'Yancin 'yanci na dama

''yanci 'yanci na dama', >   wanda aka fi sani da 'yancin jari-hujja,  ko 'yancin 'yancin kai na dama,   "It is important to distinguish between anarchism and certain strands of right-wing libertarianism which at times go by the same name (for example, Murray Rothbard's anarcho-capitalism). There is a complex debate within this tradition between those like Robert Nozick, who advocate a 'minimal state', and those like Rothbard who want to do away with the state altogether and allow all transactions to be governed by the market alone. From an anarchist perspective, however, both positions—the minimal state (minarchist) and the no-state ('anarchist') positions—neglect the problem of economic domination; in other words, they neglect the hierarchies, oppressions, and forms of exploitation that would inevitably arise in laissez-faire 'free' market. [...] Anarchism, therefore, has no truck with this right-wing libertarianism, not only because it neglects economic inequality and domination, but also because in practice (and theory) it is highly inconsistent and contradictory. The individual freedom invoked by right-wing libertarians is only narrow economic freedom within the constraints of a capitalist market, which, as anarchists show, is no freedom at all. Falsafar siyasa ce ta 'yanci wacce ke tallafawa' yancin mallakar jari-huadda kuma tana kare rarraba kasuwa albarkatun kasa da dukiyar masu zaman kansu. Ana amfani da kalmar 'yanci na dama don rarrabe wannan ra'ayi game da yanayin dukiya da babban birnin  daga 'yanci-'yanci na hagu, wani nau'in' yanci wanda ya haɗu da mallaka tare da tsarin daidaito ga dukiya da samun kudin shiga.  Sabanin 'yanci na gurguzu, 'yanci-yanci na dama yana goyan bayan jari-hujja na kasuwa kyauta. Kamar yawancin nau'ikan 'yanci, yana tallafawa' yanci na jama'a,  musamman dokar halitta,  'yancin da ba su da kyau,  ka'idar da ba ta da ƙarfi,  da kuma babban juyawa na jihar jin dadin zamani.Sterba, James P. (October 1994). "From Liberty to Welfare". Ethics. Cambridge: Blackwell. 105 (1): 237–241.

Tunanin siyasa na 'yanci na dama ana nuna shi ta hanyar fifiko mai tsauri da aka ba 'yanci, tare da buƙatar kara girman ikon' yanci na mutum da rage ikon jama'a. 'Yanci masu sassaucin ra'ayi yawanci suna ganin jihar a matsayin babbar barazana ga' yanci. Wannan adawa da mulkin mallaka ya bambanta da koyarwar anarchist saboda ya dogara ne akan son kai mai karfi wanda ke ba da fifiko ga zamantakewar ɗan adam ko hadin kai. Falsafar 'yanci ta dama kuma samo asali ne daga ra'ayoyin haƙƙin mutum da tattalin arziki na laissez-faire. Ka'idar 'yanci na haƙƙin mutum gabaɗaya tana bin ƙa'ka'idar gidaje da ka'idar aiki na dukiya, tana jaddada mallaka da kuma cewa mutane suna da cikakken haƙƙin dukiyar da aikinsu ke samarwa. A fannin tattalin arziki, 'yanci masu 'yanci ba su da bambanci tsakanin jari-hujja da kasuwanni masu 'yanta kuma suna kallon duk wani yunkuri na tsara tsarin kasuwa a matsayin wanda ba shi da amfani, suna jaddada hanyoyin da kuma yanayin sarrafa kansa na kasuwa yayin da suke nuna sa hannun gwamnati da ƙoƙarin sake rarraba dukiya a matsayin abin da ba dole ba kuma ba shi da kyau. Kodayake duk masu 'yanci masu 'yancin kai soja adawa da shiga tsakani na gwamnati, akwai rarrabuwa tsakanin masu mulkin mallaka, waɗanda ke kallon jihar a matsayin mugunta marar amfani kuma suna son haƙƙin mallaka an kare ba tare da doka ba ta hanyar doka ta hanyar cin zarafin kasuwa, kwangila da dokar mallaka; da kuma minarchists, waɗanda ke tallafawa buƙatar ƙaramin jiha, galibi ana kiranta jihar mai tsaro ta dare, don samar da 'yan ƙasa da kotuna, sojoji, da' 'yan sanda.Marshall, Peter (2008). Demanding the Impossible: A History of Anarchism. London: Harper Perennial. p. 565. "The problem with the term 'libertarian' is that it is now also used by the Right. [...] In its moderate form, right libertarianism embraces laissez-faire liberals like Robert Nozick who call for a minimal State, and in its extreme form, anarcho-capitalists like Murray Rothbard and David Friedman who entirely repudiate the role of the State and look to the market as a means of ensuring social order".

