## THE BRUNDTLAND REPORT IN DENMARK

## An Analysis of the Reception of the Brundtland Report in a Danish Political Context

By: Magnus Borchers Dahl History

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ABSTRACT: This  paper  revolves  around  the  history  of  Danish  environmental  politics  in  the  late twentieth century. It investigates how Our Common Future, also known as the Brundtland Report was perceived, debated, and used politically in the wake of its publication in 1987. The analytical framework of the thesis is inspired by the British intellectual historian Quentin Skinner, and the Cambridge School of intellectual history. This entails the application of linguistic contextualism - the idea of placing a text in its historical context, to better understand the intention of the writer. The paper specifically argues that the concept of 'sustainable development', which is established in the report, has no intrinsic meaning, and is instead a way of merging ecology and economy. It then argues that this merging is the defining feature of the danish reception of the report. By investigating the reception in consideration of the 1970's growth debate, the paper argues that 'sustainable development' is used in the danish context as a way of promoting economic growth. Lastly it argues that the sustainability discourse that originated from the report, is a continuation and reproduction of the growth debate.

KEYWORDS: sustainable  development,  Danish  environmental  policy,  Brundtland  report,  economic growth

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## Introduction

'Sustainable  development'  has  become  one  of  the  core  concepts  in  the  modern  environmental debate. The concept is deeply ingrained in both academic and public debates on the environment both  in  a  danish  as  well  as  an  international  context.  In  1987  the  UN-sanctioned  Brundtland Commission published Our Common Future, also known as the Brundtland Report. It is from this report that the concept of 'sustainable development' was popularized and brought into environmental debates and discourse. In the danish literature on environmental politics, the role of the  Brundtland  Report  is  decidedly  unclear.  Furthermore,  it  is  unclear  how  the  concept  of 'sustainable development' is received and used politically. The purpose of this paper is therefore to explore a largely unexplored chapter of danish environmental history.

This paper asks the following: What are the most important concepts and ideas in the Brundtland Report, how was it received, who was the main actors in this reception, and with what intentions were the report used politically? It is interesting to note that the report, and especially the concept of 'sustainable development' can be characterized as an arena of ideological contention. This paper will  deal  with  this  ideological  contention  by  examining  how  the  report  is  operationalized  and ascribed different values and meanings by different political and ideological groups and actors.

The paper draws on the methodological framework of Quentin Skinner and the Cambridge School of  intellectual  history.  This  entails  employing  what  intellectual  historian  Mikkel  Thorup  calls Skinner's linguistic contextualism - situating a text in its historical context to better understand the intention of the writer (Thorup 2018: 2). For this paper, the methodology of Skinner enables an analysis  that  can  take  into  account  both  the  political  intentions  in  the  source  material  and  the context from which these writings emerge, intervene, and attempt to change. This is done concretely by comparing the reception of the Brundtland Report with the environmental policy developments that preceded it. The linguistic contextualism comes into play in understanding the political intent in the reactions to the report in relation to the environmental policy trends before 1987.

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Not much has been written about the reception and political utilization of the Brundtland Report and the concept of sustainable  development  in a  danish  context.  Two  noteworthy  works  in  the danish literature are historian Bo Fritzbøger's Sustainable Development of Denmark in the World, 1970 - 2020 (2022) and Oluf Danielsen's Klimaet på Dagsordenen (2015). Both these works deal with environmental politics around the time of the Brundtland report. However, they do not deal specifically  with  the  implications  of  the  danish  reception  of  the  report,  and  the  ideological contentions that followed. Thus, this paper will focus on a largely unexplored chapter of danish environmental  politics,  with  the  intention  of  revealing  some  of  the  ideological  contention  that followed Brundtland Reports reception in Denmark.

The analysis in this paper is based upon different types of source material. The most important categories are newspaper articles and opinion pieces, governmental action plans, and the Brundtland Report itself. The paper is structured as a three-part analysis, that firstly deals with the background of the Brundtland report. It then takes on the Brundtland Report in the specific danish context, and lastly deals with the ideological contention in the report.

