also contributes to the literature on foreign and regional intervention on Somali conflict.; title: 1.7.0 Definition of variables:; title: “A conflict exists when two people wish to carry out acts which are mutually inconsistent. They may both want to do the same thing, such as eat the same apple, or they may want to do different things where the different things are mutually incompatible, such as when they both want to stay together but one wants to go to the cinema and the other to stay at home. A conflict is resolved when some mutually compatible set of actions is worked out. The definition of conflict can be extended from individuals to groups (such as states or nations), and more than two parties can be involved in the conflict. The principles remain the same.“ (M.Nicholson: Rationality and the Analysis of International Conflict. 1992).; title: Kriesberg (1973) “Conflict is a relationship between two or more parties who [or whose spokesmen] believe they have incompatible goals.”; title: Brown (1983) “Conflict is incompatible behavior between parties whose interests differ.”; title: Thomas (1976) “Conflict is the process which begins when one party perceives that the other has frustrated.”; title: Thus, the researcher defined the term conflict “A process which begins when one party perceives that another party has negatively affected, or is about to negatively affect, something the first party cares about.”; title: In international relations the term intervention “simply refers to one state’s intrusion into the domestic affairs of another.”; title: Oxford dictionary defined the term intervention “Interference by a state in another’s affairs:; title: Thus, the researcher defined the term foreign intervention “convention-breaking military and or economic activities in the internal affairs of a foreign country targeted at the authority structures of the government with the aim of affecting the balance of power between the government and opposition forces.”; title: CHAPTER TWO; title: LITERATURE REVIEW; title: There is a large and growing recent foreign interventions literature on the motives and consequences of civil wars. In general, the focus is almost exclusively on domestic and external determinants. The [survey research of the study] emphasizes diverse country specific factors that affect the risk of civil conflict. At the same time, theory is devoted to understanding why costly conflicts are not deterred. Different forms of information and commitment problems are therefore intensively studied. This chapter complements both, the theory and the empirical literature, by developing a systematic investigation of the [impact] of foreign influence, taking empirical forms of U.S. interventions in third countries, as [in Somalia case] a determinant of civil (domestic) conflicts. Many civil wars are characterized by the involvement of foreign governments supporting one of the sides in conflict (Regan, 2010).; title: Previous research has demonstrated that outside interventions are associated with longer war duration. For example, Elbadawi and Sambanis (2000) present evidence to suggest that external interventions predict an increase in the expected duration of a civil war. Balch-Lindsay and Enterline (2000) find similar evidence when expanding the notion of intervention to include aspects of the strategy of the intervention, mainly the targeting of opposition or the government forces, (Collier, et al, 2004) Most of these results show a consistent pattern in the relationship between interventions and civil war durations. However, there is some evidence in the literature suggesting that military support for rebel movements can shorten expected durations of civil conflicts (ibid, 20).; title: 2.1.0 Theoretical framework:; title: 2.1.1 Concepts on Conflict; society as an arena for conflict: The structural-fuctionalist approach, and in partical  talcott parson’s singular interest in the social system, is critiqued severely by British sociologist Ralf dahrendorf in his highly infuential article “Out of Utopia” (1958). In this essay, dahrendorf argues that structural- fuctionalism assumes a utopia or unreal image of the society because it highlighes the benefits but disregards the detriments resulting from the interdependence of social institutions. He further contends that parsons’s system-fuctionalist approach is baised becouse it focuses on stability, hormany, and consenses ignoring society’s other face, the one dealing with the problems of dissensus, conflict, and coercion, (conflict theory: three models).; title: Dahrendorf proposes the conflict model of society as an alternative illogical paradigm. He maintains that if the social conflict model to provide a more realistic picture of society than that proposed by structural-fuctionalism, it must presumed four essential points.; title: 1.	Every society is subjected at the every moment to change: social change upiquitous; title: 2.	Every sociey experiences at every moment social conflict: social conflict ubiquitous; title: 3.	Every element in a society contributies to its change; title: 4.	Every society rests on constraint of some of its members brothers; title: A model premised on these four factors underscores the process of social change and views conflict as struggles between social groups. Despite dahrendolf’s pioneering efforts in constructing an analytical model of social conflict, this theorootical approach did not originate with him. Its his legacy, (idib, p.1).; title: 2.1.2 Marxism conflict model: For Marxist theory, power is the capacity to affect the life situations of people. Power is a key feature of the structuring relations of society. Accordingly, dominant power is largely in the hands of those who own and control the means of life. Capitalism structures an irresolvable conflict between the two fundamental classes, the working class and the capitalist class, (Ibid, P. 1).; title: 2.1.3 Parsonian conflict model: Dahrendorf writes that he is concerned “exclusively with relations of authority. For these alone (sic) are parts of social structure and therefore permit the systematic derivation of group conflicts…” (p. 272). Moreover, “where there are authority relations, the super ordinate element is socially expected to control by orders, and commands, warning and prohibitions, the behavior of the subordinate element” (ibid, 2).; title: 2.1.4 Elite Conflict model: Power for Mills “has to do with whatever decisions men make about the arrangements under which they live….” (p. 284). It is important to see that unlike Dahrendorf, Mills is not talking only about “authority” (“legitimately power”) or compliance: getting people to do what is commanded. As with Pareto, Mosca, and Aron, Mills distinguishes elites and masses. For Mills, elites have power by virtue of their location in three linked key institutions (structures) in society: political, dominated by the executive power of the Federal Government, the economic, dominated by a few hundred corporations, and military. Mills rejects both the class struggle picture of the Marxists and the pluralist