Tarihin Tunisia a ƙarƙashin mulkin Faransa

Tarihin Tunisia a ƙarƙashin mulkin Faransa ya fara ne a 1881 tare da kafa mulkin mallaka na Faransa kuma ya ƙare a 1956 tare da 'yancin Tunisia. Kasancewar Faransanci a Tunisia ya zo shekaru hamsin bayan mamayar Aljeriya makwabta. Dukkanin wadannan ƙasashe an haɗa su da Daular Ottoman na ƙarni uku, duk da haka kowannensu ya sami ikon cin gashin kansa na siyasa tun da daɗewa. Kafin Faransanci su isa, Bey na Tunisia ya fara aiwatar da sauye-sauye na zamani, amma matsalolin kudi sun karu, wanda ya haifar da bashi. Kwamitin masu ba da bashi na Turai ya karɓi kuɗin. Bayan nasarar da Faransa ta yi a Tunisia gwamnatin Faransa ta ɗauki nauyin kasa da kasa na Tunisia. Faransanci sun gudanar da manyan ci gaba da ci gaba a fannoni da yawa, gami da sufuri da ababen more rayuwa, masana'antu, tsarin kudi, kiwon lafiyar jama'a, gudanarwa, da ilimi. Kodayake waɗannan abubuwan sun kasance maraba, duk da haka kasuwancin Faransa da 'yan ƙasa a bayyane suke da fifiko fiye da Tunisians. An bayyana ma'anarsu ta dā a cikin magana da bugawa; sannan kuma tsarin siyasa ya faru. Yunkurin 'yancin kai ya riga ya kasance mai aiki kafin Yaƙin Duniya na I, kuma ya ci gaba da samun ƙarfi a kan adawar Faransa. An cimma burinta na ƙarshe a shekarar 1956.

 Gyaran Beylical, bashin 
Kamar yadda karni na 19 ya fara, daular Husaynid Bey ta kasance masu mulkin gado na ƙasar. Tun daga farkon karni na 18 Tunisia ta kasance mai cin gashin kansa, kodayake har yanzu 'a hukumance' lardin Ottoman ne. Kasuwanci da cinikayya tare da Turai sun karu sosai bayan Yaƙe-yaƙe na Napoleon. 'Yan kasuwa na Yammacin Turai musamman Italiyanci sun isa don kafa kasuwanci a cikin manyan biranen. Manoma, 'yan kasuwa, da ma'aikata na Italiya suma sun yi hijira zuwa Tunisia. Tasirin kasashen waje ya karu tare da saurin karuwa a cikin hulɗa da Turai.

A lokacin mulkin Ahmad Bey (r.1837-1855) an fara sauye-sauye na zamani. Daga baya, a cikin 1861 Tunisia ta gabatar da kundin tsarin mulki na farko a duniyar Larabawa. Duk da haka yunkurin Tunisiya na sabunta jihar da tattalin arziki ya gamu da juriya. Masu gyarawa sun yi takaici da masu neman ta'aziyya, rikice-rikicen siyasa, rashin jin daɗi na yanki, da talauci na karkara. An kashe tawaye na 1864 a yankin Sahil. Daga baya, bayan matakan da ba su da tasiri, babban mai gyarawa Khair al-Din (Khaïreddine) ya zama babban minista 1873-1877, amma shi ma ya sami nasara daga 'yan siyasa masu ra'ayin mazan jiya.

Bankunan Turai sun ba da kuɗi ga gwamnatin Beylical don inganta ayyukan zamani, kamar inganta farar hula, soja, ayyukan jama'a, da ayyukan ci gaba, amma kuma sun haɗa da kuɗi don amfanin Bey. Ana tattauna rance akai-akai a farashin da ba su da kyau. Biyan bashin kasashen waje ya zama da wuya a sarrafa shi. A shekara ta 1869, Tunisia ta ayyana kanta a matsayin mai fatara. An kafa Hukumar Financière Internationale (Kwamitin Kudi na Duniya) daga baya, wanda Faransa ce ke jagorantar wakilansa; Italiya da Burtaniya suma wakilai ne. Hukumar ta mallaki tattalin arzikin Tunisia.

 Tsarin mulkin Faransa 


 Kafawa 
Da farko, Italiya ita ce ƙasar Turai da ta fi sha'awar shigar da Tunisia cikin tasirin ta. Ƙarfin motsawar Italiya ya samo asali ne daga yawan 'yan kasashen waje da suka riga sun zauna a can, tare da saka hannun jari na kasuwanci, saboda yanayin da ke kusa. Duk da haka a cikin lamirin kasa mai tasowa na sabuwar Jihar Italiya (1861) ba, kafa mulkin mallaka kai tsaye ba ya jawo hankalin manyan abubuwan da suka fi dacewa ga ajanda na siyasa.
Faransa, wacce mallakarta ta Aljeriya ta iyaka da Tunisia, da Burtaniya, sannan ta mallaki karamin tsibirin Malta da ke bakin tekun, suma suna da sha'awar. Burtaniya ta so ta guje wa iko guda ɗaya da ke sarrafa bangarorin biyu na Strait of Sicily. A lokacin 1871-1878, Faransa da Burtaniya sun kasance suna aiki tare don hana tasirin siyasa na Italiya. Duk da haka sau da yawa waɗannan ƙasashe biyu sun kasance masu hamayya. "Ga mafi yawan lokutan da suka yi [duka sun fara ne a shekara ta 1855], Richard Wood da Leon Roches, wakilan Burtaniya da Faransa, sun yi gasa da juna don samun tattalin arziki ko siyasa a Tunisia. "

Taron Berlin, wanda aka gudanar a 1878, ya taru don tattauna Daular Ottoman, "mutumin da ba shi da lafiya" na Turai, bayan da Rasha ta ci nasara, tare da mai da hankali kan sauran kadarorinta na Balkan. A Majalisa, an cimma fahimtar al'ada tsakanin Birtaniya, Jamus, da Faransanci, tare da amincewa da Faransa ta haɗa Tunisia, kodayake tattaunawar da ke kusa da wannan fahimtar ta ɓoye daga Italiyanci a lokacin. Ministan Harkokin Waje na Faransa, William Waddington, ya tattauna batun sosai tare da Ubangiji Salisbury na Burtaniya, kuma Otto von Bismarck, yayin da yake adawa da farko, ya zo ya kalli Tunisia a matsayin kyakkyawar jan hankali ga Faransanci daga nahiyar Turai a lokacin Majalisa.  An yi wa Italiya alkawarin Tarabulus a cikin abin da ya zama Libya. Burtaniya ta goyi bayan tasirin Faransa a Tunisia don musayar kanta mai kariya a kan Cyprus (wanda aka 'saya' kwanan nan daga Ottomans),  da hadin gwiwar Faransa game da tawaye na kasa a Misira.   A halin yanzu, duk da haka, wani kamfani na Italiya a bayyane ya sayi layin dogo na Tunis-Goletta-Marsa; duk da haka dabarun Faransa sun yi aiki don kauce wa wannan da sauran batutuwan da babban mulkin mallaka na Tunisian Italians suka haifar. Kokarin kai tsaye da Faransanci suka yi na tattaunawa da Bey don shigarsu cikin Tunisia ya gaza. Faransa ta jira, tana neman dalilan da za su tabbatar da lokacin yajin aiki na farko, wanda yanzu ake la'akari da shi sosai. Italiyanci sun kira yajin aikin Schiaffo di Tunisi . 
A arewa maso yammacin Tunisia kabilar Khroumir ta kaddamar da hare-hare a cikin ƙauyukan da ke kewaye. A cikin bazara na shekara ta 1881 sun kai hari a fadin iyaka zuwa Aljeriya ta Faransa. Faransa ta mayar da martani ta hanyar mamaye Tunisia, ta aika da sojoji kusan 36,000. An aiwatar da ci gaban da suka yi zuwa Tunis cikin sauri. Ba da daɗewa ba aka tilasta Bey ya yarda da nasarar Faransa a kasar, a farkon jerin Yarjejeniyoyi. Takardun sun ba da cewa Bey ya ci gaba a matsayin shugaban kasa, amma tare da Faransanci da aka ba da iko mai tasiri a kan yawancin mulkin Tunisiya, a cikin hanyar Protectorat français en Tunisie.

Tare da sha'awarta mai yawa a Tunisia, Italiya ta yi zanga-zanga amma ba za ta yi barazanar rikici da Faransa ba. Saboda haka Tunisia a hukumance ta zama mai kare Faransa a ranar 12 ga Mayu, 1881, lokacin da Sadik Bey mai mulki (1859-1882) ya sanya hannu a fadarsa Yarjejeniyar Bardo (Al Qasr a matsayin Sa'id). Daga baya a cikin 1883 ɗan'uwansa kuma magaji 'Ali Bey ya sanya hannu kan Yarjejeniyar La Marsa . Tsayayya da dakarun yankin masu cin gashin kansu a kudu, wanda Ottomans suka karfafa a Tarabulus, ya ci gaba da rabin shekara, tare da rashin kwanciyar hankali ya kasance na shekaru da yawa.

Paul Cambon, Ministan Mazaunin farko (bayan 1885 da ake kira Mazaunin-Janar) na Tsaro na Faransa, ya isa a farkon 1882. Bisa ga yarjejeniya ya ɗauki ofishin ministan harkokin waje na Bey, yayin da janar din da ke jagorantar sojojin Faransa ya zama ministan yaki. Ba da daɗewa ba wani Faransanci ya zama darektan janar na kudi. Sadiq Bey ya mutu cikin 'yan watanni. Cambon ya so ya nuna cikakken rushewar da'awar Ottoman ga mulkin mallaka a Tunisia. Ottomans sun riga sun amince da amincewa. Dangane da haka, Cambon ya tsara kuma ya shirya bikin shiga 'Ali Bey (1882-1902). Cambon da kansa yana tare da shi daga gidansa na La Marsa zuwa Fadar Bardo inda Cambon ya saka masa hannun jari a matsayin sabon Bey da sunan Faransa.

Faransanci a hankali sun ɗauki ƙarin matsayi na gudanarwa. A shekara ta 1884 sun ba da umarni ko noma suna kula da gwamnatin Tunisia na ofisoshin gwamnati da ke hulɗa da kudi, gidan waya, ilimi, telegraph, Ayyukan jama'a da aikin gona. Bayan yanke shawarar tabbatar da bashin jihar Tunisia (musamman ga masu saka hannun jari na Turai), Protectorate ya soke hukumar kudi ta duniya. Ana ƙarfafa ƙauyukan Faransa a cikin ƙasar sosai; yawan masu mulkin mallaka na Faransa ya karu daga 10,000 a 1891 zuwa 46,000 a 1911, sannan zuwa jimlar 144,000 a 1945.

