## COMMUNITIES OF ROMANS AND ITALIANS ABROAD: REFLECTIONS ON THEIR ELUSIVE NATURE AND ORGANIZATION

By Sophia Zoumbaki

Summary: This paper focuses on groups of Romans and Italians attested outside Italy, in all parts of the Roman oecumene , from the Iberian Peninsula and Britain to Asia Minor and the eastern frontier in Syria as well as from the Rhine and Danube to northern Africa. Groups of Romans and Italians are attested at different times in various places, in towns of varying legal status, of various size and importance, even in villages or settlements next to camps of legions. The duration of their presence and the terms adopted for their (self-)definition also display a certain variety. Out of an abundant source material and numerous local particularities that require a closer examination, I will attempt to focus on those data that could elucidate the nature, the legal status, and the organization of these groups. Taking all this into account, I will reassess the possibility to classify groups of Romans and Italians abroad as private associations, as they are often mentioned in the related bibliography, the term used either consciously or just with the intention to show that these groups were clearly visible and identifiable in the host-societies.

…The men who sailed, and found, and fought, They too can delve and build, And carve the image of their thought… …Fearless of war, yet keener still To bridge the drift, and mine the hill, And lead the harvest home…

(Lance Fallaw, 'Cives Romani', in Silverleaf and oak , London 1906)

Lance Fallaw worked as an itinerant journalist in the early 20th century in South Africa where he met people of the white race pursuing high profit through the exploitation of the land's rich natural resources. To these people he dedicated his poem 'Cives Romani' alluding to the fact that it was not for the first time in human history that people in such a rush to search for the 'horn of plenty' left their homes for remote and unknown lands. From the 3rd c. BC onwards, people defined as cives Romani / Ῥωμαῖοι or Italici / Ἰταλικοί spread en masse outside Rome and Italy, in every part of the Roman oekumene , from Spain to Asia Minor and from the Danube to North Africa.

Written sources mention Romans and Italians abroad as individuals or groups, while in some cases their presence can also be deduced from numismatic and archaeological finds. This paper focuses on groups of immigrant Romans and Italians in an attempt to shed light on their nature, their legal status and internal organization, namely issues which remain to a large extent elusive despite the considerable number of related inscriptions as well as a few literary texts available. From the first examinations of the topic in the 19th century, scholars debated whether we are dealing with loose, shapeless groups or with organized collectivities structured in an associational form. 1 In the related bibliography,

- 1 Schulten (1892: 71-82) and Kornemann (1892: 50-61) define the groups of Romans and Italians as associations. On the contrary, Hatzfeld (esp. 1912: 146-83, mainly 14647) does not accept an associational organization of Italians and Romans focusing especially on the most important community of Delos; Ferguson 1911: 355-356, 396397 also saw a 'loose group' in the Italians of Delos and Poland 1909: 111 did not identify generally communities of Romans and Italians abroad with associations. Generally on the topic see also Morel 1877; Kornemann 1900; Hatzfeld 1919; Wilson 1966; Gogniat Loos 1994; Van Andringa 2003; Purcell 2005. On 'associations' of Roman citizens in Greece, see Ramgopal 2017; in Asia, see Güler 2020. Several unpublished doctoral theses are also to be mentioned: E. Pétry-Beauzon, L'intégration des Italiens dans le monde grec: IIe-Ier av. J.C ., Paris EPHE, 2003; M. Bourigault, Les ciues Romani consistentes et leurs pratiques religieuses dans l'Occident romain d'après l'épigraphie , thèse sous la direction de Mme Rita Soussignan. Laboratoire: CReAAH, Université  du  Maine  (see  https://www.academia.edu/5047685/La\_citoyenneté\_ romaine\_en\_question\_sinstaller\_dans\_les\_provinces\_de\_lEmpire);  M.  De  Taeye, De conventus civium  Romanorum. Over verenigingen van Romeinse burgers in de westelijke pronincies van het Romeisnse Rijk tijdens het Principaat , Universiteit Gent 2008-2009; a Leiden MA thesis by Hermann Roozenbeek known to me by a reference of Onno Van Nijf 2009: 14; L. Eberle Pilar, Law, Land, and Territories: The Roman Diaspora and the Making  of  Provincial  Administration ,  Diss.  University  of  California,  Berkeley  2014;  S. Ramgopal, Romans Abroad: Associations of Roman Citizens from the 2nd Century BCE to the 3rd Century CE , Univ. of Chicago 2016.

these groups  are  frequently named  'associations,'  'collegia,' or 'clubs.' Some of these references are obviously general or superficial and do not intend to use these terms in their legal sense, but only aim at  showing  that  these  groups  were  clearly  visible  and  identifiable  in host-towns; other scholars do recognize in them organizational features of private associations. It is therefore imperative to undertake a systematic examination of this intricate historical phenomenon on the basis of concrete criteria which will enable us to recognize associational characteristics in the groups of Romans and Italians residing abroad. This would require a definition of clear and indisputable criteria for the classification of a collectivity as a private association. A basic set of associational features can be recognized by a mere look at the contents of the fundamental work of Poland 1909. Over the past two decades, much progress has been achieved on this study including serious attempts to define significant characteristics of private associations, 2 the most recent endeavour being the extensive and systematic consideration of clearly demarcated features of private associations undertaken by the Copenhagen Associations Project on the basis of an exhaustive analysis and systematic registration of an enormous bulk of evidence. 3

Before I proceed to the examination of these criteria in the collectivities of Romans and Italians abroad, an overview of the chronological and  geographical  diffusion  and  a  comparative  observation  of  these groups are necessary. In the following overview, I don't aspire to offer an  exhaustive  presentation  of  the  evidence,  since  there  is  abundant source material and numerous local particularities that require closer

- 2 A part of the related bibliography focuses mainly on a taxonomy of associations and on the question of classification of Christian groups, but refers also to general descriptions of associations: see selectively Ascough 2002; 2008 with a review of earlier bibliography; Ascough 2015; Harland 2013: 13-14 and 19-69. Gabrielsen 2009 attempts a definition of the basic features of public and private associations; see also Gabrielsen & Thomsen 2015.
- 3 See the Inventory of the Copenhagen Associations Project http://copenhagenassociations.saxo.ku.dk/capinventory/ and the principles of this examination as they are described by Gabrielsen & Thomsen 2015: 10-12, who stress that 'a set of reliable criteria can presumably be established only after the extant material has been thoroughly examined.'

investigation. I will try firstly to focus on the earliest attestations of collectivities of Italians and Romans abroad and secondly to stress those elements that could elucidate uncertainties related to the nature and internal organization of the groups in question, in the hope that it will produce comparisons and might finally provide a helpful pattern for this specific research.

## Geographical and chronological overview

Groups of Romans and Italians are attested in towns of varying legal status, of various sizes and importance, even in villages or settlements next to military camps. All of this is further characterized by a great diversity: The groups appear at different times in various places; for how long they were attested and how they are (self-)identified varied as well.

First, it must be stressed, that attestations of Romans and Italians as collectivities are not to be found at every place where the presence of individuals of this origin is known through references in the local epigraphic record or in literary sources. A striking example is Athens. The presence  of  Italiote  Greeks  from  the  Classical  period  and  of  Romans from the 2nd c. BC onwards is evident in numerous Athenian inscriptions and in literary texts, yet they never appear collectively in these sources 4 . Further, whereas in some regions individual Romans and Italiote Greeks are attested as early as the 3rd or the 2nd c. BC, their collective attestations -wherever they are to be found- are dated to much later, as it will be shown below.

The overview that follows, does not offer a full record of the attestations of Romans and Italians settled in every part of the Roman world, but only an introduction to the complexity of the phenomenon which

- 4 Cf. Kapetanopoulos 1965: 50-51 and nn. 24-25, who stresses the fact that the community of Roman residents in Athens is so far not attested as a separate group; epigraphic evidence which could be regarded as an indication of the opposite, such as the extremely fragmentary inscription from Sicily CIL X  7350 which has been restored as [c(ives) R(omani) et A]thenienses , is according to Kapetanopoulos to be associated with Delos. On Romans in Athens see Follet 2002; for an open access data base of Roman  and  Italian residents in Athens see https://romanattica.eu/dbs/ romansdb.html.

is to be observed in different periods at different places where different circumstances prevailed and led to specific evolutions. All these local particularities will not be analyzed here; there will be a reference to them, if this can contribute to our main question on the nature of the alien groups. For this purpose, it is important to take into consideration the first epigraphic attestations of Roman and Italian communities in each region; this is the focus of this overview.

Epigraphic mentions form a more official and direct source for the (self-)definitions  of  these  groups,  while  their  references  in  literary sources do not necessarily reflect the manner in which they were consciously  and  officially  differentiated  within  a  host  community.  From this point of view, archaeological finds, although they can also point to the massive presence of people of Italian origins at various places, cannot be taken here into consideration, since they cannot contribute to our basic question on the nature of the resident groups. We need, therefore, to focus mainly on written evidence of their (self-)definitions as distinct groups and on indications of their internal organization. The following overview aims at showing how these communities spread out of their homeland, settled in new residences and began to appear in the local epigraphic record; it will be clear that they had to face different political and social realities, to which they adapted in various ways.

## SICILY

The earliest attestations of groups of Romans and Italiote Greeks outside the Italian peninsula are encountered on Sicily. People Italici generis existed already there, when Scipio Africanus came to Syracuse in 205 BC, and according to Livy, they had seized properties by force during the war. 5 The date of their first epigraphic attestation is however disputed. If an inscription from Halaesa is correctly dated to 193 BC, 6 it would be the earliest epigraphic attestation of Italicei as a group which moreover takes a collective action. This date is based on the identification of the individual honoured by the Italicei with L. Cornelius Scipio, the praetor

- 5 Livy 29. 1, 16. On the early presence of Italici on Sicily see Wilson 1966: 19-22.
- 6 CIL I 2 612; CIL X 7459 = ILS 1864; ILLRP 320: Italicei | L. Cornelium Sc[ip]i[one]m | honoris caussa . Wilson 1966: 20 and n. 1 and Prag 2011: 91, n. 53 accept the date to 193 BC. On negotiatores in inscriptions in Sicily, Amela Valverde 2006.

of Sicily in 193 BC and consul of 190 BC. However, E. Badian 7 expressed some hesitation and instead, he was inclined to identify L. Cornelius Scipio with the homonymous praetor of 78 BC. In any case, the presence of Italians in Sicily in the 2nd c. BC is further mentioned by Diodorus Siculus (34-35.2, 27 and 32), who refers to Ἰταλιῶται /' Ιταλικοί landowners, stock-breeders and slaveowners, when the slave revolt of 134 BC took place. 8 Cives Romani and Italici are still mentioned in Sicily in literary and epigraphic sources of the 1st c. BC. 9 It is characteristic that inscriptions attest to Italicei and cives Romani in the important harbours of Agrigentum and Panhormos, on the sourhern and northern coast of Sicily respectively. 10

## THE EASTERN AND SOUTHERN PART OF THE ROMAN WORLD

The Greek mainland, Asia Minor, the Balkan Peninsula, the Aegean and Cyprus Although Romans and Italians 11 are already in the 3rd c. BC present in towns of the East - e.g. on the western coast of the Greek mainland and

- 7 Cf. Badian 1967: 94 n. 1 (review of Wilson 1966).
- 8 Wilson 1966: 20 discerns Ἰταλιῶται , perhaps Italian-Greek, from ' Ιταλικοί , of Italic origin.
- 9 From the literary sources see selectively some Ciceronian passages: Verr . 2.5.10 (for the Roman community at Lilybaeum): Testes enim sunt qui in consilio fuerunt, testes publicae tabulae, testis splendidissima civitas Lilybitana, testis honestissimus maximusque conventus civium Romanorum: fieri nihil potest, producendi sunt. Itaque producuntur et ad palum alligantur ; 2.15: cives Romani, qui in Sicilia negotiantur; 2, 153: quantum ab negotiatoribus qui Syracusis, qui Agrigenti, qui Panhormi, qui Lilybaei negotiantur; 5, 158: omnium civium romanorum qui in Sicilia negotiantur ;  it  is  interesting that Cicero ( Verr. 4.138) also mentions a conventus Siculorum in Rome.
- Cf.  also  Kornemann  1892:  Appendix  97-98;  Wilson  1966:  55-67;  Fraschetti  1981; Pinzone 1999: 381-402.
- 10  An inscription from Rome mentions Italici in Agrigentum honouring Pompeius Magnus, cos 70 BC: CIL I 2 2710 = CIL VI 40903 = ILLRP 38 ( AE 1937, 11): [Cn.] Pompeio | Magno | [i]mperatori | [I]talicei qui | Agrigenti | negoti[antur]. An inscription from Terracina refers to cives romani in Panhormos of Sicily : CIL I 2 836 = ILLRP 387 = ILS 8962 ( AE 1900, 178): M(anio) Sabidio M(ani) f(ilio) | leg(ato) | cives Romani in | Sicilia Panhormi qui | negotiantur .
- 11  On Italiotai in the East see Nochita 2012; generally, on Romans and Italici in the East see Hatzfeld 1919; Cassola 1971; Van Nijf 2009.

the Ionian Islands 12 as  well as on Rhodes in the Aegean -, 13 their first collective epigraphic attestations are to be dated to the 2nd c. BC.

The first systematic and frequently recurring epigraphic mentions of a community comprising Romans and Italians are to be found on Delos in a period extending from 167 BC to the first half of the 1st c. BC. 14 Delos is certainly, as it has been several times stressed in the related bibliography, a unique case, since the island flourished during this period as a duty-free port under Athenian supervision, being an ideal multi-ethnic environment for  traders  from  many  parts  of  the  Mediterranean  and from the East. The violent events of 88 BC, known as 'Ephesian vespers,' namely the massive massacre of individuals  of  Italian  origins  by  the King of Pontus, Mithridates VI and his followers in towns of the province of Asia and on Delos, 15 and the ravage of the island by the pirate Athenodoros in 69 BC put a tragic end to its prosperity. The massacre of 88 BC reveals that by the late 2nd/early 1st c. BC, many thousands of Romans and Italians resided in the East, even if we accept that the number of victims given by ancient sources, ranging from 80,000 to 150,000, is exaggerated. 16

Beyond Delos, Italians and Romans are documented, in some cases already in the early 2nd c. BC, at various locations as distinct groups

12  Zoumbaki 2011; 2012; 2018.

13  E.g. Lindos II, 92, ca. 250 BC.

14  For a prosopography of Romans on Delos see Hatzfeld 1912 and supplement to his catalogue by Ferrary 2002b.

15  Cic. Flac .  60: revocarem animos vestros ad Mithridatici belli memoriam, ad illam universorum  civium  Romanorum  per  tot  Urbis  uno  puncto  temporis  miseram  crudelemque caedem ….

App. Mith . 21: Ἐφεσίων δὲ καὶ τὰς Ῥωμαίων εἰκόνας τὰς παρὰ σφίσι καθαιρούντων , …;  23: Καύνιοι Ῥοδίοις ὑποτελεῖς ἐπὶ τῷ Ἀντιόχου πολέμῳ γενόμενοι , καὶ ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων ἀφεθέντες οὐ πρὸ πολλοῦ , τοὺς Ἰταλοὺς ἐς τὴν βουλαίαν Ἑστίαν καταφυγόντες ἕλκοντες ἀπὸ τῆς Ἑστίας , τὰ βρέφη σφῶν πρῶτα ἔκτεινον ἐν ὄψει τῶν μητέρων , αὐτὰς δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐπ ' ἐκείνοις … τοιαύταις μὲν τύχαις οἱ περὶ τὴν Ἀσίαν ὄντες Ἰταλοὶ καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι συνεφέροντο , ἄνδρες τε ὁμοῦ καὶ βρέφη καὶ γυναῖκες , καὶ ἐξελεύθεροι καὶ θεράποντες αὐτῶν , ὅσοι γένους Ἰταλικοῦ . ᾧ καὶ μᾶλλον δῆλον ἐγένετο τὴν Ἀσίαν οὐ φόβῳ Μιθριδάτου μᾶλλον ἢ μίσει Ῥωμαίων τοιάδε ἐς αὐτοὺς ἐργάσασθαι .

- 16  Val. Max. 9.2.3; Memnon 22. 9; Plu. 24.4. Cf. App. Mithr . 28 (Archelaos, Mithridates' general, killed about 20,000 men on Delos, the majority of them being Italians).

within local societies, yet during this period they did not act collectively as instigators of significant actions. They participated in local life, but are only to be found in inscriptions set up by others. For example, they were invited as a group to events, such as festivals or public banquets, e.g.  the  one  organized  on  Amorgos by the endowment of Kritolaos 17 . Scattered  mentions  of Rhomaioi  parepidemountes or paragenomenoi are also encountered in the 2nd c. BC in Eretria, 18 Amyzon, 19 Klaros, 20 Pergamon, 21 Chios 22 and later at other places.

Sulla's victory over Mithridates marks a crucial turning point in Roman presence in the East, as the subsequent restoration of the order facilitated  the  reactivation  of  the  Roman  communities  in  the  region, 23 with the exception of Delos, since the island never regained its earlier vigour. During the 1st c. BC and the 1st c. AD, attestations of Roman communities in the eastern Mediterranean reach their peak. Stray epigraphic occurences of Roman communities in Asia Minor date to the first half of the 1st c. BC, but from the second half of the 1st c. BC their number increases, especially in the most important towns of the region, 24 mainly in Ephesos where a Roman community of a considerable

- 17 IG XII  7,  515,  ll.  55-58:    ...  [ το ] ῖς̣ τε πολίταις πᾶσιν τοῖς παρα |[ γε ] νομένοις εἰς τὴν Αἰγιά [ λη ] ν [ καὶ παροίκοις κα ] ὶ ξένοις τοῖς παρα |[ γε ] νομένοις , Ῥωμαίων αὐτῶν καὶ τῶν̣ υ̣ἱ̣ [ ῶν ].... On the participation of Romans in public banquets, cf. Robu 2019; Vlamos 2023: 181-90.
- 18 IG XII 9, 234, ll. 29-30  (ca.  100  BC): τούς τε πολίτας καὶ | Ῥωμαίων τοὺς παρεπιδημοῦντας .
- 19  Robert 1983: 204-10, no. 23, ll. 19-20 ( BE 1984, 424; Piejko 1985: 617-18 [review of Robert 1983]) (ca. 190-180 BC): Ῥωμαίων τε παρεπιδημούν [ των ].
- 20  Robert 1989: 63-66, col. I, ll.15-16; SEG 39, 1244 (after 120/119 BC): τοὺς εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν παραγινομένους Ῥωμαίων .
- 21  Kirbilher 2007: 20. Cf. OGIS 764; IGR IV 294: Ῥωμαίων τοῖς ἐπιδημοῦσιν .
- 22  Sarikakis 1975; Moretti 1980; Derow & Forrest 1982; cf. SEG 30, 1073; 60, 930; cf. Salvo 2013: τοὺς παραγινομένους Ῥωμαίων , τοῖς παρεπιδημοῦσι Ῥωμαίων .
- 23  Cf. Kirbihler 2016: esp. 217-25.
- 24  There follow attestations from Asia Minor from the 1st c. BC:
- Adramytteion: 1. Schwertheim 1992: 126-28, no.1 (last quarter of the 1st c. BC?): οἱ πραγματευόμενοι Ῥωμαῖοι . 2. Schwertheim 1992, 128-29, no.2 (last quarter of the 1st c. BC ?): [ οἱ πραγματευόμενοι Ῥωμαῖοι ]
- Attaleia: SEG 6, 646 (7-4 BC): οἱ συνπολειτευόμενοι Ῥωμαῖοι

size and importance existed, as the epigraphic evidence for individual members of this community as well as collective mentions of Roman

- Ephesos: 1. CIL III 14195; IEph 2058 (70-45 v. Chr.): [Italicei, quei] |[Ephesi negotiantur] 2. IEph 658 (AE 1990, 938) (37 BC): [Italicei or cives Romani ?] quei Ephesi [negotiantur]
- . .
3. İ plikçio ğ lu, Engelmann & Knibbe 1989, 235-36, no. B 2; Alpers & Halfmann 1995: 1320 (36 BC): conventus c. [R.] quei Ephesi negotiantu[r] .
- Knidos: Chaviaras 1910: 425, no. 1 ( BE 1912, 63) (second half of the 1st c. BC): τοὶ κατοικ [ εῦντες ] [ ἐν τᾶι πό ] λει Ῥωμαῖοι
- Milyas, Pisidia: Bean 1959: 116, n. 87 (bl. C); Hall 1986: 137, no. 1 ( SEG 36, 1207), (5/4 BC): Μιλυάδεις καὶ οἱ πραγματευόμενοι [ π ] αρ ' αὐτοῖς Ῥωμα̣ [ ῖ ] οι .
- Pergamon: 1. IGR IV 450 (1st c. BC): [ κατοικ ] ουμένοις Ῥωμ [ αίοις ]. 2. OGIS 764; IGR IV 294: Ῥωμαίων τοῖς ἐπιδημοῦσιν .
- Priene:  1. IPriene 112  (84-1  BC): ἐν δ ] ὲ ταῖς ἑορταῖς καὶ τοῖς πολείταις πᾶσιν καὶ παροίκοις [ καὶ κα ] τοίκοις καὶ ξένοις καὶ Ῥωμαίοις .  2 .  IPriene 113  (84-1  BC): δειπνιεῖν γὰρ τοὺς πο [ λ ] ίτας πάντας κατὰ φυλὰς καὶ τοὺς ἐφηβευκότας τῶν παροίκων καὶ κατ̣ο̣ίκων καὶ Ῥωμαίους πάντας καὶ τοὺς παρεπιδημοῦντας Ἀθηναίων τε καὶ Θηβαίων καὶ Ῥοδίων καὶ Μιλησίων καὶ Μαγνήτων καὶ Σα [ μί ] ων καὶ Ἐφεσίω [ ν ,] ἔτι δὲ καὶ Τραλλιανῶν 3. I.Priene 55 (128/7 BC): Ἴωσι καὶ Ῥωμαίοις 4. I.Priene 123: πολίτας ἅπαντας καὶ τοὺς ἐφηβευκότας τῶν παροίκων καὶ [ Ῥω ] μαίους ἅπαντας .
- Sardeis: SEG 46, 1521; 52, 1174 (early 1st c. BC): Italic[ei, quei Sardibus] nego[tiantur]/ Ἰταλικο [ ὶ οἱ ἐν ταῖς ? Σάρδεσιν ] πραγμα [ τευόμενοι .
- Smyrna: ISmyrna 534  (2nd/1st c. BC): ἡ γερουσία | οἱ κά̣τ̣ < οι > κοι | οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι | οἱ θιασῶται
- Lesbos: CIL III 7160: cives Romani qui Mythileneis negotiantur (31 BC)
- Chios: SEG 22, 507; IGRR IV.943; SIG 3 785; cf. Sherk 1969: no. 70; Marshall 1969; Bitner 2014: οἵ τε παρ ' αὐτοῖς ὄντες Ῥωμ̣ [ αῖ ] οι τοῖς Χείων ὑπακούωσιν νόμοις (under Sulla); cf. Appian, Mith . 46 (… πρῶτα μὲν ἐδήμευσε τὰ ὄντα Χίοις τοῖς ἐς Σύλλαν φυγοῦσιν , ἑξῆς δ᾽ ἔπεμπε τοὺς τὰ Ῥωμαίων ἐρευνησομένους ἐν Χίῳ …),  47 ( ἐγκτήματα Ῥωμαίων on Chios)
- Kos: 1. IG XII 4.2, 1026; AE 1947, 55; ILLRP 408: [c(ives) R(omani) qui C]oi negotiantur . 2. IGR IV 1087; IG XII 4.2, 1142: … τοὶ κατοικεῦντες | ἐν τῶι δάμωι τῶν Ἁλεντίων καὶ το [ ὶ ] | ἐνεκτημένοι καὶ τοὶ γεωργεῦντε [ ς ] | ἐν Ἅλεντι καὶ Πέλῃ , τῶν τε πολειτᾶν | καὶ Ῥωμαίων καὶ μετοίκων … Cf. Tac., Ann .  4.14  for  Romans  during the First Mithridatic War.