picture, shared by Dahrendorf and much political theory, which holds that the American system of power is “a moving balances of many competing interests” (ibid, 2).; title: 2.1.5 A brief introduction of Somalia: Situated in the Horn of Africa, the Republic of Somalia has a land area of 637,540 sq kilometers which makes it slightly smaller than the U.S. state of Texas. On a physical map Somali resembles the figure seven or a rhino horn. Its terrain consists mostly of plateaus, plains, and highlands. Measuring 3,025km, Somalia has the longest coastline in the African continent followed by South Africa (2,798km). It is bordered by the tiny nation of Djibouti (inhabited by Somali speaking people) to the northwest, the Gulf of Aden and Yemen to the north, Kenya to; title: the southwest, the Indian Ocean to the East, and Ethiopia to the West. The population of Somalia was estimated by the United Nations in 2003 at 9,890,000 and is placed at number 80 in population among the 193 nations of the world. President Aden Abdille Osman became the first head of state of the Somali republic in 1960.; title: 2.1.6 The conflict in Somalia: The civil war in Somalia has been ravaging the country for two decades. The difficulties in achieving peace have highlighted the powerlessness of the international community. The roots of the Somali conflict are deep and obscure, to the point that the prospects for a solution appear to be moving further away rather than closer. Several attempts have been made by regional and international actors to build peace, but results are dispiriting. Evidence suggests that the methods used to reconcile the actors involved in the struggle have been ineffective (Marangio, 2012).; title: 2.2.0 Concepts on intervention:; title: Ever since the Peace of Westphalia 1648 – which heralded the age of the modern nation state foreign military intervention into domestic affairs has been conceived as ultimo ratio of conflict solution, If a conflict occurs within a state, there are first other options to solve it from the outside, including diplomatic and trade measures or the direct involvement of a third party as an arbitrator or mediator. This third party can either be another state or a multi-national organization such as the UN or the NATO. Third parties can contribute to the process of conflict abatement by encouraging the belligerent parties on a termination agreement or providing an agenda for the negotiation process (Tegos, 2010).; title: Moreover, they can help to overcome certain constraints, for example by guaranteeing the benefits of an agreement and insuring against the risk of failure (Rioux 2003, p. 3). Third-party states will therefore only intervene militarily if their very own interests are at stake (ibid, p. 4).; title: Military intervention remains controversial both when it happens and when it fails to happen. Since the end of the Cold War, military intervention has attracted much scholarly interest, and it was demonstrated that several instances of the use of force or the threat to use force without Security Council endorsement were acceptable and necessary. Matters of national sovereignty remain the fundamental principle on which the international order was founded since the Treaty of Westphalia. Territorial integrity of states and non interference in their domestic affair, continue to be the foundation of international law, codified by the United Nations Charter, and one of the international community’s decisive factors in choosing between intervention and non-intervention.; title: Nevertheless, since the end of the Cold War, matters of sovereignty and non-interference have been challenged by the emergent human rights discourse amidst genocide and war crimes. The aim of this article is to explain the extent to which military intervention in Africa has evolved since the end of the Cold War in terms of theory, practice and the way military intervention unfolded upon the African continent. This will be achieved by focusing on both successful and unsuccessful cases of military intervention in Africa. The unsuccessful cases include Somalia in 1992, Rwanda in 1994 and Darfur in 2003 on the one hand, and the successful cases being Sierra Leone in 2000 and the Comoros in 2008 on the other. While the unsuccessful cases attracted much scholarly attention and controversy, given their prolonged nature and difficulty in terms of conclusion, successful cases were short in terms of time and attracted little scholarly attention and controversy ( ramuhala, 2003).; title: From both theoretical and policy perspective the conditions under which interventions work is important. Russia recently intervened in the renewed violence between Georgia and the breakaway region of South Ossetia. To what end? Albright lamented that nobody intervened in the Zimbabwean unrest, yet we do not have a sense of the consequences if there had been an intervention. From a broader theoretical perspective, interventions are international policies that sometimes violate international norms, sometimes support the continued oppression of people, and sometimes can bring armed violence to an end and provide peace and stability. Where scholarship falls short is in articulating adequately where ‘sometimes’ is ‘often’, or when facilitating peaceful settlements is more likely. The evidence would suggest that interventions into civil wars remain a common feature of world politics, in spite of the former US Secretary’s complaint that leaders no longer have the stomach for such actions. According to her NYT editorial, state sovereignty rules the international system and the old days of interventions are behind us. The evidence does not bear out her argument, but it is important at this juncture to step back and evaluate what the past decade of systematic, broadly cross-national, research into the conditions for and consequences of external interventions has taught us, and why she might have it so wrong (Regan, 2010).; title: 2.2.1 Concepts of intervention models; challenging Intervention Model: Neutral interventions do not appear to have much of an ameliorative effect, and might also exacerbate the killing, as the establishment of ‘‘safe areas’’ in Bosnia and Rwanda demonstrated (Power, 2002a). Merely signaling that the world is watching is likely to do little to stop a regime bent on eliminating a domestic group. Aiding the perpetrator does not seem to be a route to reducing the severity of the killing either. Cases such as Uganda, Cambodia, and Bangladesh in the 1970s, and Bosnia, Kosovo [and Somalia] in the 1990s, point to what . . . expect is the optimal solution. Interventions that directly challenge the perpetrator by acting against them, or for the target, clearly signal the credibility and resolve of interveners, (Krain, 2005).; title: 2.2.2 Impartial Intervention Model: Impartiality is the assumption that guides much of the thinking behind the role of international organizations in peacekeeping operations (Diehl, Reifschneider, Hensel, 1996:687–688). Some scholars and policy makers have argued that impartiality is necessary to insure