Qarku i Çamërisë

Qarku i Tesprotisë ose Qarku Çamëria është një njësi administrative në veriperëndim të rajonit të Epirit në Republikën e Greqisë. Kryeqendër administrative dhe urbane i qarkut është Gumenica. Qarku është ndarë në tre komuna: Filatin, Gumenicën dhe Sulin. Qarku sot është i njohur me emër të ri në greqisht si Θεσπρωτία/Thesprotía.

 Gjeografia 
parapamje|majtas|Lumi i Gliqisë
Qarku i Çamërisë kufizohet në veri me Shqipërinë, me qarkun i Janinës në lindje dhe qarkun e Prevezës në jug. Deti Jon shtrihet në perëndim. Pjesa më e madhe e kësaj njësie rajonale është malore. Shumica e tokës bujqësore gjendet në luginat qendrore dhe pjesët jugore dhe perëndimore. Dy nga lumenjtë në qarkun e Çamërisë janë legjendare: Kalama (njohur edhe si: Θύαμις/Thíamis, prej nga buron emri shqip i qarkut) dhe Gliqi/Lumi i Gliqisë ose Frar/Lumi i Frarit (njohur edhe si: Αχέρων/Akhéron), të rreshtuar me kallamat dhe rrap. Ka edhe dy lumenj të tjerë të rëndësishëm në Thesproti, lumi Vuvo (njohur edhe si Κοκύτος/Kokítos), që buron në malet të Paramithisë dhe rrjedh drejt jugut nëpër fushën e Paramithisë; dhe lumi Pavllë (njohur në Greqi edhe si: Ξάνθος/Xánthos), që burimon në afërsi të fshatit Pavllë (në greqisht; ish: Póvla, sot: Ambelón), i cili hyn dhe shkon nëpër Shqipëri. Rajoni gjithashtu përmban zonat malore dhe kodrinore me majat më të larta Shpatën (1.644m; riemëruar sot si: Χιονίστρα/Hionístra) dhe Kurillën (1.658m) në verilindje dhe juglindje të qarkut. Qarku i Çamërisë është pjesë e rajonit më të gjerë historik të njohur si Çamëria. Brenda këtij rajoni ka krahina më të vogla etnografike dhe gjeografike. Këto krahina janë: Kastrinë/a,Krahina Kastrinë është në zonën veri perëndimore të lumit Kalamai dhe që përfshin shumicën e Çamërisë të Shqipërisë. Kastrina është e njohur në greqisht si: Κεστρίνη/Kestríni. Në disa burime të tjera jo shqiptare është e njohur edhe si Παρακάλαμος/Paramkálamos. Ahuret e Filatit,Krahina Ahuret e Filatit është në veri të Filatit dhe i banuar nga grekët etnikë në vendbanimet si Ahuri i Baburit dhe Ahuri i Likut dhe të tjera fshatra. Ahuret e Filatit është e njohur në greqisht si: Αχούρια/Akhoúria. Shkallë/a e Zorjanit (edhe Shkallë/a e Filatit),Krahina Shkallë e Zorjanit është në lindje të Filatit dhe përfshin këto vendbanimet: Çiflik i Gurrëzës, Dolan, Fllomo, Golla, Gurrëzë, Karjan, Manxhar, Muzhakë, Palofshat, Picar, Pjadhul, Sklav, Sollopi, Zboqe. Gropë/a (edhe Gropë/a e Kuçit),Krahina Gropë (e Kuçit) është në një luginë në jug-perëndim të Gumenicës dhe përfshin këto vendbanimet: Arvenicë, Çiflik (edhe Çefliku i Nistës), Kuç, Nistë, Pllotare, Skopjonë dhe Vris. Grikat (Grykat),Krahina Grikat është në një vend në veri-perëndim të Paramithisë dhe përfshin këto vendbanimet: Grykë (edhe Grikë), Kajcanj, Nikolicanj, Psakë. Dang/u,Krahina Dang është përqëndruar rreth qytetit të Gumenicës dhe brendësi e vendit të saj edhe është kufizuar nga krahinat Kastrinë në veri-perëndim, Shkalla e Zorjanit në veri-lindje dhe Gropë në jug-perëndim.  Dangu është e njohur në greqisht si:  Ντάγ/Dág ose Δαγάβη/Dagάvi. Lidhur me përbërjen etnike të Dangut para Luftës së Dytë Botërore, ajo krahinë është konsideruar të jetë një zonë banuar me shqipfolësit. Nicholas Geoffrey Lemprière Hammond (1967). Epirus: the Geography, the Ancient Remains, the History and Topography of Epirus and Adjacent Areas. Clarendon Press. f. 28. "Philippson noted that the population of Dagavi, the area between the Kalamas gorge and Nista, was Albanian in 1893 (P-K 2. 1. 98), and I was assured of this when I was there in 1932." Shkallë/a e Sipërme,Krahina Shkallë e Sipërme është përqëndruar rreth qytezës Paramithia. Shkalla e Sipërme është e njohur në greqisht si: Άνω Σκάλα/Áno Skála  Shkallë/a e Poshtme,Krahina Shkallë e Poshtme është përqëndruar rreth fshatrave Dragom dhe Kardhiq. Shkalla e Poshtme është e njohur në greqisht si: Κάτω Σκάλα/Kάto Skάla Sul/i,Krahina Sul ishte përqëndruar rreth 4 fshatra nga të cilat 3 nuk ekzistojnë sot: Qafë, Navarik dhe Sul. Kurse fshati Samonivë ende ekziston. Suli është e njohur në greqisht si: Σούλη/Soúli. Shkopet/iKrahina Shkopet është përqëndruar rreth këtyre vendbanime: Cangar, Koriqanj (i Shkopetit), Kukël, Gllavicë. Shkopeti është e njohur në greqisht si: Σκαπέτα/Skapéta. Është konsideruar ndonjëherë edhe të jetë pjesë e krahinës veri-lindore Llaka e Sulit (gr. Λάκκα Σούλι/Lákka Soúli). dhe Frar/i.Krahina Frar e merr emrin e vet nga fusha e madhe i quajtur Frar, që është në jug të rajonit i Çamërisë dhe përfshin këto vendbanime (Shënim: Disa nga këto vendbanime janë konsideruar ndonjëherë të jenë pjesë ose lagje (mëhallë) të fshatrave të tjera më të mëdha në rajonin): Arcë, Beshere, Birbil, Cugnidhë, Gliqi, Goricë, Hojkë, Jonuz, Kanallaq, Kastri, Klisurë, Koron, Koronopull, Leshe, Lëkurës, Mandukë, Manjë, Morfat, Muzhakat, Nemicë, Njihor (i Frarit), Potame, Spatharat, Spllancë, Stanovë, Taban, Trikopallk, Vllandoraq, Xarrë (i Frarit). Frari është e njohur në greqisht si: Φανάρι/Fanári.

Klima bregdetare e Qarkut të Çamërisë është mesdhetare. Dimra të ftohtë e një klime gjysmë-alpine dominojnë pjesën lindore dhe lartësi të larta.

 Njësitë përbërëse 
parapamje|Gumenicë
parapamje|Volë

Qarku i Çamërisë është i ndarë në tre komuna. Ato janë: Filati, Gumenica dhe Suli.

Qarku i Çamërisë ishte themeluar si një prefekturë në vitin 1937 (greqisht: Νομός Θεσπρωτίας/Nomós Thesprotías). Si pjesë e reformës Kallikratis të qeverisjes në vitin 2011, qarku i Çamërisë u krijua nga ish prefektura e Çamërisë ("Thesprotisë"). Prefektura ka pasur të njëjtin territorin si qarku aktual i sotëm. Në të njëjtën kohë, komunat u riorganizuan sipas tabelës më poshtë:

 Komunat të re  Komunat të vjetra  Selia  Filat Filat Filat Sajadhë Gumenicë Gumenicë Gumenicë Margëlliç  Varfanj  Arpicë Volë Sul Sul Paramithi Gliqi  Paramithi 

 Demografia 
Thesprotia është nga qarqet më pak të populluara në Greqi. Në vitin 1981, ajo ishte 41.278 banorë por në regjistrimin e vitit 2001, popullsia arriti në në 46.091 banorë. Popullësia e qarkut është i ndarë si vijon: afërsisht 28,5% jeton në qytet ndërsa 71,2% janë rurale. Shpërndarja gjeografike e popullsisë është: 8,3% në ultësirë, 48% në zona kodrinore dhe 43,7% malore. Në 2011, Qarku i Çamërisë banohej nga 43,587 persona, një rënie e lehtë e popullësisë.

Shqiptarë (shqipfolës ortodoksë dhe myslimanë shqiptarë): Prania shqiptare në zonat që u njohën si Çamëri përmendet për herë të parë në një dokument venecian të vitit 1210, i cili thotë se kontinenti përballë ishullit të Korfuzit është e banuar nga shqiptarët.Konstantinos Giakoumis (2003). "Fourteenth-century Albanian migration and the ‘relative autochthony’ of the Albanians in Epeiros. The case of Gjirokastër." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies. 27. (1): 176. Kjo situatë ishte njohur edhe gjatë shekujve edhe nga fqinj greqishtfolës të ishullit Korfuz, të cilët konsideruan rajonin e Çamërisë të jetë si një zonë të banuar nga popullësi shqipfolëse.Jim Potts (2010). The Ionian Islands and Epirus: A Cultural History. Landscapes of the Imagination. Oxford University Press, f. 227. “In the past, the “Frank” Corfiots would often look down on the inhabitants of Epirus, as far south as Prevesa. If they were not “Turks” or “Turko Albanians”, Muslim Albanians, they were at best “Arvanites”, Christian Albanians.” Në fillim të shekullit të 19-të, popullësia shqipfolëse ortodokse dhe myslimane në Pashallëk të Janinës e identifikonin veten e tyre me emërtimin etnik, si shqiptarë. Ky realitet ishte ndryshe nga pjesët e tjera të Perandorisë Osmane, se ka qenë e zakonshme për popujt e tjerë ballkanikë të identifikohen nga përkatësia fetare.John Cam Hobhouse (1813). A Journey through Albania, and other provinces of Turkey in Europe and Asia, to Constantinople, during the years 1809 and 1810. vëllimi I. James Cawthorn. f. 147-148. "However, it is certain that the Christians, who can fairly be called Albanians, are scarcely, if at all, to be distinguished from the Mahometans. They carry arms, and many of them are enrolled on the service of Ali, and differ in no respect from his other soldiers. There is a spirit of independence and a love of their country, in the whole people, that, in a great measure, does away the vast distinction, observable in other parts of Turkey, between the followers of the two religions. For when the natives of other provinces, upon being asked who they are, will say "we are Turks" or, "we are Christians," a man of this country answers, "I am an Albanian". Në mesin e shqipfolësve ortodoksë filloi një proces që mbi pjesën e mëvonshme të shekullit 19 dhe 20 ua bëri identitetin etnik fluid.Elias G Skoulidas (22 shkurt 2011). Identities, Locality and Otherness in Epirus during the Late Ottoman period.(dok). European Society of Modern Greek studies. f. 6-7. Lexuar më 1 prill 2015. "The national perspective is obvious. It is pertinent to remember that, as a boy, Hristovassilis did not consider himself an ελληνόπουλo [Greek child] but a ρωμιόπουλο [Rum child] and a χριστιανόπουλο [Christian child],as Greeks were the people beyond the borders of the Greek State. And in my opinion, Kokolakis correctly described this fluidity in ethnic-religious consciousness. If Hristovassilis, under the influence of the Greek schools and in an area with a strong Greek presence, raised this question, who can speak for sure about how Albanian-speaking populations in Linxurië, Delvino and so on perceived the national consciousness.....