## The background of the Brundtland Report in an international and a Danish perspective

Rachel Carson's Silent Spring from 1962 is considered by many as the intellectual foundation of the modern environmental debate. The book examined the adverse effects of pesticides in food chains, and sparked a significant debate on environmental harm in the United States (Danielsen 2021: 13). Silent Spring garnered considerable interest in both public and academic spheres, and can be viewed as a strong expression of the 1960s revitalization of academic interest in the environment (Seefried 2015:  381).  During  the  1960s  and  1970s  many  of  today's  environmental  movements  such  as Greenpeace and WWF emerged into the public debates on environment (Danielsen 2015: 7). Thus, the 1960s can be seen as the point of departure for a new environmental consciousness, or at least an increased awareness of the environmental degradation caused by human activity.

The  growing  environmental  consciousness  emerged  from  and  existed  in  an  economic  growth paradigm, stemming from the economic boom that took place in the 1950s in the global north. The

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nations of the global north were bound to an economic logic rooted in neoclassical growth theory, wherein economic growth was the ultimate measure of success and progress (Seefried 2015: 379). This economic logic fostered a growth discourse, through which the framework for societal progress was constructed (Ibid.: 379-380). However, by the end of the 1960s, the economic growth paradigm was challenged, and its otherwise robust theoretical underpinnings began to crumble. The growth discourse began to diminish in influence on the understanding of society, economy, and progress. A significant part of this paradigm shift was instigated by the environmental movements and the steadily growing environmental consciousness -this stemmed particularly from Western counterculture and the left-wing intellectuals of the 1960s (Ibid.: 381-382).

A  single  publication  became  seminal  in  the  decline  of  the  growth  paradigm  and  in  shaping  the subsequent environmental movements. In 1972, the Club of Rome, an organization of influential business leaders, academics, and scientists, published the report Limits to Growth. Based on what was  at  the  time  highly  advanced  computer  simulations,  the  report  predicted  a  future  where unrestricted growth would lead to pollution, resource scarcity, and population growth at such a level that  it  would  lead  to  complete  societal  collapse  on  a  global  scale  (Borowy  2014:  30). Limits  to Growth was  received  with  massive  interest,  was  read  all  over  the  world,  and  translated  into  30 different languages (Ibid.). In the aftermath, an extensive debate ensued regarding the feasibility of a future without economic growth, and whether zero growth or outright anti-growth was achievable. In the years following the report, a kind of consensus emerged in the discourse on growth. Rather than advocating for anti-growth, the focus shifted towards a qualitative dimension of growth. Elke Seefried astutely highlights in her article how this trend aligns with the sustainable development discourse articulated in the Brundtland Report:

This [qualitative growth] sought to maintain 'quality of life', thus integrating economic, environmental and  social  criteria  in  the  understanding  of  growth.  Hence,  in  this  discourse  the  three  'pillars'  of sustainability we speak of today were conceptualised for the first time (Seefried 2015: 383).

The growth debate and the agreement on qualitative growth in the 1970s had a large influence on the  concept  of  sustainable  development  in  the  Brundtland  Report.  Internationally,  two  distinct ideological groups emerged in the environmental debate leading up to the Brundtland Report. The

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first group questioned the consequences of continued economic growth, drawing inspiration from Limits to Growth. The second group, especially neoclassical economists, regarded economic growth as essential for societal well-being and indispensable for maintaining living conditions for people (Ibid.).  In  the  international  context,  it  is  crucial  to  note  how  the  framework  for  understanding environmental issues before the Brundtland Report is permeated by the growth debate. The analysis of the reception of the Brundtland Report must therefore take into account the growth debate of the 1970s in relation to the discursive frameworks that different ideological groups relied on when ascribing significance to the report.

In  addition  to  the  international  perspective  on  the  background  of  the  Brundtland  Report,  the context of the environmental policy debate in Denmark must also be illuminated. One particular event  symbolizes  the  entry  of  the  environment  into  public  discourse.  In  1969,  the  first  modern environmental  movement  in  Denmark,  NOAH,  was  founded.  Established  by  natural  science students  at  the  University  of  Copenhagen,  its  purpose  was  to  combat  the  causes  of  pollution (Danielsen 2021: 11). It is clear that the discursive framework for the entire environmental policy in Denmark at this time is defined by a very concrete idea of pollution in the human environment.