the effectiveness of third-party interveners (Ratner, 1996:51–54). If so, then impartial interventions might have the best chance of decreasing genocide severity, while interventions in favor of the target are unlikely to reduce the severity of the killing. These are the only kinds of interventions that simultaneously appear legitimate, unbiased, and non-threatening (ibid, P. 24).; title: 2.2.3 Witness Model: One argument in favor of intervention in instances of state-sponsored mass murder is that simply placing troops on the ground that do not explicitly favor the perpetrator, whether they are impartial interveners or support for targets, alters the perpetrator’s perceptions of the degree of permissiveness of the international context. Bystanders to initial moves toward genocide signal to perpetrators that there will be no severe consequences at the international level for continuing the killing (Harff, 1986:168; Power, 2002a:503) (ibid, P. 25).; title: 2.2.4 Balance of Power Model: Perhaps a balance of power argument, demonstrated to have significant explanatory power in cases of civil war termination, might be appropriate here. Such an argument claims that interveners can tip the balance toward their favored side by providing much-needed resources or augmenting capabilities (Rothchild and Lake, 1998). The domestic political arena consists of a number of competing actors, including the perpetrator of genocide and its targets. By intervening, a foreign power effectively becomes an actor in the domestic arena in its own right (ibid, P. 27).; title: 2.2.5 The foreign interventions in Somalia: Various actors have been intimately linked to Somalia’s civil war for the past [two] decade, and in some instances for much longer. Somalia’s neighbors have had a huge interest in how the civil war developed, closely linked to their disputed territorial boundaries, differing ethnicities, ideology, and religious and cultural identity. This has had an important impact on these countries’ state- and nation building processes. However, there are also other external actors shaping the future of Somalia, each of them with their own vested interests. These actors can be categorized as multilateral (the UN), regional (the AU, the EU) and sub-regional (IGAD) and other international players (e.g. the US) (Jakkie et al, 2010).; title: Somalia has experienced violent conflict and instability since 1991, when central authority broke down in the country. Jihadist has become increasingly prevalent as the civil war has dragged on. As a result of the severity of the conflict, including regional spillover, external actors, most notably Somalia’s regional neighbors Ethiopia, Kenya and most recently, Uganda, have become entrenched in the conflict. In addition, a number of other actors such as the African Union (AU), the European Union (EU), the United Nations (UN) and the United States (US) have committed themselves to intervene in Somalia’s statehood process. These actors have played the role of both secondary and third party actors. External interventions in civil war-like situations continue to be practiced by states in the international system. Typically, in such circumstances, a party tends to intervene in another party’s armed conflict in order to support one of the belligerents for their own interests. This can be done either directly or indirectly through military support of any kind. The intervening state can have several reasons for its decision to intervene: genuine altruism (benevolence), coercion, as a result of creeping involvement, or for the sake of other vested interests. Yet, military engagement need not be the only option. A turn to political dialogue, reconciliation and an effort to overcome ethnic- and clan-based security dilemmas could also be strategically fruitful. Although complicated to achieve without more forceful responses (i.e. continued military deployment), this is the path that both domestic and international actors eventually need to walk. However, for this to take place, parties to the conflict, including external actors, need to find comfort in such a decision. Experiences and lessons learned can be drawn from other civil wars (i.e. Bosnia-Hercegovina), (Eriksson, 2013).; title: To initiate conflict resolution mechanisms that do not lean explicitly on armed force, but are rather coupled with such, regional trust needs to be built. Regrettably, there are signs that neighboring relations are currently drifting away from such trust. The military involvement of Kenya, Uganda and Ethiopia have so far been with the consent of the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS), but it is now on the brink of causing regional tensions as these states have different political visions for Somalia. A split in the political alignment poses a challenge for de-escalating the cycle of conflict, (ibid, P.6).; title: 2.3.0 The effect of foreign interventions on conflict:; title: Civil war is the most common form of armed conflict worldwide and has killed tens of millions of people in the decades since World War II. It poses many important theoretical and empirical questions, but one of the most important is that of foreign intervention. Warfare internal to a state is bad enough, but if intervention causes the war to spread across borders, a local internal tragedy can become a region-wide conflagration with far worse consequences for much greater populations. Its stakes make the causes and incidence of civil war intervention an inherently important question for scholarship. Intervention is also an important issue for US foreign policy in the form of the post-2003 civil war in Iraq and its potential consequences. By invading Iraq and triggering a civil war, US policy created a risk that this internal conflict would spill over its borders and draw Iraq’s neighbors into a wider war with potentially severe humanitarian and international economic effects (Albornoz, 2012).; title: [the researcher] offer three suggestions that would help to develop our understanding on the effect of interventions into civil wars: (1) an emphasis on goals, (2) thinking about the impact of the motivation of rebels, and (3) testing models of intervention prior to the onset of a civil war. As a result of all of the research on interventions into civil wars we know next to nothing about the goals of the interveners. Without explicitly considering the goals, statistical models have a difficult time evaluating their effectiveness. Instead, most of the studies reviewed have posited an outcome of interest and by extension assumed the outcome was the goal. Krain and Bueno de Mesquita and Downs articulated specific goals: stopping genocides and promoting democracy, respectively, but they only evaluated the effect of interventions on that one specific goal. But as Scott and Jentleson make clear, the goals that justify an intervention may be both varied and geopolitical rather than issue specific, (Locky, J. 2008).; title: Although, the few studies that evaluate the effect of interventions on specific goal-oriented outcomes are helpful, we