Similar classifications mixing ethnic and religious orientations and identities were made by different Epirotes throughout the nineteenth century. This was the time when ethnographic maps were used to solve the national problems in the Balkan Peninsula. Aravantinos uses
the term Ημιελληνικόν ή Γραικοαλβανικόν στοιχείον [Semi - Greek or Greek - Albanian element] to describe the bilingual populations speaking Greek with an Albanian accent; the women spoke Greek but their customs were purely Albanian. Aravantinos describes the Albanians as Σκιπεταρικόν ή Αλβανικόν στοιχείον [Skipetarian or Albanian element], the Arvanitovlachs as Γκαραγκούνηδες [Garagounides] and he also talks about Σλαβικόν στοιχείον, Αθίγγανους, Αράπηδες (Μαύρους) [Slavic element, Roma, Blacks] in Epirus.....

Serafeim Xenopoulos uses the term Ηπειρώτες Αλβανότουρκοι for the Muslims of Albanian origin in Epirus. He too borrows elements and terms taken from Aravantinos. Nikolaos Konemenos takes a different approach, by not denying his Albanian identity, although he participated in Greek public life. He accepts this identity and embodies it, without excluding the other identity: κι εγώ είμαι φυσικός Αρβανίτης, επειδή κατάγομαι από τα' χωριά της Λάκκας (Τσαμουριά) και είμαι απόγονος ενός καπετάν Γιώργη Κονεμένου ’λ που εμίλειε τα’ αρβανίτικα κι όπου ταις αρχαίς του προπερασμένου αιώνος... είχε καταιβεί κι είχε αποκατασταθεί στην Πρέβεζα...[I too am a natural Albanian, because I originate from the villages of Lakka (Tsamouria) and I’m a descendant of a kapetan Giorgis Konemenos, who  spoke  Albanian and who at the beginning of the last century... had come down and had settled in Preveza].The spelling mistakes in this passage are a good indicator of what is happening." Në rajonin e Çamërisë gjatë epokës vonë osmane, zona shqipfolëse fillonte prej pellgut të lumit Kalama dhe duke zbritur në drejtim të jugut midis malit Kurilla dhe detit Jon, që përfshin qarkun modern të Çamërisë. Ajo zonë e gjuhës shqipe vazhdoi më tej drejt jugut në drejtim të krahinës Frar dhe në lindje në drejtim të pellgut së lumit Llur dhe malin Sul, domethënë në qarkun e sotëm të Prevezës.Valentine Chirol (1881). Twixt Greek and Turk. W Blackwood & sons. f. 231-232. "The limits of the Albanian-speaking districts of Epirus south of the Kalamas may be roughly defined as follows:  Starting from the Kalamas near the sharp bend which that river takes to the north at the foot of Mount Lubinitza, they follow the crest of the amphitheatrical range of Suli as far as the gorge of the Acheron. In that neighbourhood, probably owing to the influence which the Suliote tribe at one time enjoyed, they drop over to the east into the valley of the Luro, and follow its basin as far as the peninsula on which Prevesa, is situated, where the Greek element resumes its preponderancy. Within these outer limits of the Albanian tongue the Greek element is not unrepresented, and in some places, as about Paramythia, for instance, it predominates; but, on the whole, the above- defined region may be looked upon as essentially Albanian. In this, again, there is an inner triangle which is purely Albanian—viz., that which lies between the sea and the Kalamas on the one hand and the waters of the Vuvo on the other. With the exception of Parga and one or two small hamlets along the shore, and a few Greek chifligis on Albanian estates, the inhabitants of this country are pure Tchamis—a name which, notwithstanding Von Hahn’s more elaborate interpretation. I am inclined to derive simply from the ancient appellation of the Kalamas, the Thyamis, on both banks of which stream the Albanian tribe of the Tchamis, itself a subdivision of the Tosks, has been settled from times immemorial. From the mountain fastnesses which enclose this inner triangle, the Tchamis spread out and extended their influence east and south; and the name of Tchamouria, which is especially applied to the southernmost Albanian settlements in Epirus, was probably given to that district by themselves as an emphatic monument of their supremacy; but it cannot belong less rightfully to the centre, where they hold undivided sway."Μιχάλης Κοκολάκης (2003). Το ύστερο Γιαννιώτικο Πασαλίκι: χώρος, διοίκηση και πληθυσμός στην τουρκοκρατούμενη Ηπειρο (1820-1913). EIE-ΚΝΕ. f. 50-51. "Τα αλβανικά αποτελούσαν την κυρίαρχη ομιλούμενη γλώσσα προς τα βόρεια μιας γραμμής που άρχιζε από την περιοχή των Αγίων Σαράντα, περνούσε δίπλα από τις πόλεις Δέλβινο και Αργυρόκαστρο (ανάμεσα στα χωριά Κολορτσί και Δερβιτσάνη) και φτάνοντας στην Πολίτσανη, όπου και το βορειότερο άκρο της επαρχίας του Πωγωνιού, στρεφόταν προς τα νοτιοανατολικά και ακολουθούσε περίπου την πορεία των σημερινών ελληνοαλβανικών συνόρων. Τα εδάφη που βρίσκονται νότια απ' αυτή τη γραμμή, δηλαδή το μεγαλύτερο τμήμα της κοιλάδας της Δρόπολης, τα βορινά χωριά του Πωγωνιού, τα περισσότερα χωριά της Ρίζας του Δελβίνου (Δρόβιανη, Μάλτσανη, Δίβρη, Λεσινίτσα) και ο κάμπος του Βούρκου μεταξύ Δελβίνου και Αγίων Σαράντα ορίζουν μέχρι σήμερα την έκταση των ελληνικών μειονοτικών περιοχών στην Αλβανία.

Ακόμη νοτιότερα και στο εσωτερικό της ελληνόφωνης ζώνης, παράλληλα με τις ακτές του Ιονίου, σχηματίζεται ο μεγάλος αλβανόφωνος θύλακας της Τσαμουριάς, που στο μεγαλύτερο μέρος του (με εξαίρεση την περιοχή της Κονίσπολης) πέρασε στην Ελλάδα με βάση το Πρωτόκολλο της Φλωρεντίας (1913). Στο θύλακα αυτό υπάγονταν από το σημερινό νομό Θεσπρωτίας οι επαρχίες Θυάμιδος και Μαργαριτίου και τα δυτικότερα χωριά των δύο επαρχιών Παραμυθιάς και Φιλιατών. Αλβανόφωνα ήταν και τα βόρεια τμήματα του σημερινού νομού της Πρέβεζας, όπως ο κάμπος του Φαναριού, η ενδοχώρα της Πάργας και τα παλιά παρασουλιώτικα χωριά του Ανω Αχέροντα (Ζερμή, Κρανιά, Παπαδάτες, Ρουσάτσα, Δερβίζιανα, Μουσιωτίτσα -τα δύο τελευταία υπάγονται διοικητικά στα Γιάννενα). Χωρίς να ταυτίζεται με το σύνολο του αλβανόφωνου πληθυσμού, η ομάδα των Μουσουλμάνων Τσάμηδων ήταν σημαντικό συστατικό του στοιχείο."