Evidently, the environmental policy debate in Denmark before the Brundtland Report paralleled the  international  debate.  In  the  Danish  debate,  the  question  of  growth  prompted  by  Limits  to Growth was prominent. However, the precarious economic situation in Denmark throughout the 1970s led to widespread political resistance to zero growth in the public debate. It makes sense to distinguish between growth skeptics and growth proponents in the Danish context, akin to the two ideological groupings previously outlined in the international debate.

In an intellectual history perspective, one could argue that the growth debate following Limits to Growth is key to understanding the environmental policy background of the Brundtland Report. Limits to Growth signifies both a departure from the economic growth paradigm that had prevailed since the 1950's and contributes to creating a new discursive framework for environmental policy. Growth is no longer consistently portrayed as inherently desirable, but rather as a process that also has significant environmental consequences.

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## Argument and ideology in the Brundtland Report

"Sustainable development" is undeniably the core concept of the Brundtland Report. This section of the paper will examine the set of ideas that was articulated in the report. Furthermore, it will uncover how the concept of sustainable development is constructed in the report. The common definition of sustainable development can be found in the first chapter of the Brundtland Report: 'Humanity has the ability to make development sustainable to ensure that it meets the needs of the present  without  compromising  the  ability  of  future  generations  to  meet  their  own  needs' (Brundtland Commission 1987: 16). This interpretation of sustainable development has, for many, become synonymous with the Brundtland Report. This brief excerpt can be considered a summary of the popular understanding of the report (Borowy 2014: ix). However, the definition is not very concrete. It does not express what sustainable development looks like or how it can be implemented. A more in-depth reading of the Brundtland Report is necessary to uncover the actual content of the concept.

In order to understand the concept of sustainable development, it is relevant to examine the use of 'development' in the report. Initially, the term is defined very broadly, '[…] the 'environment' is where we all live; and 'development' is what we all do in attempting to improve our lot within that abode.' (Brundtland Commission 1987: 7) To develop is to improve living conditions. The concept is value-laden, in the sense that it points towards something that can be interpreted as universally desirable. The use of the term 'development' instead of a term like 'growth' can be questioned. In the report, economic growth seems to be an essential part of sustainable development: 'What is needed now is a new era of economic growth - growth that is forceful and at the same time socially and environmentally sustainable.' (Ibid.). It seems that 'sustainable development' could be used interchangeably with a term like 'sustainable growth', without a loss of meaning occuring. However, one could argue that the use of 'development' still plays a crucial role. In the context of the preceding growth debate from the 1970s, 'development' serves as a neutral position in the debate. It can be seen  as  a  way  to  move  forward  and  avoid  embedding  the  new  concept  in  the  old  debate. Furthermore, 'development' in the report includes a social aspect that 'growth' does not. The report identifies economic inequality between nations as part of the development concept:

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Yet at the same time these developing countries must operate in a world in which the resources gap between most developing and industrial nations is widening […]. This inequality is the planet's main 'environmental' problem; it is also its main 'development' problem. (Ibid.: 14)

This  view  of  inequality  is  at  the  core  of  the  concept  of  sustainable  development.  In  sustainable development, there is thus an implicit understanding that economic inequality is the main cause of environmental  problems.  'Development'  is  used  in  the  concept  to  include  inequality  in  how sustainable economic growth can occur. This points to one of the report's self-declared objectives, found in the introduction - to promote cooperation between nations at different economic and social development stages (Ibid.: 4). This view on inequality explicates that the Brundtland Report is  a  political  document, as it appears normative and politically charged to advocate for increased economic equality and transnational cooperation.

