奴隷制度に対するキリスト教徒の見解

奴隷制度に対するキリスト教徒の見解（どれいせいどにたいするキリストきょうとのけんかい）では、奴隷制度に対するキリスト教の聖職者、神学者の見解を説明する。

奴隷制度に関する議論は歴史的に多岐に渡る。初期キリスト教が成立した古代ローマでは奴隷制度は一般的であり、教父、聖職者によって様々な言及がなされてきた。

奴隷も自由人もないというガラテヤ 3:28、人を神のかたちに創造したとする創世記1:27Tolmie, D. F. (2014). “Tendencies in the interpretation of Galatians 3:28 since 1990”. Acta Theologica 33 (2): 105. doi:10.4314/actat.v33i2S.6, p. 107、自由意志の教義Kyle Harper, Christianity and the Roots of Human Dignity in Late Antiquity, in Christianity and Freedom , pp. 123 - 148 DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781316408582.007, Publisher: Cambridge University Press, 2016, p. 141, "Gregory of Nazianzus, for instance, exhorted his flock to love the
poor by imagining the ultimate justice of God. God created humans “free and with free will.” Christians should act with “the original equality of rights, not the subsequent inequities” in mind; invoking the word isonomia , Gregory gestured toward a rich, ancient value that had underwritten the most egalitarian impulses of Greek democracy. But Gregory could ground his vision of equality in divine intention; the divisions between wealth and poverty, like those between freedom and slavery, were not part of the original creation, but rather “evils” that attended only fallen humanity. 94 Christians should recognize this fact and act accordingly: “imitate the egalitarian justice of God and there shall be no poor man.”"、奴隷制度を原罪に起因するものとして批判したアウグスティヌス、奴隷制が人間の自然な権利を侵害すると論証した歴史上最初の人物とされるニュッサのグレゴリオス、キリスト教を普遍主義、自由、尊厳の源流として、普遍的人権が成立するための前提条件だったとする見解の一方で、聖書の一節が奴隷制度廃止論者と奴隷制度容認論者の両方から引用されることがあった。

聖書における奴隷
旧約聖書および新約聖書では、奴隷のことを労働者、預言者、神に対する態度の別名として使用することがあったJewish Encyclopedia (1901), article on Slaves and Slavery。

聖書注釈者は新約聖書が書かれた紀元1世期の古代ローマにおいて奴隷制度廃止はありえないことであり、所有者の権限を制限し神の被造物の間において、奴隷が対等と見られるための権利を保持するよう働きかけることで、奴隷制に影響を与えようとしたと考えている。聖書において奴隷制度廃止は明言されていないが、聖書の根底にある教義（神のかたちに人を創造、キリストの犠牲、最後の審判）が、人間が他の人間を所有できないことを意味していると主張するMargaret Killingray, The Bible, Slavery and Onesimus, ANVIL Volume 24 No 2 2007. p.90, "That the Bible supports slavery is an accusation that has been made in many contexts. But a better way of putting it would be that both Old and New Testaments describe slavery as practised in the societies of the time. Both the Law in the OT and the outworking of Christian discipleship in the NT sought to influence the working of slavery so that the power of owners was limited and the right of slaves to be counted as equals in the fellowship of the people of God was maintained. What the Bible does not do in so many words is denounce slavery as a sinful institution, per se, in all forms and in all places. However, many would argue that the underlying biblical theology – creation in the image of God, the Fall involving all humanity, Jesus’ one atoning sacrifice for all, and the final universal judgment – means that humans cannot own other humans. Wholesale emancipation simply was not a possibility. Nor was democracy."。

聖書を社会的枠組みとしての文化から再構築する試みも行われており、クリフォード・ギアツによる文化人類学的なアプローチは宗教を文化的体系と捉えることでC. Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures (New York 1973) 44–125.、ウェイン・A・ミークスやといった聖書学者や歴史神学者に影響を与え、文化的転回をパウロ研究にもたらしたとされるW.A. Meeks, “A Hermeneutics of Social Embodiment”, in id., In Search of the Early Christians (ed. A.R. Hilton and H. Gregory Snyder; New Haven 2002) 185–195, at 187; G.A. Lindbeck, The Nature of Doctrine, 25th Anniversary Edition. Religion and Theology in a Postliberal Age (Philadelphia 2009).Tanner, Theories (see n. 4), 25–58. See also A. Wallace-Hadrill, Rome’s Cultural Revolution (Cambridge 2008) 28–32; and R. Hingley, Globalizing Roman Culture. Unity, Diversity and Empire (London 2005) 51–54.。多くの聖書学者、神学者はユダヤ教とヘレニズムとの人工的な文化的二項対立を否定し、ヘレニズムは単なる環境でなく、パウロや初期キリスト教徒のアイデンティティに不可欠なものだと合意しているRhetorical criticism: H.D. Betz, Galatians. A Commentary on Paul’s Letter to the Churches in Galatia (Hermeneia; Philadelphia 1979); G.A. Kennedy, New Testament Criticism through Rhetorical Criticism (Chapel Hill 1984); M.M. Mitchell, Paul and the Rhetoric of Reconciliation. An Exegetical Investigation of the Language and Composition of 1 Corinthians (HUTh 28; Tübingen 1991); S.K. Stowers, A Rereading of Romans. Justice, Jews, and Gentiles (New Haven 1994). Ancient philosophy: A.J. Malherbe, Paul and the Popular Philosophers (Minneapolis 1989); T. Engberg-Pedersen, Paul and the Stoics (Louisville, KY 2000); W. Deming, Paul on Marriage and Celibacy. The Hellenistic Background of 1 Corinthians 7 (2 nd ed.; Grand Rapids, MI 2004).。一例として聖書における奴隷を理解するには、1世紀古代ローマ、ヘレニズムの一部としてのパウロを社会的に再構成する必要がある。

文化的転回を適用するならば、アウグストゥスが独裁官就任の申し出を拒否することで権威を得たように、パウロもまた権力（ポテスタス）を放棄することで、指導者としての権威（アウトクリタス）を得たと解釈でき、古代ローマの文化的規範を破壊したのではなく参加したと考えることが可能になる。

旧約聖書
キリスト教徒の奴隷制度廃止論は旧約聖書解釈からも派生している。ニュッサのグレゴリオス（335年頃 - 394年以降）はコヘレトの言葉の解釈から、神のものであるものを私有財産とすることを人間の驕りとし、奴隷の所有を傲慢だと非難した。さらに自由と自律を本性とする人間を奴隷にすることを否定し、奴隷制度を批判したKyle Harper, Christianity and the Roots of Human Dignity in Late Antiquity, in Christianity and Freedom , pp. 123 - 148 DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781316408582.007, Publisher: Cambridge University Press, 2016, p. 133, "Gregory’s thoughts on slavery emerge from his interpretation of Ecclesiastes, as Gregory launches out from the author’s reflections on the vanity of his wealth. “If a man makes that which truly belongs to God into his own private property, by allotting himself sovereignty over his own race, and thinks himself the master of men and women, what could follow but an arrogance exceeding all nature from the one who sees himself as something other than the ones who are ruled?” Throughout the homily, Gregory returns again and again to the sheer arrogance of slave ownership. But there also courses throughout the text an unprecedented attack on the injustice of the institution itself. In the first place, slave ownership was unjust because it violated the free nature of humans. “Do you condemn man to slavery, whose nature is free and autonomous?” This is a remarkable statement. No ancient authority had invoked the “free nature” of human beings......Gregory, though, was the first to draw the startling conclusion that a material condition such as slavery violated the free nature of the human being. "。

紀元前2世紀、ユダヤ教エッセネ派は奴隷制度を不当と考え、拒否したとの報告があるが、詳しい資料が残されておらず経緯は知られていないKyle Harper, Christianity and the Roots of Human Dignity in Late Antiquity, in Christianity and Freedom , pp. 123 - 148 DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781316408582.007, Publisher: Cambridge University Press, 2016, p. 132, "We have a tantalizing report that the Essenes, a breakaway purist sect of Jews in the late Second Temple period, refused to practice slavery because they considered it unjust, though we can know no more. Beyond that, the world records no opposition to slavery as an institution  – before the words of Gregory of Nyssa. 。