Pas luftërave ballkanike dhe shpërbërjes së Perandorisë Osmane në fillim të shekullit XX, rajoni i Çamërisë u bë pjesë e Greqisë. Gjatë gjithë periudhës midis dy luftërave, brenda komunitetit etnik shqiptar ndodhën ndarje serioze shoqëroreLambros Baltsiotis (2014), Historical Dialogue on Cham Issues. Shkresë akademike. Institute for the study of Human Rights, Columbia University. f. 2. The rift between the two, formerly co-existing, religious communities of the region was already in effect since the mid 1920’s.Hammond. Epirus. 1967. f. 31. "In fact the Liaps and Tsams claimed to  be autonomous tribes, distinct and separate from the Gegs and Tosks, and this was stated without any qualification by Leake in 1804. I found this to be true of the Liaps, but the Tsams seemed to have lost their cohesion as a tribe." edhe për shkak të politikave të qeverisë grekeLambros Baltsiotis (2011). The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a “non-existent” minority community. European Journal of Turkish Studies. "The behavior of the Greek Army, in conjunction with the legislation implemented at the time, deeply affected the Muslims and confirmed the first serious fissure between the Christian communities and the Greek State on one side, and the Muslim communities on the other. Tensions between Muslims and Christians in the area began in the late 19th century when the Christian element gradually improved its financial and social status. Soon after 1912-1913 it had a major ally to fulfill its ambition: the Greek state.....
The Greco-Turkish exchange of populations and the way it was implemented in the area was, we argue, a determining factor in the rift amongst the population. In fact the exchange seems to have gradually led Muslims to veer towards Albania in search of protection, and in general, led to the creation of stronger links between the Albanian state and the Muslim population of Chamouria. Albanian nationalism at the hands of Muslim villagers and elites was turned into a useful tool for exerting pressure on Greek state nationalistic demands such as the creation of Albanian schools first appeared after the mid 1920s. Albania was gradually viewed by the community as a kin-state.....
The unwavering determination of the Greek state to include the Muslims of Chamouria in the exchange of populations, alongside policies that were implemented in the field and forced upon the local population, which were in turn augmented by the determination of local officers and the local Christian population, led to extreme effects on the ground.....
In the 1930s it was obvious that the Chams were viewed as a hostile population and “a lost cause for “Hellenism””. Attempts to create any kind of viable links between the community and the Greek Administration were deemed fruitless as there were few limits imposed on the hard line policies apart from the consideration of the image of the state abroad and the policies of reciprocity applied concerning the Greek Minority of Albania, which in turn had become a major national issue after the Greek Army’s defeat in Asia Minor.....
For the Greeks, Muslim Chams were by now a community that was not considered as equal and was certainly treated as inferior. It appears that this perception was so widely accepted that it was explicitly expressed in an official text.....
Finally, so as to exercise better control over the minority, the Greek state created in late 1936 a new prefecture, that of Thesprotia, consisting of areas that previously belonged to the Prefectures of Ioannina (Yanina) and Preveza, embodying all the Muslim population." ndaj shqipfolësve ortodoksë, të cilët gjithnjë morën anën e shtetit dhe e panë veten si grekë.Baltsiotis. The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece. 2011. "The Albanian-speaking, Orthodox population did not share the national ideas of their Muslim neighbors and remained Greek-oriented, identifying themselves as Greeks. Consequently, following the annexation of the area by Greece they identified themselves with the Greek state and, concomitantly, with the Greek nation. But the fact that this Christian population was in close contact with Muslims, spoke the same language and was in geographical proximity to Albania proper was a source of constant anxiety for the Greek state. The state perception was that this partly monolingual Christian population, some of whom were ignorant of the Greek language, could easily be recruited to the ranks of Albanian nationalists."Nicholas Geoffrey Lemprière Hammond  (1976). Migrations and invasions in Greece and adjacent areas. Noyes Press. f. 63. “When I stayed with Albanian-speaking villagers of Tsamouria in Greek Epirus in the 1930s, they spoke of themselves as Greeks and had no feeling of being a minority.” Gjatë periudhës kësaj kohës, qeveria greke intensifikoi fushatën e saj në mesin e shqipfolësve ortodoksë në lidhje me gjuhën. Në vende që janë konsideruar me rëndësi demografike se kishin pak njohuri të gjuhës greke, institucione arsimor grek u hapën të tilla në fshtrat të qarkut i Çamërisë si: Psaka, Shulashi, Kastriza dhe Draganji.Baltsiotis. The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece. 2011. "Parallel measures were taken at the same time regarding the language in Christian Albanian speaking villages. The most important and easily confirmed measure consisted of opening kindergartens in villages selected either by the absence of knowledge of Greek or by their demographic importance. According to a 1931 document, these villages included Aghia, Anthoussa, Eleftheri[o], Kanallaki, Narkissos, Psakka, Aghios Vlassios, Kastri (Dagh) and Draghani." Kurse shqiptarët myslimanë e panë veten si një minoritet shqiptar me të drejta të vegjël.Baltsiotis. The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece. 2011. "Muslim Chams had gradually started to create a type of leadership strong enough to stand up for the whole group. This leadership stood at quite a distance from the Greek political system and had intimate ties with Albania. These representatives would complain to the League of Nations against Greece, apply for the creation of schools where the Albanian language would be taught, and send their children to study in Albania. There is sufficient evidence that the Greek state’s perception of the existence of a national Albanian Muslim Chams minority, living in extreme poverty, was already present in the early 1930s.....
Although not officially recognized as a national minority, Muslim Chams gradually gained an underground semi-official recognition as a national minority." Vende si Filati dhe Paramithia ende ishin qyteza shqipfolëse në prag të Luftës së Dytë Botërore.Hammond. Epirus. 1967. f. 27. "The market towns of Filiates and Paramythia were mainly Albanian in speech before 1939, but Greek speech was begining to flow back into them". Këto tensione shpërthyen në një konflikt komunale gjatë Luftës së Dytë Botërore,Baltsiotis. The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece. 2011. The very day Italy invaded Greece, the leaders of the Cham community were arrested and sent into exile, an action which in retrospect has been heavily criticised, as it gave the Muslim community indubitable proof of the negative perception of Greek Authorities towards the Chams. This measure left them without leadership, a fact that probably influenced their behaviour against the Greeks in the ensuing months. When the Cham refugees went to fight on the side of the Italian Army that was invading Greece, they turned against the local Christian population, who were favoured by the policies of the Greek state. In the following days however the Greek army reoccupied the area, exiled nearly the entire male Cham population, and turned a blind eye to the atrocities committed by local Greeks against Chams.  The clashes that followed for several weeks should be treated as the final breach between the two communities. According to Greek historiography, the subsequent establishment of the Italian occupation forces in the area and the gradual appearance of a quasi-administrative network of Chams from late 1942 onwards are responsible for the Muslim Cham exodus that occurred in 1944 and 1945. In fact, the reaction of the Muslim population during the period 1941-1944 could have been foreseen. ku shumë shqipfolës ortodokse u bashkuan me forcat vendorPëllumb Xhufi (2014), Historical Dialogue on Cham Issues. Shkresë akademike. Institute for the study of Human Rights, Columbia University. f. 7. si EDES, ndërsa shqiptarët myslimane formuan një organizim paralel të quajtur KëshillaXhufi. Historical Dialogue on Cham Issues. 2014. f. 8-9. "The prefect and the chief of police in Chamuria were also Greeks under the authority of the quisling government in Athens. Meanwhile, the Muslim Chams created their “Albanian National Council. But, when the German commander of Igoumenitsa proposed to entrust the administration of the prefecture to the Albanian leader Masar Dino “due to the incompetence of the present Greek administration,” this proposal has been declined by his superiors. Earlier, the Greek Prime Minister Rhallis had called on Neubacher’s representative in Athens “to stop the political activities of Dinos’ pro-Italian group in Thesprotia and to appoint a Greek prefect, who should carry out his duties with the support of German Wehrmacht and that of Greek paramilitary groups.” Actually, the Germans concluded that “for foreign policy reasons”, a Greek, not an Albanian, should be appointed as prefect of Chamuria. The Germans did nothing to attract the Cham sympathies by supporting their national claims. Since the very beginning the German authorities made it clear that “the unification of this territory (Chamuria) with Albania which is what the Albanians actually want, cannot be granted." për të mbrojtur veten e tyre nga forcat greke.Xhufi. Historical Dialogue on Cham Issues. 2014. f. 7. "On the other hand, the Italian and the German military authorities supported the Greek quisling government of Tsolakoglou. With their permission the Greek government continued to exert its civil, judicial and police competences in Chamuria even under Italian and  German occupation. Thus, the appointed Greek prefects and police chiefs persisted in their hostile policy, collaborating even with Christian outlaw gangs (Koçnikolla, Ballumi etc.), which  terrorized the Muslim populations. The Chams thought to create their self-defensive mechanisms." Në vitin 1944, shumica e myslimanëve shqiptarë u pastruan etnikisht nga rajoni,Baltsiotis. The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece. 2011. "It is not certain whether the ethnic cleansing that occurred during this period was part of a well organized plan. This is perhaps a question that we will never be able to answer given the total absence of written evidence. The assumption that the Paramythia massacres that took place on June 1944 were an ad hoc, isolated incident is rather unconvincing since it was followed by other similar events. The same tactics were used in September of the same year and were repeated again later. On the other hand, even if we assume that the massacres that happened had been spontaneous, their results were nevertheless later welcomed by the re-established Greek state after the liberation from Nazi occupation." ndërsa shqipfolësit ortodokse mbetën. Sipas zyrtarëve të qeverisë greke, nuk ka popull autoktone shqipfolës në rajon.Alexandros K. Papadopoulos (1992). Apeiros chōra ; ho Oikoumenikos hellēnismos kai ho Alvanikos ethnikismos. Nea Synora. f. 117. “Σήμερα στη θεσπρωτία δεν ζει κανένας Αλβανός Τσάμης” Kjo pikëpamje është mbajtur prej zyrtarët grekë sepse ata janë të shqetësuar për demografinë socio-gjuhësore të rajonit.Gerasimos Konidaris (2005). "The Albanian migration cycle: migrants tend to return to their country of origin after all". në Russell King, Nicola Mai & Stephanie Schwander-Sievers (eds.). The new Albanian Migration. Sussex Academic. f. 78-79. "The procedure for the legislation of the undocumented immigrants in Greece was set out in article 16 of Law 2434 of 1996. This article provided for the creation of a 15-member Committee comprised of government, trade union and other officials) which was entrusted with the task for formulating two Presidential Decrees that would specify who would be entitled to be registered and then regularised, the procedure and means by which the process would be carried out, and for how long the successful immigrants would be granted permission to stay. Those entitled to be registered were given a ‘Temporary Residence Card’ (White Card) and if they could fulfil various conditions they were then given the Green Card – a ‘Residence Card of Limited Duration’.
The Committee started its deliberations on 1 November 1996 and by early summer 1997 it had agreed on the final form of both Decrees. Unexpectedly, however, a Cabinet meeting on 27 June took the decision to exclude from the legalisation immigrants from countries neighbouring Greece (Eleftherotypia 1July 1997). According to my interview material, the person who put forward that proposal and supported its adoption with extreme obstinacy was Minister of the Interior Papadopoulos, who was aiming at the exclusion of the Albanian immigrants. According to the interviewees, his action can be explained by the fact that he is from Thesprotia (an area that, as we saw earlier, is closely associated with the Chams issue), which is also his electoral base. For instance, Member of Parliament Dr. Katsanevas said: Yes, it was Papadopoulos [who reacted to the legislation]. He personally has a problem with that, because he is elected in Thesprotia and he was afraid that there will be problems with the Chams and things like that. There was a personal problem for his area… Similarly the representative of SOS Racisme said: Papadopoulos’, main fear was the alteration of the composition of the population by the Albanian immigrants, as it seems he had the view that if they were legalised they would not go back to their country . . . Generally there is this idea that immigrants from neighbouring countries, and practically from Albania, can create problems in the long run, by forming minorities." Autorët vendore gjithashtu nga rajoni shmangin nga diskutimin për gjuhën shqip që ende është e folur nga popullsia ortodokse vendas, sepse i lidh ata me çamët myslimanë.Baltsiotis. The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece. 2011. "If we consider that even in the case of Macedonian/Bulgarian speaking villages there are at least a dozen books on the history of the villages, with some actually making direct or indirect references to their linguistic alterity, we presume that in the case of Chamouria there are two issues that local authors do not want to deal with: the linguistic alterity, a common language with Muslims (and Albanians) and the 1944-1945 incidents." Në vend të kësaj, autorët grekë të kaluara kanë përpjekur ti distancojnë shqipfolësit krishterë vendas nga shqiptarët e tjerë, ti fshehin apo ti përjashtojn të gjitha, sepse "gjuha është perceptuar si një kërcënim shtesë për greqizëm i vendit".Baltsiotis. The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece. 2011. "The Albanian language, and the Christian population who spoke it- and still do- had to be concealed also, since the language was perceived as an additional threat to the Greekness of the land. It could only be used as a proof of their link with the Muslims, thus creating a continuum of non-Greekness."Për shembull, në një monografi për fshatin Spllancë, autori greke përpiqet të distancojë gjuhën shqipe e folur nga vendasit, duke deklaruar se kjo gjuhë e tyre është nakatosur prej gjuhëve të ndryshme. Për më shumë shih: Sokratis D. Georgoulas (1964). Λαογραφική Μελέτη Αμμουδιάς Πρεβέζης . Κέντρων Ερεύνης της Ελληνικής Λαογραφίας. f. 12. "Οι κάτοικοι παραλλήλως προς την Ελληνικήν γλώσσαν ωμίλουν και ομιλούν σήμερον, προς αφάνταστον ζημίαν πνευματικήν και πολιτιστικήν του τόπου «τα αρβανίτικα». Τα «αρβανίτικα» των Αμμουδιωτών είναι εφθαρμένη παραλλαγή της διαλέκτου των «γκέκηδων» εις την οποίαν συνεσωρεύθησαν λέξεις άλλων γλωσσών και διαλέκτων όπως Ιταλικά, Τούρκικα, Σέρβικα, Γαλλικά, Αράπικα και πάμπολλες Ελληνικές  λέξεις,. εις τρόπον ώστε οι σημερινοί Αμμουδιώται είναι δύσκολον αν μη αδύνατον να συνομιλήσουν μετά  των «γκέκηδων» ή και άλλων Αλβανικών φυλλών." Ndërsa një tjetër shembull në kohëve të fundit për fshatin Kastrizë, ringjalljen e disa zakoneve të vjetra e dasmës çame, lidhjet me shqiptarët e tjerë është mohuar. Për më shumë shih: "Σε αρβανιτοχώρι της Θεσπρωτίας αναβίωσαν τον αρβανίτικο γάμο! [Në fshatin shqiptar të Thesprotisë është ringjallur martesë shqiptarësh!]". Katopsi. Lexuar më 6 prill 2015. “Να σημειωθεί ότι τα αρβανίτικα έθιμα είναι καθαρά ελληνικά και δεν έχουν καμία σχέση με τα αλβανικά. Άλλωστε οι Αρβανίτες είναι Έλληνες με ιδιαίτερο γλωσσικό ιδιίωμα και όχι Αλβανοί [Vini re se adetët shqipe janë thjesht greke dhe nuk kanë të bëjnë me gjuhën shqipe. Përveç kësaj, shqiptarët janë grekë dhe ashtu gjuha e tyre, dhe jo shqiptarë.]” Këto pikëpamjet grek janë bërë shpeshherë që shprehen "argumentin i paraqitur se gjuha e përdorur nga popullsia kishte asnjë lidhje me përkatësinë e tyre nacionale".Baltsiotis. The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece. 2011. The second was to put forth the argument that the language used by the population had no relation to their national affiliation. To this effect the state provided striking examples of Albanian speaking individuals (from southern Greece or the Souliotēs) who were leading figures in the Greek state.... under the prevalent ideology in Greece at the time every Orthodox Christian was considered Greek." Ndërsa qeveria shqiptar i ka kushtuar pak kurrfarë vëmendje të popullsisë shqipfolëse e sotme në rajon. E vetmja kohë kur qeveria ka bërë këtë ka qenë në vitin 2000, kur lideri i atëhershëm i Partisë Demokratike të opozitës, Sali Berisha, bëri thirrje për të drejta kulturore për shqiptarët që jetojnë në Greqi, të tilla si hapja e një shkolle në gjuhën shqipe në Filat.Miranda Vickers (2002). The Cham Issue - Albanian National & Property Claims in Greece . Shkresë akademike të përgatitur për Ministrinë e Mbrojtjes britanike, Defence Academy. f. 10. "In January 2000, the leader of the opposition Democratic Party, Sali Berisha, on a tour of southern Albania demanded more rights for the Cham minority in Greece, saying relations between Albania and Greece might suffer if mutual problems were not solved. Berisha demanded more cultural rights for Albanians living in Greece, such as the opening of an Albanian-language school in the northern Greek town of Filiates, and a solution to the property issue of the Cham population."