This  idea  of  economic  inequality  as  the  core  issue  in  the  environmental  debate  gives  rise  to  a discussion of the relationship between ecology and economy in the report. In fact, it becomes clear in the first chapter of the report, that ecology and economy are not only interconnected but also mutually dependent:

We have in the past been concerned about the impacts of economic growth upon the environment. We are now forced to concern ourselves with the impacts of ecological stress - degradation of soils, water regimes,  atmosphere,  and  forests  upon  our  economic  prospects.  […]  Ecology  and  economy  are becoming ever more interwoven locally, regionally, nationally, and globally into a seamless net of causes and effects. (Ibid.: 14)

In  the  report,  there  is  a  fundamental  understanding  that  economy  and  ecology  are  inseparable, because a change in one factor entails consequences in the other. It is interesting to note what the reciprocity between the two factors means for the report. It implies that economic considerations must not just be taken to ensure environmental protection, but also to safeguard the economy itself. In the quote, consideration for the economy is presented as the most significant and pressing. It also becomes  clear  that  the  report  exists  as  an  extension  of  the  growth  debate,  but  with  different emphasis,  in  that  economic  considerations  are  seen  as  just  as  important  as  environmental considerations because they are inseparable. This idea reveals an entirely new dimension of the report

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and sustainable development - namely that it is all rooted in an economic logic. One can argue that the integration of economy and ecology is one of the fundamental ideas in the Brundtland Report. The  entire  concept  of  sustainable  development  rests  on  the  idea  that  development,  including economic growth, can occur hand in hand with the environment. However, this integration is also a  discursive  strategy,  functioning  as  an  expansion  of  the  somewhat  untenable  consensus  on qualitative growth that emerged in the growth debate of the 1970s. The complete integration of economy and ecology in the Brundtland Report realizes qualitative growth through the concept of sustainable development, and it resolves many of the contradictions in the growth debate. This can be  seen  as  part  of  the  transition  from  a  growth  discourse  to  a  sustainability  discourse  in  the environmental  debate,  as  described  by  Elke  Seefried  (Seefried  2015:  377,  389). The  integration allows the transition to a new paradigm that does not view ecology and economy as contradictory but rather as inseparable. This is evident in the introduction of the Brundtland Report, where the prospects for the future are addressed:

Our report, Our Common Future, is not a prediction of ever increasing environmental decay, poverty, and hardship in an ever more polluted world among ever decreasing resources. We see instead the possibility for a new era of economic growth, one that must be based on policies that sustain and expand the environmental resource base. (Brundtland Commission 1987: 11)

Environmental problems are not just problems; they are opportunities for economic growth. This is a complete breakaway from the growth debate of the 1970s. The quote explicates the economic logic  of  the  report,  which  views  economic  growth  as  a  result  of  sustainable  development.  The environment  is  seen  as  an  investment  opportunity  because  it,  with  the  right  approach,  has  the potential to support sustainable economic growth.

Thus, the most central concept in the Brundtland Report is 'sustainable development.' The content of  the  concept  is  predominantly  vague  and  does  not  contain  a  clear  ideological  core.  Instead,  it signifies the integration of ecology and economy. In the context of the preceding growth debate, the Brundtland Report and the concept of sustainable development can be seen as a fulfillment of the contentious idea of qualitative growth.

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## Reception of the Brundtland Report in the Danish debate

The idea of sustainable  development  quickly gained  support  in the  Danish  Parliament  after  the publication of the Brundtland Report. This is evident in a parliamentary debate on January 26, 1989, where a proposal for the development of an action plan was discussed:

The  Parliament  urges  the  government  to  implement  the  initiatives  in  the  action  plan  for  the environment  and  development,  including  [...]  initiating  a  broad  public  information  and  activity campaign  on  the  recommendations  of  the  Brundtland  Report  for  sustainable  development,  and providing the Danish Parliament with a status update on the realization of the action plan by April 1, 1990. (Danish Parliament 1989: Translation: Magnus Dahl)

The proposal  receives  massive  support,  with  105  votes  in  favor  and  15  against.  The  right-wing populist party, Fremskridtspartiet, is the only party to vote against the proposal but is significantly outnumbered (Ibid.). The proposal on January 26, 1989, was prompted by a parliamentary debate that took place the previous year, on January 21, 1988. In this debate, the Brundtland Report was discussed in detail, primarily in relation to the increase in foreign aid following the recommendations of the report. Already at this stage, the majority of the Parliament was positively inclined regarding the report, and it was decided to gradually increase foreign aid towards 1% of the GNP (Danish Parliament 1988).

