Ƙaunar Aljeriya

Kishin kasa na Aljeriya abin alfahari ne a cikin al'adun Aljeriya. Rikicin da aka yi tsakanin Deylik na Algiers da kasashen Turai ya yi tasiri a tarihi, da mamayar da Faransa ta yi wa Aljeriya da kuma mulkin mallaka na Faransa a Aljeriya, yakin Aljeriya, da kuma tun bayan samun 'yancin kai daga gurguzu na Larabawa, Musulunci da kishin kasa Larabawa .  

 Bayyanar farko 

 Samar da asalin Aljeriya 
Yana da wuya a tantance lokacin da aka samu asalin Aljeriya. Littattafan tarihin Islama na zamanin da sun raba yankin Magrib zuwa yankuna uku na musamman na yanki da al'adu kafin a kafa Masarautar Algiers (Dawla al-Jaza'ir). 

 Maghreb al-Aqsa (Maghrib ta Yamma, kusan Maroko ta zamani)
 Maghreb al-Awsat (Maghrib ta tsakiya, kusan Aljeriya ta zamani)
 Maghreb al-Adna (Maghrib Gabas, Ifriqiya, ko Tunisiya na zamani da Tripolitania )

Madaidaicin iyakokin waɗannan yankuna sun kasance masu sassauƙa kuma ba a daidaita su a lokacin ba.  Bayan rushewar Khalifancin Almohad an raba daular ta dauloli 3: Merinids a al-Aqsa (Morocco), Zayyanids a al-Awsat (tsakanin Algiers da yammacin Kabylia ), sannan daga karshe Hafsids a Ifriqiya (daga Béjaïa zuwa Tripoli ),  , akwai yankuna da ke da iyaka. kullum suna canzawa tsakanin wadannan dauloli 3 masu adawa da juna.

An ayyana yankin tsakiyar Maghreb (Maghreb al-Awsat) ko kuma abin da ake iya gani a matsayin wanda ya gabaci Aljeriya da kasancewa tsakanin Algiers a yamma, da Annaba a gabas ta mafi yawan marubutan tarihin zamanin da kamar Ibn Khaldun,  ko da yake ba haka ba ne ko da yaushe kuma wasu sun ayyana iyakoki daban-daban a kansa. 

 Mulkin Algiers (1515-1830) 
Canji daga "Maghrebi ta tsakiya" zuwa asalin "Algeriya" ya fara ne a farkon karni na 16, tare da kafa Masarautar Algiers ("Dawlat Al-Jaza'ir", ko "State of Algeria" a Larabci). An samar da ayyuka da dama na kishin kasa irin su Sirat al-Mujahid Khayr al-Din a wannan zamani, kuma a wannan zamani ne ainihin aljeriya da kishin kasa suka samu.  Jihar Algiers, yayin da ta fara cin gashin kanta, ta zo karkashin mulkin Ottoman a shekara ta 1520, kuma ta sami 'yancin cin gashin kai tsawon shekaru har sai da ta zama mai cin gashin kanta a 1710.   A wannan zamani kishin aljeriya a wannan lokaci ya fi shafar rigingimu da makwabciyarta Maroko da Tunisiya, da rigingimu da ƙasashen Turai musamman Spain da Faransa, tare da maganganu irin su "Algiers Allah ya kiyaye" ya zama sananne sosai bayan balaguron Algiers da ya ci tura a shekara ta 1541 . Gabaɗaya, hukumomin Algeria sun rarraba mutane zuwa manyan ƙungiyoyi 5: 

 Moors (ساراكينوس, ko "Sarākinūs"). Dangane da yawan jama'ar birni galibi suna saukowa ko gauraye da 'yan gudun hijirar Moorish daga Al-Andalus .
 Makiyaya ( بدوي, ko "Badawī"). Dangane da kabilu daban-daban na Larabawa ko Larabawa na Berber makiyaya na Aljeriya.
 Kabyles (القبايل, ko "al-Qabāyel"). Ana nufin dukkan mutanen Berber na yankin ma'ana "kabilun".
 Turkawa (الأتراك, ko "Al-Atrāk"). Gabaɗaya rarrabuwa daga duk mutane daga Daular Ottoman, gami da Turkawa, Albaniya, mutanen Girka .
 Yahudawa (اليهود, ko "Yahudu"). Dangane da galibin Yahudawa Sephardi da Mizrahi na Aljeriya.

Aikin Aljeriya na farko da ya tsira daga Hamdan ben Othman Khodja, wani tsohon jami'in diplomasiyya ne na Regency, shekaru 3 bayan rushewar sa a 1833.  Har yanzu akwai sabani na akida a wannan zamanin. Da yawa daga cikin shugabannin yankin sun yi fatan ganin Masarautar Algiers ta tafi, maimakon haka za a kafa kasar Aljeriya kwata-kwata, kamar Muhiddiene al-Hassani da dansa Abdelkader ibn Muhieddine, kuma an yi ta tada jijiyoyin wuya a kasar dangane da zamani. Mulkin Algiers ya rushe a cikin 1830, bayan mamayewar Algiers da Faransa ta yi .

 Masarautar Abdelkader 
Shekaru 2 bayan fara mamayar kasar Aljeriya a shekara ta 1832 kabilun yankin da ke kusa da Mascara, yankin da har yanzu ya kasance mai cin gashin kansa daga Faransanci kuma yana bukatar shugaba bayan rugujewar gwamnatin lardin Oran, wata hukuma mai mulki, ta ayyana biyayya ga sarki Abdelkader ibn Muhiddiene, wanda shi kuma ya ayyana 'yantar da kasar Aljeriya.  Abdelkader ya yi yaƙi da Faransa har tsawon shekaru 15 har zuwa 1847, kuma ya jagoranci ƙungiyar gamayya da ta ƙunshi kabilun Larabawa, Kabyle, Chenoua da Chaoui tare da shi a matsayin sarki, ko Sultan.  Ya yi fatan kafa kasa ta zamani mai cikakken 'yanci a kasar Aljeriya, sannan ya kafa runduna ta zamani, ta zuba jari a fannin ilimi da tattalin arzikin al'ummarsa.  Masarautarsa ta taso daga kan iyakar Morocco da Algeria na zamani a yamma zuwa yankin Kabylia da M'Sila a gabas.  Yankin da ba ya karkashin Abdelkader shi ne Constantinois wanda Ahmed Bey ben Mohamed Cherif (wanda ya yi yaki da Jihadi don maido da mulkin Algiers da Faransawa), kafin Faransawa su karbe shi a 1837.