Në Qarkun i Çamërisë, populli shqipfolës ortodokse ende sot banojnë më shumë të qarkut dhe janë një pjesë të rëndësishëm i popullisë vendor.Euromosaic project (2006). "L'arvanite/albanais en Grèce" (në Frëngjisht). European Commission. Lexuar më 26 mars 2015. "Les locuteurs chrétiens de la variété dilaectale tcham sont, quant à eux, implantés dans les départements suivants: 
Thesprotie: ils occupent la majeure partie du département, et sont essentiellement installés dans la zone frontalière avec l'Albanie. 
Prévéza: dans la partie du département de Prévéza limitrophe de la Thesprotie (Prévézaniko) et dans quelques villages au nord de Thesprotiko.
Ioannina: de rares villages dans la zone limitrophe de la Thesprotie et du département de Prévéza." Në viteve të 1970-të, gjuha shqipe ishte folur ende "nga veriu i Paramithisë deri në lumin Kalamai dhe përtej, si dhe në veri të pllajës e Margëlliçit" në rajon dhe disa prej banorëve më moshuar ishin njëgjuhës të shqipes.Arthur Foss (1978). Epirus. Faber. f. 173. "There are still many Greek Orthodox villagers in Threspotia who speak Albanian among themselves. They are scattered north from Paramithia to the Kalamas River and beyond, and westward to the Margariti Plain. Some of the older people can only speak Albanian, nor is the language dying out." Gjuha gjatë asaj kohë ishte folur edhe nga të rinjtë, sepse kur popullsia vendore e moshës të punës migruan duke kërkuar një punë në Athinë, ose jashtë vendit, fëmijët ishin lënë me gjyshërit e tyre, duke krijuar kështu një vazhdimësi të shqipfolësit.Foss. Epirus. 1978. f. 173. "As more and more couples in early married life travel away to Athens or Germany for work, their children remain at home and are brought up by their Albania-speaking grandparents." Gjithashtu gjatë asaj kohë, ishte mundur për të dalluar midis gratë greqishtfolës dhe shqipfolës, që të dy vishnin rroba të zeza. Për shembull, gratë greke e lidhnin shallën e tyre në pjesën e prapshme të kokës, ndërsa gratë shqipfolës ortodokse e lidhnin shallën e tyre në një stil të veçantë në anë të kokës.Foss. Epirus. 1978. f. 173. "It is still sometimes possible to distinguish between Greek- and Albanian-speaking peasant women. Nearly all of them wear traditional black clothes with a black scarf round their neck heads. Greek-speaking women tie their scarves at the back of their necks, while those who speak primarily Albanian wear their scarves in a distinctive style fastened at the side of the head." Deri në vitet 1980, fshatrat shqipfolës ortodokse në Çamëri ishin disa nga fshatrat më të izoluara në të gjithë Greqinë, ku ende mund të gjendeshin shqipfolësit njëgjuhësh të moshuara.Lukas Tsitsipis (1981). Language change and language death in Albanian speech communities in Greece: A sociolinguistic study. (Tezë). University of Wisconsin. f. 124. "The Epirus Albanian speaking villages use a dialect of Tosk Albanian, and they are among the most isolated areas in Greece. In the Epiriotic village of Aghiá I was able to spot even a few monolingual Albanian speakers." Në qarkun i Çamërisë sot, gjuha shqipe dhe dialekti çamërisht deri tani flitet aty, dhe është më jugor nën-dialekti i pjesës kryesore të gjuhës shqip, por ka mbetur jashtë hapësirës kombëtare ku shqipja standarde ka qenë e standardizuar si gjuha zyrtar të shtetit. Sot, krishterët shqipfolës etnike e perceptojnë veten si grekë kombëtare. Kur flasin greqisht, pjesëtarët e këtij komuniteti e quajnë gjuhën shqipe të tyre: arvanitika, ashtu si të gjithë arbëreshët (arvanitasit) të tjerë e Greqisë; ende, kur bisedojnë në dialektin të tyre, ata e quajnë atë "Shqip".Thanassis Moraitis. "publications as a researcher ". thanassis moraitis: official website. Lexuar më 26 mars 2015. "Οι Αρβανίτες αυτοί είναι σε εδαφική συνέχεια με την Αλβανία, με την παρεμβολή του ελληνόφωνου Βούρκου (Vurg) εντός της Αλβανίας, και η Αλβανική που μιλιέται εκεί ακόμα, η Τσάμικη, είναι η νοτιότερη υποδιάλεκτος του κεντρικού κορμού της Αλβανικής, αλλά έμεινε ουσιαστικά εκτός του εθνικού χώρου όπου κωδικοποιήθηκε η Αλβανική ως επίσημη γλώσσα του κράτους..... Οι αλβανόφωνοι χριστιανοί θεωρούν τους εαυτούς τους Έλληνες. Στα Ελληνικά αποκαλούν τη γλώσσα τους «Αρβανίτικα», όπως εξ άλλου όλοι οι Αρβανίτες της Ελλάδας, στα Αρβανίτικα όμως την ονομάζουν «Σκιπ»"..... "The Albanian idiom still spoken there, Çamërisht, is the southernmost sub-dialect of the main body of the Albanian language, but has remained outside the national space where standard Albanian has been standardized as official language of the state..... Ethnic Albanophone Christians perceive themselves as national Greeks. When speaking Greek, members of this group call their idiom Arvanitic, just as all other Arvanites of Greece; yet, when conversing in their own idiom, they call it “Shqip”."Tsitsipis. Language change and language death. 1981. f. 2. "The term Shqip is generally used to refer to the language spoken in Albania. Shqip also appears in the speech of the few monolinguals in certain regions of Greek Epirus, north-western Greece, while the majority of the bilingual population in the Epirotic enclaves use the term Arvanitika to refer to the language when talking in Greek, and Shqip when talking in Albanian (see Çabej 1976:61-69, and Hamp 1972: 1626-1627 for the etymological observations and further references)." Gjithashtu ndryshe nga pjesët të tjera në Greqi, fjala Αρβανίτης/Arvanítis (njëjës) dhe Αρβανίτες/Arvanítes (shumës), e përdorur për shqipfolësit ortodoksë, është përdorur ende nga greqishtfolësit në Epir për shqiptarët myslimanë.Baltsiotis. The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece. 2011. "Until the Interwar period Arvanitis (plural Arvanitēs) was the term used by Greek speakers to describe an Albanian speaker regardless of his/hers religious backround. In official language of that time the termAlvanos was used instead. The term Arvanitis coined for an Albanian speaker independently of religion and citizenship survives until today in Epirus." Për më shumë shih: Lambros Baltsiotis & Léonidas Embirikos (2006). “De la formation d’un ethnonyme. Le terme Arvanitis et son evolution dans l’État hellénique”. në G. Grivaud-S. Petmezas (eds.), Byzantina et Moderna. Alexandreia. f. 417-448. Sot numri i tyre vlerësohet të jetë në mes të 10.000Paul M. Lewis, Gary F. Simons, & Charles D. Fennig (2015). "Ethnologue: Languages of the World (botimi 18)". Institute of Linguistics (SIL) International. Lexuar më 15 prill 2015. deri 40.000Vickers. The Cham Issue. 2002. f. 11. në rajon.

Pasi shumica e popullsisë myslimane çame u larguan për në Shqipëri në vitin 1944, pak shqiptarë myslimanë mbetën në zonë. Në vitin 1947 në zonën e Pargës, kishte 113 myslimanë shqiptarë (7 meshkuj dhe 79 femra).Giorgos Ktistakis (2006). Περιουσίες Αλβανών και Τσάμηδων στην Ελλάδα: Aρση του εμπολέμου και διεθνής προστασία των δικαιωμάτων του ανθρώπου(PDF). Center of Studying of Minority Groups. f. 8. "Το 1947  αναφέρονται 113 Τσάμηδες στην περιφέρεια της Πάργας, εκ των οποίων 7 είναι άντρες και 79 γυναίκες." Në regjistrimin të popullsisë greke të vitit 1951, u regjistruan 127 shqiptarë myslimanë për të gjithë Epirin adminstrativ.Ktistakis. Αλβανών και Τσάμηδων στην Ελλάδα. 2006. f. 9. "Η δε απογραφή του 1951 αναφέρει στην Ήπειρο 127 μουσουλμάνους αλβανικής γλώσσας." Pas vitit 1948, kishin mbetur në qarkun Çamëri 44 myslimanë shqiptarë. Në fshatin Volë, 7 persona, në Kuç 12 persona dhe në Kodër 22 persona.Ktistakis. Αλβανών και Τσάμηδων στην Ελλάδα. 2006. f. 9. "Σύμφωνα με μία πρόσφατη πηγή, σήμερα στο νομό Θεσπρωτίας διαμένουν 44 Τσάμηδες οι περισσότεροι των οποίων έχουν γεννηθεί (στην Ελλάδα) μετά το 1948 και συγκεκριμένα: 7 άτομα στα Σύβοτα (πρώην Μούρτος), 12 στον Αργυρότοπο (συνοικισμός Πολυνέρι, πρώην Κούτσι) και 25 στη Μαζαρακιά (συνοικισμός «Κόντρα»)." Në kohët e fundit, myslimanët shqiptarë mbetën vetëm në fshatin Kuç dhe formojnë bashkësinë e fundit të çamëve myslimanë shqiptarë.Baltsiotis. The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece. 2011. Ky është i vetmi vendbanim në të gjithën Epirin grek i shërbyer ende nga një imam.Baltsiotis. The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece. 2011. "A tiny Muslim community and, until recently, the last imam of Epirus still survive in this village." Shqiptarët e tjerë myslimanë të mbetur në Çamërinë e pas luftës, për të shpëtuar veten dhe pronat, (më shumë nga gratë edhe fëmijët jetime që kishin mbetur prapa), ishin konvertuar në ortodoksi dhe janë asimiluar në komunitetin ortodoks në rajon.Baltsiotis. The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece. 2011. "A few hundred Muslims stayed behind. 127 of them were counted in the 1951 census, while the rest, whose number remains unknown and in need of research, converted to Christianity and intermarried with Greeks..... Except for two small communities that mostly avoided conversion, namely Kodra and Koutsi (actual Polyneri), the majority of others were baptized. Isolated family members that stayed behind were included in the Greek society, and joined the towns of the area or left for other parts of Greece (author’s field research in the area, 1996-2008)."Sarah Green (2005). Notes from the Balkans: Locating Marginality and Ambiguity on the Greek-Albanian border. Princeton University Press. f. 74-75. "Over time, and with some difficulty, I began to understand that the particular part of Thesprotia being referred to was the borderland area, and that the ‘terrible people’ were not all the peoples associated with Thesprotia but more specifically peoples known as the Tsamides –though they were rarely explicitly named as such in the Pogoni area . One of the few people who did explicitly refer to them was Spiros, the man from Despotiko on the southern Kasidiaris (next to the Thesprotia border) who had willingly fought with the communists during the civil war. He blamed widespread negative attitudes toward the Tsamides on two things: first, that in the past they were perceived to be ‘Turks’ in the same way as Albanian speaking Muslims had been perceived to be ‘Turks’; and second, there had been particularly intense propaganda against them during the two wars –propaganda that had led to large numbers of Tsamides’ being summarily killed by EDES forces under General Zervas. Zervas believed they had helped the Italian and later German forces when they invaded Greece, and thus ordered a campaign against them in retribution. Spiros went on to recall that two young men from Despotiko had rescued one endangered Tsamis boy after they came across him when they were in Thesprotia to buy oil. They brought him back to the village with them, and Spiros had baptized him in a barrel (many Tsamides were Muslim) in the local monastery. In the end, the boy had grown up, married in the village, and stayed there."Georgia Kretsi (2002). "The Secret Past of the Greek-Albanian Borderlands. Cham Muslim Albanians: Perspectives on a Conflict over Historical Accountability and Current Rights". Ethnologia Balkanica.(6): 186. "In the census of 1951 there were only 127 Muslims left of a minority that once had 20,000 members. A few of them could merge into the Greek population by converting to Christianity and changing their names and marital practices. After the expulsion, two families of Lopësi found shelter in Sagiáda and some of their descendants still live there today under new names and being Christians. Another inhabitant of Lopësi, then a child, is living in nearby Asproklissi..... The eye-witness Arhimandritēs (n. d.: 93) writes about a gendarmerie officer and member of the EDES named Siaperas who married a very prosperous Muslim widow whose children had converted to Christianity. One interviewee, an Albanian Cham woman, told me that her uncle stayed in Greece, “he married a Christian, he changed his name, he took the name Spiro. Because it is like that, he changed it, and is still there in loannina, with his children“. A Greek man from Sagiáda also stated that at this time many people married and in saving the women also were able to take over their lands." Për shkak të luftës dhe lidhjen e fjalës çame me shqiptarët myslimanë, shumica e njerëzve shqipfolës në rajon nuk e përdorin fjalën çame për të identifikuar veten e tyre në kohën e sotme.Euromosaic project. L'arvanite/albanais en Grèce. 2006. Lexuar më 29 mars 2015. "Il convient de noter ici que les habitants des zones ci-dessus répugnent à se désigner comme Tchams. Aujourd'hui, cette dénomination s'applique essentiellement aux musulmans qui habitaient la région auparavant." Sot ka ende disa njerëz të cilët me pa dëshirën identifikojnë ose njohin veten si çame, por ata e shohin identifikim të tillë si problematike.Green. Notes from the Balkans. 2005. f. 75-76. "In short, there was a continual production of ambiguity in Epirus about these people, and an assertion that a final conclusion about the Tsamides was impossible. The few people I meet in Thesprotia who agreed that they were Tsamides were singularly reluctant to discuss anything to do with differences between themselves and anyone else. One older man said, ‘Who told you I’m a Tsamis? I’m no different from anyone else.’ That was as far as the conversation went. Another man, Having heard me speaking to some people in a Kafeneio in Thesprotia on the subject, followed me out of the shop as I left, to explain to me why people would not talk about Tsamides; he did not was to speak to me about it in the hearing of others:

