Jim Crow laws

Na de Jim Crow laws be state den local laws dem introduce insyd de Southern United States insyd de late 19th den early 20th centuries wey na e enforce racial segregation, Na "Jim Crow" be a pejorative term give an African American. Na dem generally overturn de last of de Jim Crow laws insyd 1965. Na formal den informal racial segregation policies be present insyd oda areas of de United States as well, even as chaw states outsyd de South ban discrimination insyd public accommodations den voting. Na dem enact southern laws by white-dominated state legislatures (Redeemers) make dem disenfranchise den remove political den economic gains African Americans make during de Reconstruction era.  Na such continuing racial segregation sanso be supported by de successful Lily-white movement.

For practice, na Jim Crow laws mandate racial segregation insyd all public facilities insyd de states of de former Confederate States of America den insyd sam odas, wey dey begin insyd de 1870s. Na dem uphold Jim Crow laws insyd 1896 insyd de case of Plessy v. Ferguson, insyd wich na de Supreme Court lay out ein "separate buh equal" legal doctrine wey dey concern facilities give African Americans. Moreover, na public education essentially be segregated since ein establishment insyd chaw of de South after de Civil War insyd 1861–1865. Na companion laws exclude almost all African Americans from de vote insyd de South wey e deprive dem of any representative government.

Although insyd theory, na de "equal" segregation doctrine govern public facilities den transportation too, na facilities give African Americans be consistently inferior den underfunded dem compare to facilities give white Americans; sam times, na der be no facilities give d black community at all. Far from equality, as a body of law, na Jim Crow institutionalize economic, educational, political den social disadvantages den second-class citizenship give chaw African Americans wey dey live insyd de United States.Wolfley, Jeanette (1990). "Jim Crow, Indian Style: The Disenfranchisement of Native Americans" (PDF). Indian Law Review. 16 (1): 167–202. doi:10.2307/20068694. hdl:1903/22633. JSTOR 20068694. Archived from the original (PDF) on April 12, 2019. Retrieved November 27, 2018. After na dem found de National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) insyd 1909, e cam be involved insyd a sustained public protest den campaigns against de Jim Crow laws, den de so-called "separate buh equal" doctrine.

Insyd 1954, na dem declare segregation of public schools (state-sponsored) unconstitutional by de U.S. Supreme Court insyd de landmark case Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka. Insyd sam states, na e take chaw years make dem implement dis decision, while na de Warren Court continue dey rule against Jim Crow legislation insyd oda cases such as Heart of Atlanta Motel, Inc. v. United States (1964). In general, na dem generally overturn de Jim Crow laws wey remain by de Civil Rights Act of 1964 den de Voting Rights Act of 1965. Na dem generally overturn southern state anti-miscegenation laws insyd de 1967 case of Loving v. Virginia.

 Etymology 
Di first time wey dem use di phrase "Jim Crow law" bi for 1884 inside one newspaper article wey dem take summarize congressional debate. Dem first use dat term for 1892 inside one New York Times article wey talk say Louisiana requiring segregated railroad cars. Dem talk say the phrase 'Jim Crow' come from one song wey dem dey call "Jump Jim Crow". One white actor, Thomas D. Rice, na im first perform am for 1828, e do am like say e be Black person, e paint e face. Because e make famous, by 1838, 'Jim Crow' don turn bad word wey dem dey use mean "Negro".For di end of 19th century, wen southern lawmakers begin pass laws wey go separate Black people from oda people, dem come call dem Jim Crow laws."
 Origins 
Na true talk, January 1865, Congress bring am for table and by December 18, 1865, dem finally seal am as the 13th Amendment slavery don scatter for USA.Jaynes, Gerald D. (2005). Encyclopedia of African American Society. Sage. pp. 864–. ISBN 978-0-7619-2764-8.

For di period wey dem dey call Reconstruction from 1865 to 1877, federal laws dey give civil rights protection for di South for freedmen, those African Americans wey don chop slave life before, and di few black people wey don dey free since before di war. For di 1870s, Democrats begin regain control for di Southern legislaturesMilewski, Melissa (2017). Litigating Across the Color Line: Civil Cases Between Black and White Southerners from the End of Slavery to Civil Rights. Oxford University Press. pp. 47–. ISBN 978-0-19-024919-9. as violent groups like Ku Klux Klan, White League, and Red Shirts dey disturb Republican activities, chase Republican leaders commot, and dey lynch black voters to make dem fear and no go vote.Harriot, Michael (2021). "Reconstruction". In Kendi, Ibram X.; Blain, Keisha N. (eds.). Four Hundred Souls: A Community History of African America, 1619–2019. New York: One World. pp. 234–238. ISBN 978-0-593-13404-7. Dem even dey do plenty voter fraud too. One time, for coastal North Carolina, some violent takeover happen wey make dem remove di democratically elected Republican leaders forcefully. Gubernatorial elections dey tight and dem don dey argue about am for Louisiana for plenty years, with violence dey increase against black Americans during campaigns from 1868.Perman, Michael (2009). Pursuit of Unity: A Political History of the American South. Univ of North Carolina Press. pp. 138–. ISBN 978-0-8078-3324-7.