 Farkon shekarun 1900 
Sabbin al'ummar musulmi sun bullo a kasar Aljeriya a lokacin yakin duniya na daya kuma sun yi girma a shekarun 1920 da 1930. Ya ƙunshi ƙarami amma masu tasiri na évolués, wasu 'yan Aljeriya waɗanda tunaninsu da ƙasarsu ya kasance ta hanyar abubuwan yaƙi, da ƙungiyar masu gyara addini da malamai. Wasu daga cikin wadannan mutane sun kasance 'yan tsirarun iyalai musulmi masu hannu da shuni da suka yi nasarar shigar da kansu cikin tsarin mulkin mallaka a shekarun 1890 kuma da kyar suka samu nasarar samun 'ya'yansu da ilimin Faransanci wanda 'yan Aljeriya masu ci gaba ke sha'awa. Wasu kuma suna cikin kimanin 173,000 'yan Aljeriya da suka yi aikin sojan Faransa a lokacin Yaƙin Duniya na ɗaya ko kuma wasu dubu ɗari da yawa da suka taimaka wa yaƙin Faransanci ta yin aiki a masana'antu. Yawancin Aljeriya sun zauna a Faransa bayan 1918, kuma sun aika da kuɗin da suka samu a can ga danginsu a Aljeriya. A Faransa sun fahimci yanayin rayuwa fiye da wanda suka sani a gida da kuma ra'ayoyin siyasa na dimokuradiyya, wanda Faransawa a Faransa suka ɗauka a matsayin kyauta, wanda 'yan mulkin mallaka, sojoji, da masu mulki suka ƙi yin amfani da su ga yawancin musulmi a Aljeriya. Wasu 'yan Aljeriya kuma sun san kishin kasa da Larabawa da ke karuwa a Gabas ta Tsakiya.

 Ƙungiyoyin siyasa 
Ɗaya daga cikin ƙungiyoyin farko na sake fasalin siyasa shine ƙungiyar haɗin kai, Matasan Aljeriya ( Jeunese Algérienne ). An zabo mambobinta ne daga kananan yara masu sassaucin ra'ayi na masu ilimi, masu matsakaicin ra'ayi wadanda suka nemi damar tabbatar da cewa su Faransanci ne kuma musulmi. A shekara ta 1908 sun kai wa firaministan Faransa Georges Clemenceau takardar koke da ke nuna adawa a karkashin tsarin da aka tsara na shigar da musulmi Aljeriya cikin sojojin Faransa . Idan, duk da haka, jihar ta ba wa musulmi cikakken zama ɗan ƙasa, koken ya ci gaba, za a yi watsi da adawar shiga aikin soja. A shekara ta 1911, baya ga neman fifiko ga “masu hankali na ƙasar”, ƙungiyar ta yi kira da a kawo ƙarshen harajin da bai dace ba, faɗaɗa ikon amfani da sunan kamfani, ƙarin makarantu, da kuma kare dukiyoyin ƴan asalin ƙasar. Matasan Aljeriya sun kara da murya mai ma'ana ga yunkurin kawo sauyi na adawa da manufofin mulkin mallaka na Faransa wanda ya fara a shekara ta 1892 kuma ya ci gaba har zuwa barkewar yakin duniya na daya. A wani bangare na ba da lada ga Musulman da suka yi yaki kuma suka mutu ga Faransa, Clemenceau ya nada Charles Jonart mai ra'ayin kawo sauyi a matsayin Gwamna Janar. Gyaran da aka yi a shekara ta 1919 da aka fi sani da Dokar Jonart ya faɗaɗa adadin Musulmai da aka ba da izinin jefa ƙuri'a zuwa kusan 425,000. Dokar ta kuma cire duk masu kada kuri'a daga hurumin Code de l'indigénat na wulakanci .

Shugaban musulmin da ya fi shahara a kasar Aljeriya bayan yakin shi ne Khalid ibn Hashim jikan Abd al-Qadir kuma dan kungiyar matasan Aljeriya, duk da cewa ya sha banban da wasu 'yan kungiyar kan amincewa da dokar Jonart. Wasu Matasan Aljeriya sun yarda su yi aiki a cikin tsarin da gyare-gyaren suka tsara, amma sarki Khalid, kamar yadda aka san shi, ya ci gaba da matsa lamba don samun cikakken shirin matasa na Aljeriya. Ya samu nasarar lashe zabe a kasar Algiers da kuma raya jawabai na siyasa tare da kiraye-kirayen kawo sauyi da cikakken dunkulewa, amma a shekara ta 1923 ya gaji da gwagwarmaya ya bar Algeria, daga karshe ya yi ritaya zuwa Damascus.

Wasu daga cikin Matasan Aljeriya a shekara ta 1926 sun kafa Ƙungiyar Zaɓaɓɓu ta Ƙasa ( Fédération des Élus Indigènes, FEI), saboda da yawa daga cikin tsoffin membobin ƙungiyar sun shiga cikin da'irar musulmin da suka cancanci rike mukaman gwamnati. Manufar tarayyar ita ce shigar da evolués cikin al'ummar Faransa, tare da cikakken 'yan kasa amma ba tare da mika matsayinsu na musulmi ba, da kuma hadewar Aljeriya a matsayin cikakken lardin Faransa. Sauran manufofin sun hada da daidaiton albashi ga ma'aikatan gwamnati, da soke takunkumin tafiye-tafiye zuwa ko daga Faransa, soke dokar de l'indigénat (wanda aka sake kafawa a baya), da sake fasalin zabe.

Ƙungiya ta farko da ta yi kira ga 'yancin kai na Aljeriya ita ce Tauraron Arewacin Afirka ( Étoile Nord-Africain, wanda aka sani da Star). Tun asali ƙungiyar haɗin kai ce da aka kafa a 1926 a Paris don daidaita ayyukan siyasa a tsakanin ma'aikatan Arewacin Afirka a Faransa da kuma kare "muradin abu, ɗabi'a, da zamantakewa na Musulmin Afirka ta Arewa". Shugabannin sun hada da mambobin jam'iyyar gurguzu ta Faransa da kungiyar kwadago, kuma a farkon shekarun gwagwarmayar neman 'yancin kai jam'iyyar ta ba da tallafi na kayan aiki da na dabi'u. Ahmed Messali Hadj, babban sakatare na Star, ya bayyana bukatun kungiyoyin a cikin 1927. Baya ga samun ‘yancin kai daga Faransa, Tauraruwar ta yi kira da a baiwa ‘yan jarida ‘yancin walwala, da ‘yan majalisar dokokin da aka zaba ta hanyar kuri’a a fadin duniya, da kwace manyan kadarorin kasar, da kuma kafa makarantun Larabci. An fara dakatar da Tauraron a cikin 1929 kuma yana aiki a karkashin kasa har zuwa 1933 lokacin da aka sake gina shi tare da Shugaban Messali Hadj, Babban Sakatare Imache Amar da Belkacem Radjef Treasurer. Jaridar ta, El Ouma, ta kai 43,500. Sakamakon ra'ayin 'yan kishin kasa na Larabawa na Druze Shakib Arslan na Labanon, Messali ya juya baya ga goyon bayan gurguzu zuwa hangen nesa na kishin kasa, wanda Jam'iyyar Kwaminisanci ta Faransa ta kai hari kan Tauraro. Ya koma Aljeriya don tsara ma'aikata a birane da manoma manoma kuma a cikin 1937 ya kafa Jam'iyyar Aljeriya ( Parti du Peuple Algérien, PPA) don tara ma'aikata na Aljeriya a gida da Faransa don inganta yanayinta ta hanyar siyasa. Ga Messali Hadj, wanda ya mulki PPA da hannun ƙarfe, waɗannan manufofin sun kasance ba za su rabu da gwagwarmayar samun 'yancin kai na Aljeriya ba inda za a haɗa dabi'un gurguzu da na Musulunci.