Ci gaban Tattalin Arziki

200px|thumb|right|Sabuwar Tunisiya

An inganta tsarin sufuri ta hanyar gina layin dogo da hanyoyi, da kuma tashoshin jiragen ruwa. Tun da 1884, kamfanin Compagnie du Bône-Guelma ya gina layin dogo daga Tunis zuwa yamma, har zuwa Algiers mai nisan kilomita 1,600, yana wucewa ta cikin kwarin kogin Medjerda kusa da Beja da kuma saman tsaunin tell. Daga baya, an gina layukan dogo a bakin teku daga Tabarka zuwa Bizerte, zuwa Tunis da Sousse, zuwa Sfax da Gabès; hanyoyin cikin ƙasa kuma daga tashoshin ruwan teku zuwa Gafsa, Kasserine, da El Kef. Hanyoyi ma an gina su. Masana kimiyyar kasa daga kamfanonin hakar ma’adinai na Faransa sun binciki ƙasa don gano albarkatu, kuma suka zuba jari a wasu ayyuka. Layukan dogo da tashoshin jiragen ruwa sun zama ginshiƙan ayyukan hakar ma’adinai. Daga cikin ma’adinan da aka gano kuma aka fitar dasu, phosphate (wani gishirin sinadarin phosphorus da ake amfani da shi a cikin taki) ya fi muhimmanci, ana hakowa a garin Gafsa dake kudu da tsakiyar kasar. Wata kamfani ta samu lasisin hako ma’adinai da gina layin dogo, wata kuma ta gina kayan aikin tashar jiragen ruwa a Sfax. Kamfanin Compagnie des Phosphates et Chemins de Fer de Gafsa ya zama mafi girma wajen ɗaukar ma'aikata da biyan haraji a yankin kariya. An fara samun riba daga hako baƙin ƙarfe da sauran ma’adanai kamar zinc, gubar (lead), da tagulla (copper) a zamanin mulkin Faransa.

’Yan kishin ƙasa na Tunisiya sun koka cewa wadannan ci gaban, kamar layukan dogo da hakar ma’adinai, an fi yin su ne don amfanin Faransa. Faransawa ne suka fi amfana, kuma dama ga aikin na fi baiwa Faransawa fiye da ’yan Tunisiya. Kamfanonin Faransa sun kawo injiniyoyinsu, ƙwararru, manajoji, da masu lissafi, tare da yawancin ma’aikatan ƙwararru. Wani babban korafi daga ’yan kishin ƙasa shi ne shigowar kayayyakin masana’antu masu arha da yawa cikin kasuwar Tunisiya. Wannan gasa ta tattalin arziki ta lalata sana’ar hannu wadda ke da ƙarfi da lafiya a baya, inda aka rika yin kaya da hannu bisa al’ada. A nan, Faransawa ba su fi yin wani abu ba sai dai gabatar da sabbin hanyoyin sarrafa kaya na zamani cikin kasuwar Tunisiya, sannan suka bar ƙa’idar kasuwa ta hallaka ’yan kasuwar gida da ba za su iya gasa da farashin kaya ba.

A karkashin yankin kariya, an inganta abubuwan more rayuwa, misali, da gina makarantun gwamnati (duba kasa, gyaran ilimi), da gina gine-ginen taro da nune-nune. Ci gaban al'umma ya hada da samar da sabbin hanyoyin ruwa mai tsafta da kuma gina bandakunan jama’a a Tunis da wasu manyan birane. An gina asibitoci, yawan likitoci ya karu, an fara yin allurar rigakafi, don haka mace-mace saboda annoba da sauran cututtuka sun ragu sosai; yawan mace-mace a shekara ya ragu matuka. Saboda haka, yawan al’ummar Tunisiya ya rika karuwa, inda yawan Musulmai ya kusan ninka tsakanin 1881 zuwa 1946.

Dangane da noma, manoma da kamfanonin Faransa sun mallaki gonaki da yawa har hakan ya jawo rashin jin dadi daga ’yan Tunisiya. Filayen noma na habis (wadanda ke karkashin amana ko wakafi), da filayen kabilu na hadin gwiwa, sun fara sayarwa saboda sauye-sauyen doka da gwamnatin kariya ta kafa. Amfanin filayen noma ya karu, musamman wajen samar da gonakin zaitun da gonakin inabi.

A karkara, gwamnatin Faransa ta karfafa jami’an gari (qa’id) kuma ta raunana ƙabilu masu cin gashin kansu. A fadin ƙasa, an kafa sabon tsarin shari’a na Turawa wanda duka za su iya amfani da shi, ba tare da hana amfani da kotunan shari’ar Musulunci ba, wadanda har yanzu ’yan Tunisiya ke amfani da su don al’amuran shari’a na addini da al’ada.

Gyaran Ilimi

Ko da yake kasancewar Faransawa tana da kura-kurai, hakan ya ba wa ‘yan Tunisiya damar sanin ci gaban da Turai ke samu a zamanin nan. Tuni dai an fara aiwatar da shirye-shiryen zamani tun kafin zuwan Faransawa, a karkashin mulkin Sarakunan Bey. Daga cikin fannonin da aka fi bai wa muhimmanci saboda amfaninsu akwai noma, hakar ma’adinai, tsaftar birane, kasuwanci, banki da harkokin kudi, gudanar da mulki, masana’antu da fasaha, da kuma ilimi.Cf., chapter 6: "L'Enseignementet et l'evolution intellectuelle" at 172-196, in Ahmed Kassab and Ahmed Ounaïes, with Abdelkéfi, Louati, Mosbah, and Sakli, L'Époque Contemporaine 1881–1956. Histoire Général de la Tunisie, Tome IV (Tunis: Sud Éditions 2010).

Kafin kafa kariyar mulkin mallaka, makarantu da suka kasance a bude ga mafi yawan ‘yan kasar Tunisia sun fi karkata zuwa addini, kamar yadda ake samu a makarantu irin na kuttab da suka mayar da hankali kan haddar Alkur’ani da karatunsa. Wadannan makarantu galibi suna kusa da masallatai ne, kuma malamai (imam) ke tafiyar da su. Dalibai na iya ci gaba da karatu a matakin gaba a wasu manyan makarantu.H. Reese, Roberts, Bamford, Camp, McClanahan, Tompkins, Area Handbook for the Republic of Tunisia (Washington: American Univ. 1970) at chap. 9, "Education" 103–122, p. 104. Abin lura a nan shi ne babban cibiyar koyar da ilimin addini a Masallacin Uqba a Kairouan, wanda aka kafa kimanin shekara ta 670. A karni na 9 zuwa 11, ana koyar da likitanci, ilmin tsirrai, taurari da lissafi a nan, baya ga ilimin addini. Mafi muhimmanci, Masallacin Uqba ya kasance cibiyar makarantar shari’ar Maliki. Malamai daga ko’ina cikin arewacin Afirka na zuwa karatu a nan.H. Djait, M. Talbi, F. Dachraoui, A. Dhouib, M. A. M'rabet, F. Mahfoudh, Le Moyen-Age. Histoire Général de la Tunisie, Tome II. (Tunis: Sud Éditions 2008), pp. 197–202.Arnold H. Green, The Tunisian Ulama 1873-1915. Social structure and response to ideological currents (Leiden: Brill 1978) at 28-31.


Sai dai gyaran ilimi ya fara ne tun kafin Faransawa, ko da yake a kankanin matsayi. Makarantar Masallacin Zitouna a Tunis, wadda ke karbar fitattun daliban kuttab, ta fara kara wasu darussa na zamani cikin tsarin karatunta na addini. Haka kuma, Firayim Minista mai sauya fasalin kasa, Khair al-Din, ya kafa Makarantar Sadiki a Tunis a 1875, wato makarantar sakandare (lycee), wadda tun daga farko take koyar da darussa masu alaka da zamani, a harshen Larabci da kuma wasu harsunan Turai.Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (2004), p. 34. Yahudawa ma suna da nasu makarantu, haka ma Italiyawan da suka dade da zama a kasar.Kassab et Ounaïes, L'Époque Contemporaine 1881–1956 (Tunis: Sud Éditions 2010) at 185-187, 191-192 (Zitouna); at 175, 182-183, 193-196 (Collège Sadiki); at pp. 172–173 (les Israélites et les Italiens).

A lokacin mulkin mallaka na Faransa, burin malamai ‘yan Tunisia ya canza, inda suka fi karkata ga kawo sabbin fannonin karatu na zamani, musamman wadanda ke da amfani kamar yadda ake yi a Turai. A Turai, Faransawa sun fi kwarewa a irin wadannan fannoni, har ma harshe na fasaha ya fara yaduwa a Tunisia domin gudanar da shirye-shirye na kasuwanci da masana’antu. Harshe Faransanci ne aka fi amfani da shi a sabbin makarantu da Cocin Faransa ya kafa, kamar Collège Saint-Charles de Tunis a 1875, da farko domin ‘ya’yan Faransawa mazauna kasar.Kenneth J. Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (Cambridge Univ. 2004), pp. 62–64. The Collège Saint-Charles de Tunis was renamed by the Protectorate in 1894 as Lycée Carnot. Amma kuma, ‘yan birni na Tunisia da dama suna kokarin ganin ‘ya’yansu sun sami ilimin da zai amfani rayuwarsu ta yau da kullum. Manyan ‘yan Tunisia sun sha fama da tsangwamar da suka samu wajen neman damar samun irin wannan ilimi.Kassab and Ounaïes, L'Époque Contemporaine 1881–1956 (Tunis: Sud Éditions 2010) at 175-178, 182; for Muslim young women at 181-182. Bayan wasu rikice-rikice da aka fuskanta, an samar da sabon tsarin ilimi wanda ya hada da koyar da Faransanci ga ‘yan Tunisia. Wannan ya faru ne a cikin tsarin siyasa na kariya daga Faransa, wanda hakan ya shafi cibiyoyin koyar da addini na Musulunci,Green, The Tunisian Ulama 1873-1915 (1978) at 137-142: Protectorate control extended to kuttabs, Collège Sadiki, and madrasas. cigaban ilimi na zamani a Tunisia, da kuma koyar da ‘ya’yan Faransawa mazauna kasar.Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (2004) at 64, 66. Episode of colon resistance to education for Tunisians, at 67.


Kawo sabbin hanyoyi a fannin ilimi ya haifar da cece-kuce a cikin al’umma. Amma dai irin wadannan muhawarar ba sabuwa ba ce ga Faransawa, domin su ma sun fuskanci sauye-sauye masu zurfi a tsarin iliminsu tun a karni na 19. Yayin da Faransa ke ci gaba da fadada iliminta da fasaharsa a zamanin masana’antu, tsarin karatu ya canza, kuma ya shiga tsaka mai wuya. An samu takaddama tsakanin koyar da tarbiyyar gargajiya da kuma ilimin amfani na zamani, da kuma yadda da wane tarbiyya za a koyar. Wannan ya faru ne saboda sabani tsakanin dabi’un addini da na duniya, wanda ya shafi siyasar gurguzu mai adawa da malamai.Theodore Zeldin, France 1848–1945. Intellect and Pride (Oxford University 1977, augmented 1980), chapter 4, "Education and Hope", 139–204, e.g., pp. 147–158, 177–185.Roger Magraw, France 1815–1914. The bourgeois century (Oxford University 1983), pp. 216–219.D. W. Brogan, The Development of Modern France 1870–1939 (London: Hamish Hamilton 1940), pp. 146–160. Haka ma aka fuskanta a Tunisia daga baya, ciki har da ra’ayoyin ‘yan gwagwarmayar neman ‘yancin kai.

