We have a big topic today, the appeal of violent extremism and migration and we have a very renowned panel. So what I'd like to do this morning is we have about an hour and a half, we will start with 45 to 50 minutes of discussion among the panel. Then we'll turn it over to the audience starting first with our Moeber hymn, our fellows and scholars and allow them to ask a few questions so that we can get the voice of the young leaders of this continent into this discussion. And then I'll turn it over to you. Let me first introduce our panel, I'll sit down and introduce the panelists. First, our host, Yusef Amrani, who is a member of the Royal Cabinet of his Majesty King, Muhammad VI. Then we have, of course, Emeer Muhammadu Sanusi II, the Emeer of Kano, a noble man and a respected Islamic scholar with law degrees in Sharia and Islamic studies. Then we have John Marie Gahanou, who's the President and CEO of the International Crisis Group, also has served as the longest serving UN Under Secretary General for peacekeeping operations, overseeing the greatest expansion of peacekeeping operations. And finally, we have another diplomat, Martin Coplar, who's a career diplomat and a veteran of the German Foreign Service, including Ambassador to Iraq and Egypt. He's long served in the United Nations as well, a special rep of the UN Support Mission in Libya. Very much. Ayat. Hello, my name is Ayat. I'm from Tunisia, and I was a more Abraham scholar last year at SOAS. And I did my thesis on youth radicalization, recruitment of Da'ash, in Tunisia, and recruitment of Al-Qabab, Mujahidin, in Kenya. So my cousin in 2013, when he was 22 years old, he was radicalized. He's a graduate, an engineer. He's middle class, he's not an employee. And he decided to go to fight in Syria. We succeeded to de-radicalize him, but that made me feel that radicalization is knocking my family's door. And that's how I get involved in working in this. I have three main points of view, allow me to get across them. The first one is, there are many states now or countries that try to project in the public imagination, erythoric, of fear, and surveillance, to justify the treatment of young people as suspects of terrorism. Don't you think that de-radicalization policies are further radicalizing the youth? Don't you think that the UN, global counterterrorism strategy, is giving a free hand to states, to violate youth rights, to justify online censorship, to stigmatize youth based on their age. And to me, the state responds to terrorism so far, has been typically retributive, because it's resulting in a collective punishment of young people. Now the report on Africa tipping point shows that, the more the state violence against civilians, the more we see terrorism in the country. Yet, UN programs and state programs focus on building a culture of peace for the youth, nonviolent communication for young people, building peace builders. But to me, the people who need first nonviolent communication are security forces, because they are breeding the violence. The second point is really about youth agency. So don't you think this argument of young people are helpless, and jobless, and desperate, and that's why they join these terrorist groups is becoming invalid with facts and data. I don't think that unemployment can make someone go to violent extremism, but rather the perception of injustice. So the question is deeper than an employment is really about inequality. The second response is also the legitimization of power that you touch on on the state. Young people see these extremist groups as legitimate fighters, and not as perpetrators of violence. So these groups offer something bigger than the nation states and the national identity. Dash has no visa restriction. The average Asian dash is 30 years old. They have 80 citizenship, and they speak more than 30 languages. So people still ask why young chinesians who started the 21st century revolutions are the highest number of foreign fighters in Dash. Well, because Chineseians would like to challenge the status quo, and Dash stands as a policy preference. The third point is to really ask you about where is the threat? What is the threat, and where is the threat? We've been told for the past seven years in North Africa that Dash is the ultimate threat, and many funding has been put into countering violent extremism. If you look at youth violence around the world, it's really in homicides and crimes. And if you look where it's taken place, it's taken place in the United States, and in South America, not in Africa. So making us believe that we are the most dangerous region in the world is really true. After the revolution in Tunisia, many countries came and put so much money into countering violent extremism. But no one is helping us to counter trafficking or human trafficking. Very few have put money in investing in youth and employment, and investing in combating violent against women, and investing in desertification. If you want to know what's the biggest threat for Tunisia, and the next 10 years, it's actually draw and flawed. Thank you. Thank you. That's a question, isn't it? Does anyone want to address any of that? No. It's of active follow. I take it as a statement. No. That's exactly what I would say. Well, I can give one example, actually. Yes. Which country in the world is a country with the highest rate of violent deaths? 100,000 after Syria, which is number one? In the United States. Salvador. Salvador. Salvador. Yes. And it makes the point very, very strongly. This is where crime has become a way of life, and the distinction between crime and politics has disappeared. I want to say only towards to our collision colleagues. I think you raised very crucial questions, and you also answered this question. You said you didn't understand how a young Tunisian graduate from an engineer get gradicalized. I would say the same thing in the guy in France or in Belgium was in UK, in French schools, with the LWD, the Driller-Huypubliq and gradicalized. So it's a big question that he has a good job, and he wants to fight. No, I think one issue we didn't tackle today, but maybe it's the sort of comeback, is the issue, and it was very well mentioned in the book, the issue of climate change. I think this issue, we didn't give it, it is one of the important issues we have to tackle. That's why in Africa, and again, here in Marrakech, three months ago, we had a summit, and the margins of the COP22 on African leaders, because we think today we need to address this issue of climate change. It is one of the major causes of migration. And this is, I think, one issue, maybe next time, we have something on this climate change issue. So that I'd like to very much thank our distinguished panel. I think that they've given us tremendous insight, and I also want to thank all of you for being an outstanding audience. Thank you. We'll move on to the next question. Thank you.