## INTERTEMPORAL MEMORIES OF A SHIFTING UNITY: POLITICAL, ECONOMIC, CULTURAL AND KINSHIP BONDS BETWEEN CORINTH AND CORINTHIAN APOIKIAI AROUND THE AMBRACIAN GULF

By Antonios S. Kaponis

Summary: In ancient Greece, a metropolis and its apoikiai constituted a form of kinship unity. In Thucydides' view, at least in his era, particular bonds of kinship connected the Corinthian apoikiai on, or in the vicinity of, the Ambracian Gulf with Corinth itself, and literary  tradition  endowed  Ambracia,  Leucas  and  Anactorion  with  a  special  cultural unity. Modern research ranging over political institutions, foreign policy, ideology, economic factors, cults, myths, calendar and burial customs has shown that these poleis regarded themselves as members of a Corinthian colonial family. Initially highly dependent on Corinthian policy during the archaic period, by the end of this period the western apoikiai had  admittedly begun to diverge from a Corinthian-centred economy and to move away from Corinthian traditions. Internal social diversification also caused these poleis to move away from Corinthian institutions and habits. Nevertheless, despite various political fluctuations, western Corinthian apoikiai remained within the Corinthian sphere of influence and after Timoleon's campaign they revived old Corinthian traditions and institutions. Indeed, other Greeks of late classical times regarded the citizens of these poleis as if they were indeed Corinthians. The area remained under Corinthian economic influence throughout Hellenistic times and memories of affinities with and ties to Corinth survived in her apoikiai . Lastly, Hellenistic monarchs and even Augustus himself took advantage of the peculiar Corinthian identity of these apoikiai for their own ends.

## Metropoleis and apoikiai

Scholars have long been interested in the subject of political unity and diversity in ancient Greece. 1 Metropoleis and their apoikiai 2 were mainly groups of states connected by economic and cultural bonds that rested on kinship. 3 The present paper uses evidence concerning foreign policy, political  institutions,  tribal  organization,  ideology,  coin  types,  cults, myths, calendar and burial customs in order to present the evolution of these bonds among Corinthians and Corinthian apoikiai around the Ambracian Gulf. 4 The unusual feature of this unity lies in how it was maintained, as we will show, even after the destruction of the metropolis itself. I  therefore hope to shed some light on various shifting aspects of the subject and to illuminate intertemporal common memories that point to an intertemporal political and cultural unity. 5 In order to put these features in their historical context and to present their multifaceted function, I present them in chronological order.

- 1 I am grateful to all reviewers for the helpful advice and insightful critique. The following is a selective bibliography on matters such as Greek ethnicity: Hall 1997; Malkin 2001; Luce 2007; Müller & Veïsse 2014; federalism: Dobesch 1968; Payrau 1971; Flower  2000;  Mitchell  2007;  Birgalias  et  al.  2013;  panhellenism:  Beck,  Buraselis  & McAuley  2019;  political  unification:  Buraselis  &  Zoumboulakis  2003.  On  cultural unity: Burckhardt 1963: 104-23; Greek nationality: Walbank 2002; Osborne 2004: 10218; cultural affinity: Dougherty & Kurke 2003 (see also Hall 2002; Jost 2006); several unifying/diversifying features: Cassola 1996: 5-23; Settis 1996: 847-1207.
- 2 The  terms apoikiai and metropolis express  the  meaning  of  the  respective  ancient words better than the terms colonies and mother-city used extensively in the AngloSaxon  bibliography, colony in  particular  evoking  anachronistic  parallels:  see  also Tsetskhladze 2006; Osborne 2016.
- 3 The relationship between metropolis and apoikia was first analysed by Seibert (1963) and Graham (1964). For the term συγγένεια in Thucydides, see Fragoulaki 2013: 3257. For colonial networks in Italy and Sicily, see Vlassopoulos 2013: 78-128. Πόλις and ἔθνος were also political organizations based on kinship: Morgan 2003: 4-16.
- 4 For the exception offered by Corcyra to the unwritten rule of colonial piety: Thuc. 1.25.3-26.1, 1.38.1-4. See also Williams 1985; Rhodes 1987; Morrison 1999; Kaponis 2020: 94-115; Psoma 2022: 55-63, 134-62.
- 5 Mazzarino 1964; Reboton 2008. The most typical parallel are found in the Megarian apoikiai :  Robu 2012; 2013; 2014; 2015; 2018; 2019; 2020a; 2020b. See also Costanzi & Dana 2020; Morakis' contribution in the present volume.