 Ilham daga waje 
Kungiyar kawo sauyi ta Musulunci ta Aljeriya ta samu kwarin gwiwa daga masu kawo sauyi na Masar Muhammad Abduh da Muhammad Rashid Rida tare da jaddada tushen Larabawa da Musulunci na kasar. Tun daga shekarun 1920s, malamai masu gyara, malaman addini, sun inganta tsarkake musulunci a Aljeriya da komawa ga Kur'ani da sunna, ko hadisin Annabi. Masu neman sauyi sun goyi bayan amincewa da hanyoyin bincike na zamani kuma sun yi watsi da camfe-camfe da ayyukan jama'a na karkara, ayyukan da suka kawo su gamuwa da masu fafutuka . Masu neman sauyi sun buga nasu littattafan zamani da littafai, kuma sun kafa makarantun islamiyya na zamani kyauta wadanda suka jaddada harshen Larabci da al'adun Larabci a matsayin madadin makarantun musulmi da Faransawa ke gudanar da harkokinsu na tsawon shekaru. Karkashin jagorancin Shaykh Abd al Hamid Ben Badis, Ulama masu kawo sauyi sun shirya kungiyar malaman musulmin Aljeriya ( Association des Uléma Musulmans Algériens, AUMA ) a shekara ta 1931. Duk da cewa tallafin nasu ya ta'allaka ne a yankin Constantine, kungiyar ta AUMA ta taka rawar gani a tsakanin al'ummar musulmi, wadanda suke da alaka da su fiye da sauran kungiyoyi masu kishin kasa. Yayin da ’yan canji na Musulunci suka samu karbuwa da kuma tasiri, hukumomin mulkin mallaka sun mayar da martani a shekara ta 1933 ta wajen hana su izinin yin wa’azi a masallatai na hukuma . Wannan yunkuri da makamantansu ya haifar da rikice-rikicen addini na tsawon shekaru da dama.

Tasirin Turawa ya ɗan yi tasiri ga ƙungiyoyin siyasar musulmi na asali domin Ferhat Abbas da Messali Hadj ko da mabanbanta ra'ayi, da gaske suna kallon Faransa don ƙarin tsarinsu na akida. Ben Badis, duk da haka, ya yi imani da cewa "Musulunci ne addininmu, Larabci harshen mu, Algeria mu uban kasa." Abbas ya kai ga takaita falsafar ‘yan hadin kai masu sassaucin ra’ayi na adawa da ikrarin ‘yan kishin kasa inda a shekarar 1936 ya musanta cewa Aljeriya na da wata kafa ta daban. Duk da haka, Ben Badis ya amsa da cewa shi ma ya duba baya ya gano "wannan al'ummar Aljeriya ba Faransa ba ce, ba za ta iya zama Faransa ba, kuma ba ta son zama Faransa ... [amma] tana da al'adunta, al'adunta da halayenta, mai kyau ko mara kyau, kamar kowace al'ummar duniya." Ya yi adawa da mulkin mallaka na Faransa. 

' Yan mulkin mallaka, a nasu bangaren, sun yi watsi da duk wani yunkuri na kawo sauyi, walau kungiyoyi masu ra'ayin hadin kai ko masu kishin kasa suka ingiza su. An raba martani a Paris ga masu kishin kasa. A cikin 1930s, masu sassaucin ra'ayi na Faransa suna ganin évolués ne kawai a matsayin wata hanya mai yuwuwa don yada ikon siyasa a Aljeriya, suna sukan Messali Hadj don lalata da AUMA don duhun addini. To sai dai a kowane lokaci gwamnatin Faransa ta fuskanci rashin amincewar shugabannin al'ummar Turai a kasar Aljeriya wajen nuna adawa da duk wani yunkurin mika mulki ga musulmi, har ma da masu goyon bayan Faransan évolué . ' Yan mulkin mallaka kuma suna da manyan aminai a Majalisar Dokokin Faransa, da ofisoshi, da sojoji, da 'yan kasuwa, kuma sun sami ƙarfafa a cikin juriyarsu ta kusan dukkanin ikon da suke da shi na gudanarwa da 'yan sanda na Aljeriya.

Daga 1954 zuwa 1962, 'yan kishin kasar Aljeriya sun sami gagarumin goyon baya a Jamus, wanda ya yi tasiri mai tasiri kan yunkurin Faransa na yaki da 'yan tawaye a lokacin yakin Aljeriya. Dangane da haka, an yi nazarin ayyukan FLN a wajen Faransa da Aljeriya. Matsayin ƙungiyoyi masu adawa da mulkin mallaka yana nuna matsala ta mu'amala tsakanin jami'an tsaro da leken asiri daban-daban a lokacin yakin cacar baka . 

Shirin Viollette

Matsanancin rikici na zamantakewa, siyasa, da tattalin arziki a Aljeriya ya fara haifar da hanzarin shiga harkokin siyasa daga tsofaffi da sababbin rukunan al'umma daga 1933 zuwa 1936, inda aka gudanar da gagarumar zanga-zangar siyasa. Gwamnatin Faransa ta mayar da martani da dokokin takurawa masu tsanani da suka shafi tsaro da oda.

A shekarar 1936, ɗan gurguzu Léon Blum ya zama Firayim Minista a karkashin gwamnatin Front Populaire kuma ya naɗa Maurice Viollette a matsayin ministan jiharsa. Malaman Addini da ƙungiyar Étoile Nord-Africaine (Star of Messali), a watan Yuni 1936, suka ji ana nuna sabon hali daga Paris wanda zai iya amfanarsu, sai suka haɗa kai da Fédération des Élus Indigènes (FEI).

