هندوتوا

هندوتوا (Hindutva؛ معني هندوپن) هڪ هندو قوم پرست سياسي نظريو آهي جيڪو هندستان اندر هندو بالادستي قائم ڪرڻ جي عقيدي کي شامل ڪري ٿو. سياسي نظريو سال 1922ع ۾ ونائڪ دئمودر ساورڪر پاران تيار ڪيو ويو هو.  ان کي راشٽريه سوائم سيوڪ سنگهه (آر ايس ايس)، وشو هندو پريشد (وي ايڇ پي)، موجوده حڪمران ڀارتيه جنتا پارٽي (بي جي پي) ۽ ٻين تنظيمن، جنهن کي مجموعي طور تي سنگهه پريوار سڏيو ويندو آهي، پاران استعمال ڪيو ويندو آهي.

يورپي فسطائيت کان متاثر ٿي، هندوتوا تحريڪ کي مختلف طور تي ساڄي ڌر جي انتهاپسندي جي هڪ قسم جي طور تي بيان ڪيو ويو آهي، جيئن ڪلاسيڪل معنيٰ ۾، لڳ ڀڳ سڀني فاشسٽ هڪ عليحدگي پسند نظريي جي طور تي، هڪجهڙائي واري اڪثريت ۽ ثقافتي بالادستي جي تصور تي عمل ڪري رهيا آهن.: "This essay attempts to show how — from an analytical or from an historical perspective — Hindutva is a melding of Hindu fascism and Hindu fundamentalism."  ڪجهه تجزيه نگار فاشزم سان هندوتوا جي سڃاڻپ تي تڪرار ڪن ٿا ۽ تجويز ڪن ٿا ته هندوتوا قدامت پسندي يا نسلي قوم پرستي جي هڪ انتهائي شڪل آهي.

هندوتوا جا حامي، خاص طور تي ان جي شروعاتي نظريي جا حامي، جتي سياسي ۽ ثقافتي منظرنامو هندو قدرن جي شڪل ۾ آهي، هڪ هندو اڪثريت واري رياست جي خيال کي جائز قرار ڏيڻ لاءِ سياسي بيان بازي ۽ ڪڏهن ڪڏهن غلط معلومات استعمال ڪن ٿا. بهرحال، هن تحريڪ تي اڪثر ڪري ماڻهن کي فرقه وارانه لائينن تي ورهائڻ لاءِ هندو مذهبي جذبات کي غلط استعمال ڪرڻ ۽ سياسي فائدن لاءِ هندوتوا جي جامع ۽ تڪثيري نوعيت کي مسخ ڪرڻ تي تنقيد ڪئي وئي آهي.: "This essay attempts to show how — from an analytical or from an historical perspective — Hindutva is a melding of Hindu fascism and Hindu fundamentalism." هندومت جي برعڪس، جيڪو رحم، رواداري ۽ عدم تشدد ۾ جڙيل هڪ روحاني روايت آهي، هندوتوا کي انهن خيالن جي سياسي هٿ چراند لاءِ تنقيد ڪئي وئي آهي ته جيئن تقسيم پيدا ڪري سگهجي ۽ هڪ اهڙي ايجنڊا کي فروغ ڏئي سگهجي جيڪا غير هندو برادرين کي حاشيه تي رکي سگهي.  : "This essay attempts to show how — from an analytical or from an historical perspective — Hindutva is a melding of Hindu fascism and Hindu fundamentalism." هي سياسي نظريو، جڏهن ته هندو ثقافت جي ڪجهه پهلوئن تي ڌيان ڏئي ٿو، اڪثر ڪري سياسي غلبي تي ڌيان ڏيندي هندومت جي بنيادي تعليمات کي غلط طور تي پيش ڪري ٿو.  

اشتقاق
هندومت جي عالم،  جوليس جي. لپنر جي مطابق، هندوتوا هڪ سنسڪرت لفظ آهي، جيڪو "هندو بڻائڻ" جي معنيٰ ڏئي ٿو ۽ هي اصطلاح پهريون ڀيرو بنگالي هندستاني دانشورن ۾ برطانوي نوآبادياتي دور ۾ استعمال ٿيو. اصطلاح هندستاني مذهبن جي وضاحت ۽ "مذهب جي نوعيت بابت اولهه جي اڳڪٿين" جي روشني ۾ جڙيو، ته اڀرندڙ سياسي ۽ ثقافتي عقيدن سان گڏ  هندو ازم ڇا آهي؟ جن کان ترقي ڪيو آهي ۽ اصطلاح جي مختلف معنائن ۾ حصو ورتو آهي، جنهن سان هندستاني دانشور متفق نه هئا.