## Political and cultural unity through dependence

Ambracia, Leucas and Anactorion were founded on, or in the vicinity of, the Ambracian Gulf by the Corinthian tyrant Cypselus. 6 He probably regarded this area as a geographical and economic unity since he intended, among  other  things,  to  control  land  and  sea  routes  to  northwestern Greece and the West. 7 At  this  first  stage,  these  three apoikiai were dependent on Corinthian trade 8 and therefore necessarily formed a political and economic unity. They also formed a cultural and a consciously maintained kinship entity linked to Corinth, given that many Corinthian burial customs appear and evolve in these apoikiai along the same lines as they do in Corinth. They consist of the extensive use of interment in all of apoikiai and, in Ambracia, a large number of grave offerings in the first half of the sixth century, the use of cist tombs for adults and vases for infants and conscious orientation of the corpse. 9

- 6 Athanadas ( FGrHist 303) fr. 1 (= Ant. Lib. Met. 4); Ps.-Scylax 34; Ps.-Scymn. 465; Strabo 10.2.7-8 (C452), 10.2.8-9 (C451). Strabo describes the Corinthian campaign as a unique operation, scheduled and executed by Cypselus and his son, Gorgus, the oecist (a term I prefer to 'founder') of Ambracia. See Fantasia 2017: 19-23, who restores the corrupt text with the phrase Γόργου ἡγησαμένου . If the colonial expedition was simultaneous, Pylades and Echiades, oecists of Leucas and Anactorion respectively, will have participated in this joint foundation: see Nic. Dam. ( FGrHist 90)  fr.  58.44-46, reading Ephorus (see Jacoby 1926: 248).
- 7 Kaponis 2020: 97 with nn. 563-65. This interpretation is corroborated by the pre-colonial contacts between Corinthians and local Illyrian, Epirotic, or Akarnanian tribes: Athanadas ( FGrHist 303) fr. 1; Ps.-Scylax 34; Ps.-Scymn. 465; Strabo 10.2.7-8 (C452), 10.2.8-9 (C451); see also Vokotopoulou 1982: 79 with fig. 4, 82 with fig. 5-6. On the issue  of  the  pre-colonial  settlement  of  natives  in  Ambracia  and  the  origin  of  the 'Thapsos workshop', see Gadolou 2008: 287-88; Gadolou 2011: 38-45. See contra Douzougli & Papadopoulos 2010: 49. See also Kaponis 2020: 43, 100-8, 115, 126-28, 131 with n. 762, 125-37, 138-41. For the planning of the foundation of apoikiai by Euboean Chalcidians, see Frisone 2016.
- 8 Kaponis 2020: 146-47 with n. 858, 173-74 with n. 1024, 198-202 with nn. 1184-85, 1199, 1206; Aggeli 2021: 262. For the respective Megarian network, see Robu 2012: 183-89.
- 9 Staikou 2016: 174-80; Stavropoulou-Gatsi & Alexopoulou 2002: 83-85; Aggeli 2021: 282-84. On the tombs as a sign of kinship between apoikia and metropolis , see Thuc. 1.26.3.

During the tyranny of Periander in Corinth, all three apoikiai 10 seem to have been ruled by Cypselids. 11 The Corinthian tyrants seem to have intervened militarily in the region. An epigram in honour of Arniadas from Corcyra indicates that in late sixth century Ambracia was probably attacked  by  Corcyra,  or  a  Corcyrean  squadron,  perhaps  made  up  of  pirates. 12 The event was probably connected in some way to the old enmity between Corinth and Corcyra referred to by Thucydides and implied by Herodotus. 13 Periander also defended Leucas, Anactorion, and Apollonia from an external threat, and punished Corcyreans for having killed his son in the last few years before his death. 14

The existence of hero cults of their oecists in archaic times is implied by  dubious  Hellenistic  versions  of  foundation  myths,  which  however seem to retain the memory of an older diachronic cult. 15 The authenticity of these foundation stories and the historicity of the oecists and their cults  in  Greek apoikiai in  the  West  have  been  challenged by Hall, who points out that they involved variant oecists and mythical heroes. 16 Indeed, Helios or his daughter Ambracia, Hercules, and Ambrax are also