A Tunisia, Faransawa sun kafa Direction de l'Enseignement Public a 1883 domin inganta makarantu ga ‘ya’yan jami’an gwamnati da sauran Faransawa mazauna kasar, da kuma yada harshen Faransanci. Daga baya wannan ma’aikatar ta fadada ayyukanta har ta rike dukkanin tsarin makarantu da cibiyoyin ilimi na kasar, tana gyarawa da fadada su. A cikin Tunis, an bude sabuwar Collège Alaoui mai hada jinsi, da kuma makarantu biyu na mata – École Rue du Pacha da École Louise René Millet.Nicola A. Ziadeh, Origins of Nationalism in Tunisia (Beirut: American University 1962), pp. 52–54.Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (2004), pp. 63–65, 66–67.Kassab and Ounaïes, L'Époque Contemporaine 1881–1956 (Tunis: Sud Éditions 2010) at 173, 174, 176 (pro-French policy orientation); at 180-181 (excursus: school for women).

A karshe, an samu tsarin makarantu daban-daban a karkashin kariya. Ga Faransawa da ‘yan Tunisia, akwai tsarin firamare da sakandare da aka tsara bisa tsarin Faransa kuma da harshen Faransanci. Daga nan, dalibai na iya zuwa jami’a a Faransa. Haka kuma gwamnati ta shirya tsarin ilimi na zamani wanda ke amfani da Faransanci da Larabci. Makarantun kuttab na ci gaba da koyar da darussa na addini, amma aka kara darussa kamar lissafi, tarihi, Faransanci da tsafta; a nan harshen Larabci ne ake amfani da shi. Dalibai daga makarantu na zamani ko na addini na iya ci gaba da karatu a Zitouna. Har ila yau, Zitouna ta bude makarantu na sakandare a Tunis, Sfax da Gabes, da kuma shirin jami’a, ko da yake ta ci gaba da kasancewa cibiyar koyar da addinin Musulunci. Amma Collège Sadiki ta zama babbar makarantar sakandare a kasar, wadda ke bai wa sabbin manyan ‘yan Tunisia ilimi na zamani da ke cikin harshen Faransanci.Reese, et al., Area Handbook for the Republic of Tunisia (1970), pp. 104–105.Kassab and Ounaïes, L'Époque Contemporaine 1881–1956 (Tunis: Sud Éditions 2010) at 172-185. Wannan gyaran ya share fagen ci gaban ilimi a Tunisia bayan samun ‘yancin kai.
Yanayin Faransa

Faransa ba sabon abu ba ne a gare ta mallakar ƙasashen waje, wato akwai matakai biyu daban na faɗaɗa ikon ta a wajen Turai, da kuma guda ɗaya a ciki: kasada daga ƙarni na 16 zuwa 18 a Arewacin Amurka da Indiya, inda daular mulkin mallaka ta rasa waɗannan ƙasashe a shekarar 1763 kafin juyin juya halin Faransa;Robert Aldrich, Greater France. A History of French Overseas Expansion (New York: St. Martin's Press 1996), musamman a "Prologue. The First Overseas Empire", shafuka 10–23. Yakin Shekaru Bakwai (1754–1763) ya haifar da Faransa ta mika Canada ga Birtaniya, sannan Faransa ta mika Louisiana da kogin Mississippi ga Spain. Aldrich (1996), shafi 12.Yawancin mallakar Faransa a Indiya an mika su ga Birtaniya a yarjejeniyar 1763. Vincent A. Smith, Oxford History of India (Oxford University 1911; 3rd ed. 1958), babi "English and French", shafuka 455–464, 463–464. nasarorin Napoleon da suka mamaye yawancin Yammaci da Tsakiyar Turai, da aka rasa a 1815;Denis de Rougemont, Vingt-huit siècles d'Europe: la conscience européenne à travers les textes d'Hésiode à nos jours (Paris: Payot 1961), fassara da The Idea of Europe (New York: Macmillan 1966), shafuka 213–227. da kuma mulkin mallaka daga ƙarni na 19 zuwa 20 a Afirka, Asiya, da Oceania.Aldrich, Greater France. A History of French Overseas Expansion (New York: St. Martin's 1996), misali, "The Maghreb", shafuka 24–35.


Wannan faɗaɗa ta ƙarshe ta fara ne lokacin da gwamnatin sarauta da aka dawo da ita ta kwace Algiers a 1830. Amma a wannan shekarar, an kifar da sarkin Bourbon na Légitimist a juyin juyin July, an maye gurbinsa da sabon sarki Orléanist. Duk da cewa wannan sabon tsarin sarauta mai kundin tsarin mulki ya fi na baya sassauci a fannin tattalin arziki, bai iya warware rikicin zamantakewa da ke tsakanin (a) 'yan sarauta na gargajiya (da suka rabu gida biyu), (b) sabbin 'yan kasuwa, da (c) masu ra'ayin jamhuriya da aka yi watsi da su (ana kiran su "neo-Jacobins"). Wadannan na ƙarshe suna goyon bayan dimokuradiyya da ikon jama'a, tare da samun goyon baya daga ajin ma'aikata na birane.Lucien Romier, L'Ancienne France: des Origines a la Révolution (Paris: Hachette 1948), fassara da cika ta A. L. Rowse da A History of France (New York: St. Martin's Press 1953), shafi 381 (Algiers), 388–389 (Algeria); 381–384 (Juyin July); 383–384, 390–391 (rikicin zamantakewa).Roger Magraw, France 1815–1914. The Bourgeois Century (London: Wm. Collins 1983; Oxford University 1986), sashen "Divisions within the Elites", shafuka 78–88: Légitimistes (masu biyayya ga Bourbon), Orléanistes (masu ra'ayin sarauta ta July, masu ra'ayin kasuwanci), bourgeoisie (masu hannu da shuni), da republicans ("ya'yan Jacobins", galibi kwararru). Hakanan a duba sashen "The Making of the French Working Class?", shafuka 91–106, inda wasu ke kiran su classes dangereuses (shafi 106).

A tsakanin 'yan aristocrats da manoma, addini ya ci gaba da ƙarfinsa. A cikin sabuwar ajin bourgeoisie, addini yana fafatawa da dabi'u marasa addini da ake tallafawa da "scientism". Yawancin ma’aikatan birane sun fara watsi da addini. A ƙarshen ƙarni na 19, adawar republican da cocin Katolika ta kai kololuwa. Wadannan bambance-bambancen ra'ayi sun ci gaba da raba Faransawa har zuwa ƙarni na 20.Duba, Lucien Romier, L'Ancienne France (Paris 1948), fassara da cikawa ta Rowse a A History of France (New York 1953), misali, shafuka 390–391 (1830), 395–399 (1848), 424–425 (1871), 436–440 (1890s), 468–471 (1930s).David Thomson, Democracy in France since 1870 (Oxford University 1946, 5th ed. 1969; Cassell 1989), shafuka 39–74 (sashe: "The Social Bases"), 139–147 (anti-clericalism a sashen "The Church"). Wani tsari na zamantakewa da ba kama-kama ba amma kusan daidai yana bayyana a harkokin siyasar zamani ta Tunisia mai zaman kanta.Duba, don kwatanta da halin yanzu a Masar, Sheri Berman, "Marx's lesson for the Muslim Brothers" New York Times August 10, 2013.


A 1848, mutanen Faransa sun kifar da sarautar July ta sarki Louis-Philippe; duk da haka, an murƙushe ma’aikatan birane masu tsattsauran ra’ayi.Priscilla Robertson, Revolutions of 1848. A social history (Princeton University 1952), "France", shafuka 9–103: 86–96 (katanga na ma’aikata), 96–103 (zaben Napoleon III). A wasu sassan Paris da ke cike da ma’aikata, masu tawaye sun gina katanga da aka karya da makamai. Duk da cewa jamhuriya ta maye gurbin sarauta na wani lokaci, masu kada kuri’a sun ci gaba da kasancewa masu ra’ayin adalci da tsoron rikice-rikicen daga masu ra’ayin jamhuriya na hagu, suna karkata ga tsoffin tsarin zamantakewa. Napoleon III ya lashe zaben watan Disamba 1848 da babban rinjaye. Juyin mulki na 1851 ya tabbatar da wannan nasara: Daular Faransa ta biyu.Roger Magraw, France 1815–1914. The Bourgeois Century (London: Wm. Collins 1983; Oxford Univ. 1986), shafuka 136–137 (sakamakon zaben 1848), 140–141 (juyin mulki na 1851).Duba, Fareed Zakaria, The Future of Freedom. Illiberal democracy at home and abroad (New York: Norton 2003) shafuka 64-66: A Faransa, an faɗaɗa damar yin zaɓe bisa ra’ayin republican da liberal, amma masu kada kuri’a sun zaɓi shugabannin da ke da ra’ayin kama karya. Saboda rashin nasara da Napoleon ya sha a hannun Jamus a 1871, Faransa ta rasa matsayinta na jagora a nahiyar Turai na tsawon ƙarni biyu.D. W. Brogan, The Development of Modern France 1870–1939 (London: Hamish Hamilton 1940), shafi 54 (rashin nasarar 1871), shafuka 55–74 (rikicin Paris na baya). Amma Jamhuriyar Faransa ta uku (1871–1940) ta tashi kuma ta bunƙasa da sauri. Yawancin masu ra’ayin cigaba daga Asiya, Afirka, da Amurka suna ganin Paris a matsayin babban birnin ruhin duniya.Albert Hourani, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age 1798–1939 (Oxford University 1962, 1967), shafi 349 (game da Masar).

Faransa ta dawo da ikon jama’a. Bayan ta fara mika wa masu sarauta masu bin tsarin kundin tsarin mulki wanda su ne suka kafa jamhuriya, daga bisani masu kada kuri’a sun zaɓi 'yan jamhuriya da radicals, har ma da socialists a wasu lokuta. Bangaren dama ya rasa nasara saboda ruɗin da suka ba kansu, misali a cikin rikicin Dreyfus.Lucien Romier, L'Ancienne France (Paris 1948), fassara da cikawa ta Rowse da A History of France (New York 1953), shafuka 439–440.David Thomson, Democracy in France since 1870 (Oxford University 1946, 5th ed. 1969; Cassell 1989), shafuka 75–91 (majalisar dokoki a matsayin jagora a tsarin mulkin Jamhuriyar ta uku), 88–91 (Dokokin Tsarin Mulki na 1875), 101–102 (sakamakon zaɓe na 1870s). Ko da Faransa ta kasance tana fuskantar rabuwar kai ta zamantakewa da siyasa, a yakin duniya na farko (1914–1918), Faransa ta fito da nasara.D. W. Brogan, The Development of Modern France 1870–1939 (London: Hamish Hamilton 1940), shafi 77 (Katolika ba su da ƙarfi a siyasar Faransa), 113 (sakamakon zaɓe na 1876), 114 (ci gaban tattalin arziki), 144–146 (republicans), 538–539 (nasarar 1918). A 1881, Jules Ferry (1832–1893), firayim minista mai ra’ayin republican da matsakaicin ra’ayin adawa da coci, ya cimma matsaya da sauran ‘yan siyasa don bada umarni ga sojojin Faransa su kwace Tunisia.Romier, L'Ancienne France (Paris 1948), fassara, cikawa ta Rowse a A History of France (New York 1953), shafuka 432–433.

Siyasar Tunisiya 

Musamman dangane da matsayin quo ante da farkon shekarun da suka gabata na Kariyar Faransa, abubuwan siyasa da aka tattauna a nan sun ci gaba da wanzuwa a tsawon lokacin mulkin Faransa a Tunisiya.  Ƙarfin danginsu, ɗaya zuwa ɗayan, duk da haka, ya canza sosai akan lokaci.