Like libertarians of all varieties, right-libertarians refer to themselves simply as libertarians. "It is important to distinguish between anarchism and certain strands of right-wing libertarianism which at times go by the same name (for example, Murray Rothbard's anarcho-capitalism). There is a complex debate within this tradition between those like Robert Nozick, who advocate a 'minimal state', and those like Rothbard who want to do away with the state altogether and allow all transactions to be governed by the market alone. From an anarchist perspective, however, both positions—the minimal state (minarchist) and the no-state ('anarchist') positions—neglect the problem of economic domination; in other words, they neglect the hierarchies, oppressions, and forms of exploitation that would inevitably arise in laissez-faire 'free' market. [...] Anarchism, therefore, has no truck with this right-wing libertarianism, not only because it neglects economic inequality and domination, but also because in practice (and theory) it is highly inconsistent and contradictory. The individual freedom invoked by right-wing libertarians is only narrow economic freedom within the constraints of a capitalist market, which, as anarchists show, is no freedom at all. Being the most common type of libertarianism in the United States, right-libertarianism has become the most common referent of libertarianism there since the late 20th century while historically and elsewhere it continues to be widely used to refer to anti-state forms of socialism such as anarchism and more generally libertarian communism/libertarian Marxism and libertarian socialism. Around the time of Murray Rothbard, who popularized the term libertarian in the United States during the 1960s, anarcho-capitalist movements started calling themselves libertarian, leading to the rise of the term right-libertarian to distinguish them. Rothbard himself acknowledged the co-opting of the term and boasted of its "capture [...] from the enemy".

 Ma'anar. 
Mutanen da aka bayyana a matsayin masu sassaucin ra'ayi na hagu ko masu sassaucinni ra'ayi gabaɗaya suna kiran kansu kawai masu sassaucinsu kuma suna magana da falsafar su a matsayin 'yanci. Dangane da wannan, wasu marubuta da masana kimiyyar siyasa sun rarraba nau'ikan 'yanci zuwa kungiyoyi biyu, Long, Joseph. W (1996). "Toward a Libertarian Theory of Class". Social Philosophy and Policy. 15 (2): 310. "When I speak of 'libertarianism' [...] I mean all three of these very different movements. It might be protested that LibCap [libertarian capitalism], LibSoc [libertarian socialism] and LibPop [libertarian populism] are too different from one another to be treated as aspects of a single point of view. But they do share a common—or at least an overlapping—intellectual ancestry."  wato hagu-yanci da dama-yanci,   Marshall, Peter (2008). Demanding the Impossible: A History of Anarchism. London: Harper Perennial. p. 565. "The problem with the term 'libertarian' is that it is now also used by the Right. [...] In its moderate form, right libertarianism embraces laissez-faire liberals like Robert Nozick who call for a minimal State, and in its extreme form, anarcho-capitalists like Murray Rothbard and David Friedman who entirely repudiate the role of the State and look to the market as a means of ensuring social order".   "It is important to distinguish between anarchism and certain strands of right-wing libertarianism which at times go by the same name (for example, Murray Rothbard's anarcho-capitalism). There is a complex debate within this tradition between those like Robert Nozick, who advocate a 'minimal state', and those like Rothbard who want to do away with the state altogether and allow all transactions to be governed by the market alone. From an anarchist perspective, however, both positions—the minimal state (minarchist) and the no-state ('anarchist') positions—neglect the problem of economic domination; in other words, they neglect the hierarchies, oppressions, and forms of exploitation that would inevitably arise in laissez-faire 'free' market. [...] Anarchism, therefore, has no truck with this right-wing libertarianism, not only because it neglects economic inequality and domination, but also because in practice (and theory) it is highly inconsistent and contradictory. The individual freedom invoked by right-wing libertarians is only narrow economic freedom within the constraints of a capitalist market, which, as anarchists show, is no freedom at all. don rarrabe ra'ayoyin' yanci game da yanayin dukiya da babban birnin.Francis, Mark (December 1983). "Human Rights and Libertarians". Australian Journal of Politics & History. 29 (3): 462–472. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8497.1983.tb00212.x. ISSN 0004-9522.

