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## ATROCITIES IN THE 'HEART OF DARKNESS'

Sexual Violence as a Weapon of Colonial Control in the Congo Free State, 1885-1908.

By: Daniel Fabricius History

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ABSTRACT: This article will provide an in-depth analysis on the colonial usage of sexual violence as a weapon of superiority during the Congo Free State during 1885-1908. The evaluation aims to uncover how white settlers systematically and intentionally utilised sexual violence as tool of colonial warfare. Literature shows that rape was a common occurrence which caused psychological, economic  and  physical  hardship  towards  the  Congolese.  Crimes  relating  to  sexual  violence transpired through atrocities like rape, abduction, blackmail, forced incest and kidnapping. It will be illustrated that sexual violence was fuelled by motives like economics, sexual lust, psychological dominance and military tactics. Sexualised atrocities proved effective as they inflicted unprecedented injuries while also manifesting social hierarchies. Sexual violence served as reliable weapon of colonial warfare which remained unbound by controversy and objections. Rape and sexual violence were  effective tools in causing psychological and  physical injuries while simultaneously displaying its perpetrator as the superior force.

KEYWORDS: colonialism, racial encounters, war crimes, imperialism, racism

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## Introduction

The  article  aims  to  broaden  our  current  knowledge  on  Leopold's  Congo  by  analysing  how colonialists  implemented  sexual  violence  as  a  weapon  of  superiority  between  1885-1908.  The Berlin Conference, November 15 1884 - February 26 1885, provided King Leopold II of Belgium with  absolute  authority  over  the  African  region  of  Congo.  Unlike  other  African  colonies,  the Congo Free State remained under legal dictatorship of Leopold until its disestablishment in 1908 (Vanthemsche 2012: 14-32). The private ownership of Congo became a controversial topic shortly after its establishment as numerous missionaries, journalists and rights activists proclaimed that it exercised slavery, mutilation, genocide and sexual violence (Rutz 2018: 25-107). The highlight of such atrocities gave birth to political and humanitarian organisations such as the Congo Reform Association (CRA) , which sought to discontinue Leopold's private ownership of Congo as a colony (Hasian 2015: 178-192). The work of CRA and Alice Harris, Roger Casement, Joseph Conrad and Edmund D. Morel proved vital as their photographs, journals and testimonies acted as key evidence for the political liquidation of the Congo Free State (Hawkins 1982: 65-82).

This  article  will  provide  an  in-depth  analysis  on  the  Belgian  weaponisation  of  sexual  violence against  the  Congolese.  The  extent  of  sexual  violence  and  its  weaponisation  as  tool  of  racial suppression will be in the centre of this analysis. Sexual atrocities will thus be evaluated with the purpose of determining whether and to what extent sexual violence impacted the physical and psychological wellbeing of the Congolese population. These impacts will be investigated through a variety of primary and secondary sources. The information gathered from journals, diaries, books and photographs will thus be the backbone of this particular research. primary sources include documents  from  first-hand  witnesses  like  Roger  Casement,  Joseph  Conrad  and  Edmund  D. Morel.The  impact  of  sexual  violence  will  be  determined  through  factors  like  psychological influence, racial intimidation and militaristic superiority. This article will uncover how colonialists used sexual violence as a weapon of superiority in the Congo Free State during 1885-1908.

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## White Peril: Colonial Sexualisation and Pornification of African Bodies

Literature shows that African bodies, especially female, proved significant in relation to how a majority of Europeans perceived people of darker skin. Late 19 th century writings such as Joseph Conrad's  fictional  novel, Heart  of  Darkness ,  provides  an  interesting  narrative  on  European sexualisation of Congolese women. Conrad portrays them through a highly sexualised language, by which he refers to an African female warrior by stating that 'She was savage and superb, wildeyed and magnificent' and 'naked breasts, arms, legs, glaring eyes.' 1 Although fictional, Conrad's novel demonstrates that the sexualisation of African bodies was a common occurrence within the Congo free State as white Europeans such as himself viewed Congolese women as savage, wild, and erotic. His statements are especially relevant as they manifest the link between African sexualisation and fetishes like exoticism through racial intercourse and dominance.