Based on the debate in the Danish Parliament, it is clear that the Brundtland Report is positively perceived and supported. However, the debate following the report's publication reveals that its content is valued and interpreted in different ways. The following sections will show that particularly two interpretations are dominant in the reception of the Brundtland Report in Denmark.

## Growth-based interpretation

In an article in the newspaper Information on February 6, 1988, the then Minister of Education and Research, Bertel Haarder, comments on the Brundtland Report:

Today,  economic  growth  and  environmental  considerations  are  no  longer  contradictions.  On  the contrary, we know from the Brundtland Report that the path to a better environment goes through balanced growth. (Haarder 1988: Translation: Magnus Dahl)

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Haarder's comment shows that the integration of ecology and economy has a place in the Danish debate. For Haarder, the Brundtland Report is a clear argument for economic growth. It is even economic growth that serves as the primary solution to environmental issues. In the article, he also uses Eastern Europe as an example to argue that economic growth and capitalism are necessary for the environment, to avoid "stagnation in outdated production methods and to pollute the soil, air, rivers, and the Baltic Sea." (Ibid.: Translation: Magnus Dahl). In Haarder's view, the Brundtland Report proves that economic growth mechanisms are necessary for the environment.

The  argument  for  growth  as  a  solution  to  environmental  problems  points  to  the  technological optimism and economic logic of the Brundtland Report. The report often emphasizes investment in technology as an integral part of sustainable development and that this investment can 'pave the way' for a new era of economic growth. (Brundtland Commission 1987: 16) The optimistic view on technological solutions is evident in Haarder's article:

We  have  successfully  initiated  the  use  of  alternative  energy  sources.  And  with  biotechnology  and information technology, they pave the way for a society that is simultaneously freer, richer, and more considerate of the environment. (Haarder 1988: Translation: Magnus Dahl)

Haarder's article is an example of the economic logic that integrates ecology and economy, pointing to  economic  growth  as  a  central  mechanism  for  environmental  improvements.  However,  this viewpoint faces criticism in the public debate. An example is journalist and left-wing debater Knud Vilby, who, in a piece in Information a few days after the article, accuses Haarder of misusing and 'fudging' the recommendations of the Brundtland Report. He points out that Haarder does not consider  the  Brundtland  Report's  call  for  multilateralism  and  its  focus  on  social  and  economic inequality on the global scale (Vilby 1988). According to Vilby, it is a misunderstanding to interpret the report as an argument for growth in a prosperous nation like Denmark. He believes the focus should be on developing countries and promoting economic growth there.

Haarder's article is the earliest and most concise example of the growth-focused reception of the Brundtland  Report.  Another  example  can  be  found  in  the  Government's  action  plan  for  the environment and development from December 1988, a follow-up to the parliamentary debate on

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the report earlier that year, prompted by the newly elected government in June of the same year. In this,  Prime  Minister  Poul  Schlüter  aptly  begins  by  asserting  that  economic  progress  is  possible without depleting the environment (Danish Ministry of the Environment 1988: 5). Economy and growth are the main focal points in the Prime Minister's interpretation of the report. Schlüter also claims  that  it  is  a  wrong  interpretation  that  economic  growth  should  predominantly  occur  in developing countries,  citing  environmental  degradation:  "The  natural  resource  base  deteriorates, perhaps especially in our part of the world." (Ibid.) . The official response of the government to the Brundtland  Report  can  be  considered  an  exponent  of  the  growth-focused  interpretation.  The Conservative  government  under  Schlüter  can  be  identified  as  a  significant  actor  in  the  growthoriented reception of the report.

In the Growth-based interpretation, the Brundtland Report is thus received and used as an argument for economic growth. The economic logic of the Brundtland Report, which integrates ecology and economy  in  the  concept  of  sustainable  development,  is  utilized  by  proponents  of  growth  to reproduce the 1970s debate on growth and legitimize its continuation.