A cikin kimanta mahimmin mahimmancin zamanin Faransa a Tunisiya, dalili ɗaya na iya bayyanawa shine yawan mutanen Turai da suka zama mazaunin dindindin a ƙasar.  Idan aka kwatanta da Ottoman, waɗanda suka zauna kila dubun dubbai daga daularsu a Tunisia, Faransawa da 'abokanta' Italiyanci sun zaunar da dubban ɗaruruwan.

Ma'anar Musulunci

Yawancin 'yan Tunisiya sun saba da ambaton duniyar Musulunci don samun kuzari na ruhaniya, amfani da misalai na adabi ko kuma kwatanci na tarihi. A cikin Musulunci akwai manyan yankuna uku na al'adu, kowanne yana da nasaba da wata babbar al'ummar duniya ta yaren kabilanci: Arab, Farisa, da kuma Turkiyya.Najib Ullah, Islamic Literature (New York: Washington Square 1963) shafi xi-xii, shafi 2–3 (taswirar yankin Arabiya), shafi 214–215 (taswirar yankin Farisa), shafi 368–369 (taswirar yankin Turkawa). Kowanne daga cikinsu ya taka muhimmiyar rawa wajen habakar Musulunci gaba ɗaya, kamar yadda tsarin al'adunsu masu zurfi ke shaida. Haka kuma kowanne ya amfani Tunisiya. Kafin zaman mallaka na Faransa a Tunisiya, Daular Ottoman ta yi tasiri a kasar, inda masu mulki a Tunisiya suka saba da yin amfani da harshen Turkiyya. A lokacin da masu mulkin 'yan Beys suka ɗauki wasu matakai na sauyi na zamani, sun yi koyi da irin gyaran da aka fara a Daular Ottoman.Wannan tasirin na Turkiyya an taɓa tattaunawa a baya, a cikin tarihin Tunisiya a zamanin Daular Ottoman. Dubi sassa kamar: Ottomans in the West, Janissary Deys, da kuma Age of Reform: Tanzimat. An kuma yi taƙaitaccen bayani a sama a sashen Beylical debt. Tasirin yankin Farisa a kan Tunisiya ta fuskar gwamnati bai yawaita ba, sai dai kamar a zamanin daular Rustamid daga ƙarni na 8 zuwa na 10,An tattauna a baya a cikin tarihin Tunisiya a farkon Musulunci. da kuma al-Afghani.Nikki R. Keddie, An Islamic Response to Imperialism. Political and religious writings of Sayyid Jamal ad-Din "al-Afghani" (Univ. of Calif. 1968) shafi 5-11: al-Afghani an haife shi kuma ya taso a Iran.


Al'adar Larabawa ta shafi Tunisiya tun lokacin mamayar Larabawa a ƙarni na 8 da kuma sauye-sauyen da suka biyo baya. Tunisiya ta zama ƙasa mai yaren Larabci kuma Musulma, mai alaka ta kusa da yankin Mashriq (Gabashin Larabawa).Dubawa: tarihin Tunisiya a farkon Musulunci. Tuni kafin tashin turawan Yamma, kuma na dogon lokaci tana raba wannan matsayin da kasar China, al'ummar Musulunci ta Larabawa ta kasance gaba a fagen ci gaba da walwala.Marshall G. S. Hodgson, The Venture of Islam, Vol.1: The Classical Age (Univ.of Chicago 1961 [2v], 1974 [3v]) shafi I: 237. Sai dai daga baya, sojojin Turkiyya sun iso daga Asiya ta Tsakiya kuma suka karɓi jagoranci a wasu ƙasashen Musulmi tun daga ƙarni na 10. Daga nan sai Larabawa suka gamsu da mulkin waɗannan baƙi Musulmi. Bugu da ƙari, zuwa shekara ta 1500 Kiristocin Turai, waɗanda a baya suke zaman makwabta marasa rinjaye a bakin tekun Bahar Rum, "a ƙarshe sun kai ga kamo Musulunci, ko da kuwa Musulmi ba su fahimci hakan da wuri ba."John J. Saunders, "The Muslim Climate of Thought", shafi 129, a cikin The Muslim World on the Eve of Europe's Expansion (Englewood Cliffs NJ: Prentice-Hall 1966).

Duk da haka, Larabawa sun ci gaba da kasancewa cikin girmamawa a matsayin (a) masu kafa tsofaffin al'ummomin duniya (inda da yawa ke amfani da wasu yarukan Semitic kamar Akkadiyya ko Kan’aniyya ko Arameyya, ko kuma harshen Masaranci),Enayat, Modern Islamic Political Theories (University of Texas 1962) shafi 124: kuma daga bisani a matsayin (b) masu haɗin gwiwa wajen gina kyakkyawar al'ummar Musulunci tare da Larabawan hamada (mutanen da Annabi Muhammad ya fito daga cikinsu).Yawancin mutanen Gabas ta Tsakiya da suka ci karo da Musulunci sun bar Arameyya suka koma Larabci, don haka aka fara kiransu Larabawa; ko kuma a Misira, sun bar Coptic. Anwar G. Chejne, The Arabic Language. Its role in history (University of Minnesota 1969), shafi 25, 59 da 64.Nicholas Ostler, Empires of the Word. A language history of the world (HarperCollins 2005; 2006) shafi 58-68 (Akkadiyya); 78-86 (Arameyya). Duk da wannan martaba, Larabawa a zamanin da suka biyo baya sun fara neman sabuntawa da farfaɗowa. A ƙarni na 19 wata sabuwar rayuwa ta fara tasowa a cikin Larabawa da sauran Musulmi, inda wasu masu gyara suka fito da saƙonnin su na siyasa da addini.Akwai bambanci tsakanin nau'ikan gyara biyu: (1) na addini bisa Alkur'ani da Hadisi, da kuma (2) na zamani bisa ilimi da fasaha. Dubi: Ira M. Lapidus, Contemporary Islamic Movements in Historical Perspective (University of California 1983), shafi 11–13.George Lenczowski, ed., The Political Awakening in the Middle East (Prentice-Hall 1970), babi: "Fundamentalism and Reform", shafi 28-47.

Mai ƙayatarwa kuma cike da asiri, Jamal al-Din al-Afghani (1839–1897) ya yi yawo a duniya yana ƙarfafa Musulmi su haɗu da kuma sabunta al'umma daga ciki. A shekara ta 1884 yayin da yake a Paris, ya haɗa da Muhammad 'Abduh suka fitar da mujalla mai suna al-‘Urwa al-wuthqa ["Mafi Ƙarfin Madauri"] don yada saƙon sa. Yana fatan samun matsayi a gwamnati domin aiwatar da sauye-sauye. Ya taɓa mu'amala da Sarki na Ottoman da kuma Shah na Iran, amma hakan bai kawo sauyi ba. Ko da yake yana da ra'ayin hadin kan Musulmi gaba ɗaya, al-Afghani yana koyar da amfani da hankali na zamani bisa ka'idojin Musulunci don a samu ci gaba a cikin al'umma. Wannan ra'ayi bai samu karɓuwa daga malamai masu tsattsauran ra'ayi ba, amma ya samu goyon bayan talakawa a faɗin duniyar Musulunci.Nikki R. Keddie, An Islamic Response to Imperialism... (1968) shafi 16-97; shafi 24 (mujalla), 26-27 (Nasir ad-Din Shah), 29-31 (Sultan Abdulhamid), 40-45 (mai sauyi), 45-52 (falsafar Musulunci), 73-84 (kayayyaki).Albert Hourani, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age 1798–1939 (Oxford University 1970), shafi 108–129.Wilfred Cantwell Smith, Islam in modern history (Princeton Univ. 1957) shafi 47-51.Hamid Enayat, Modern Islamic Political Thought (Univ. of Texas 1982) shafi 41-42, 47, 56, 83, 135, 185-186. Irin wannan tunani ya jawo hankalin ‘yan gwagwarmayar ƙasar Tunisiya.N. Ziadeh, Origins of Nationalism in Tunisia (Beirut 1962) shafi 62; 99 (al-Afghani da Ath-Tha'alibi); dubi 67.


Wani mai sauyi da ya bar tasiri a Tunisiya shi ne Shaykh Muhammad 'Abduh (1849–1905) dan Masar, mabiyin al-Afghani.Keddie, An Islamic response to imperialism (1968) shafi 24; dubi 93-95. Malami mai hazaka, daga baya ya zama Mufti na Masar.P. J. Vatikiotis, A Modern History of Egypt (Praeger 1969) shafi 182-183:

Asalin kishin ƙasa


Bey na Tunis shi ne sarkin gargajiya mai mulkin kama-karya. A karkashin mulkin mallaka, mulkin Bey ya ci gaba da kasancewa a matsayin “de jure”, amma a aikace iko ya koma hannun wakilin Faransa mai suna Resident General da ministocinsa, waɗanda ake naɗa su daga Paris. Bey ya ci gaba da zama kamar sarki kawai a idon jama’a. Duk da haka matsayinsa ya zube saboda “barnar kudi da cin hanci” na kotu da kuma wasu manyan mutane marasa kishin kasa. Har yanzu ana tuna da yadda aka murkushe tawayen shekarar 1864 a yankin Sahil. A cikin shekarun farko, wasu daga cikin masu daraja da masu ra’ayin mazan jiya a Tunis sun nemi Ali Bey da ya shiga tsakani da Faransawa. Amma ikon sa na sarrafa lamura ya kasance da iyaka sosai. “A Tunisia, biyayya ga Bey na nufin biyayya ga Faransawa.” Sai dai Bey ya ƙara ɗan ɗan al’adun Tunisia a cikin tsarin da ba na ƙasarsu ba.Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (2004), shafi na 39–43.Berque, French North Africa (1962; 1967) shafi na 346-347, da magana a shafi na 346 ("prodigality").Anderson, The State and Social Transformation in Tunisia and Libya, 1830-1980 (Princeton Univ. 1986) a shafi na 96 da bayanin ƙasa 2 (tawayen 1864), da magana a shafi na 117 ("obedience").

Da gaske, da dama daga cikin ‘yan Tunisia sun maraba da sauye-sauyen cigaba da Faransa ta kawo,  amma ra’ayin gama-gari da ya bayyana shine ‘yan Tunisia sun fi son su tafiyar da harkokinsu da kansu. Kafin Faransawa su mamaye kasar, a cikin shekarun 1860 zuwa 1870, Khair al-Din al-Tunsi ya kawo sauye-sauyen zamani a Tunisia. Ra’ayoyinsa na cigaba, duk da cewa yana girmama cigaban Turai, sun kasance cikin al’adun Musulunci kuma suna goyon bayan sauyi bisa sharuddan Musulunci. Ya rubuta wani littafi mai tasiri.The Surest Path... fassarar Leon Carl Brown (Harvard Univ. 1967).Guellouz, Masmoudi, Smida, Les Temps Modernes... (Tunis: Sud Editions 2010) a shafi na 412-428.Duba: Tarihin zamanin Daular Usmaniyya a Tunisia.