هندوتوا لفظ 1890ع جي ڏهاڪي جي آخر ۾ چندر ناٿ باسو پاران, صرف هڪ روايتي هندو ثقافتي نظريو پيش ڪرڻ لاءِ، استعمال ڪيو ويو. اصطلاح کي ونائڪ دئمودر ساورڪر جي سياسي نظريي سان هڪ وسيع معنيٰ ڏنو ويو.

اصطلاح جي تعريفون
ٻاهريان ذريعا
آڪسفورڊ انگلش ڊڪشنري (OED) جي مطابق. هندوتوا "اصل ۾: هندو هجڻ جي حالت يا معيار؛ 'هندوئي' آهي. هاڻي: هڪ نظريو جيڪو هندستان اندر هندن ۽ هندومت جي بالادستي جي وڪالت ڪري ٿو (يا تحريڪ قائم ڪرڻ جي ڪوشش ڪري ٿو)؛ هندو قوم پرستي.  ان جو اشتقاق، آڪسفورڊ انگلش ڊڪشنري جي مطابق: "جديد سنسڪرت هندوتوا، هندو خاصيتون، هندو سڃاڻپ، مان هندو، هندي هندو مان: ڏسو هندو اسم) + ڪلاسيڪل سنسڪرت جو "-توا" لاحقو جيڪو تجريدي اسم ٺاهي ٿو، هندي هندوپن کان پوءِ، ساڳئي معنيٰ ۾ آهي." هندو جي اشتقاق ۽ معنيٰ، آڪسفورڊ انگلش ڊڪشنري  جي مطابق: "جزوي طور تي هندي ۽ اردو مان قرض ورتو ويو آهي، جيڪو پاڻ جزوي طور تي فارسي مان قرض ورتو ويو آهي. اسم: اردو هندو، فارسي هندو، هندي هندو ۽ اردو هندو مان، اصل ۾ هندستان جي هڪ شخص ۽ هاڻي خاص طور تي هندومت جي هڪ پيروڪار کي ظاهر ڪري ٿو ۽ ان جو اسم فارسي هندو، ساڳئي معنى ۾، وچولي فارسي هندوگ، هندستان جي هڪ شخص کي ظاهر ڪندي، ظاهري طور تي اڳ ۾ ئي پراڻي فارسي ۾ ٺهيل آهي ... هندو، هخامنشي سلطنت جي هڪ اوڀر صوبي کي ظاهر ڪندي، هندستان جي هڪ شخص کي ظاهر ڪري ٿو."

ميريم-ويبسٽر جي انسائيڪلوپيڊيا آف ورلڊ رليجنز جي مطابق، هندوتوا "هندستاني ثقافتي، قومي ۽ مذهبي سڃاڻپ" جو تصور آهي. اصطلاح "جغرافيائي طور تي ٻڌل مذهبي، ثقافتي ۽ قومي سڃاڻپ کي گڏ ڪري ٿو: جئين ته هڪ سچو 'هندستاني' اهو آهي، جيڪو هن هندوتوا جو حصو آهي.

According to Merriam-Webster's Encyclopedia of World Religions, Hindutva is a concept of "Indian cultural, national, and religious identity." The term "conflates a geographically based religious, cultural, and national identity: a true 'Indian' is one who partakes of this Hindu-ness. Some Indians insist, however, that Hindutva is primarily a cultural term to refer to the traditional and indigenous heritage of the Indian nation-state, and they compare the relationship between Hindutva and India to that of Zionism and Israel." This view, as summarised by Merriam-Webster's Encyclopedia of World Religions, holds that "even those who are not religiously Hindu but whose religions originated in India – Jains, Buddhists, Sikhs, and others – share in this historical, cultural, and national essence. Those whose religions were imported to India, meaning primarily the country's Muslim and Christian communities, may fall within the boundaries of Hindutva only if they subsume themselves into the majority culture."