旧約聖書にはヘブライ人奴隷（または年季奉公人）の法的権利を定める聖句がある。

奴隷が危害を加えられたなら、負傷した奴隷は代償として解放された。

一定期間の奉公後に解放が定められている。

奴隷とするために誘拐を行う者に対しては厳しい罰が与えられた。

新約聖書
ローマ帝国にとってキリスト教の存在は未知の脅威であり、キリスト教は予断を許さない危険な状況にあった。パウロは難しい立場におかれており、キリスト教徒が善良な市民として、古代ローマの伝統的な社会規範、家庭内の秩序、つまり妻、子供、奴隷の服従を支持することを証明しなければならなかったCraig Kenner, “Subversive Conservatism: How could Paul communicate his radical message to those threatened by it?” Christian History XIV (3) (1995): 35.The tragedy of slavery: the church’s response, Scott Key, Pacific Journal 2 (2007): p.2, Paul was in a difficult position. The growth of the Church was a threat to the Roman Empire. Its existence was uncertain. Paul needed to “prove that Christians were good citizens and upheld traditional Roman family values: namely, the submission of wives, children, and slaves.” His teachings do this, but they also include challenges to the social order by placing new expectations on husbands, fathers, and slaveowners. Masters could no longer do whatever they wanted with their slaves. Instead, Paul reminded, “You have the same Master in heaven, and with him there is no partiality” (Ephesians 6:9)."。

古代ローマでは奴隷制度は一般的であり全人口の3分の1が奴隷だったと主張する学者もいる。紀元一世期のキリスト教徒の多くが奴隷または、奴隷の所有者、自由市民であり、彼らが集まって最初の教会を形成したMargaret Killingray, The Bible, Slavery and Onesimus, ANVIL Volume 24 No 2 2007. p.85, "The Christians of the first century AD lived and worked in slaveholding societies. Slaves, slave owners and free citizens together formed the first churches. Paul’s great statement – ‘There is neither Jew nor Greek, slave nor free, male nor female; for you are all one in Christ Jesus.’ (Gal. 3:27,28) – focuses on the three main areas of division in human society: race, ethnicity and religion; status and economic disparity; and gender"。パウロは人種、民族、宗教、地位、経済格差、ジェンダー等の分断について述べている。

パウロは古代ローマの伝統的社会規範に忠実であることを示そうとするために、古代ギリシャの哲学者等が家事における社会的序列を定めた指針を継承した James C. Dunn, The Epistles to the Colossians and to Philemon: A Commentary on the Greek Text (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1996), 244. 。しかし奉仕の背後にある心的動機、下位者に対する思いやりが、神のために行われるという独特の視点を付加したC.F.D. Moule, The Epistles to the Colossians and Philemon, The Cambridge Greek New Testament Commentary (Cambridge, UK: University Press, 1962), 127; Col 3:23; Peter T. O’Brien, Colossians and Philemon, Word Biblical Commentary (Waco, TX: Word, 1982), 218-219.。

この他にも類似した句が存在し、キリスト教徒の主人は当時のローマの社会的慣習に反して妻、子供、奴隷に対して法律上の絶対権力を行使できなくなったことが示唆されているMargaret Killingray, The Bible, Slavery and Onesimus, ANVIL Volume 24 No 2 2007. p.92。

パウロは奴隷所有者であるピレモンに対して、何らかの犯罪をして逃亡していた奴隷のオネシモを霊的な兄弟として迎え、解放するよう懇願している。またオネシモによって生じた損害の返済を申し出ている。ピレモンに社会制度に反して関係を見直すよう促しつつ、自ら何をすべきかを考えさせたMargaret Killingray, The Bible, Slavery and Onesimus, ANVIL Volume 24 No 2 2007. pp. 93-94, "Philemon is being asked to transform the relationship between master and slave, within the context of the fellowship meeting in his house.

This letter reminds us that we all have to live with limitations, having to make the most of things we cannot change. Onesimus cannot change his slave status; Paul in prison has to rely on others, on letters, at a distance. Philemon has to decide what is possible for him as he takes a stand against the accepted social and legal systems of his day. ‘We know that all things work together for good for those who love God, who are called according to his purpose. For those whom he foreknew he also predestined to be conformed to the image of his Son’ (Rom. 8:28). The lifelong transformation of Christians into the image of Jesus is more likely to take place in these difficult situations than in situations of ease and comfort."。

ピレモンへの手紙は、二人のキリスト教徒の対立関係に対処せざるをえない困難な判断をせまられる状況から、自らの力で変えることができない社会的現実の中で最善を尽くし生きていかなければならないことをキリスト教徒に思い起こさせ、自分にとって何が可能かを信者一人ひとりの決定にゆだねることにした。

新約聖書の句には奴隷制度廃止論者と奴隷制度推進論者の双方によって使われたものがあるRevisiting the Problem of 1 Corinthians 7:21, J. Albert Harrill, The Ohio State University, Biblical research, 2020, Volume: 65, pp. 77-94。

奴隷制度廃止論者はこの節を、逃げ出す機会があれば能動的に自由を手にいれ、現状を変えられない場合は所有者に忍耐強く耐えて順調にやっていくようパウロが述べたと解釈したが、奴隷制度推進論者は法的に解放されるまで、奴隷の身分にとどまるべきと解釈した。この節の解釈を巡る論争がアメリカを南北戦争に追い込んだと考える学者もいるHarrill, Slaves in the New Testament, 165–92。

 初代教会 
初代教会の時代、キリストの再臨への期待から、奴隷制度に反対する立場を持つ神学者、教父がおり、奴隷制度が神のかたちを持つ万人の尊厳に反すると考えた。アンティオキアのイグナティオス、ポリュカルポスは奴隷制度に反対しており、一部のキリスト教徒も洗礼時に奴隷の解放を行っているHenry Chadwick, The Church in Ancient Society: From Galilee to Gregory the Great (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001). Jennifer A. Glancy, Slavery in Early Christianity (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002).The tragedy of slavery: the church’s response, Scott Key, Pacific Journal 2 (2007): p.2,, "As the early church emerged, positions taken on slavery were affected by concern over survival and the expectation of Jesus’ imminent return. As time went on and the church grew, leaders such as Polycarp and Ignatius of Antioch spoke out against slavery and some Christians freed their slaves
upon conversion. 2 Many Christians found slavery repugnant to the dignity of the image of God in all."。

 教父時代 
アウグスティヌスは、奴隷制度は神の意志に反しており、原罪に起因したものであると説明した。

多数の教父達が奴隷解放を目標としたが、ニュッサのグレゴリオス（335頃-394）は奴隷制そのものを否定した, "He radically rejects the ownership of human beings because of his conviction that human beings are more than merely physical entities."。グレゴリオスは奴隷制の基本的不当性を論証した最古の人物として知られており、キリスト教の価値観に基づいた普遍的な尊厳を根拠として奴隷制廃止論を展開したKyle Harper, Christianity and the Roots of Human Dignity in Late Antiquity, in Christianity and Freedom , pp. 123 - 148 DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781316408582.007, Publisher: Cambridge University Press, 2016, p. 134, "it is no small distinction to be the earliest human to have left an argument for the basic injustice of slavery....What is all the more remarkable is that Gregory looked past the obvious, surface rationalizations for slavery available in Christian scripture, to develop a philosophically coherent account of human nature grounded in Christian values. Those values were firmly centered on universal dignity. Gregory’s logic, even his rhetoric, presages the ideology of abolitionism, more than a millennium before it would come of age. "。グレゴリオスは初期キリスト教徒の時代から重視されてきた自由意志に加え、ユスティノスやオリゲネスを引用して、人間の本性が自由で自律的と表現し神が自由な存在として人間を創造したことを強調したKyle Harper, Christianity and the Roots of Human Dignity in Late Antiquity, in Christianity and Freedom , pp. 123 - 148 DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781316408582.007, Publisher: Cambridge University Press, 2016, p. 134, "Rather, Gregory considered the physis , the natural constitution of the human, to be free, eleuthera ; eleutheria , in the ancient world, has not incorrectly been interpreted to mean “positive liberty,” the capacity to act; it was a status word, implying a state of honour as well as liberty. Novel though it was, Gregory’s claim here is not totally surprising, in light of the high emphasis that early Christians placed on free will. When Gregory calls human nature “free and autonomous,” he invokes a language that runs straight back through Origen to early Fathers such as Justin Martyr. The early Christians had stringently maintained that humans were endowed by God with a free will. In doing so, they explicitly set themselves apart from strongly deterministic philosophies like Stoicism. I have argued that Justin Martyr was the first person to use exactly the formula of “free will,” and the concept would be vitally important to the Christian conception of man as an essentially rational and moral being, created with both freedom and responsibility.。