would benefit from a more systematic examination of the goals of interveners. Focusing on the goals of interveners, however, presents some thorny theoretical and empirical problems, but incorporating goals might tell us a lot about the impact of interventions on outcomes. Most often we think in terms of promoting human rights, protecting economic assets, humanitarian crises, overthrowing a government, or bogging down an adversary as some of the more immediate objectives. But we face the potential dilemma that stated goals may not be those that drive the policy decisions, the goals of the intervener may differ from those of the targeted state or rebel group, and goals may change over time. The work by Bueno de Mesquita and Downs helps to illuminate this problem. If the goal of an intervention is to promote democratic transition, then their evidence either suggests that the tool of intervention is simply ineffective for the articulated objective, or that the articulated objective is more complex than simply promoting democratic transition. Either interpretation suggests that more such research is necessary. Fennimore provides for a way to think about goals and how they change over time. Building on this type of work to develop operational indicators would take us a long way toward models that account for the goals of the intervener. Nicaragua (1980s) and Iraq (2000-present) provide easy examples of the difficulty of incorporating goals into our models of intervention outcomes. At 02:10 28 August 2013 of mass destruction, breaking Iraqi links to terrorist organizations, promoting democracy, or overthrowing a dictator, yet we know ex post that the stated goal changed with time. Moreover, there are numerous unstated or understated goals that have at least reached the level of speculation, such as securing oil fields and revenge for Saddam’s attempt on George H. W. Bush’s life. While potentially implausible, the burden of proof is on the research team and this type of issue will pose problems. The US support of the Contra in Nicaragua during the 1980s provides another example, (ibid, P. 19); title: According to the US government, support for the Contra was not designed to overthrow the Sandinista regime. It was instead designed to force democratic openings upon the government. One way to achieve that goal would have been to defeat the Sandinista militarily, but we cannot easily eliminate the overthrow of the government as a viable goal, and this goal, moreover, may have changed as the fortunes of Congressional authority waxed and waned. What were the actual goals behind US policy? This may be a difficult question to answer. But more precise evaluations of the effectiveness of external interventions would be facilitated by a focus on goal-oriented behavior.; title: The difficulty of developing operational indicators of state goals expands, moreover, as you consider the range of countries that intervene and the temporal range of interventionary policies. One of the critical questions that remain unanswered is how interventions prior to the onset of civil war impact (1) the likelihood that a war ever starts and (2) the outcome or duration of any war that does start. If interventions worked perfectly and all states had great foresight, then rational policy would point toward intervening in such a manner as to prevent the onset of civil war, or to do so in a way that ensures a quick victory for the supported side. Why wait until after the fighting is well underway and rebel forces are entrenched? The empirical evidence demonstrates that there are a lot of military, economic, and diplomatic interventions after the start of a civil, in fact about 1,400 using Regan’s data. But we have little information on the effect of interventions before the sunk costs of war come into play. To a large degree this is an artifact of the data-generating process, where the observations reflect ongoing civil wars and data on interventions were recorded during these war periods. Looking for interventions when we do not know the population of possible civil wars presents a considerable hurdle, and potentially strains operative definitions of interventions. There is currently a project underway to develop data and test models of early interventions on a set of at risk countries that, based on certain criterion, provide a reasonable population of cases into which an intervention targeted at the authority structures among contesting groups may influence whether, and if so, how violent armed conflict begins. The population of at risk countries is derived from the risk estimates for civil war onset by Goldstone et al, (Ibid, 29).; title: Given a population of countries with a reasonably high risk of civil war, but that have not yet experienced an onset, the task is to look for traces of interventions prior to any onset. If interventions work to prevent or forestall civil war, this should be evidence in a decreasing probability of observing onset; if interventions fuel or facilitate civil war, then prior interventions.  The final area where progress in understanding the outcome of interventions could come at relatively little expense would be focusing attention on the motivation of the rebels. Most arguments about why and when interventions will influence civil war outcomes rely on the logic of manipulating relative capabilities. What is often missing is the concept of resolve, something which contemporary models of interstate conflict take on board. Some research on the onset of civil wars incorporate elements of rebel resolve, but it is difficult to operationalize this concept in a manner that gives purchase on the role of interventions, just as it is in the interstate war literature. Mason and Regan and Norton conceive of one aspect of rebel motivation to be protection. That is, in a highly repressive environment the rebels – or potential rebels – join with an insurgency as a way to seek protection from random punishment by the state. Presumably, the more repressive the state, the greater the level of motivation by the rebels to overthrow the government, some of the insights by Weinstein, Petersen, and Tilly could facilitate linking the outcome of interventions to rebel motivation. For example, Weinstein argues that highly committed rebels will be much more disciplined and much less willing to commit wonton acts of violence. That level of commitment may contribute to the effectiveness of external interventions, those supporting either the state or the rebel movement. It would seem plausible to think that rebels do not respond solely to relative capabilities and that their willingness to fight, sometimes with meager weapons, is driven by the extent of their grievances. Fearon argues that those fighting over access to traditional lands – sons of the soil – tend to fight longer wars than others.100 one way to view this is that these rebels are highly motivated, and that given sufficient external support they might win quickly, but even when they face a much stronger state, they might fight on, (Ibid, 32).; title: In International Relations, the