استخدام معاداة السامية كسلاح

يشير مصطلح تسليح معاداة السامية أو استخدام معاداة السامية كسلاح إلى الاستغلال المنهجي لاتهامات معاداة السامية لمواجهة الخطاب المناهض للصهيونية أو لإسكات الانتقادات الموجهة للحكومة الإسرائيلية. Illustrative examples:
 : "The weaponizing of antisemitism against US critics of Israel was evidenced in 2019 when Florida's upper legislative chamber unanimously passed a bill that classifies certain criticism of Israel as antisemitic"



  وقد برزت هذه الظاهرة في سياقات متنوعة، أبرزها الصراع العربي الإسرائيلي، والنقاشات الدائرة حول مفهوم معاداة السامية الجديدة، والجدل المحيط بالتعريف العملي لمعاداة السامية الذي تبناه التحالف الدولي لإحياء ذكرى الهولوكوست. 

وقد وُصفت الاتهامات بمعاداة السامية، حين تُستخدم بسوء نية، بأنها شكل من أشكال حملات التشهير، Examples of criticism as حملة تشويه:

 : "Delegitimizing Solidarity: Israel Smears Palestine Advocacy as Anti-Semitic"
 : "THE LOBBY'S MODUS OPERANDI... Yet because [former U.S. President جيمي كارتر] suggests that Israel's policies in the Occupied Territories resemble South Africa's apartheid regime and said publicly that pro-Israel groups make it hard for U.S. leaders to pressure Israel to make peace, a number of these same groups launched a vicious smear campaign against him. Not only was Carter publicly accused of being an anti-Semite and a 'Jew-hater,' some critics even charged him with being sympathetic to Nazis."
 : "...if the UN were to endorse the IHRA WDA, the harm would be exponentially greater... human rights defenders and organizations challenging Israel's violations would be fully exposed to smear campaigns based on bad-faith allegations of antisemitism"
 : "Smearing one's opponents is rarely a tactic employed by those confident that justice is on their side. If Israel's case requires branding its critics antisemites, it is already conceding defeat." أو التضليل، وشُبهت بلعب ورقة العرق. Examples of the term "antisemitism card":