Di Compromise of 1877 wey fit help get Southern support for di presidential election make di government pull di last federal troops from di South. White Democrats don take back power for all di Southern states.Woodward, C. Vann, and McFeely, William S. The Strange Career of Jim Crow. 2001, p. 6. Dis Southern, white, 'Redeemer' governments dey create Jim Crow laws, make dem separate di people officially. Jim Crow laws na just way to control one race group.Parker, Christopher Sebastian; Towler, Christopher C. (May 11, 2019). "Race and Authoritarianism in American Politics". Annual Review of Political Science. 22 (1): 503–519. doi:10.1146/annurev-polisci-050317-064519. ISSN 1094-2939.

Black people still dey win local offices for di 1880s, especially for areas wey get plenty black population, but dem dey suppress dem for state and national elections. States dey pass laws wey go make voter registration and voting rules harder, so many black people and some poor white people dey participate less for politics.Perman, Michael. Struggle for Mastery: Disfranchisement in the South, 1888–1908. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2001, Introduction.Kousser, J. Morgan,The Shaping of Southern Politics: Suffrage Restriction and the Establishment of the One-Party South, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1974. Between 1890 and 1910, ten out of eleven former Confederate states, starting from Mississippi, pass new constitutions wey no let plenty black people and many poor whites vote at all. Dem do am with poll taxes, literacy tests and all those wahala.Perman, Michael. Struggle for Mastery: Disfranchisement in the South, 1888–1908. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2001, Introduction.Kousser, J. Morgan,The Shaping of Southern Politics: Suffrage Restriction and the Establishment of the One-Party South, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1974. Some illiterate white folks fit vote small because of grandfather clauses, but no help for most black people. 

Voter turnout fall sharply for South because of all these. For Louisiana by 1900, black voters drop to just 5,320, even though dem be majority for the state. By 1910, only 730 black people fit register, wey be less than 0.5% of qualified black men. For 27 out of 60 parishes, no black voter dey anymore; for 9 more parishes, just one black voter dey.Richard H. Pildes, "Democracy, Anti-Democracy, and the Canon", 2000, pp. 12, 27. Retrieved March 10, 2008. For North Carolina, black voters dey totally vanish from the rolls between 1896 to 1904. Their middle class wey dey grow dey slow down. For North Carolina and other Southern states, black people dey suffer from dem no see dem for the political system: within ten years after dem remove their vote, white supremacy don erase black middle class from white folks mind.Richard H. Pildes, "Democracy, Anti-Democracy, and the Canon", 2000, pp. 12, 27. Retrieved March 10, 2008. For Alabama, plenty poor whites too lose their vote, even though the lawmakers say dem no go suffer from the new rules.Glenn Feldman, The Disfranchisement Myth: Poor Whites and Suffrage Restriction in Alabama, Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2004, pp. 135–36. 

Those wey fit no vote no fit serve for juries or run for local offices. Dem practically vanish from political life, as dem no fit influence the state laws, and nobody dey check their interests. As public schools dey come up for South states for di time of Reconstruction, dem schools for black pikin always dey suffer from low funding compare to dey white pikin school, even when we check di tight money matter wey postwar South dey face wey cotton price dey drop plenty.Reese, W. (2010). History, Education, and the Schools. Springer. p. 145. ISBN 978-0230104822. 

Like di schools, public libraries for black folks dey also underfunded, if dem even fit get any, and dem go dey full with secondhand books and wetin dem fit find.Lowery, Malinda Maynor (2010). Lumbee Indians in the Jim Crow South: Race, Identity, and the Making of a Nation. Univ of North Carolina Press. pp. 0–339. ISBN 9780807833681. Retrieved November 27, 2018.Buddy, J., & Williams, M. (2005). "A dream deferred: school libraries and segregation", American Libraries, 36(2), 33–35. Dem facilities no come for African Americans for di South till di first part of di 20th century.Battles, D. M. (2009). The History of Public Library Access for African Americans in the South, or, Leaving Behind the Plow. Lanham, Md.: Scarecrow Press. During di Jim Crow time, libraries dey appear small-small.Fultz, M. (2006). "Black Public Libraries in the South in the Era of De Jure Segregation". Libraries & The Cultural Record, 41(3), 338. Before di 20th century, most libraries wey dey for African Americans na school-library mix.Fultz, M. (2006). "Black Public Libraries in the South in the Era of De Jure Segregation". Libraries & The Cultural Record, 41(3), 338. Plenty public libraries for both white and black people wey dey come up for dat time na because middle-class people push am with help from Carnegie Foundation grant.Fultz, M. (2006). "Black Public Libraries in the South in the Era of De Jure Segregation". Libraries & The Cultural Record, 41(3), 338. 

Sometimes, some laws wey suppose help reduce election fraud like di Eight Box Law for South Carolina dey affect both black and white voters wey no sabi read, as dem no fit follow di instructions.Holt, Thomas (1979). Black over White: Negro Political Leadership in South Carolina during Reconstruction. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. As di separation of African Americans from di white folks dey turn law for Progressive Era (1890s–1920s), e dey become normal too. Even when Jim Crow laws no clear say black people fit no join sports or fun, di culture of segregation don enta everywhere.Woodward, C. Vann, and McFeely, William S. (2001), The Strange Career of Jim Crow. p. 7. 