Kalmar 'yanci ta fara amfani da ita ne daga masu tunani na 'yanci na Enlightenment, suna nufin waɗanda suka yi imani da' yancin zaɓe, sabanin wajibi, falsafar da ba a amfani da ita ba yanzu wacce ta gabatar da wani nau'i na ƙaddara.Boaz, David (1998). Libertarianism: A Primer. Free Press. pp. 22–26. Kalmar 'yanci an fara rubuta ta ne a cikin 1789 wanda masanin tarihin Burtaniya William Belsham ya kirkiro, a cikin tattaunawa game da' yancin zaɓe daga ra'ayin marubucin.William Belsham, "Essays", printed for C. Dilly, 1789; original from the University of Michigan, digitized 21 May 2007. Wannan muhawara tsakanin 'yanci a cikin ma'anar falsafa-metaphysical da ƙaddara za su ci gaba zuwa farkon karni na sha tara, musamman a fagen tauhidin Furotesta.Jared Sparks, Collection of Essays and Tracts in Theology, from Various Authors, with Biographical and Critical Notices, publicado por Oliver Everett, 13 Cornhill, 1824 (ver, Writings of Dr. Cogan, 205). The Merriam-Webster Dictionary, a cikin Turanci, ya tabbatar da wannan tsohuwar amfani da kalmar 'yanci ta hanyar bayyana ma'anarsa a matsayin "mai ba da shawara game da koyarwar' yancin zaɓe "kuma, yana da ma'anar ma'ana, ya kuma ce shi" mutum ne wanda ke riƙe da ka'idodin' yancin mutum musamman a cikin tunani da aiki.

Many decades later, libertarian was a term used by the French libertarian communist Joseph DéjacqueGraham, Robert, ed. (2005). Anarchism: A Documentary History of Libertarian Ideas. Vol. 1. Montreal: Black Rose Books. §17. to mean a form of left-wing politics that has been frequently used to refer to anarchismNettlau, Max (1996). A Short History of Anarchism. London: Freedom Press. p. 162. ISBN 978-0900384899. OCLC 37529250. and libertarian socialism since the mid- to late 19th century. With the modern development of right-libertarian ideologies such as anarcho-capitalism and minarchism co-opting the term libertarian in the mid-20th century to instead advocate laissez-faire capitalism and strong private property rights such as in land, infrastructure and natural resources, the terms left-libertarianism and right-libertarianism have been used more often as to differentiate between the two. Socialist libertarianism has been included within a broad left-libertarianism while right-libertarianism mainly refers to laissez-faire capitalism such as Murray Rothbard's anarcho-capitalism and Robert Nozick's minarchism. "It is important to distinguish between anarchism and certain strands of right-wing libertarianism which at times go by the same name (for example, Murray Rothbard's anarcho-capitalism). There is a complex debate within this tradition between those like Robert Nozick, who advocate a 'minimal state', and those like Rothbard who want to do away with the state altogether and allow all transactions to be governed by the market alone. From an anarchist perspective, however, both positions—the minimal state (minarchist) and the no-state ('anarchist') positions—neglect the problem of economic domination; in other words, they neglect the hierarchies, oppressions, and forms of exploitation that would inevitably arise in laissez-faire 'free' market. [...] Anarchism, therefore, has no truck with this right-wing libertarianism, not only because it neglects economic inequality and domination, but also because in practice (and theory) it is highly inconsistent and contradictory. The individual freedom invoked by right-wing libertarians is only narrow economic freedom within the constraints of a capitalist market, which, as anarchists show, is no freedom at all.