  وعندما تُوجه هذه الاتهامات ضد اليهود أنفسهم (ممن ينتقدون إسرائيل)، يشيع صياغة الإدّعاء باستخدام التعبير المُحقِّر "يهود كارهون لذواتهم". See:
 : "With increased attention being brought to Israel's violations of Palestinian human rights in the European press since the beginning of the Second Intifada in September of 2000, US supporters of Israel sought to blame the poor reputation Israel was developing in the international community on the rise of a New Anti-Semitism. As this line of thinking went, Israel had been targeted for criticism not because of what it does to the Palestinians in violation of international law, but because of a resurgent wave of anti-Semitism that has roots in age-old hatreds of the past. Israel's critics, then, were hiding their thinly veiled animus toward the Jewish state behind anti-Zionist arguments and were not motivated by humanitarian they purported to be. To draw this equation between anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism, Israel's supporters have sought to make the argumentative leap that criticism of Israel as the Jewish state is anti-Semitic precisely because Israel is the home of all Jews for all time. However, this argument does not work since there are many anti-Zionist Jews who reject Israel's attempts to speak in the name of Judaism. The traditional response to this problem has been to label anti-Zionist Jews as 'self-hating Jews,' which requires a suspension of rationality and sound judgement."
 : "Overwhelmingly, the term is used to designate people who are viewed as critical of Israeli policy—any Israeli policy. Overwhelmingly, too, these same Jews will defend their views about Israel, however controversial, and reject the idea that Jews must give the Israeli government a perpetual pass on all its activities. These are the not-so-surprising findings of a series of conversations I had last summer with various prominent Jews who have been labeled 'self-hating' more than once. Contrary to their critics' disparagements, most of them struck me as quite secure in their Jewish identities."
 : "According to Joel Beinin, a Stanford University history professor and director of the Middle East Sudies department at American University in Cairo, Egypt, the phrase 'self-hating Jews' has 'no useful meaning except as a propaganda slogan. It is used to declare illegitimate those Jews who hold opinions—usually about Israel and the Arab-Israeli conflict—with which those who deploy this term disagree. No one has the right or the stature to declare a single interpretation to be correct or authentic,' Beinin continued. 'Dissent is part of the human reality. Dissent does not mean self-hate, and in fact, can be an expression of deep concern and even love of the tradition in question.'
 : "There have long been efforts to identify anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism in an effort to exploit anti-racist sentiment for political ends; 'one of the chief tasks of any dialogue with the Gentile world is to prove that the distinction between anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism is not a distinction at all,' Israeli diplomat Abba Eban argued, in a typical expression of this intellectually and morally disreputable position. But that no longer suffices. It is now necessary to identify criticism of Israeli policies as anti-Semitism—or in the case of Jews, as 'self-hatred,' so that all possible cases are covered."
 : "Chomsky (1989) shows how Zionists have endeavoured 'to identify criticism of Israeli policies as anti-Semitism—or in the case of Jews, as "self-hatred"' (1989, 433), a point echoed by Butler (2012)."
 : "Two points can be noted in these uses of self-hate, both of which serve to conflate right-wing Zionism with Jewish identity. The first is the simple dichotomy that is set up between those who agree with the writer, presented as on the side of the Jews in general, and the 'enemy,' the close associate of the self-hater in the quotes above. In these accounts there are no legitimate differences of opinion among the Jews, there is simply a hawkish version of Zionism on the one side, representing the authentic Jewish voice, and the enemy on the other. Critics of military actions, advocates of a negotiated settlement, and those who state that the Palestinians have suffered injustice are presented as committing an act of aggression against the Jews by allying themselves with those who would kill the Jews, either the terrorists or the anti-Semites in general… The second is that rather than acknowledging that differences of opinion might derive from a specific analysis of the current Middle Eastern conflict, the quotes broaden the issue and present those they criticize as suffering a complex related to their Jewish identities as a whole, a complex which blinds them. Thus words such as 'engulfed' and 'consumed' are used, references are made to the history of the Jews outside Israel (the goyim overseer, the Diaspora mentality), and pathology is indicated by the words infected (used in two of the quotes above), malady, sick, and by Givet's 'more solid' psychological analysis... The extracts above illustrate how Jews who speak out for Palestinian rights are often portrayed as siding with those who would wish to destroy the Jews… Of course, who one defines as an enemy is subject to debate among many groups, but if one constructs this as obvious and unproblematic, then to sympathize with them must necessarily involve rejection of one's own identity, and, taken to its logical conclusion, as suicidal. Progress toward a negotiated settlement is obstructed when those in power refuse to debate the possibility that the Palestinians have suffered injustice, react to international criticism as if it were just another example of aggression against the Jews, and brand any discussion of this by Jews as self-hate."; Barton's comments also referenced at : "With increased attention being brought to Israel’s violations of Palestinian human rights in the European press since the beginning of the Second Intifada in September of 2000, US supporters of Israel sought to blame the poor reputation Israel was developing in the international community on the rise of a New Anti-Semitism. As this line of thinking went, Israel had been targeted for criticism not because of what it does to the Palestinians in violation of international law, but because of a resurgent wave of anti-Semitism that has roots in age-old hatreds of the past. Israel’s critics, then, were hiding their thinly veiled animus toward the Jewish state behind anti-Zionist arguments and were not motivated by humanitarian they purported to be. To draw this equation between anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism, Israel’s supporters have sought to make the argumentative leap that criticism of Israel as the Jewish state is anti-Semitic precisely because Israel is the home of all Jews for all time. However, this argument does not work since there are many anti- Zionist Jews who reject Israel’s attempts to speak in the name of Judaism. The traditional response to this problem has been to label anti-Zionist Jews as “self-hating Jews,” which requires a suspension of rationality and sound judgement."

وفي المقابل، تعرض مصطلح "تسليح معاداة السامية" بحد ذاته للانتقاد. إذ يرى باحثون متخصصون في دراسات معاداة السامية المعاصرة أن هذا المصطلح قد تحول إلى أداة خطابية شائعة تُستخدم عبر الطيف السياسي بهدف نزع الشرعية عن المخاوف الحقيقية المتعلقة بمعاداة السامية، وخصوصًا ضمن الخطاب اليساري المناهض للصهيونية. Such scholars include:







 نبذة تاريخية 
في عام 1943، وصم دافيد بن غوريون محكمة بريطانية بمعاداة السامية، وذلك على إثر قرارها بـ"توريط قادة صهاينة في تهريب الأسلحة".  ويرى كريستوفر سايكس أن هذه الحادثة دشنت "مرحلة جديدة في الدعاية الصهيونية"، وهي مرحلة أصبح فيها "كون المرء معاديًا للصهيونية مرادفًا لكونه معاديًا للسامية". : "The Perlmutters deride those who voice 'criticism of Israel while fantasizing countercharges of anti-Semitism,' but their comment is surely disingenuous. The tactic is standard. Christopher Sykes, in his excellent study of the pre-state period, traces the origins of this device ('a new phase in Zionist propaganda') to a 'violent counterattack' by دافيد بن غوريون against a British court that had implicated Zionist leaders in arms-trafficking in 1943: 'henceforth to be anti-Zionist was to be anti-Semitic'. It is, however, primarily in the post-1967 period that the tactic has been honed to a high art, increasingly so, as the policies defended became less and less defensible." ويعلق نعوم تشومسكي على ذلك بالقول إنه على الرغم من أن سايكس يرجع أصول تسليح معاداة السامية إلى هذه الواقعة، إلا أن هذا التكتيك "لم يُصقل ليصبح فنًا رفيعًا إلا في فترة ما بعد عام 1967، وبشكل متزايد كلما أصبح من الصعب الدفاع عن السياسات المتبعة".  وفي عام 1973، بلور وزير الخارجية الإسرائيلي، أبا إيبان، هذه الاستراتيجية بوضوح حين كتب: "إن إحدى المهام الرئيسية لأي حوار مع العالم غير اليهودي هي إثبات أن التمييز بين معاداة السامية ومعاداة الصهيونية ليس تمييزًا على الإطلاق. فمعاداة الصهيونية ما هي إلا الشكل الجديد لمعاداة السامية". Dencik, Lars. "13. Antisemitisms in the Twenty-First Century: Sweden and Denmark as Forerunners?" In Antisemitism in the North: History and State of Research edited by Jonathan Adams and Cordelia Heß, 233-268. Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter, 2020. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110634822-015. "Writing in 1973 in the publication of the American Jewish Congress, Congress Bi-Weekly, the Foreign Minister of Israel, Abba Eban [...]" وقد علق تشومسكي على تصريح إيبان هذا بتهكم قائلاً: "إنه موقف مناسب بالفعل، فهو يستبعد ببساطة 100% من أي تعليق نقدي!". 

في أوائل خمسينيات القرن العشرين، وُصفت الصحفية الأمريكية دورثي ثومبسون، التي كانت من أشد المؤيدين للصهيونية سابقًا، بأنها معادية للسامية، وذلك بعد أن تحولت إلى انتقاد الحركة الصهيونية. ونتيجة لهذه الاتهامات، "فقدت أصدقاءها وعملها ونفوذها السياسي". See the following:


 American Cassandra: The Life of Dorothy Thompson (1990), Peter Kurth. "Dorothy became so widely identified with the opposition to Israel in America that it was not unusual to hear her described as "a traitor" in the Jewish press. She was "a Goebbels-minded publicity agent," according to Rabbi باروخ كورف [...], "a mercenary, ill-motivated agent for the heirs of Nazism." A correspondent for the Jewish Advocate in Boston went so far as to call Dorothy a "Jezebel," "a haggard witch," a "Lady Macbeth." For her part, Dorothy believed that she had been made the victim of "a campaign of character assassination" unexampled in her thirty years of journalism." (pages 222-223) — "Her mail, which had once been filled with right-wing frothing about her "Jew-loving" tendencies, was now replete with accusations that she had turned traitor, that she was "anti-Semitic," that she had become, in the words of one hysterical reader, "the apostle of the Hitlerian technique," whose "filthy incitements to pogroms" would no longer be tolerated by New York's Jews. It was an organized campaign, and Dorothy knew it." (page 383)
 Maguire, Gil (April 28, 2015) Obama's role model to journalists – Dorothy Thompson – turned against Zionism and was silenced US Politics". موندوايس. Quotations: "As Thompson began to increase her criticism of Zionist policies, she was shunned by the Jewish community and by many of her life-long Jewish friends [...]" - "Thompson’s editors warned her that in the American press a hostility toward Israel was 'almost a definition of professional suicide.' Nonetheless, she would not be intimidated and said, 'I refuse to become an anti-Semite by appointment', and refused 'to yield to this type of blackmail.' The campaign against her strengthened and she began to be dropped from other papers. Her once-lucrative speaking career began to dry up because of the organized campaign to label her as an anti-Semite, a label that stuck for the rest of her career."  وقد بدأ تحول ثومبسون نحو مناهضة الصهيونية والدفاع عن اللاجئين الفلسطينيين عقب رحلة قامت بها إلى فلسطين في عام 1945. See:

  وتعلق الأستاذة الجامعية ليندسي ستونبريدج على قصتها قائلة: "اليوم، يرى الكثيرون في قصتها حالة إسكات لصوت إنساني جريء، وليس من الصعب فهم السبب". لكنها تستدرك قائلة: "لا يمكن أن يكون هناك شك في أن معاداة السامية كانت سمة حاضرة في كتابات ثومبسون اللاحقة". 

وفي مذكراته التي نُشرت عام 1956، رفض الضابط العسكري البريطاني جون باغوت غلوب اتهامه بمعاداة السامية بسبب انتقاده لإسرائيل، وكتب قائلاً: "لا يبدو لي من العدل أو الحكمة أن يتم وصم من يوجه انتقادات مماثلة للحكومة الإسرائيلية بالوصمة الأخلاقية المرتبطة عادةً بمعاداة السامية". Sir John Bagot Glubb, A Soldier With the Arabs (1956), p.7: "In the course of this narrative, I have voiced criticisms of the actions of various governments, notably those of Britain, the United States, France, the Arab countries and Israel... Criticism of the Israeli government does, however, require a particular explanation. A number of people, both Jews and Gentiles, are apt to refer to any criticism of Israeli policy as 'offensive anti-Semitism', an accusation implying a definite moral lapse. I wish to defend myself against such a charge. 'Anti-Semitism', I assume, is an emotion of hatred or dislike towards Jews as a whole, whether considered from the point of view of race or religion. I can state categorically and with all sincerity that I feel no such emotion. But it is of the essence of Western democracy to allow free criticism of the government, a right freely exercised against the governments of the U.S.A., Britain, France and other free countries. It does not seem to me to be either just or expedient that similar criticisms directed against the Israeli government should brand the speaker with the moral stigma generally associated with anti-Semitism." ويعزو المؤرخ الإسرائيلي بيني موريس هذا الأمر إلى "وجود ميل لدى الإسرائيليين واليهود في الشتات لاعتبار النقد الحاد لإسرائيل معادلًا لمعاداة السامية، أو على الأقل نابعًا منها". ورغم ذلك، يضيف موريس أن مناهضة غلوب للصهيونية "شابتها بالفعل درجة من معاداة السامية". 

تذكر الباحثة شيريل روبنبرغ أنه خلال حقبة الثمانينيات من القرن العشرين، قامت جماعات مؤيدة لإسرائيل بوصف العديد من الشخصيات العامة البارزة بمعاداة السامية. وشملت هذه القائمة صحفيين مثل أنتوني لويس، ونيكولاس فون هوفمان، وجوزيف سي. هارش، وريتشارد كوهين، وألفرد فريندلي؛ ومؤلفين مثل غور فيدال، وجوزيف سوبران، وجون لو كاريه؛ وسياسيين أمريكيين مثل تشارلز ماثياس وبيت مكلوسكي. : "The labeling of individuals who disagree with the lobby's positions as 'anti-Semitic' is a common practice among Israel's advocates. For example, when Senator Charles Mathias [R., Maryland] voted in favor of the AWACs sale to Saudi Arabia, a Jewish newspaper in New York commented: 'Mr. Mathias values the importance of oil over the well-being of Jews and the State of Israel. The Jewish people cannot be fooled by such a person, no matter what he said, because his act proved who he was.' Former Congressman Paul 'Pete' McCloskey [R., California] also has had the charge of anti-Semitism leveled at him: 'When I ran for reelection in 1980, I was asked a question about peace in the Middle East, and I said if we were going to have peace in the Middle East we members of Congress were going to have to stand up to our Jewish constituents and respectfully disagree with them on Israel. Well, the next day the رابطة مكافحة التشهير of the B'nai B'rith accused me of fomenting anti-Semitism, saying that my remarks were patently anti-Semitic.' Indeed, it may be that the weapon of greatest power possessed by the pro-Israeli lobby is its accusation of anti-Semitism. George Ball comments: 'They've got one great thing going for them. Most people are terribly concerned not to be accused of being anti-Semitic, and the lobby so often equates criticism of Israel with anti-Semitism. They keep pounding away at that theme, and people are deterred from speaking out.' In Ball's view, many Americans feel a 'sense of guilt' over the Holocaust, and the result of their guilt is that the fear of being called anti-Semitic is 'much more effective in silencing candidates and public officials than threats about campaign money or votes. وفي عام 1989، كتبت روبنبرغ في معرض تعليقها على حالتي ماثياس ومكلوسكي: "إن وصم الأفراد الذين يختلفون مع مواقف اللوبي بـ'معاداة السامية' هو ممارسة شائعة بين المدافعين عن إسرائيل".  وفي عام 1992، كتب الدبلوماسي الأمريكي جورج بال في كتابه "الارتباط العاطفي: تورط أمريكا مع إسرائيل" أن منظمة "أيباك" وغيرها من الجماعات المؤيدة لإسرائيل "تستخدم تهمة 'معاداة السامية' باستهتار لدرجة أنها أفقدتها قيمتها". وعزا بال هذا الأمر إلى غياب أي "حجة عقلانية" يمكن من خلالها الدفاع عن سياسات الدولة. 