In the 1st c. AD the evidence from Asia Minor proliferates. For a list - not completeof groups of Romans in Asia Minor see Harland 2014: esp. 79-80. Generally on Romans and Italiote Greeks in Asia Minor see Ferrary 2002; Kirbihler 2007; Terpstra 2013: 171220. On Ephesos, Magnesia and Tralles, Apamea see Terpstra 2013: 194-207 and 20719 on the Roman settlers' social position.

residents show. 25 Roman communities are epigraphically attested from the first half of the 1st c. BC on the Greek mainland too, 26 from the Peloponnese up to Macedonia and the Aegean Thrace.

- 25  See Terpstra 2013: 194-97; Kirbihler 2016.
- 26  Attestations from the Greek mainland dated to the 1st c. BC/1st c. AD:
- Thespiai:  1. Ῥωμαῖοι οἱ πραγματευόμενοι ἐν Θεσπιαῖς ( I.Thesp 373;  1st  c.  BC).  2. Θεσπι [ έω ] ν οἱ παῖδες καὶ παροίκων̣ [ κα ] ὶ Ῥωμα [ ίω ] ν̣ τῶν πρα [ γματευ ] ομένων ( IG VII 1862; 1st c. BC)
- Locris, Opous: [ ὁ ] δῆμος Ὀπουντίων καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι ο [ ἱ ἐπιδημοῦντες ἐν Ὀποῦντι ] ( IG IX 1 ² 5, 1935; 1st c. BC ?)
- Pagai (Megaris): [- - -] εἰς τὰν [ δαπάναν τ ] ὰν τᾶς θυσίας εἰς τὸ δ [ εῖπ ] νον [ ο ] ἶνον τοῖς τε π [ ο ]| λίταις καὶ παροίκοις καὶ Ῥωμαί [ οις τοῖς πα ] ροικοῦσι καὶ δούλοις πᾶ [ σιν ] (…);  ll.  27-28:  (...) καὶ ἐδίπνισε τοὺς πολείτας πάντ [ ας κ ] αὶ παροίκους καὶ τοὺς [ παρεπιδ ] αμοῦντας Ῥωμαίων | καὶ τοὺς πάντων τούτων δούλους [ καὶ το ] ὺς υἱοὺς αὐτῶν κα [ ὶ τὰ δ ] οῦλα παιδάρι [ α ] ( IG VII 190, ll. 15-16; cf. SEG 50, 480; 64/3-56/5 BC)
- Eretria: IG XII  9,  234,  ll.  29-30  (ca.  100  BC): τούς τε πολίτας καὶ | Ῥωμαίων τοὺς παρεπιδημοῦντας
- Argos: 1. Italicei quei negotia ṇ [tur Argeis] / Ἰταλ [ οὶ οἱ ἐν Ἄργει πραγματευόμενοι ] ( IG IV 604; 67 BC). 2. Italici quei Argeis negotiantur ( CIL I 2 746; ILLRP 320; CIL III 531; ILS 867; 69 BC). 3. Ῥωμ [ αῖ ] οι οἱ ἐν Ἄργει κατοι [ κ ] οῦντ [ ες ]  ( IG IV 606; 1st c. AD). 4. [ Ῥωμαῖοι οἱ ] πραγματευ [ όμενοι ἐν ] Ἄργει ( IG IV 605; 1st c. AD?)
- Aigion: Italicei quei Aegei negotiantur ( ILLRP 370; ILGR 80; Rizakis 2008: no. 131; ca. 74 BC)
- Pellene: ἡ πόλις τῶν Πελληνέων καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι οἱ κ [ α ] τοικοῦντες (Rizakis 2008: no. 193; Early Imperial period)
- Gytheion: cives  Romani  in  Laconica  qui  habitant,  negotiantur / Ῥωμαῖοι οἱ ἐν ταῖς πόλεσιν τῆς Λακωνικῆς πραγματευόμενοι ( ILGR 40; first half of the 1st c. AD)
- Boiai: ἁ πόλις καὶ οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι ( SEG 29, 383; Augustan period)
- Mantinea: 1. ἁ πόλις τῶν Ἀντιγονέων καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι ο < ἱ π > ραγματευόμενοι ἐν αὐτᾷ ( IG V  2,  268;  10  BC-AD  10).  2. ἁ πόλις τῶν Ἀντιγονέων καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι οἱ πραγματευόμενοι ἐν αὐτᾷ ( IG V 2, 307; 10 BC-AD 10)
- Megalopolis: ἔδοξε τοῖς συνέδροις καὶ τ [ ῷ δάμ ] ῳ [ κ ] αὶ Ῥωμαίοις τοῖς πραγματευομένοις ἐ [ ν Μεγάλ ] ᾳ πόλει ( IG V 2, 515; after AD 14)
- Olympia: 1. [ τὸ κοινὸν τ ] ῶν Ἀχαιῶν καὶ τῶν [ Ῥωμαίων οἱ ἐνγαιοῦντες ] ( SEG 17, 197; 100-70 BC). 2. Τὸ κοινὸν τῶν Ἀχαιῶν καὶ τῶν Ῥωμ [ αί ] ων τῶν ἐνγαιούντων ( SEG 17, 198; 100-70 BC). 3. ἡ πόλις ἡ τῶν Ἠλείων καὶ Ῥωμ [ αίων ] οἱ ἐνγαιοῦντε [ ς ] ( IvO 335; Augustan period)
- Messene: 1. … σὺν τοῖς τετιμαμένοις ἐν τᾶι φυλᾶι Ῥωμαίοις … ( IG V 1, 1433; 1st c. BC). 2. ἀπόλοιπα Ῥωμαίων ( IG V  1,  1434,  1st  c.  BC/1st  c.  AD).  3.  [ Οἱ πραγματευ ] ταὶ

Ῥωμαῖοι (Themelis 2009: 76-78 [ SEG 59.415]; 2013, 70-71; Augustan/Tiberian period). 4. Ἁ πόλις καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι οἱ ἐν αὐτᾷ κατοικοῦντες (Themelis 2013: 68-69; perhaps of AD 2/3). 5. [ ἁ πόλις καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι οἱ ἐν αὐτᾶι κατοι ] κοῦντες (ll. 14-15), ἁ πόλις καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι οἱ [ ἐν αὐτᾶι ] κατοικοῦντες (l.  34), Ῥωμαῖοι in  ll.  12,  30 (Themelis 2013: 70-75; AD 2/3). 6. Ῥωμαίους τοὺς ἐν αὐτᾷ κατοικοῦντας (Migeotte 1985 [ SEG 35, 343]; ca. AD 3-14). 7. Ε phebic catalogues of the 1st c. AD where Ῥωμαῖοι καὶ ξένοι are mentioned (Themelis 2005, 55-56; 2015, 112).

- Larisa: 1. Ἰταλικοὶ ἐν Λαρίσῃ (unpublished, mentioned by Bouchon 2007, 271; 86/5 BC). 2. Τηβεννοφοροῦντες (Arvanitopoulos 1910, no. 3, col. 344-349 [dated the text to the early 2nd c. BC]; Bouchon 2007; early 1st c. BC)
- Beroia: οἱ ἐνκεκτημένοι Ῥωμαῖοι ( IBeroia 59; 57-55 BC)
- Idomene: οἱ συμπραγμ [ α ] τευόμενοι Ῥωμαῖοι (Josifovska 1959 [ SEG 19, 438], AD 4144)
- Edessa: Gounaropoulou, Paschidis & Hatzopoulos 2015: 180: οἱ συνπρα [ γ ] ματε < υ > ό -μενο [ ι ] Ῥωμαῖο [ ι ] (1st c. AD)
- Thessaloniki: 1. [ οἱ συμπραγματευόμενοι ] Ῥωμ̣αῖο [ ι ] ( IG X 2.1, 32). 2. [ οἱ ] σ̣υμπραγμ̣α̣ [ τευόμενοι Ῥ ] ωμαῖοι ( IG X  2.1,  33).  3.  [ οἱ συμπρ ] αγματευόμε [ νοι Ῥωμαῖ ] οι (Velenis 1996 [ SEG 46, 812])
- Styberra (nowadays Republic of North Macedonia): οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι Ῥωμαῖοι ( IG X 2. 2, 330)
- Akanthos: οἱ συνπραγματευόμενοι Ῥωμαῖοι καὶ οἱ παροικοῦντες (Tod 1918-19: 6797,  85-86,  no.  13  [ SEG 1,  282];  Samsaris  1985-1986:  33-44;  Hatzopoulos  and Loukopoulou 1996: 348;  Kloppenborg & Ascough 2011: 297-99)
- Maroneia: γνώμῃ βουλευτῶν καὶ ἱερέων καὶ ἀρχόντων καὶ Ῥωμαίω̣ [ ν τῶν vvv ] [ τ ] ὴν πόλιν κατοικούντων καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν πολειτῶν ἁπά [ ντων (Loukopoulou et  al . 2005: Ε 180, AD 41/2 or 46).
- Amphipolis: 1. [ οἱ κα ] τοικοῦν [ τες Ῥωμαῖοι ]  (?)  (Nigdelis and Anagnostoudis 2017: 305-311, ca. 30 BC). 2. A further unpublished inscription from Amphipolis, known to me from the reference by Nigdelis 2018: 102-3 and n. 40 and Arnaoutoglou 2020: n. 48: cives Romanei quei Amphipolis negotiantur .
- Kalindoia: [ Ῥωμαῖο ] ι οἱ κατοικο [ ῦντες ]  (Paschidis,  Martín  González,  Athanasiadis and Graikos 2023: no. 177, AD 14-37)
- Macedonia, Crestonia, precise origin unknown: [ οἱ συμπρα ] γματευόμενο [ ι Ῥωμαῖοι ] (Paschidis, Martín González, Athanasiadis & Graikos 2023: no. 65, AD 41-54).
- Ainos (nowadays Turkey): Ῥωμαῖοι κατοικοῦντ [ ες ] (Ba ş aran 2022: 145-46).

On communities of Romans in various regions of the Greek mainland and the adjacent islands, see Donati 1965 (Aegean); Müller & Hasenohr 2002 (including contributions  on  Athens  [Follet],  Boiotia  [Müller],  Thessaloniki  [Rizakis],  Asia  Minor  [Fer- Despite the hostilities stimulated by Pontic forces and their followers during the Mithridatic Wars and despite some other minor cases of hostilities against Romans in Greek towns, 27 the tide of Roman immigrants to the East could not be stopped. Given their economic success and their privileged position due to their relation to the dominating power, the role of Romans in social and economic life of their host societies became increasingly important. Romans gradually integrated into local communities. They were accepted into the local institution of the ephebeia , 28 which was a decisive step in their gradual integration into the public life of the host town. This signifies that Romans were established as complete familial units and, at least, intended to live there indefinitely. A further indication of their consolidation in their newfound residences is the participation of Roman women in public life, as in the case of a joint honour of an archiereia in Akmoneia (Phrygia) by Greek and Roman women. 29 Grants of enktesis and the opportunity to own real estate as well as involvement in rural economy (e.g. in Chios, Kos, Beroia, Olympia, see ns. 24 and 26) fostered closer connections of Roman residents with towns of Greece proper and of the province of Asia.

Further north, Romans were apparently encountered in the 2nd/1st c. BC in areas of what is today north and north-western Bulgaria. This is to  be  deduced  from  stray  mentions  of  individual  Romans  in  written

rary], Rhodes and Caunos [Bresson], Delos [Hasenohr, Deniaux, Baslez, Mavroyannis]); especially on Delos see Hatzfeld 1912 and supplement to his catalogue by Ferrary  2002b;  on  Thessaloniki  see  Rizakis  1986;  on  Macedonia  see  Youni  2013,  on Thrace see Samsaris 1985-1986; on Chalkidiki see Loukopoulou 1996; on the Peloponnese  see  Zoumbaki  1998/1999;  on  the  Cyclades  see  Zoumbaki  2014;  on  western Greece and Ionian islands see Zoumbaki 2011; 2012; 2018; 2019.

- 27  E.g. cf. Dio 54.7 (Cyzicus, 20 BC); 60. 24 (Rhodes, AD 43).
- 28  For example in ephebic catalogues of Messene (Peloponnese), Romans appear under the rubric Ῥωμαῖοι καὶ ξένοι , listed after the ephebes of local tribes, see Themelis 2005: 55-56; 2015: 112. On the admission of Romans to ephebeia and the other activities in the gymnasion, see Zoumbaki 2023.
- 29  On the women of Akmoneia see Thonemann 2010; Edelmann-Singer 2013 (AD 6/7). An analogous case is to be seen in a bilingual inscription recording the joint action of the wifes of coloni and incolae in the Roman colony of Dion (Macedonia): colonarum et incolarum coniuges |Anthestiae P(ublii) l(ibertae) Iucundae honoris causa | Κολώνων καὶ παροίκων αἱ γυναῖκες Ἀνθεστίαι Ποπλίου | ἀπελευθέραι Ἰουκούνδαι ἀρετῆς ἕνεκεν . Cf. Padermalis 1984: 277 ( AE 1998, 1210; SEG 34, 631).

sources or from archaeological and numismatic finds that indicate either the pass of Roman soldiers or trade and economic transactions with the West. 30 Their collective epigraphic occurences in this region are however of a later date. An inscription from Bizye (Thrace), which records divine honours offered  to  the  King  Kotys,  displays  difficulties  in  its  restoration. 31 Luigi Moretti interpreted divine honours paid to the king as an action on the part of private Romans who needed royal protection, as they resided in a foreign land: [ β ] ασιλέα Κό [ τυ ] ν βασιλέως Ῥησκουπόρεως υἱ [ ὸν ] | Ῥωμαῖοι οἱ πρώτως κατακληθέντες εἰς | [ Βιζύ ] ην τὸν ἑατῶν θεόν ;  this  restoration seems to have been widely accepted. Romans are still later attested in this region as collectivities. 32

References in literary sources show that at least in the second half of the 1st c. BC Roman settlements existed on the western part of the Balkan Peninsula as well, specifically on the Dalmatian coast. 33 In  fact,  Ceasar mentions a conventus of Roman citizens only in Lissus and Salona, 34 while the existence of such communities in Narona, Epidaurum and Iader can

## 30  Velkov 1981: 474.

- 31  Dawkins & Hansluk 1905/1906: 177-78; Dessau 1913: 700; Kalinka 1926: 118-19; Sullivan 1979: 196; Moretti 1984: 266-67 ( SEG 34, 702); cf. Delev 2016.
- The restoration of the third line is crucial for the understanding of the text and specifically of the role of the Romans. Dawkins and Hansluk restored it as εἰς | κῆνσον , Kalinka as εἰς [ ἀρ (?)]| χὴν and Moretti suggested εἰς | [ Βιζύ ] ην . Moretti's restoration is accepted by Delev 2016, who attempts a historical reconstruction of the events connected with the King Kotys dating the inscription to the second half of the 1st c. BC, more possibly after the sea-battle at Actium.
- The word κατακαλῶ / κατακαλοῦμαι means  according  to  Liddell-Scott  (s.v.)  'calldown, call upon, invoke, appeal to, call back, recall.'
- 32  E.g. IBulg I 2 58 from Odessos (AD 79-81): … πολείταις κ̣ [ αὶ ] Ῥ̣ωμαίοις καὶ ξένοις .
- 33  Wilson 1966: 70-71 for a presentation of more indirect evidence; cf. also Wilkes 1962: 320-35, 346-49; Dzino 2010: 84, 88-89, 95, 120-21, 183 (with earlier bibliography).
- 34  Lissus: Caes. B Civ. 3.29.1 quo facto coventus civium Romanorum, qui Lissum obtinebant …; 3.40.5: Lissum expugnare conatus, defendentibus civibus Romanis, qui eius conventus erant … Salona: Caes. B Civ. 3.9.2-3 conventum Salonis cum neque pollicitationibus neque denuntiatione periculi permovere posset, oppidum oppugnare instituit. est autem oppidum et loci natura et colle munitum. sed celeriter cives Romani ligneis effectis turribus sese munierunt …

be deduced from indirect indications. 35 An inscription of the Imperial period ( CIL III 2733) refers to a summus curator of the Roman settlers of the whole province Dalmatia.

Although the earliest epigraphic attestation of Roman negotiatores on Cyprus, an inscription from Paphos, has been dated to the late 2nd c. BC, a date in the 1st c. BC, perhaps in the first half of the 1st BC, is more likely. 36 However, contacts of the island with Italy go back to the 3rd c. BC, as imported amphorae show. 37 Moreover, Cicero ( Att . 114.6) informs us that by his age ' ne cives Romani pauci qui illic negotiantur ius sibi dictum negarent '. A further inscription from Paphos is perhaps to be dated to the Augustan age, 38 while an epigraphic attestation of Romans in Salamis is of an undetermined date. 39

In the 1st c. BC Romans also appear on Crete. 40 Their relatively late attestation  is  explained  by  Jean  Hatzfeld  as  a  result  of  the  conflicts among Cretan towns, of Cretan piracy as well as of rumours about cruelty of Cretans; Ioannis Tzamtzis stressed in addition to these factors the

- 35  See Dzino 2010: 89 and n. 47 for references; Matija š i ć 2018.
- 36 CIL III 12101; ILS 7208; IGR III 965; Mitford 1961, 41, no. 113 ( SEG 20, 212); Moretti 1981: 263 ( SEG 31, 1360): [cives ∙ Romani ∙ qui ∙ Pa]phi ∙ negotiantur …  [ οἱ πραγματευόμενοι ἐν ] Πάφωι v Ῥωμαῖοι . Mitford dated the inscription to the late 2nd c. BC (followed by Krigos 2008: 32 n. 181), Moretti on the basis of the lettering some decades later, up to the middle of the 1st c. BC; Christina Kokkinia and Anne Kolb who study the inscriptions of Palaipaphos date the attestations to the 1st c. BC based on the lettering and historical criteria (personal communication, for which I am grateful).
- 37  Bajtler 2021 for amphorae and stoppers of Adriatic production; cf. Kaldeli 2013 for the  broader  exchange  network  of  Cyprus.  Generally  on  the  Roman  presence  on Cycpus see Zoumbaki, Karambinis 2022, 252-253.
- 38 CIL III  12101= ILS 7208: M.  Vehilio  pontif(ici)  proco(n)s(uli)  ciues  R(omani)  Paphiae  diocen(seos).
- 39 CIL III 6051; Pouilloux, Roesch, Marcillet-Jaubert 1987: 29, no. 58; Krigos 2008: 1443, no. Αμμ . 59: [cives Rom]ani ∙ qui ∙ in Salam[ine] | [negot]iantur .
- 40  On Roman presence on Crete see Zoumbaki & Karambinis 2022: 252-53. A Roman community is documented in Gortys: IC IV 290 (1st c. BC): [- - - ] | [c(ives) R(omani) qui Gortynae]  |nego ṭịạṇṭ u ṛ .  |  Doiae  L(ucii)  f(iliae)  Pro|cillae  c(ives)  R(omani)  qui  |Go[r] ṭ ynae nego|tiantur . On Roman negotiatores in Gortys see Magnelli 1998; Tzamtsis 2013: 17378 on this inscription and 182-187 on the inscription IC IV 278 recording a c(onventus) c(ivium) R(omanorum) q(ui) G(ortynae) c(onsistunt) under L. Septimius Severus, which according to Tzamtzis included also indigenous bearers of Roman citizenship. Cf. also the fragmentary inscription IC IV 291: c(ives) R(omani)] qui Gortyna[e negotiantur] .