term intervention simply refers to one state’s intrusion into the domestic affairs of another. This includes behavior that may not normally be considered significant enough to warrant the “foreign intervention” description in everyday parlance. However, for the purposes of this dissertation it is useful to employ a more precise definition. Foreign intervention is thus defined as the transfer of resources from an external state to a contesting party in a civil war. As already mentioned, foreign intervention in civil war is usually in support of one side and hence this dissertation will focus solely upon partisan foreign intervention. Resources are broadly defined as any funds, weapons, equipment, materiel or personnel that have immediate or potential coercive value. This definition captures almost all across border transfers of resources from external state governments to civil war belligerents, and includes everything from currency and food through to weapons and training and even the foreign power’s own military units. A survey of scholarly research on this topic suggests that we can identify three broad categories of foreign assistance to belligerents: economic, indirect military and direct military. Although these types of interventions are not mutually‐ exclusive, for analytical reasons, it is useful to treat them separately. Economic intervention is a category that captures all non‐military forms of assistance, including finance, food, and humanitarian aid. Indirect military intervention is the supply of military resources in support of the recipient’s own forces. As a conceptual category, it captures a broad range of assistance, including the transfer of weapons; ammunition, intelligence reports, military advisors, and the provision of safe‐havens. Finally, direct military intervention is the injection of a foreign power’s military units into the civil war in support of one side. It involves the deployment of combat units, such as infantry, armor and aircraft into the civil war state. Clearly, whatever of these three forms foreign intervention takes, it will contribute to the recipient’s military capabilities. This, in turn, will influence the strategic balance between the belligerents, (Ibid, 36).; title: 2.4.0 In conclusion:; title: In seeking a lasting solution the AU and the international community must recognize the critical regional dimensions to the Somali conflict revolving around others’ interests and concerns, especially those of Ethiopia and Eritrea. It is doubtful whether a lasting solution can be found without the fundamental involvement of these two countries. The challenge for the AU and the international community will be to prevail upon neighboring countries such as Ethiopia whose populations include substantial numbers of Somalis, to de-link their security concerns centering on ethnic Somali populations (Oromo and Ogaden) from the main conflict in Somalia. However, Ever since the Peace of Westphalia 1648 – which heralded the age of the modern nation state foreign military intervention into domestic affairs, has been conceived as ultimo ratio of conflict solution, if a conflict occurs within a state, there are first other options to solve it from the outside.; title: In International Relations, the term intervention simply refers to one state’s intrusion into the domestic affairs of another. This includes behavior that may not normally be considered significant enough to warrant the “foreign intervention” description in everyday parlance. However, for the purposes of this dissertation it is useful to employ a more precise definition. Foreign intervention is thus defined as the transfer of resources from an external state to a contesting party in a civil war. As already mentioned, foreign intervention in civil war is usually in support of one side and hence this dissertation will focus solely upon partisan foreign intervention. Resources are broadly defined as any funds, weapons, equipment, materiel or personnel that have immediate or potential coercive value. A survey of scholarly research on this topic suggests that we can identify three broad categories of foreign assistance to belligerents: economic, indirect military and direct military.; title: CHAPTER THREE; title: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY; title: Research methodology is the choice one makes how to study a certain topic by gathering data and the methods she/he uses to analyze data in research (Silverman 2005).; title: 3.1 Research design:; title: Qualitative methodology of data collection was used in collecting the materials for the research. As defined by Miller and Crabtree (1992) the methods are more than one. It involves exploring attitudes, behavior, and experiences of the group studied. qualitative research consists of an investigation that is based upon seeking answers to questions, systematic use of predefined set of procedures to answer the questions, collect evidence, produce findings that were not determined in advance, produce findings that are applicable beyond the immediate boundaries of the study. Qualitative research is basically important for obtaining culturally specific information about values, opinions, behaviors, and social contexts of particular populations. The study design in qualitative research consists of data collection and research questions that are adjusted according to what is learned. This research will focus on the effect of foreign intervention on Somali conflict and knows more about it. The qualitative approach was valuable in obtaining more details that could not be achieved in numerical data or by using, for example, a questionnaire. By using interviews, the data is based on true personal feelings of the participants who took part in the study. The interviews were made simple and clear to avoid misunderstandings, between the researcher and the research participants.; title: 3.2 Population and sampling:; title: This study is based on survey research conducted in Mogadishu, Somali’s capital. Thus, the study will be conducted in interview techniques with 50 populations. In total, the researcher selected six participants as a sample size from the 50 population. Six participants took part in the interviewing process. Their ages varied between 30-65 years old, all of them had educational background, were married with children and currently lived with their families. Six participants were chosen to participate in the research process. The reason for only having six participants for the research was to ensure that adequate time would be allocated to each of the participants to tell their story and for the researcher to be able to do the analysis. All the interviews were conducted in Somali language because the participants would communicate well in Somali, during the process.; title: 3.3 Procedure of data collection:; title: Data collection was based on eight interview questions that were Open-ended questions are unstructured questions in which the respondent answers by using his or her own words. Two different types of methods were used to gather the information