According to the Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics and International Relations, "Hindutva, translated as 'Hinduness,' refers to the ideology of Hindu nationalists, stressing the common culture of the inhabitants of the Indian subcontinent. ... Modern politicians have attempted to play down the racial and anti-Muslim aspects of Hindutva, stressing the inclusiveness of the Indian identity; but the term has Fascist undertones." According to The Dictionary of Human Geography, "Hindutva encapsulates the cultural justification of Hindu nationalism, a 'Hinduness' allegedly shared by all Hindus." According to A Political and Economic Dictionary of South Asia, "One of the main purposes behind the concept of Hindutva was to construct a collective identity to support the cause of 'Hindu-unity' (Hindu Sanghatan) and to avoid too narrow a definition of Hinduism, which had the consequence of excluding Buddhists, Sikhs and Jains from the Hindu community. Later, Hindu-nationalist ideologues transformed the concept into a strategy to include non-Hindus, in order to widen their social base, and for political mobilisation.

According to Encyclopædia Britannica article on Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, a Hindu and Indian nationalist, "Hindutva ("Hinduness") ... sought to define Indian culture as a manifestation of Hindu values; this concept grew to become a major tenet of Hindu nationalist ideology." According to the Encyclopedia of Hinduism, Hindutva as defined in the classic statement of its ideology, is the "culture of the Hindu race" where Hinduism is but an element and "Hindu dharma is a religion practiced by Hindus as well as Sikhs and Buddhists." The article further states, "proponents of Hindutva have sought to promote the identification of national identity with the religious and broader cultural heritage of Hindus. Measures taken to achieve this end have included attempts to 'reclaim' individuals judged to have taken up 'alien' religions, the pursuit of social, cultural and philanthropic activities designed to strengthen awareness of Hindu belonging, and direct political action through various organisations, including recognised political parties such as the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)."

ساورڪر
For Savarkar, in Essentials of Hindutva, Hindutva is an inclusive term of everything Indic. The three essentials of Hindutva in Savarkar's definition were the common nation (rashtra), common race (jati), and common culture or civilisation (sanskriti). Savarkar used the words "Hindu" and "Sindhu" interchangeably. Those terms were at the foundation of his Hindutva, as geographic, cultural and ethnic concepts, and "religion did not figure in his ensemble", states Sharma. His elaboration of Hindutva included all Indic religions, i.e. Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism, and Sikhism. Savarkar restricted "Hindu nationality" to "Indian religions" in the sense that they shared a common culture and fondness for the land of their origin. Savarkar had made clear distinction between Hinduism and Hindutva, that they are not same things as Hindutva does not concern religion or rituals but the basis of India's national character.

In summary, Savarkar's Hinduism is a concept beyond the practice of religion. It encompasses India's cultural, historical, and national identity rooted in Hindu traditions and values. Hindutva is to build a strong Hindu nation, and this is the principle that holds together the customs and culture of this land.

According to Christophe Jaffrelot, a political scientist specialising in South Asia, Savarkar – declaring himself as an atheist – "minimises the importance of religion in his definition of Hindu", and instead emphasises an ethnic group with a shared culture and cherished geography., Quote: "Savarkar had long lived abroad, and his Hindutva is a European product from its opening words on. [...] Savarkar was not a religious man; for him, traditional religious belief and practice did not lie at the heart of Hindutva. He did, however, consider the religion's cultural traditions to be key markers of Hindutva, along with geographical attachment to the motherland and a sense of oneself as a part of a "race determined by a common origin, possessing a common blood." To Savarkar, states Jaffrelot, a Hindu is "first and foremost someone who lives in the area beyond the Indus river, between the Himalayas and the Indian Ocean." Savarkar composed his ideology in reaction to the "pan-Islamic mobilisation of the Khilafat movement", where Indian Muslims were pledging support to the Istanbul-based Caliph of the Ottoman Empire and to Islamic symbols, his thoughts predominantly reflect deep hostility to Islam and its followers. To Savarkar, states Jaffrelot, "Muslims were the real enemies, not the British", because their Islamic ideology posed "a threat to the real nation, namely Hindu Rashtra" in his vision. All those who reject this historic "common culture" were excluded by Savarkar. He included those who had converted to Christianity or Islam but accepted and cherished the shared Indic culture, considering them as those who can be re-integrated.

According to Chetan Bhatt, a sociologist specialising in Human Rights and Indian nationalism, Savarkar "distances the idea of Hindu and of Hindutva from Hinduism." He describes Hindutva, states Bhatt, as "one of the most comprehensive and bewildering synthetic concepts known to the human tongue" and "Hindutva is not a word but a history; not only the spiritual or religious history of our people as at times it is mistaken to be by being confounded with the other cognate term Hinduism, but a history in full."