For di Jim Crow setting, presidential election for 1912 no favor African Americans at all.Dittmer, John (1980). Black Georgia in the Progressive Era, 1900–1920. University of Illinois Press. pp. 108–. ISBN 978-0-252-00813-9. Most black Americans still dey South, where dem don really block dem from voting, so dem no fit vote at all. The way dem dey use poll tax and literacy requirements, e dey ban plenty poor and illiterate people from voting. But dem no dey treat everybody the same, European Americans get some kind loophole wey make dem no follow the rules. For Oklahoma, if you fit vote before 1866 or you be related to person wey fit vote before that year (like grandfather clause), you go waka free from the literacy requirement; but na only white men fit vote before that year. European Americans no dey do the literacy test, but the black Americans na dem wey law dey target.Tomlins, Christopher L. The United States Supreme Court: The Pursuit of Justice. 2005, p. 195. 

Woodrow Wilson, him be Democrat wey come from New Jersey, but e grow for South, na him be the first president wey born for South after Civil War. E fit Southern guys for him Cabinet. Some dey push for separate workplaces, even though D.C. and federal offices don mix since after the war. For 1913, Secretary of the Treasury William Gibbs McAdoo, wey Wilson appoint, talk say white women no go like make black and white women dey work together for one office: 'I dey sure say e go dey pain white women. Wetin make white women no fit have only white women for front of dem?'King, Desmond. Separate and Unequal: Black Americans and the US Federal Government. 1995, p. 3. Wilson administration bring segregation for federal offices, even though African-American leaders and white progressive groups dey protest.Berkin, Carol; Christopher Miller; Robert Cherny; James Gormly (2011). Making America: A History of the United States. Cengage Learning. pp. 578–. ISBN 978-0-495-90979-8. E dey appoint Southern politicians wey believe in segregation because e think say e go benefit both black and European Americans.Schulte Nordholt, J. W. [nl], and Rowen, Herbert H., Woodrow Wilson: A Life for World Peace. 1991, pp. 99–100. For the Great Reunion of 1913 for Gettysburg, Wilson address crowd for July 4, wey be the 50 years wey Abraham Lincoln talk say 'all men be equal.'

See how this union don complete, e sweet us well, no wahala, e be grand and fine, as state dey join join our big family of free guys!Blight, David W. (2001), Race and Reunion: The Civil War in American Memory, pp. 9–11. Dem talk say this 'reunion' wey happen for 1913 be for those wey fight to kill slavery or the ones wey fight to keep am, as dem dey use all sort of tricks and mouth talk to make freedom look like failure.Blight, David W. (2001), Race and Reunion: The Civil War in American Memory, pp. 9–11. Historian David W. Blight talk say the 'Peace Jubilee' wey Wilson run for Gettysburg for 1913 be Jim Crow reunion and e be white supremacy wey dey control everything wey happen.Blight, David W. (2001), Race and Reunion: The Civil War in American Memory, pp. 9–11. For Texas, many towns begin put segregation laws from 1910 to 1920s. Dem say make people drink water from different fountains and use different restrooms.Blight, David W. (2001), Race and Reunion: The Civil War in American Memory, pp. 9–11. E be the Republican lily-white movement wey dey support this exclusion of African Americans.Heersink, Boris; Jenkins, Jeffery A. (January 6, 2020). "Whiteness and the Emergence of the Republican Party in the Early Twentieth-Century South". Studies in American Political Development. 34 (1): 71–90. doi:10.1017/S0898588X19000208. ISSN 0898-588X. S2CID 213551748.

 History wey don pass 

 Early try wey people dey break Jim Crow 
Sign for di "colored" waiting area for bus station for Durham, North Carolina, May 1940

Di Civil Rights Act of 1875 wey Charles Sumner and Benjamin F. Butler bring come, talk say make everybody, no matter di color or wetin dem don go through, fit get di same treatment for public places like hotels, transport, theaters, and other fun spots. But dis Act no really do anything for reality. One Supreme Court decision for 1883 talk say di act no dey constitutionally correct for some areas, say Congress no fit control private people or companies. Plus, white southern Democrats dey form strong voting bloc for Congress, because dem get extra power wit di seats wey dey divided based on total population for di South (even though many thousands don lose dem voting rights), Congress no pass another civil rights law until 1957.

For 1887, Rev. W. H. Heard file complaint with di Interstate Commerce Commission against Georgia Railroad wey dey discriminate, showing say dem dey provide different cars for white and black/colored passengers. Di company manage to win appeal because dem talk say dem dey offer "separate but equal" treatment.

For 1890, Louisiana pass law wey require separate places for colored and white passengers for trains. Louisiana law fit tell di difference between "white", "black" and "colored" (wey be people wey get mix of European and African blood). Di law don already say black people no fit ride wit white people, but colored people fit ride wit white people before 1890. One group of worried black, colored and white citizens for New Orleans form association wey fit cancel di law. Dem persuade Homer Plessy to test di law; him be man of color wey get fair skin and one-eighth "Negro" for him blood.

For 1892, Plessy buy first-class ticket wey come from New Orleans for East Louisiana Railway. When e enter train, e tell conductor sey him get black lineage and e sit for whites-only car. Dem direct am make e leave dat car and sit for 'coloreds only' car. Plessy no gree, and dem arrest am sharp-sharp. Citizens Committee of New Orleans fight dem case go Supreme Court wey dem lose for Plessy v. Ferguson (1896), wey Court talk sey 'separate but equal' facilities dey okay. Dis ruling carry 58 more years of legal wahala for black and colored people for United States. For 1908, Congress stop dem from bring segregated streetcars come capital. 