元奴隷の宣教師聖パトリックは改宗したキリスト教徒を奴隷とした国王を破門したMary Cagney, “Patrick the Saint,” Christian History XVII (4) (1998): 14.。聖パトリックと教会の影響力によって、アイルランドでは奴隷制度が廃止されたThomas Cahill, How the Irish Saved Civilization: The Untold Story of Ireland’s Heroic Role from the Fall of Rome to the Rise of Medieval Europe (New York: Doubleday, 1995).。

ローマ皇帝ユスティアヌスの治世において、司教や公職者による奴隷の無償解放（主人の許可は不要）が法制化されたYouval Rotman, "Byzantine Slavery and the Mediterranean World", Harvard University Press, 2009 p. 139, "Novella 142 of Justinian gave bishops and magistrates the power to free a castrated slave without his master's permission."。エルサレムのペラギアは奴隷解放によって称賛されJacobus Diaconus (James, or Jacob, the Deacon) (1628), "22: The Life of Saint Pelagia the Harlot [Celebrated in the Roman Martyrology on October 8] by Jacobus Diaconus, translated into Latin from the Greek by Eustochius", Vitae Patrum: De Vita et Verbis Seniorum sive Historiae Eremiticae, Vol. I, Antwerp、（588-650）は奴隷解放のために私財を投じている。

キリスト教以前の古代の社会には人道的な概念はあったとしても、現代の普遍的人権の概念に相当するものは見られなかったKyle Harper, Christianity and the Roots of Human Dignity in Late Antiquity, in Christianity and Freedom , pp. 123 - 148 DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781316408582.007, Publisher: Cambridge University Press, 2016, p. 130, "The Stoics stared past the sheer violence and degradation that were essential to the institution of slavery, resolved to accept the world as fate handed it to us. Nowhere in Stoic thought is there anything resembling the argument that the institution of slavery violated the just claims and immunities to which all humans were entitled by their very worth. In short, Stoicism did not incubate the raw material of Kantian rights.。キリスト教が古代ローマの国教となると、奴隷制度が社会慣習として存在する残酷な世界と福音の不調和にキリスト教徒は指導者として直面することになり、キリスト教化された社会で育った世代の神学者や聖職者達は奴隷制が人間の本性である自由や尊厳を侵害しないかを本格的に検討するようになった。この時期のキリスト教の聖職者や政治家がジョン・ロック的な自然権の概念に至ることは無かったが、イマヌエル・カント的な普遍主義、自由、尊厳といった人権の構成要素を見出すことができるKyle Harper, Christianity and the Roots of Human Dignity in Late Antiquity, in Christianity and Freedom , pp. 123 - 148 DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781316408582.007, Publisher: Cambridge University Press, 2016, p.131, "Christianization created the grounds for the development of human rights. This claim can be explored by isolating several moments of encounter between Christians and the world around them in the period of late antiquity, roughly between the ages of Constantine (AD 306 337) and Justinian (AD 527–565). ... In other words, we should expect to find neither formal human rights claims, nor the logic of Lockean rights. Instead, we will find the constituent elements of Kantian rights: universalism, freedom, and above all dignity – the view that each human is the bearer of incomparable worth. These moments of encounter are all we will find. The conversion of Constantine did not usher in an era of glorious Christian Kantianism; the world continued to be a cruel, gray place. These moments of encounter are, however, meaningful irruptions of the logic of human rights into a world where they were foreign."。特にカントの尊厳は絶対主義的な性質を帯びており、あらゆる利害関係を超越した万人の権利を構想するには、社会のキリスト教化が前提として不可欠だったと主張する学者がいるKyle Harper, Christianity and the Roots of Human Dignity in Late Antiquity, in Christianity and Freedom , pp. 123 - 148 DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781316408582.007, Publisher: Cambridge University Press, 2016, p.125, "The first is universalism . Human rights are claims that all humans have simply by virtue of being human; they are universal across all individuals of the species. Hence, human rights are egalitarian. They are a kind of claim that does not depend on individual qualities or capacities and therefore cannot differ across individuals. The second is freedom . Human rights by their very nature insist on autonomy, whether conceived positively (as a power, a material capability) or negatively (as an immunity, an absence of restraint). The third is dignity . Human rights require a conception of human beings as incomparably valuable or worthy creatures. It is this third element that can inflect rights with a virtually absolutist quality. When competing goods are at stake, respecting human worthiness always outweighs the alternatives."。

現代的な人権概念（普遍主義、自由、尊厳）に到達するには、長い準備段階が必要であり、かつて疑問の余地のなかった搾取や貧困、そこから派生する奴隷制度が初めて摩擦を起こしたのが、キリスト教化されたローマの教父時代であった。キリスト教神学者と奴隷制度の間に起きた衝突が基本的な道徳的価値観を育て、知的資源としてカント等の啓蒙主義者によって活用されたと考えられているKyle Harper, Christianity and the Roots of Human Dignity in Late Antiquity, in Christianity and Freedom , pp. 123 - 148 DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781316408582.007, Publisher: Cambridge University Press, 2016, p. 143, " The early origins proposed in this paper, in which human rights rest on a long, pre-Enlightenment preparatory phase, argue that beliefs about the high worth of humanity were created slowly and collectively and took centuries to establish as broad cultural norms. Late antiquity is so important because here we witness the white sparks of friction, as now-familiar cultural norms for the first time confronted what were once unquestioned institutions and experiences such as slavery, sexual exploitation, and poverty. This history reminds us that what to us seems unthinkable was once unquestionable. Beliefs in the universal and incomparable worth of the human being provided the moral resources to begin the long and still unfinished business of trying to recognize and to realize the human rights of all."。

 東ローマ帝国
東ローマ帝国では神と人間との関係を再構築し、奴隷解放や主人がもつ奴隷の権限を弱められていったYouval Rotman, "Byzantine Slavery and the Mediterranean World", p. 140Youval Rotman, "Byzantine Slavery and the Mediterranean World", transl. by Jane Marie Todd, Cambridge, Massachusetts – London, Harvard University Press 2009. Book presentation in a) Nikolaos Linardos (University of Athens), , Mediterranean Chronicle 1 (2011)  pp. 281, 282, b) Alice Rio, American Historical Review, Vol. 115, Issue 5, 2010, pp. 1513–1514。

 中世から近世
中世ヨーロッパでは大部分のキリスト教化によって奴隷制度は事実上廃止されたRodney Stark, “The Truth about the Catholic Church and Slavery,” Christianity Today, July 14, 2003.。またキリスト教化の枠組みを越えた普遍的な奴隷廃止運動が行われたことも知られている。9世紀のはバイキングによる奴隷貿易に反対し、10世紀のベネチア共和国の司教も奴隷貿易の廃止に取り組んだ。、アンセルムスによって奴隷制度の禁止は強化されたThe tragedy of slavery: the church’s response, Scott Key, Pacific Journal 2 (2007): p.3,, "In the seventh century, Bathilda (the Queen Regent of Burgundy and Neutria) campaigned to stop the slave trade and free all who found themselves in this condition. In the ninth century, Anskar (a Benedictine monk who established the first church in Scandinavia) tried to halt the Viking slave trade. Venetian bishops worked to prevent the slave trade in the tenth century. 10 While these efforts did not succeed, the prohibition on Christian slaves (and the subsequent conversion of most of Europe) led to the de facto end of slavery there. This prohibition was enforced by rulers and churchmen such as William the Conqueror, Wulfstan, and Anselm"。