Mujallar mako-mako ta larabci mai suna *al-Hādira* [Babban birni] an kafa ta ne a 1888 daga abokan aiki da mabiyan ministan sauyi Khair al-Din. Wannan mujalla tana tattauna siyasa, tarihi, tattalin arziki, Turai da duniya baki ɗaya, kuma an ci gaba da buga ta har zuwa 1910. Wannan mujallar mai matsakaicin ra’ayi daga cikin manyan ‘yan Tunisia tana bayyana ra’ayoyin da suka fi dacewa da ‘yan kasuwa (*baldiyya*) da malaman addini (*ulama*). Ta bayyana ra’ayoyin da suka fito daga cikin littafin Khair al-Din na 1867 game da Musulunci da zamani.Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (Cambridge 2004) shafi na 65 da 33. “Kungiyar masu gyara da masu kishin kasa” da suka kafa wannan mujalla sun samu tasiri daga ziyarar Muhammad 'Abduh daga Masar a 1884-1885 zuwa Tunisia; Shaykh 'Abduh ya nuna ra’ayin matsakaici. Yawancin rubuce-rubucen da aka buga a *al-Hādira* sun fito ne daga as-Sanusi. A cewar marubucin Tunisia Ibn Ashūr, wanda ya rubuta shekaru da dama bayan haka, as-Sanusi ya canza ra’ayinsa game da mulkin mallaka saboda wata mummunar ƙwarewa da ya samu da masu adawa da Faransa.Nicola A. Ziadeh, Origins of Nationalism in Tunisia (Beirut: AUB 1962) shafi na 64, 61-63, 66, 68.Arnold Green, The Tunisian Ulama 1873-1915 (Leiden: Brill 1978) shafi na 154, 146, 165.

Wata mujalla mai ra’ayi mai tsauri, *az-Zuhrah*, ta yi suka ga siyasar Faransa, daga 1890 har zuwa da aka hana ta a 1897. Wata mujalla da ke nuna rashin jin daɗi da halin da ake ciki ita ce *Sabil al-Rashad*, 1895–1897. Wannan ta fito ne daga Abdelaziz Thâalbi, wanda ya karanci ilimi a Zaytuna. Tha’albi matashi ne wanda aka shafe rayuwarsa da tasirin Muhammad 'Abduh na Cairo da wasu tsoffin masu sauyi a Tunisia irin su Mahmud Qabadu.Laroui, History of Maghrib (1970; 1977), shafi na 314–359.Ziadeh, Origins of Nationalism in Tunisia (Beirut 1962), shafi na 62–67.

A shekarar 1896, Bashir Sfar da wasu daga cikin masu kishin sauyi daga *al-Hādira* sun kafa *al-Jam’iyah Khalduniya* [Ƙungiyar Khalduniyya]; gwamnatin Faransa ta amince da tsarin kundinta.Ziadeh, Origins of Nationalism in Tunisia (Beirut 1962) shafi na 65. Ƙungiyar ta kasance dandalin tattaunawa ta hankali; an sa mata suna ne don girmamawa ga masanin tarihi Ibn Khaldun. A cewar Laroui, ƙungiyar ta “mai da hankali kan bukatar sauyi sannu a hankali” a ilimi da zamantakewar iyali. Ta kuma taimaka wa *ulama* masu ra’ayin cigaba a Masallacin Zitouna. Laroui ya ce, “Khalduniya ta zama mai kama da Faransa wajen tunani da harshe.”Laroui, History of Maghrib (1970; 1977) shafi na 358–359. Perkins ya ce: Ƙungiyar ta “bude taga zuwa yamma ga ‘yan Tunisia da ke magana da larabci.” Ta bayar da karatu kyauta a fannonin kimiyya na Turai. Shekaru da dama bayan haka, game da jam’iyyar siyasa *Neo-Destour*, *Khalduniya* da Kwalejin Sadiki sun taka rawa wajen shigar da matasa da ƴan mata cikin jam’iyyar.Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (2004) shafi na 66 da 98.Ziadeh, Origins of Nationalism in Tunisia (Beirut 1962) shafi na 65–70.Kassab & Ounïes, L'Époque Contemporaine 1881-1956 (Tunis: Sud Editions 2010) shafi na 186–190.

Wasu mujallun Tunisia sun ci gaba da shiga fagen ra’ayoyi. Ali Bach Hamba ya kafa mujallar *le Tunisien* da ke harshen Faransanci a 1907, domin isar da ra’ayoyin ‘yan Tunisia ga ‘yan Turai. Ra’ayoyin da ta ke fitowa da su ba wai kawai sun kara fahimta ba ne, har ma sun kara damuwa da rashin jin daɗi. A 1909 Tha’albi ya kafa sigar Larabci mai suna *at-Tūnisī*, wadda ta kalubalanci Hamba daga ra’ayi mafi “Tunisian”. Tha’albi (1876-1944) ya dawo daga Masar a 1902 da “kaya, ra’ayoyi da salo na ban mamaki.” Ra’ayinsa na sauyi sun bayyana a matsayin “hari ga Musulunci.” A 1903 an gurfanar da shi gaban kotu a matsayin mai bijirewa, an yanke masa hukuncin zaman gidan yari na wata biyu.Laroui, History of Maghrib (1970; 1977), shafi na 358–361.Ziadeh, Origins of Nationalism in Tunisia (Beirut 1962) shafi na 65–100.

Yayin da mulkin Faransa ke ci gaba, yana ƙara nuna fifiko ga Faransawa da sauran Turawa fiye da ‘yan ƙasa. Saboda haka, martanin ‘yan Tunisia ya fara canzawa zuwa tsattsauran ra’ayi da nuna kishin ƙasa. Malamin jami’a Kenneth Perkins ya bayyana hakan a matsayin “canjin daga goyon bayan sauye-sauyen zamantakewa zuwa shiga harkar siyasa.”Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (Cambridge University 2004), shafi na 68. A 1911, tarzoma ta barke daga ɗaliban jami’ar Zaytuna. Sakamakon haka ne Hamba da Tha’albi suka cimma yarjejeniya. Aka kafa jam’iyyar siyasa mai suna *al-Ittihad al-Islami*, wadda ke nuna ra’ayoyin ƙungiyar duniya ta Musulunci.Laroui, History of Maghrib (1970; 1977), shafi na 361.

Matsayin Masu Zama

Lokacin da sojojin Faransa suka mamaye Tunisiya, ’yan Turai kaɗan ne suka zauna a can, mafi yawansu daga Italiya ne. A shekara ta 1884, akwai Turawa 19,000, mafi yawan su Italiyawa ne. A shekarar 1901, adadin Turawa ya kai 111,000, ciki har da Italiyawa 72,600, Faransawa 24,200, da kuma Mutanen Malta 12,000 (masu magana da yaren Malta daga tsibirin da ke kusa, wanda Birtaniya ke mulka a lokacin). Gwamnatin Faransa ta fara neman hanyoyin karfafa yawan Faransawa a kasar. An fara ba da wasu ragi da tallafi, musamman na tattalin arziki, ga 'yan kasa da za su koma zaune a Tunisiya. Tunda rayuwa a Faransa ta fi ta Tunisiya inganci, dole ne wadannan tallafin su kasance masu yawa domin su janyo hankalin masu son hijira.

Ko da yake yawansu bai taba yawa ba (ya kai kololuwa da kimanin 250,000), Faransawan da suka zauna a Tunisiya sun zama wani muhimmin sashen zamantakewa. Sun haɗa ƙwarewar kasuwanci da masana’antu da fifikon gwamnati. Duk da cewa ba duka Faransawan ke da arziƙi ba, daga masu kuɗi zuwa talakawa, amma sun kasance ƙungiya mai ƙarfi. Jarin Faransa ya zuba a ma’adanai da layin dogo, wanda ya samar da riba mai yawa. Amfani da sabbin fasahohin zamani ya buƙaci ƙwararrun ma’aikata, kuma yawanci Faransawa ne ake ɗauka aiki. Irin waɗannan ayyukan da suka buƙaci ƙwarewa su ne mafi yawan albashi a Tunisiya. Gidajen masu hijira da unguwannin birane da suke ciki sun kasance kamar tsarin Faransa. A ƙarshe, sabon al’umma Faransawa da ta ƙwace madafun iko ta fara jin daɗin cigaban zamani da suke kawowa ƙasar. Wasu daga cikin su suna kallon ‘yan asalin Tunisiya a matsayin marasa fahimta ko ƙauyawa. Masu hijira sun ƙirƙiri ƙungiyoyi na muradu domin kare matsayinsu da bunƙasar tattalin arzikin da suka kafa.

‘Yan Tunisiya sun ƙi yadda ake ƙasa da su a ƙasar su. A cikin dangantakar jama’a, babbar hujjar da Faransawa ke amfani da ita domin samun goyon baya ita ce iya canza tattalin arziki da gudanarwa. Amma ‘yan Tunisiya suna son su kasance cikin aiki da cin gajiyar abubuwan da Faransawa suka kafa. A ƙarshe, wasu shugabannin Faransa masu hangen nesa sun fara shirin cigaban da ya haɗa da ‘yan asalin ƙasar. Duk da haka, wasu daga cikin su sun fi ba da fifiko ga ‘yan Faransa wajen aiki da ciniki, saboda siyasa da tsarin mulkin mallaka.

Yawanci, idan aka shirya wani cigaban tattalin arziki, Faransawan da suka zauna a can za su hada kai domin su samu riba. Wasu daga cikinsu sukan ɗaukaka waɗannan ribar a matsayin dalilin zamansu a Tunisiya. Idan wani jami’in gwamnatin yankin ya ɗauki matakin da ya saba da bukatarsu, za su nemi taimako daga abokan siyasa a birnin Paris, ta hanyar ƙungiyoyin matsin lamba irin su “Parti-Colonial.” Sabani tsakanin bukatun masu hijira da na ‘yan asalin ƙasar ya ƙara tsananta. Jami’an Faransa kansu wani lokaci suna da rikici da rashin daidaito a kan wanne mataki ya fi dacewa su dauka.

Masu hijira suna bayyana ra’ayoyinsu ta cikin ƙungiyoyin siyasa da al’adu, da kuma ƙungiyoyin ciniki. Jaridu da mujallu cikin Faransanci ana wallafawa domin su, misali “La Tunisie Française.” Wannan ya bai wa kowane dan hijira damar bibiyar muhawara, karanta ra’ayoyin manema labarai, da fahimtar salon siyasar da ke karfafa hadin kansu. Ko da yake ra’ayinsu na iya bambanta da na cikin gida a Faransa, amma a Arewacin Afirka suna hade domin kare muradunsu da rikon matsayinsu.

Sai dai, wasu daga cikin Faransawan da ke zaune a Tunisiya sun nuna goyon baya ko fahimta ga burin siyasa na ‘yan Maghreb. Ko da ba su da yawa, sun isa su wallafa jaridar “Petit Monde” da ke da ra’ayoyin jituwa da ‘yan Tunisiya da batun ‘yancin kai. Amma sauran masu hijira suna zargin irin waɗannan da sabawa ƙa’ida. Daya daga cikinsu shi ne jami’in Faransa kuma daga baya malami, Jacques Berque. Wani kuma, marubuci sananne Albert Camus, ya kasance cikin ruɗani tsakanin asalinsa na Algeria da kuma tausayinsa ga ‘yan tawaye. Littafinsa na 1942 “L'Étranger” ya nuna wani saurayi dan hijira na Faransa da ke fuskantar keɓancewa da hukunci. Camus ya yi ƙoƙari na fahimtar juna tsakanin bangarorin da ke rikici. Ko bayan hijirar Faransawa daga Arewacin Afirka, Berque ya ci gaba da kasancewa tare da mutanen yankin Maghreb, yana goyon bayan sabbin ƙasashen masu ‘yancin kai.