Ptolemaic presence which did not encourage massive Roman integration, despite the fact that isolated traders were settled on Crete, as thorough prosopographic studies by Martha Baldwin-Bowski show. 41

Africa, Palestina, Syria and places far beyond the eastern frontier The Roman presence in Africa is to be dated to before the Third Punic War (149-146 BC), as Appian's reference to Italian residents in Carthage shows. 42 Later, in 112 BC, during the war between Adherbal and Jugurtha, Italici (Sall. Iug. 26.1) - also called togati (21.2) - resident at Adharbal's capital Cirta, were massacred along with Numidians. 43 Sallust refers further ( Iug. 47) to the oppidum Numidarum Vaga, a much frequented place of trade, where numerous Italians resided and traded, ' ubi et incolere et mercari consueuerant Italici generis multi mortales '; they are apparently to be identified with the negotiatores who are mentioned by Sallust. 44 In Utica, the important port that became the seat of the governor of  the  province  Africa,  Roman  merchants  were  active  by  the  late 2nd/early 1st c. BC, since by this time Marius enjoyed their support (Sall. Iug. 64-65), while thereafter Marian army families were settled 'in compact groups … on large allotments of land in the valley of the middle Bagradas … Uchi Maius, Thibaris, and Thuburnica and perhaps others.' 45 Roman residents, still to be encountered in Utica some years later, offered their support to Pompeius (Cic. Lig. 3) and were humiliated by Caesar who refers to them as ' conventus qui is ex variis generibus constaret ' ( B Civ . 2. 36). In 47 BC, Caesar ( B Afr. 36.2) mentions negotiatores and aratores in Thysdra. 46 Further, he refers to qui cives Romani contra populum Romanum arma  tolerant ( B Afr .  97)  in  Thapsus  and  Hadrumetum,  who were punished with the payment of enormous fines. Although literary

- 41  Hatzfeld 1919: 159-60; Tzamtzis 2013: 173-204; cf. Baldwin-Bowsky 1999. Prosopographic and ceramic studies show that Romans are to be found also in other places of Crete beyond Gortys, as e.g. in Eleutherna at the latest from the second half of the 1st c. BC, see Baldwin-Bowsky 2009a: 157-223 and a general presentation, 2009b: 20713.
- 42  Appian, Punica 92; Wilson 1966: 43-54.
- 43  Löffl 2014, also on the impact of this massacre on the political life in Rome.
- 44  See Eberle Pilar 2017: 325-27.
- 45  Wilson 1966: 45.
- 46  Cf. Cadiou 2015: 234.

sources, such as those mentioned above, refer to Romans and Italici as collectivities residing at various places in North Africa as early as the 2nd c. BC, epigraphic attestations occur much later. In a bilingual inscription from Delos Alexandreae Italicei quei fuere / οἱ ἐν Ἀλεξανδρείαι [ παραγενόμενοι Ἰταλικ ] οὶ honoured the legate C. Marius in 99 BC. 47 With the exception of an inscription from Cyrene 48 dated to 67 BC - where a community of Romans is still later attested -, 49 all remaining inscriptions from Africa are dated to the Imperial period, at the earliest under Augustus or Tiberius. 50 Collectivities of Romans in Africa are still to be found in the 2nd and early 3rd c. AD. 51 Certainly Roman traders were numerous at crucial locations around the Mediterranean. This arises from evidence recording individual entrepreneurs or groups of merchants who were obviously Romans, although the defintion cives

47 ID 1699= ILLRP 343.

- 48  Cyrene: Reynolds 1962: 98, 4; 101-3 ( SEG 20, 715): [cives Romani qui Cyre]nis negotiantur.

49  Casperini 1971: 15-16.

- 50  The earliest inscriptions are: Suo, Africa proconsularis: AE 1937, 71; ILTun 682: cives Romani qui Suo morantur (AD 4-19).
- Siagu, Africa proconsularis: a dedication to Augustus by Roman businessmen, AE 1912, 51; 1978, 836; ILS 9495; ILAf 306; Cadotte 2007, 517, no. 176: cives Romani qui Thinissut negotiantur (under Tiberius).
- 51  All evidence is collected by Beschauch 2009 and is not reproduced here. A few more attestations, where the exact meaning of cives Romani is not, however, fully clear: cives Romani pagani veter(ani) pagi Fortunalis /quorum parentes benficio divi Augusti / [---]
- Pagus Fortunalis, Africa proconsularis: AE 1909, 158; ILAf 301; cf. Stoll 2015: 162: Sutunurca agros acceperunt p(ecunia) p(ublica) (AD 206).
- Hr El Haouaria, Africa Proconsularis: AE 1997: 1642; Saastamoinen 2010: no. 339: decuriones c(ives) R(omani), which is perhaps to be understood as decuriones c(ivium) R(omanorum) (AD 195-198)
- Oppidum Thisiduens, Africa Proconsularis: CIL VIII 1269: decuriones c(ivium) R(omanorum) et [mun]icipes [T]hisiduenses (AD 117-138); cf. Van Andringa 2003: 56. On decurions in Africa see Ben Romdhane 2011.
- Aubuzza, Africa Proconsularis : CIL VIII 16367: [cives Romani qui] Aubuzza consistunt
- Tipasa, Mauretania Caesarensis: AE 1848, 40: cives Romani cul/tores Larum et / imaginum Aug(usti) s(ua) p(ecunia) f(ecerunt) (AD 119)

An interesting case is the double community of Thugga (Tunisia), where from the Augustan period until its  development  as  a municipium (AD  205),  Roman  citizens ( pagus ) and Thuggenses ( civitas ) coexisted, see Thomson 1965 and Khanoussi, Ritter & von Rummel 2004-2005 with bibliography.

Romani or Italici is not included in their name, such as two mercatores qui Alexandr[iai] Asiai Syriai negotiantu[r] mentioned in an inscription from Puteoli (of the Augustan age?). 52 Thus, Romans should have been based in Alexandria and other commercial posts in northern Africa, forming part of a wide network of trade and communications across the Mediterranean and further in the East, links in this trade chain being also the merchants settled in southern Asia and Syria. 53 The important economic hub of Alexandria was the terminal port for the imported products from the Red Sea, which from Coptos traveled via Nile; this was one of the trade routes which brought here goods not only from the Red Sea region, but also from other parts of Africa as well as from Arabia, India and further east as far as China. 54 From Alexandria the imported items were channelled to further markets - Rome being the biggest consumer -, either as  raw  materials  or  as  (re)manufactured  products. 55 Literary sources, papyri, and inscriptions attest to Roman individuals engaged in various  branches  of  this  business  or  generally  to  Roman  interest  in

- 52 CIL X 1797, referring to two individuals, L. Calpurinius L. f. Capitolinus and C. Calpurnius L.f.
- 53  De Romanis & Maiuro 2015; Tchernia 2016: 42-51.
- 54  On the items, volume, routes and generally on the organization of this commerce see Young 2001; especially 16-22 on the trade routes, 24-80 on the origin of imported products and the role of Egypt in their trade. On Roman trade via the Red Sea in the 2nd c. AD see Nappo 2015; on Roman trade with lands further in the East see Terpstra 2015; Terpstra 2017; Galli 2017, all with earlier bibliography.
- Products imported from the East are frequently defined as 'luxury items', a definition which is not generally appropriate, since also materials for medical use or other everyday uses were also imported, see Young 2001: 13-16; certainly also luxurious goods were also brought from exotic lands, such as pearls, silk etc.; especially on pearls' import from India, Sri Lanka and the Persian Gulf as well as the routes of this trade see McLaughlin 2014; Schörle 2015; on silk see Galli 2017: 5-7 with previous bibliography and an appendix of ancient sources.
- On taxes on imported goods in Egypt see Nappo & Zerbini 2011. On the importance of Nile as a means of transportation see Adams 2017.
- 55  On the role of Alexandria in the eastern trade see Young 2001: 45-47. On manufacturing of raw materials or reprocessing of items in Alexandria see Young 2001: 2021, 47; Galli 2017: 6-7.

goods coming from the East and show that Roman merchants were stationed in Alexandria and other places in Egypt and were also involved in the trade network that reached as far as Far East. 56

Roman merchant communities were apparently installed even further in the East, although they are not explicitly mentioned in written sources, as e.g. the communities that apparently existed in Muziris and Arikamedu in India, if we judge from a number of indirect indications. 57 Even for the areas of Palestine and Syria attestations of Roman communities are rare. It is unclear whether Caesar, in referring to tax-farming in these regions ( B Civ. 3. 32, 6: neque minus ob eam causam civibus Romanis eius provinciae, sed in singulos conventus singulasque civitates certae pecuniae imperabantur ),  alludes to such communities. In any case, in the age of Tiberius,  Roman  residents  were  among  the  crowd  in  Jerusalem,  who witnessed the Apostles' preaching in various languages ( Acts 2.11: … καὶ οἱ ἐπιδημοῦντες Ῥωμαῖοι …). Although important routes of the Eastern trade passed over Syria, especially via Palmyra 58 and Bostra, epigraphic attestations of communities of Romans are extremely rare and of a later date.  In  Syria,  Roman  residents  are  for  the  first  time  collectively  attested under Marcus Aurelius. In an inscription from Bostra they appear as cives Romani consistentes Bostrae dedicating a temple for the well-being and victory of the emperor. 59 It is probably not a coincidence that Bostra is situated on Via Traiana, a limes road that connected the town with the port of Aela in the Gulf of Aqaba, and on one of the Eastern limites of the Empire,  where  military  units  were  based; 60 thus  Bostra  was  an  important location for both trade routes and defence. As will be discussed below, cives Romani consistentes are to be found in numerous inscriptions of the northern limites , at similarly crucial points on the frontier and on natural  routes  of  commerce  and  communication. Limites were  devel- oped in the East in regions with a Hellenized or semi-Hellenized advanced infrastructure and political as well as social patterns, while in a great part of the western and northern areas a lower stage of political and societal development prevailed.

56  Young 2001: 48-54; Galli 2017: 5. Ῥωμαῖοι are mentioned in several papyri, e.g. BGU 5.1210, BGU 9: 1894.

57  Young 2001: 26-27; Nappo 2021.

58  Young 2001: 123-68; Meyer, Seland & Anfinset 2016.

59 IGLSyr XIII 2, 9475: cives Romani consistentes Bostrae ; cf. Stoll 2015: 162.

see Thorne 2007: 228-32, on of  the East see Wheeler 2007 (on Bostra see pp. 250, 252). On the role of

60  Generally on the emergence and function of the limites the limes Bostra see Young 2001: esp. 107-10.

## THE WESTERN AND NORTHERN PART OF THE ROMAN WORLD

In the western part of the Roman world, epigraphic attestations of Romans as collectivities appear only from the 1st c. AD, although their presence at earlier dates in various places is verified by literary sources and archaeological finds. 61

## The Iberian Peninsula

Romans became familiar with Spain in the late 3rd c. BC during their fight against Carthage. The first centre of Roman settlers was formed, when Scipio in 206 BC gathered soldiers wounded at the battle at Ilipa, a town north of Seville, which was renamed to Italica (Appian, Iber . 38) and was to become later the homeland of two Roman emperors, Trajan and Hadrian. It was the beginning of several Roman foundations in the Iberic peninsula, which attracted a large number of Romans and Italians due to the rich natural resources 62 . In the Guadalquivir valley a colony,

- 61  For a short overview of the first contacts of Romans with the western part of the Mediterranean, see Ñaco del Hoyo, Principal & Dobson 2022.
- 62  Bandelli 2002: 105-42. The size of the Italian population of Spain is evident in Strabo's (3.5 [168]) reference to the settlement of 3,000 of these men from Spain to Balearics in 122 BC; cf. Wilson 1966, 22.

On an overview of the Romanization of Spain and emigration of population from Italy to the Iberian peninsula see Tsirkin 1993: esp. about a Roman settlenment that sprang into existence after Cato installed a camp in 195 BC at Emporion, on an connection of a wave of migration with M. Iunius Silanus around 100 BC (p. 277); Carthago Nova 'attracted Romans and Italics immediately after its seizure, as has been testified by the findings of Campanian vessels back to 250-180 B.C.' and these people were also drawn to the region by the rich mines whose exploitation by Italians is verified by the stamps on lead ingots (pp. 281-82); for Italian migration to Baetis, foundation of Italica and Corduba, but also their establishment in rural areas outside of these towns (p. 293); generally on questions related to the Italian migrants see pp. 302-5.

Corduba, was established at some disputed date, most probably in the first half of the 2nd c. BC, and a small number of outstanding locals were admitted into the colony (Strabo 3.2.1 Ῥωμαίων καὶ ἐπιχωρίων ἄνδρες ἐπίλεκτοι ). 63 The exploitation of Sierra Mo ř ena mines in Baetis valley attracted Romans already in 197 BC. 64 During the first period a co-existence of Romans and Italians with locals in the valley is evident, but in clearly  divided  settlements.  Rich  mines  were  exploited  by  Italians  in Carthago Nova too (Strabo 3.2.10), as is verified by stamps on lead ingots. 65 Over time Roman entrepreneurs were involved not only in the exploitation of mines, but also of further sea- and land-resources, such as olive oil production in Baetica. 66 Gradually, both Roman settlers and the indigenous elite exploited the land's abundant resources. 67

The merging of Romans with locals in Spain becomes quite clear in Caesar's  speech  in  Hispalis,  who  makes  no  distinction  between  them ( B Hisp . 42). Caesar's prevalence marked the establishment of coloniae at several places where Roman communities existed before. As previously noted by Kornemann and further analysed by other scholars, in the Romanized regions of the Iberic Peninsula and in the southern part of Gaul, settlements of private individuals from Italy were apparently absorbed into Caesarean or Augustan colonies or municipia , generally mentioned

On Valentia, its foundation in the second half of the 2nd c. BC (possibly 138 BC), its intense trade (as the extensive horrea show) and its Roman-Italic character see Ribera i Lacomba 2006. On the controversial situation of Tarraco, which is described by Pliny (3. 21) as opus Scipiorum, see Ruiz de Arbulo 2006.

Generally on Roman towns in the region of Valencia see Abad Casal 2014. On early Roman towns of Hispania Tarraconensis see Abad Casal, Kreay & Ramallo Asensio 2006. On Roman towns in Catalonia see Guitart i Duran 2010.

- 63  Wilson 1966: 24 and Funari 1994: 90 (152 BC); Bandelli 2002: 107 (between late 3rd and early 2nd c. BC); Jiménez & Carillo 2011. Caesar, B Civ . 2.19.3 speaks of a conventus (Tsirkin 1993: 308: 'i.e. the Roman citizens' community') in Corduba. On settlements in the Guadalquivir valey see Adab Casal 1975.
- 64  Strabo 3.2.9; Plin. HN 34.165; Diod. 5.36; Liv. 32.28.11; cf. Tsirkin 1993: 299, 302-3; Rowan 2013. On Romans in Baetis see also Wulff Alonso 1994; García Vargas 2019.
- 65  Tsirkin 1993, 281-82; Diaz Ari ň o & Antolinos Marin 2013; Stefanile 2015; Panzram 2020: 224-27.
- 66  For the rich olive-oil production of the region see Strabo 3.2.6. Curchin 1982; for more bibliography see Zoumbaki 2021: nn. 36 and 38.
- 67  On the economy of Baetica see Funari 1994.

by Pliny 68 as oppida civium Romanorum . 69 This pattern is observed in various instances in Spain where clusters of Italians evolved into towns, some of which became capitals of conventus iuridici . 70

All this resulted in the acculturation of the locals to the Roman way of life, μικρὸν ἀπέχουσι τοῦ πάντες εἶναι Ῥωμαῖοι (Strabo 3.2, 15). 71 Nevertheless, despite the presence of individuals from Italy in Spain dating back to the late 3rd c. BC and progressively expanding in various locations, explicit epigraphic attestations of Roman collectivities are hardly to be encountered. In the first half of the 1st c. AD in Tarraconensis, cives Romani qui negotiantur in Bracaraugustae are mentioned. 72 Tarraconensis is regarded as the area which displays the largest sample of Italians or their descendants during the Imperial period. 73 However, no other inscription from Iberia explicitly mentions a Roman community under a

- 68  E.g. Pliny, N.H . 3.3 Citerioris Hispaniae ..., quarum mentione seposita civitates provincia ipsa praeter contributas aliis CCXCIII continet, oppida CLXXVIIII, in iis colonias XII, oppida civium Romanorum  XIII,  Latinorum  veterum  XVIII,  foederatorum  unum,  stipendiaria  CXXXV ('Hither Spain … but the province itself contains, besides 293 states dependent on others, 189 towns, of which 12 are colonies, 13 are towns of Roman citizens, 18 have the old Latin rights, one is a treaty town and 135 are tributary').
- 69  Kornemann 1900: 1186-87; Wilson 1966: 38-39; Sherwin-White 1973: 225-36. According to Sherwin-White, oppida civium Romanorum in Spain as well as in Africa and in the northern part of the Roman world were amalgams of immigrant Roman citizens from central Italy, who formed 'convental' associations (in Sherwin-White's words) within the native townships, as well as of enfranchised native inhabitants.
- 70  Generally on the huge Italian population in Spain and the development of their communities, see García Fernández 1991: esp. 32; Rodríguez Neila 2017: 372. For conventus civium Romanorum in Spain, which developed in capitals of conventus iuridici , see Arrayás Morales 2004: 297-98, who mentions a conventus civium Romanorum in Tarraco and more conventus in Spain; see also Abascal Palaz ό n 2006: 68-70 (with earlier bibliography) on the existence of a conventus civium Romanorum at Icosium, which is based on Pliny's ( NH 3.19) mention of the contribution of Icositani to the Augustan colony of Ilici.
- 71  Wilson 1966: 24-25; Funari 1994: 88-91. On the spread of Romanization in Spain and the adaptation of local elites see Klein 2007-2008. On the development of bilingualism in Iberia in the Republican period, see Lowe 2014.
- 72 CIL II  2423 (AD 42-44); cf. Haley 1991: 28 who interprets them as 'Spanish-Roman citizens' citing views identifying them as Italians.
- 73  Haley 1991: 28-30, 113-17 cites several individual Italians attested in Baetica and Tarraconensis.

formal definition, such as conventus civium Romanorum or cives Romani qui …

## Gallia and the northern frontier

Romans were active in Gallic and Germanic regions as well. The early foundation of a colony at the important port of Narbonne (118-116 BC) reveals the interest of the Roman state in the area and archaeological finds and graffiti testify to the presence of individuals from the Italian peninsula. 74 Huge quantities of Italian amphoras discovered in excavations and shipwrecks point to extensive wine imports into Gaul from approximately 150 BC to the late 1st c. BC. 75 Cicero reports a civibus Romanis qui negotiantur in Gallia , a group that was numerous and dominant in every kind of entrepreneurial endeavor in Gaul; he further reports of individual profit-seekers in the region, such as Sextus Naevius in his Pro Quinctio . 76 Caesar refers to cives Romani settled at Cenabum and Cabillonum in  Gaul  for  the  purpose  of  conducting  trade  and  highlights  instances of trade with various Gallic and Germanic tribes. 77 This indicates that by the 1st c. BC, Roman traders had already established residency in Gaul. However, in the epigraphic record of the Gallic provinces, as also in Germania Superior, Romans are not attested as collectivities before the 1st c. AD. 78

There is a similar situation along the north frontier stretching from Britain to the limes -line of the Rhine and Danube, encompassing namely the regions from modern Scottland to the Black Sea. Along the limes of the Rhine and Danube, namely in the provinces of Germania, Raetia, Noricum, Pannonia, Dacia and Moesia, 79 Romans were in full action already in the 1st c. BC, yet their communities are epigraphically attested only from the 2nd c. AD. Regional studies have shown that from about the mid. 1st c. BC Dacia was full of Roman merchants and other specialists  who  partially  worked  for  local  kings  and  chieftains. 80 However, groups  of  Romans  are  attested  in  inscriptions  of  Dacia  as  well  as  of Moesia and Pannonia only from the 2nd c. AD and continued to exist until late in the 3rd century.

74  Christol 2002: 44; 2020.

75  Kay 2014: 141-47, 186.

76  Cic. Font . 11 Referta Gallia negotiatorum est, plena civium Romanorum. Nemo Gallorum sine cive Romano quicquam negoti gerit, nummus in Gallia nullus sine civium Romanorum tabulis commovetur  … est  praeterea  <maximus>  numerus  civium  Romanorum  atque  <equitum,> hominum honestissimorum ; Quinct. 12.

77  Caesar B Gall. 7.3.1 ( Cenabum signo dato concurrunt civesque Romanos, qui negotiandi causa ibi constiterant ); 7.42.3; 7.55.5 ( quique eo negotiandi causa convenerant ); for further mentions of traders in Gaul and Germania, e.g. B Gall. 1.39; 2.15; 3.1; 4.2-3, 4.5, 4.20-21; 6.37; 7.42, 7.45. Cf. Riggsby 2006: 97, 189.

78  For example AE 2000, 948 (Lugdunum); CIL XIII 1194 = ILS 197 (Avaricum), cf. Gmyrek 1998, 39; CIL XIII 6797 (Mogontiacum). Cf. Van Andringa 1998.