Another notable example of African pornification occurs at the case of Hottentot Venus, also known as Saartjie (Sara) Baartman in 1810. Baartman rose to fame due to being publicly displayed in French and English exhibitions, which paired her womanly features to the sexualisation of African women. These were displayed in 19 th century posters like La Belle Hottentote 2 and William Heath's the  Hotttentot  Venus. 3 The  historian,  Corrie  Decker,  provides  an  interesting  examination  of Baartman's case by demonstrating a link between African sexualisation and Darwinist theories by stating  that,  'Europeans employed representations of African female bodies like Baartman's in pseudoscientific studies of racial difference as fodder for Social Darwinist theories' (Decker 2021: 21). She also argues that this particular correlation remains an issue within colonial studies due to 'the enduring legacy of colonial racial sexual stereotypes that portray African men and women as hypersexualized' (Decker 2021: 42).

1 Conrad, Joseph, 'Heart of Darkness,' Blackwood's Magazine, First published: 1899 (serial), 1902 (book), Penguin Classics , 1989, pp. 101.

2 La Belle Hottentote, a 19th-century French print of Saartjie (Sara) Baartman, Les Curieux en extase ou les Cordons de souliers , published by: A Paris chez Martinet, Libraire, rue du Coq, N° 15, et Chez Charon rue Saint Jean de Beauvais No. 26. 1 January (1815).

3 Heath, William, 'Love at first sight, or a pair of Hottentots, with an addition to the broad bottom family,' Sarah Bartman (Saartjie Baartman, Saat-Jee, "the Hotttentot Venus"), London, (50 Piccadilly): S.W. Fores , Date: 15 of Nov. (1810).

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Available sources illustrate the colonial pornification of African bodies to be more nuanced than previously suggested. The complexities of sexualised violence become clear as European fetishism of African women is closely tied to broader ideas like scientific racism and white dominance. The link between African sexuality and scientific racism can be found in 19 th century writings such as Joseph A. Gobineau's Moral and Intellectual Characteristics of the Three Great Varieties . 4 Gobineau relies on scientific explanations when discussing the sexual characteristics of African peoples by stating  that  'They  have  a  decided  taste  for  sensual  pleasures.' 5 The  arguments  presented  by Gobineau provide for an interesting frame of reference as he highlights the correlation between African inferiority and sexuality. His perspective and arguments on the scientific research towards African inferiority occurs through statements like 'The dark races are the lowest on the scale' and 'The shape of the pelvis has a character of animalism' . 6 Additionally, the link between scientific inferiority and African sexualism during the early 19 th century has been investigated by scholars such as Saul Dubow (Dubrow 1995).

His study reaches a fascinating conclusion by arguing that the European belief in racial inferiority strongly increased the sexualisation of African bodies. Scholars such as Philippa Levine (Levince 2008: 189-219) and Felix Lösing (Lösing 2020: 47-196) provide a more in-depth analysis on this topic  by  debating  the  link  between  African  fetishes  and  sexual  violence.  Their  studies  prove informative as they place this linkage within a colonial context which concludes that numerous 19 th century colonialists perceived African bodies as physical vessels to be conquered and tamed. Their works provide for an engaging narrative by demonstrating that African pornification was closely tied to the social and political power struggles within European colonialism and superiority.

## Belgian Superiority: Rape and Sexual Violence in the Congo Free State

It is shown that instances of colonial rape and sexual violence was a common occurrence within Belgian Congo during 1885-1908 (Hawkins 1982: 65-80; Hasian 2015: 178-192; Louis 1964:

4 Gobineau, Joseph Arthur, 'Moral and Intellectual Characteristics of the Three Great Varieties,' In: Harlow & Carter (Eds), 'Archives of Empire: The Scramble for Africa,' Duke University Press , Vol. 2, 2004, pp. 143-153.