for the research. This included interviews and materials researched from the different books on foreign interventions on Somali conflict and internet web pages that other researchers have done research. The interviews took place at mutually agreed time, date, and location chosen by the participants. Several authors suggest that ninety minutes is the optimum length for a qualitative research interview (Hermanowiez and Seidman 1998). All the participants chose to have the interviews with no one present except the researcher. The Interviews were done in their office as they felt save, free to express themselves and Easier for them to concentrate as it is the kind of environment they are used to. The Interviews took place within month at the agreed time with the participants from June 1th at the end of July 2014.; title: The participants also provided testimony about the impacts of foreign interventions on their daily lives, and their views of US policy. Interviews were arranged through local contacts in Mogadishu-Somalia, including, former military officers, lecturers, and civil society members.; title: 3.4 Quality control:; title: •	Validity refers to the extent to which a given instrument can accurately measure what is used to measure.; title: •	Content Validity index (CVI) number of direct question/ total number of questions, Minimum CVI to declare an instrument to be valid is 0.70.; title: •	Reliability refers to the extent to which an instrument is consistent in measuring what it is used to measure by consistency- test retest method.; title: The researcher, need to convince the reader that the methods and results are both reliable and valid, the more result prove consistent over time and reflect accurate representations of the total populations under study, the more scientifically reliable they are. If the results a study can be reproduced under a similar methodology, then the research methods are considered to be reliable. Validity determines whether the research truly measures what it was intended to measure or how truthful the research instrument allow to hit ‘the bulls eye’ of the research objectives, researcher generally determine validity by asking a series of questions and will often look for the answers in the research of others. However, each type of research design has its own standards for reliability and validity. Reliability as the degree of consistence with which results of a study can be reproduced again using the same methodology. To produce reliable results, qualitative research methods, such as interviews, and literature reviews were used in this research to gather all the information mentioned in this thesis about foreign interventions on contest conflict.; title: 3.5 Data analysis:; title: Analysis was based on the data provided by six participants through eight open- ended Interview questions, The transcripts of interviews were read several times, according to what the participants were saying they had undergone through during the study process. The important points that related to answering the research questions were grouped together and those that carried the similar information grouped differently. Thus, qualitative analysis is easier than quantitative analysis.; title: 3.6 Limitation:; title: The major limitation of this study includes security problem, Lack of adequate time, lack of instrument, limited resources, and lack of internet availability, cost running and lack of photocopier. These factors had impeded the researcher to collect enough information about the topic as  was no internet in the researcher’s home and this caused the researcher  could not work day or  night. All these factors limited the practice of this study. Lack of internet, computer, electricity and stable situation could lower the validity and reliability of the study.; title: 3.7 Ethical consideration:; title: Ethical considerations were addressed at the beginning before starting the interviews. Any sensitive issues that could have been distressing to the participants were considered. It was made clear to the participants that they can terminate the interview at any stage should they feel uncomfortable with certain questions. To ensure confidentiality of the participant’s welfare, their identities were protected and any names used have been changed. According the researcher, the participation of human subjects in research, especially if one is researching experiences, must be taken care to ensure the participants are protected. During the interview process, at the end of all the four interviews, the time was taken to transcribe the data and reflects on it. This study concerns the acquisition and dissemination of trustworthy information in ways that will cause no harm to those participating in the research process. The participants must be aware of the positive and negative aspects of participation. Informed consent was asked from the research participants. Participants were informed that their participation is fully voluntary, and that they may withdraw at any stage.; title: CHAPTER FOUR; title: ANALYSIS OF DATA, AND DISCUSSION OF RESULT; title: 4.1 Interview analysis:; title: A face to face interview with the six selected participants was conducted. The question was asked about the causes of self-sustained nature of the Somali conflict; Mr. Rashid a former military officer said “that to have communism and former dictatorship which is a reason for the prolonged war and conflict of the country in a long period of time, however, the regional intervention [actors] such as Kenya and Ethiopia effected in many aspects of the country including, military weakness, prolonged war, abandoned the national unity of pan-Somalism and also economic impact. Both factors whether regional or international intervention contributed the Somali people divide into parts by the influence of foreign intervention.”; title: Another respondent said “One of the most important local circumstances that must always be taken into account while trying to understand the causes for the emergence of Somali local, regional and global conflicts throughout history is the geography of Somalia and its strategic location.”; title: The question was asked about the effect of foreign intervention on Somali conflict, Mr. Mohamed said “Somalia has been without functioning state ever since 1991, when the central government collapsed, none of the competing factions were strong enough to take his place as ruler of the country, produce first chaos, but gradually a form of stateless order. As I think the intervention in Somalia is caused by many factors, because Somalia located strategic location, and the foreigners want to exploit the natural resources of our country, in which Allah had gifted us. Most of the people are ignorance about these natural resources deposits our land the foreigners came our country for economic reasons.”; title: This showed that  use the logical answer strategy for the purpose to give full explain in interview questions which the researcher asked during the process and that has been discussed in this research as well.; title: Thus, the question was asked about foreign intervention of regional and global players on the Somali conflict, the president of the university of Somalia, Mr. Ablaal replied that the foreign intervention of regional and global players on the Somali conflict, “these actors collectively involved our conflict in many ways for example, non-state actors such as united nation, African union and non-governmental organizations had start in the country many project as state building process and peace building in some areas,, that caused local people fight each other. On other side the foreigners brought the country weapons and direct military intervention from regional neighbors result the Somali people suspicion.”; title: The question was asked about the causal factors on the Somali conflict, another respondent said “the factors associated that Somali conflict can be classified into two category which is internal and external factors, however, I can say external factors are what beyond our control but, influence on us, such as proxy war, international intervention, and non-state actors such as UN, AU and globalization in their economic interest that external countries eager to capitalize the land.” Thus, “the internal factors which associated the internal Somali conflict may include ideological gab and political, economic resources sharing are another influential factor, lastly, regional and international intervention is contributed to the conflict in Somalia.” He added; title: However, this shows that the effect of foreign interventions on Somali conflict is clear and one of the most important causal factors is associated from the regional, such as Kenya, Ethiopia and international such as United States, United Kingdom direct or indirect intervention to the conflict in Somalia.; title: The question was asked about what is the origin of Somali conflict one of the Somali philosopher Mr. Hassan on which he replied: “A root cause of the crisis can be traced to the rapid union of the two Somali territories to form the `United’ Somali state in 1960. Soon after independence the Somalilanders became disillusioned with the way the union was proceeding and indeed voted `No’ in the unification referendum. In the interest o preserving a `union’, Somaliland initially (while briefly independent) accepted conditions demanded by southern leaders. Mogadishu became the capital and the base of the newly created Somali parliament. Southern Somalis also held all major posts in the new government, and a majority of seats in the parliament In spite of the increasing discontent, southern officials adopted measures aimed at enforcing rapid integration, serving to further alienate their northern counterparts.  Without balancing the position was the root cause of Somali conflicts. The government’s development programs also failed to tackle the serious problems of underdevelopment and socioeconomic stratification in the north, problems inherited from the colonial administration.’’; title: Another respondent was this question on which he replied: “The root causes of the Somali conflict were competition for resources and/or power, a repressive state and the colonial legacy.’’ He added:  “the conflict was also the causes of the politicized clan identity, the availability of weapons, the large numbers of unemployed youth, and certain aspects of the Somali culture that sanction the use of violence.”; title: This shows that the origin of Somali conflict was from the Somali people and they have suffered prolonged oppression and violence at the hands of their fellow Somalis. They have lived in difficult and harsh conditions under both democratic and military regimes.; title: 4.2 Discussion of result:; title: The study focused the effect of foreign intervention on Somali conflict. The objectives of the study are about: to identify the effect of foreign intervention on Somali conflict, to analyses the foreign intervention of regional and global players on the Somali conflict, and to explain the causes of self-sustained nature of the Somali conflict.; title: The interview analysis revealed that foreign intervention has effect on Somali conflict. From the result of the research participants agreed that foreign intervention is the one of the major common factor perpetuating the conflict in Somalia.  Most respondents agreed that the factors associated that Somali conflict can be classified into two categories which is internal and external factors, Most of the respondents agreed that . . . the foreigners brought the country weapons and direct military intervention from regional neighbors result the Somali people suspicion. The study found one of the most important causal factors is associated from the regional, such as Kenya, Ethiopia and international such as United States, United Kingdom direct or indirect intervention to the conflict in Somalia. Some Respondents said that the internal factors which associated the internal Somali conflict may include ideological gab and political, economic resources sharing are another influential factor, lastly, regional and international intervention is contributed to the conflict in Somalia. The Study showed that correlation between the effects of foreign intervention on Somali conflict. This research showed that the origin of Somali conflict was from the Somali people and external state actors, non-state actors also regional interveners.; title: CHAPTER FIVE; title: CONCLUSION, RESEARCH BASED OUTCOME AND RECOMMENDATIONS; title: 5.1 Conclusion:; title: The main aim of the research is to find-out the effect of foreign intervention on Somali conflict. The case of the participants in the research was six participants. Face to face interview with the six participants was conducted.  The research was done to study how the effect of foreign intervention on Somali conflict, immediate local, regional, and global circumstances at hand have made Somalia currently in Mogadishu-Somalia through survey research and interview techniques. Conflict is one of the major problems in the Somalia which escalated into a prolonged civil war in 1989 were ultimately the climax of a process which had begun with the country’s declaration of independence in 1960. After, the interview with the Mr. Rashid is said “to have communism and former dictatorship which is a reason for the prolonged war and conflict of the country in a short period of time.” Other participant stated that One of the most important local circumstances that must always be taken into account while trying to understand the causes for the emergence of Somali local, regional and global conflicts throughout history is the geography of Somalia and its strategic location, Most of the respondents had freedom of answers in the process. This shows that they are not bound by limited answers. When the question was asked about the effect of foreign intervention most of them were satisfied. When the question was asked about the foreign intervention of regional and global players on the Somali conflict most of the respondents were satisfied and motivated by the participants.; title: 