Romans are to be found as a collectivity in Britain as well; it is clear that they were civilian Romans who lived in a village ( vicus )  near the Fort Veluniate, although they are not called cives Romani , but vikani consistentes castello Veluniate , 81 while vicani are mentioned in three more inscriptions from Britain. 82 It is questionable, whether they are to be identified with cives Italici et Norici who appear in an inscription of an altar erected by the milites of the Legio VI from Castlecary; the late date (AD 140-190) makes the reference problematic and it is not to be excluded that the definition cives Italici et Norici refers to the origins of the soldiers, as Mann suggested, 83 and not to civilians.

Along the limes where castles and legionary camps were installed, Roman communities of civilians were settled next to them. Civilian settlements in the vicinity of legion quarters initially consisted of merchants, grocers, wine-traders, manufacturers who earned their living through  trade  activities  with  soldiers  and  perhaps  with  natives  who lived beyond the limes ; Roman merchants were in some cases active in

- 79  For the emergence and function of the limites see Thorne 2007: 228-232. For a general overview on the situation in the regions of the northern limes see (selected out of an extend bibliography): Dacia: Oltean 2007; Ardevan and Zerbini 2007; Cupcea 2011; Nemeti and Nemeti 2014. Dalmatia: Wilkes 1962; Pannonia: Kovács 2013; especially on the role of Roman army see Petculescu 2006; Avram 2007; Ruscu 2014; MateiPopescu 2014.
- 80   Parvan 1928: 153-54.
- 81  Richmond & Steer 1959.
- 82  Salway 1967: 10-11 with an analysis of the terms vicus, vicanus, consistentes , and canabae ; cf. also Salway 1993: 417. A discussion of those people living at the frontier see Birley 1979: 107-14.
- 83 CIL VII 1095; RIB 2148; cf. Birley 1952: 178; Mann 1963: 487-88.

those remote lands even before Roman legions arrived 84 . Civilians who followed the Roman army lived in canabae , settlements developed near the military camps, and vici 85 . The land surrounding a fortress was determined as intra leugam ( i.e. the perimeter of a Gallic leuga = 2.2 km). 86 In some cases a civilian settlement, a vicus , was founded extra leugam . 87 Roman citizens frequently lived together with peregrine communities in vici and  are  defined  as cives  Romani  consistentes .  Some vici bearing names,  such  as Vicus  Quintionis,  Vicus  Secundini etc.,  were  apparently named after Roman settlers, perhaps their founders. 88 In the course of time, veterani were also settled at the places where initially traders and manufacturers lived; gradually soldiers were not obliged to live in the quarters  of  the  legion  and  became  inhabitants  of  the  civilian  settlements  too. 89 Romans  who  lived  there  were  named cives  Romani  consistentes ad legionem, cives Romani consistentes ad canabas / (in) canabis or later canabenses ('people of the Canabae'), cives Romani consistentes vico .. . In some inscriptions veterani and cives Romani consistentes appear side by side. How far these settlements were under the jurisdiction of the military commanders is a subject of discussion. 90 Furthermore, there is a lengthy and ongoing debate on the legal status of these communities, especially whether they possessed the domicilium of  the  places where they are attested, but closer investigation has shown that their exact legal status varied. 91 Hence, certain settlements are defined as canabae ,

- 84  On the organization and administration of the canabae see Reid 1913: 196-99; Vittinghoff 1971; Petrikovits 1979; Petrikovits 1981; Piso 1991; Bérard 1992: 80-88. On the interaction of Romans with people beyond the northern frontier, see various contributions in Wells 2013.
- 85  Hanel 2007.
- 86  For an extensive discussion of intra leugam see Piso 1991, 139-141.
- 87  Kovács 2013, 132.
- 88  See Parvan 1928: 184.
- 89  Reid 1913: 196-97; Hanel 2007: 412-13; Handy 2009: 218.
- 90  Piso 1991: 138 the military authorities exercised no administration on the canabae , but were certainly interested in everything running outside, but close to, the legionary camps.
- 91  Mommsen 1910: 188 argued that these people did not possess the domicilium of the places in question and that's why they are not defined through the region where their settlement was located, but only through the canaba of  the legio with which they were connected. On this question see also Gagliardi 2006: esp. 433-35.

others as vici , some of them continued to exist even after the withdrawal of military forces, others were developed as municipia . Gradually some of  these  settlements resembled to towns, as they were supplied with buildings, such as theatres, porticos etc., and their administrative staff included magistri, aediles , quaestores , even a local senate called ordo .

The role of the army for the 'Romanization' of the frontier area, especially after the organization of Moesian limes by Vespasian, was pivotal. 92 The presence of Roman settlers in these regions was important for local societies, as army and traders who accompanied military units introduced monetized economy and markets as an institutional phenomenon into these regions. 93 It  is,  in  any case, evident that not only the  local  inhabitants  'underwent  a  process  of  'Romanization,'  but there is also a noticeable assimilation of Roman settlers into indigenous life. 94 The strategic placement of these regions at crossroads connecting the Roman oecumene with the external world, combined with the presence of extensive navigable rivers, undeniably attracted Romans due to their commercial significance. This was apparently the situation with an association of worshippers of Cybele in Tomis, matrem Romanorum subscriptorum . 95 In this context, we are dealing with a religious association which did not encompass the entirety of the Roman residents in Tomis, but only a number of individuals, all of whom were Roman citizens originating from Asia Minor. Their presence in this strategic commercial location on the Black Sea was certainly motivated by the lucrative opportunities it presented. Vasile Parvan's (1928: 184) words, 'Danube, with its tributary the Save, had once again done its duty as a highway between the Adriatic and the Black Sea', stress the importance of this region for commerce. The maritime line of shipping in the Black Sea from Tomis and other outlets towards the commercial centres in Bithynia, functioned further as a connection with the eastern provinces. 96

92  Petculescu 2006: esp. 31.

93  Verboven 2007; in the same sense also Parvan's (1928: 184-85) comments.

94  Hoehn 2009.

95  Bounegru 2000: esp. 128-29; cf. CAPInv

96  Bounegru 2014.

. 1205.

What arises from the overview of Romans and Italians abroad?

From this short and general overview of the expansion and gradual proliferation of groups of Romans and Italians outside the Italian peninsula, it arises that we are dealing with a phenomenon that displays no uniformity in chronological terms. Moreover, we have to take into consideration that these communities are dispersed in a world -the Roman world- whose parts lack uniformity in historical background, traditions, settlement patterns, urban development, civic and public life, and culture. The old tradition of the poleis with their fully developed civic institutions, especially in the East (yet not everywhere, as there were local diversities, e.g. in Asia Minor 97 ), co-existed in the vast Empire with under-urbanized regions where different forms of settlements and administration prevailed. The Roman world comprised a mosaic of communities: civitates  stipendiariae,  municipia ,  colonies  and  the  territories  included vici , pagi and  smaller  nuclear  communities  (e.g. castella ).  Our knowledge about these forms of settlement is not always adequate 98 , especially in Rome's western and northern provinces during the Republic. The status of various communities is being debated, whilst epigraphic and literary sources only allow us to gain a very patchy image of the organization of these regions which were to a large degree urbanized only under Roman rule.

The establishment of Roman nuclei in all these diverse environments was not an instantaneous event but rather a long-lasting process giving rise to various modes of coexistence between Romans and indigenous populations. This evolutionary process is evident e.g. in Pliny's oppida civium Romanorum in Spain, Africa and Dalmatia, which have been interpreted as amalgams of enfranchised native inhabitants and immigrant Roman citizens. 99 A different evolution is to be observed in a variety of settlements at the north frontier, ranging from colonies and civitates peregrinae to military vici which were developed in the interior of provinces  along  important  communication  routes  and  along  the limes ,  in proximity to castles and legionary camps. The fact that these people settled on the borders of the Roman world, frequently among locals with different administration structures and cultural background, led them to organize themselves in common with veterans who decided to establish themselves permanently on these lands after their retirement. It is evident that in many cases they cooperated with veterans and local populations in order to erect honorific monuments or buildings. They appear, however, as separate groups in the inscriptions and they are still mentioned as cives  Romani  consistentes even  after  the Constitutio  Antoniniana (e.g. IScM I 349, AD 246). Although in some cases it is feasible to identify some officeholder of the host settlements as originating from the milieu of Roman residents and despite the fact that locals acquired Roman citizenship or worshipped Roman deities along with Roman civilians and veterans, namely despite the hints of an integration of Romans into local societies and the adaptation of local people -at least of a part of them- to Roman status and culture, it is remarkable that in official texts Romans keep on advertising a separate identity. An attachment to Rome is also evident in dedications set up by these communities to Jupiter Optimus Maximus and sometimes to Juno Regina pro salute of some emperor. It is remarkable that Roman residents are only rarely connected with cults related to commerce, such as Hermes/Mercury, despite their economic activities (for an exception see e.g. CIL XIII 7222 = ILS 7077). 100

97  E.g. for Phrygia see Thonemann 2013: esp. 31-37.

98  Edmondson 2006: esp. 256-260.

99  Cf. n. 69 above. Sherwin-White 1973: 225-36, 344-50; on oppida in Germania Superior, Raetia and Noricum see also Pazmany 2019: 13-49.

The catalytic role played by the Roman and Italian settlers in the Iberian Peninsula is evident, for instance, in Strabo's writings about the region. Their presence is said to have brought, together with the fertility of the land, civilization and an urban lifestyle to the Turdetanians as also among the Celts (3.2, 15: τῇ δὲ τῆς χώρας εὐδαιμονία καὶ τὸ ἥμερον καὶ τὸ πολιτικὸν συνηκολούθησε τοῖς Τουρδητανοῖς , καὶ τοῖς Κελτικοῖς δὲ διὰ τὴν γειτνίασιν ).  The co-existence of Romans with locals in the

- 100 Bourigault 2007: 85 stresses the fact that festivals and religious actions where cives Romani consistentes are involved are always important cults for Rome, imperial cult as well as Jupiter Optimus Maximus, Juno, and Terra Mater and only rarely cults related to commerce. Van Andringa 2003: 55 for Roman cults implanted by Roman residents in their new settlements, e.g. in Lausanne; 57 for Turda in Dacia and Carnuntum.

Iberian Peninsula, coupled with the high degree of the assimilation of the indigenous population, particularly the elites, into the Roman realities, resulted in a relatively swift transformation of society. This situation is described by Strabo (3.2, 15) as μικρὸν ἀπέχουσι τοῦ πάντες εἶναι Ῥωμαῖοι .  From this point of view, it is understandable why groups of Romans in Spain are hardly explicitly mentioned in our sources as distinct enclaves within local societies.

Integration of Roman and Italian residents into local communities followed a different path in regions with a long tradition of civic life. In the  eastern  part  of  the  Roman  world, poleis ,  especially  the  most  important  commercial  centres,  interacted  for  centuries  with  foreigners who passed by or settled, and often granted them certain privileges either as individuals ( proxenia, proedria, ges enktesis etc.) or as groups (for example the permission to possess some places in order to conduct their own cult activities, e.g. the Kitian merchants residing in Athens, IG II 2 337). Therefore, in Greek poleis , Romans could readily find their place in an already existing pattern of social development. The settlement of a considerable number of Romans in the poleis certainly involved some adaptation to the reality of life in the host towns on the part of these settlers. It is clear that Roman residents were interested in establishing themselves economically, in cultivating relations with local society and authority, in acquiring certain rights and privileges that might encourage and support both their professional activities and their gradual integration into the host community. 101

Evidently, Italians and Romans who ventured far from Italy, motivated  by  diverse  reasons  and  enticed  by  various  opportunities,  were compelled  to  acclimate  themselves  to  diverse  environments.  Consequently,  their  settlements  evolved  diversely,  and  their  communities may display different features. 102 However, in order to perceive the phenomenon of the Roman diaspora it is useful to specify the common characteristics of the divergent groups of Romans and Italians abroad and to shed light onto their nature and formation.

101 On their strategies see Zoumbaki 2023.

102 For a comparative assessment of the fundamental features of the Roman diaspora in the eastern and western parts of the Mediterranean, see Zoumbaki & Karambinis 2022: 253-55.

## Specific features of the groups of Romans and Italians abroad: An analysis in the light of the basic characteri s t i c s   o f   p r i v a t e   a s s o c i a t i o n s

Since our sources provide hardly any direct information about the character of the Roman communities attested in numerous diverse settlements in the Roman world, it is important to consider every enlightening indication as to whether they are to be regarded as entities with a concrete legal status and an organization based on certain prescribed regulations, namely whether they are to be defined as private associations. In this respect, the attestations are to be analyzed on the basis of the criteria for categorizing a group as an association by Gabrielsen and Thomsen (2015: 10-12), namely on the basis of their name and further descriptive terms, internal organization, membership and durability.

Proper name and accompanying terminology:  The proper names of the collectivities of Romans and Italians abroad, along with further descriptive elements are crucial for our examination. Of special importance are inscriptions  set  up  by  the  host  communities  or  by  the  groups  themselves, which, as official documents, accurately reproduce the precise (self-)definition of these groups. The various definitions of the groups can be summarized in the following table.

| ROMANS                                  | Greek                                                                                                                           | Latin                                                                                                          |
|-----------------------------------------|---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------|----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------|
| Simple mention                          | Ῥωμαῖοι                                                                                                                         | Cives Romani                                                                                                   |
| Descriptional def- inition of the group | Κονβέντος Ῥωμαίων τὸ συνέδριον τῶν Ῥωμαίων                                                                                      | Conventus civium Romanorum                                                                                     |
| Terms stressing residence               | Ῥωμαῖοι παρεπιδημοῦντες Ῥωμαῖοι οἱ κατοικοῦντες Ῥωμαῖοι παραγινόμενοι Ῥωμαῖοι κατοικοῦντες / Ῥωμαῖοι οἱ ἐξ ἀρχαίου κατοικοῦντες | Cives Romani qui… consistunt Cives Romani con- sistentes Cives Romani qui… morantur Cives Romani qui… habitant |

|                                      |                                                                                                                                                         | Cives Romani …di- ocen(seos) Cives Romani + epi- thet derived from a toponym   |
|--------------------------------------|---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------|
| Terms stressing occupation           | Ῥωμαῖοι ( συμ ) πραγματευόμενοι [ πραγματευ ] ταί Ῥωμαῖοι ἐνγαιοῦντες Ῥωμαῖοι γεωργεῦντες ( Ῥωμαῖοι ἐνκεκτημένοι )                                      | Conventus civium Romanorum/ cives Romani qui in… negotiantur                   |
| Terms in partitive genitive          | Ῥωμαίων οἱ ναύκληροι καὶ ἔμποροι Ῥωμαίων οἱ κατοικοῦντες , οἱ καταπλέοντες ( εἰς τὴν νῆσον ) ἔμποροι καὶ ναύκληροι ( καὶ οἱ ἐργαζόμενοι ἐν τῆ τραπέζι ) |                                                                                |
| Terms stressing political status (?) | Ῥωμαῖοι συμπολ ( ε ) ιτευόμενοι                                                                                                                         |                                                                                |
| ITALIANS                             | Greek                                                                                                                                                   | Latin                                                                          |
| Simple mention                       | ' Ιταλικοί                                                                                                                                              | Italic(e)i                                                                     |
| Terms stressing residence            | Οἱ ἐν … παραγινόμενοι Ἰταλικοί Ἰταλικοί οἱ … κατοικοῦντες                                                                                               |                                                                                |
| Terms stressing occupation           | Ἰταλικοὶ οἱ ἐν … πραγματευόμενοι                                                                                                                        | Italicei …quei ne- gotiantur                                                   |

The definitions of communities of Romans and Italians abroad always include a ethnic name, Romani / Italic(e)i or Ῥωμαῖοι / Ἰταλικοί .  It  is  remarkable that in Latin inscriptions these groups are never called simply Romani , but always cives Romani , which is probably not an expression of mere ethnic identity but rather of legal status. It is, however, questionable, whether the Greek rendering Ῥωμαῖοι always indicates a legal status or points to an ethnic origin or to a more complicated identity which comprised a number of characteristics stressing a special relationship of  these  people  with  Rome,  such  as  origin  from  Italy,  Latin  language skills, use of Roman practices in their transactions etc. 103 Individual Italians,  where  they  did  not  mention  their  particular  town  of  origin,  in Greek as a rule defined themselves as Ῥωμαῖος , since Italicus/ Ἰταλικός was never used in singular. 104 Self-definitions of individuals in private bilingual documents are to be taken into consideration: in the Latin version the specific town of origin is accurately mentioned, whereas the Greek  version  always  gives  the  origin  as Ῥωμαῖος . 105 Therefore, Ῥω -μαῖος might not necessarily in such cases indicate their legal status. It is moreover significant that even in certain official documents set up by Greek poleis, individuals  defined  as Ῥωμαῖος lack  a  Roman  name  and consequently,  as  it  seems,  Roman  citizenship. 106 This  possibly  shows

- 103 On Ῥωμαῖοι who did not possess Roman citizenship, see Brunt 1971: 205-9.
- 104 There is, as far as I know, only a gravestone of Χρησίμου Ἰταλιώτα from Argos Amphilochikon in Epirus (3rd c. BC): SEG 32.562; Antonetti 2011.
- 105 As far as private bilingual documents are concerned, there are two characteristic examples. In a funerary bilingual inscription from Athens, the deceased, a member of the prominent family of Porcii, defines himself as [M(arcus) Por]cius [M(arci) f(ilius) Cato Tus]cula(nu)s / [ Μᾶρκο ] ς Πόρκιος [ Κάτων Ῥ ] ωμαῖος ( IG II 2 10163). In a bilingual  gravestone  from  Rheneia  the  deceased  is  mentioned  as  Q.  Avili  G.  f. Lanuvine / Κόιντε Ἀΰλλιε υἱὲ Ῥωμαῖε ( EAD XXX 495). Apart from questions regarding specific status of the towns of origin -Tusculum being a municipium with full privileges of citizenship (see Astin 1972), Lanuvium a town of problematic status, perhaps a civitas sine suffragio (see e.g. Mouritsen 2007: 157; Capogrossi Colognesi 2014: 99 n. 4) -, it is striking that the Greek version renders the origin generally as Ῥωμαῖος and omits accurate mention of the hometown.

See also Hasenohr 2007a: 222-23 on the use of Ῥωμαῖος on Delos.

- 106 A characteristic example is Νίκανδρος Μενεκράτεος Ῥωμαῖος attested in a catalogue of proxenoi at Delphi in 173/2 BC ( Syll 3 585; SGDI 2581 [ SEG 17.236; 19.383]). In a list of technitai of Dionysos from Argos (first quarter of the 1st c. BC) an individual is mentioned as [ Δημ ] ήτριος Δημητρίου Ῥωμαῖος (Vollgraff 1919: 252). An entry in one  of  the  temple  inventories  of  Delos  is: ἐν τῶι τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος· στεφάνιον [ ἀργυ ] ροῦν δάφνης , ἀνάθημα Ἀχιλλέως Ῥωμαίου … ( ID 1442, B. l. 47).

that Greeks tended to define as Ῥωμαῖος individuals from Italy in general, irrespectively of their personal status or the status of their town of origin. It is perhaps useful to recall that the term 'Hellenes' in Hellenistic Egypt could include people of non-Greek origin, such as Hellenized Jews. 107

The exact meaning of Ῥωμαῖος / Ῥωμαῖοι both for individuals and for groups remains therefore an open question. We should further mention Claire Hasenohr's observation that Italici / Ἰταλικοί never appear in Delian inscriptions recording common actions with Athenians and other foreigners or 'other Hellenes', but in such cases Ῥωμαῖοι are recorded. here are, however, some exceptions where Graec(e)i / Ἕλληνες and Italici / Ἰταλικοί / Ἰταλοί are jointly mentioned. 108 Taking all this into consideration,  we  should  bear  in  mind  that  collective  definitions  as Ῥωμαῖοι could also include people who were not cives Romani . The question regarding the exact meaning of Ῥωμαῖος / Ῥωμαῖοι and the purpose of its use in various documents as well as its implications for individual or collective identities, extends, however, beyond the scope of this paper.

Only two descriptive terms of the collectivities under examination are included in their definitions, conventus / κονβέντος and τὸ συνέδριον , and both are rarely used. The Greek terms κονβέντος and τὸ συνέδριον τῶν Ῥωμαίων 109 seem  simply  to  render  in  Greek  the  term conventus . Kornemann  regarded  the  term conventus as  equivalent  to  the  Greek σύνοδος and stressed that conventus implies a durable community ('dauernde Gemeinschaft'). 110 That the communities were durable, is evident from their repeated occurences. However, the term σύνοδος is  never used to define groups of Romans and Italians, 111 and similar terms which

- 107 See Thompson 2001, Sänger 2013: 60 and Kruse 2015: 291, 297 with previous bibliography on the topic.
- 108 Cf. Hasenohr 2007a: 224. Exceptions are ID 1620, 1694-96, 1698.
- 109 Κονβέντος Ῥωμαίων : Thyateira: 1. TAM V 2, 1002; IGR IV 1169 ( τοῦ τῶν Ῥωμαίων κονβέντου ); 2. TAM V  2,  1003: κουρατορεύσ [ αντα κονβέντου Ῥω ] μαίων . Τὸ συνέδριον τῶν Ῥωμαίων appears only once in an inscription from Hierapolis in Phrygia, Alt.v.Hierapolis 32. On the term synedrion see Arnaoutoglou 2016: 283.
- 110 Kornemann 1900: 1181.
- 111 Scherrer 2007: 68 and n. 41 wonders, whether τῆι συνόδωι in a very fragmentary inscription from Ephesos ( IEphesos 859) is to be identified with the conventus civium

are frequently used for private associations, such as collegium, koinon, thiasos etc., are never encountered in the sources in connection with Romans and Italians abroad either. As studies by historians of law have shown, 112 the term conventus , when it does not imply juridical districts of the Roman Empire, means nothing more than an assembly of Romans sojourning in a region. Purcell, however, refers to the 'institution of conventus', which 'enabled Roman communities to adopt something of the style of a formal body politic.' 113 Moreover, we have to stress that although the term conventus ( civium Romanorum ) is very frequently used in the related bibliography in order to define all these communities, it does not appear abundantly in inscriptions, even in the West: specifically, only a handful of inscriptions from the region of the Helvetii, 114 one from Masculula in Tunisia 115 and two Latin inscriptions from Ephesos 116 refer to conventus , while the Greek versions κονβέντος Ῥωμαίων

Romanorum of the town, but there is neither a parallel of this definition nor an internal argument of the text leading to this clue.