They had a bad reputation, you see. They were accused of being thieves and armatoloi. But you can see for yourself, there not much to live on around here. If some of them did act that way, it was because they had to, to survive. But there were good people too, you know; in any population, you get good people and bad people. My grandfather and my father after him were barrel makers, they were honest men. They made barrels for oil and tsipouro. I’m sorry that people have not been able to help you do your work. It’s just very difficult; it’s a difficult subject.

This man went on to explain that his father was also involved in distilling tsipouro, and he proceeded to draw a still for me in my notebook, to explain the process of making this spirit. But he would not talk about any more about Tsamides and certainly never referred to himself as being Tsamis."Adrian Ahmedaja (2004). "On the question of methods for studying ethnic minorities' music in the case of Greece's Arvanites and Alvanoi." në Ursula Hemetek (ed.). Manifold Identities: Studies on Music and Minorities. Cambridge Scholars Press. f. 59. "Among the Alvanoi the reluctance to declare themselves as Albanians and to speak to foreigners in Albanian was even stronger than among the Arvanites. I would like to mention just one example. After several attempts we managed to get the permission to record a wedding in Igoumenitsa. The participants were people from Mavrudi, a village near Igoumenitsa. They spoke to us only German or English, but to each other Albanian. There were many songs in Greek which I knew because they are sung on the other side of the border, in Albanian. I should say the same about a great part of the dance music. After a few hours, we heard a very well known bridal song in Albanian. When I asked some wedding guests what this kind of song was, they answered: You know, this is an old song in Albanian. There have been some Albanians in this area, but there aren’t any more, only some old people”. Actually it was a young man singing the song, as can he heard in audio example 5.9. The lyrics are about the bride’s dance during the wedding. The bride (swallow” in the song) has to dance slowly — slowly as it can be understood in the title of the song Dallëndushe vogël-o, dale, dale (Small swallow, slow — slow) (CD 12)." Për shkak të këtyre vështirësive, është e zorshme sidomos në zonat urbane për të gjetur njerëz që flasin publikisht gjuhën shqipe, e cila ka çuar në një studiues të përfundojnë pas qëndrimin të shkurtër dhe pa shkuar në zonat rurale,Tom Winnifrith (1995). "Southern Albania, Northern Epirus: Survey of a Disputed Ethnological Boundary." Farsarotul. Lexuar më 6 prill 2015. "I tried unsuccessfully in 1994 to find Albanian speakers in Filiates, Paramithia and Margariti. The coastal villages near Igoumenitsa have been turned into tourist resorts. There may be Albanian speakers in villages inland, but as in the case with the Albanian speakers in Attica and Boeotia the language is dying fast. It receives no kind of encouragement. Albanian speakers in Greece would of course be almost entirely Orthodox. The Tsams expelled to Albania present a real problem to both governments. There is a moving if not accurate account of this minority in Albanian Life (1955) by Fatos Mero Rrapaj, pp. 15-16." që gjuha shqipe është në rënie.Tom Winnifrith (2002). Badlands, Borderlands: A History of Northern Epirus/Southern Albania. Duckworth. f. 25-26, 53. “Some Orthodox speakers remained, but the language was not encouraged or even allowed, and by the end of the twentieth century it had virtually disappeared.....  And so with spurious confidence Greek historians insist that the inscriptions prove that the Epirots of 360, given Greek names by their fathers and grandfathers at the turn of the century, prove the continuity of Greek speech in Southern Albania since their grandfathers whose names they might bear would have been living in the time of Thucydides. Try telling the same story to some present-day inhabitants of places like Margariti and Filiates in Southern Epirus. They have impeccable names, they speak only Greek, but their grandparents undoubtedly spoke Albanian.”

Shënim: Shumica e çamëve myslimanë pas Luftës së Dytë Botërore banojnë jashtë Qarkut të Çamërisë dhe janë shpërndarë nëpër shtetët të tjera. Shumica prej tyre banojnë në Shqipëri dhe një pakicë gjendet në Turqi, SHBA, Australi edhe Britani të Madhe. Nga vlerësimet çamë myslimanë numërohen rreth 204,255 në Shqipëri, dhe me një numër i konsiderueshëm në diasporë. Këto shifra përfshinë të gjitha çamët nga koha e migrimeve ekonomike para 1912, spastrimet etnike të viteve 1912-1913, shkëmbimi i popullsive në 1923-1924, ngjarjet e dhunshme në viteve 1944-1945Tim Judah (2008). Kosovo: What Everyone Needs to Know. Oxford University Press. f. 7. dhe ata që janë autoktonë në një pjesë të vogël rreth Konispolit në Shqipëri. Prej 18.150 çamëve shqiptarë të larguar nga Greqia për Shqipëri në 1944,Kastriot Dervishi (2007). Masakra ne Çamëri: përmbledhje dokumentesh. Shtëpia Botuese 55. f. 56-57. për shkak të rritjes së popullsisë, sot numri i personave me prejardhje çame në Shqipëri është vlerësuar nga dijetarët të arrijë në rreth 80.000 vetë.Antonina Zhelyazkova (2003). "Albanian Prospects. Fieldwork". në Urgent Anthropology, Vol. 2. IMIR. f. 202-209. Të gjitha pronat e çamëve myslimanë, pas vitit 1945 u shpronësuan nga shteti grek dhe tapitë iu dhanë banorëve të rinj, një proces që vazhdoi deri në vitet shtatëdhjetë.Konstantinos Tsitselikis (2012). Old and New Islam in Greece: From historical minorities to immigrant newcomers. Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. f. 312-313. Sepse Greqia ka revokuar vetëm gjendjen e luftës me Shqipërinë përmes kabinetit parlamentar,Gerasimos Konidaris (2005). "The Albanian migration cycle: migrants tend to return to their country of origin after all". në Russell King, Nicola Mai & Stephanie Schwander-Sievers (eds.). The new Albanian Migration. Sussex Academic. f. 69. por jo përmes legjislacionit parlamentar dhe ashtu pronat e çamëve janë të konsideruar "pronat e armikut", që nuk lejon çamëve nga të qenit në gjendje për të kërkuar kompensimin ose kthimin të pronave apo shtetësinë të tyre.Tsitselikis. Old and New Islam in Greece. 2012. f. 312-313. "In the aftermath of the events of 1944–1945, Cham real estate was considered as abandoned and gradually confiscated or put at the disposal of landless peasants and refugees. On the ground, the situation until the early 1950s was out of control. Legally, the real estate was supposed to pass to state ownership as set forth by Act 1539/1938 (article 54). But in practice, the abandoned and devastated plots, fields, and houses were occupied by inhabitants of the nearby villages or by the new settlers. The situation soon became chaotic and the local police were unable to establish order. Finally, LDs 2180/1952, 2185/1952 (FEK A 217), and LD 2781/1954 (FEK A 45) regulated the transfer of ownership, and LD 2536/1953 (FEK A 225) legalized the resettlement of the empty Cham villages by newcomers from other places in Greece. According to article 17 of the LD 3958/1959 (FEKA 133), the residents of the mountainous areas of Filiates and Paramythia as well as those of ‘Greek descent’ originating from Northern Epirus were allowed to settle in the ‘abandoned Muslim plots of Thesprotia’. The policy of national homogenization remained incomplete, however, until the 1970s, when the Hellenization of the former Muslim property was completed. This guaranteed the population’s loyalty to the state and minimized Greece’s Muslim population. As mentioned earlier, numerous Muslims of Greece chose to obtain foreign citizenship in order to be exempt from the population exchange or for other reasons. Some Chams acquired Albanian citizenship, although they could remain in Greece as citizens of ‘Albanian origin’. After 1945, those who held Albanian citizenship faced expropriation of their property as its legal status was that of 'enemy property’, since Albania was a conquered territory of fascist Italy and a nemesis of Greece during Word War II. Thus, Albanian real estate was sequestrated according to Act 2636/1940 (FEK A 379) and Act 13/1944 (FEK A 11), which, in theory, should not have affected ownership per se. Much of this real estate remains sequestrated to this day and is registered at the Office of Sequestration based in Athens. According to article 38 of the LD 1138/1949 (FEK A 257) amending Act 2636/1940, sequestration can be abolished by joint decision of the Ministers of Interior, Economy, Justice, and the Prime Minister. Income gained by the sequestrated real estate is kept in special accounts at the Bank of Greece. It is worth noting that inhabitants of Albania (Albanian citizens) of Greek origin were exempt from sequestration or expropriation (Ministerial Decision, Minister of the Finance, 144862/3574/17.6.1947, FEK B 93). This reading of the category ‘of origin’, reflects the ideological nature of policies aimed at ethnicizing land ownership. According to several court decisions, the Albanian property would remain under sequestration until the removal of the state of war between the two countries. However, even though the Greek government declared the state of war with Albania to be over in 1987, the sequestration of Albanian estates was continued, as the declaration was not legally ratifĳied. Such measures do not comply with legal standards set by international instruments banning discrimination on grounds of ethnicity (ICCPR, ECHR etc.). Meanwhile, LD 2180/1952 on ‘the compulsory expropriation of lands for the restitution of the landless farmers and cattle-breeders’ authorized special committees to take possession of the properties and then bestow them on persons entitled to a share. In practice, such persons were squatters tolerated by the authorities during the Civil War or later. These persons received title deeds in the late 1950s until the 1970s." Greqia e konsideron çështjen çame të jetë e mbyllur.Vickers. The Cham Issue. 2002. f. 10. Me rënien e komunizmit komuniteti çam në kohët e fundit është përpjekur për të vënë çështjen çame në axhendën politike shqiptar në marrëdhëniet e saj me Greqinë.Miranda Vickers (2007). The Cham Issue: Where to Now? . Shkresë akademike të përgatitur për Ministrinë e Mbrojtjes britanike, Defence Academy. f. 4, 7, 9.