中世ヨーロッパにおいて奴隷はまれであったが、13世紀以降、アリストテレスの知能と人種にもとづくある種の奴隷制Aristot. Pol. 7.1327b, "The nations inhabiting the cold places and those of Europe are full of spirit but somewhat deficient in intelligence and skill, so that they continue comparatively free, but lacking in political organization and capacity to rule their neighbors. The peoples of Asia on the other hand are intelligent and skillful in temperament, but lack spirit, so that they are in continuous subjection and slavery. But the Greek race participates in both characters, just as it occupies the middle position geographically, for it is both spirited and intelligent; hence it continues to be free and to have very good political institutions, and to be capable of ruling all mankind if it attains constitutional unity.", Aristotle, PoliticsPolitics, I, 2, 1254a 17 ff., The Complete Works of Aristotle. Edited by Jonathan Barnes. Princeton University Press, 1991. "But is there any one thus intended by nature to be a slave, and for whom such a condition is an expedient and right, or rather is not all slavery a violation of nature? There is no difficulty in answering this question, on grounds both of reason and of fact. For that some should rule and others be ruled is a thing not only necessary, but expedient; from the hour of their birth, some are marked out for subjection, others for rule."がトマス・アクィナスによってキリスト教神学に導入された。アリストテレスの自然奴隷論はフアン・ヒネス・デ・セプルベダがバリャドリッド論争において、バルトロメ・デ・ラス・カサスに対抗して用いているAquinas on Slavery: An Aristotelian Puzzle, H Zagal - Congresso Tomista Internazionale, 2003, "From the historic point of view, the theory of natural slavery played an important role in the so called Indian matter. As it is known the arguments in favor of the conquest and domain of the native Americans had a clear Aristotelic background. The most significant landmark in this matter was the meeting of Valladolid, where Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda confronted Bartolomé de las Casas with Aristotelic arguments."。

15世紀後期から16世紀前期まで奴隷制が教皇によって認められる期間が続いた。西アフリカでの奴隷制はニコラウス5世、カリクストゥス3世によって容認され、アレクサンデル6世のインテル・カエテラ（1493年5月4日）によって、それ以前の勅書は再承認され、アメリカの先住民にまで拡大されたSardar, Ziauddin, and Davies, Merryl Wyn. 2004. The No-Nonsense Guide to Islam. Verso. . p. 94.Phipps, William E., Amazing Grace in John Newton, Mercer University Press, 2004 Richard Raiswell (1997), "Nicholas V, Papal Bulls of", in Junius Rodriquez (ed.) The Historical Encyclopedia of World Slavery, Denver, Colorado/Oxford, England; ABC-CLIO, p. 469.Thomas Foster Earle (2005), Black Africans in Renaissance Europe; Cambridge/New York/Melbourne, Cambridge University Press, p. 281, and; Luis N. Rivera (1992), A Violent Evangelism: The Political and Religious Conquest of the Americas, Louisville, Westminster John Knox Press, p. 25.。

1537年、パウルス3世はスブリミス・デウスを公布したことにより、それまでの教皇勅書を更新したアレクサンデル6世のインテル・カエテラの効果を無効とした"The Encyclopedia Of Christianity", p. 212Stogre, Michael (1992). That the World may Believe: The Development of Papal Social Thought on Aboriginal Rights. Montréal, Éditions Paulines & Médiaspaul, p. 115, fn. 133.Davis, David Brion, 1988, The Problem of Slavery in Western Culture; New York, Oxford University Press, p. 170, fn. 9.Thornberry, Patrick (2002), Indigenous Peoples and Human Rights, Manchester,  Manchester University Press, 2002, p. 65, fn. 21.。スブリミス・デウスは人権における「マグナカルタ」とも評されており、それ以前の教皇勅書をくつがえす画期的なものだった"The Encyclopedia Of Christianity", p. 212

アメリカ大陸の奴隷制
イエズス会はアメリカ先住民を奴隷制度から守るために「レダクシオネス」をパラグアイで設立したOpera and Spanish Jesuit Evangelization in the New World, Chad M. Gasta, Gestos 22, no. 44 (2007): 85–106, "Reduction," or "reduccion" is the term used to denote the Jesuit Indian missions in the former Paraguay province. According to Watkins, the reduction was a point of convergence where "different groups of nomadic Indians were brought together to live a sedentary lifestyle in which they could be both a protected from slavery and more easily evangelized" ( 15). The Jesuit reductions were famous for their resistance to Indian enslavement.。ローマ・カトリック教会では、1741年のベネディクトゥス14世、1815年のピウス7世、1839年のグレゴリウス16世、1850年のピウス9世、1888年のレオ13世の声明では奴隷制度への非難がおこなわれた。

米国
17世紀初頭、アメリカでの奴隷制は年季奉公に限られており、黒人奴隷の法的地位は白人と変わりなかったが、1680年代頃から人種的偏見に動機づけられた社会制度へ変容していったHugh Brogan, The Penguin History of the USA (1999)"Were there any blacks on the Mayflower?"  By Caleb Johnson, member of the General Society of Mayflower Descendants。1667年、バージニア州議会は洗礼を根拠として奴隷の地位が変更されないとの法令を制定したA Companion to African American History, Edited by Alton Hornsby, Jr, Delores P. Aldridge, Editorial Associate, Angela M. Hornsby, Editorial Assistant, 2005 by Blackwell Publishing Ltd, pp. 176-177, "The measure passed by the Virginia Assembly in 1667 resembles laws adopted in other colonies:Whereas some doubts have risen whether children that are slaves by birth, . . . should by vertue of their baptisme be made free; It is enacted . . . that the conferring of baptisme doth not alter the condition of the person as to his bondage or freedome. (Wright 2001: 6)"。

クエーカーは奴隷廃止運動を1688年から行っており、その神学的議論や宗教的実践にも反映されるようになったEllen M. Ross. (2014). "Review Of "From Peace To Freedom: Quaker Rhetoric And The Birth Of American Antislavery, 1657-1761" By B. Carey". Pennsylvania Magazine Of History And Biography. Volume 138, Issue 3. pp. 339-340, "In articulating the social and political dominance of Pennsylvania in the development of antislavery rhetoric, Carey suggests that the Quaker community became a crucial context for the growth of antislavery due in part to its “tight organization, congenial principles, culture of debate, and propensity to share ideas” (30). Among other topics, he considers theological and pragmatic arguments against slavery, the signifi cance of writings of Ralph Sandiford and Benjamin Lay, the impact of the structure of the Society of Friends—in particular, the embedding of antislavery thought in the Quaker ritual of queries—and the significance of London Yearly Meeting on the formulation of antislavery thought. He discusses influential writings by John Woolman and Anthony Benezet, and he argues that the 1754 Philadelphia Yearly Meeting Epistle of Caution and Advice, concerning the Buying and Keeping of Slaves “recapitulates in essence almost the entire Quaker debate on slavery since 1688” (193)."。

奴隷制度廃止運動にはキリスト教関係者が多く参加していたことが知られているRoger Anstey, "Slavery and the Protestant Ethic," Historical Reflections 1979 6(1): 157-181. Pp. 157-172.。万人の平等を掲げる奴隷廃止論者の中にウィリアム・ウィルバーフォースquoted in Piper, 2002, p. 37)、チャールズ・スポルジョンThe Christian Cabinet, December 14, 1859、ジョン・ウェスレー、チャールズ・フィニーCharles G. Finney, Memoirs (New York: A.S. Barnes, 1876), 324、、ハリエット・ビーチャー・ストウ、ソジャーナ・トゥルース等の福音主義者がいた。