 Racism for United States and Jim Crow matter dey serious. 
White Southerners dey struggle learn free labor management after slavery done finish, and dem dey vex for African Americans, wey be reminder of Confederate defeat for Civil War: 'As white supremacy dey under challenge for South, plenty whites dey try hold on to dem old status by threatening African Americans wey dey use dem new rights.' White Southerners dey use dem power to separate public spaces and facilities by law and take back social control over black people for South. One reason wey make dem want exclude African Americans from southern public life be sey na for their own protection. One early 20th-century scholar talk sey if dem allow black people enter white schools, e go mean sey dem go dey face bad feelings and opinion, wey fit lead to 'morbid race consciousness.'

Dis kind perspective no take anti-black wahala serious, kasi bigotry dey everywhere for South after slavery turn racial caste system. Scientists and bad vibes about African Americans give reasons why white people wan dey supreme. Dem use social segregation, from where people fit live to laws wey go stop interracial chess games, to justify am so that black guys no go dey chop white women, especially with dat one wey dem dey call Black Buck stereotype.

 World War II and after dem war era 
For 1944, Associate Justice Frank Murphy bring the word "racism" come Supreme Court talk for Korematsu v. United States, 323 U.S. 214 (1944). For him no gree opinion, Murphy talk say as dem dey uphold the forced move of Japanese Americans during World War II, the Court dey enter "the ugly abyss of racism". Dis na di first time dem use "racism" for Supreme Court talk. After Murphy come drop the Court, dem no use "racism" again for opinion for two decades before e show face for dem landmark case of Loving v. Virginia, 388 U.S. 1 (1967).

Educational segregation for US before Brown. All di states for di "South" wey get long history of slavery (for red) dey segregate schools by law.
Plenty boycotts and demonstrations against segregation happen from 1930s to 1940s. Di National Association for di Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) dey fight many law cases since early 20th century to stop laws wey dey disenfranchise black voters for South. Some early demonstrations bring positive outcome, boost political activism, especially for di time after World War II. Black veterans no get patience for social wahala after dem don fight for USA and freedom everywhere. For 1947, K. Leroy Irvis from Pittsburgh Urban League, lead dem to protest against job discrimination wey city department stores dey show. Na so hin start hin own strong political career. After World War II, people wey no be white dey challenge segregation plenty, dem feel say dem don earn the right to dey treated like full citizens because of wetin dem sacrifice for military. Civil rights movement start to gather pace from some hot points, like the 1946 police beating wey dem give WWII veteran Isaac Woodard while e dey wear U.S. Army uniform. For 1948, President Harry S. Truman come issue Executive Order 9981, wey end racial discrimination for armed services. That same year, Silas Herbert Hunt go enroll for University of Arkansas, nah so education for South begin dey desegregate. As civil rights movement rise, dem dey use federal courts to fight Jim Crow laws, but the white governments for South dey counter with better tactics.

Decline and removal
Historian William Chafe don explore de defensive techniques wey dem develop insyd de African American community to avoid de worst features of Jim Crow as dem express am for de legal system, unbalanced economic power, den intimidation den psychological pressure. Chafe talk say "protective socialization by black people demselves" dem create insyd de community for order to accommodate white-imposed sanctions while subtly encouraging challenges to those sanctions. Known as "walking de tightrope", such efforts for bringing about change be only slightly effective before de 1920s.

However, dis build de foundation for later generations to advance racial equality den de-segregation. Chafe argue say de places wey be essential for change to begin be institutions, particularly black churches, wich function as centers for community-building den discussion of politics. Additionally, chaw all-black communities, such as Mound Bayou, Mississippi den Ruthville, Virginia serve as sources of pride den inspiration for black society as whole. Over time, pushback den open defiance of de oppressive existing laws grow, until e reach boiling point for de aggressive, large-scale activism of de 1950s civil rights movement.Chafe, William H., "Presidential Address: 'The Gods Bring Threads to Webs Begun'." Journal of American History 86.4 (2000): 1531–51. Online

Brown v. Board of Education

De NAACP Legal Defense Committee (group wey become independent of de NAACP) – den ein lawyer, Thurgood Marshall – bring de landmark case Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka,  before de U.S. Supreme Court under Chief Justice Earl Warren. For ein pivotal 1954 decision, de Warren Court unanimously (9–0) overturn de 1896 Plessy decision. De Supreme Court find say legally mandated (de jure) public school segregation be unconstitutional. De decision get far-reaching social ramifications.Patterson, James T., Brown v. Board of Education: A Civil Rights Milestone and Its Troubled Legacy (2002).