## Environmental protection-based interpretation

The  second  prominent  interpretation  focuses  on  urgent  environmental  protection.  In  this interpretation, the Brundtland Report is seen as a call to immediate action on environmental issues. On May 29, 1987, long before the Brundtland Report is discussed in the Danish Parliament, David Rehling, head of the Danish Society for Nature Conservation, writes an article with the alarming title Fremtiden  er  nu (The  Future  is  Now).  The  article  urges  the  implementation  of  various initiatives, especially a shift to a more environmentally friendly energy policy. It strongly emphasizes that this must happen immediately: "In time, in time, someone will say, and we will address everything. But that is precisely what the Brundtland Commission emphasizes the most. We do not have time to spare." (Rehling 1987: Translation: Magnus Dahl). For Rehling, the Brundtland Report is primarily a warning and a call to action. He points out that the necessary action to avoid environmental harm that could be "extremely costly" or "impossible" to rectify, is to drastically reduce consumption. (Ibid.) This proposed solution is often reiterated in the debate about the report. In the aforementioned article by Knud Vilby, a reduction in energy consumption

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is also crucial. Vilby also questions the technological optimism in the Brundtland Report, which he believes only plays a small part in a larger response to environmental problems. (Vilby 1988)

The idea of reducing energy consumption becomes integral in the interpretation of the report that focuses on urgent environmental action. Many emphasize the seventh chapter of the Brundtland Report, where energy consumption and efficiency are discussed. (Brundtland Commission 1987: 167). This section in the report that is arguably about energy efficiency becomes the base for the idea to halve energy consumption in the Danish debate. This is expressed, among other places, in an article by the Danish Society for Nature Conservation on February 10, where it is claimed that halving  energy  consumption  is  necessary  for  the  environment  and  that  such  halving  can  be implemented "without impairing our standard of living.' (Larsen 1988: Translation: Magnus Dahl). Similarly, parliamentary candidate Ruth Dalsgaard writes in an opinion piece on June 16, 1988, that "we must significantly reduce our overconsumption and halve our energy consumption over the next 30 years." (Dalsgaard 1988: Translation: Magnus Dahl), with a reference to the Brundtland Report. Thus, there is a tendency to want to comply with the recommendations of the Brundtland Report while simultaneously framing them as urgent. The idea of economic growth and investment in new energy technology, which is prominent in the Brundtland Report, is largely overlooked or ignored.

During  1988,  the  possibility  of  halving  energy  consumption  gained  traction  in  parliament.  An article in Information on May 7, 1988, indicates that the social liberal party, Radikale Venstre would commit to halving energy consumption. (Information 1988). Lone Dybkjær from the Radical Left, who shortly thereafter became the Minister of Environment in the KVR-government 1 stated in the article that the idea of cutting energy consumption in half would play a significant role in the new government. (Ibid.) The commitment faces criticism, including from Social Democrat and former Minister of Energy Poul Nielson, who refers to Lone Dybkjær's promises as "airy'. (Information 1988). The interpretation of the Brundtland Report as a call for urgent action gains traction in the political debate, where in the media landscape, particularly Radikale Venstre and organizations like

1 Conservative party (Det Konservative Folkeparti), Venstre and Radikale Venstre.

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the Danish Society for Nature Conservation, employ the slogan of cutting energy consumption in half.

The interpretation of environmental protection, like the growth interpretation, must be seen in light of the growth debate of the 1970s. In a perhaps less radical version, many similarities can be observed between those who interpreted the Brundtland Report as a call to action and a warning signal, and the zero-growth or growth sceptical position of the 1970s. Both can be said to operate within the discursive framework established by Limits to Growth, where growth and consumption have clear consequences for the environment and must therefore be limited to avoid irreversible damage. As a parallel  to  the  growth  skepticism  of  the  1970s,  the  Brundtland  Report  is  used  by  some  as  an argument to halt and reduce consumption. This position is skeptical of the report's technology and growth  optimism  and  frames  environmental  issues  from  a  growth-skeptical  discourse  rooted  in Limits to Growth.

## The Brundtland Report and 'sustainable development' as an arena of ideological contention

Newspaper articles, action programs, and the proceedings in the Danish Parliament indicate that the Brundtland Report was received almost exclusively positively. The two distinct interpretations outlined in this paper show that despite widespread acceptance, there has been an underlying dispute about the meaning of the report. It can even be argued that the debate over meaning and attributing value to the report is the primary characteristic of its Danish reception.