クエーカーは米国、英国内における集会で奴隷制廃止の嘆願書（1688年、1727年）を送りつけ、1783年には議会に対して抗議文が提出されたLondon Yearly Meeting minutes, Vol.  6, 457 - 458London Yearly Meeting minutes, Vol. 17, 298 - 307。1787年、クエーカーは宗派内での議論を越えて、奴隷制廃止のために団体を組織したJohn Coffey, Evangelicals, Slavery & the Slave Trade: From Whitefield to Wilberforce, ANVIL Volume 24 No 2 2007, p. 105 "In 1787, Quakers would reach beyond their own ranks to establish a non-sectarian Society for Effecting the Abolition of the Slave
Trade, including Granville Sharp and Thomas Clarkson on the organizing
committee."。メソジスト教会のジョン・ウェスレーは1787年に奴隷制廃止運動への支持を表明し、翌年にはブリストルで奴隷制廃止の説教を行い騒動を起こした。ウェスレーは1791年に死去したが、最後の手紙はウィルバーフォースへ宛てられ、アメリカ合衆国の奴隷制が神の名のもとに消滅するよう活動を促したJohn Coffey, Evangelicals, Slavery & the Slave Trade: From Whitefield to Wilberforce, ANVIL Volume 24 No 2 2007, p. 109. "Methodists too were keen participants in the abolitionist movement. John Wesley wrote to pledge his support in August 1787, and in the following year he provoked a disturbance by preaching an abolitionist sermon in Bristol. He died in March 1791, at the height of the agitation, with the cause still prominent in his thoughts. Equiano’s Interesting Narrative was one of the last books he read, and his final letter was addressed to Wilberforce: ‘Go on, in the name of God and in the power of his might, till even American slavery (the vilest that ever saw the sun) shall vanish away before it’.51"。1791年、ウィルバーフォースの廃止の議案を提起したが、否決されたJohn Coffey, Evangelicals, Slavery & the Slave Trade: From Whitefield to Wilberforce, ANVIL Volume 24 No 2 2007, p. 112. "The committee produced a major report that provided the abolitionists with potent ammunition for their case.61 Wilberforce brought his Abolition Bill to the Commons in April 1791, but was defeated by 163 votes to 88. When he tried again in 1792, at the height of popular agitation, he was outmanoeuvred by the Home Secretary, Henry Dundas, who won parliamentary approval for a gradual abolition bill that promised much but delivered nothing."。1807年2月、ウィルバーフォースは奴隷貿易の廃止法案を議会で可決させた。法案成立の数ヶ月後には、アメリカ合衆国においても奴隷の輸入が禁止されたThe tragedy of slavery: the church’s response, Scott Key, Pacific Journal 2 (2007): p.10, "After more than a decade of struggle, Wilberforce and his parliamentary allies abolished the slave trade in February 1807. The timing is crucial because a few months later the United States also outlawed the importation of slaves; however, the elimination of the primary source of transportation made the American ban as much a matter of practicality as morality."。1814年、イギリスの人口の1割に相当する100万人から奴隷制度廃止を呼びかける署名が集まり、1833年に奴隷廃止法が成立した。奴隷制度廃止論者の中心は神から奴隷制度を滅ぼすことを命じられたと信じるキリスト教徒であったThe tragedy of slavery: the church’s response, Scott Key, Pacific Journal 2 (2007): pp. 10-11, "In Great Britain, once the slave trade was abolished, the general public began to support the abolition of slavery itself. In 1814, more than one million signatures (about 1/10 of the British population) were collected calling for the abolition of slavery throughout the Empire. The perseverance of Wilberforce, the rest of the Clapham Sect, and countless others won the day. In 1833, three days before Wilberforce died, the Emancipation Act was passed and slavery was abolished in the British Empire. The key abolitionists were Christians who believed that they had been called by God to destroy this evil. "Ernest Marshall House, Saints in Politics: The Chapham Sect (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1974). Garth Lean, God’s Politician: William Wilberforce’s Struggle (Colorado Springs: Helmers & Howard, 1987).。

奴隷制度を巡ってバプテスト教会とメソジスト教会は分裂、南北戦争まで対立が続いたDooley 11-15; McKivigan 27 (ritualism), 30, 51, 191, Osofsky; ANB Leonidas Polk。

 日本 

 初期の抗議と奴隷貿易禁止の試み 
ポルトガルの奴隷貿易については、歴史家の岡本良知は1555年をポルトガル商人が日本から奴隷を売買したことを直接示す最初の記述とし、これがイエズス会による抗議へと繋がり1571年のセバスティアン1世 (ポルトガル王) による日本人奴隷貿易禁止の勅許につながったとした。岡本はイエズス会はそれまで奴隷貿易を廃止するために成功しなかったが、あらゆる努力をしたためその責めを免れるとしているOKAMOTO Yoshitomo. Jūroku Seiki Nichiō Kōtsūshi no Kenkyū. Tokyo: Kōbunsō, 1936 (revised edition by Rokkō Shobō, 1942 and 1944, and reprint by Hara Shobō, 1969, 1974 and 1980). pp. 728-730。

16世紀から17世紀への転換期、イベリア同君連合の第2代支配者であるポルトガル国王フィリペ2世（スペイン国王フェリペ3世）は、イエズス会の要請により、1571年の勅許を再制定して日本人の奴隷貿易の交易を中止しようとしたが、彼の政策はポルトガル帝国の地方エリートの強い反対に会い、長い交渉の末、イエズス会のロビー活動は失敗に終わったJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. pp. 19-20。

 権限不足と現地適応 
日本のイエズス会には奴隷貿易の中止に不可欠な権威と権力が欠如していることを巡察使ヴァリニャーノは繰り返し主張していたRômulo Ehalt, Geninka and Slavery: Jesuit Casuistry and Tokugawa Legislation on Japanese Bondage (1590s–1620s), Itinerario (2023), 47, 342–356 doi:10.1017/S0165115323000256, "This was due not to theoretical or legal reasons, but to the lack of authoritative power held by Jesuits in Japan. As argued numerous times by the visitor of the vice-province, Valignano, missionaries could not expect positive outcomes from their reprimands and admonitions because of their limited capacity to alter or influence the courses of action taken by Japanese Christians, particularly powerful individuals, when facing moral doubts.46 "。ポルトガル領インドでは、アレッサンドロ・ヴァリニャーノらイエズス会士は奴隷取引への介入権を欠き、その合法性は世俗裁判所に委ねられた。司祭の役割は倫理的指導に限定され、取引阻止は不可能で、この慣行は17世紀まで続いたJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Doctoral Dissertation, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 242, "Valignano and the others were aware of the limits of their powers in India, that they did not have any way to meddle and define legitimacy for slaves entering Portuguese ports in the area. Examination of enslaved individuals was an attribution of secular justices – the powers of priests and priests were limited to examination as a confessional issue, a personal problem between the confessing master and God. They did not have any power to impede transactions on Indo-Portuguese ports."。日本では、1568年設立のマカオ司教区が1576年以降日本を管轄したが、司教不在により現地問題の解決が困難であった。イエズス会は独自の司教区設置を試みたが、ローマの明確な支援を要したJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Doctoral Dissertation, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p.418, "The decision represented a drawback to the creation of a Japanese Bishopric, as the diocese of Macao had jurisdiction over China and Japan. Carneiro was based in Macao since 1568 and became bishop in 1576. However, as he could not physically be in the archipelago, there were issues he could not address directly. And even though many priests travelled from Japan to Macao to be ordained, Japanese converts needed a Bishop in Japan to administer Confirmation and act directly on matters that required the physical presence of a prelate in his domains to be acted upon.1316"。宣教師達は叱責や勧告では効果は望めないために、教会法が許す現地の社会力学に追従する道を探るようになっていった。奴隷制と同等の日本的隷属、奴隷制とは異なるが許容できる状態、許容不可能な状態の3つの労働形態を区別するRômulo Ehalt, Geninka and Slavery: Jesuit Casuistry and Tokugawa Legislation on Japanese Bondage (1590s–1620s), Itinerario (2023), 47, 342–356 doi:10.1017/S0165115323000256, "Because of this disadvantage, there was the need to create grey areas where missionaries could let go of otherwise inadmissible situations. Hence, from the get-go, the debate envisioned three outcomes: forms of Japanese bondage equal to slavery; situations that were not the same as slavery but could be tolerated by the missionaries; and intolerable cases."ことで、宣教師達は現地の慣習に従うことを黙認するようになっていったと考えられているRômulo Ehalt, Geninka and Slavery: Jesuit Casuistry and Tokugawa Legislation on Japanese Bondage (1590s–1620s), Itinerario (2023), 47, 342–356 doi:10.1017/S0165115323000256, "Tolerance was a rhetorical device closely related to dissimulation, a legal strategy tacitly approved by canon law that authorised missionaries to conform to local practices while adhering to established theological and legal principles, a much-needed rhetorical device for those attempting to accommodate the Christian dogma to local social dynamics.48"。