An bayyana 'yanci na dama a matsayin hada' yancin mutum da adawa da jihar, tare da goyon baya mai karfi ga Kasuwanci kyauta da dukiyar masu zaman kansu. Hakkin dukiya shine batun da ya raba falsafancin 'yanci. A cewar Jennifer Carlson, 'yanci na dama shine mafi girman nau'in' 'yanci a Amurka. 'Yancin 'yanci na dama "duba haƙƙin mallaka mai ƙarfi a matsayin tushen' yanci kuma ta haka ne - don ambaton taken rubutun Brian Doherty game da' yanci a Amurka - "Radicals for Capitalism".

Herbert Kitschelt da Anthony J. McGann sun bambanta 'yanci na dama - "dabara da ke haɗuwa da matsayi na kasuwa tare da adawa da ikon matsayi, goyon bayan shiga siyasa mara kyau, da amincewa da mata da muhalli" - tare da mulkin mallaka.

Mark Bevir ya yi ikirarin cewa akwai nau'ikan 'yanci guda uku, wato hagu, dama da kuma' yanci kamar yadda Friedrich Hayek ya inganta.
A cewar mai ba da 'yanci na Amurka na zamani Walter Block, masu ba da 'ya'yanci na hagu da masu ba da' yanci na dama sun yarda da wasu wuraren ba da 'yarci, amma "inda  suka bambanta shine dangane da ma'anar ma'anar waɗannan axioms na tushe". Kodayake wasu 'yanci na iya ƙin bangaren siyasa, musamman bangaren siyasa na hagu-dama, 'yanci-yanci na dama da dama a Amurka an bayyana su a matsayin masu adawa, 'yancin dama,' Sabon Dama, 'yan adawa masu tsattsauran ra'ayi da masu mayar da martani.

Dan gwagwarmayar 'yanci na Amurka kuma ɗan siyasa David Nolan, babban wanda ya kafa Jam'iyyar Libertarian, ya haɓaka abin da yanzu ake kira Nolan Chart don maye gurbin al'adun siyasa na hagu-dama. An yi amfani da jadawalin Nolan ta hanyar 'yanci da dama na zamani na Amurka da' yanci na dama waɗanda suka ƙi tsarin siyasa na gargajiya saboda rashin haɗin kai kuma suna ganin kansu a matsayin arewacin tsakiya. Ana amfani da shi a kokarin tantance ra'ayoyin 'yanci na yau da kullun waɗanda ke tallafawa kasuwannin' yanci da' yancin zamantakewa kuma suna ƙin abin da suke gani a matsayin ƙuntatawa kan' yancin tattalin arziki da na mutum da aka ɗora ta hagu da dama, bi da bi,  kodayake an soki wannan batu na ƙarshe.  Sauran 'yanci sun ki amincewa da rabuwa da' yanci na mutum da na tattalin arziki ko kuma suna jayayya cewa Nolan Chart ba ya ba da nauyi ga manufofin kasashen waje.