Manufar Faransa

Ko da yake Faransawa sau da yawa suna fitowa da fuska ɗaya a Tunisia, a cikin gida sun kawo tare da su manyan rigingimu na cikin ƙasa da suka dade suna faruwa a Faransa. Duk da irin waɗannan rigingimu, da dama daga bangaren hagu na siyasa da kuma coci-cocin Kirista daga baya sun yarda su haɗa kai wajen yaɗa “fa’idodin” al’adun Faransa a Afirka da Asiya. Duk da haka, akwai waɗanda suka nuna adawa da mulkin mallaka. Albert Sarrault, wani babban dan mulkin mallaka na Faransa, ya bayyana a cikin 1935 cewa “yawancin Faransawa ba sa damuwa da batun mallakar ƙasashe.”Robert Aldrich, Greater France. A history of French overseas expansion (New York: St. Martin's Press 1996), shafi na 114.

A Tunisia, tsarin fifiko ya bayyana: manufofin da gwamnatin Faransa ta tsara sun fara samun fifiko, sai kuma bukatun 'yan asalin Faransa mazauna can. Yawancin Italiyawan Tunisia sun kasance abokan hamayyar Faransawa, sai daga baya suka zama abokan hulɗa, duk da cewa har yanzu sun bambanta. Yahudawan Tunisia, wasu daga cikinsu sun zauna a kasar tun zamanin da, wasu kuma 'yan hijira ne daga Italiya, sun kasance cikin mawuyacin matsayi tsakanin tsofaffin al’adu na gida da sabuwar zamanantar al’adun Turai. Mafi rinjaye daga cikin Musulman Tunisia suna lura da tsarin mulkin mallaka na Faransa sosai. An bambanta su ta hanyar yadda suke kallon manufofin Faransa – ko dai suna mara baya ne, ko ba su da ra’ayi, ko kuwa masu ƙi, ko daga baya su zama abokan adawa da siyasa.Berque, French North Africa (Paris 1962; 1967), shafuffuka 64-68 (sirrin gudanarwa na Faransa), da 333 (Yahudawa).Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (2004) shafuffuka 47-61 (matsugunnan Turawa); 46, 98 (Yahudawa a gefe tsakanin Turai da Tunisia); 44, 48, 53 (Italiyawa).

A ƙarƙashin mulkin Faransa, an inganta ayyuka iri-iri. Cocin Kirista ya tura mishanoni daga sabon coci da aka gina a Tunis zuwa ƙasashen da suka zama Afirka ta baƙar fata da ke amfani da Faransanci inda aka kafa al’ummomin mishan da yawa. Sai dai babban taron Eucharistic na 1930 a Tunis ya fuskanci suka daga Musulmai. Ayyukan kariya sun jawo injiniyoyi da masu tsara birane da suka shirya tsare-tsare da suka samar da ci gaban da ya haɗa da ruwa, sadarwa, lafiya, tsafta, tafiye-tafiye da sufuri. An inganta jin daɗin rayuwa. Kasuwanci da dama sun ƙaru.Berque, French North Africa (Paris 1962; 1967), shafi na 220 (taron); 39-42 (sufuri).Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (2004) shafuffuka 197 (taron), 57-61 (ayyukan ci gaba).

Mutanen Tunisia sun yaba da irin waɗannan ci gaba, amma sun lura cewa yawancin fa’idodi sun fi zuwa ne ga Turawan da suka shigo ƙasar. Shugabannin al’umma sun fara roƙon akidar da Faransa ta da’anta cewa tana bin gaskiya da adalci (kamar droit humaine) domin neman daidaiton kulawa da Faransawan colons. Amma a farko, irin waɗannan roƙon galibi ba su haifar da ɗa mai ido ba, har hakan ya sa mutane da yawa a Tunisia suka fara shakku game da iƙirarin gwamnati ta Faransa. An samu tashiwar gungun jama'a. Amma ba dukkan jami’an Faransa ba ne suka kasance marasa kulawa. Tun daga farko, akwai muhawara game da ainihin manufa ko dalilin mulkin mallaka. An bayar da hujjoji da dama: domin samun kudin shiga da albarkatu, domin kasuwannin fitar da kaya, domin yaɗa al’ada da yabo na ƙasa, domin samun ayyuka ga Turawan colons da suka zo, ko kuma a matsayin iyaka don sojoji. Manufar Faransa na kokarin cika waɗannan dalilai iri-iri tana iya canzawa daga lokaci zuwa lokaci, bisa ga wanda ke jagoranci a lokacin da kuma yanayin da ake ciki. Saboda haka, ba koyaushe ake samun daidaituwa a cikin manufar Faransa ba. A cikin shekarun ƙarshen mulkin kariya, wasu jami’an Faransa a matakin ƙasa sun fi kokarin amsa bukatun da korafin mutanen Tunisia. Akan wasu batutuwa, gwamnatin kariya tana fuskantar turka-turkan ra’ayi da ra’ayi wanda ke janyo yanke shawarar da ke da wahala ko kuma sulhu.Berque, French North Africa (Paris 1962; 1967), shafuffuka 28-29, 65-72 (manufar mulkin mallakar Faransa).Robert Aldrich, Greater France. A history of French overseas expansion (New York: St. Martin's Press 1996), shafuffuka 89–121, 163-198.

Fasaha da al'adu

Fasahohin gargajiya sun ci gaba da kasancewa a Tunisiya, misali, a fannin kiɗa akwai ma’luf, wani nau’i ne na kiɗan Andalus. Ruth M. Davis, Ma'lūf. Reflections on the Arab Andalusian music of Tunisia (Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press 2004), shafi na 48: Sidi Bou Said kusa da Tunis cibiyar fasaha ce ta gargajiya da kuma wurin gudanar da wasannin Ma’luf. Dangane da dukkan nau'o'in kiɗa, wannan shi ne karo na farko da aka gabatar da fasahar rikodi, wadda ta bai wa kiɗa damar zama a ajiye domin jin daɗi daga baya da kuma a matsayin tarihi. Lallai, dukkan fasahohin kere-kere sun samu ƙarfafawa da ƙalubale, ba kawai ta hanyar fasahar Turawa ba, har da misalan Faransawa da ka’idodin fasaharsu. A fannin adabi, yayin da salon baitocin Larabci ke ci gaba da bunƙasa da ƙara armashi, wasu marubuta sun rungumi sabbin salo bisa tsarin adabin Faransa, kamar labari mai dogon zango. Gina sinima a zamanin mulkin mallaka ya ƙara yawan damar gabatar da wasannin jama’a, duka na tsofaffin salon Tunisiya da kuma gwaje-gwajen sabbin nau’o’i. Musamman, kirkiran zamani da suka shafi ɗaukar haske da sauti a lokaci guda sun kawo wata sabuwar fasaha kwata-kwata: fim. Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (2004) shafuka 8-9, 99-101, 114-115, 176-184; fim: 9, 177-180, 198-201.Kassab & Ounaïes, L'Epoque Contemporaine 1881-1956 (Tunis: Sud Editions 2010), shafuka 217-232 (adabi: baitocin gargajiya, labari mai dogon zango, da wasan kwaikwayo), 255-283 (kiɗan gargajiya), 283-295 (zane-zane, da hotuna masu launi). Histoire Général de la Tunisie, Tome IV.

 Tarihi 

 Versailles 1919 

Tunanin kishin kasa na 'yan Tunisiya wanda Faransawa suka danne bayan zanga-zangar jama'a a shekarar 1912 ya sake bayyana bayan Yakin Duniya na Farko. Abdel Aziz Tha'alibi ya tafi Paris domin gabatar da koken Tunisia a gaban Taron Sulhu na Versailles game da adawa da kariyar mulkin mallaka. Ya wallafa littafinsa La Tunisie martyre wanda, a cikin sauran abubuwa, ya goyi bayan wani tsarin mulki bisa misalin shekarar 1861.Ziadeh, Origins of Nationalism in Tunisia (Beirut 1962), shf. 90-92.

An samu karfafa gwiwa daga bangarori da dama. A shekarar 1919, an kafa Kungiyar Kasa da Kasa (League of Nations). A nan ne kasashe da dama suka nemi ikon cin gashin kansu, ciki har da tafwid (wakilci) na Egypt daga kungiyar Wafdist. Turkiyya karkashin Atatürk ta ki amincewa da iyakokin Versailles, ta kuma yi nasarar yaki don kafa cikakken 'yancin kai bisa sharuɗɗanta. Juyin juya halin Bolshevik a Rasha ya samar da sabon karfin iko wanda ya kalubalanci tsarin kasa da kasa, inda ya fara tsara da tallafa wa kungiyoyin masu adawa da gwamnati don kifar da tsarin da ke akwai.

Tsarin mulkin mallaka, ko da yake yana da karfi a waje, an girgiza shi matuka da barnar da yakin ya haddasa. Masanin hangen nesa zai iya fahimtar cewa wannan shi ne farkon karshen zamanin mulkin mallaka.Perkins, History of Modern Tunisia (2004), shf. 74-76, 76-80.Aldrich, Greater France (1996), shf. 266-268.Ziadeh, Origins of Nationalism in Tunisia (Beirut 1962), shf. 85-97.

 Destur na Tunisiya 

'Yan kishin kasa sun kafa jam’iyyar Destur (Tsarin Mulki) a shekarar 1920. Jama'a sun fi saninta da suna Le Destour, sunanta na hukuma kuwa Al-Hisb Al-Horr Ad-Destouri At-Tounsi ko kuma Le Parti Libre Constitutionnel Tunisien. Tha'alibi na daga cikin wadanda suka kafa jam’iyyar. Jam’iyyar ta kulla wata yarjejeniya marar tsari da Sarkin Bey, lamarin da ya fusata Faransawa. A shekarar 1922, Lucien Saint, sabon wakilin Faransa a Tunisia, ya bayar da wasu sauye-sauye kadan: ya kafa Ma’aikatar Shari’a karkashin Tahir b. Khayr al-Din, da Babban Majalisar Tunisia wadda ba ta da ikon yanke hukunci kuma Faransawa sun fi yawa a cikinta. Wannan koma baya ya haddasa rikice-rikice a cikin jam’iyyar Destur. A cikin 1923, saboda barazanar Faransa, Tha’alibi ya bar Tunisia. A shekarar 1924, 'yan kishin kasa suka mai da hankali kan batutuwan tattalin arziki. An kafa wata kungiya ta taimakon juna, amma ta rushe saboda tabarbarewar tattalin arziki da yawan yajin-aiki ya jawo.Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (2003), shf. 76-89 (Destour), 89-95 (rikicin cikin gida).Kassb da Ounaïes, L'Époque Contemporaine (Tunis 2010), shf. 375-400 (Le Destour).

Kungiyar CGTT (Confédération Générale des Travailleurs Tunisiens) an kafa ta ne da taimakon jam’iyyar Destour ta hannun M’hammad Ali. CGTT ta kasance wata kishin kasa ce madadin CGT, wata kungiya da Faransawa ke jagoranta kuma masu ra’ayin kwaminisanci. CGTT ta samu nasarar janyo ma’aikatan Tunisiya da dama daga CGT. CGTT ta kasance mai tsauri kuma tana taka rawa sosai a harkokin siyasa da na kasa. A shekarar 1924, gwamnatin kariyar Faransa ta kama shugabanninta. A wancan lokaci, jam’iyyar Destur ta riga ta nesanta kanta daga kungiyar. A cikin shekarun 1940s, Farhat Hached ya bi irin wannan hanya inda ya kafa UGTT (Union Générale Tunisienne du Travail) wadda ta shiga kawance mai dorewa da Neo-Destour.Perkins, History of Modern Tunisia (2004), shf. 85: CGTT an kafa ta, kuma ta rage yawan ma’aikatan da ke CGT.Kassb da Ounaïes, L'Époque Contemporaine (Tunis 2010), shf. 510-518: CGTT.