5 Ibid. P. 148.

6 Ibid. P. 145.

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99-120). Underlining sexual violence as a frequent occurrence has been illustrated by 19 th century publications of Edmund D. Morel, Roger Casement and Alice Harris. Sexual violence towards Congolese  became  increasingly  investigated  since  20  May  1903  as  the  House  of  Commons confirmed  its  overseas  examination  of  Congo  by  deploying  political  diplomats  such  as  Roger Casement.  Casement  began  his  investigation  in  early  June  where  he  served  as  a  diplomatic eyewitness  during  July,  August  and  September  1903  (Reid  1974:  460-480)  His  investigation proved lucrative as his diaries contained numerous instances of sexual violence. The highlight of physical and sexual violence within Belgian Congo became a controversial topic in early 1904, as Casement published his eyewitness accounts through the book, the Casement Report . 7 Academics should therefore consider that such sources were often fuelled by European economic and political interests rather than eliminating moral injustice within colonial Africa.

The social elements of sexual violence within Casement's report have been examined further by historians like Peter Singleton-Gates and Maurice Girodias (Singleton & Girodias 1959: 144-176). Their work, as well as the report by Casement, shows that sexual violence mostly occurred between white  perpetrators  and  African  women  as  victims.  As  documented  by  Casement,  sexualised violence  was  also  utilised  by  African  men  who  were  employed  by  the  Belgian  militia.  White colonisers  and  African  sentries  were  therefore  the  main  perpetrators  of  rape.  In  parallel  to  the perpetrators,  Conrad  demonstrates  that  sexualised  violence  often  targeted  young  African  girls. Prior to the rape and murder of two village girls, one Congolese armed sentry stated according to Casement  that  'We  might  keep  them  both,  the  little  one  is  not  bad-looking.' 8 His  report  is valuable within this study as it establishes a link between sexualised violence and ideals such as colonial superiority. A same conclusion is reached by scholars like Ann Laura Stoler, who highlights sexual violence as being tools of colonial superiority by stating that 'sexual domination has figured as a social metaphor of European supremacy ' (Stoler 1989: 638).

7 Casement,  Roger,  'The  Casement  Report:  Correspondence  and  Report  from  His  Majesty's  Consul  at  Boma Respecting the Administration of the Independent State of the Congo,' Harrison and Sons , The Project Gutenberg, Vol 1-64, No. 1, 1904, pp. 1-84.

8 Casement, Roger, 'The Eyes of Another Race,' In O'Sicohain, Seamas and O'Sullivan, Michael (eds) 'The Eyes of Another Race: Roger Casement's Congo Report and 1903 Diary ', University College Dublin, 2003, p. 153.

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Sexualisation and perceived racial inferiority produces various consequences within the social and psychological  elements  of  sexualised  violence.  One  such  consequence  transpires  as  colonialists regarded  African  women  as  being  socially,  racially  and  sexually  inferior.  This  view  proved consequential  towards  Congolese  women  as  their  bodies  were  perceived  as  erotic  vessels  to  be conquered.  Most  white  colonialists  regarded  therefore  the  rape  of  Africans  as  being  morally acceptable. A similar acceptance is also illustrated within Casement's report which proclaims that colonialists did not regard sexual violence as a criminal or moral offence. 9 Singleton and Girodias reach a similar conclusion by arguing that 'these men themselves never made any concealment in committing these acts' (Singleton & Girodias 1959: 166). The acceptance of sexualised violence was attached to elements like white superiority, as it allowed for the colonial rape which weaponised physical and psychological terror.

The acceptance of sexual violence becomes further proven when analysing statements within 19 th century documents such as Mr. De. Bernhardt's, Cases of Ill-treatment by officials in the Congo Free State,  1891-1900 . 10 Bernhardt's  source  is  striking  as  it  rarely  refers  to  sexual  violence  while simultaneously containing numerous statements on mutilations, beatings and floggings. His few statements on sexualised violence are often downplayed as he marks them as incidents rather than crimes. The lack of coverage becomes apparent as the report does not contain words such as 'rape', 'ravish' or 'forced intercourse.' Its chosen vocabulary and lack of mention strongly suggests that sexual violence was lowly prioritised.