Romët: Para luftës e dytë, popullsia rome është gjetur anembanë rajonit të Çamërisë, kryesisht në vendbanime urbane. Shumica nga këta ishin mysliman dhe u larguan së bashku me shqiptarët myslimanë në Shqipëri. Për shembull, romët myslimanë me origjinë nga Filati sot janë gjetur në fshatin Shkallë i Shqipërisë.Social Inclusion Data for children in Albania. "Village Shkalle, Commune Zgare, Region Sarande ". UNICEF. Sot pakica romë është shpërndarë nepër fshatra si LopësKretsi. The Secret Past of the Greek-Albanian Borderlands. 2002. f. 187. "A new settlement named Asproklissi was founded after 1950, close to the abandoned village of Lopësi, where migrant Vlachs, Gypsies and Greeks [called by locals ,greki’] from particularly war-torn neighboring mountain areas settled." dhe qendra urbane edhe janë ortodokse. Migruesit romë nga Shqipëria në vitet e fundit kanë preferuar gjithashtu të punojnë në zonat ku shqipfolësit ortodoksë jetojnë në Çamëri.Lambros Baltsiotis (2015). "Balkan Roma immigrants in Greece: An initial approach to the traits of a migration flow ." International Journal of Language, Translation and Intercultural Communication. 1. (1): 5. "There are also some indications of the patterns of migration in relation to the language and the religious heritage of the Roma communities. In the region of Epirus in Northwestern Greece, the knowledge of Albanian language seems to be of certain significance in the areas where Greeks are of an Albanian speaking background or where they still speak the language: in the plains of Fanari in Preveza district for example, Roma farm workers are exclusively Albanian. In the small village of Kestrini Thesprotia, where Albanian language is still vivid, there are at least two Albanian Evgjit women of Muslim background married with (Christian Orthodox) Greeks of lower social and financial status. Orthodox Christian Evgjit from Leskovik and Përmet are working and residing rather exclusively." Për shembull, disa gra rome myslimanë shqipfolës janë martuar me burrat shqipfolës ortodoksë prej fshatit Skupicë.Baltsiotis. Balkan Roma immigrants in Greece. 2015. f. 5. Ndërsa të gjithë punëtorët bujqësore romë në zonën shqipfolëse të Frarit janë nga Shqipëria.

Vllehët: Ndërsa popullsia vllehe është shpërndarë anembanë qarkut. Vllehët që jetojnë në veri dhe veri perëndim (të gjithë në komunën e Filatit) të lumit Kalama dhe në Çamëri e Shqiperisë e quajnë veten e tyre Kǎstrǎnóc mbas krahinës etnografik dhe gjeografike Kastrinë (gr: Κεστρίνη/Kestríni), që e përfshin këtë anë të Çamërisë.Asterios Koukoudis (2003). The Vlachs: Metropolis and Diaspora. Zitros. f. 271. "However, there are groups of Arvanitovlachs, both in Albania and in Greece, who refuse to be defined as Farsariots, preferring other names, often toponymical too. These include Kestriniots (Kǎstrǎnóts) (from the Kestrini area along the river Thiamis)..... Tsamoureni (Tsamuréńi) (from the area of Çamëria, mainly in Thesprotia)." Ndërsa vllehët që jetojnë poshtë lumit Kalama (të gjithë në komunën e Gumenicës dhe Sulit) dhe deri krahinës Frar (të gjithë në komunën e Pargës në qarkun i Prevezës), e quajnë veten e tyre Camurénji, domethënë çame.Koukoudis. The Vlachs. 2003. f. 271. Vllehët gjithashtu përdorin fjalën Rrménji ose Rreménji, që ku jetojnë në mesin e popullsive shqipfolës dhe përdornin edhe ende quhen me këtë emërtim kombëtare për veten e tyre.Koukoudis. The Vlachs. 2003. f. 270. Në të kaluarën disa prej këtyre vllehëve, të cilët janë gjithashtu shqipfolës, një pjesë ishin baritore dhe nomadë. Pas largimit të çamëve myslimane, ata u zhvendosën nga qeveria greke për sigurinë e venditKretsi. The Secret Past of the Greek-Albanian Borderlands. 2002. f. 187. "The social component of the respective redistribution or property transfers is evident. At the point where the “national” redistribution halted in the prewar period, the “hellenization” of property was taken up once and for all after the war. The economic mobilization of loyal majority groups (i.e., Vlachs along the entire northern Greek border) for the purposes of national homogenization was more often than not carried out to the disadvantage of minorities. In this case it was combined with a strategic purpose, namely the “national stabilization” of the border region and the guarantee of ideological and thus military loyalty to the central state.

This becomes evident in a series of laws giving a social or populist character to the expropriation of the Chams and explicitly concerned with supporting border settlers: Athanasakos (n. d.:70 f.) names: 1. N.Δ. 2536/1953 “on the resettlement of the border regions and the enforcement of these populations” art. 6. and 2. N. Δ. 2180/1952 “on the compulsory expropriation of lands for the restitution of the landless farmers and cattle-breeders” which were completed and modified later. According to the aforementioned, the financial revenue office took possession of the properties. In coordination with the direction for agriculture and under the Committee for the expropriations they were bestowed on persons entitled to a share. According to the same author, these persons received title-deeds in the 1960s to 1970s by buying them for the amounts defined by the Committee. The owners of urban properties received acts of concession." në disa fshatra çameKoukoudis. The Vlachs. 2003. f. 293. si LopësKretsi. The Secret Past of the Greek-Albanian Borderlands. 2002. f. 172. dhe të tjera. Ndërsa të tjerët u vendosën në fshatra të shqipfolës ortodokse dhe u bënë pjesa e madhe të atyre vendbanime si në MorfatFatos Mero Rrapaj (1995). Fjalori Onomastik i Epirit. Eurorilindja. f. 301.George Moran (1992). “Touring the Vlach Villages of Greece”. Farsarotul. Lexuar më 6 prill 2015. "There are no Vlach villages in Thesprotia, the region of northwestern Greece, except for an extremely obscure place called Morfion, near the seaside resort of Parga. I stumbled upon the village by accident. It is small, not very modern, and made up of Farsherots not long settled from nomadic life (in fact, traveling somewhere in the Pindus I met a family from Morfion in their summer pastures). In the bustling port city of Igoumenitsa, which features ferries to Corfu and Italy, there are now many settled Farsherots working in hotels and other businesses. But the region is filled with ethnic Albanians." dhe Taban. Në qarkun e Çamërisë, vllehët si një shumicë ose pakicë janë banorë në këto vendbanimet: Sajadhë, Lopës, Gumenicë, Shulash, Varfanj, Pllotare, Shqefar, Paramithi, Vreshtë, Çifliq (i Paramithisë), Zeleso, Karbunarë, Skëndal, Hojkë, Arpicë, Millokoqezë, Luarat, Margëlliç, Morfat dhe Xarrë (i Frarit). Ndërsa në qarkun e Prevezës, vllehët si një shumicë ose pakicë janë banorë në këto vendbanimet: Pargë dhe Taban. Disa prej këtyre vllehëve shqipfolëse nga rajoni u zhvendosën nga qeveria greke përgjatë kufirit shqiptaro-grek në rajonin e liqenit të Prespës, pas shpopullimin e fshatrave (Smërdesh dhe Kostinec) që flisnin gjuhën maqedonase gjatë luftës civile greke. Këto vllehët flasin vllahisht, greqisht, dhe edhe në kohën e sotme dialektin e shqipes: çamërisht.Gilles De Rapper (16 shkurt 2011).  'The son of three fathers has no hat on his head'. Life and social representations in a Macedonian village of Albania.(dok). School of Slavonic and East-European Studies. f. 3. Lexuar më 6 prill 2015. "Macedonians villages were abandoned in 1949. Some of them have disappeared (Dhambel and Llabanicë, both on the border), others are today inhabited by Vlachs who moved in from Ioannina and Thesprotia in 1956. They speak Greek, Vlach and çamërisht, the Albanian dialect spoken in Thesprotia. Being very close to the border, those villages are also inhabited by soldiers and policemen coming from other parts of Greece." ; f. 6. "In this matter however, the fact that those villages are ex-Macedonian villages now inhabited by newcomers (mostly Vlachs in Smërdesh and Kosinecë) might not help in developing good relations between the two sides of the border."