Wakilan waɗannan ƙungiyoyi da na Jam’iyyar Kwaminis ta Aljeriya (Parti Communiste Algérien, PCA) sun haɗu a Algiers a 1936, inda suka gudanar da taron farko na Majalisar Musulmi ta Aljeriya (Congrès Musulman Algérien). A wannan taro ne aka fitar da ƙuduri mai faɗi wanda ya haɗa da: soke dokokin takura (régime d'exception), haɗa Aljeriya da Faransa cikin tsarin siyasa, ba Musulmai da suka karɓi ɗan ƙasa na Faransa damar ci gaba da amfani da tsarin shari’ar su, haɗa tsarin ilimi na Turawa da na Musulmai, ’yancin amfani da harshen Larabci a makarantu da kafafen yaɗa labarai, daidaiton albashi, gyaran tsarin mallakar ƙasa, kafa zaɓe ɗaya, da ba kowa dama ya kada ƙuri’a.

Blum da Viollette sun tarbi wakilan wannan taro a Paris cikin girmamawa, inda suka nuna cewa da dama daga cikin buƙatun za a iya cika su. A lokaci guda, Viollette ya tsara shirin da zai baiwa wasu daga cikin Musulmai ƙwararru (kamar waɗanda suka kammala jami'a, shugabannin siyasa, jami’an soja da masana) cikakken ɗan ƙasa da daidaiton siyasa da ’yan Faransa.

Messali Hadj ya fassara wannan tsari a matsayin sabon makami na mulkin mallaka wanda zai raba talakawa da masu ilimi. Amma sauran ƙungiyoyin da suka halarci taron - malamai, FEI da kwaminis - sun karɓi shirin cikin kwarin gwiwa, kodayake gwargwadon matsayinsu. Mohamed Bendjelloul da Abbas, a madadin ’yan évolués (wato masu ilimi da tasiri), sun ga wannan shiri a matsayin muhimmin mataki zuwa cimma burinsu. Sun ƙara jajircewa ta hanyar FEI wajen neman goyon bayan haɗakar Aljeriya da Faransa.

Amma kamar yadda ake sa ran, ’yan mulkin mallaka (colons) sun yi watsi da shirin Blum-Viollette kwata-kwata. Ko da yake shirin zai baiwa Musulmai kusan 21,000 damar zama ’yan ƙasa kai tsaye tare da yuwuwar ƙara wasu dubban kowace shekara, masu magana da yawun colons sun nuna tsoron cewa za su rasa rinjaye a zaɓe. Don haka, suka hana shirin ci gaba ta hanyar sa shinge a dokoki, kuma gwamnati ba ta nuna gamsasshen goyon baya ba, wanda hakan ya sa shirin ya ci tura.

Yayin da batun shirin Viollette ke ci gaba da tattaunawa, Messali Hadj ya koma Aljeriya da sabon ƙarfi, inda ya samu karɓuwa daga jama’a. A shekara ta 1937, wannan nasara tasa ta kai ga rushe kungiyar Étoile. Sai ya kafa PPA (Parti du Peuple Algérien), wadda ke da shiri mai sassauci. Amma bayan wata gagarumar zanga-zanga a Algiers, an kama shi tare da wasu shugabannin PPA. Ko da ya yi shekaru da dama a gidan yari, PPA ce ta fi samun karɓuwa har zuwa lokacin da aka hana ta a 1939.

Bayan gazawar shirin Viollette a Paris, Abbas ya canja matsayi daga goyon bayan haɗaka da Faransa zuwa kira ga gina Aljeriya mai zaman kanta amma a haɗe da Faransa. Ya fi mayar da hankali kan neman daidaito a fannoni na siyasa, zamantakewa da tattalin arziki ga Musulmai da colons. Amma daga shekarar 1938, haɗin gwiwar ƙungiyoyin da suka kafa kongires ɗin ya fara rushewa.

Rarrabuwar kawuna da siyasantar da lamarin a lokacin Yaƙin Duniya na Biyu

Musulman Aljeriya sun goyi bayan Faransa a farkon Yaƙin Duniya na Biyu kamar yadda suka yi a Yaƙin Duniya na Farko. Sai dai nasarar gaggawa da Jamus ta Nazi ta samu a kan Faransa, da kafa gwamnatin Vichy wadda yawanci ‘yan mulkin mallaka (colons) suka nuna sha’awarsu gare ta, ya ƙara wa Musulmai ƙalubale da kuma barazana ga Yahudawan Aljeriya. Gwamnatin Vichy ta tilasta dokokin ƙiyayya da Yahudawa, wanda suka kwace musu ƙasar Faransa. An cafke wasu shugabannin da ake ganin za su iya jagorantar adawa a bangaren Turawa da kuma Musulmai.

Sojojin Tarayyar Duniya (Allies) sun sauka a biranen Algiers da Oran a ranar 8 ga Nuwamba, 1942, da adadin sojoji 70,000 na Burtaniya da Amurka, tare da saukar wasu a Maroko. A ƙarƙashin “Operation Torch” ƙarƙashin jagorancin Janar Dwight D. Eisenhower, an samu nasarar kwace Algiers da Oran cikin kwana biyu bayan gagarumar gwagwarmaya da sojojin Faransa suka yi. A ranar 11 ga Nuwamba, Admiral François Darlan ya ba da umarnin tsagaita wuta a Arewacin Afirka. Aljeriya ta zama matattarar fara yakin Tarayya a Tunisiya.

Bayan rushewar gwamnatin Vichy a Aljeriya, Janar Henri Giraud, shugaban sojojin Free French a Arewacin Afirka, ya fara janye dokokin danniya na Vichy duk da adawa daga ‘yan mulkin mallaka. Ya kuma roƙi Musulmai su bayar da sojoji domin yaƙin Tarayya. Ferhat Abbas da sauran shugabannin Musulmai 24 sun ce su shirya suke su taimaka wajen ‘yantar da ƙasar su, amma sun nemi damar kiran taron wakilan Musulmai domin tsara tsari na siyasa, tattalin arziƙi da zamantakewa a cikin tsarin Faransa. Giraud ya ƙi amincewa, yana mai cewa ya kamata a jira ƙarshen yaƙi kafin maganar siyasa.

Gwagwarmayar farko ta ‘yan kishin ƙasa ta Aljeriya ta faru a 1945.