Its downplay is also noticeable within Edmund D. Morel's King Leopold's Rule in Africa 11 and Red Rubber: The story of the Rubber Slave Trade which flourished on the Congo for twenty years, 18901910. 12 Morel downplays sexual violence by arguing that rape and forced incest, as they might

9 Ibid. Pp. 147-152.

10 Mr. De. Bernhardt, 'Cases of Ill-treatment by officials in the Congo Free State, 1891-1900,' Confidential Print: Africa, Print No. 7315, Accessed Through: The National Archives , FO 403/304, Printed for the use of the Foreign Office, August, 1900.

11 Morel, Edmund D. 'King Leopold's Rule in Africa,' Accessed Through: Internet Archive, Open Library, London: William Heinemann Publishing , First Edition, 1904, pp. 31-102.

12 Morel, Edmund D. 'Red Rubber: The story of the Rubber Slave Trade which flourished on the Congo for twenty years,  1890-  1910,'  Accessed  Through:  Internet  Archive,  Open  Library.  Accessed  on:  07.12.2022, The  National Labour Press LTD , 1906, pp. 18-225.

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damage the social power structures of colonial Africa (Burroughs 2016: 40-51). Morel's refusal to highlight sexualised violence has been studied by historians like Charlotte Mertens, who states that 'In his diary, Morel also makes clear that some atrocities did not have to be published, such as forced incest' (Mertens 2016: 6). Toni Smith provides a similar argument as he concludes rape to be downplayed due to more controversial atrocities like beatings and mutilations (Smith 2020: 144-161).

However, it is important to state that such primary sources should be examined with care and scepticism when being referenced as historical evidence. Firstly, a majority of documents which rely on eyewitness accounts contain biased sources as their purpose of creation was to liquefy the Free State of Congo. Secondly, these sources were not created with the intent on highlighting sexual  violence,  but  rather,  to  conclude  that  Belgium  violated  its  economic  agreements  with Europe. The correlation between European self-interest and anti-colonial organisations such as CRA has been debated by Derrick M. Nault. When concluding the origin and purpose of primary sources such as The Congo Report , he states that 'British economic and political self-interest helped make the Congo Report possible' (Nault 2020: 18).

Correspondingly, social, racial and religious factors proved highly influential. Firstly, societal views like  racial  inferiority  played  a  vital  role  in  justifying  sexual  atrocities.  Sexual  violence  towards Congolese was therefore rarely regarded as punishable. The historian, Robert Burroughs, provides a  similar  argument by stating, 'Even if Africans did speak of their experiences, justice was not guaranteed, even in cases of extreme violence' (Burroughs 2019: 16). Corrie Decker reaches a similar conclusion by stating that 'white men in colonial Africa rarely, if ever, faced charges for raping African women or girls' (Decker 2021: 21). Secondly, the rape of Congolese remained socially  acceptable  due  to  European  marriage  laws  and  customs.  Its  acceptance  transpired  as  a majority of Congolese women were regarded by colonisers as being mistresses and wives. Sexual violence towards Congolese women was thus accepted, as European marital laws during the early 20 th century did not perceive sexual violence towards spouses as a punishable crime (Roberts & Miers 1988: 32-44).