飢饉や自然災害時に保護と引き換えに労働を申し出た者は日本社会では下人とみなされたが、宣教師は提供された対価の量に見合うだけの労働が完了した時点で下人の解放を助言するよう1567年のゴア評議会は定めていたRômulo Ehalt, Geninka and Slavery: Jesuit Casuistry and Tokugawa Legislation on Japanese Bondage (1590s–1620s), Itinerario (2023), 47, 342–356 doi:10.1017/S0165115323000256, p. 354, "The same suggestion was repeated in other cases. For instance, those who offered themselves to work in exchange for protection during events like famines and natural disasters were often considered genin in Japanese society, but confessors were to admonish penitents that they should free these genin upon the completion of enough labour to pay for the amount of food, clothing, and shelter provided."。1567年のゴア評議会によれば、キリシタンは不当な理由で死刑判決を受けた犯罪者を救うときに身代金を提供することができたが、いかなる者も無償で金銭を提供することを強制されるべきではないため、救出者は引き換えに使用人として働かせることが許容されていたRômulo Ehalt, Geninka and Slavery: Jesuit Casuistry and Tokugawa Legislation on Japanese Bondage (1590s–1620s), Itinerario (2023), 47, 342–356 doi:10.1017/S0165115323000256, pp. 352-353, "Rescuing people condemned to death could result in tolerable slavery, but the condemnation had to be unjust—a conclusion evocative of the Mediterranean and Atlantic doctrine of rescate. In that case, a Christian could offer a fair ransom and, since no one should be forced to give his or her money for free, the benefactor could hold the rescued person in exchange as their servant, especially when some spiritual good came as a result of such transaction"。日本では夫が領主によって刑罰をうけたときに、妻子も下人として所有・人身売買されることが頻繁にあったが、イエズス会士は犯罪者の妻子が下人になるべきでないと助言していたRômulo Ehalt, Geninka and Slavery: Jesuit Casuistry and Tokugawa Legislation on Japanese Bondage (1590s–1620s), Itinerario (2023), 47, 342–356 doi:10.1017/S0165115323000256, pp. 353-354。また女性が父親や夫から逃げて領主の屋敷に保護を求めたときに、日本の慣習では女性を下人とすることを許容していたが、彼らが重大な犯罪を冒した場合を除いて、宣教師が解放を働きかけるよう定めていたRômulo Ehalt, Geninka and Slavery: Jesuit Casuistry and Tokugawa Legislation on Japanese Bondage (1590s–1620s), Itinerario (2023), 47, 342–356 doi:10.1017/S0165115323000256, p. 354,"Similar argument was made in the discussion of the case of women who had fled their fathers or husbands and sought shelter in the local lord’s house. While Japanese custom accepted that these women could be trans- formed into genin by the lord, the Goa theologians established that they could be considered enslaved only when they had been accused of and condemned for a crime. Otherwise, missionaries should campaign for their liberation in advising Japanese Christians through confession."。セルケイラはキリシタン大名でない日本の領主の課す重税によって親が子を売るよう強いられていたと述べているが、極限状況でない場合でも子供が売られていたことを問題視していたJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 472, "Cerqueira said that these parents would be led to subject their children to slavery because they could not pay taxes demanded by non-Christian Japanese lords. However, the problem he had in Japan was that gentile rulers were creating this situation...On the other hand, the problem of definition of necessity also permeates this discussion. Cerqueira indicates that some children were sold not out of extreme necessity, but rather of great necessity. The issue here is relativism: given the local living standards, the Japanese were supposedly able to live in conditions that could be deemed extreme in other areas but were rather ordinary in the archipelago"。

 宣教師の介入 
日本におけるポルトガルの奴隷貿易を問題視していた宣教師はポルトガル商人による奴隷の購入を妨げるための必要な権限を持たなかったため、永代人身売買をやめさせて契約期間を定めた年季奉公人とするように働きかけが行われたBRAH, Cortes 566 (9/2666), maço 21, f. 275. RUIZ DE MEDINA, Juan G. Orígenes de la Iglesia Catolica Coreana desde 1566 hasta 1784 según documentos inéditos de la época. Rome: Institutum Historicum S.I., 1986, p. 114-22. 。一部の宣教師は人道的観点から隷属年数を定めた短期所有者証明書（schedulae）Servitutem Levem et Modici Temporis Esse Arbitrantes: Jesuit Schedulae & Japanese Limited-Term Servitude in Gomes Vaz’s De mancipiis Indicis, Stuart M. McManus, BPJS, 2018, II, 4, 77-99に署名をすることで、より大きな悪である期間の定めのない奴隷の購入を阻止して日本人の待遇が永代人身売買から年季奉公に改善するよう介入したとされているRômulo da Silva Ehalt, Jesuit Arguments for Voluntary Slavery in Japan and Brazil, Brazilian Journal of History, Volume: 39, Number: 80, Jan-Apr. 2019., p.10Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan、Rômulo da Silva Ehalt、p. 426。日本人の奴隷は正戦の囚人（iustae captivitas）でも、一般的な奴隷にも該当せず、期限付きの隷属（temporali famulitium）のみが許容されるよう定められたJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. pp. 522-523, "The Spanish jurist thus registers that the enslavement of Japanese and Chinese was admitted as far as it was temporary, and that their servitude was fundamentally different from perpetual slavery. This difference is reinforced by the wording of his Latin text: while Asian slavery is called iustae captivitas, Japanese and Chinese servitude is expressly referred as temporali famulitium, temporal servitude. These were not people enslaved as a result of captivity in war, nor were to be understood as common slaves...Also, the legitimacy of these servants is provided by the understanding that local customs and laws were just according to European standards. This shows a line of interpretation close to what Valignano defended until 1598 in his idea of Japanese slavery’s tolerability."。日本における宣教師の苦肉の策としての関与、特に短期所有者証明書の発行に関しては、1568年から1587年のバテレン追放令発布前の期間にかけて行われたと考えられ、この時期以降、発行が停止されたか、または要件がより厳格化されたJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017, p. 352, "As it seems, the missionaries had stopped enacting licenses or, at least, held much more severe restrictions to enact any permit....That means that in 1588, when the next Portuguese ship captained by Jerónimo Pereira arrived in Japan, the Jesuits curtailed severely the export of slaves."Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p.425, "The justification is, first, that they lacked the necessary authority to do anything but enact permits; second, signing years of servitude – thus effectively using the Japanese notion of temporary servitude, the so-called nenkihōkō 年季奉公 – would avoid putting the Japanese in permanent slavery...This means that the practice had official – or at least local – recognition as early as 1568, when Melchior Carneiro arrived in Macao, although the diocese of Macao, with jurisdiction over Japan, would not be separated from Malacca until 1576.1338"。