- 112 Berger 1953: 416.
- 113 Purcell 2005: 95.
- 114 CIL XIII 5026 = ILS 7011 = RISch I, 51 = AE 2000, 1029 (Lausane): Soli, Genio, Lunae / sacrum ex voto / pro salute Augus/torum, P. Clod(ius) Corn(elia tribu) / Primus, curator vika/nor(um) Lousonnensium (bis), / (se)vir Augustal(is), c(urator) c(ivium) R(omanorum) / conventus Hel(vetici) d(e) s(uo) d(edit) .

CIL XIII  11478 = RISch I,  105  (Avenches): cf. Lamoine 2009: 134, no. 32: D(ecimus) Iul(ius)  C(ai)  f(ilius)  Fa[b(ia)]  |  Consors  sac(erdos)  augustal(is)  mag(ister)  |  cur(ator) c(ivium) R(omanorum) conen(tus) Hel(vetici) ex vis[u].

- CIL XIII 5013 (Nyon): [- - - ]no f. Corn(elia tribu) / [- - - C]antabro / cur(atori) c(ivium) R(omanorum) convent(us) / Helvetic(i), (duo)viro, / Iuliae C. fil(iae) Marcellae / Corneliae Q. filiae Marcellae .
- CIL XII 2618 = RISch I,  21 (Geneva): [- - - pojntifex trium[vir / loc(orum) publ(icorum) perse]q(uendorum), c(urator) c(ivium) R(omanorum) con(ventus) He[lvetici - - - ] .
- 115 CIL VIII 15775; ILS 6774/5; ILTun 1668: [Div]o Augus[to] | sacrum | conventus |civium Romanor(um) |et Numidarum qui |Mascululae habitant.
- 116 The term is restored in several Ephesian inscriptions, but it is preserved in the following texts:
- İ plikçio ğ lu, Engelmann & Knibbe 1989: 235-36, no. B 2; Alpers & Halfmann 1995: 1320 (35 BC): conventus c. [R.] quei Ephesi negotiantu[r].
- IEph 3019 (AD 43/44): conventus c(ivium) R(omanorum) qui in Asia negotiantur.

and συνέδριον τῶν Ῥωμαίων are to be encountered only in two inscriptions from Thyateira and in one from Hierapolis in Phrygia. 117 The lack of descriptive terminology impedes our understanding of the nature of these groups.

The proper names of these collectivities often include a reference to their places of residence. It can be a canaba (e.g. IScM V 154: veterani et cives  Romani consistentes ad canabas legionis V Macedonicae ),  a vicus (e.g. IScM I 324: cives Romani consistentes in vico Quintionis ), a town (e.g. IC IV 278: cives Romani qui Gortynae consistunt ), a region (e.g. ILGR 40: Ῥωμαῖοι οἱ ἐν ταῖς πόλεσιν τῆς Λακωνικῆς πραγματευόμενοι ),  a  wider  administration unit (e.g. CIL XI 7288 = ILLRP 445: [- - - qui in diocesi Synna]dica negotiantur ) or a province (eg. CIL III 12266 from Rhodes: cives Romani qui in Asia negotiantur ). In some Latin inscriptions the residence is implied by an epithet derived from a toponym, such as cives Romani Suenses ( CIL VIII 25850), c(i)v(es) R(omani) Miciens(es) ( IDR III 3, 81).

Geographical  references  to  the  groups'  residences  are  followed  in Latin by verbs or participles, qui … consistunt, morantur, habitant or consistentes ,  in  Greek normally rendered as participles, παρεπιδημοῦντες , κατοικοῦντες , παραγινόμενοι . Leaving aside epithets derived from toponyms (e.g. Suenses, Micienses ), which apparently do not bear a legal nuance, and the term παραγινόμενοι which seems to mean simply 'present', it is questionable, whether the remaining terms have any legal implications. As for Ῥωμαῖοι οἱ κατοικοῦντες , in Latin cives Romani qui … habitant , the question arises as to whether we are dealing with equivalents of cives Romani qui … consistunt/cives Romani consistentes , which are merely used as variations of Ῥωμαῖοι οἱ παρεπιδημοῦντες , or a different legal status is to be deduced. Inscriptions from Delos 118 mentioning both terms, οἱ κατοικοῦντες καὶ παρεπιδημοῦντες , show that there must be a difference  between  the  two  notions,  perhaps  the  difference  between

- 117 Κονβέντος : 1. TAM V 2, 1002; IGR IV 1169 ( τοῦ τῶν Ῥωμαίων κονβέντου ); 2. TAM V 2, 1003: κουρατορεύσ [ αντα κονβέντου Ῥω ] μαίων . Συνέδριον : Alt.v.Hierapolis 32 ( τὸ συνέδριον τῶν Ῥωμαίων ).
- 118 Cf. for example IDelos 1659 (85-78 BC): Ἀθηναίων καὶ Ῥωμαίων καὶ | τῶν ἄλλων Ἑλλήνων οἱ κα | τοικοῦντες ἐν Δήλωι καὶ | οἱ παρεπιδημοῦντες ἔμ | ποροι καὶ ναύκληροι etc.

permanent settlers and temporary residents. If they have chosen to settle in a host-town on a permanent basis, it might imply that they are not a community at the margin of a town, but they have acquired the socalled ius incolatus , the right of domicilium. Van Andringa argues that Roman consistentes could become incolae , if they received the right of domicilium and thus they could participate actively in local life. 119 He rejects, however, Kornemann's and Schulten's view that consistentes received automatically the ius incolatus , since these two notions, consistentes and incolae ,  are  not  identical,  while  only  the  latter  implies  a  legal  status. Thus, the Roman κατοικοῦντες may have become incolae , which is a step above simple consistentes . However, several indications point to the fact that incolae are rendered in Greek as πάροικοι , 120 a term which, to my knowledge, occurs only once in relation with resident Romans, in a restored - thus not ascertained - text from Oropos ( IG VII 190 Ῥωμαί [ οις τοῖς πα ] ροικοῦσι ). Moreover, it is not clear, whether the use of all these variations in inscriptions was conscious and accurate. A bilingual inscription  from  Prymnesos 121 (Phrygia),  for  instance,  should  make  us doubtful about the use of these terms. The Latin version of this inscription refers to c(ives) R(omani) [qui (ibi) nego]tiantur ,  whereas the Greek version is ο [ ἱ κατοικοῦν ] τες Ῥωμαῖοι ; although both versions of the text are restored, the ending of the participle leaves no doubt that the Greek text  does  not  include  the  word πραγματευόμενοι ,  which  is  the  usual Greek rendering of qui … negotiantur . 122

- 119 Van Andringa 1998: 172; Van Andringa 2003: 53-54. Generally on incolae and domicilium and the previous bibliography see Hermon 2007 and Licandro 2007.
- 120 Gagliardi 2006; Gagliardi 2017: esp. 397-98 points to the meaning of an inscription from Dion published by Pantermalis 1984: 277 ( AE 1998, 1210; SEG 34,  631): Colonarum  et  incolarum  coniuges | Anthestiae  P(ublii)  l(ibertae)  Iucundae  honoris  causa. | Κολώνων καὶ παροίκων αἱ γυναῖκες Ἀνθεστίαι Ποπλίου | ἀπελευθέραι Ἰουκούνδαι ἀρετῆς ἕνεκεν , where incola and πάροικος seem to be used as equivalents. Gagliardi further cites the jurist Pomponius ( liber singularis enchiridii , in D . 50.16.239.2): 'Incola' est, qui aliqua regione domicilium suum contulit: quem Graeci πάροικον appellant. Nec tantum hi, qui in oppido morantur, incolae sunt, sed etiam qui alicuius oppidi finibus ita agrum habent, ut in eum se quasi in aliquam sedem recipiant. On katoikountes on Delos see Müller 2017: esp. 98-99.
- 121 CIL III 7043; ILS 976; IGR IV 675 (cf. SEG
- 122
- 36, 1200).
- On the vocabulary of these definitions see Verboven 2002.

Beyond the term πραγματευόμενοι ,  the  variation συμπραγματευό -μενοι is  also to be found (see Idomene, Edessa, Thessaloniki, Styberra and Akanthos, n. 26 above), perhaps indicating that Romans engaged in business  cooperatively  or  dealing  with  locals.  It  remains  unclear whether a less common term, Ῥωμαῖοι συμπολ ( ε ) ιτευόμενοι , 123 simply denotes Romans residing in and interacting with a local community or whether they were regarded as fellow-members of a town.  In any case, the term συμπολ ( ε ) ιτευόμενοι requires closer examination, especially as to whether an allusion of a political status is to be traced in it, since it recalls the term sympoliteia. In the unpublished Leiden MA thesis by Hermann Roozenbeek, known to me only through a reference by Van Nijf 2009, it is stated that the Roman communities were linked to the cities in a kind of sympoliteia (joined citizenship) -a suggestion rejected by Van Nijf. 124 The question has been posed by C. Brélaz 125 who examines the  term συμπολ ( ε ) ιτευόμενοι along  with  the  term colonus / κολωνός and takes into account indications for the existence of several types of coloniae in  the  provinces.  He  inclines  to  the  view  that  in  the  case  of συμπολ ( ε ) ιτευόμενοι we  are  dealing  with  associations considered not merely 'à l'égal de corps constitués, mais comme des entités quasi politique, à la manière de politeumata '. In fact, communities of Romans and Italians share some common elements with politeumata 126 which are attested in the Hellenistic period in the Ptolemaic Kingdom, in the outer

- 123 E.g. Isaura: IGR III 294: [ Ἰσα ] υρέων ἡ βουλὴ καὶ ὁ δῆμος οἵ τε συμπολειτευόμενοι Ῥωμαῖοι . Amisos: IGRR IV 314: Αὐτοκράτορα Καίσαρα | θεοῦ υἱὸν θεὸν Σεβαστὸν | ὁ δῆμος ὁ Ἀμισηνῶν καὶ οἱ | συμπολιτευό [ μενοι ] Ῥωμαῖοι || τὸν ἑατῶν σωτ [ ῆρα καὶ κτίσ ] την .
- 124 In  an  unpublished  Leiden  MA  thesis,  Hermann  Roozenbeek  argued  that  'these groups of Roman residents and traders must have had a kind of more formal status' and went on suggesting that 'these conventus were linked to the cities in a kind of sympoliteia (joined citizenship), which would have given them a separate status and a close link to the city at the same time'. Onno Van Nijf expressed his hesitation to accept such a formal status, a sympoliteia , for all Roman communities, mainly because these groups sometimes extended beyond the limits of an individual town, as is shown, for example, by the attestations of groups of Roman residents in the province of Asia (e.g. CIL III 12266 from Rhodes).
- 125 Brélaz 2016.
- 126 Sänger 2013 generally on politeumata ; Kruse 2015 on politeumata in Egypt.

Ptolemaic possessions and in regions under Ptolemaic influence; yet important  differences  between politeumata and  collectivities  of  Romans and Italians exist as well: whereas the politeumata are characterized by the presence of a military component, the clear internal structure of self-administration, the connection with some districts in the towns, these  features  are  not  recognizable  in  the  groups  of  Romans  called συμπολ ( ε ) ιτευόμενοι and  generally  in  groups  of  Roman/Italian  residents abroad (see below, under the criterium Organization). Recent research has shown that politeumata , even if they arose as associations of compatriots in a foreign land, they could not be regarded as associations anymore after they received the privileged status of the politeumata . 127 Brélaz seems to accept Broughton's suggestion to regard συμπολιτευό -μενοι of Attaleia as a community whose origins are to be found in the sale of portions of the ager publicus in the town, a view held also by St. Mitchell for the συμπολιτευόμενοι Ῥωμαῖοι of Isaura. 128 Brélaz does not exclude however the possibility that the term has no legal nuance, but just underlines the role of Romans in the host town and is used simply as a variant of negotiatores and conventus civium Romanorum. 129

In more cases groups of resident Romans assumed an almost parallel status with civic institutions, as they appear side by side with public bodies. 130 Although no specific term, such as συμπολιτευόμενοι is  employed, they clearly co-operated with public bodies, such as the boule and the demos or even super-civic bodies, the koina , such as the Koinon of the Achaeans (Olympia: IvO 335; SEG 17, 197 and 198). This indicates that these communities had already obtained an important position in the public life of the host-towns. Mentions of Ῥωμαῖοι along with civic bodies and subdivisions, such as tribes (e.g. in the ephebic lists from Messene, see above n. 26), do not display characteristics of an association. Private associations placed side by side with official bodies or civic

- 127 Sänger 2013: 62-63.
- 128 Mitchell, 1978: 313-314.
- 129 Brélaz 2016. See also Broughton 1935 and Mitchell 1978.

130 See for example Apameia: IGR IV 794: ἡ βουλὴ καὶ ὁ [ δῆμος καὶ οἱ ] κατοικοῦντες Ῥω [ μαῖοι ]; Iasos: I.Iasos 90: ἡ βουλὴ καὶ ὁ δῆμος καὶ οἱ νέοι καὶ ἡ γερουσία καὶ οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι οἱ ἐν Ἰασῶι πραγματευόμενοι ; Maroneia: Loukopoulou et al . 2005, Ε 180: γνώμῃ βουλευτῶν καὶ ἱερέων καὶ ἀρχόντων καὶ Ῥωμαίω̣ [ ν τῶν vvv ] [ τ ] ὴν πόλιν κατοικούντων καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν πολειτῶν ἁπά [ ντων …

subdivisions are not to be found in the sources, with certain exceptions which  however  do  not  imply  cooperation  or  placement  at  the  same lavel. An exception is to be recognized in some epitaphs where public bodies and private thiasoi are attested in separate wreaths engraved on the funerary stelae. 131 However, we are not dealing with common actions in these cases, but rather with a simple collection of public and private bodies that honour the memory of a prominent deceased individual. Moreover, we are not dealing with official civic, but rather with private texts whose layout on gravestones was based on private initiative.  Furthermore,  private  associations  in  the  plural, οἱ σύνοδοι ,  can rarely be found next to public bodies, as in an inscription from Hierapolis, 132 but that is again different from the mention of a single synodos taking action along with public institutions.

A definition whose exact use is obscure as well, τηβεννοφοροῦντες , is attested only in one inscription from Thessaly and probably renders in Greek the term togati , 133 a term which is also used by Sallust to define Italici (Sall. Iug. 21.2) resident at Adharbal's capital Cirta in Africa.

The occupations of Italians and Romans are not frequently mentioned in the titles of the groups and where they are mentioned, they are as a rule very general, e.g. πραγματευόμενοι , qui in … negotiantur . 134 More concrete definitions are only exceptionally used, as in the case of those engaged  in  agriculture, ἐνγαιοῦντες and γεωργεῦντες 135 ;  the  definition ἐνκεκτημένοι 136 shows  that  they  have  acquired  the  right  to  own  land ( enktesis ), which perhaps implies their intention to engage in agriculture, yet ἐνκεκτημένοι is  not the definition of an occupation, but of a privileged status in a Greek polis . Some closer mentions of occupations are to

- 131 E.g. Aigina: IG IV 44-46; IG IV 2, 974. Cf. however, Poland 1909: 26, 104 argues that these thiasoi are rather to be regarded as public subdivisions.
- 132 Alt.v.Hierapolis 32:  [ ἡ λαμπροτάτη βουλὴ (?)]  |  [ καὶ ] ὁ λαμπ̣ [ ρ ] ό [ τατος ]  |  [ δῆ ] μος Ἱεραπόλε [ ως ] | κ̣αὶ ἡ γερουσία | καὶ τὸ συνέδριον | τῶν Ῥωμαίων καὶ ο [ ἱ ν ]| έοι καὶ αἱ σύνοδο [ ι ]…
- 133 Arvanitopoulos 1910: no. 3, col. 344-49; cf. Bouchon 2007; Eberle Pilar 2017: 338.
- 134 On the term negotiatores see Eberle Pilar 2017.
- 135 Olympia: ἐνγαιοῦντες : SEG 17.197 and 198 (100-70 BC) and IvO 335 (Augustan period); cf. Zoumbaki 1994. Kos: γεωργεῦντες : SGDI III 1, 3698; IGR IV 1087. On Italians and Romans engaged in agricultural economy in Greece proper see Zoumbaki 2013.
- 136 Beroia: IBeroia 59 (57-55 BC).

be found in the use of partitive genitive in order to single certain professional groups out of a wider Roman population of a place, as e.g. on Delos ( Ῥωμαίων οἱ ναύκληροι καὶ ἔμποροι ).

The term κατακληθέντες which is included by certain scholars in the terminology used to define groups of Romans in Greek inscriptions, 137 should be rather expelled from our examination. It is attested only in an inscription from Bizye (Thrace), which records divine honours offered to the King Kotys and displays difficulties in the restoration of the crucial word that follows the participle κατακληθέντες εἰς … 138 Whatever restoration of the crucial gap of the inscription accepted,  the  word κατακληθέντες ('those who called upon, invoked', see n. 31) followed by the preposition εἰς seems not to form a fixed label, but to be associated with a concrete action on the part of the Romans, obviously in connection with Kotys. Furthermore, the adverb πρώτως ( οἱ πρώτως κατακληθέντες εἰς …), seems to accentuate the Romans' attitude towards the king.

Therefore,  upon  scrutinizing  the  proper  names  and  accompanying descriptive terminology assigned to collectivities of Romans and Italians, it becomes evident that the terms commonly employed to delineate private associations, such as synodos, thiasos, koinon , collegium , etc., are never utilized in reference to these groups of Romans. Although the term conventus does sporadically appear, it primarily denotes an assembly of Roman settlers  and  is  never  employed  to  delineate  private  associations. Moreover, the accompanying definitions consistently emphasize factors such  as  place  of  residence,  occupation,  and  potentially  the  political standing of the groups under consideration.

Membership: In our sources there is no allusion to rules for entrance (or exit)  to  the  communities  of  Romans  and  Italians.  This  raises  several questions, as to whether all people permanently or temporarily settled at  a  certain  place  were  automatically  members,  whether  every  newcomer joined the group, whether joining these groups or staying out of them were real options. William Ramsay argued that Paul's idea of the unified universal church and the local churches was analogous to the Roman view that 'every group of Roman citizens meeting together in a body  ( conventus  civium  Romanorum )  in  any  part  of  the  vast  Empire formed a part of the great conception of 'Rome' … Any citizen who came to  any  provincial  town  where  such  a  group  existed,  was  forthwith  a member of the group …' 139 In a different way, Fabiène Gogniat-Loos regards groups of Romans as equivalents of British clubs during the expansion of the Commonwealth. 140 A  further  question  which  has  been posed  is  whether  local  individuals  who  obtained  Roman  citizenship were considered members of the groups under examination. According to certain scholars, 141 cives Romani consistentes did not automatically integrate new Roman citizens into the conventus , while others expressed the view that they were included in the groups as new members. 142 The term ' cives Romani consistentes ' seems in any case to exclude that new bearers of Roman citizenship originating from the host communities could be integrated as new members of the conventus, since they were not consistentes but citizens of their hometowns. 143

137 Van Nijf 2009; Ramgopal 2017: 410 n. 15.

138 Dawkins & Hansluk 1905/1906, 177-78, Dessau 1913: 700; Kalinka 1926: 118-19; Sullivan 1979: 196; Moretti 1984: 266-67 ( SEG 34, 702); cf. Delev 2016. For the restoration of the third line see n. 31 above

All  aforementioned  different  views  show  that  the  situation,  as  it arises from written sources, is far from clear. If we are dealing merely with an ethnic group, there could perhaps be no limitation as far as entrance or exit were concerned, but if we are dealing with an organized

- 139 Ramsay 1898: 125.
- 140 Gogniat-Loos 1994: 25.
- 141 E.g. Bourigault 2007: 84.
- 142 E.g. from the earlier bibliography see Mitteis 1891: 145 ('… eines Clubs römischer Bürger, der sich durch den Hinzutritt von Provinzialen, welche das Bürgerrecht erlangt hatten, verstärkte') and from the recent bibliography see Tzamtzis 2013: 185-86.
- 143 So also Van Andringa 2003: 50-51 rejecting older views on this issue. Van Andringa further points to the fact that during the Republic cives Romani and Italici came from Italy, while during the Imperial period the term cives Romani can comprise citizens originating also from other provinces, as the inscription from Celeia ( CIL III 5212) shows.

association whose members were registered and had concrete obligations, then entrance and exit from it could not be left uncontrolled. Such data are not however available, not even for large and important communities of Romans and Italians, as e.g. on Delos where there is abundant  epigraphic  material  dating  to  a  relatively  short  period  of  time, from 167 BC to the first quarter of the 1st c. BC. Prosopographic and onomastic studies on Delos show that there were constantly new arrivals and departures of Romans and Italians. 144 A wider onomastic study by Olli Salomies has shown that new immigrants continued to move from the West to the East, still in the 2nd and 3rd c. AD 145 .  If this is the case with all Roman communities abroad, then we are dealing with groups without a concrete body of members, but with free-floating entities that came and went.