Manufesto na Jama’ar Aljeriya
A watan Maris na 1943, Abbas wanda ya yi watsi da haɗin kai da Faransa a matsayin mafita, ya miƙa wa gwamnatin Faransa Manufesto na Jama’ar Aljeriya da shugabanni 56 suka sa hannu ciki. Takardar ta bayyana matsalolin mulkin mallaka da kuma bukatar tsarin mulki na Aljeriya wanda zai bai wa Musulmai cikakken damar shiga harkokin siyasa, daidai da Turawa. Sun bukaci gyaran ƙasa, da a ba Hausa da Larabci matsayin harsunan hukuma kamar Faransanci, da a saki ‘yan siyasa masu ra’ayin kishin ƙasa.

Gwamna janar na Faransa ya kafa kwamitin bincike da ya haɗa da Musulmai da Turawa don nazarin wannan manufesto. Sun samar da wani shiri na gyara wanda aka mika wa Janar Charles de Gaulle. Shi da sabon gwamna janar Georges Catroux sun ce manufeston na nuni da bukatar sabuwar dangantaka tsakanin Musulmai da Turawa. Amma Catroux ya ƙi amincewa da manufeston, yana ganin zai haddasa rinjaye na Musulmai akan Turawa. Maimakon haka, a 1944, gwamnatin Faransa ta fito da wani shiri bisa tsarin Viollette Plan na 1936, wanda ya ba wa Musulmai 60,000 ‘yan ƙasa Faransa – wadanda suka haɗa da jami’an soja, masu digiri, ma’aikata, da masu lambar yabo.

Neman ikon kai daga Faransa
Sabon abu da ya taso wajen maida tsarin Viollette shi ne canjin matsayar Abbas daga goyon bayan haɗin kai zuwa neman ikon kai na yankin cikin ƙungiya da Faransa. Abbas ya sami goyon bayan AUMA, ya kafa ƙungiyar AML (Friends of the Manifesto and Liberty) don neman ikon kai tare da daidaito tsakanin Turawa da Musulmai. Jaridar su, Égalité, ta ce tana da masu karatu 500,000 – alamar ƙara sha’awa kan ikon kai. A lokacin, fiye da Musulmai 350,000 na Aljeriya suna aiki a Faransa. Messali da PPA dinsa sun ƙi duk wani abu in ba cikakken ikon kai ba.

Rikice-rikice sun karu a lokacin hunturu na 1944–45, saboda rashin amfanin gona, karancin kaya, da rashin ayyukan yi. A ranar May Day, PPA ta shirya zanga-zanga a birane 21 don neman ‘yanci ga Messali Hadj da Aljeriya. Rikici ya ɓarke a wasu wurare kamar Algiers da Oran.

A ranar 8 ga Mayu, 1945, ranar V-E Day, zanga-zanga ta ɓarke a Setif, inda Musulmai suka yi tawaye bayan ‘yan sanda sun harbe masu zanga-zanga. An kashe mutane da dama ciki har da Turawa 103. Wannan rikicin ya bazu zuwa kauyuka, inda aka kai hari kan wuraren ‘yan mulkin mallaka da gine-ginen gwamnati.

Sojoji da ‘yan sanda suka mayar da martani da farmaki mai tsauri a wuraren Musulmai. An yi amfani da jiragen sama da jiragen ruwa. A cewar gwamnatin Faransa, Musulmai 1,500 ne suka mutu. Wasu sun kiyasta mutuwar daga 6,000 zuwa 45,000.

Bayan haka, AML ta haramta, an kama mutane 5,460 ciki har da Abbas da ‘yan PPA. Abbas ya ƙi rikicin amma ya zargi gwamnati da koma da Aljeriya zuwa zamanin yaƙin Salibi. A Afrilu 1946, Abbas ya kafa sabuwar jam’iyya UDMA, yana neman Aljeriya mai cin gashin kanta amma cikin haɗin kai da Faransa. Bayan an sake sakin Messali daga tsarewar shekara 5, ya koma gida, ya kafa MTLD wanda ke da goyon bayan jama’a da dama. MTLD ta nace kan cikakken ikon kai. Wasu tsoffin ‘yan PPA sun kafa ƙungiyar OS a 1947 don gudanar da ayyukan ɓoye. Ait Ahmed ya fara jagoranci OS kafin Ahmed Ben Bella ya maye gurbinsa.

A watan Agusta 1947, Majalisar Kasa ta amince da tsarin mulkin Organic Statute na Aljeriya, wanda ya ƙirƙiri Majalisar Aljeriya da ke raba wakilci tsakanin Turawa da Musulmai "masu cancanta", da sauran Musulmai fiye da miliyan takwas. Har ila yau, tsarin ya soke mulkin soja a Sahara, ya amince da Larabci da Faransanci a matsayin harsuna, da ba wa mata Musulmai damar kada kuri’a. Amma Musulmai da Turawa sun ƙi tsarin – Musulmai saboda bai isa ba, Turawa saboda ya yi tsanani.

A zaɓen kananan hukumomi na 1947, MTLD ta lashe zaɓe, abin da ya firgita Turawa. A 1948, aka yi amfani da maguɗi da tsoro don juya sakamakon zaɓen majalisar. MTLD ta samu kujeru 9, UDMA ta Abbas ta samu 8, sauran 55 aka ba wa "masu zaman kansu" na gwamnati.

A zaman farko na wannan majalisar, wakilin MTLD an kama shi a ƙofar shiga, sauran wakilai Musulmai suka fice. Abbas ya nemi damar magana aka ƙi. Wannan ya jawo kafa ƙungiyar haɗin gwiwa da PCA don soke zaɓen. Amma wakilan Turawa suka hana bincike. Zaɓen 1951 ya kuma gudana da irin wannan maguɗin.

A 1952, zanga-zangar da OS ta ƙaddamar ta kai ga kama da kora Messali Hadj zuwa Faransa. Rigima da tsangwama daga gwamnati sun raunana MTLD. Turawa sun nemi gwamnatin Faransa ta dauki matakan karfi.

Ben Bella ya kafa sabuwar ƙungiyar ɓoye bayan an rushe OS a 1950.