ويشير نقاد آخرون، مثل الباحثة في الشؤون الإسرائيلية الفلسطينية ثريا دادو، والصحفي بن وايت، والباحث الإنجليزي ماثيو أبراهام، إلى أن جماعات الضغط الإسرائيلية الدولية قد وجهت تهمة معاداة السامية لشخصيات دولية بارزة عُرفت بتعبيرها عن مواقف مؤيدة للفلسطينيين، ومن بينهم الرئيس الأمريكي الأسبق جيمي كارتر، والأسقف ديزموند توتو. ويرى أبراهام أن هذا الأسلوب يمثل شكلًا من أشكال "الصوابية السياسية" التي من شأنها أن تقوض "إمكانية التوصل إلى فهم أعمق للظروف التي تنتج وتغذي الصراع الإسرائيلي الفلسطيني". 

ذكر كل من نعوم تشومسكي والأكاديميين جون ميرشايمر، ستيفن والت، ونورمان فينكلشتاين أن اتهامات معاداة السامية تزداد بعد أن تتصرف إسرائيل بعدوانية: في أعقاب حرب 1967، وحرب لبنان 1982، والانتفاضتين الفلسطينيتين الأولى والثانية، وقصف غزة.  وفي عام 2002، قال تشومسكي إن "رجل الدولة الإسرائيلي الموقر" أبا إيبان ذكر أن الدعاية الإسرائيلية سعت إلى "توضيح للعالم أنه لا يوجد فرق بين معاداة السامية ومعاداة الصهيونية"، مما يعني "انتقادات للسياسات الحالية لدولة إسرائيل". 

كتب ميرشايمر ووالت في عام 2008 أن تهمة معاداة السامية يمكن أن تثبط الآخرين عن الدفاع علنًا عن من وجهت إليهم التهمة.  وأشارا إلى أن الاتهامات الخطابية بمعاداة السامية تلقي عبء الإثبات على الشخص المتهم، مما يضعه في موقف "صعب" يتمثل في الاضطرار إلى إثبات نفي.  وقالا "يجب أن نشعر جميعًا بالانزعاج من وجود معاداة السامية الحقيقية" لكنهما اقترحا أن "اللعب بورقة معاداة السامية يخنق النقاش" و"يسمح للأساطير حول إسرائيل بالبقاء دون تحدي".  في عام 2010، كتب كينيث إل. ماركوس أنه على الرغم من أن ميرشايمر ووالت وصفا هذه الاتهامات بـ "المُصمت الكبير"، إلا أنهما لم يُسكتا، حيث حظي كتابهما وظهورهما بجمهور واسع. كما كتب ماركوس أن العديد من المعلقين المؤيدين لإسرائيل قد بذلوا جهدًا أيضًا ليقولوا إن كل انتقاد لإسرائيل ليس معاديًا للسامية. 

 طالع أيضًا 
 معاداة الفلسطينيين
 رهاب الإسلام
 استثناء فلسطين
 لعب دور الضحية
 يهودي كاره لنفسه
 النونية في معاداة السامية

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تصنيف:الصهيونية
تصنيف:تقنيات الدعاية
تصنيف:سياسة الصراع الإسرائيلي الفلسطيني