Jam’iyyar Neo-Destour an kafa ta ne a shekarar 1934 sakamakon rikici tsakanin shugabannin Destur. Habib Bourguiba da wasu suka kafa ta a matsayin ci gaba na sabbin matasa bisa ruhin asalin Destur. Daga baya, gwamnatin Faransa ta kama shugabanninta tare da matsawa Neo-Destour, wanda hakan ya rage tasirinta da karfinta.Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (2004), shf. 95-102.Abin mamaki, wasu daga cikin 'yan Tunisia Italiyawa da ke goyon bayan gwamnatin fashista a Italiya sun bayar da goyon baya; daga bisani a 1942 Mussolini ya sa aka saki Bourguiba daga gidan yarin Vichy.

Yaƙin Duniya na Biyu

Kamar yadda aka yi a lokacin Yaƙin Duniya na Farko, an kai sojojin Tunisiya zuwa Faransa domin su yaƙi da rundunar Jamusawa a Yaƙin Duniya na Biyu. An tura rundunonin ƙafafu guda uku, daya bayan daya, zuwa Marseille daga watan Maris, 1940, inda suka shiga cikin Yaƙin Faransa. Bayan shan kashi na Faransa, sun koma Tunisia zuwa watan Satumba.Kassab da Ounaies, L'Epoque Contemporaines 1881-1956 (Tunis 2010) shafi na 430. Duk da haka, sojojin Tunisia sun sake shiga faɗa. Zuwa watan Nuwamba 1942, dakarun Faransa a Tunisia sun fara yaƙi a gefen haɗin gwiwar dakarun Allied.Eisenhower, Crusade in Europe (1948) shafi na 124. Sojojin Tunisia ƙarƙashin tutar Faransa sun yaƙi dakarun Jamus da Italiya a Tunisia. Daga baya kuma, rundunonin Tunisia sun shiga cikin mamayar Italiya da Allied suka gudanar, har suka shiga Rome; sannan suka yi yaƙi wajen kuɓutar da Faransa. Bayan ƙarewar yaƙi a 1945, sojojin Tunisia sun gaji ƙwarai kuma suna cikin birnin Stuttgart.Kassab da Ounaies, L'Epoque Contemporaines 1881-1956 (Tunis 2010) shafi na 430-431.

Bayan faduwar Faransa a 1940, hukumomin Faransa a Tunisia sun mara wa gwamnatin Vichy baya, wacce ta ci gaba da mulki a kudancin Faransa bayan mika wuya ga dakarun Jamus.David Thomson, Democracy in France since 1870 (Oxford University 1946, bugun 5, 1969; sake bugawa Cassell 1989), shafuka 213–229 (Vichy).Kafin Vichy ta rasa iko a yankin Maghrib, zaluncin Yahudawa ya riga ya fara. Cf., Robert Satloff, Among the Righteous. Lost stories from the Holocaust's long reach into Arab lands (New York: Public Affairs 2006). Mutane da dama a Tunisia sun ji ɗan farin ciki da faduwar Faransa. A watan Yuli, 1942, Moncef Bey ya hau karagar mulki ta Husaynid. Nan da nan ya ɗauki matsayi na kishin ƙasa, yana kare haƙƙin Tunisia a gaban sabon Resident General da Vichy ta naɗa. Ya zagaya ƙasar, yana watsi da al'adun fadar sarki. Ya zama mashahuri sosai a matsayin sabuwar murya ta 'yan Tunisia, inda ya maye gurbin shugabancin jam’iyyun Destour da Neo-Destour da Faransawa suka takura.Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (2004), shafuka 105–106.


A kusa da Alexandria, Masar, Janar Rommel na Jamus,Rommel daga baya ya shiga cikin shirin kashe Hitler; yana so a kama shi ne domin a gurfanar da shi bisa laifukan yaƙi. Wm. L. Shirer, Rise and Fall of the Third Reich (New York: Simon and Schuster 1960), shafuka 1030–1032; Yaƙin arewacin Afirka, shafuka 911–913, 919–925. saboda ƙarancin kayayyakin yaƙi, ya sha kashi a muhimmin yaƙin al-Alamein a hannun sabbin dakarun Birtaniya ƙarƙashin Janar Bernard Montgomery a watan Nuwamba 1942. Faɗan ya ƙare ranar 4 ga Nuwamba, 1942.Birtaniyawa sun nuna girmamawa ga Afrika Corps saboda "yaƙi suke bisa ka'ida". Babu rukunin sojojin S.S. a hamada. Desmond Young, Rommel: The Desert Fox (London: Collins 1950; sake bugawa Berkley 1962), shafi 128. Daga nan sai yaƙin Tunisia. Ranar 7 ga Nuwamba, dakarun Allied ƙarƙashin Janar Dwight Eisenhower suka fara sauka a Morocco (Operation Torch). A lokaci guda, Afrika Korps na Jamus tare da sojojin Italiya sun ja daga Masar zuwa Tunisia kuma suka kafa garkuwa a Layin Mareth a kudu da Gabès. Birtaniyawa sun biyo bayansu. Tare da ƙarin ƙarfafa, Afrika Korps sun yi nasara a kan sabbin sojojin Amurka da Free French da ke zuwa daga yamma. Wannan ya ba su damar kai farmaki a kan Birtaniyawa a Layin Mareth, wanda daga baya ya fadi saboda yiwuwar shan saƙonnin sirri na Ultra. Dakarun Allied sun karya layin Axis, kuma hare-haren sama da Allied suka yi ya tilasta Afrika Korps mika wuya ranar 11 ga Mayu, 1943. Sojojin Italiya ƙarƙashin Janar Messe sun gwabza ƙarshe a Cape Bon da Enfidaville kafin mika wuya bayan kwana biyu. Tunisia ta zama wuri na tunkarar mamayar Sicily daga baya a shekara.Robert Rinehart, "Historical Setting", shafuka 1–70, shafuka 44–47, cikin Nelson, ed., Tunisia. A Country Study (bugu na 3, 1986). Daga baya, Janar Eisenhower ya rubuta cewa a lokacin mamayar Tunisia, "ba ma mulkin ƙasa da muka ci ba, sai dai muna ƙoƙarin faɗaɗa tushen mulki domin mika ikon cikin gida zuwa hannun jama'a."Dwight D. Eisenhower, Crusade in Europe (New York: Doubleday 1948), shafi 137.Hooker Doolittle, wanda ya saba da siyasar Arewacin Afirka tun 1933, shi ne jakadan Amurka a Tunis daga 1941–1943. "Ya soki Free French bisa mu’amalarsu da Larabawa" bayan nasarar Allied a Tunisia, kuma "sadarwarsa da shugabannin Neo-Dustur ya sa Faransa ta nemi a kore shi." Daga nan aka mayar da shi zuwa Masar. Perkins, Historical Dictionary of Tunisia (1989), shafi 44.

Bayan saukar dakarun Allied a Morocco a ƙarshen 1942, dakarun Jamus sun karɓe iko da gwamnatocin Vichy France da na Tunisia. A wannan lokaci (Nuwamba 1942 zuwa Mayu 1943) Moncef Bey "ya ƙi ya tsaya gefe guda." Duk da haka, ya yi amfani da ikon da yake da shi don kafa gwamnatin farko ta Tunisia tun 1881, wacce ta haɗa 'yan siyasar ƙasar ciki har da wasu da ke goyon bayan Allied. Daga baya, da nasarar Allied da kafuwar ikon su, Faransawa masu mulki suka fara zargin Moncef Bey da haɗin gwiwa da Jamusawa kuma suka nemi a tube shi; aka amince da bukatar su.Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (2004), shafuka 106–107, 111; ambato, shafi 106. Perkins ya ce Moncef Bey ba dan Jamus bane, amma yana adawa da kariyar da Faransa ke yi wa ƙasar; 'yancin kai na Tunisia shi ne burinsa na farko. "A ƙarshen 1943 Faransa ta tube Musif Bey bisa zargin haɗin kai da abokan gaba."Rinehart, "Historical Setting", shafi 47, cikin Nelson, ed., Tunisia. A Country Study (bugu na 3, 1986). Faransawa masu mulki kansu suna goyon bayan gwamnatin Vichy. Ibid., shafi 44. Yaƙin ya jefa Faransawa cikin zaben wahala.

Habib Bourguiba, babban jigo a jam'iyyar Neo-Destour, yana tsare a Vichy France, sai aka kai shi Rome ta hannun Jamusawa, inda aka karɓe shi da karamci don samun goyon bayan Italiya kan Tunisia; daga nan aka mayar da shi Tunisia da ke ƙarƙashin ikon Axis. Amma Bourguiba ya ci gaba da zama dan kishin 'yancin kai ba tare da nuna ƙiyayya ga Faransawa ba (matarsa 'yar Faransa ce). A Tunisia, wasu daga cikin shugabannin Destour masu goyon bayan Jamus sun nuna shirin haɗin kai da Third Reich, duk da gargadin da Bourguiba ke bayarwa. Bayan yaƙi, abokan hulɗar Bourguiba na Amurka sun taimaka wajen wanke shi daga zargin haɗin gwiwa. Tare da Salah Ben Youssef da wasu, ya fara gina jam'iyyar Neo-Destour daga farko.Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (2004), shafuka 104, 107–110.

Bayan Yakin Duniya na Biyu

Bayan Yakin Duniya na Biyu, Faransa ta sake karɓar iko a kan Tunisiya da sauran yankuna da take sarrafawa a Arewacin Afirka. Duk da haka, gwagwarmayar neman ’yancin kai ta ci gaba kuma ta ƙara ƙarfi. Wannan al’amari bai shafi Tunisiya kaɗai ba, ko Arewacin Afirka kaɗai ba. Kungiyoyin ’yancin kai daban-daban suna yaduwa a sassa daban-daban na Asiya da Afirka.Kassab da Ounaïes, L'Époque Contemporaine (Tunis 2010) shf. 441-448 (Asiya), 448-453 (Afirka), 453-468 (musamman Arewacin Afirka).

Matsayin Tarayyar Soviet, da take da ra’ayin adawa da mulkin mallaka, ya karu bayan nasararta a yakin. Ka'idun siyasar ta na bukatar su zargi Faransa bisa mulkinta a Arewacin Afirka. Wannan ra’ayi ya ci gaba har da wasu marubuta da ba ma’aikata ne ba na jam’iyyar kwaminisanci. A lokacin kasancewar Faransa a yankin, gwagwarmayar maghribi ta kara yin karfi cikin kalmomi masu zafi da tsaurara yayin da gwagwarmayar neman ’yanci ke ƙaruwa. Daga cikin marubutan da suka fi bayyana wannan bacin rai akwai Frantz Fanon, fitaccen marubucin Aljeriya da ya yi rubuce-rubuce na adawa da mulkin mallaka.Frantz Fanon, Les damnés de la terre (Paris: François Maspero éditeur 1961), fassarar The Wretched of the Earth (New York: Grove Press 1968). Ya bayyana cewa “mutanen da aka yi wa mulkin mallaka sukan gano nan take cewa dukkan jawaban da ake yi game da daidaito tsakanin mutane ba su hana gaskiyar cewa kisan gilla ga Faransawa bakwai a Col de Sakamody na ɗaga hankalin tunanin duniya ba, yayin da kisan kiyashi ga al’umma gaba ɗaya ba shi da wani muhimmanci.” Fanon (1961, 1968), shafi na 89.Bayan samun ‘yancin kan Tunisiya a 1956, Fanon ya zauna a Tunis, yana aiki da “hidimar jaridar ‘yan adawa na Aljeriya da kuma jaridar FLN, El Moudjahid.” David Caute, Frantz Fanon (New York: Viking 1970), shafi na 47.