Integrating collegiate sports
Racial integration of all-white collegiate sports teams dey high for de Southern agenda for de 1950s den 1960s. Involved be issues of equality, racism, den de alumni demand for de top players wey dem need to win high-profile games. De Atlantic Coast Conference (ACC) of flagship state universities for de Southeast take de lead. First dem start to schedule integrated teams from de North. Finally, ACC schoolstypically under pressure from boosters den civil rights groupsintegrate dem teams.Martin, Charles H., "The Rise and Fall of Jim Crow in Southern College Sports: The Case of the Atlantic Coast Conference". North Carolina Historical Review, 76.3 (1999): 253–84. online Plus alumni base wey dominate local den state politics, society den business, de ACC schools be successful for dem endeavoras Pamela Grundy argue, dem don learn how to win:

 De widespread admiration wey athletic ability inspire go help transform athletic fields from grounds of symbolic play to forces for social change, places where wide range of citizens fit publicly den for times effectively challenge de assumptions wey cast dem as unworthy of full participation for U.S. society. While athletic successes no go rid society of prejudice or stereotype – black athletes go continue to confront racial slurs...[minority star players demonstrate] de discipline, intelligence, den poise to contend for position or influence for every arena of national life.Pamela Grundy, Learning to win: Sports, education, and social change in twentieth-century North Carolina (University of North Carolina Press, 2003), p. 297, online .

Public arena
For 1955, Rosa Parks refuse to give up her seat for city bus to white man for Montgomery, Alabama. Dis no be de first time dis happen – for example, Parks dem inspire by 15-year-old Claudette Colvin wey do de same thing nine months earlier – but de Parks act of civil disobedience dem choose, symbolically, as important catalyst for de growth of de post-1954 civil rights movement; activists build de Montgomery bus boycott around am, wich last more dan year den result for desegregation of de privately run buses for de city. Civil rights protests den actions, together plus legal challenges, result for series of legislative den court decisions wich contribute to undermining de Jim Crow system.

End of legal segregation

De decisive action wey end segregation come when Congress for bipartisan fashion overcome Southern filibusters to pass de Civil Rights Act of 1964 den de Voting Rights Act of 1965. Complex interaction of factors come together unexpectedly for de period 1954–1965 to make de momentous changes possible. De Supreme Court don take de first initiative for Brown v. Board of Education (1954), declaring segregation of public schools unconstitutional. Enforcement be rapid for de North den border states, but dem deliberately stop am for de South by de movement wey dem call Massive Resistance, wey rural segregationists sponsor who largely control de state legislatures. Southern liberals, who counsel moderation, dem shout down by both sides den get limited impact. Much more significant be de civil rights movement, especially de Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) wey Martin Luther King Jr. head. E largely displace de old, much more moderate NAACP for taking leadership roles. King organize massive demonstrations, wey seize massive media attention for era when network television news be innovative den universally watched phenomenon.Allison, Graham, Framing the South: Hollywood, television, and race during the Civil Rights Struggle (2001).
SCLC, student activists den smaller local organizations stage demonstrations across de South. National attention focus for Birmingham, Alabama, where protesters (mostly young teenagers), face off against Commissioner of Public Safety Bull Connor, Connor arrest 900 for one day alone. De next day Connor unleash billy clubs, police dogs, den high-pressure water hoses to disperse den punish de young demonstrators plus brutality wey horrify de nation. De brutality undermine de image of modernizing progressive urban South. President John F. Kennedy, who don dey call for moderation, threaten to use federal troops to restore order for Birmingham. De result for Birmingham be compromise by wich de new mayor open de library, golf courses, den other city facilities to both races, against de backdrop of church bombings den assassinations.McWhorter, Diane, Carry Me Home: Birmingham, Alabama: The Climactic Battle of the Civil Rights Revolution (2001), online free to borrow

For summer 1963, der be 800 demonstrations for 200 southern cities den towns, plus over 100,000 participants, den 15,000 arrests. For Alabama for June 1963, Governor George Wallace escalate de crisis by defying court orders to admit de first two black students to de University of Alabama.Carter, Dan T. The politics of rage: George Wallace, the origins of the new conservatism, and the transformation of American politics (LSU Press, 2000). Kennedy respond by sending Congress comprehensive civil rights bill, den order Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy to file federal lawsuits against segregated schools, den to deny funds for discriminatory programs. Martin Luther King launch huge march for Washington for August 1963, bringing out 200,000 demonstrators for front of de Lincoln Memorial, for de time de largest political assembly for de nation ein history. De Kennedy administration now give full-fledged support to de civil rights movement, but powerful southern congressmen block any legislation.Robert E. Gilbert, "John F. Kennedy and civil rights for black Americans." Presidential Studies Quarterly 12.3 (1982): 386–99. Online

After Kennedy dem assassinate, President Lyndon B. Johnson call for immediate passage of Kennedy ein civil rights legislation as memorial to de martyred president. Johnson form coalition plus Northern Republicans wey lead to passage for de House, den plus de help of Republican Senate leader Everett Dirksen plus passage for de Senate early for 1964. For de first time for history, de southern filibuster dem break den de Senate finally pass ein version for June 19 by vote of 73 to 27.Pauley, Garth E., "Presidential rhetoric and interest group politics: Lyndon B. Johnson and the Civil Rights Act of 1964." Southern Journal of Communication 63.1 (1997): 1–19.