5.2 Research based outcome:; title: The purpose of this study was to identify the close correlation between the effect of foreign intervention on Somali conflict in Mogadishu-Somalia and the self-sustaining nature of the Somali conflict, taking into account the variety of actors and overlapping interests involved, this study has three objectives.; title: 1. The first objective: was to identify the effect of foreign intervention on Somali conflict, thus, the result that the study have obtained from the respondents stated that Somalia has been without functioning state ever since 1991, when the central government collapsed, none of the competing factions were strong enough to take his place as ruler of the country, produce first chaos, but gradually a form of stateless order. Most of the people are ignorance about these natural resources deposits the foreigners come the country for economic reasons. This showed that correlation between the effects of foreign intervention on Somali conflict.; title: 2. The second objective: is about to analyses the foreign intervention of regional and global players on Somali conflict, some respondents were stated that to have communism and former dictatorship which is a reason for the prolonged war and conflict of the country in a long period of time, however, the regional intervention [actors] such as Kenya and Ethiopia effected in many aspects of the country including, military weakness, prolonged war, abandoned the national unity of pan-Somalism and also economic impact. Both factors whether regional or international intervention contributed the Somali people divide into parts by the influence of foreign intervention.  This showed that of foreign intervention of regional and global players had involved on Somali conflict.; title: 3. The third objective: is about to explain the causes of self-sustained nature of the Somali conflict,  the study  showed that the causal factors associated that Somali conflict can be classified into two category which is internal and external factors, however, the researcher can say external factors are what beyond our control but, influence on us, such as proxy war, international intervention, and non-state actors such as UN, AU and globalization in their economic interest that external countries eager to capitalize the land. Thus, the internal factors which associated the internal Somali conflict may include ideological gab and political, economic resources sharing are another influential factor, lastly, regional and international intervention is contributed to the conflict in Somalia.; title: However, this shows that the causes of self-sustained nature of the Somali conflict is clear and one of the most important causal factors is associated from the regional, such as Kenya, Ethiopia and international such as United States, United Kingdom direct or indirect intervention to the conflict in Somalia.; title: 5.3 Recommendations and future research:; title: To end the effect of foreign intervention on Somali conflict, the researcher suggested that using homegrown values and employing the assistance of all types of forces. Shari’s courts and traditional leaders would help create a secure environment. For the area of political institutions the researcher, posited that a democratic-based power sharing formula would produce a broad-based legitimate government in Somalia. The researcher also suggested that timely economic assistance should be provided when various groups sign a new peace accord. Using Hadrawi’s recent peace caravan as an example suggested that appropriate peace education programmes should be designed and delivered formally and informally. Further research is needed in order to provide policymakers and stakeholders with practical suggestions for addressing these problems. In this study it has been examined how the effect of foreign intervention on Somali conflict, immediate local, regional, and global circumstances at hand have made Somalia currently in Mogadishu-Somalia through survey research and interview techniques, the role of the participants in the case in the foreign intervention to Somali conflict was discussed. This study also analyses the foreign interventions of regional and global players on the Somali conflict. These ideas can be used for the future research especially for the government.; title: 5.4 References; title: http://www.mediationworks.com/conflict [accessed, May, 2014]; title: http://en.wikibooks.org/europeanhistory/worldwar1 [accessed May, 2014]; title: Daniel 2008. Somalia at war: between radical and tribal politics, Abraham center for international and regional studied; title: Regan P. 2010, interventions into civil wars: retrospective survey with prospective ideas, unpublished article; title: Tegos A. 2010, military interventions, unpublished thesis, university of Mannheim; title: Jakie et al. 2010, Somalia: the intervention dilemma, institute for security studies; title: Krain M.    2005, international intervention and the security of genocides, politicizes, college of Wooster; title: Marangio R. 2012, Somali crisis: failed state and international interventions, istituto affari internationali; title: M.Nicholson, 1992. Rationality and the Analysis of International Conflict, Danish conflict resolution center, Oslo; title: Kriesberg 1973, Conflict management, American conflict resolution center, N.york; title: Brown 1983, Conflict is parties whose interests differ. University of Illinois, Chicago; title: Thomas, 1976, the conflict resolution, unpublished level; title: Sserio F. 2003, clan politics, clan democracy and conflict regulation in Africa: experience of Somalia, catholic university press; title: Conflict theory: three models, unpublished article; title: Albornoz F. 2011, African conflict their caused and political social environment, Development policy management forum (DPMF), published in Ethiopia; title: Ramuhala M. 2003, post-cold war: military intervention in Africa, Stellenbosch University.; title: Locky, J. 2008, the foreign intervention and warfare in civil wars, University of Sydney; title: 5.5 Appendances:; title: Appendix: Title page; title: Appendix: Declaration 1, 2, and 3; title: Declaration 1: candidate approval; title: Declaration 2: supervisor’s approval; title: Declaration 3: examining panel approval; title: Appendix; 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, and 8 interview questions for the participants:; title: 1.	What is the effect of foreign intervention on Somali conflict?; title: 2.	What do you know about foreign intervention on Somali conflict?; title: 3.	Why neighbor’s countries such as Ethiopia and Kenya dare to intervene on internal Somali affairs?; title: 4.	How does foreign intervention as global players and non-state actors involved on Somali conflict?; title: 5.	How do you think the foreign military intervention in the country will restore a peace, law and order?; title: 6.	What are the causes of the foreign intervention on Somali conflict?; title: 7.	What are the causal factors on Somali conflict?; title: 8.	 What is the origin of Somali conflict?