A close examination of individual Romans and Italians who are encountered outside Italy from the 3rd c. BC onwards makes clear that we are dealing with groups that were not homogenous with regard to their internal composition. This heterogenous, mobile and opportunistic diaspora  included  Italians  and  Romans,  freeborn  and  freedmen,  from Rome, from Italy or from Roman enclaves outside Italy, such as the colonies. Especially characteristic are inscriptions showing the provenance of  Roman residents in a province, such as an inscription from Celeia mentioning cives  Romani ex Italia et aliis provinciis in Raetia consistentes , and another from Agro Valeria, which mentions cives Romani ex Italia et aliis provinciis in Pannonia consistentes . 146 Since members of the communities under examination may originate from various places in Italy and beyond,  these  groups  did  not  consist  of  compatriotes  in  the  narrow sense of the word; they were not like numerous other communities of compatriotes  who,  on  the  basis  of  common  origin  and  cultural  ties, formed  homogenous  enclaves  in  the  foreign  towns  where  they  happened to be hosted. As for their occupations, they seem to have been diverse as well. Inscriptions only rarely mention their occupations in a general way, e.g. negotiatores , πραγματευόμενοι , while only ἐνγαιοῦντες

144 Wilson 1966: 111-13

145 Salomies 2007: 1279-80.

146 Celeia: CIL III  5212; ILS 1362a (AD 157-162). Agro Valeria: Jahrbücher der Literatur

1818-1849, 58.

and γεωργεῦντες are more concrete definitions. It is in any case evident that they were engaged in various professions and profitable business, 'they turned a hand to pretty well anything that could bring in a nice profit and can appear almost anywhere, where reasonably ordered commercial conditions could be found.' 147

Thus, neither ethnic nor professional nor social homogeneity is to be recognized  in  the  composition  of  the  groups  of  Romans  and  Italians abroad. The question arises: What did they actually share as members of a group? What was the common identity that could be claimed, since their  common identity was neither based on common cultural background, nor on common occupations, not even on the provenance from Italy? What bound them together was rather the pursuit of profit in a foreign land and their relationship to Roman power, either bearing the legal status of a Roman citizen or being slaves acting as agents of Roman citizens, sometimes indeed of high ranking members of Roman society.

Organization: Closely related to the question of membership is the problem of the organization of communities of Romans abroad. In an attempt to perceive whether they were organized as private associations, it is crucial to examine whether they had an internal hierarchy, administration,  and  officeholders who would be responsible for various aspects of their communal life.

From the eastern part of the Mediterranean only a handful of inscriptions offer some information about officials whose titles show that they exercised some coordinative duty in the context of the groups of Italians and Romans. These indications are to be found in inscriptions of Asia Minor. From the Greek mainland and the islands of the Aegean no inscription reveals any hint of an organization and hierarchization within these communities, not even on Delos where numerous related inscriptions have been preserved. In an inscription from Tralles ( I.Tral 145, 1st c.  AD  [?]),  a  certain  Ti.  Iulius  Claudianus  is  mentioned  as γραμματεύ -σαντα καὶ τῆς φιλοσεβάστου γερουσίας καὶ τῶν φιλοσεβάστων νέων καὶ Ῥωμαίων . In a further inscription from Tralles, Ti. Claudius Panychus Eutychus Coibilus (?) is mentioned as κουρατορεύ̣σαντα τῶν Ῥωμαίων ( I.Tral 77, 2nd c. AD). It is remarkable that both individuals from Tralles have an impressive cursus honorum including numerous civic offices. 148 In two inscriptions from Thyateira 149 - perhaps referring to one and the same  individual  -  the  title κουρατορεύσαντα τοῦ τῶν Ῥωμαίων κονβέντου is to be encountered among the numerous titles of the honorand(s): One of these inscriptions ( TAM V 2, 1002; IGR IV 1169) originates from a monument which was erected by the skytotomoi for T. Flavius Alexander, son of Metrophanes, of the tribe Quirina; the other inscription ( TAM V 2, 1003) is so fragmentary that both the dedicants and the honouree are not preserved, but it is possible that it refers to T. Flavius Alexander too. An inscription from Hierapolis refers to C. Agelleius Apollonides as κονβεντα̣ [ ρ ] χήσαντα τῶν Ῥωμα̣ [ ί ] ων among numerous other offices. 150 A further inscription from Hierapolis dated to AD 211 (or 213)-217 records the impressive cursus honorum of C. Memmius Eutychus, which includes the office of Ῥωμαίων κωουέντα [ ρ ] χον . 151 As for the term curante mentioned in an inscription from Gortys (Crete), which refers to conventus civium Romanorum ,  it  is  rather to be excluded from the  this  discussion,  since  it  probably  concerned  not  an  officeholder

147 Errington 1988: 143.

- 148 ITral 145: στεφανηφόρον καὶ γραμματέα | τοῦ δήμου , βουλαρχήσαντα , | εἰρηναρχήσαντα , ἀγορανομή | σαντα , σιτωνήσαντα ἀπὸ | [ Ἀλεξα ] νδρείας δίς , χρυσο -φο | ρήσαντα , [ πα ] ραφυλάξαντα , | παν [ ηγ ] υριαρχήσαντα , ἀργυρο | ταμιεύσαντα , δεκαπρωτεύσαντα ,  | γραμματεύσαντα καὶ τῆς φιλοσεβάστου | γερουσίας καὶ τῶν φιλοσεβάστων | νέων καὶ Ῥωμαίων , ὑποσχόμενον | καὶ εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν κίονας εἴκοσι , | σκουτλώσαντα δὲ καὶ μουσώσαντα | καὶ ταύτην τὴν ἐξέδραν ἀντ ' οὐδενός· | ἀναθέντα καὶ τῆι Κλαυδίαι βουλῆι | ἀ̣ρ [ γυ ] ρ [ ί ] ου ὥστε λαμβάνειν καθ ' ἕ | κα [ στ ] ον ἔ̣τος ἐνθάδε ἕκαστον βου |[ λ ] ευ [ τὴ ] ν [ τῇ γενεθλίῳ αὐ ] τοῦ ἡμέρᾳ σνʹ … ITral 77: στρατηγήσαν | τα τὴν νυκ { υ } τερινὴν στρα | τηγίαν , δεκαπρωτεύσαν | τα , ἀργυροταμιεύσαντα , | ἐκδανείσαντα , κουρατο | ρεύ̣σαντα τῶν Ῥωμαίων , | σειτωνήσαντα ἀπὸ Αἰγύ | πτου καὶ ἔπεργον ποιήσαν | τα εἰς τὸν σεῖτον καὶ δόντα | εἰς τὸ δημόσιον ͵βφκʹ , νε | ω̣ποιήσαντα , στρατηγήσαν | τα , ἀγορανομήσαντα φιλο | τείμως , ἀναθέντα δὲ ἐκ τῶν | ἰδίων καὶ τὰς ἐν τῇ ὀψαριο | πώλει < δι > μαρμαρίνας τραπέ | ζας ιβʹ σ < ύν > ταῖς βάσεσιν < ι > βʹ …
- 149 TAM V 2, 1002; IGR IV 1169, ll. 6-7: κουρατορεύσαντα | τοῦ τῶν Ῥωμαίων κονβέντου . TAM V 2, 1003, ll. 5-6: κουρατορεύσ [ αντα κονβέντου Ῥω ]| μαίων .
- 150 Alt.v. Hierapolis 32: (ll. 10-23) ἄνδρα τῶν ἀρίστων βο | υλευτῶν , στρατη [ γή ]| σαντα τῆς πόλεω [ ς ] | καὶ ἀγορανομήσ [ αν ]| τα καὶ δ < ε > καπρωτε [ ύ ]| σαντα καὶ κονβεντα̣ [ ρ ]| χήσαντα τῶν Ῥωμα̣ [ ί ]| ων καὶ ἐλαιοθετή | σαντα καὶ ἐξεταστὴ̣ [ ν ] | γενόμενον καὶ ἐρ̣ [ γε ]| πιστατήσαντα | καὶ εἰς χρίας κυρ [ ια ]| κὰς εὔχρηστο [ ν ]| γ ̣ ενόμενον
- 151 Ritti 2003 ( SEG 53, 1464); Ritti 2008 ( SEG 58, 1510).

charged with some duty in the context of the conventus , but a civic officeholder charged with caretaking of the erection of the monument, 152 as in other monuments it is often mentioned sub cura …, curagentibus etc. 153

The exact content of all these offices, grammateus, curator and conventarches , is not known and their rare occurrences prevent a deeper understanding of the competences. The past participles γραμματεύσαντα , κουρατορεύσαντα , κονβενταρχήσαντα probably  show  that  the  offices were of a limited term. In none of the aforementioned cases is there an indication that the officeholders in question belonged to the communities of Romans. On the contrary, it arises that they were outstanding citizens of the host towns, since they had also held numerous civic and religious offices. It is therefore evident that they did not belong to a group separate from the citizens of the town. The fact, for example, that the individual from Tralles attested as a grammateus of the Romans was simultaneously grammateus of the town's gerousia and the neoi excludes the possibility that he was a member of a private group of Romans, but seems to be rather a citizen and officeholder of the polis .  It  is  further remarkable that all these magistrates were responsible for several sectors of public life related to economy and especially to the market, such as agoranomos, sitones, argyrotamias, ekdaneisas , whilst some of them undertook embellishments of the market-place of the town, supplied the market with grain in times of shortage or are honoured by professional groups, e.g. the skytotomoi (leather-workers) honour T. Flavius Alexander in Thyatira. All this probably reveals the personal interest of these officials in the proper functioning of the market. Therefore, there could not be more appropriate persons to undertake offices related to the activity of Roman businessmen. In several cases, groups of Romans honoured officeholders, e.g. agoranomoi , who facilitated their economic activities. 154 As the expansion of Italians and Romans out of Italy was motivated by the pursuit of profitable opportunities, this state of affairs is quite understandable. It seems, therefore, that all officeholders mentioned above did not belong to the communities of Romans, but were prominent locals.

152 IC IV 278; cf. Tzamtzis 2013: 185.

153 Similarly e.g. Africa Proconsularis, Tunisia, Siagu: ILAfr . 306; ILS 9495: Augusto deo | cives Romani | qui Thinissut |negotiantur | curatore L. Fabricio .

154 We mention, for example, IG IV 606 from Argos, an honorific inscription erected by the Ῥωμ [ αῖ ] οι οἱ ἐν Ἄργει κατοι [ κ ] οῦντ [ ες ] for Tib. Claudius Diodotos, who held

Although the Latin term curator is attested in the context of private associations, 155 it  is  clear  from  the  evidence  analysed  above  that  the aforementioned κουρατορεύσας of  the  Roman conventus in  Thyateira was a civic magistrate and not a member of the conventus . Since the Latin word curator is often rendered in Greek as epimeletes , 156 we can assume that the office of κουρατορεύσας in Thyateira could be an equivalent of the epimeletes. An epimeletes of the foreigners ( epimeletes ton xenon ) is attested  in  Rhodian  inscriptions;  Xenophon  refers  to τῶν μετοίκων ἐπιμέλεια in  Athens and to the possibility of founding there an office called metoikophylax ;  the  office  of xenophylax existed  on  Chios  as  well (late 1st c. BC). 157 All this shows that control of the foreigners was an important  issue,  especially  for  towns  that  hosted  numerous  foreign communities. No state could leave foreigners totally uncontrolled, the praetor peregrinus in  Rome being a typical case. 158 Especially in Rome's important harbours, Ostia and Puteoli, local patrons and curatores were responsible for outsiders involved in trade. 159

among  other  offices,  the  office  of agoranomos .  His  further  mention  as  [ τ ] ὸν ἐ [ πιτ ] ρόπων εὐεργέταν is to be connected either with procuratores of the imperial property or with managers of some private -certainly considerable- piece(s) of property.

- 155 See Verboven 2007a: 23-24. Terpstra 2013: 128. On this office see also Arnaoutoglou 2011: 266-67 and n. 26 who reviews the earlier bibliography, refers to the curatores of associations, but stresses the fact that the evidence for curatores of the Roman communities abroad is meagre and avoids giving a definite answer about the duties of the curator in the context of groups of Romans.
- 156 Mason 1974: 5.
- 157 Rhodes: IG XII 1, 49 (188/7 BC) and Pugliese Caratelli 1939-1940: no. 7 (early 1st c. BC); cf. the analysis and references to related bibliography by Maillot 2015: 156158,  also  pointing  to  Xen. Vect. 2.1  ( καὶ εἰ μετοικοφύλακάς γε ὥσπερ ὀρφανο -φύλακας ἀρχὴν καθισταῖμεν ) as well as to a Rhodian epimeletes of Samian refugees to Rhodes after the founding of the Athenian cleruchy on Samos. Chios: three inscriptions published by Studniczka 1888 and discussed by Robert 1929: 35-38.
- 158 Roselaar 2019: 124-25.
- 159 Terpstra  2013:  167-68:  'groups  of  traders  from  distant  communities  organized themselves along lines of geographical provenance; some of their members settled

Equivalent competences had probably the curator in inscriptions related to Roman communities in the West. In the 1st c. AD, at the earliest under  the  Julio-Claudians,  some  inscriptions  from  the  capital  of  the tribal confederation of the Helvetii, Aventicum (Avenches), and a few more  inscriptions  from  other  places  of  the  region  of  the  Helvetii, namely from Lausanne, Geneva and Nyon, show that a curator was in charge of the conventus . 160 Curatores are attested in tres Galliae , Aquitania, Narbonensis  and  Lugdunensis,  and  in  Germania  Superior. 161 William Van Andringa who has studied thoroughly the Roman conventus in tres

in Rome. These groups had ties locally: they had local patrons and local curators; at least a number of them maintained a communal building, sometimes with a religious function'; cf. 201-2 the pattern fits in the East.

- 160 Aventicum (Avenches): CIL XIII 11478 = RIS 105 (Iulio-Claudian period): D. Iul(ius) C(ai)  /f(ilius)  Fa[b(ia  tribu)]  /  Consors,  sac(erdos)  Augustal(is),  mag(ister  ou  -ratus),  / cur(ator) c(ivium) R(omanorum) conven(tus) / Hel(vetici) .

AE 1967, 32 (1st c. AD?): [- - -]dio Quir(ina tribu) [F]lavo, magis[tro ou -trato, - cu]ratori civium R(omanorum)

Lousonna (Lausanne): CIL XIII 5026 = RIS 51 (AD 150-250): Soli, Genio, Lunae / sacrum ex  voto  /  pro  salute  Augus/torum,  P.  Clod(ius)  Corn(elia  tribu)  /  Primus,  curator  vikanor(um) Lousonnensium (bis), / (se)vir Augustal(is), c(urator) c(ivium) R(omanorum) / conventus Hel(vetici) d(e) s(uo) d(edit).

AE 1946, 255 (2nd c. AD ?): Herculi / sacr(um) / C. Maec(ius) Firm[u]s / (se)vir Aug(ustalis), / c(urator) c(ivium) R(omanorum) desi[g(natus)] / ex voto .

Genava (Geneva): CIL XII 2618 (Imperial period): c(urator) c(ivium) R(omanorum) Noviodunum (Nyon): CIL III 5013 (Imperial period): [- - -]no f. Corn(elia tribu) / [CJantabro / cur(atori) c(ivium) R(omanorum) convent(us) / Helvetic(i), (duo)viro, / Iuliae C. fû(iae) Marcellae / Corneliae Q.filiae Marcellae

- 161 Douarnenez: AE 1952/22 (Imperial period): c(urator) c(ivium) R(omanorum) ; cf. Eveillard and Maligorne 2009.

Lugdunum: AE 1980/639; AE 2000/948 (1st c. AD): curator civium Roma]noru[m] CIL XIII 1667 (Imperial period): c(urator) c(ivium) R(omanorum)

Avaricum (Bourges): CIL XIII 1194; ILS 197; ILTG 338; cf. Gmyrek 1997: 39 A. 5 (AD 38-41): c(urator) c(ivium) R(omanorum)

Ausci (Auch): CIL XIII 444 (Imperial period): cur(ator) c(ivium) R(omanorum) Mediolanum Santonum (Saintes): CIL V 5747; cf. Kakoschke 2002, no. 1.109 (Imperial period): Curator civium Roman[orum] Mogontiaci

Vesunna  (Périgueux,  France):  1. CIL XIII  950-951; ILA ,  Pétrucores,  19: c(urator) c(ivium) R(omanorum, 2. CIL XIII 954; ILA , Pétrucores, 21: c(urator) c(ivium) R(omanorum, 3. CIL XIII 965; ILA , Pétrucores, 49 : c(urator) c(ivium) R(omanorum Seysell: CIL XII 2564 (Imperial period): cur/[a]tor civi[u]m Roman[---]

Galliae and at several places of the plateau of the Helvetii, observes that local notables or freedmen, just as much as foreigners to the host-towns of conventus , could serve as curatores . 162 Therefore, according to Van Andringa, a curator was not necessarily a member of the conventus - in fact in no case can he confirm that a curator belongs to the conventus -, but someone who could defend their interests in front of local authorities.

Hence, it seems that both in the East and in the West, curatores were not members of the foreign communities, but locals originating from the host-towns or from the wider region. It was perhaps important for the Roman residents that prominent individuals from the elites of the host-cities defended their interests and represented them in front of the authorities, given the fact that in some cases local populations were especially hostile against them. 163 The curator's role was on the one hand to represent the foreigners in their transactions and dealings with local authorities, and on the other to supervise foreign communities, being basically the local authorities' eyes and ears. That foreigners had the right to defend their economic interests, even if they did not have the domicilium , is shown by certain articles of the Justinianic Digest. 164 It is probable that they could defend their interests through the curatores and this seems to be a pattern that fits both in the East and the West.

In some cases, a summus curator , in charge of whole provinces, is attested:  a summus  curat(or)  c(ivium)  R(omanorum)  provinc(iae)  Aqui(taniae), 165 a summus curator of the province Gallia Lugdunensis, 166 a summus

- 162 Van Andringa 1998: 167-75.
- 163 Bourigault 2012: 22-23 for some examples.
- 164 Van Andringa 1998: 171-72. Cf. for example Dig. V 1.19.1 (Ulpian): Si quis tutelam vel curant vel negotia vel argentariam vel quid aliud, unde obligatio moritur, certo loci administravit: etsi ibi domicilium non habuit, ibi se debebit defendere et, si non defendat neque ibi domicilium habeat, bona possideri patietur .
- 165 Lugdunum (Lyon): CIL XIII 1900; AE 1974, 422; cf. Wierschowski 2001, 315-16; Burnand 2005, II, 492-494; Lamoine 2009, no. 79: PATRONO / OMNIVM CORPOR summo / curat(ori) c(ivium) R(omanorum) provinc(iae) Aquit(aniae) (imperial period).
- 166 Lugdunum (Lyon): CIL XIII 1921; ILS 7024; cf. Koortbojian 1993: 54; Herz 2003: 134 n.  6;  Walser  1993:  114,  no.  45: summus  curator  c(ivium)  R(omanorum)  provinc(iae) Lug(dunensis) (imperial period).

c[urat(or) c(ivium) R(omanorum) prov(inciae) Dalm(atiae) ] 167 from the colony of Aequum (modern Sinj in Croatia). In an inscription from Lugdunum, where [c]ives Romani in tri[b]us provinci(i)s Galli(i)s [c]onsistentes honour  the  Emperor  Elagabalus,  the  three summi curatores ,  one  for  each province, are mentioned. 168 Lothar Wierschowski 169 regards the office of summus curator as an honourary one and thus not to be taken literally as the supervisor of all Roman settlers of a province. However, since it has been observed 170 that summi curatores of the Gallic provinces are obviously prominent individuals engaged in commerce, their role was perhaps to represent Roman settlers in front of the governor, thus not in front of local authorities, but at a higher level. All these inscriptions which refer to summi curatores civium Romanorum demonstrate that Roman settlers could be united in wider collectivities comprising whole provinces. From Asia Minor there are some inscriptions from the capital of the province Ephesos, 171 Smyrna, 172 Laodicea, 173 and Rhodes, 174 which refer to Roman residents of the whole province Asia. An even higher level of a union of Roman settlers is apparently revealed by the inscription from Lugdunum mentioned above, where cives Romani settled in all three Gallic provinces are attested as [c]ives Romani in tri[b]us provinci(i)s Galli(i)s [c]onsistentes ( ILTG 221; AD 220-221).