Tun lokacin da aka sake farfado da Neoliberalism a cikin shekarun 1970s, 'yanci na dama ya bazu fiye da Arewacin Amurka ta hanyar tankuna masu tunani da jam'iyyun siyasa. A cikin Amurka, ana kallon 'yanci a matsayin wannan matsayin kasuwar' yanci.Marshall, Peter (2008). Demanding the Impossible: A History of Anarchism. London: Harper Perennial. p. 565. "The problem with the term 'libertarian' is that it is now also used by the Right. [...] In its moderate form, right libertarianism embraces laissez-faire liberals like Robert Nozick who call for a minimal State, and in its extreme form, anarcho-capitalists like Murray Rothbard and David Friedman who entirely repudiate the role of the State and look to the market as a means of ensuring social order". "It is important to distinguish between anarchism and certain strands of right-wing libertarianism which at times go by the same name (for example, Murray Rothbard's anarcho-capitalism). There is a complex debate within this tradition between those like Robert Nozick, who advocate a 'minimal state', and those like Rothbard who want to do away with the state altogether and allow all transactions to be governed by the market alone. From an anarchist perspective, however, both positions—the minimal state (minarchist) and the no-state ('anarchist') positions—neglect the problem of economic domination; in other words, they neglect the hierarchies, oppressions, and forms of exploitation that would inevitably arise in laissez-faire 'free' market. [...] Anarchism, therefore, has no truck with this right-wing libertarianism, not only because it neglects economic inequality and domination, but also because in practice (and theory) it is highly inconsistent and contradictory. The individual freedom invoked by right-wing libertarians is only narrow economic freedom within the constraints of a capitalist market, which, as anarchists show, is no freedom at all.

 Kalmomin. 
A matsayin kalma, wasu masu sharhi na siyasa, masana kimiyya da kafofin watsa labarai suna amfani da 'yanci na dama, musamman a Amurka, don bayyana falsafar' yanci wanda ke tallafawa jari-hujja na kasuwa kyauta da kuma haƙƙin mallaka mai ƙarfi, ban da tallafawa iyakantaccen gwamnati da mallaka kai,  ana bambance shi da ra'ayoyin hagu waɗanda ba sa goyon bayan tsohon. A mafi yawan duniya, wannan matsayi na siyasa galibi an san shi da 'yanci na gargajiya, 'yanci da' yanci na tattalin arziki da kuma Neoliberalism.Boas, Taylor C.; Gans-Morse, Jordan (2009). "Neoliberalism: From New Liberal Philosophy to Anti-Liberal Slogan". Studies in Comparative International Development. 44 (2): 151–152. . Yafi alaƙa da Siyasa ta dama, tallafi ga Kasuwanci kyauta da mallakar kayan masarufi. Bugu da ƙari, yawanci ana bambance shi da irin wannan akidar kamar dimokuradiyya ta zamantakewa da 'yanci na zamantakewa waɗanda gabaɗaya ke son wasu nau'ikan jari-hujja kamar tattalin arziki mai gauraye, jari-huyen jihar da jari-hujanar jin daɗi.

Peter Vallentyne ya rubuta cewa 'yanci, wanda aka bayyana a matsayin game da mallaka, ba koyarwar dama ba ce a cikin mahallin siyasar hagu-dama saboda a kan batutuwan zamantakewa yana da alaƙa da hagu, yana adawa da dokokin da ke ƙuntata dangantakar jima'i tsakanin ko amfani da miyagun ƙwayoyi ta manya da kuma dokokin da ke sanya ra'ayoyin addini ko ayyuka da aikin soja na tilas. Ya bayyana 'yanci na dama kamar yadda yake riƙe da cewa albarkatun kasa marasa mallaka "mutumin farko da ya gano su, ya haɗu da aikinta tare da su, ko kuma kawai ya yi ikirarin su - ba tare da yardar wasu ba, kuma ba tare da biyan su ba". Ya bambanta wannan da 'yanci na hagu, inda irin wannan " albarkatun kasa da ba a dace da su ba na kowa ne a wasu hanyoyi masu daidaito". Hakazalika, Charlotte da Lawrence Becker sun ci gaba da cewa 'yanci na dama galibi yana nufin matsayin siyasa cewa saboda albarkatun kasa ba su da asali, ƙungiyoyi masu zaman kansu na iya mallaka su da son rai ba tare da yardar wasu ba.