De Civil Rights Act of 1964 be de most powerful affirmation of equal rights wey Congress ever make. E guarantee access to public accommodations such as restaurants den places of amusement, authorize de Justice Department to bring suits to desegregate facilities for schools, give new powers to de Civil Rights Commission; den allow federal funds to be cut off for cases of discrimination. Furthermore, racial, religious den gender discrimination dem outlaw for businesses plus 25 or more employees, as well as apartment houses. De South resist until de last moment, but as soon as de new law dem sign by President Johnson for July 2, 1964, e be widely accept across de nation. Der be only scattering of diehard opposition, typify by restaurant owner Lester Maddox for Georgia.Grantham, Dewey W., The South in Modern America  (1994), 228–45.Barrow, David, Bearing the Cross: Martin Luther King Jr. and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (1989).Theoharis, Jeanne, A More Beautiful and Terrible History: The Uses and Misuses of Civil Rights History (2018).For primary sources see John A. Kirk, ed., The Civil Rights Movement: A Documentary Reader (2020).

De Voting Rights Act of 1965 end legally sanctioned state barriers to voting for all federal, state den local elections. E sanso provide for federal oversight den monitoring of counties plus historically low minority voter turnout. Years of enforcement don be needed to overcome resistance, den additional legal challenges dem make for de courts to ensure de ability of voters to elect candidates of dem choice. For instance, many cities den counties introduce at-large election of council members, wich result for many cases of diluting minority votes den preventing election of minority-supported candidates. After passage of de act, Martin Luther King, Jr., begin to turn ein attentions to fledgling Poor People's Campaign. Ein ill-fated proposal for Economic Bills of Rights dem meet plus hostility from southern Democrats as well as northern den southern Republicans for Congress.Patterson,  Brown v. Board of Education: A Civil Rights Milestone and Its Troubled Legacy (2002)

For 2013, de Roberts Court, for Shelby County v. Holder, remove de requirement wey de Voting Rights Act establish say Southern states need Federal approval for changes for voting policies. Several states immediately make changes for dem laws restricting voting access.

De decisive action wey end segregation come when Congress for bipartisan fashion overcome Southern filibusters to pass de Civil Rights Act of 1964 den de Voting Rights Act of 1965. Complex interaction of factors come together unexpectedly for de period 1954–1965 to make de momentous changes possible. De Supreme Court don take de first initiative for Brown v. Board of Education (1954), declaring segregation of public schools unconstitutional. Enforcement be rapid for de North den border states, but dem deliberately stop am for de South by de movement wey dem call Massive Resistance, wey rural segregationists sponsor who largely control de state legislatures. Southern liberals, who counsel moderation, dem shout down by both sides den get limited impact. Much more significant be de civil rights movement, especially de Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) wey Martin Luther King Jr. head. E largely displace de old, much more moderate NAACP for taking leadership roles. King organize massive demonstrations, wey seize massive media attention for era when network television news be innovative den universally watched phenomenon.Allison, Graham, Framing the South: Hollywood, television, and race during the Civil Rights Struggle (2001).
Influence den aftermath

African American life
De Jim Crow laws den de high rate of lynchings for de South be major factors wey lead to de Great Migration during de first half of de 20th century. Secof opportunities be very limited for de South, African Americans move for great numbers go cities for Northeastern, Midwestern, den Western states make dem seek better lives.

African American athletes face plenty discrimination during de Jim Crow era plus white opposition wey lead to dem exclusion from most organized sporting competitions.

De boxers Jack Johnson den Joe Louis (both of dem become world heavyweight boxing champions) den track and field athlete Jesse Owens (wey win four gold medals for de 1936 Summer Olympics for Berlin) gain prominence during de era. For baseball, color line wey dem institute for de 1880s informally bar black people from playing for de major leagues, wey lead to de development of de Negro leagues, wey feature many famous players. Major breakthrough occur for 1947, when Jackie Robinson get hired as de first African American wey play for Major League Baseball; e permanently break de color bar. Baseball teams continue to integrate for de following years, wey lead to de full participation of black baseball players for de Major Leagues for de 1960s.

 Interracial marriage 

Although sometimes dem count am among Jim Crow laws of de South, statutes such as anti-miscegenation laws dem also pass by other states. Anti-miscegenation laws no be repeal by de Civil Rights Act of 1964, but dem declare am unconstitutional by de U.S. Supreme Court (de Warren Court) for unanimous ruling Loving v. Virginia (1967). Chief Justice Earl Warren write for de court opinion say "de freedom to marry, anaa no marry, person of another race dey reside plus de individual, den e no fi infringe by de State."

Jury trials
De Sixth Amendment to de United States Constitution grant criminal defendants de right to trial by jury of dem peers. While federal law require say convictions fi only grant by unanimous jury for federal crimes, states be free to set dem own jury requirements. All but two states, Oregon den Louisiana, opt for unanimous juries for conviction. Oregon den Louisiana, however, allow juries of at least 10–2 to decide criminal conviction. Louisiana ein law get amend for 2018 to require unanimous jury for criminal convictions, effective for 2019. Prior to dat amendment, de law be seen as remnant of Jim Crow laws, secof e allow minority voices for jury to dey marginalize. For 2020, de Supreme Court find, for Ramos v. Louisiana, say unanimous jury votes dey require for criminal convictions for state levels, thereby nullifying Oregon ein remaining law, den overturning previous cases for Louisiana.

Later court cases
For 1971, de U.S. Supreme Court (de Burger Court), for Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education, uphold desegregation busing of students to achieve integration.

Interpretation of de Constitution den ein application to minority rights continue to dey controversial as Court membership dey change. Observers such as Ian F. Lopez believe say for de 2000s, de Supreme Court become more protective of de status quo.