マテウス・デ・クウロス等の宣教師らによって、こうした人道的介入であっても関与自体が誤りであったとの批判が行われ、1598年以降、宣教師の人道的な関与についても禁じられたBRAH, Cortes 566 (9/2666), maço 21, f. 273-276v. Pagès in PAGÈS, Léon. Histoire de la religion chrétienne au Japon – Seconde Partie, Annexes. Paris: Charles Douniol, 1870, p. 70-9. SOUSA, Lúcio de. “Dom Luís de Cerqueira e a escravatura no Japão em 1598.” Brotéria, 165. Braga, 2007, pp. 245-61.。宣教師の人道的介入が終わる1598年以降、新たに着任した司教ルイス・デ・セルケイラはスペイン・ポルトガル王に日本人と朝鮮人の期間的隷属を廃止するよう圧力をかけていくことになるがJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Doctoral Dissertation, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017., pp. 486-487, "Four days later, the Bishop took the pen again to write another letter, now addressed to the King, before the ships left to Macao. Thus, Cerqueira started his lobbying campaign to obtain formal secular legal actions against the slave trade...This letter must be read as an appendix to the copy of the September 4th 1598 gathering memorandum sent to the king. Cerqueira here confirms that, since the excommunication issued by Martins, there was already intent of putting an end to the license system. The final confirmation of the end of the system came with the orders sent by the general of the order, Claudio Acquaviva, via the Philippines, eight days after Gil de la Mata arrived in Japan in August 1598."、ポルトガル商人による日本人奴隷の貿易は止まるどころか増加したというSilva Ehalt, Rômulo da. "Suspicion and Repression: Ming China, Tokugawa Japan, and the End of the Japanese-European Slave Trade (1614–1635)". Slavery and Bondage in Asia, 1550–1850: Towards a Global History of Coerced Labour, edited by Kate Ekama, Lisa Hellman and Matthias van Rossum, Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter, 2022, pp. 213-230. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110777246-012, p.217, "In spite of this assertion, the fact is that the Japanese-European slave trade continued for a number of years beyond this date.7"Silva Ehalt, Rômulo da. "Suspicion and Repression: Ming China, Tokugawa Japan, and the End of the Japanese-European Slave Trade (1614–1635)". Slavery and Bondage in Asia, 1550–1850: Towards a Global History of Coerced Labour, edited by Kate Ekama, Lisa Hellman and Matthias van Rossum, Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter, 2022, pp. 213-230. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110777246-012, p.215, "Despite showing the continuity of Japanese slavery, Sousa insists on the importance of the 1607 Portuguese law for the end of the trade. Lúcio de Sousa, Escravatura e Diáspora Japonesa nos Séculos XVI e XVII (Braga: NICPRI, 2014): 156–61; Sousa, The Portuguese Slave Trade: 426, 538, 542. As for numbers, for instance, the presence of Japanese individuals in Mexico City seems to have increased sharply after 1617, while records of Asians spread throughout the world suggest that there were enslaved or formerly enslaved Japanese in the Americas until the late seventeenth century. Out of the 35 Japanese Oropeza Keresey lists as living in Mexico City in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, only four arrived prior to 1617. Sousa’s lists of 28 Japanese individuals spread around the globe between 1599 and 1642, which he claims to have been enslaved, suggests a similar pattern. Sousa, The Portuguese Slave Trade: 210–59; Deborah Oropeza Keresey, “Los ‘indios chinos’ en la Nueva España: la inmigración de la nao de China, 1565–1700” (PhD diss., El Colégio de México, 2007): 257–91"。

宣教師らは年季奉公人（または期間奴隷）の洗礼も行うことがあった。奴隷の所有者は取得から6ヶ月後に洗礼を受けさせる義務があったが、10歳以上の奴隷（年季奉公人を含む）は洗礼を拒否することができた。洗礼は社会的包摂の一形態であり、洗礼をうけることでポルトガル王室と教会法の管轄に服し保護をうけることができたOM, Lib. 4, Tit. XVI; LARA, Silvia Hunold. ‘Legislação sobre escravos africanos na América portuguesa’. in: ANDRÉS-GALLEGO, Jose (Coord). Nuevas Aportaciones a la Historia Jurídica de Iberoamérica. Madrid: Fundación Histórica Tavera/Digibis/Fundación Hernando de Larramendi, 2000 (CD-Rom), p. 57. Tit. XCIX.Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 91。

フラタニティや長崎の救貧院など、イエズス会が設置した組織は、船舶や売春宿から日本人奴隷、特に女性を救出する活動を行っていたJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Doctoral Dissertation, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p.290, "Cieslik uses, besides the inquiry to the Spanish theologian, the case of Jerónimo Jō ジェロニモ城, a Japanese Jesuit who had been rescued as a kid and later studied in their college.946 Also, Nawata-Ward explains how the Japanese brotherhoods, such as the confrarias and the Nagasaki Misericórdia, used to rescue Japanese slaves, often women, from ships and brothels.947"。アフォンソ・デ・ルセナの回顧録やフロイスの書簡は、1587年3月の長与城の戦いにおける捕虜の扱いに関する記述で一致し、捕虜の合法性に対するルセナの懸念が示されている。1586年のクリスマス以降、健康が悪化した大村純忠に対し、ルセナは不当に捕らえられた捕虜の解放を迫り、告解の拒否を脅しに用いた。イエズス会は、告解や秘跡の提供を拒否する戦略を通じて、特に政治的影響力を持つ信徒に道徳的な行動を強制していたJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Doctoral Dissertation, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. pp.289-290, "It seems Lucena’s memoir passage on the battle of the Nagayo Castle in March of 1587 and Fróis’s letter refer to the same fact. 944 However, it is interesting to notice Lucena’s concern with the legitimacy of the prisoners’ captivity. That was one final good deed, a final settling of scores with God, in order to restitute badly captive prisoners before Sumitada’s imminent death."。

さらに、売春宿や私的な売春行為は、司教やその代理人によって「悪魔の工房」として厳しく非難された。1568年に制定された『ゴア憲法』第四条では、売春宿の所有および運営が禁止され、違反者には罰金や公開羞恥の罰が科された。また、奴隷が売春を強制された場合には解放される規定が設けられていたJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Doctoral Dissertation, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p.185-186, "Brothels were, in the prelates’ opinions, the place where the devil ordains its secret and dishonest encounters. The Constitutions were an ultimate resource used by the prelates to extirpate this industry from India – they commanded that no person, of any social condition, should allow that in his or her house prostitution took place, even if it was slave prostitution. Perpetrators were to be fined in 10 pardaos, doubled for the second time, thrice the amount for the third time, and publicly ashamed in front of the whole parish, forced to attend Sunday’s service barefooted and holding a candle. If a female slave was forced to prostitute herself, in or out of the master’s house,was to be freed. The owner was fined in 5 pardaos the first time, and double the second,paid for whoever accused the person."。このように、イエズス会は、奴隷の救出と改宗を通じた教化を推進しつつ、売春などの非道徳的行為の根絶に努めた。

文禄・慶長の役での奴隷貿易拡大とペドロ・マルティンスの破門宣言
従来限られた権限しか持たなかった日本のイエズス会にとって、1592年のペドロ・マルティンスの司教叙任および1596年の長崎到着は、歴史的転換点となった。フランシスコ・ザビエル以来初の高位聖職者として日本に着任したマルティンスは、ポルトガル商人の人身売買に対する破門を宣言する権威と管轄権を得た。しかし、イエズス会は活動資金を商船隊長（カピタン・モール）に大きく依存しており、司教の世俗的権限も不足していた。カピタン・モールは日本におけるポルトガル王権の最高権威者かつ最大の権力者であり、彼と敵対した場合、国王の支援と承認がなければ、破門は理論上可能であったものの、その実効性は不確実であったJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Doctoral Dissertation, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. pp.438-439, "In the end, the bishop’s decision can be read as an ultimatum to slave traders in Japan. The arrival of such a high Episcopalian authority in Japan, a historical first since Xavier had stepped on the islands, meant that all merchants involved in purchasing and selling slaves in Japan could, in theory, face secular justice and prison. In practice, nonetheless, the bishop lacked secular authority to apply these punishments to their full extent. While Martins’ demand for an amplification on his secular powers remained unanswered, the missionaries depended on the good will of the captain-major. If Martins’ obtained a positive reply, the bishop would surpass the authority of the captain-major, who was still the ultimate representative of the Portuguese royal power in Japan"。最終的にマルティンスは、ポルトガル商人の日本人および朝鮮人の奴隷取引による社会的混乱を問題視し、人身売買に対する破門を宣言することを決断した。マルティンスの死後、この奴隷取引反対の方針はセルケイラ司教により強化され、世俗的権限を要する問題としてポルトガル国王に委ねられたJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Doctoral Dissertation, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p.490, "The end of the license or permit system and the excommunication meant the Jesuits were abstaining themselves from the slave trade in Japan. The problem was not theological anymore, but rather secular."。