 Kasa da kishin ƙasa a Aljeriya da Yaƙin 'Yancin Kai 

 Ƙungiyoyin Siyasa 

Tsakanin watan Maris da Oktoba na shekara ta 1954, ƙungiyar CRUA ta tsara wata hanyar soja a Aljeriya da ta ƙunshi yankuna soja guda shida (wanda ake kira a wancan lokacin da wilayat; ɗaya: wilaya). Shugabannin waɗannan yankuna da magoya bayansu aka fi sani da "yan cikin gida". Ben Bella, Mohammed Khider, da Hocine Aït Ahmed su ne suka kafa Wakilan waje a Alkahira. Sun samu ƙarfafawa daga Shugaban Masar Gamal Abdul Nasser (1954–71), inda aikinsu shine neman goyon baya daga ƙasashen waje don juyin juya halin da kuma samo makamai, kayan aiki, da kuɗi ga shugabannin yankunan wilaya. A watan Oktoba, CRUA ta sauya sunanta zuwa Front de Libération Nationale (FLN), wadda ta ɗauki alhakin jagorancin siyasar juyin juya hali. Rundunar Sojin 'Yanci (Armée de Libération Nationale, ALN), reshen soja na FLN, ita ce ta jagoranci Yaƙin 'Yancin Kai a cikin Aljeriya. FLN da ALN sun haɗe huldar farar hula da ta soja, kuma sojoji sun ci gaba da kasancewa har zuwa ƙarshen yaƙin da bayan haka. Duk da haka, nasarar ƙarshe ba ta kasance ta soja ba, sai dai ta siyasa. FLN ta dogara da kalaman siyasa masu jawo jama'a tare da amfani da taken girmamawa kamar “jarumin guda ɗaya: al’umma”, duk da haka, sun kasance da ɗan tazara da jama’a a lokacin yaƙin. Wannan wani ɓangare ne na rashin samun ajin da zai iya fito da murya guda wacce zata jagoranci juyin juya hali a ƙarƙashin tsarin mulkin mallaka. FLN ƙungiya ce mai rikitarwa, fiye da yadda ake zato a farko, inda aka santa da kin ɗabi’ar ilimi da imani da cewa ƙasa (da jama’a baki ɗaya) za a kuɓutar da su ne kawai ta hanyar ƙungiyar 'yan tawaye masu amfani da ƙarfin tsiya. Haka kuma, shugabancinta ya kasance yana fama da rikice-rikicen ra’ayoyi tsakanin shugabanni tun farko, inda FLN ta ƙunshi masu ra’ayin Liberal, Marxist da kuma 'yan addinin Islama a lokaci guda.

 Fassara Al'umma 

Yawancin abubuwan da suka faru a lokacin yaƙin 'yanci a Aljeriya (1954-1962), ɗaya daga cikin yaƙe-yaƙen neman 'yanci mafi tsawo da jini, sun ƙarfafa da kuma tsara yadda ake kallon Aljeriya a baya da yanzu. Ƙasashen biyu da suka yi yaƙi sun dogara sosai da tashin hankali, kuma tunanin da aka adana na azabtarwa a lokacin wannan yaƙi na cigaba da tasiri sosai kan yadda ake kallon ƙasancin Aljeriya.

FLN ta zama kusan ita kaɗai ce ke jagorantar fafutukar ƙasa da Faransa, duk da cewa goyon bayan 'yanci yana da tushe kan tsoratarwa domin tilastawa al’umma su mara baya. A lokaci guda, a bayyane yake cewa zama Musulmi mai goyon bayan Faransa - "beni-oui-oui" na iya jawo wa mutum ramuwar gayya cikin sauri. A ƙarshen shekarun 1950, FLN ta shiga cikin babban matsin lamba saboda rikicin siyasa da ya samo asali daga yawan sojojin Faransa a ƙasa, sakamakon dokar da Majalisar Ƙasa ta kada kuri'a akai. Al'umma ta tsaya tsakanin wani mai mulkin mallaka mai zalunci da FLN da ke ikirarin cewa ita ce wakiliyar gwagwarmayar al'umma. Kafin, yayin da kuma bayan wannan yaƙi, kishin ƙasa na Aljeriya ya sha karfi daga ra’ayin Pan-Arabism da kuma kishin ƙasa na Larabawa. Wadannan ra’ayoyi sun fito daga Gabas ta Tsakiya, inda manyan shugabannin Larabawa kamar Gamal Abdel Nasser suka inganta su. Bayan samun 'yanci, FLN ta rungumi Larabciya, inda ta fara tsarin Larabciya domin rushe bambance-bambancen da Faransa ta haifar, amma hakan ya haifar da rashin jituwa a yankunan Berber da rikice-rikice.

 Matsayin Mata a Kishin Ƙasa na Aljeriya 

Mata sun taka rawar gani da yawa a Yaƙin 'Yancin Kai na Aljeriya, ba kawai a matsayin masu fafutuka ba, har ma a matsayin abin alama da ƙalubale. Ana iya kallon yaƙin a matsayin yaƙin lashe zukata da tunanin jama’a, inda jikin Musulma mace da mafificin da’a ya zama babban filin gwagwarmaya tsakanin Faransa da FLN. Faransa ta yi ƙoƙarin kare mulkinta ta hanyar bayyana dokokin dangantakar iyali na Musulunci a matsayin matsala mai buƙatar gyara da jagoranci, abin da suke cewa kawai darajar Faransa ce za ta iya warware shi. Haka kuma, an yi tunanin cewa lallashi ga Musulma mace ita ce hanyar da za a iya lashe zuciyar iyali gaba ɗaya. A martani, Musulma mace mai rufe fuska daga ƙauyuka ta zama alamar juriya a Aljeriya, alamar tsarki da ƙaddarar addini.

Duk da haka, FLN ma ta gina akidarta kan mata irin yadda Faransa ta gina nata, kuma wannan ra’ayi ya fi dacewa da yadda duniya za ta kalle su ba sai matan ƙauyuka ba. Sun yada hotunan mata da ke ɗauke da makamai suna fafutuka, suna mai da hankali cewa sai an kuɓuta daga mulkin mallaka ne za a samu 'yancin mata. Abbas ya faɗa, a bisa tasirin ra’ayoyin Fanon, cewa "Mata alamar sabuwar al’umma ce, kuma za su taka rawa wurin gina sabbin al’umma."

A ranar 30 ga Satumba, 1956, mata guda uku daga FLN – Zora Drif, Djamila Bouhired da Samia Lakhdari – sun girke bama-bamai a cikin wasu wuraren shakatawa na Faransawa, a matsayin ramuwar gayya ga wata bam da 'yan sanda suka saka a unguwar Musulmai. Sun samu shiga wuraren Faransawa ne ta hanyar kwaikwayon “kamannin Faransawa” – daga bisani aka gano cewa da dama daga cikinsu dalibai ne da ke sanye da kayan zamani, don haka abin da suka ɓoye shi ne ra’ayinsu na siyasa ba kamanninsu ba. Wannan lamari ya taka muhimmiyar rawa wajen haddasa Yaƙin Algiers. Djamila da sauran mata masu fafutuka sun samu farin jini a cikin shahararren fim ɗin Masar “Jamila, Aljeriyawa” (1958), wanda ya karfafa goyon baya ga gwagwarmayar Aljeriya a duniya Larabawa. Daga baya, wannan mata ukun sun fito a fim ɗin “The Battle of Algiers” na 1966. Harshe da fina-finai sun samar da kamanni mai kyau na 'yan gwagwarmaya mata. Mata uku da aka fi sani da “Djamilas” (Djamila Bouhired, Djamila Bouazza, da Djamila Boupacha) sun zama tubalin ƙirƙirar tarihin kai.