Savarkar's notion of Hindutva formed the foundation for his Hindu nationalism. It was a form of ethnic nationalism per the criteria set by Clifford Geertz, Lloyd Fallers, and Anthony D. Smith.

انڊيا جي سپريم ڪورٽ
The definition and the use of Hindutva and its relationship with Hinduism has been a part of several court cases in India. In 1966, chief justice P. B. Gajendragadkar wrote for the Supreme Court of India in Yagnapurushdasji (AIR 1966 SC 1127), that "Hinduism is impossible to define." The court adopted Radhakrishnan's submission that Hinduism is complex and "the theist and atheist, the sceptic and agnostic, may all be Hindus if they accept the Hindu system of culture and life." The Court judged that Hinduism historically has had an "inclusive nature" and it may "broadly be described as a way of life and nothing more."

The 1966 decision has significantly influenced the judicial interpretation of the term Hindutva in subsequent cases, particularly in the seven rulings delivered by the Supreme Court during the 1990s, collectively referred to as the "Hindutva judgments." These judgments broadly characterised Hindutva as a "way of life" or a "state of mind," rather than as a political ideology or a religious doctrine. These judgements have faced widespread criticism. The Indian lawyer A. G. Noorani states that the Supreme Court in its 1995 ruling gave "Hindutva a benign meaning, calling Hindutva the same as Indianisation, etc." and these were unnecessary digressions from the facts of the case, and in doing so, "the court may have brought down the wall separating religion and politics." Mukul Kesavan, a historian and writer, argues that the judgments lend legitimacy to a sectarian vision of India and undermine the secular pluralism enshrined in the constitution. According to Kesavan, the judgements effectively sanitised the ideological project of the Sangh Parivar and enabled political actors to invoke majoritarian themes without transgressing the legal boundaries of religious appeals under electoral law.

سال 2002ع جي گجرات فساد کان پوءِ، شڀرا ورما، جسٽس جي ايس ورما جي ڌيءَ، جنهن 1995ع جو فيصلو لکيو هو، چيو ته، "هن کي (يعني هن جي پئي کي) هميشه سال 1995ع کان پوءِ هن فيصلي جي غلط تشريح تي افسوس رهيو ۽ ڪيئن پنهنجن مقصدن لاءِ، سياستدانن جو هڪ گروهه سندس فيصلي جي روح کي ٽوڙيو هو."  سال 2016ع ۾، سپريم ڪورٽ پنهنجي سال 1995ع جي فيصلي مان پيدا ٿيندڙ "تباهه ڪندڙ نتيجن" جي نظرثاني جي درخواست رد ڪري ڇڏيو.

 نظريا ۽ موضوع 

 تاريخ 

 تنظيمون؛ تصور ۽ مسئلا 

 هندوتوا تشدد 

 هندوتوا پاپ 

 پڻ ڏسو 

حوالا

ٻاهريان ڳنڍڻا


زمرو:هندوتوا 
زمرو:فاشزم 
زمرو:هندومت 
زمرو:قومپرستي
زمرو:هندوستان
زمرو:نسل پرستي 
زمرو:سياسي نظريا 
زمرو:ڀارت ۾ تڪرار
زمرو:ڀارت ۾ مذھب
زمرو:ڀارت ۾ اسلام
زمرو:سنگھه پريوار 
زمرو:ڀارتي جنتا پارٽي 
زمرو:هندومت تي تنقيد 
زمرو:هندو قوم پرستي 
زمرو:نسلي قوم پرستي 
زمرو:ڀارت ۾ اسلاموفوبيا 
زمرو:ڀارت ۾ اسلاموفوبيا 
زمرو:ڀارت ۾ انتها پسندي
زمرو:هندستان ۾ قدامت پسندي
زمرو:ڀارت ۾ اسلام مخالف جذبات 
زمرو:هندستان ۾ ساڄي ڌر جي سياست 
زمرو:پاڪستان ۾ ساڄي ڌر جي سياست 
زمرو:هندستان ۾ عيسائي مخالف جذبات 
زمرو:سال 1922ع متعارف ڪيل نظريا 

زمرو:سياسي نظريا 
زمرو:ساڄي ڌر جا نظريا
زمرو:فاشزم 
زمرو:نيو-فاشزم 
زمرو:ڀارت ۾ فاشزم
زمرو:فاشزم ۽ مذهب 
زمرو:فاشسٽ تحريڪون