豊臣秀吉は1597年の朝鮮侵略（文禄・慶長の役）では奴隷貿易を積極的に容認し、これを主要な産業へと変貌させたRômulo Ehalt, Geninka and Slavery: Jesuit Casuistry and Tokugawa Legislation on Japanese Bondage (1590s–1620s), Itinerario (2023), 47, 342–356 p. 349, "The practice continued at least until 1590, when Japanese ruler Toyotomi Hideyoshi ended a cycle of various prohibitions started in 1587 against kidnappings and human trafficking in Japan. The visitor of the then–Jesuit vice-province of Japan, the Italian priest Alessandro Valignano, a trained lawyer whose actions had deep repercussion in the policies adopted by the various missions of the order in Asia, decided to interfere and halted members of the Society of Jesus from intermediating sales of Japanese individuals to Portuguese merchants.39 The measure soon lost its practical effect. During the following decade, the Imjin War brought some twenty- to thirty-thousand war prisoners to the islands, creating a regional boom in human trafficking"Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017,  p.440 ,"Meanwhile, Hideyoshi prepared a new invasion of the Korean Peninsula. Starting on March 14th 1597, the ruler ordered Japanese forces to start crossing the sea back to the southern part of the peninsula, an operation that lasted until circa August. This second campaign would bear witness to a huge increase in the number of slaves in the Japanese market. Whereas the first Japanese invasion of Korean brought lots of Korean men and women to be enslaved in Japan, the second invasion seemed to make of this activity an industry."。日本の奴隷商人は約5万人から6万人の朝鮮人を捕虜としTurnbull, Stephen (2002), Samurai Invasion: Japan's Korean War 1592–98, Cassell & Co, ISBN 978-0304359486, OCLC 50289152, p. 230、戦後の外交努力により7,500人のみが朝鮮に帰還したArano, Yasunori (2005), "The Formation of a Japanocentric World Order", International Journal of Asian Studies, 2 (2): 185–216, doi:10.1017/S1479591405000094, ISSN 1479-5922, p.197。ペドロ・マルティンス司教は、たとえ一時的な隷属であったとしても、日本人および朝鮮人を取引したポルトガル商人を破門することを決定し、この方針は後にセルケイラ司教によって強化されたJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Doctoral Dissertation, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017., pp.432-433, "Martins’ decision established a new rule for Portuguese merchants in Japan – Japanese or Koreans were not to be purchased nor taken out of the archipelago. By reading the 1598 document, it seems that the Jesuits decided to finish their permit system, in place since the Cosme de Torres era, and prosecute slave traders. Interestingly, the main difference here between the ecclesiastical legislation and the local Japanese legislation, enforced by Hideyoshi’s administration, was that the bishop included the Koreans in his ban, while the Japanese ruler expected to use them"。当時の記録は、日本の奴隷商人が朝鮮人捕虜を島々に連行し、ポルトガル商人に売却する「凄惨な光景」を描写しているJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017, p.440, "Even though the Macanese authorities had forbidden the transport of slaves, and the Bishop had enacted an excommunication, it seems Portuguese merchants were circumventing the rules. Japanese brought crowds of Korean prisoners to the islands, and Portuguese merchants were eagerly acquiring them and taking them out of the archipelago. Contemporary sources are graphical in their description, and the following section will present the gruesome scenario in which these prisoners were captured and transported to Japan."。ポルトガル商人は、これらの島々で取引を行うことで、マカオの禁止令およびマルティンス司教の破門を回避した。

イエズス会がポルトガル商人の奴隷貿易に対する人道的な介入を完全に取りやめ、管轄権外の商人 Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p.403, "When the Visitor writes that they were doing their best, he is affirming that they were solving each situation on the spot, without time or the necessary authority to elaborate definitive rules. They were local missionaries deciding on issues that surpassed their jurisdiction. They knew they could not act without proper official recognition, but they were forced by the local circumstances."の破門を辞さない強い意思表示をした一方で、秀吉の政策は朝鮮人の奴隷化を助長し、従来の制限を事実上無効化した。1592年の『どちりなきりしたん』は、キリストの贖罪に基づく捕虜の解放をキリスト教徒の義務と強調したがJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. pp. 283-284, "This obligation and compassion were, in fact, part of the Christian doctrine as taught in Japan since the beginning of the mission. The teachings of the Jesuits presented the act of redeeming captives as a pious duty...Based on the imitation of Christ as a means of salvation, the Jesuits taught that redemption of captives and slaves was one of the so-called works of mercy that should be practiced by Christians926. Ogawa and Kataoka explain that these deeds were explicitly exposed in the Dochirina Kirishitan どちりなきりしたん, a manual for Japanese converts first published in 1592. 927"、ヴァリニャーノが繰り返し主張したように、イエズス会には奴隷制の禁止を強制する権限がなかったRômulo Ehalt, Geninka and Slavery: Jesuit Casuistry and Tokugawa Legislation on Japanese Bondage (1590s–1620s), Itinerario (2023), 47, 342–356 doi:10.1017/S0165115323000256, "This was due not to theoretical or legal reasons, but to the lack of authoritative power held by Jesuits in Japan. As argued numerous times by the visitor of the vice-province, Valignano, missionaries could not expect positive outcomes from their reprimands and admonitions because of their limited capacity to alter or influence the courses of action taken by Japanese Christians, particularly powerful individuals, when facing moral doubts.46"Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p. 403, "Nevertheless, as a result, these local lords were capturing and enslaving Koreans, brought by the thousands to Japan. In face of that situation, the priests were totally lost: how could they guide their most powerful parishioners to act properly when their influence was limited? How could they defend the correct and proper ways for enslavement of others? And how could they guarantee that unjustly enslaved people would be adequately returned to Korea? Valignano’s text was admitting that the Jesuits were powerless, unable to go against the situation. Thus, they were forced to cope with it."。ポルトガル人は日本上陸以来、推定で数百から数千人の日本人奴隷を取引したが、日本に連行された朝鮮人奴隷の数はこれを大きく上回っていた。

 禁教令後の奴隷解放の努力 
1614年にイエズス会が追放された後も、イエズス会は日本人および朝鮮人奴隷の解放に尽力したが、ポルトガル商人は奴隷貿易を継続したJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p.537 , "The Jesuits were officially expelled from the archipelago in 1614, and those who remained hid themselves from Japanese authorities. Nevertheless, Portuguese merchants kept buying Japanese slaves in this period. Jesuits, while trying to obtain support from the king, fought the trade by lobbying local converts to liberate their captives, Japanese and Koreans."。ポルトガル人が日本に上陸してから追放されるまで、推定で数百から数千人の日本人奴隷を取引したと考えられているJesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. p, 102, "Their interference as the guardians of the keys to justification of the enslavement of Japanese would have dire consequences and impact lives of hundreds, if not thousands of individuals acquired or hired in Japan"。

 注釈 

 脚注 

参考文献

Lossing, Benson J., LL.D.  Matthew Brady's Illustrated History of the Civil War 1861-65 and the Causes That Led Up To the Great Conflict.  Random House.  .
 Lewis, Bernard (1992). Race and Slavery in the Middle East. New York: Oxford University Press. .

 Nevins, Allan.  The Emergence of Lincoln: Prologue to Civil War 1859-1861. ©1950, Charles Scribner's Sons.  SBN 684-10416-4.
 E. Wyn James, 'Welsh Ballads and American Slavery', The Welsh Journal of Religious History, 2 (2007), pp. 59–86. ISSN 0967-3938.




 関連項目 
 ガラテヤ 3:28
 イスラームと奴隷制
 古代ギリシアの奴隷制
 古代ローマの奴隷
 年季奉公
 スブリミス・デウス
 ブルゴス法
 シクト・ドゥドゥム

*とれい
Category:奴隷制度廃止運動
Category:キリスト教に関する論争