Yadda aka ci zarafi da azabtar da waɗannan mata da sauran fursunoni a lokacin Yaƙin Algiers ya lalata sahihancin Faransa a matsayin mai haƙƙin ɗabi’a. Duk da haka, yadda wasu daga cikin waɗannan matan suka nesanta kansu daga siyasa daga baya ya sa aka samu ruɗani a matsayin mace a Aljeriya.

 FLN a Matsayin Alamar ’Yanci na Kasa 

Yaƙin Algiers (1956-57) wani ɓangare ne na yaƙin da za a iya cewa Faransa ta ci nasara ta soja amma FLN ta lashe ta fuskar siyasa.

Ci gaban kishin kasa na Aljeriya bayan samun 'yanci
A shekarar 1963, Dokar Kasa ta ayyana 'yan asalin Aljeriya a kan ka'idojin kabilanci da al'adu, wanda ke nufin cewa a rubuce, shigar wani a yakin neman 'yanci shine alamar kasarsa. Wannan yana nufin, a tsakanin abubuwa da yawa, cewa har ma Turawa da suka yi yaki a gefen Aljeriya a yakin za su iya samun damar zama 'yan Aljeriya.Vince, Natalya. Our Fighting Sisters: Nation, Memory and Gender in Algeria, 1954-2012. Manchester University Press, 2015. p. 66

Aljeriya – Makka ta 'yan juyin juya hali
A shekarar 1962, bayan watanni biyu masu cike da tashin hankali, an nada Ben Bella a matsayin shugaban kasar Aljeriya mai cin gashin kanta, kuma ya yi amfani da wani labari mai ban mamaki da aka kirkiro don gudanar da gaskiyar bayan mulkin mallaka da buri.Phillips, John, and Martin Evans. Algeria: Anger of the Dispossessed. Yale University Press, 2007. p. 74 Dangantakar da ke tsakanin shugabanni da talakawa a farkon shekarun samun 'yanci ta kasance mai daidaito, wanda aka gina a kan daidaito na zamantakewa da ke cikin kishin kasa na Aljeriya tun ma daga Messali Hadj. Ben Bella ya ba da gudummawa ga sanya Aljeriya a matsayin kasa mai misali a yakin da ake yi da mulkin mallaka da mulkin kama-karya, da kuma nuna Aljeriya a matsayin sabon nau'in al'ummar gurguzu. Ba da daɗewa ba bayan samun 'yanci, an bude iyakokin Aljeriya ga "yan uwan juna" daga kungiyoyin 'yanci na zamani a i.e. Namibia, Rhodesia, Brittany, Kongo da Mozambique. Mafi shahararren shine watakila gudun hijirar da aka bai wa Nelson Mandela da kungiyar ANC a Afirka ta Kudu. Tafiyarsa zuwa Cuba, inda ya hadu da Fidel Castro da Che Guevara don tattauna juyin juya halin kwaminisanci ya kara karfafa alakar gurguzu na gwamnati, abubuwa ne masu muhimmanci na yanayin Aljeriya. Tallafin da kasashen Gabashin Turai da yawa suka bayar, da kuma dangantakar diflomasiyya da Rasha, China, kasashe da yawa a Arewacin Afirka da Gabas ta Tsakiya har ma da Amurka sun kuma jaddada cewa Aljeriya ba za ta dogara da kasa daya mai mulkin kama-karya ba. Aljeriya kuma musamman Algiers sun zama nuni ga pan-arabism da pan-Africanism, wani muhimmin batu - kuma an canza shi zuwa "Makka ta 'yan juyin juya hali".

Matsayin kololuwar aikin gina kasa na gurguzu da juyin juya hali na Aljeriya shine PANAF (Festival panafricain d'Alger), babban bikin al'adu na farko na Afirka duka, wanda ya faru a 1969. Karkashin jagorancin Boumediene, birnin ya ci gaba da taka rawar sa na babban birnin kungiyoyin 'yanci, duk da cewa an yi Allah wadai da "tasirin kwaminisanci" da Ben Bella aka zarga da cewa ya kasance mai saurin kamuwa da su, wadanda ke adawa da Musulunci.Phillips, John, and Martin Evans. Algeria: Anger of the Dispossessed. Yale University Press, 2007. p.74 Bikin ya kasance wani muhimmin taron a ci gaba da gina asalin kasa kuma ya ba da gudummawa wajen dawo da wasu daga cikin kwarjininsa ga matasan Aljeriya. Bikin ya dauki siffar babban carnival na kwana biyu inda aka haɗu da wasan kwaikwayo, nune-nune da kuma taron ilimi. Ya karbi bakuncin muhimman mutane daga dukkan nahiyar Afirka da kuma daga mazauna Afirka a kasashen waje, kamar Miriam Makeba, Archie Shepp, Nina Simone, Maya Angelou, membobin Black Panthers, da membobin kungiyar 'yancin Kongo ta Patrice Lumumba. A hanyoyi da yawa, PANAF na farko ya kasance wani wuri mai ban mamaki da na ɗan lokaci wanda ba a taba gani ba kuma watakila ba zai sake faruwa ba. A lokacin wani babban taro, Boumediene ya magance manyan tambayoyi guda uku da suka yi tasiri sosai a kan tattaunawar da ke tattare da bikin kuma suka nuna rawar al'adu a gina asalin kasa da kuma na Afirka duka.Festival culturel panafricain, La Culture africaine : le symposium d'Alger, 21 juillet-1er août 1969 : premier festival culturel panafricain., Alger, S.N.E.D. [Société nationale d'édition et de diffusion], 1969 Da farko gaskiyar al'adun Afirka, na biyu rawar al'adun Afirka a yakin neman 'yanci na kasa da kuma a cikin hada kan Afirka, kuma na uku rawar al'adun Afirka a ci gaban zamantakewa na Afirka a nan gaba. Aikin kishin kasa na Boumediene an bayyana shi a matsayin mai biyu, a ma'anar cewa yana da nufin komawa ga ka'idoji da al'adun gargajiya, amma a lokaci guda don ci gaba da bunkasa a duniyar zamani na kimiyya da fasaha.