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Sexualised  violence  towards  Congolese  spouses  was  additionally  impacted  due  to  Christian influences. A moral and juridical acceptance occurred as European missionaries did not regard sexual intercourse between spouses as a moral sin. The Christian downplay of rape is proven further as most 19 th century missionaries within Congo did not document such atrocities. Most missionary sources contain instead information on other atrocities like beatings and mutilations (Peffer 2008: 55-77). The correlation between rape and Christian acceptance has also been discussed by Toni Smith who claims that 'missionaries connected African forms of marriage and slavery through discussions on bridewealth' (Smith 2022: 374). The lack of moral judgement concludes that the acceptance of sexualised violence was fuelled by European racism, Christian sexual morality and marital  laws.  These  factors  remained  consequential  towards  the  Congolese  as  their  influences fostered a systematic justification of colonial rape and sexual violence. Colonisers were therefore rarely held accountable or punished (Smith 2022: 366-393). The lack of legal punishment, as well as social stigmatisation, demonstrates that colonisers within Leopold Congo utilised such atrocities as tools of dominance and superiority.

In parallel to this debate, sexualised violence occurred through social masses and groups rather than by individual incidents. The argument that sexual violence was initiated as a systematic weapon has been made by scholars such as Singleton and Girodias who states that 'It was the deliberate act of the soldiers of a European administration' and that sexual perpetrators 'were but obeying the positive orders of their superiors' (Singleton & Girodias 1959: 166-167). The close correlation between  sexualised  violence and  authoritative orders concludes  that such  atrocities  were deliberately and systematically instigated rather than being random occurrences. Adam Hochschild supports this theory by proclaiming that sexualised violence regularly transpired through colonial social groups (Hochschild 1999: 150-195). More particularly, that the rape of Congolese women was frequently used as a reward which would increase and manifest the social authority of European colonisers. According to Hochschild, sexualised violence was linked to colonial social struggles such as  intimidation  and  mockery  as  colonisers  would  'unchain  the  prettiest  ones  and  rape  them' (Hochschild 1999: 162). There exists therefore a strong case that colonialists weaponised its usage due to social ascendancies such as colonial intimidation and superiority.

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Scholars  such  as  Richard  N.  Price  have  also  demonstrated  that  psychology  proved  highly consequential as it impacted racial encounters, social hierarchies and colonial superiority (Price 2018: 25-52). He takes this debate further by illustrating that physical and sexual violence within colonial states occurred due to settler fear, ignorance and self-victimisation. Price indicates that psychology remained solidly attached to sexual violence by stating that 'narratives were invented about the threats posed by the native people to the security and safety of settlers, which served to justify violence as a defensive, pre-emptive strategy' (Price 2018: 32). The use of force was thus justified as a means of self-defence, which strongly increased hostilities as colonialists simultaneously implemented sexualised violence as a tool of psychological dominance as 'Settlers paid no attention to the indigenous ties of attachment and felt free to use violence to secure their sexual  partners' (Price  2018:  29).  The  weaponisation  of  sexual  atrocities  and  its  justification exemplifies that psychology acted as a useful tool in displaying colonialists as the superior force. Sexualised violence should therefore be regarded as a weapon of superiority as its purpose was to install fear and obedience within indigenous populations.

Psychological consequences of rape have proven highly visible in numerous 19 th century documents and statements. The historian, Kevin Grant, provides an interesting narrative by demonstrating that psychological terror played a major role in the colonial weaponisation of rape (Grant 2001: 27-58; Grant 2015: 64-88). Grant examines instances of sexual atrocities like the case with 'Mingo of Ilua'. In early January 1905, the Congolese girl, Mingo, became a victim of sexual violence as a group of colonisers forced her to undress where they subsequently cushioned her reproductive organs with clay. There remains a firm sense of psychological terror within Mingo's case as the purpose of her sexual assault was to deliver bodily injury rather than providing sensual pleasure for her perpetrators. Firstly, the usage of psychological terror is demonstrated through mockery and contempt and as her assault was orchestrated by several individuals. Secondly, the usage of clay acted as a double-edged sword as it caused physical and psychological harm. The clay, as described by  Grant,  would  greatly  harm  a  woman's  reproductive  ability  while  simultaneously  causing psychological and social humiliation by marking her body as vulgar due to its coverage of clay.