Grekët: Grekët etnike gjenden më shumë në komunën e Filatit, në veri të qarkut ku ndodhet Malësia e Murganës. Rajoni është malor me pak tokë pjellore dhe fshati kryesor në këtë zonë është Çamanda. Për shkak se rajoni nuk mund të mbajë një popullsi të madhe, në të kaluarën, grekët dërguan shumë emigrantë në Greqi ose në huaj.Hammond. Epirus. 1967. f. 89-90. "The greater part of the canton of Filiates lies north of the lower Kalamas. It is contained between the river and its northern watershed, along which the present frontier runs between Greece and Albania. There is little fertile land except in the delta and the inner basin of the Kalamas. The northern part of the canton is broken up by a tangle of mountain peaks, and i found it difficult to traverse. The mountain slopes which face west are bare and barren, while those facing east and south are thickly wooded, with firs at the higher altitudes and with oak, holly and dense marquis lower down. The villages of this upland area are rich in fruit-trees, especially the pear and the fig and in nut-trees, especially the sweet chestnut; they grow wheat and maize in the valleys, and have large flocks of sheep and goats. In contrast to the Albanian-speaking villages of the Kalamas delta and basin, these villages are Greek in speech and outlook, and have been so for centuries, as is testified by their fine old monasteries and by their retention of dialect words in Greek. As they are unable to support any increase in population, they send many immigrants to mainland Greece and oversees. The leading village is Tsamanda. It has 350 houses. It is situated at the headwaters of the Albanian river Pavla, but it trafficks with the valley of the Kalamas. The other villages have on average some 200 houses, and they are considerably larger than the scattered Albanian-speaking villages of the Kalamas basin." Grekët e rajonit përdorin një fjalë për vetë emërtimin e tyre Γκρέκη/GrékiKretsi. The Secret Past of the Greek-Albanian Borderlands. 2002. f. 187. "Greeks [called by locals ,Greki']..... as opposed to ‘hellēnes’ used to refer to the whole Greek population." që referohen veten si grekë, njëjtë si grekët e tjera të EpiritGreen. Notes from the Balkans. 2005. f. 80. "I have already described some of what the word Gréki meant for people around Epirus; here, I want to take a look at its implications in a broader context. Before I went to Epirus, I had never heard the word, although I grew up in Greece. Hearing people use it sent me running to my collection of dictionaries, as it seemed odd that people would refer to themselves as Greeks using a word that did not seem to me to be—well, Greek. The word did not appear in any of the dictionaries precisely as it was spoken to me; the closest listed was Graikoi (Γραικοί): the plural form of Graikos (Γραικός) or Graikikos (Γραικικός). They are not exactly the same, though, for Gréki is spoken in Epirus with a hard G, not a soft one, and it is spoken with a stress on the first syllable, not the second." ; f. 81. "The word Gréki as it was used in Epirus seems to me to be one of the regional variations that fall into this kind of (Balkan) “erasure”: people I spoke with about it in Epirus understood it to be a multilingual word with no single “pure” origin; they most often associated it with Vlach and/or Aroumanian as well as Greek. In short, Gréki both is and is not a Greek word; it has overlapping associations, ones that become invisible in formal etymological descriptions of particular (separated-out) languages." ; f. 87. "Overall, then, the word Gréki was used in Epirus to refer to “ordinary Greeks” who were associated with a place that was considered not “ordinary” but instead somewhat generically Balkan, though unquestionably Greek (which is what allowed the area on the Greek side of the border to be uninteresting or irrelevant in nationalist terms, unlike Northern Epirus and parts of Thesprotia). The place was, to borrow Anna Tsing’s phrase, an “out-of-the-way place” (Tsing 1993). Using the word Gréki seemed to capture this ambiguous yet apparently unimportant and, in most other parts of Greece, unnamed form of marginality." ; f. 267-268. "Anastasia Karakasidou, who has worked in the Greek region of Macedonia to the east of Epirus, indicated in a personal communication that Gréki is also used there, and she confirmed that so far as she is aware, it is not used in southern Greece. And in another personal communication, Asterios Koukoudis, who has carried out a wide-ranging study of Vlachoi in the northern Greek region, suggested that Babiniotis “might not know that the term is still in use in some parts of Greece, not as ‘Γραικός’ with a ‘gamma’ but as ‘Γκρέκος’ with ‘gamma’ and ‘kappa’ at the beginning” (email, June 27, 2002; emphasis added)." dhe jo emërtimin kombëtare Έλληνες/Éllines, e cila është bërë e miratuar në kohët e fundit së bashku me të fjalës vendore Gréki.Green. Notes from the Balkans. 2005. f. 81. "In brief, I concluded that Gréki as it was used in Epirus marked something that remains unnamed in wider Greek discourses about Greekness." ; f. 82. "This etymological story is suggestive about the current relative unimportance of the term Graikos, something the word shares with Gréki: whereas “Hellene” and Romios carried highly politicized (and often opposing) meanings of Greekness, Graikos seemed to have fallen out of favor. That is, the word is not particularly strongly related to nationalist discourses of Greekness, which is also the case for the word Gréki: people in Pogoni used Gréki to describe the condition of not being anything in particular, of being generically Greek, as it were, and it did not seem to have any political overtones—at least, not in terms of nationalist discourses within Greece as a whole. Gréki was used, in my experience, only when people wanted to refer to the fact that they were not Vlach, Sarakatsani, Northern Epirot, and so forth, but “just Greek,” without any of these specific identifying labels. There are two important differences between Graikos and Gréki: first, that Gréki is used only in some parts of Greece, whereas Graikos is used throughout the country (as are Ellinas and Romios); and second, while Graikos carries some self-denigrating connotations, Gréki was morally neutral, a way of describing what a person is not (Vlach, Sarakatsani, etc.), as opposed to what he or she is. This seems to be a literally peripheral word to denote, or assert, a lack of distinction associated with a peripheral part of Greece. Nevertheless, the word is distinctive, in that it was used specifically in this region to refer to some people specifically from this region (the ones who apparently lack distinction): there seemed to be something unnamed being named in the use of the word Gréki, something that does not belong to the wider nationalist discourse about Greekness." ; f. 83. "In sum, the key distinguishing characteristic of the word Gréki as it was used by people I met in Epirus and as described by Koukoudis for Vlachoi seems to be in the association of the word with Balkan “mixture,” rather than the competing (nationalist) origin stories implied by “Hellene” and Romios; Gréki means “just Greek” in a nondescript, implicitly Balkan kind of way. When people used it in Epirus, it seemed to evoke this sense of a particularistic, located lack of visibility: of being Greek, but being Greek in a way that was not clearly distinct within current discourses." Me shkëmbimin e popullsive midis Greqisë dhe Turqisë në 1923, disa grekët refugjate u zhvendosën në Çamëri. Këto grekë janë shpërndarë nëpër qendrat urbane dhe fshatrat, që u vendosen dhe u krijuan nga shteti greke për ato. Për shembull, vendbanimi Nea Selévkia (quajtur Dushku nga populli shqipfolës vendas) është e banuar nga grekë turqishtfolës nga Silifke, Turqi.Fatos Mero Rrapaj (1995). Fjalori Onomastik i Epirit. Eurorilindja. f. 182. Pas largimit të shqiptarëve myslimanë nga rajoni, grekët nga këto zona dhe rajone të tjera të Epirit greke, ishin zhvendosur në fshatrat çame.Baltsiotis. The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece. 2011. "The process of extinguishing any signs of previous minority existence occurred both in real and symbolic ways. The villages of Muslim Chams were repopulated by Greek speaking populations from the adjacent mountainous areas and Vlachs, immediately after their expulsion."Tsitselikis. Old and New Islam in Greece. 2012. f. 312. Për shembull, pothuajse të gjithë fshatarët greqishtfolës nga fshati malor Llabanica tani banojnë në fshatin fushore Varfanj.Rrapaj. Fjalori Onomastik i Epirit. 1995. f. 225. Në kohët e fundit, edhe grekët nga Shqipëria janë vendosur në Çamëri në një numër të konsiderueshme.Vickers. The Cham Issue. 2007. f. 2.

 Ekonomia 
parapamje|Autostrada A2, Greqi - Seksioni: Paramithia-Gumenica
Qarku i Çamërisë është tradicionalisht një nga qarqet më të varfëra dhe më të largëta të Greqisë. Ekonomikisht, të gjithë popullsia e vitit 1981 (41.278), përafërsisht 14.500 ishin popullsi aktive në ekoniminë. Nga këto afër 10.000 ishin të punësuar në ekonominë rurale, 2500 në industri dhe vepra artizanale dhe 2000 të mbetur në transfertave dhe shërbimet (publike - private). Kjo ishte për shkak të migrimit të vërejtur të fuqisë punëtore ekzistuese, që përfshinte shumë njerëz të moshuar. Sot disa njerëz janë gjithashtu të përfshirë në industrinë e turizmit që është rritur nga vitet 1970-të dhe 1980-të.

Tërheqjet kryesore turistik të rajonit janë plazhet e saj të shumta, veçanërisht si vend turistik në Volë. Atraksione të tjera turistike janë mbetjet e qyteteve të lashta së tilla si Gumani (gr: Gitani).

 Infrastruktura 

Në 1996, filloi ndërtimi i autostradës 2, i quajtur zyrtarisht Egnatia Odos, që lidh bregdetin Jon në Gumenicë me Selanik, u hap për trafikun në vitin 2009. Rrugët të tjera së rëndësishme në Qarkun i Çamërisë që përfshijnë Rruga Kombëtar greke 6 (Gumenicë - Janinë - Larisë) dhe Rruga Kombëtar greke 18 (Filat - Paramithi - Prevezë).

Në vitin 2009, filloi ndërtimi për një autostradë të re që do të lidhë Gumenicën dhe Sarandën, duke kaluar pranë Sajadhë dhe Konispol.

Porti i Gumenicës shërben rrugëve të trageteve në ishujt e Korfuzit dhe Pakso (përfshin Antipakso), si dhe Italia.

 Kultura 

 Traditat muzikore 
Tradita muzikore e Çamërisë është pjesë e traditës më të gjerë shqiptare muzikore që shtrihet përtej kufirit në Shqipëri që së bashku formon një "rajon kompakt kulturore të dominuar nga një idiomë të veçantë muzikore dhe të polifonisë".Moraitis. publications. “Η μουσική αυτής της ομάδας είναι ποτισμένη από αυτήν του τόπου που κατοικούν και, λόγω εδαφικής συνέχειας, είναι συγγενική με αυτήν της νοτίου Αλβανίας, είτε αλβανόφωνων είτε ελληνόφωνων. Πρέπει να τονιστεί ότι σε καμία περίπτωση δεν μπορεί να μιλά κανείς για στεγανές μουσικές παραδόσεις με μόνο κριτήριο το εθνογλωσσικό. Σχηματικά τα δυτικά και βόρεια τμήματα της  Ηπείρου, αλλά και η νότια Αλβανία, είναι μία πολιτισμική περιοχή στην οποία κυριαρχεί ένα συγκεκριμένο μουσικό ιδίωμα, η πεντατονική πολυφωνία, την οποία συναντούμε και στους ελληνόφωνους και στους αλβανόφωνους και στους βλαχόφωνους.”Ahmedaja. Arvanites and Alvanoi. 2004. f. 61. “The Arvanites emigrated from different regions of the Albanian settlements, and the traditional music styles they brought with them differed greatly. The Alvanoi are from the same region. That helps to identify clearly their traditional music. Additionally the Arvanites settled far from their origin areas, which made it difficult to have connections with the traditional music of those areas. This has never been a problem for the Alvanoi. Comparing their traditional music to that of the same region in the Albanian state nowadays one can hardly notice differences, although 90 years have passed since 1913.” Gjatë dhjetëvjeçarëve të fundit, traditat muzikore vllehe dhe sidomos tradita muzikore në greqisht e Nartës - Prevezë, ka ndikuar traditat vendas muzikore shqiptare.Moraitis. publications. “ Αλλά η σημερινή μορφή των τραγουδιών, όσων μιλούν ακόμα τα Αρβανίτικα, έχει βαθύτατα επηρεαστεί από την αρτο-πρεβεζάνικη νοτιοηπειρώτικη ελληνόφωνη μουσική παράδοση.”Ahmedaja. Arvanites and Alvanoi. 2004. f. 61. “Settling in different regions is another reason that has made it difficult for the Arvanites to develop and hand down a homogenous Arvanitic style of traditional music. The situation for the Alvanoi has been different. They never changed their region of settlement, and their traditional music interacts creatively with musical traditions of the Greek majority as well as the Vlach minority characteristic of this area.” Në të kaluarën ka pasur shumë këngë shqiptare.Moraitis. publications. “Παλιότερα υπήρχαν πολλά αρβανίτικα τραγούδια”. Pas largimit të myslimanëve çam shqiptarë në Shqipëri, repertor muzikor vendas u zvogëlua, se shqipfolësit ortodokse "përzgjodhën kulturalisht" këngët jo shqiptare, se këngët shqiptar ishin parë të jenë lidhur me shqiptarët myslimanë.Moraitis. publications. “ Είναι σίγουρο ότι τραγουδιούνται και άλλα, ακόμα και τώρα, σε πανηγύρια και γιορτές, αλλά, κατά τα λεγόμενα των γεροντότερων, ένα πολύ μεγαλύτερο ρεπερτόριο, σε μεγάλο βαθμό κοινό στις δύο θρησκευτικές ομάδες, συρρικνώθηκε και από συνειδητή «πολιτισμική επιλογή» της χριστιανικής ομάδας, κυρίως, μετά την αποχώρηση των μουσουλμάνων [στην παρούσα έκδοση και συγκεκριμένα στους στίχους του ιστορικού τραγουδιού «Παλιοζαγάρ» (αρ. 108), είναι εμφανής η σχέση μεταξύ χριστιανικού και μουσουλμανικού αρβανίτικου πληθυσμού]. Αναμφίβολα ακολούθησε τη συρρίκνωση της ίδιας της γλωσσικής ομάδας καθώς, από ανατολών προς δυσμάς, η χρήση της γλώσσας περιορίζεται σημαντικά..” Këngët shqiptare ndonëse janë ende paraformuar në festivalet dhe festatAhmedaja. Arvanites and Alvanoi. 2004. f. 60. “On the other hand, the Arvanites are not subjects of interest for the Alvanoi. It happens rarely that Alvanoi like Ili, from Kastri near Igoumenitsa, have contact with the Arvanites. We were recording a very well known singer in an Arvanite village restaurant near Elefsina North of Athens, as Ili came in, saw what we were doing, and began to sing Albanian songs, in the best Albanian i know. I was very surprised because he had no problems talking and singing Albanian to the foreigners. He said: “When I am in my village I do speak only Albanian”. This openness certainly helps him to have no barriers in his relations to the Arvanites.” dhe tre këngët popullore janë incizuar në kaseta vendas të tilla si: Salo, moj Salushe.Moraitis. publications. “Μόνο τρία από αυτά έχουν εκδοθεί σε κασέτες εμπορίου, από τα οποία γνωστότερο είναι το «Σάλιω μόι σαλιούσε» (αρ. 107).”. Banorët e tanishme shqipfolës dëgjojnë nga radiot dhe kaseta shumë këngë shqiptareMoraitis. publications. “Οι σημερινοί κάτοικοι της περιοχής ακούνε από τα ραδιόφωνα και τις κασέτες πολλά αλβανικά τραγούδια.” dhe disa prej tyre janë të inkorporuara në repertorin vendor.Ahmedaja. Arvanites and Alvanoi. 2004. f. 61. “Concerning language, for the Alvanoi it is no problem to replace the lyrics of songs with new texts from Albania.” Më poshtë janë disa shembuj të këngëve shqiptar nga Çamëria që janë incizuar nga refugjatët çamë në Shqipëri pas largimit të tyre nga rajoni (për traditat muzikor të shqipfolësve ortodoks në qarkun e Prevezës shikoni Traditat muzikore në Qarkun e Prevezës):