Felony disenfranchisement
Mississippi Today discuss de present-day Jim Crow legacy of felony disenfranchisement, den state say part of Mississippi ein 1890 constitution no be erase by de Civil Rights Movement during de 1960s. De article state de constitutional felony disenfranchisement clause "take away – for life – de right to vote upon conviction for several low-level crimes, lyk theft den bribery, wey de 1890 drafters feel go mostly commit by Black people."

International

For 2017, Ford Foundation Professor of Law James Whitman provide records say, during 1934 drafting sessions wey culminate for de Nuremberg Laws, Nazi officials such as Franz Gürtner den Bernhard Lösener cite den discuss memorandum by Heinrich Krieger, former German graduate student for de University of Arkansas. Krieger previously publish article for "Principles of Indian [Native American] law" for de United States, particularly de Dawes Act den Indian Reorganization Act. De memorandum, wey base for preliminary research into de history of U.S. immigration den Jim Crow laws, become de basis for Krieger ein Race Law in the United States (Das Rassenrecht in den Vereinigten Staaten) almost two years later. Reviewers praise dis passage for Whitman ein study as well as ein comparative analyses of state-sponsored eugenics legislation. Conversely, number of scholars grow critical of contentions elsewhere for de book, demanding more evaluation den evidence. For 2023, Darren Walker, president of de Ford Foundation endowment for Whitman ein chair, note say "Henry Ford, our founder, be among de twentieth century ein most virulent American antisemites. Den yet, to me, our past confer special obligation to engage, no to retreat—no matter de complications anaa de consequences."

 Remembrance 
Ferris State University for Big Rapids, Michigan get Jim Crow Museum wey dey hold plenty items wey promote racial segregation or show stereotype about African Americans, all for academic research and to educate people about di cultural influence.

 References 

Read further

 Ayers, Edward L. The Promise of the New South: Life After Reconstruction. New York: Oxford University Press, 1992. 
 Barnes, Catherine A. Journey from Jim Crow: The Desegregation of Southern Transit. New York: Columbia University Press, 1983. 
 Bartley, Numan V. The Rise of Massive Resistance: Race and Politics in the South during the 1950s. Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press, 1969.
 Bond, Horace Mann. "The Extent and Character of Separate Schools in the United States." Journal of Negro Education vol. 4 (July 1935), pp. 321–327.
 Brown, Nikki L.M., and Barry M. Stentiford, eds. The Jim Crow Encyclopedia (Greenwood, 2008)
 Chin, Gabriel, and Karthikeyan, Hrishi. Preserving Racial Identity: Population Patterns and the Application of Anti-Miscegenation Statutes to Asians, 1910 to 1950, 9 Asian L.J. 1 (2002)

 Campbell, Nedra. More Justice, More Peace: The Black Person's Guide to the American Legal System. Lawrence Hill Books, 2002. 
 Cole, Stephanie and Natalie J. Ring (eds.), The Folly of Jim Crow: Rethinking the Segregated South. College Station, TX: Texas A&M University Press, 2012. 
 Dailey, Jane; Gilmore, Glenda Elizabeth and Simon, Bryant (eds.), Jumpin' Jim Crow: Southern Politics from Civil War to Civil Rights. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000. 
 Fairclough, Adam. "'Being in the Field of Education and Also Being a Negro ... Seems ... Tragic': Black Teachers in the Jim Crow South." The Journal of American History vol. 87 (June 2000), pp. 65–91.
 Feldman, Glenn. Politics, Society, and the Klan in Alabama, 1915–1949. Tuscaloosa, AL: University of Alabama Press, 1999. 
 Fireside, Harvey. Separate and Unequal: Homer Plessy and the Supreme Court Decision That Legalized Racism. New York: Carroll & Graf, 2003. 
 Foner, Eric. Reconstruction, America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863–1877. New York: Harper & Row, 1988. 

 Gaines, Kevin. Uplifting the Race: Black Leadership, Politics, and Culture in the Twentieth Century. University of North Carolina Press, 1996. 
 Gaston, Paul M. The New South Creed: A Study in Southern Mythmaking. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1970.
 Gates, Henry Louis Jr. Stony the Road: Reconstruction, White Supremacy, and the Rise of Jim Crow.  New York: Penguin Press, 2019. 
 Gilmore, Glenda Elizabeth. Gender and Jim Crow: Women and the Politics of White Supremacy in North Carolina, 1896–1920. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1996. 
 Griffin, John Howard. Black Like Me. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1961.
 Haws, Robert, ed. The Age of Segregation: Race Relations in the South, 1890–1945 University Press of Mississippi, 1978.
 Hackney, Sheldon. Populism to Progressivism in Alabama. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1969.
 Johnson, Charles S. Patterns of Negro Segregation. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1943.
 Klarman, Michael J. From Jim Crow to Civil Rights: The Supreme Court and the Struggle for Racial Equality. New York: Oxford University Press, 2004. 