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Psychological terror was also implemented through forced incest and public intercourse (Hunt 2016: 27-60). The work by Charlotte Mertens provides an informative study on forced incest within Belgian Congo by examining its purpose as a tool of psychological warfare. She provides an example of forced incest by stating that 'men installed transparent mosquito nets in the open and made a brother and a sister or a mother and her son enter and force them to have sex' (Mertens 2016: 8). Similar to the usage of clay, forced incest served multiple purposes in terms spreading psychological  terror  among  the  Congolese  population.  Its  psychological  weaponisation  is demonstrated as it took place within public and local locations. The psychological damage caused by this atrocity was often far viler as colonisers occasionally forced other Congolese to listen and observe. The forced participation proved highly harmful in relation to its psychological impact as it  defiled  its  victim  with  emotions  such  as  shame,  guilt  and  humiliation.  Public  incest  and intercourse were thus implemented as a tool of colonial superiority due to its ability to spread psychological fear and terror. Its impact proved devastating as it brought suffering towards the Congolese while simultaneously manifesting colonial superiority.

## A Devastating Tactic: The Militaristic and Strategic Weaponisation of Sexual Violence

The link between sexual violence and militaristic tactics has been debated by numerous studies and human rights organisations. The tactical utilisation of rape is underlined by organisations such as Human Rights Watch (HRW), (Chamberlain 2002: 2-44). Their report delivers a useful narrative to  this  debate  by  demonstrating  that  European  colonialists  implemented  sexual  violence  as  a deliberate tactic in that 'Soldiers and combatants raped and otherwise abused women and girls as part of their effort to win and maintain control over civilians and the territory they inhabited' (Chamberlain 2002: 23).

Belgian colonisers militarised sexual violence due to strategic advantages like indigenous obedience, economic exploitation, as well as increasing colonial morale. There is also firm reason to believe that economic exploitation strongly fuelled sexual violence. Economic motives are presented by David M. Gordon, who underlines sexualised violence as the main weapon of colonial warfare in relation to optimising economic profits and interests (Gordon 2017: 133-168). More particularly,

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the economic exploitation of Congolese transpired due valuable products such as rubber and ivory. The link  between  the  militaristic  weaponisation  of  sexual  violence  and  economic  exploitation occurs  as  colonialists  implemented  rape  as  a  punishment  towards  Congolese  men.  Colonisers would in most cases abduct, imprison and sexually abuse Congolese women and children. Forceful removal gave therefore white settler a strategic leverage over Congolese men. Additionally, the price of freeing Congolese women was often in the currency of rubber and ivory. Charlotte Mertens supports this claim by stating that 'The practice of taking women hostage was a common tactic amongst the colonial officials as a way to force the native men into the forests to collect rubber' (Mertens  2016:  7).  The  abduction  of  Congolese  women  was  weaponised  as  it  provided  the colonisers with numerous tactical and economic advantages.

One such advantage transpired  as  the  gathering  of  rubber  and  ivory  kept  the  Congolese  men occupied, which decreased the colonial need for physical violence. The lessened usage of violence was  advantageous  as  it  allowed  colonisers  to  increase  their  economic  opportunity  rather  than engaging in militaristic combat. Similarly, the lack of violence provided the colonisers with a steady number of soldiers and guards. The imprisonment of Congolese women bestowed the colonisers with a safer work environment as their task was to guard the hostages rather than venturing into dangerous territories. decreased risks of danger supplied Belgian authorities with multiple strategic assets as it decreased the vulnerability of colonial soldiers which increased their tactical advantages. The abduction of Congolese women proved less controversial  when  compared  to  instances  of mutilations, which allowed colonisers to operate on a broader scale. The method of obtaining raw materials  did  not  receive  the  same  level  of  controversy,  as  it  was  perceived  as  an  honourable agreement between European and Congolese. However, in actual fact, this exchange of goods should not be regarded as an agreement as the Congolese were, according to Hochschild, forced to accept the terms presented by colonialists due to 'if necessary at gunpoint - to accept extremely low prices' (Hochschild 1999: 118). The strategic usage of sexual violence through abduction has also been presented by Toni Smith, who states that 'Belgian Congo was fixated on controlling women's lives and sexualities as a strategy', and that its strategic purpose was 'to serve its own economic  ends  and  exert  its  will  over  local  communities'  (Smith  2022:  369).  The  colonial

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utilisation of sexual violence and abduction was thus weaponised as it marked colonisers as the most dominant force within Belgian Congo.