The  intentions  behind  the  ideological  dispute  about  the  report  and  the  direction  in  which  the dispute developed can be discussed. The publication Miljø og Økonomi (Environment and Economy) from 1990 by the Ministry of the Environment reveals that the growth-focused interpretation is deeply embedded in the political agenda. The publication aims to highlight the connection between the environment and the economy, and in the preface, Minister of the Environment Lone Dybkjær addresses this:

To integrate the environment and the economy in order to place the environment and nature on the agenda wherever decisions are made. Our economic and political rules, as well as the market economy,

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must fundamentally reflect human and ecological needs (Danish Ministry of the Environment 1990: 7.

Translation: Magnus Dahl)

The  integration  of  economy  and  ecology,  which  is  prominent  in  the  Brundtland  Report,  holds significant  weight  in  Dybkjær's  preface.  The  idea  that  the  market  economy  should  reflect environmental needs can be considered a guiding principle for how the Brundtland Report and the concept of sustainable development are employed. For Dybkjær, it is interconnected in such a way that "the environment and nature are capital for the economic system' (Ibid.: Translation: Magnus Dahl). The economy should reflect the environment by attributing economic value to nature and the environment. This becomes the concrete way in which the economic logic of the Brundtland Report is applied in the Danish context. This is also evident in the interpretation of sustainable development in Miljø og Økonomi.

The way sustainable development is used can be seen as a way to address the environmental debate

without compromising a desire and a strong economy. This point is underscored by Elke Seefried,

who  sees  the  overwhelming  success  of  the  sustainable  development  concept  as  a  result  of  its

vagueness (Seefried 2015: 377). Seefried precisely points out that the concept's vagueness made it a

perfect arena for ideological contention-it became attractive to use as a political goal because the

lack of intrinsical value in the concept allowed it to be filled with various political agendas. In this

case, the agenda was the idea of continued economic growth.

Lone Dybkjær and the Ministry of the Environment's use of the Brundtland Report gives rise to a discussion of the paradigm shift from a growth discourse to a sustainability discourse. After the decline of the growth discourse in the 1970s, the idea of sustainability takes over as a general political objective  (Ibid.:  398).  This  transition  certainly  applies  to  Denmark.  However,  based  on  the reception  and  the  influence  of  the  growth-focused  interpretation,  one  could  argue  that  the sustainability discourse in Denmark should be seen as a revitalization or adaptation of the growth discourse. The global environmental awareness and the associated movement that grew through the 1960s  and  1970s  managed  to  introduce  various  ecological  issues  into  the  political  agenda.  This success was significant enough that those who desired continued growth had to come up with new

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arguments and solutions. The Danish case is an example of how the growth discourse managed to incorporate these issues under an economic logic, thereby legitimizing continued growth.

## Conclusion

This paper, drawing on a methodological framework from Quentin Skinner and the Cambridge School, has examined the Brundtland Report from 1987 and its reception in Denmark. It is evident that 'sustainable development' is the undisputed central idea of the Brundtland Report. Sustainable development  as  a  concept  does  not  have  a  single  intrinsic  meaning  or  value  but  represents  a comprehensive integration of ecology and economy.

The  reception  is almost  entirely positive, but the interpretation varies significantly.  Two interpretations dominate the debate following the report's release. The first interpretation focuses on the growth aspect of the report,  particularly  its  integration  of  ecology  and  economy.  In  this interpretation,  the  Brundtland  report  is  used  as  an  argument  for  economic  growth.  Several prominent right-wing politicians,  including  Bertel  Haarder  and  Poul  Schlüter,  advocate  for  this growth-focused  interpretation.  The  second  interpretation  focuses  on  environmental  protection, seeing the report as a call to urgent action. This interpretation views reducing consumption as a natural  extension  of  the  Brundtland  report.  A  concrete  idea  of  halving  energy  consumption  is disseminated and is incorporated in political agenda.

Lone Dybkjær becomes a central figure in the reception of the Brundtland report as the Minister of the  Environment. Dybkjær and the Ministry of the Environment use the concept of sustainable development  to  argue  for  a  comprehensive  integration  of  the  environment  and  the  economy. Economic growth is solidified as an important and indispensable part of sustainable development.