Samuel Edward Konkin III, wanda ya bayyana agorism a matsayin wani nau'i na 'yanci na hagu  da kuma dabarun reshe na 'yancin kasuwa na hagu,  ya bayyana 'yanci-yanci na dama a matsayin "mai fafutuka, ƙungiya, wallafe-wallafen ko halin da ke goyon 'Yan majalisa kawai a matsayin dabarun rage ko kawar da jihar, yawanci yana adawa da Counter-Economics, ko dai yana adawa ne da Jam' yanci ko kuma yana aiki don jan shi dama kuma ya fi son hadin gwiwa tare da ake zaton 'yanci' yanci'.

Anthony Gregory ya ci gaba da cewa 'yanci "zai iya komawa ga kowane adadin bambance-bambance na siyasa daban-daban kuma a wasu lokuta". Yayinda yake riƙe da cewa muhimmiyar bambanci ga 'yanci ba hagu ko dama ba ne, amma ko su ne "masu goyon bayan gwamnati waɗanda ke amfani da maganganun' yanci don kare tashin hankali na jihar", ya bayyana 'yanci na dama kamar yadda yake da kuma ci gaba da sha'awar' yancin tattalin arziki, yana kallon salon rayuwa mai ra'ayin mazan jiya a matsayin "babban wanda aka azabtar da jihar" kuma yana son manufofin kasashen waje marasa shiga tsakani, yana raba "tsayayya da Tsohon Dama ga daular".

 Tsohon Dama. 
Murray Rothbard, wanda rubuce-rubucensa da tasirin kansa suka taimaka wajen kirkirar wasu nau'o'in 'yanci na dama,  ya rubuta game da Tsohon dama a Amurka, hadin gwiwar mutane da aka kafa a cikin shekarun 1930, don adawa da Sabon Yarjejeniya a gida da shiga tsakani na soja a kasashen waje, cewa "ba su bayyana ko tunanin kansu a matsayin masu ra'ayin mazan jiya ba: suna so su soke su rushe su, ba masu ra'ayi ba".  Bill Kauffman ya kuma rubuta game da irin waɗannan "tsoffin 'yanci na dama".  Peter Marshall ya samo asali ne daga 'yanci na dama da kuma anarcho-capitalism musamman a baya ga Tsohon Dama kuma kamar yadda Sabon Dama ya sake shahara.