The abduction and rape of Congolese women also increased colonial morale. The study by Martin A. Klein contains an interesting narrative as it demonstrates that African women in French Sudan were distributed as gifts and prices amongst French soldiers (Klein 2014: 61-83). The usage of women as sexual rewards contains multiple elements of tactical warfare as it decreased the number of  conflicts  within  the  colonial  hierarchy.  Firstly,  the  allowed  rape  proved  useful  as  it  kept colonisers busy and occupied. Rape within Congo contains numerous similarities as sexual violence remained firmly attached to colonial morale, lust, hierarchy and sentiments of superiority.

Additionally, the abduction of women and children was strategic in terms of colonial blackmail as it  required firm obedience from Congolese communities. Abduction was therefore utilised as a weapon of war as it installed distress among the male population which increased rubber and ivory productions. Forceful removal occurred as colonialists promised safety and freedom to hostages whose male relatives managed to deliver sufficient amounts of raw materials (Mertens 2016: 9) The abduction and safeguarding of Congolese women remains firmly attached to strategic warfare as it was a tactical manoeuvre which installed psychological terror and obedience.

The  purpose  of  sexual  violence  was  also  to  place  Congolese  at  the  bottom  of  the  social  and economic hierarchies. The idea of racial suppression through sexual violence has been presented by historians such as Osumaka Likaka, who concludes that rape impacted social hierarchies and colonial intimidation (Likaka 2009: 108-123). Sexual violence was therefore in the centre of the colonial warfare as it manifested colonial dominance. Rape and sexual violence remained a deadly weapon within colonial warfare as it granted its user with militaristic advantages which placed him at the top of the social hierarchy.

The link between sexual violence and colonial warfare has been taken further by scholars such as Maria Baaz Eriksson and Maria Stern (Baaz & Stern 2013: 12-64). Their study demonstrates that sexual violence proved beneficial due sexual satisfaction and proof of militaristic superiority. Firstly, 'the military makes use of the notion of rape as a result of biological heterosexual urges' (Baaz &

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Stern  2013:  48),  which  provided  colonialists  with  tactical  benefits  such  as  decreased  internal conflicts. Their study argues that the usage of African women as spoils of war remained efficient. Secondly, sexual violence was used as a measure of colonial rank, as the obtainability of African women signalled  power  and  superiority.  The  implementation  of  sexual  violence  was  far  from uncommon as it commonly occurred in the Caribbean. The scholar, Nicole Bourbonnais, provides an informative comparison by concluding that sexual violence experienced a similar weaponisation within the Caribbean colonies. She demonstrates that European colonialists implemented rape as a display of superiority by stating that 'plantation records illustrate how European men used their position of power to sexually dominate enslaved women' (Bourbonnais, 2021: 31). Comparing the work by Baaz and Stern to that of other scholars such as Bourbonnais illustrates that the sexual violence also transpired within other European colonies.

The idea of an interconnection between the obtainability of women and colonial power has been presented by Amandine Lauro, who similarly concludes Congolese women to be utilised as tools within  hierarchical  authority  (Lauro  2021:  361-373).  Using  women  as  spoils  of  war  provided colonial  soldiers  with  moderate  motivation  for  battle  while  simultaneously  decreasing  internal conflicts due to sexual urges being extinguished. Baaz and Stern provide a similar idea by stating that 'Armed forces use sexual violence as the spoils of war for soldiers who see the rape of women as their entitlement' (Baaz & Stern 2013: 54). Women as spoils of war proves that sexual urges played a major role within colonial warfare. Sexual violence was therefore not only used as a weapon against  the  Congolese,  but  also  as  a  strategic  benefit  within  colonial  groups  and  hierarchies. Furthermore,  utilising  sexual  intercourse  as  a  colonial  reward  proved  devastating  towards Congolese women as it displayed their physical bodies as trophies of militaristic dominance and superiority.