In rare cases there is also a reference to a quaestor . It is, however, unknown whether it was a function of the community of the Roman settlers, as it is not always clear what cives Romani without the participle

- 167 CIL III 2733; cf. Galsterer 1971a: 79-89 ( AE 1977, 613); Galsterer 1971b: 736; Schäfer 1989: 410 no. C95.
- 168 ILTG 221 (AD 220-221): … [c]ives Romani in tri|[b]us provinci(i)s Galli(i)s | [c]onsistentes …  sum|[m]is  curatoribus  Iulio  |[S]aturnino  prov(inciae)  Lugud(unensis),  |  [-]ilio  Sabino provinc(iae) {Belgic]ae, Auentinio Veris|[simo pr]ovinc(iae) Aquitanic(ae). See also Van Andringa 1998.
- 169 Wierschowski 2001: 316.
- 170 Van Andringa 1998: 175.
- 171 conventus c(ivium) R(omanorum) qui in Asia negotiantur ( IEph 3019), [cives Romani] qui in Asia habitant ( IEph 697 A). Cf. Also restorations in IEph 409; 1517.
- 172 Ismyrn 642: [ οἱ ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀσίας ?] π̣ραγματ̣ [ ευόμενοι Ῥωμαῖοι ] κ̣αὶ Ἕλλ̣ηνε̣ [ ς ].
- 173 IGR 4, 860: οἱ ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀσίας Ῥωμαῖοι καὶ Ἕλληνες καὶ ὁ δῆμος ὁ Λαοδικέων .
- 174 CIL III 12266) to c(ives) Romani qui in Asia negotiantur . On Romans on Rhodes see Bresson 2002 and on associations of foreigners -including Romans- on Rhodes see Maillot 2015: 138-39.

consistentes in such cases means, as e.g. the obscure mention of q(uaestor) c(ivium) R(omanorum) c(ivitatis) N(erviorum) . 175 In Germania Superior, in Mogontiacum (Mainz) the q(uaestor) c(urator) c(ivium) R(omanorum) m(anticulariorum) neg(otiatorum) Mog(ontiacensium) , L. Senilius Decmanus, defines himself as c(ivis) T(aunensis) . 176 This text relates perhaps to a group which seems to be a professional association that formed part of the entirety of Roman settlers. 177

So far we checked attestations of communities of Romans and Italians in the context of towns, provinces or groups of provinces. As we have seen, Roman communities are encountered also along the limes , in settlements next to legion camps, in canabae or vici. There, Roman civilians earned their living by conducting trade with the soldiers or with foreign populations of these remote lands under the protection of the Roman army and often lived along with soldiers and peregrines as well as  with  veterans  who  after  their  retirement  frequently  joined  the nearby settlements.

The  organization  of  the  Roman  communities  in  these  regions  depended  on  the  form  of  the  various  settlements  where  they  resided. There is no common pattern of the development of the civilian settlements near military quarters 178 and their organization's form depended on several factors, the number of the inhabitants being one of them. 179 Carnuntum for instance, the settlement of veterans and other Romans in the canabae of the Legio XIV Gemina, was a small settlement with an elementary  organization,  as  Ioan  Piso  has  shown  based  on  evidence from the inscriptions of Pfaffenberg; in other cases, veterans and the cives Romani were organized as quasi Roman municipalities possessing magistri, aediles, quinquennales, quaestores , even an ordo decurionum , and in

- 175 Bagacum, Gallia Belgica (Bavay, France): CIL III 3573; Lamoine 2009, 185, no. 83 (1st c. AD?). Barrande-Emam 2012: 59 classifies this office as a municipal one; cf. e.g. d(ecurio) c(ivium) R(omanorum) Mog(ontiaci) or Mog(ontiacensium) ( CIL XIII 6733; ILS 7079), where a civic authority is to be understood, see n. 181 below.
- 176 CIL
- XIII 7222; Lamoine 2009: 188, no. 91.
- 177 Cf. Andreau 1987: 248: 'Il est probable que ces manticularii negotiatores, dont le collège faisait partie du conventus de citoyens romains de Mogontiacum.'
- 178 Mommsen 1910; Piso 1991.
- 179 Piso 1991: 162.

some further cases, the settlements next to the legions' quarters developed into municipia or coloniae . 180 So, Carnuntum was incorporated into the nearby Colonia Septimia Carnuntina and in the 3rd c. AD cives Romani  consistentes have  already  disappeared from the epigraphic record, which is not surprising, as they were not consistentes anymore, but they had acquired ownership rights on the land where they lived. Ioan Piso offers the same explanation for the disappearance of consistentes in an inscription of AD 276 from Mogontiacum, where Marcellinus Placidinus is attested as d(ecurio) c(ivium) R(omanorum) Mog(ontiaci) or Mog(ontiacensium) . 181 This is also shown by the inscription recording the veteran T. Florius Saturninus, allectus in ordi[n]em c(ivium) R(omanorum) ... Mog[ontiaci] ; 182 it is rather the ordo of the town meant here and Gabriele WeschKlein 183 regards this inscription as an indication that T. Florius Saturninus 'took up political life in Mainz as a member of the city council after he finished his military service as a standard bearer.'

A considerable number of settlements of cives Romani consistentes are attested in inscriptions of Scythia Minor. 184 Alexandru Avram discerned the following categories of cives Romani consistentes in this area: 185 1. cives Romani consistentes in a peregrine town; 2. cives Romani consistentes near a camp, either the canabae of the legionary camps (to be identified with those later called canabenses ) or a vicus of a station of the Danubian fleet ( cives Romani consistentes vico classicorum ); 3. veterani et cives Romani consistentes in rural communities defined in inscriptions as vici ; 4. cives Romani  consistentes ,  sometimes along with veterans, 'en «double commu-

- 180 Piso 1991: 138 with bibliography; 160 on the organization in Carnuntum.
- 181 CIL XIII 6733; ILS 7079. Rushforth (1930: 122) also stresses that most of the canabae were converted into municipia or coloniae before the 3rd c., the community at Mainz being  singularly  late  at  receiving  municipal  rights  (not  before  Diocletian);  Piso 1991: 161-62.
- 182 CIL XIII 6769 = ILS 7078: T. Florius Saturninus vet(eranus) ex sig(nifero) leg(ionis) XXII pr(imigeniae)  p(iae)  f(idelis)  Alexandrianae,  m(issus)  h(onesta)  m(issione),  allectus  in ordi[n]em c(ivium) R(omanorum)..Mog[ontiaci]. Cf. the remark of the n. 51 above on decuriones civium Romanorum .
- 183 Wesch-Klein 2007: 448.
- 184 Bounegru 1986; 2006: 73-80; Avram 2007.
- 185 Avram 2007.

nauté»  avec  des  peuples  thraces  colonisés, Bessi et Lai '.  Avram  attempted to trace the differentiations  in  administration  of  the  settlements of various status. Canabae and vici in Scythia Minor were also administered by magistri , whilst quaestores 186 are attested in some vici. It is not clear, whether magistri were members of the local population or of the Romans. Avram believes that in double communities, one of them was elected from the group of Romans and the other from the colonized Thracians. Further, he stresses the fact that a quinquennalis is at the head of canabae at Troesmis 187 ,  where also decuriones are to be found, while the senate of the civitas Troesmensium is called ordo and that of canabae is called curia. He argues that it is to discern between consistentes ad canabas and Roman citizens consistentes in the civitas Troesmensium ; 'Pour ce qui est de ces derniers, on les verrait volontiers comme des cives Romani consistentes qui negotiantur (comme ceux de Callatis).' 188 It is further unclear what the phrase ' circa + Accusative of a proper name' in an inscription from Callatis ( IScM III 83) means: civibus R(omanis) consistentibus Cal/latis (sic) circa C(aium) Iulium / Procuclum quinquennal(em) perpetuom . Although this formulation seems to be an equivalent of Greek expressions using περί +accusative of a proper name, it remains unclear what exactly this 'circa' in connection with the cives Romani consistentes means. It is in any case important that all these offices belonged to the administration of the various settlements where Romans lived along with other populations and not alone to the communities of Roman traders who followed the army in search for profit.

Several questions arise in regard to the relationship between cives Romani consistentes and the other groups, especially veterans. Do the inscriptions  recording  veterans  and cives  Romani consistentes imply  that two different groups united into a single entity, or is it an indication that the two groups joined each other just for the erection of some monuments? Mommsen perceived this as a union of the veterans and the other Roman citizens, since the capacity of a veteran is closely related to the acquisition of Roman citizenship. 189 Matthieu Bourigault regards the veterani as  a  separate  group  recognised  by  the  emperor  and  rewarded with concrete privileges. 190 In any case, they collaborated with civilian Romans as well as with locals for the erection of honorific monuments or for building activities under the supervision of officeholders, either of the Roman imperial administration or of the local administration of the settlements where they lived, as a rule of two magistri , but also of quaestores .

186 See e.g. Avram 2007: no. 16. On the administration of vici in Moesia Inferior, see Aparaschivei 2015.

187 Avram 2007: no. 6.

188 Avram 2007: 98.

It is important for our examination that in all these cases of the region of the limes and in the various categories of settlements of Scythia Minor, it is not the groups of private Roman settlers that were organized in a way resembling Roman municipal administration, but rather the common settlements of Roman veterans and civilians -both Roman and indigenous civilians-, which gradually developed in some cases into municipia or coloniae civium Romanorum. The administration staff of these mixed settlements, either Romans or members of local populations, is thus not to be considered as an indication of internal organization and hierarchization of the groups of private Romans residents and is certainly not a comparable phenomenon with the situation in the nuclei of private Roman settlers at more urbanized places. Despite indications that some officials mentioned in inscriptions, e.g. from vici or canabae of Scythia Minor, were members of the groups of Romans, their offices are part of the administration of the settlements where they lived along with other groups (veterans, soldiers, indigenous inhabitants), and not exclusively of the immigrant Roman communities. So, in these cases Roman communities were not organized as private associations. Although magistri, curatores, quinquennales and quaestores , are functionaries also to be found in the context of private associations 191 - as it is known that

- 189 Mommsen 1910: 192: 'Selbstverständlich ist die Bezeichnung veterani et cives Romani nicht gegensätzlich zu nehmen, sondern in dem Sinn, ,die Veteranen und die übrigen römischen Bürger'; schon deshalb, weil wenigstens faktisch mit der Veteranenqualität  der  Besitz  des  römischen  Bürgerrechts  verbunden  war.  Darum nennt auch die Mehrzahl der Inschriften die Canabenses einfach cives Romani .'
- 190 Bourigault 2007: 84.
- 191 This is shown, for example, in the Lex eborariorum et citriariorum , the statute of the association of dealers of ivory and citrus wood (AD 117-138, found in Trastevere),

private clubs were often structured on the model of the civic administration both in East and West 192 -, it is clear that all these offices attested in inscriptions of canabae, vici and civitates in  the  region of the frontier did not concern the group of Roman residents.

In municipalities developed at places near the northern frontier, it is remarkable that in many cases Roman settlers continue to appear as a separate group until late in the 3rd c. AD. The term consistentes continues to occur, although it does not reflect anymore the fact that all Roman  inhabitants  are  temporary  residents,  since  in  some  cases consistentes are  attested  for  generations. 193 It  is  further  remarkable  that cives Romani consistentes in Scythia Minor co-operated with local populations, such as Lai or Bessi, but they continue to appear separately from them even after the Constitutio Antoniniana , when Roman citizenship was granted to all free inhabitants of the Empire. Perhaps by maintaining their title, they continued to stress their different origin, 194 to declare their attachment to Rome, to advertise their old Roman citizenship as opposed to the newly acquired Roman citizenship of the majority of the local population. 195

From the analysis attempted above it is clear that groups of Romans have to be examined separately in each region. The groups of Romans abroad display a primary stage of organization, as they appear as collectivities with some common identity, being repeatedly active, as a rule along with other collective bodies and local institutions in order to erect

CIL VI 33885; cf. Bäumler 2014 with bibliography. See also Verboven 2009 on magistrates of collegia, esp. 160-62 on magistri .

- 192
- Especially on the situation in the West see Edmondson 2006: 274.
- 193 Reid 1913: 199.
- 194 Cf. ILTG 221 from Lyon (dated to AD 220/221) analysed by Van Andringa 1998; cf. also Van Andringa 2003: 51.
- 195 Bourigault 2007: 80 suggests 'Ainsi, même si les Lai devinrent, dès 212, citoyens romains, ils restaient attachés à leur cité d'origine (où origo et domicilium pouvaient se confondre) et en étaient membres à part entière à la différence des ciues Romani consistentes qui n'étaient que présents sur le territoire de la cité mais qui restaient attachés à Rome. ….. Il nous semble donc que les Lai et les ciues Romani consistentes avaient la même existence civique, le même statut et seule l' origo permettait de les différencier.'

honorific monuments or to make dedications to divinities. For such actions it would be expected that a collective decision had to be taken. It is further expected that there was a common treasury or at least that some of the members were charged to collect ad hoc monetary contributions. In an inscription from Africa Proconsularis 196 cives Romani qui Suo morantur erected a monument in honour of Germanicus, but it is mentioned that it was financed by the individual who took care for its erection. In a further inscription from Mactar, it is declared that a monument was erected by the cives Romani et civitas p(ecunia) s(ua) , 197 while in Avula Roman residents financed building works s(ua) p(ecunia) . 198 In these cases it is not clear, whether they had a constantly fed common treasury or they raised money for this purpose.  Mentions of a quaestor -which could perhaps indicate to the existence of a treasury- are, as we have already seen, extremely rare and problematic, as to whether they are to be associated with groups of Romans abroad or with the political administration of the host communities. As the groups of Romans are attested in numerous inscriptions recording dedications to deities or the erection of monuments in honour of various benefactors and other sumptuous actions, it seems evident, that there would be at least ad hoc fund-raising in these groups, since a treasury is not attested. 199

No property of Romans as collectivities is recorded in the sources. Neither a special sanctuary nor a burial-plot nor a clubhouse of Romans and Italians abroad have been recognized so far. The suggestion to recognize the so-called 'Agora of the Italians' on Delos as the headquarters of the Italians on the island has been strongly doubted. The title 'Agora of  the  Italians'  is  in  any  case  epigraphically  not  attested. 200 This  is  a

- 196 ILTun 682: Germanico / cives Romani / qui Suo morantur / C(aius) Aufidius Macer / d(e) s(ua) p(ecunia) f(aciendum) c(uravit) .
- 197 Picard 1966; AE 1966, 514; Saastamoinen 2010: 85: [- - -] Caes(ari) Aug(usto) [3] / [3 ci]ves Rom(ani) et civit(as) p(ecunia) s(ua) f(aciundum) c(uraverunt).
- 198 Saastamoinen 2010: 210: … cives Romani Al/menses aedem et porticus s(ua) p(ecunia) f(ecerunt) / L(ucio) Volussenio Pastore et C(aio) Iulio Rogato / curatoribus
- 199 On funding various monuments as well as on assemblies of these groups, see Müller 2017 for the case of Delos.
- 200 In the fragmentary inscription ID 2612 the text of l. 2 has been restored as [ τῆς Ἰτ ] αλικῆς π [ αστάδος ],  which is in any case not certain. Rauh 1992: 300 does not exclude the restoration of the word π [ αλαίστρας ] and interprets this architectural

large architerctural complex that has been regarded as a slave-market, a schola, a meeting place of the Italians and Romans. More recent research  seems  to  recognize  in  it  a  multifunctional  building  ensemble which might have also been used as an unofficial meeting place, however not exclusively of the Italians, but of greater parts of the multiethnic Delian society, as it is shown by the Greek or bilingual inscriptions found there, by the type of its decoration and the various origins of the contributors for its construction or repair ( ID 2612).

As for laws in possession of the groups of Roman settlers - an element that could point to an advanced degree of internal organization , no evidence is available. There is no document recording regulations of various aspects of groups' life and activity. Given the considerable number of related inscriptions from various places, the absence of this kind of documents would be somehow suprising, if we take for granted that these groups were private associations.

The officeholders mentioned in inscriptions related to the groups in question can hardly be identified as prominent members of the groups, but they are rather officers of the host communities, charged with the supervision or representation of the Roman settlers, as deduced from the preceding analysis. Furthermore, as an important element of the 'associative order,' as Koen Verboven calls it, 201 is what he aptly analysed  as  a  framework  offering  a  possibility  for  internal  distinction within  the  associations  to  individuals  of  humble  origin  who  would hardly have an opportunity for social mobility in the wider context of the public life of a town. Although social mobility of individual Roman

complex as a multifunctional recreational facility with bath, gladiatorial arena and a palaestra which perhaps also functioned as a banquet hall; its function as a slavemarket cannot be excluded, but it does not seem to have been the aim of the primary design. Trümper 2008: 361-64 suggests that the Latin version of the name of this architectural complex could be porticus Italica or porticus Italicorum and interprets its initial function as a garden surrounded by colonnades (pp. 61-104), with later additions of facilities such as baths, which could also be used not only for leisure and walking, but also as an unofficial meeting place, not exclusively of the Italians, but of other parts of the multi-ethnic Delian society as well, as the Greek or bilingual inscriptions found there and its sculptural decoration imply.

201 Verboven 2007a.

settlers has been verified by prosopographic studies, 202 it is remarkable that in the numerous honorific inscriptions where Romans appear as instigators of the honour, the honourees are hardly to be recognized as members of their group. 203 Even in cases of certain honourees who are likely to originate from the milieu of the negotiatores , they are fully integrated in the host society and they appear as outstanding citizens of the town and not as members of the community of Romans. Verboven's examples are taken from professional or religious collegia whose members were Roman businessmen, but the apparent hierarchization or distinction or upward mobility is to be observed in the context of the collegia and not in the communities of Romans or Italians. There is thus no hint of an internal distinction or hierarchization, as it is detectable in private associations.

Beyond the elementary stage of collective actions, no further concrete organization is to be observed and no internal hierarchization is traceable within the groups of Romans and Italians abroad. The diversity of the political and social realities of the regions where Roman and Italian communities were settled, the variety of their (self-)definitions and the various ways of interaction with locals may point to different types  or  degrees  of  internal  organization.  Yet  the  evidence  available does not allow us to observe a clear-cut internal structure. Moreover, there is no hint of introversion or inward-looking attitude, no trace of a close societal space of their own, as it is often observed in private associations.

Durability: The recurrent attestations of groups of Romans in one region show the durability of their unions, yet their first appearance and duration vary from place to place. On the Greek mainland, in the 2nd c. AD, no Roman community seems to be attested anymore. In the majority of the regions of Asia Minor groups of Romans are still attested in the 2nd c. AD, but not long afterwards. Remarkable from this point of view is an inscription  from  Konana  mentioning Ῥωμαῖοι οἱ ἐξ ἀρχαίου κατοι -κοῦντες , if it is correctly dated to the 3rd/4th c. AD ( SEG 2, 744). How- ever, the lack of attestations does not necessarily mean that communities of Romans were dissolved and departed for other destinations. Perhaps the absence is instead to be interpreted as a matter of integration and acculturation into local societies, which were in their turn already 'Romanized' to a large degree. By contrast, the attestations in Danubian provinces survive until late in the 3rd c. AD. There, Roman communities maintained and advertised persistently their identity and their special status in local life. In all cases where durable Roman communities existed, an evolutionary process is almost always evident: either they were absorbed into local societies and disappeared, as in several cases in the East,  or  they  continued to be visible, yet as consistent part of settlements which developed over the course of time, as at the Danube frontier.

202 E.g. Spawforth 2002.

203 Zoumbaki 2017.

Closely connected with the durability of these groups is the question in regard to their foundation and dissolution. The process of foundation of these groups is completely unknown and there is no evidence for a process for a dissolution of them either. We do not know whether they were founded by one or more individuals acting in a private capacity or whether they were encouraged, promoted, and protected by the Roman state or by the host-state.

Host-states in the East from earlier on used to mention in their official documents foreign residents separately from the body of citizens. This does not presuppose any official foundation or organization of such groups. 204 A major problem remains the role of the Roman state behind

- 204 An  interesting  inscription  from  Nysa  shows  how  a collegium of  Nysaeans  was founded in Rome by a prominent citizen, T. Aelius Alcibiades: Clerc 1885 ( BE 1924, 355; SEG 4.418; BE 1930, 209) (AD 138-161): (ll. 35-38) … τό τε κολλήγιον καλούμε | νον ἐκ τῶν αὐτοῦ πολειτῶν ἐν τῇ | βασιλευούσῃ Ῥωμαίων πόλει συ | στησάμενος … In Rome and its harbours traders originating from the same town or province were united in stationes and played a vivid role in economic and social life. Another important inscription contains a letter of the members of the Tyrian statio in Puteoli to their hometown asking for aid in order to alleviate some economic problems ( IG XIV 830; cf. Verboven 2011. From both documents, from Nysa and Puteoli, it is evident that the collegia had a close relation to their motherland. This relation is frequently stressed by the implantation of their own cults, of patrioi theoi ,  into the

the collectivities under examination. Rome was certainly interested in maintaining secure communication and trade routes, 205 as revealed by the Roman campaign in 228/7 BC, whose aim was to wipe out Illyrian pirates in the Adriatic Sea, who according to Polybius (2.8.1) robbed and killed Italian merchants sailing in the Mediterranean. It seems further that in some cases businessmen went hand in hand with army, 206 as was e.g.  the  case  with  traders  who  followed  the  legions  in  the  Danubian provinces. However, it cannot be argued that the expansion of Roman traders abroad was centrally planned as part of a mercantilist policy or that their activities were canalized by Roman authorities. On the other hand, it would stretch reality to argue that Roman citizens were not favoured by Roman magistrates who administered the provinces where they sojourned or at least that they did not facilitate the handling of their affairs. Cicero who was quaestor in Sicily in 75 BC elucidates this sort of relationship very well. 207 J.-L. Ferrary 208 has argued that Romans were attracted mainly to towns where representatives of Roman rule were based, who could protect them in case of problems. It could be added that even civilian Romans at the remote frontiers of the empire, settled next to camps of the Roman army, certainly not only in order to trade with the soldiers, but also to secure their protection.

Before we proceed to the conclusions of this analysis, it is perhaps useful to refer to two points which were important factors of the life of Roman

foreign lands. Whether there was an analogous process for the foundation of organized Roman communities abroad, is unclear. On the stationes see  Moretti 1958, Noy 2000, Ricci 2005.