Mutanen da ake gani a cikin wannan tsohuwar al'adar 'yanciRadosh, Ronald (1975). Prophets on the Right: Profiles of Conservative Critics of American Globalism. New York City, New York: Simon.Raimondo, Justin (2008). Reclaiming the American Right: The Lost Legacy of the Conservative Movement (2d ed.). Wilmington, Delaware: ISI. sun haɗa da Frank Chodorov, Chodorov, Frank (1962). Out of Step: The Autobiography of an Individualist. New York City, New York: Devin-Adair. Hamilton, Charles H. (1980). Fugitive Essays: Selected Writings of Frank Chodorov. Indianapolis, Indiana: Liberty. John T. Flynn, Flynn, John T. (1973) [1944]. As We Go Marching: A Biting Indictment of the Coming of Domestic Fascism in America. New York City, New York: Free Life. Moser, John (2005). Right Turn: John T. Flynn and the Transformation of American Liberalism. New York City, New York: New York University Press. Garet Garrett, [5] Rose Wilder Lane, [5] [6] H. L. Mencken, [5] Albert Jay Nock [4] [5] da Isabel Paterson [4] [5] [6]Ryant, Carl (1989). Profit's Prophet: Garet Garrett (1878–1954). Selinsgrove, Pennsylvania: Susquehanna University Press.Ramsey, Bruce (2008). Unsanctioned Voice: Garet Garrett, Journalist of the Old Right. Caldwell, Indiana: Caxton.Wilder Lane, Rose (2006) [1936]. Give Me Liberty. Whitefish, Montana: Kessinger.Wilder Lane, Rose (2007) [1943]. The Discovery of Freedom: Man's Struggle against Authority. Auburn, Alabama: Mises Institute.Mencken, H. L. (1961). Letters of H. L. Mencken. Knofp. pp. xiii, 189.Nock, Albert Jay (1935). Our Enemy, the State. New York City: Morrow.Nock, Albert Jay (June 1936). "Isaiah’s Job". Atlantic Monthly (157): 641–649.Nock, Albert Jay (1943). Memoirs of a Superfluous Man. New York City: Harper.Paterson, Isabel (1993). The God of the Machine. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Transaction.Cox, Stephen D. (2004). The Woman and the Dynamo: Isabel Paterson and the Idea of America. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Transaction. Abin da waɗannan masu tunani suka yi kama da juna shine adawa da hauhawar jihar gudanarwa a lokacin Progressive Era da fadada ta dangane da Sabon Yarjejeniya da Yarjejeniyar Daidaitawa yayin da suke kalubalantar mulkin mallaka da shiga tsakani na soja.Kauffman, Bill (2008). Ain't My America: The Long, Noble History of Antiwar Conservatism and Middle-American Anti-Imperialism. New York City, New York: Metropolitan. Koyaya, Tsohon Dama lakabi ne game da abin da yawancin ko mafi yawan waɗannan adadi na iya kasancewa masu shakku kamar yadda yawancin suke tunanin kansu yadda ya kamata a matsayin masu sassaucin ra'ayi na gargajiya maimakon tsaron ƙasa da ra'ayin mazan jiya na masu tunani da ke da alaƙa da ra'ayyar ra'ayin rikon kwarya, tare da Chodorov da ya shahara da rubuce-rubuce: "A gare ni, zan buge duk wanda ya kira ni mai ra'ayin ra'ayin ch'ayin ma'ayin ma yaudara a hanci".Chodorov, Frank (6 October 1956). "Letter to the editor". National Review. 2 (20): 23.Hamilton, Charles H. (1981). "Introduction". Fugitive Essays: Selected Writings of Frank Chodorov Compiled. p. 29. Hamayya da juriya ga jihar sun kusanci rikice-rikicen falsafa tare da Nock kuma sun kai ga rashin ƙasa a cikin shari'ar Chodorov. A gefe guda, Lew Rockwell da Jeffrey Tucker sun gano Tsohon Dama a matsayin mai ra'ayin mazan jiya, suna jayayya cewa "[v] iko na zamantakewa mai ƙarfi - kamar yadda aka tsara a cikin iyali, coci, da sauran cibiyoyin sulhu - tushe ne na al'umma mai kyau" kuma "[t] dabi'ar daidaito tana da halin kirki kuma tana lalata dukiyar masu zaman kansu da ikon zamantakewa".

Duk da yake mai zaman kansa ya shahara da ɗan gurguzu Benjamin Tucker a ƙarshen shekarun 1870 da farkon shekarun 1880,  H. L. Mencken da Albert Jay Nock sune fitattun mutane na farko a Amurka don bayyana kansu a matsayin masu zaman kansu a matsayin ma'anar masu sassaucin ra'ayi. Sun yi imanin cewa Franklin D. Roosevelt ya yi amfani da kalmar liberal don manufofinsa na New Deal wanda suka yi adawa da shi kuma sun yi amfani da 'yanci don nuna goyon baya ga' 'yanci na gargajiya, son kai da kuma iyakantaccen gwamnati.

In the 1960s, Rothbard started publishing Left and Right: A Journal of Libertarian Thought, believing that the left–right political spectrum had gone "entirely askew" since conservatives were sometimes more statist than liberals and tried to reach out to leftists and go beyond left and right. In 1971, Rothbard wrote about right-libertarianism which he described as supporting free trade, property rights and self-ownership. Rothbard would later describe it as anarcho-capitalism and paleolibertarianism.

 Falsafa. 
 ==manazarta==
Rukuni:Shafuka masu fassarorin da ba'a duba ba