 Disa këngë popullore nga Çamëria Tumankuqe, moj behollëFatos Mero Rrapaj (1983). Këngë popullore nga Çamëria. Akademia e Shkencave e RPS të Shqipërisë, Instituti i Kulturës Popullore. f. 156. Delvina me ÇamërinëRrapaj. Këngë popullore nga Çamëria. 1983. f. 461. Hajde ore Osman TakëRrapaj. Këngë popullore nga Çamëria. 1983. f. 510. "Kjo këngë këndohet në valle nga të dy sekset." Pusi i Çelo MezanitRrapaj. Këngë popullore nga Çamëria. 1983. f. 461. "Kjo këngë-vajtim shumë e njohur ka mjaft motërzime, prej të cilëve ky na u duk më i plotë."— Tumankuqe, moj behollë
ta bëj me si e me dorë.
Nga shtëpia me dërrasa,
del, moj kaleshe, se plasa,
— Ti plase, të plastë xhani,
për një gjalmëbres tumani.
— Nuku kish, moj, te duqani
dhe vërtetë me plasi xhani.
Tumankuqe, moj behollë,
dhe ne duqani me bojë,
bukurin’ tënde kerkojë,
nat’ e dit’ për tij mejtojë.
— E di se ç’do e ç’deshe,
po sikur pak mënt të keshe,
sarraf në Stamboll do jeshe,
dhe s’plasje, të plastë nuri,
për një gjalmëbres poturi.

Mazrek - Margëlliç, Vlorë 1960.Delvina me Çamërinë,
të gjithë një herë u ngrinë,Është fjala për kohën e «Besëlidhjes Shqiptare» (1847) kur krahina të Shqipërisë jugore shpërthyen në kryengritje për të ndaluar zbatimin e reformave skllavëruese (Tanzimatit) të shpallura nga Stamboll.
huxhum bënë mi Janinë:
«xhelep s’japëm, nizam s’vijmë.»
Moj, kalaja e AjdhonateKalaja e Ajdonatit (Paramithisë).
ç’i bëre trimat që pate?
Moj, kalaja me bedenë,
djeltë tanë atje mbenë,
me jataganë u prenë.
Tahir ÇapariNga fshati Luarat i Margëlliçit (Çamëri) një nga udhëheqësit çamë të «Besëlidhjes Shqiptare» me shokë,
me GjolekënZenel Gjoleka, nga fshati Kuç i Vlorës, udhëheqës i shquar i «Besëlidhjes». u bë tok.
Në udhën për në Janinë,
tre taborrë halldupë u grinë.

Arpicë - Margëlliç, Skellë 1978.Hajde ore Osman Takë,
hajde ore djal i pakë,I vogël nga trupi.
vet ka Konispoli,
dajotë në Psakë,Fshat i Paramithisë.
Hajde, ore djal i bukur,
bota bijnë shuqur,
për djalin e bukur.
Takë, ore Osman Takë, 
Kur shkoje sokakut,
me shami në dorë, 
mbushurë me mollë.
Unë të gjova njëzë, 
ti s’më dhe asnjëzë,
preps t’e dije vetë,
po ’ni doje thënë.
Hajde ore Osman Takë,
kur shkoje sokakut,
Me skalca fanello
dizgjetë të kuqe.
Djalë, ore, pse s’i grisë,
po t’i grisnë bota.
Hajde ore Osman Takë, 
hajde ore djali pakë,
me fishek rrovole, 
ta’ prenë gjerdanë.

Margëlliç - Çiflig, Sarandë 1970. Ra dielli malës Vigël,maja e Viglës, maja më e lartë a malit të Arpicës, e Arilës. 
xbriti Çelua në Arilë,Çelo Mezani, nga Mazreku i Margëlliçit, i arratisur maleve, sepse nuk deshi të shkonte ushtar në shërbim të Perandorisë Osmane, i vrarë në pritë (pusi) nga dy agjentë të qeverisë osmane.
për të shkretën vajrëkimë.Vajrekimë/a: fjalë e rrallë çame, zakonisht a zëvendësuar me fjalën «pajgorimë», që duhet të ketë lidhje me fjalën greke «parigoria» (ngushëllim) që bëhet për vdekjen a ndonjë njeriut).
Arilot’, burra dajllarë,
për shqiptarëtë firarë,
ç’e bëtë Çelo Mezanë?
— Në Haxhi Duli ka rarë.
I thot’ Haxhi Duli: — Mirë:
Qëndro, o Çelo të rrimë,
se mos të zënë pusinë!
Po Çelua nëk qéndroi,
bë vajrëkimnë dhe shkoi.
Mu ne pusi i Sulejmanit,
pusi e Çelo Mezanit,
nga di qen të kajmekamit:
Shtien mbi Çelo Mezanë,
Hizra me Sako Budanë.
Mu ne Pusi i Sulejmanit,
seç thirri Çelo Mezani,
— Sako Budan, i pabesë,
o kulishi i kahpesë,
pse s’bëre zë, të të presë?
Martinën në krahë e keshë
me njëqint e një fushekë!
Kur i ra martinë e parë,
Çelua ktheu surranë.
Kur i ra martinë e ditë,
Çelua gremisi sitë. 
Kur i ra martinë e tretë,
Çelua ra me të vërtetë. 
Di afije, di rrufjanë, 
Hizra me Sako Budanë, 
tërpëruan Vrahonanë,Vrahona:  fshat i Gumenicës.
Vrahonanë edhe kazanë,
Çamërinë anë e mbanë.
Vanë nanës e i thanë:
— Çelon ta zunë të gjallë,
koshadhet me kajmekamë. 
Nana u tha këto fjalë:
— Në kloftë fjal’ e vërtetë,
e kam për ta vrarë vetë!
Prapë nanës kur i thanë:
Çelon tij ta kanë vrarë
«di afije, di rrufjanë»,
Nana u tha këto fjalë:
— Mirë benë që e vranë,
se trimat ashtu e kanë.

Pargë, Tiranë 1945.

 Gjuha 

Gjuha administrative, shkollore dhe e kishës është greqishtja. Kjo gjuhë është folur publikisht dhe privatisht jo vetëm nga banorët grekë por edhe prej atyre shqipfolës ortodoksë dhe shqiptarëve myslimanë, prej vllehëve dhe romëve. Shqipfolësit e zonës në rajon e quajnë gjuhën greke grëqisht dhe linika (nga fjala greke: ελληνικά/elliniká për gjuhën greqisht).Tsitsipis. Language change and language death. 1981. f. 2. "In Epirus the word grëqisht, alone with linika, is used." Prej shqiptarëve të zonës, shqipja është folur në shtëpi ose në mjedis shoqëror.Vickers. The Cham Issue. 2002. f. 11. "The process of assimilation is only gradual and as yet does not threaten their Albanian identity. Although their children go to Greek schools and Greek is spoken everywhere outside the home, inside the houses Albanian is spoken by all familiy members, and events in Albania are keenly followed." Gjuha shqipe nuk është njohur nga shteti grek në administratë, shkolla apo në kishë, edhe qeveria greke nuk e njeh praninë e banorëve shqipfolës në qarkun e Çamërisë. Dialekti çamërisht në rajon është ndarë në dy variant: e veriut dhe të jugut. Varianti verior është folur gjatë gjithë qarkut të Çamërisë, ndërsa të variant jugor (i njohur si dialekti i Sulit apo dialekti i Prevezës) është folur kryesisht në qarkun i Prevezës. Dallimet në mes të dyve janë në shprehje të tilla si: çfarë bën (shqipja standarde), çi bën (dialekti verior) dhe kë bën (dialekti jugor).“Niko Stillo, Zbulime Albanologjike”. Jo Vetëm Kafe. 6 korrik 2009. TVSH.

 Feja 

Shumica e banorëve grekë, vllehë dhe romë janë krishterë ortodokse. Shumica e banorëve çame shqiptarë ishin myslimanë përpara shpërnguljes e tyre në vitëve 1944-1945. Kurse pjesa e tjerë janë shqipfolës ortodoksë, që sot janë një pakicë e madhe në rajon.

 Historia 
Rajoni të qarkut i Çamërisë iu aneksua Mbretërisë së Greqisë gjatë Luftërave Ballkanike në 1913, kur ushtria greke ia mori rajonin Perandorisë Osmane. Fillimisht, shumica e qarkut të Çamërisë ishte pjesë e qarkut të Janinës, dhe një pjesë e vogël e saj administrohej nga qarku i Prevezës. Në 1936 shteti grek e krijoi nga pjesët perëndimore të qarkut Janinës dhe pjesët veriore të qarkut të Prevezës qarkun e Çamërisë për të ushtruar kontroll më të fortë mbi çamët myslimanë .Baltsiotis. The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece. 2011. "Finally, so as to exercise better control over the minority, the Greek state created in late 1936 a new prefecture, that of Thesprotia, consisting of areas that previously belonged to the Prefectures of Ioannina (Yanina) and Preveza, embodying all the Muslim population..... According to the suggestion of the General Administration of Epirus to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (the 24th of October 1936), the presence of Albanian Muslims and the difficulties in “administrating” them from a far away capital calls for the creation of a new prefecture (HAMFA, 1937, A4/9)." Qarku i Çamërisë u emërua Θεσπρωτία/Thesprotia pas një heroit mitik të kohës së lashtë me emrin Θεσπρωτός/Thesprotós, për të zëvendësuar emrin vendore shqiptar Çamëria të rajonit. Deri në fillimin e Luftës së Dytë Botërore, emri Çamëria është përdorur nga popullata vendas si toponim për rajonin.Hammond. Epirus. 1967. f. 28. "Tsamouria is a word which..... Clarke and I were both familar with it, and it was in common use". 
Për më shumë mbi historinë e rajonit, shihni:

Historia e Çamërisë

 Vendbanimet 

 Lidhje të jashtme  
Për më shumë informata për Çamërinë, shih:

Instituti i Studimeve për Çamërinë

Më poshtë janë një seri e koleksioneve hartë ushtarake që lidhen me Çamërinë dhe përmbajnë topografi të detajuar (Krahasoni me listat të toponimet në artikujve për fshatrave të Çamërisë):

 Harta topografike austro-hungarez para Luftës së Parë Botërore. Shih fletët: Harta 1 dhe Harta 2. Shënim: Ka disa çështje gjeografik me ato harta dhe disa pasaktësi.
Harta topografike britanik prej Luftës e Dytë Botërore. Shih fletët: Kérkira  , Delvinákion dhe Párga . Në këto fletë, janë toponime të përfshira shumta shqiptare gjeografik (në formën greke) dhe vendet e xhamive në fshatra çame.
Harta topografike i detajuar sovjetik pas Luftës së Dytë Botërore. Shih fletët: Harta 1, Harta 2, Harta 3, Harta 4, Harta 5, Harta 6, Harta 7, Harta 8, Harta 9, Harta 10, Harta 11, Harta 12, Harta 13, Harta 14, Harta 15.

Shih gjithashtu një blog interesante për rajonin i përditshme dhe e kaluara:

La Bastia (në greqisht).

 Burimet 

Kategoria:Çamëri