Amurka, ita ma babbar kasa da ta yi nasara a yakin, ta bayyana matsayinta na adawa da ci gaba da mulkin mallaka, duk da cewa har yanzu tana kawance da kasashen Turai masu mallaka. Amma cikin ‘yan shekaru bayan yakin, kasashen Siriya, Labanon, da Misira sun samu ‘yanci, haka ma Indiya, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bama, Indonesia da Filifin.Kassab da Ounaïes, L'Époque Contemporaine (Tunis 2010) shf. 440-441 (MD, USA, USSR da karayar mulkin mallaka bayan yakin).Robert Aldrich, Greater France (1996) shafi na 282 (kasashen da suka samu ‘yanci).

A 1945, an kafa Kungiyar Larabawa a birnin Alkahira inda kasashen Misira, Iraki, Jordan, Labanon, Saudiyya, Siriya da Yemen suka shiga nan ba da dadewa ba. Nan take Habib Bourguiba na Destour ya labe zuwa Alkahira inda ya zauna, yana ci gaba da jagorantar yunkurin siyasa kamar Kwamitin ’Yantar da Maghrib.Kassab & Ounaïes, L'Époque Contemporaine (2010) shafi na 454 (Kungiyar Larabawa, Bourguiba a Alkahira).Pierre Rossi, La Tunisie de Bourguiba (Paris: Editions Kahia 1967) fassarar Bourguiba's Tunisia (Tunis: Kahia 1967) shafi na 35 (a Alkahira da M.L.C). Rossi ya bayyana cewa Bourguiba ya zauna a Alkahira daga 1945 zuwa 1949.Jacques Baulin, The Arab role in Africa (Harmondsworth: Penguin 1962) shf. 118-119, 123-125: Shekarun Bourguiba (1946-1949) a Alkahira sun sanya shi ya daina yarda da Nasser da kuma irin yadda yake mulkar Kungiyar Larabawa.

Kamar yadda kafa Kungiyar Kasa da Kasa bayan Yakin Duniya na Farko ta tada wayar kai tsakanin al’ummomin da ke ƙarƙashin mulkin mallaka, haka kuma kafuwar Majalisar Dinkin Duniya a birnin San Francisco bayan Yakin Duniya na Biyu ta ba da dama ga batun ’yancin kai ya shiga cikin tattaunawar duniya. Majalisar ta zama dandalin da za a iya gabatar da batutuwan ‘yancin kai a gaban ra’ayin jama’a na duniya. Saboda haka, gwagwarmayar neman ’yancin kai a Tunisiya ta zama wani ɓangare na tattaunawar duniya.Rossi, Bourguiba's Tunisia (Paris; Tunis: Kahia 1967) shafi na 37: Oktoba 1952, tambayar Tunisiya ta shiga cikin ajanda a Majalisar Dinkin Duniya.Kassab da Ounaïes, L'Époque Contemporaine (Tunis 2010) shafi na 534: sauraren tambayar Tunisiya a Majalisar Dinkin Duniya, Disamba 1954.

Kasa-Kasa a Tunisiya

Yakin Siyasa

Bayan Yaƙin Duniya na Biyu, jam’iyyar Neo-Destour ta sake bayyana ƙarƙashin jagorancin Habib Bourguiba da Salah ben Yusuf. Bourguiba ya riga ya samu cikakken goyon bayan ƙungiyar ƙwadago ta ƙasa wato Union Générale des Travailleurs Tunisiens (UGTT). Ita ce ta maye gurbin tsohuwar ƙungiyar ƙwadago ta Tunisiya wato Confédération (CGTT), wacce Faransawa suka dakile a shekarar 1924. A shekarun 1940s, Farhat Hached ya kafa UGTT bisa misalin CGTT, amma ba tare da alaƙa da ƙungiyar ƙwadago ta Faransa da aka san da akidar gurguzu wato CGT ba. Da sauri UGTT ta shiga yarjejeniya mai ƙarfi da jam’iyyar Neo-Destour.

A matsayinsa na Sakataren Janar na jam’iyyar, ben Yusuf ya bi hanyar bude ƙofofin shiga ga duk ‘yan Tunisiya. Ya kafa haɗin gwiwa da manyan ‘yan kasuwa, da masu fafutuka daga masallacin Zaituna, da ƙungiyoyin larabawa masu ra’ayin haɗin kan Larabawa da Sarkin Bey ke so.

A Paris a shekarar 1950, Bourguiba ya gabatar wa gwamnatin Faransa da shirin samun ‘yanci a hankali. A ƙarshe, Faransawa suka fara gabatar da wasu gyare-gyare na iyaka, kamar ba ‘yan kishin ƙasa rabin kujeru a majalisar dokoki, yayinda sauran rabi zai ci gaba da kasancewa a hannun fararen Fansa. Saboda rashin ci gaba mai ma’ana a shekarar 1954, wasu gungun ‘yan Tunisiya da ake kira Fellagha suka fara shirin juyin juya hali ta hanyar kai hare-hare a yankunan duwatsu don nuna adawa da mulkin Faransa.

‘Yan Tunisiya sun daidaita fafutukar su da gwagwarmayar neman ‘yanci a ƙasashen Morocco da Algeria, kodayake Tunisiya ta fi shirya tsaf wajen tsara gungun ‘yan gwagwarmaya. Malamin Maroko Abdullah Laroui ya rubuta cewa akwai kamanceceniya ta zamantakewa da tarihi tsakanin gwagwarmayar ‘yancin kai na waɗannan ƙasashen uku na yankin Maghrib.

Rigima a Ciki

Yayin da ake ci gaba da tattaunawa da Faransa, rikici ya kunno kai tsakanin shugabannin jam’iyyar Neo-Destour. Habib Bourguiba yana ganin amincewa da wani mataki na wucin gadi zai taimaka kafin kai ga cikakken ‘yancin kai. Amma Salah ben Yusuf yana buƙatar a cimma cikakken yarjejeniya gaba ɗaya nan take. A cikin fafatawar siyasa don shugabanci, Bourguiba ya samu nasara a kan ben Yusuf wanda daga bisani aka kore shi daga jam’iyyar Neo-Destour. Daga nan sai ya bar ƙasar Tunisiya zuwa Cairo.

'Yancin Kai

Tattaunawar ƙarshe

A ƙarshe, bayan da Faransa ta sha kashi a lokaci guda a Dien Bien Phu a Vietnam, da kuma tashe-tashen hankula na juyin juya hali a Aljeriya, sai ta yarda da kawo ƙarshen yarjejeniyar kariya a Tunisiya. A cikin dogon gwagwarmayar da aka shafe shekaru ana yi don samun 'yancin kai, shugabannin Neo-Destour sun samu nasarar jawo 'yancin kai ta hanyar dabara da ƙwarewa.Richard M. Brace, Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia (Prentice-Hall 1964), shf. 39–52, 95–97.Perkins, History of Modern Tunisia (2004) shf. 117-129.Anun-Nasr, A History of the Maghrib (1971) shf. 350-354.

Janyewar Faransa

A Tunisiya, Albert Memmi ya bayyana ra'ayi mara tsauri fiye da na Frantz Fanon,Dubawa sama, sashen "Bayan Yakin Duniya na Biyu". duk da haka, ra’ayinsa bai nuna jin kai sosai ba duk da cewa bai yi tsanani kamar Fanon ba wajen sukar yawancin 'yan Faransa da ke zaune a wurin. Ya ce game da colon cewa "idan matsayinsa na rayuwa ya ɗaukaka, to hakan ya faru ne saboda matsayi na rayuwar wanda aka mamaye ya yi ƙasa."Albert Memmi, Portrait du Colonisé précédé du Portrait du Colonisateur (Paris: Editions Buchet/Chastel-Corrêa 1957), fassara da The Colonizer and the Colonized (Boston: Beacon Press 1967), shafi na 8. Wannan littafin ya bazu sosai bayan samun 'yancin kai. Memmi ya bayyana manufar tattalin arzikin mai mamaya da ganinsa na kansa:

"Sauyin da ya shafi zuwa mulkin mallaka... dole ne ya kawo riba sosai... Ana zuwa wurin mulkin mallaka ne saboda ana da tabbacin samun aiki, albashi ya fi yawa, ci gaban aiki ya fi sauri, da kasuwanci ya fi samun riba. Matashin da ya kammala karatu yana samun aiki, ma’aikacin gwamnati yana samu karin matsayi, dan kasuwa yana cin gajiyar ƙananan haraji, masana’anta suna samun kayan masarufi da ma’aikata a farashi mai rahusa." *** Daga baya "ana yawan jin yana furta mafarkin cewa: bayan wasu ƙananan shekaru zai bar wannan wuri mai riba mai wahala ya koma kasarsa ya siya gida." *** Amma idan "wani lokaci abin da ke kawo masa abinci ya shiga haɗari, idan halin da ake ciki ya kai wani mataki, sai mai mamaya ya fara jin barazana, kuma da gaske wannan karon, yana tunanin komawa ƙasarsa."Memmi, The Colonizer and the Colonized (Paris 1957; Boston 1967), shf. 4, 5, 6.

Wannan yana gabatar da wani yanayi mai ban tausayi na colon kafin bala'in da ke gabatowa. Bayan samun 'yancin kai na Tunisiya a 1956, sabon gwamnati mai cin gashin kanta ta fara bambanta tsakanin 'yan ƙasa da kuma baki da ke zaune a ƙasar. Sakamakon wannan, yawancin 'yan Faransa da suka dade suna zama a Tunisiya, ciki har da wadanda suka gaji zama a ƙasar tun shekaru, sun fara shirya komawa ƙasarsu. 'Yan Tunisiya suka maye gurbin da suka bari. "Daga 1955 zuwa 1959, Turawa kimanin 170,000—kusan kashi biyu cikin uku na gaba ɗaya—sun bar ƙasar."Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia (Cambridge University 2004), shafi na 144. Wannan ƙarshen mai raɗaɗi ya karya kyakkyawan sakamakon da wasu ke ganin an samu daga mulkin Faransa. Jacques Berque ya rubuta cewa, "Dole sai an ci gaba da samun ci gaba da jure wahalhalu kafin kowane ɓangare ya amince da rawar da ɗayan ya taka a tarihin." Berque daga baya ya gargadi mutane da su "guji yanke hukunci da wuri a kan abubuwa da mutane na wani zamani da ya wuce."Berque, French North Africa (Paris 1962; London 1967), shafi na 99 ("Ci gaba mai girma"), a 383-384 ("guji yanke hukunci da wuri").

 Manazarta 

Ƙara karatu
 Perkins, Kenneth. A History of Modern Tunisia (2nd edition, 2014)
 Roberts, Stephen A. History Of French Colonial Policy 1870-1925 (2 vol 1929) vol 2 pp 259–301 online