- 205 Shipley 2000: 371-72.
- 206 For example, traders accompanied Roman military units in Africa during the First Punic  war,  cf.  Pol.  1.83.7ff.;  Pol.  14.7.2ff;  cf.  Alföldy  2011:  55.  See  also  BaldwinBowski 2001.
- 207 On behalf of Plancius 64: negotiatoribus comis, mercatoribus iustus, mancipibus liberalis, sociis abstinens ('I had been affable to the traders, just to the merchants, liberal to the citizens of the municipal towns, moderate as regards the allies'). Cf. also Verr. 2.2.6. Cf. Van Andringa 2003: 52 on requests of Romans from the central authority in Rome during the Republican period (evidence from Chios and Lesbos mainly on taxation) and in the Imperial period (mainly financial and commercial issues). 208 Ferrary 2001.

and Italian communities abroad, namely their professional occupations and their religious behavior, and examine whether these communities can be identified as professional or religious associations.

## Communities of Romans and Italians abroad and their common features with professional associations

As the motives behind the movement of Romans and Italians outside the Italian peninsula were mainly economic, they were engaged in various professional  activities.  The  occupations  of  these  people  ranged  from trade, transportations, banking, shipping, tax-farming, in sum, they exploited various local resources and opportunities for profit that were available in each given place. 209 In  a  second  phase,  concomitant with their integration into the community, they also invested in land and engaged in agricultural activities.

Actually,  the  epigraphic  documents related to collectivities  of  Romans abroad mention as a rule only rarely and in a general way their professional engagements. As already mentioned, the only definitions which describe in some concrete way their occupations are those showing  their  involvement  in  agriculture, ἐνγαιοῦντες and γεωργεῦντες , while the term ἐνκεκτημένοι shows their right to own land. 210 The most frequent  definition  of  their  activities  is πραγματευόμενοι / qui  negotiantur ,  while the restored word [ πραγματευ ] ταί in  an  inscription from Messene (Peloponnese) perhaps shows the engagement of the resident Romans in transport. 211

In some cases, Romans who were active in various sectors of economy were organized as professional associations. Professional associations whose members seem to be exclusively Romans, as a rule include no ethnic identifier in their title. This pattern is exemplified for instance by  the ἐλαιοπῶλαι / olearii of  Delos.  Their  members,  at  least  those charged with caretaking of the erection of a temple of Heracles, originated from Italy, 212 yet the association's name includes no ethnic identifier. In certain cases, the use of Latin overtly indicates that members of specific professional associations were predominantly or exclusively Roman, e.g.  the collegia  saccariorum in  harbour  towns  of  the  Adriatic Sea 213 or  the  slave  traders  in  Ephesos, 214 yet  ethnic  labels  are  absent from their titles. In further cases, it is obvious that only a part of the resident Romans was engaged in a particular profession; this arises from the partitive genitive Ῥωμαίων , which accompanies their occupations in Greek inscriptions (see table above) or from the composition of the text in Latin inscriptions, e.g. in the case of c(ivium) R(omanorum) m(anticulariorum) neg(otiatorum) Mog(ontiacensium in Mogontiacum (Mainz) in Germania  Superior,  whose  association  according  to  Andreau  'faisait partie du conventus de citoyens romains de Mogontiacum.' 215

209 On the engagements of Romans and their strategies and networks see Rice 2016.

210 On rural activities of Roman residents see Zoumbaki 2013; Eberle Pilar & Le Quéré 2017.

211 Themelis 2009: 76-78; 2013: 70-71.

So, the use of the Latin language, Roman cults or other indirect indications point to the Italian origin of the members of some association. It is moreover clear that collegia including mainly Romans, played on the one hand an important role in the 'Romanization' of the western provinces 216 and on the other hand, provided their members important advantages to tackle their business. 217 Such associations stress their common occupations which overshadow their common origin. Therefore, professional associations could form a specific part of the groups of Roman residents, but there is no indication that communities of Romans were in their entirety presented as associations.

- 212 Olearii : ID 1712. Ἐλαιοπῶλαι : 1. ID 1713. 2. Jouguet 1899: 74-77, no. 17; Hatzfeld & Roussel 1909: 492, n. 2. Cf. Zoumbaki 2021. Generally on olearii see also Panciera 1980.
- 213 Deniaux 2012.
- 214 IEphesos I, 3025: [qui i]n statario ne[g]otiantur ; cf. Scherrer 2007: 65.
- 215 CIL XIII 7222; Lamoine 2009: 188, no. 91. Cf. Andreau 1987: 248.
- 216 Verboven 2009.
- 217 Broekaert 2011.

## The religious profile of the groups of Romans and Italians abroad and their common features with cult associations

As  we  deduced,  it  appears  that  particular  segments  of  communities comprising Roman and Italian residents, rather than the communities as a whole, established professional associations. These collegia did not define themselves as associations of Romans and Italians, but as professionals engaged in specific sectors of the economy. Let's now investigate whether the entire body of Roman/Italian residents in a given location could establish a religious association.

Thriving economic centres which attracted foreigners, such as Delos, Rhodes, Athens/Piraeus, are ideal fields in order to study how foreign communities were organized, what their features were, and how they interacted with their environment. Koen Verboven specifies the basic features of collegia of foreigners who resided especially at major centers of economic life: cult, commemoration and conviviality. Especially in regard to associations whose members were foreigners to a place, common worship has been considered as the most significant element that overshadows  other  copulative  elements  of  these  groups  and  creates networks of trust open even to 'ethnic or professional outsiders.' 218

Businessmen' and traders' associations active on Delos and Rhodes were based on common cults as supreme bonds of trust, this being the most important condition in economic transactions. 219 Associations of this sort on Rhodes only rarely claimed an ethnic or cultural homogeneity, few had a common profession, but they had common cults -yet rarely of their theoi patrioi ;  indeed they accumulated several cults (including Rhodian) which were mentioned in their titles. 220 M.-F. Baslez investigated the organization of foreigners on Delos and stressed their common cults, mainly of their theoi patrioi , as a crucial element of their communal  life. 221 Under  the  imposing  label  of  religion,  associations made up of foreigners were bound together, both on Rhodes and Delos. 222 It  is  remarkable  that  out  of  all  common  elements,  their  label stresses their common cult, only sometimes combined with their common  geographical  and  ethnic  origin  as  well  as  common  profession. Claire  Hasenohr 223 examined  whether  the  deities  worshipped  by  Romans and Italians on Delos were perceived as Greek or Roman. Her results lead to the conclusion that certain deities were perceived as Greek: Apollo is the ancient lord of Delos, the cult of Dea Roma was already founded by non-Romans and Poseidon worshiped by the Poseidoniastai is rather a Greek version, since he was not one of the most popular deities in Italy and his cult was served by the Italians in the old Delian sanctuary of the god; other deities are rather to be regarded as Roman: Hermes, as a rule associated with Maia, is the Roman interpretation of the god, namely Mercurius, 224 to whom Italians dedicated two small temples on  Delos,  while Lares  Compitales certainly  represent  a  totally  Roman cult, 225 Hasehohr stresses that Italians on Delos used a 'Greek' religious profile or a religious syncretism in order to integrate into numerous other levels of local life, while the identity used by them on an official level was not their ethnic identity, but the 'superior identity' of their relationship with the power of Rome. 226

218 Quotation from Trümper 2006: 117; cf. also Baslez 1977; 2008: esp. 335-42.

219 Gabrielsen 2009: 188-89; see also Rauh 1993, Trümper 2006, Kay 2014.

220 Maillot 2015.

221 Baslez 1977: esp. 206-12; 2008: 338.

Therefore, associations established by Roman members on the basis of some common cult, as the remarkable cases of the Hermaistai, Apolloniastai, Poseidoniastai and the Competaliastai of Delos 227 - in Latin called all magistri -, stress their common worship, but they never mention explicitly their common Italian origin. This taken into account, Jean Hatzfeld observed that Romans and Italians on Delos were grouped in religious collegia, but  excluded  any  organization  of  a  common  ethnic  group  of them 228 and rejected the existence of an association of 'Romans' with a concrete activity, an autonomous organization, its own finances, with a president and representatives in front of local magistrates. Kornemann, on the contrary, accepted that magistri were the head of the major association of the Italici ; Ferguson differentiated his view and stated that six magistri , the sacral officers of Hermes and Maia, the Hermaistai , stood at the head of the 'loose group' of the Italici who were not a guild, given that membership to them did not depend on payment of a fee, but on Italian origin 229 .  Claire Hasenohr 230 presented a thorough comparative analysis of the Italici with the Phoenician residents on Delos, the Heracleistai of Tyros and the Poseidoniastai of Berytus. She points to differences in respect to their features and internal organization, but she focuses on certain common elements and finally draws the conclusion, that Italici are to be recognized as an association, similar to those of the Heracleistai of Tyros and the Poseidoniastai of Berytus. Common elements stressed by Hasenohr pertain to cult activities of those groups, to the dedication of statues or altars to deities, to the organization of religious ceremonies, to the openness of these groups to external relationships and euergetism.

222 Cf. Maillot 2015: 138 on this analysis.

223 Hasenohr 2007a: 227-28.

224 Hasenohr 2008.

225 Hasenohr 2003 with earlier bibliography.

226 Hasenohr 2007a: 229-32.

227 On the organization of these collegia and the role of magistri see Boak 1916, Flambart 1982, Hasenohr 2002. Hasenohr suggests that Italians gathered periodically in order to vote for honours for benefactors and once a year they elected the new collegia of magistri ( Hermaistai, Apolloniastai, Poseidoniastai and Competaliastai ) whose competences were mainly related to cult, but perhaps also the coordination and representation of their compatriots (p. 76). She also stresses, however, the lack of a single text related to the administration of this big association.

However, all these elements stressed by Hasenohr are in fact indisputably common between Phoenician associations on the one hand and the Hermaistai,  Poseidoniastai,  Apolloniastai and Competaliastai encountered on Delos on the other, not the Italici as a whole. On the contrary, the differences between the Phoenician cult associations and the Italici are striking: 1. The fact that the Heracleistai of Tyros are called synodos and the Poseidoniastai of Berytus are called koinon , whereas Italici never bear a title of this kind, is according to Hasenohr to be explained by the lack of systematic use of the term collegium in Italy. 2. The fact that there is no attestation of Italici organized around a specific cult is neglected, since the collegia of Hermaistai, Poseidoniastai, Apolloniastai and Competaliastai include exclusively Italians. 3. The heads of these collegia are the magistri ,  but  functions  such  as archithiasites,  grammateus ,  treasurer, which are attested in the Phoenician associations, are absent in the Italian collegia and certainly in the group of the Italici . 4. The Poseidoniasts of Berytus owned a clubhouse in the quartier of Skardana, while the Italici were established at various places of the island ('Les Italiens, pour leur part, se sont établis en plusieurs endroits'), but Hasenohr accepts the identification of the so-called 'Agora of the Italians' as their main headquarters, despite the fact that she admits that many features of this complex are not compatible with a clubhouse, the most important being the absence of a shrine (This seems incompatible with the fact that several times in Hasenohr's article cult is generally regarded as the chief element of an association). Recent research seems to recognize in the so-called 'Agora of the Italians' a multifunctional architectural complex which might have also been used as an unofficial meeting place, however not exclusively of the Italians, but of greater parts of the multiethnic Delian society. 5. Two inscriptions recording donations (in one case a laconicum , namely the dry sweating room of Roman baths, in the other case it is not mentioned what was donated) of magistri to Italiceis cannot to be used as a proof that the magistri were officeholders of an association of Italici ,  since donations of certain individuals to Romans and Italians settled in a region were not uncommon. 231

228 Schulten 1892: 71-82; Kornemann 1892: 50-61; Hatzfeld 1912: 146-83, esp. 146-47.

229 Kornemann 1892: 59; Ferguson 1911: 355-56, 396-97 (quotation from p. 397).

230 Hasenohr 2007b.

Taking all this into account, it seems irrelevant to define the Italici of Delos as an association similar to the Phoenician religious associations. Within the community of the Italians of Delos, religious collegia , such as Hermaistai, Poseidoniastai , etc. were active, but the Italian community as a whole displays no characteristics of a religious collegium .  Whereas the worshipers  of  these  associations  were  clearly  of  Roman  and  Italian origin, they did not mention their origin and are not to be identified with the whole western community of the island.

In the East, groups defined as cives Romani / Ῥωμαῖοι and Italici / Ἰταλι -κοί are often present at popular local festivals or dedicate monuments to divinities, including deified emperors and Dea Roma frequently in cooperation  with  authorities  of  the  host  towns  or  other  foreigners  or groups active in the towns. It is not the community of Romans and Italians who introduced the cults of the emperors and Roma, but the cults pre-existed. 232 Participation of Romans in local cults, such as Aphrodite Paphia in Cyprus or Apollo on Delos, and their dedications to local deities seem to be placed in the context of their strategy to integrate into local societies. In none of these cases did cults play a central role in the group's identity. This is the situation even with Roman cults which were introduced by Roman settlers into the western and northern provinces. Common Roman deities, such as Jupiter Optimus Maximus, Juno Regina, Hercules Invictus, sometimes along with members of the imperial family, received dedications from the resident Romans along with veterans and local populations, but these cults do not seem to have been interwoven in the groups' identity.

231 E.g. ID 1685 (a porticus ); IThesp 373 (a gymnasion).

To move further with Verboven's basic features of collegia of foreigners - cult, commemoration and conviviality -, there is no trace of commemoration and conviviality on the part of Roman and Italian communities abroad. Although there is evidence for common festivities organized by associations whose members were exclusively or mainly Romans and Italians (e.g. the Competialiasts on Delos), such events are not organized generally by cives Romani or Italici . There is not a single attestation of a deceased member of the community of the cives Romani or Italici receiving any post mortal care or honour, not a single attestation of a gathering of the communities devoted to commemoration or conviviality.

From the observations exposed above, it arises that parts of Roman collectivities abroad organized themselves in minor associations of a religious or a professional profile, which were active within the Roman or Italian communities settled at various places. However, groups that call themselves  simply cives  Romani / Ῥωμαῖοι or Italici / Ἰταλικοί ,  do  not adopt a common cult and do not use it in their common definition. The impression is given that under the umbrella of the communities of Romans and Italians several associations developed, yet not a single one seems to have comprised the whole body of Roman or Italian settlers and to have labelled itself as such.

- 232 Scherrer 2007: 66-70 also argues for the fact that there was in Ephesos no special cult of divus Iulius for the conventus civium Romanorum . On imperial cult in Ephesos see Kirbihler & Zabrana 2014: esp. 125-28 on the involvement of resident Romans.

## Conclusions

Returning to our initial question, as to whether characteristics of private associations are to be recognized in groups of Romans and Italians abroad, we can reassess the results that arose from the analysis we attempted.

From the abundant epigraphic material related to the topic, it arises that Roman communities, as the other communities of foreigners, remained a clearly distinct  group  within  the  host  societies.  They  were clearly recognizable bodies and their repeated occurrences show that they had a durable presence. Their visibility was not due to their exclusive membership of socially privileged individuals, since they included various status categories, but on their label ' Ῥωμαῖοι .' No further descriptive term is regularly used to define these collectivities; the term conventus which is to be found in some cases, is never used otherwise to define an association and seems to mean merely an assembly of Roman settlers.

It is both in the East and the West evident that Romans aimed at their consolidation in the host regions. In the East it is pursued through integration and acculturation, in the West through distinction and continuous advertisement of the superior Roman identity.

For their establishment in the foreign lands, they adopted various strategies, which perhaps points to a primary organization of their communities. The particular strategies adopted by them vary from place to place and from period to period. A common pattern of their collective strategies is the constant reminiscence of their presence in the public space through the erection of honorific monuments (for local benefactors, for Roman magistrates or for the imperial family), through their dedications -mainly along with other bodies- and their participation in local events, such as festivals, or in the gymnasion, even in the ephebic training in the East.

These strategies presuppose an elementary level of organization, the holding of a - loose at least - assembly 233 at  which certain resolutions would have passed for vote. However, no resolution in the form of a decree has been preserved. We ignore whether they assembled at regular

233 For reflections on such assemblies on Delos, see Müller 2017: 102-4.

intervals and what the schedule of such gatherings could contain. No regulation of their internal life, no clear-cut internal organization and no officeholders are attested. Where certain officeholders appear in connection to these groups, they were not members of the groups, but rather officeholders of the host communities charged with supervision or representation  of  Roman  residents.  Membership  and  regulations  governing these groups are totally unknown. We completely ignore whether there were concrete rules for entrance and abandonment of the group, responsibilities of the members, such as prescribed monetary fees. The erection of monuments certainly presupposes expenditures. In the extremely  rare  cases  of  a  reference  to  a quaestor ,  it  remains  unclear whether it was a function of the group of the Roman settlers or of the local  community.  Sometimes  it  is  mentioned  that  certain  individuals took over the costs of the erection of some monument. In the vast majority of attestations, there is no mention at all, which perhaps indicates that there were ad hoc collections of money, yet this remains a hypothesis, since there is no explicit or indirect reference to such actions.

All this points to an elementary level of organization. Could this be regarded as a sufficient condition to define these collectivities as voluntary associations? From the analysis attempted above, despite the diversity of the evidence from region to region and from period to period, we can generally observe that these collectivities lack significant characteristics of private associations. On the contrary, communities of Romans display in some cases characteristics which are not common in private associations. It is remarkable that they appear, especially in the East, as instigators of common actions with civic bodies and authorities, almost placing themselves on the same level. In the West they also place themselves on the same level with veterans and local populations. All this is unusual for private associations.

The role of religion is especially important for the classification of groups as private associations, since religion was a central element in all associations. In the East, no specific Roman cults were introduced by the groups of Romans and Italians; they were attached to local cults or to cults related with Rome, which however pre-existed. Where Roman cults were introduced, as on Delos, it was never the Italici or cives Romani as a whole that were centred around them, but religious or professional collegia which were composed of members of Italian origin. However, the members of these collegia did not define themselves as associations of Romans and Italians, but as worshipers or professionals. In the West and on the northern frontier, Roman cults were implanted, but as a rule they were not served by private Roman residents alone, but also by veterans and by local populations. Although these cults could function as an advertisement of their Roman identity, they never appear in the label, in the name of the groups. It seems, that under a large umbrella of collectivities of Roman and Italian immigrants numerous minor groups with pure associational organization could develop, network, conduct business and establish themselves in local societies. 234

Commemoration and conviviality which were central elements of private associations, do not appear in the context of the communities of Romans and Italians. Neither in the West nor in the East a clubhouse of Romans and Italians has been with certainty identified as such, neither in epigraphic record nor in archaeological remains. No hint of internal distinction within the groups of Roman residents is to be observed, no member of the community stands out or receives special honours.

Lack of evidence for all these issues does not necessarily rule out the possibility that all this existed. However, this lack of evidence does not allow us to fill the gaps of our knowledge with imagination or arbitrary statements. Thus, our source material does not preserve any clear indication of a common board of officials, of institutions, constitution, regulations, of the existence of headquarters of the groups of Romans and Italians abroad. All these basic features of private associations are absent. At any rate, they are recognizable collectivities displaying an elementary organization which in no case appears in such a clear-cut structure as in private associations.

Certainly, various questions remain open and many details concerning the very nature of these groups remain elusive. Historically assessed,

- 234 Harland 2014: 80 suggests that multiple associations of Romans existed within the broad group of Italian and Roman settlers in a town 'In larger centres, such as Ephesos in Ionia, there may have been more than one Italian association at a time'; these associations differentiated from the other associations of Romans according to their occupation.

the emergence and diffusion of Romans and Italians abroad took place during the Hellenistic and Roman period, namely a period of flourishing of the associational phenomenon, of an intense and vigorous presence of associations in every aspect of public life, which 'enlarged tremendously the field within which people could act, connect, do business and communicate in a particular and considerably more effective way -that is, as members of one or more organizations' (Gabrielsen 2009: 180). It is possible that groups of Romans adopted various isolated features out of a wide range of mechanisms of the associational activity, which could be energized at will, where it was appropriate. Private associations perhaps affected, for example, the form of self-presentation and the rooting of groups of Romans in the host communities. However, collectivities of Romans and Italians tend to assimilate themselves rather to civic bodies than to collegia , as their verbose placement side by side with civic bodies shows. It is perhaps part of this verbose language that they in some cases call themselves sympoliteuomenoi , an allusion to their 'political' place in the host towns. However, they are not civic bodies, not civic authorities, and on the basis of all previous remarks, they cannot be classified as private associations either, but they remain in a grey zone between private and public, between organized and loose entities.

What encourages and unites these people abroad is neither a common ethnic origin nor a common legal status nor a common cultural background nor a common religious faith, but only their relationship with Rome. This gives them a feeling of superiority and security or just allows them to advertise an identity of superiority in order to cover the uncertainty and anxiety about their establishment away from home. This identity of superiority is totally based on their relation to Rome, although their ethnic and social origins vary. As a rule they are of humble  descent. 235 Their powerful lords, sometimes closely related to the ruling class in Rome, could function as a safety net and protective shield for  the  immigrants. Thus, they counted only on their relation to the

- 235 Our sources reveal individuals of noble origin who were involved in business as well, but they as a rule preferred not to establish themselves in distant provinces and they sent out agents, often their slaves or freedmen. Equites involved in business: Nicolet 1966: 376-79; examples in Asia Minor Kirbihler 2007: 27 n. 56. On the social status of businessmen see Rice 2016: 108-10, on freedmen see Broekaert 2016.

power of Rome and this, regardless of cost and risk, drove them 'to seas and lands they had never seen before', to use Cicero's comment:

'Poor men of humble birth sail across the seas to shores they have never seen before, where they find themselves among strangers, and cannot always have acquaintances to vouch for them. Yet such trust have they in the single fact of their citizenship that they count on being safe, not only where they find our magistrates, ... and not only among their own countrymen ...: no wherever they find themselves, they  feel  confident  that  this  one  fact  will  be  their  defence'  ( Verr. 5.167).

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