It can be concluded that the reception of the Brundtland Report in Denmark should be understood in the context of the growth debate in the 1970s. There is a direct continuity between the positions in the growth debate and the two interpretations in the Danish reception of the report. Advocates of growth use the Brundtland Report to address the environmental challenges introduced into the debate by the environmental movements of the 1960s and 1970s. There was a particular need to confront the report Limits to Growth which challenged the hegemony of the growth discourse. The

## CULTURE AND HISTORY Nr. 01 Februar 2024

growth  discourse,  rooted  in  the  1950s,  was  replaced  by  a  sustainability  discourse  with  the Brundtland  Report.  This  study,  based  on  a  Danish  example,  has  shown  that  the  sustainability discourse is not a breakaway from the growth discourse but rather a direct extension. It overcame the dichotomy between the environment and the economy in the growth debate, and legitimized economic growth.

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## Literature

- Borowy, Iris 2014: Defining Sustainable Development for Our Common Future . Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203383797
- Danielsen, Oluf 2021: 50 år med miljø- og klimaministre i Danmark . Trykværket.
- Eriksen, Tore; Kjærsgård, Peter C. 2001: 'Quentin Skinner - fra idéhistorie til intellektuel historie'. Slagmark, no. 33, 12
- Danielsen, Oluf 2015: Klimaet på dagsordenen - Dansk klimadebat 1988-2012 . Multivers.
- Fritzbøger, Bo 2022: Sustainable Development of Denmark in the World 1970-2020. Palgrave Macmillan. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-98293-5
- Seefried, Elke 2015: 'Rethinking Progress. On the Origin of the Modern Sustainability Discourse, 1970-2000.' Journal of Modern European History https://doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944-2015-3-377
- Skinner, Quentin 1969: 'Meaning and Understanding in the History of Ideas.' History and Theory , vol. 8, nr. 1. https://doi.org/10.2307/2504188
- Thorup, Mikkel 2018: 'Politisk Idéhistorie: Fire tilgange'. Politik, vol. 21, no. 3. https://doi.org/10.7146/politik.v21i3.113008

## CULTURE AND HISTORY Nr. 01 Februar 2024

## Source material

- Brundtlandkommissionen, Our Common Future (1987)
- Haarder, Bertel: 'Midteroprørsjubilæum' (Information 6/2/1988)
- Folketinget: Forespørgsel til statsministeren, udenrigsministeren og miljøministeren om, hvad regeringen agter at foretage for at leve op til henstillingerne i Brundtlandrapporten og Folketingets dagsorden af 21. januar 1988 (1989)
- Folketinget: Forespørgsel til udenrigsministeren, miljøministeren og industriministeren om, hvilke forslag til en handlingsplan, nationalt som internationalt, regeringen vil fremlægge på baggrund af Brundtlandrapporten . (1988)
- Kristiansen, Kristian: Danmark og Brundtlandrapporten (Arbejderbevægelsens Internationale Forum, 1988)
- Larsen, Ib: 'Den eneste rigtige løsning' (Sjællands Tidende 15/8/1988)
- Miljøministeriet: Miljø og Økonomi (Miljøministeriet 1990)
- Miljøministeriet: Regeringens handlingsplan for miljø og udvikling (Miljøministeriet 1988)
- 'R: Energiforbruget skal halveres inden år 2020' (Information 7/5/1988
- Rehling, David: 'Fremtiden er nu' (Berlingske 29/5/1987)
- 'S: Halveret energiforbrug er pop' (Information 9/5/1988),
- Vilby, Knud: 'Fusk og misbrug i Haarders kommentar' (Information 10/2/1988)

## Websites

- Rasmussen, Hanne: 'Lone Dybkjær.' Kvindebiografiskleksikon.lex.dk . Used: 2/1/2023) https://kvindebiografiskleksikon.lex.dk/Lone\_Dybkjær
- Rasmussen, Søren Hein: 'Miljøpolitikken i centrum- ' Danmarkshistorien.lex.dk (Used: 2/1/2023) https://danmarkshistorien.lex.dk/Miljøpolitikken\_i\_centrum