 Litwack, Leon F. Trouble in Mind: Black Southerners in the Age of Jim Crow. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1998. 
 Lopez, Ian F. Haney. "A nation of minorities": race, ethnicity, and reactionary colorblindness. Stanford Law Review, February 1, 2007.
 Kantrowitz, Stephen. Ben Tillman & the Reconstruction of White Supremacy (2000)
 McMillen, Neil R. Dark Journey: Black Mississippians in the Age of Jim Crow. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1989.
 Medley, Keith Weldon. We As Freemen: Plessy v. Ferguson. Pelican. March, 2003.
 Murray, Pauli. States' Law on Race and Color. University of Georgia Press. 2d ed. 1997 (Davison Douglas ed.). 
 Myrdal, Gunnar. An American Dilemma: The Negro Problem and Modern Democracy. New York: Harper and Row, 1944.
 Newby, I.A. Jim Crow's Defense: Anti-Negro Thought in America, 1900–1930. Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press, 1965.


 Percy, William Alexander. Lanterns on the Levee: Recollections of a Planter's Son. 1941. Reprint, Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press, 1993.
 Pye, David Kenneth. "Complex Relations: An African-American Attorney Navigates Jim Crow Atlanta". Georgia Historical Quarterly, Winter 2007, vol. 91, issue 4, 453–477.
 Rabinowitz, Howard N. Race Relations in the Urban South, 1856–1890 (1978)
 Smith, J. Douglas. Managing: Race, Politics, and Citizenship in Jim Crow Virginia University of North Carolina Press, 2002.
 Smith, J. Douglas. "The Campaign for Racial Purity and the Erosion of Paternalism in Virginia, 1922–1930: "Nominally White, Biologically Mixed, and Legally Negro." Journal of Southern History vol. 68 (February 2002), pp. 65–106.

 Smith, J. Douglas. "Patrolling the Boundaries of Race: Motion Picture Censorship and Jim Crow in Virginia, 1922–1932." Historical Journal of Film, Radio, and Television 21 (August 2001): 273–91.
 Richard Sterner. The Negro's Share (1943) detailed statistics

 Wood, Amy Louise and Natalie J. Ring (eds.), Crime and Punishment in the Jim Crow South. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 2019.
 Woodward, C. Vann. The Strange Career of Jim Crow: A Brief Account of Segregation. New York: Oxford University Press, 1955.
 Woodward, C. Vann. The Origins of the New South: 1877–1913. Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press, 1951. online

 Sports 


 Demas, Lane. “Beyond Jackie Robinson: Racial Integration in American College Football and New Directions in Sport History.” History Compass 5.2 (2007): 675–90.
 Essington, Amy. The Integration of the Pacific Coast League: Race and Baseball on the West Coast (U of Nebraska Press, 2018).
 Hawkins, Billy. The new plantation: Black athletes, college sports, and predominantly white NCAA institutions (Palgrave Macmillan, 2013).
 Clement, Rufus E. "Racial integration in the field of sports." Journal of Negro Education 23.3 (1954): 222– online
 Fitzpatrick, Frank. And the Walls Came Tumbling Down: The Basketball Game That Changed American Sports (2000)
 Hutchison, Phillip. "The legend of Texas Western: journalism and the epic sports spectacle that wasn’t." Critical Studies in Media Communication 33.2 (2016): 154–67.

 Lopez, Katherine. Cougars of Any Color: The Integration of University of Houston Athletics, 1964–1968 (McFarland, 2008).
 Martin, Charles H. "Jim Crow in the gymnasium: the integration of college basketball in the American South." International Journal of the History of Sport 10.1 (1993): 68–86.
 Miller, Patrick B. "Slouching toward a new expediency: College football and the color line during the depression decade" American Studies 40.3 (1999): 5–30.
 Pennington, Richard. Breaking the Ice: The Racial Integration of Southwest Conference Football (McFarland, 1987).
 Romero, Francine Sanders. "'There are only white champions': The rise and demise of segregated boxing in Texas." Southwestern Historical Quarterly 108.1 (2004): 26–41. online
 Sacks, Marcy S. Joe Louis: Sports and Race in Twentieth-Century America (Routledge, 2018).
 Spivey, Donald. "The black athlete in big-time intercollegiate sports, 1941–1968." Phylon  44.2 (1983): 116–25. online Archived March 19, 2022, at the Wayback Machine
 White, Derrick E. "From desegregation to integration: Race, football, and 'Dixie' at the University of Florida" Florida Historical Quarterly 88.4 (2010): 469–96.

 External links 

 The Jim Crow Museum of Racist Memorabilia
 Jim Crow and Reconstruction
 The History of Jim Crow, Ronald L. F. Davis – A series of essays on the history of Jim Crow. Archive index at the Wayback Machine
 Creating Jim Crow – Origins of the term and system of laws. 
 Racial Etiquette: The Racial Customs and Rules of Racial Behavior in Jim Crow America – The basics of Jim Crow etiquette. 
 "You Don't Have to Ride Jim Crow!" PBS documentary on first Freedom Ride, in 1947. 
 Ferris University page about Jim Crow

 Voices on Antisemitism Interview with David Pilgrim, founder of Jim Crow Museum Archived May 6, 2009, at the Wayback Machine from the US Holocaust Memorial Museum
 Jim Crow Era, History in the Key of Jazz, Gerald Early, Washington University in St. Louis, Missouri (esp. see section "Jim Crow is Born")
  Examples of Jim Crow laws
 Reports of the Death of Jim Crow Prove Greatly Exaggerated. Bill Morris, The Daily Beast##.
 Jim Crow Signs at A History of Central Florida Podcast
 Black Justice – American Civil Liberties Union, 1931


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