Daban-daban na 1970s da 80s
A cikin shekarun 1970 da 80s, abubuwa da yawa sun faru a cikin al'ummar Aljeriya. Da farko, Boumedienne ya yi kokari don karfafa hoto na kasa, an jaddada 'yancin kai daga waje kuma an mallaki mai da gas. Ko da yake tunanin samun 'yancin kai na gama-gari ya ci gaba da kasancewa, nau'ikan asali daban-daban sun kara gasa don mallakar abin da ake nufi da zama dan Aljeriya. Yakin al'adu tsakanin Faransanci, Berber da Larabci ya bunkasa - kuma manyan 'yan siyasa sun goyi bayan Larabawa a kan asarar al'adun Berber misali da abin da za a iya dauka a matsayin na Yammacin duniya.Hafid, Gafaiti. Language and de/reconstruction of National Identity in Postcolonial Algeria (in ed. Berger. Algeria - in others' language. Daya daga cikin sakamakon Larabawa shine gabatar da Dokar Iyali ta Aljeriya, doka da aka fassara daga karanta shari'ar Musulunci wanda ya rage hakkokin mata sosai. 'Yancin da wasu mata suka samu a lokacin yakin neman 'yanci an dakatar da shi ko an janye shi mataki-mataki. Amma duk da haka, tarihin mujahadinat na wasu mata zai iya ba da damar wasu kamfen na masu fafutuka a kan batutuwan kare hakkin mata a cikin shekarun 80s da kuma gaba, tun da shaidar mallakar su ga al'umma za ta iya (ko da a wani bangare) ba da tabbaci cewa ra'ayoyinsu ba sakamakon Yammacin duniya ba ne.

"Daramar Bakar fata" da rugujewar tarayyar Aljeriya
A cikin canjin daga 1980 zuwa 1990 al'adun siyasa a Aljeriya sun kasance masu zafi. A duniya, yankin kwaminisanci na gabas ya fadi kuma Musulunci yana kan haɓaka. A halin yanzu, kasar tana cigaba da dimokuraɗiyya kuma tana shirya zaɓen jam'iyyu da yawa na farko, wanda FIS (Islamic Salvation Front) ta bayyana tana cin nasara.Malika Rahal. Multipartism, Islamism and the descent into civil war, in Algeria: Nation, Culture and Transnationalism, 1988-2015, edited by Patrick Crowley, Liverpool University Press, 2017. A cikin wannan yanayin, rarrabuwar kawuna ta bunkasa, yanayin siyasa ya yi tsauri kuma ya bayyana a cikin tashin hankali kuma ya zama da wuya a tattauna bambance-bambance a baki. Lamarin ya kai ga yakin basasa na Aljeriya tsakanin kungiyoyin Islama da yawa da sojoji, waɗanda suka karɓi iko a kan gwamnati lokacin da FLN ta bayyana tana fuskantar shan kashi. Bugu da sake, al'ummar Aljeriya sun fuskanci tashin hankali mai yawa da mara tausayi, wanda ya kai kololuwa a karshen shekarun 1990.https://ucdp.uu.se/#country/615 UCDP (Uppsala Conflict Data Program). Algeria. 2019. A taƙaice, an raba Aljeriya.Malika Rahal. Multipartism, Islamism and the descent into civil war, in Algeria: Nation, Culture and Transnationalism, 1988-2015, edited by Patrick Crowley, Liverpool University Press, 2017. A shekarar 1999 Abdelaziz Bouteflika, memba na FLN, an zaɓi shi a matsayin shugaban kasa kuma wasu dokokin afuwa sun ba da damar yawancin tsoffin 'yan Islama su ajiye makamai, tare da kaddamar da hare-hare masu yawa na yaki da ta'addanci waɗanda suka tilasta yawancin 'yan tawaye fita daga kasar.William Thornberry and Jaclyn Levy, 2011, Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, Homeland Security & Counterterrorism Program Transnational Threats Project, Case Study Number 4 Tashin hankali ya ci gaba amma a hankali ya canza siffa, kuma a shekarar 2006 kungiyar splinter na Islama daya tilo da ke nan, GSPC, ta shiga Al-Qaeda kuma ta duniya manufarsu. Bayan sun bayyana a baya cewa suna so su "gina jihar Islama tare da dokar sharia a Aljeriya", daga baya sun bayyana cewa sun koma akida zuwa ga jihadin duniya na Al-Qaeda kuma suna fatan kafa jihar Islama a dukkan yankin Maghreb.http://www.ag.gov.au/agd/WWW/nationalsecurity.nsf/Page/What_Governments_are_doing_Listing_of_ Terrorism_Organisations_Al-Qaida_in_the_Lands_of_the_Is- lamic_Maghreb_-_AQIM. Australian National Security. "Al-Qa'ida in the Islamic Maghreb". 2017.

Sabuwar tsararraki da faduwar Bouteflika
Zanga-zangar adawa da Bouteflika a Aljeriya a halin yanzu (Manifestations de 2019 en Algérie ko 2019 Algerian protests) sun kasance, musamman a farkon, masu taka tsantsan don kada a danganta su da yakin basasa na Islama na shekarun 1990 ko kuma da Arab spring na farkon 2010. Zanga-zangar ta kasance babba kuma tana faruwa duk ranar Juma'a – amma ta ci gaba da zama cikin lumana na dogon lokaci. Daga baya an ga karuwar kasancewar sojoji a zanga-zangar, waɗanda ke da dogon tarihi na shiga cikin siyasar Aljeriya.https://web.archive.org/web/20190426122906/https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/africa/10th-week-of-algeria-protests-aim-for-ex-presidents-brother/2019/04/26/53117e2c-680c-11e9-a698-2a8f808c9cfb_story.html Aomar Ouali, Algeria's army chief a top target in 10th week of protests, Washington Post

Wasu muhimman alamomin da suka samo asali daga farkon tarihin Aljeriya sun bayyana daga baya a cikin motsi. Misali, taken "jarumi daya tilo, al'umma" ya sake bayyana a tituna.Malika Rahal in "Présence du Passé". Malika Rahal revisite l'affranchissement algérien, Mediapart. 2019. Har ila yau, motsi ya koma ga samun 'yanci a shekarar 62 a matsayin "yancin kai na jihar", don haka yana nuni da zanga-zangar ta yanzu a matsayin hanyar samun "yancin jama'a". Bugu da kari, a wani bangare sakamakon daya daga cikin Juma'o'in farko na zanga-zangar da suka zo daidai da Ranar Mata ta Duniya, mata sun shiga zanga-zangar cikin sauri.

 Manazarta 

Rukuni:Shafuka masu fassarorin da ba'a duba ba