## Conclusion

The presented arguments have shown to which extent colonialists systematically weaponised rape and sexual violence as displays of European superiority within the Congo Free State during 18851908.  The  humanitarian  work  by  Alice  Harris,  Edward  Morel  and  Roger  Casement  are  vital sources as their statements have increases our comprehension of colonial violence (Hawkins 1982:

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65-82). Their evidence requires cautious analysis as most European witnesses often excluded or downplayed sexual atrocities. Deliberate downplay proves sexual violence to be lowly prioritised when compared to the documentation of other atrocities like flogging and mutilation. Analysing such  works  remains  vital  in  relation  to  racial  encounters  as  their  research  provides  for  a  clear substructure on the social, psychological and sexual relations within colonial studies.

The article concludes that European colonialists systematically weaponised sexual violence. Crimes such as rape were linked to strategic warfare as their purpose was to provide tactical advantages by increasing colonial dominance and superiority. The systematic utilisation of sexual violence was impacted  by  factors  like  racism,  sexuality,  economics,  white  superiority  and  strategic  warfare. sexualisation and pornification of Africans during the early 19 th century played a significant role in relation to sexual violence as a weapon of colonial superiority. Prior to the establishment of the Congo  Free  State,  Africans  bodies,  especially  female,  were  regarded  as  erotic  vessels  which colonialists perceived as exotic and fascinating. The sexualisation increased the social and moral acceptance of sexualised violence which further fuelled the implementation of rape as a weapon of colonial superiority (Singleton & Girodias 1959: 144-176).

The utilisation of sexual violence as a tool of war transpired as a systematic strategy by colonial officials rather than occurring through individual incidents. It also manifested colonialists as the superior force while simultaneously striking its victims with psychological terror. Psychological intimidation transpired due to rape, abduction, forced intercourse and enslavement. Apart from erotic satisfaction, sexual violence also served the purpose of implementing bodily injury and pain. White settlers often used Clay in order to cause physical pain towards its victims by damaging their reproductive organs while simultaneously displaying them as filthy and tainted (Grant 2001: 2758; Grant 2015: 64-88).

Sexualised  atrocities  remained  successful  tools  of  colonial  warfare  as  they  exhibited  European superiority. The tactical implementation of sexual violence remained a common and systemic tactic as it provided Belgian authorities with numerous strategic advantages. Firstly, the implementation of rape increased colonial morale by allowing colonialists to extinguish their sexual urges through sexual violence (Baaz & Stern 2013: 12-64). Secondly, the rape of Congolese women remained a

## CULTURE AND HISTORY Nr. 02 December 2024

sought-after  atrocity  among  soldiers  as  the  possession  of  women  symbolised  colonial  power. Thirdly, the abduction and rape of women allowed colonialists to blackmail Congolese men to gather rubber and ivory which highly increased economic productions. The enslavement of women became systematically weaponised as it demanded the absolute obedience from Congolese men which allowed colonialists to assert colonial superiority.

Colonialists were able to operate on a larger scale due to sexual violence being less controversial than  flogging  and  mutilations.  This  lack  of  controversy  transpired  due  to  legal  and  Christian influences, which did not regard 'marital' intercourse with as a moral sin or crime (Smith 2022: 366-393). The  acceptance  of  sexual  violence  proved  devastatingly  consequential  towards  the Congolese as it paved the way for colonial superiority through acts of rape and sexual violence. Sexual  violence  was  thus  a  highly  reliable  tool  of  colonial  warfare  as  its  utilisation  remained unbound by controversy and objections. Finally, the weaponisation of rape and sexual violence proved highly effective as it delivered psychological and physical injury towards its victims while simultaneously displaying its perpetrator as the superior force.

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