- 10  Together with Apollonia in Illyria: Steph. Byz. s.v. Ἀπολλωνία . See Reboton 2008: 9.
- 11  On Periander the Ambraciot and Archinos: Arist. Pol . 1304a31-33; Neanthes of Cyzicus ( FGrHist 84) fr. 19 (= Diog. Laert. 1.99); Maximus of Tyrus, 18.1a-f (= Plut. Mor. Am. narr. 768 Ε .10-F.5); Arist. Ath. Pol. 17.4. See Kaponis 2020: 277-82. Periander tried to establish  his  son  Nicolaos/Lycophron  at  Corcyra  as  tyrant:  Hdt.  3.53.4;  Nic.  Dam. ( FGrHist 90) fr. 60.
- 12 IG IX 1 2 4 880. See Kaponis 2020: 185-86, 406-7; Psoma 2022: 13, 77 n. 20, 118, 122 (pirate?), 408, 444, 461, 475, 487, 503. The phrase ἐπ ' Ἀράθθοιο ῥο F αῖσι refers to the river Arachthos which runs through Ambracia: Camerotto 2015.
- 13  Hdt. 3.48.6-49.9, 3.52.23-53.30 (especially the subjugation and the consequent revolt of Corcyra against Periander's son); Thuc. 1.13.4, 1.38.1-4. See Psoma 2022: 63-73.
- 14  Hdt. 3.53.30; Nic. Dam. ( FGrHist 90) fr. 60; Plut. Mor. De sera 557 Α -Β .
- 15  Ambracian foundation legend: Athanadas ( FGrHist 303) fr. 1. The hero cult of Gorgus is confirmed through numismatic testimony dated to the fourth century: see Calciati 1990: II.461 no. 82; Mortensen 2015: 224-27; Kaponis 2020: 125-27, 130-31, 368-69. The foundation legends of Leucas and Anactorion are implicitly attested: Ps.-Scymn. 460465; Nic. Dam. ( FGrHist 90)  fr.  58.44-46.  The existence of the patra Chersikratidai in honour of the oecist of Corcyra also indicates the existence of an official cult of the oecist there: IG IX 1 2 4 1140. See Psoma 2022: 51-52, 316, 346, 377, in particular 393.
- 16  Hall 2008: 399, 402-11.

mentioned as possible founders of Ambracia. 17 However, the Corinthian apoikiai in  western Greece seem to have preserved the memory of the oecists against the need to 'justify circumstances' in later times, because they tended to perpetuate the names of three Cypselid oecists, although this family had been considered unholy and sinful from classical times onward. 18 The presence of Gorgus on classical Ambracian pegasoi and the antityrannical Hellenistic version of the foundation legend of Ambracia tend to suggest that this name and the respective oecist's cult were historical in this sense. 19 At this early stage such cults also created religious and emotional bonds with Corinth through the acknowledgement of Corinthian origin and the memory of the common past.

During this phase, Corinthian political institutions and cult practices, the νόμιμα ,  were adopted by the new poleis ,  as late sources suggest, so ensuring further communication between metropolis and apoikia . 20 More precisely,  the  tribal  organization  of  the apoikiai was  Doric/Corinthian. The Bacchiads had probably added a fourth tribe to the initial tripartite system in order to integrate the pre-Doric population into the community. 21 Cypselus preserved this system in Corinth and this was probably

- 17  Arist. fr. 474 (= Steph. Byz. s.v. Δεξαμεναί ); Philistus FHG 52 (p. 191) (= Steph. Byz. s.v. Ἀμβρακία ); Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom 1.50.4.1-51.1; Athanadas ( FGrHist 303) fr. 1.
- 18  Thgn. 1.891-894; Hdt. 5.92 α .-92 ζ ; Pl. Phdr. 236b; Suda, s.v. Κυψελιδῶν ἀνάθημα .
- 19  See above n. 15. For the cult of oecists or founders of a polis : Hdt. 6.38.1; Pind. Pyth . 5.93-95; Paus. 3.1.8; Callim. Aet. 2.43; Schol. Pind. Ol. 1.149b (Drachmann). See also Malkin 1987: 11, 263; Dougherty 1993: 24-25; Musti 2005: 308 with n. 21; Cordano 2009; Lane 2009: 246; Mortensen 2015: 224-27; Golding 2017: 7-8; Castiglioni et al. 2018; Kaponis 2020: 88 with n. 508, 368. Besides, the foundation myth of Miletus suggests that the mythical mortal oecists were also heroized: Polito 2011; 2018.
- 20  Kaponis 2020: 292-94, with bibliography. Robu (2014: 325-406) has examined similar common political institutions between Megara and its apoikiai . For nomima in Greek colonization, see Martin 1987; Malkin 2011: 189-97.
- 21 IG IX 1 2 4 798 ll. 3, 5; 866 A l. 1; 869 l. 2; 872 A ll. 1-2; SEG 30.990; Calligas 1971: l. 25. See Robert 1948: 5-15; Daux 1953-54: 250 n. 5; Robert 1960: 562-69; Jones 1980: 167-72; 1987: 189-93; Antonetti 1999: 367-70; Crema 2010: 213; Stickler 2010: 26-27; Del Monaco 2011: 307; Psoma 2022: 314.

also  implemented  in  the apoikiai . 22 The  system  was  probably  subsequently  reformed  by  the  Corinthian  oligarchy,  who  added  four  more tribes. 23 The apoikiai certainly  shared  tribal  divisions  and  subdivisions with Corinth. Mention of the tribe Ἀ (F) ορεῖς is found in the archaic lead tablets from Corcyra and in a Hellenistic honorific decree that comes either from Corinth, Apollonia or Ambracia, while the tribe Hylleis occurs in a second century honorific decree from Corcyra. 24

Other political institutions were adopted by these apoikiai , either from the start or as an a posteriori link to the metropolis . The assembly in most of the apoikiai was called either halia or ekklesia . 25 The re-use of the term halia after Timoleon's campaign of 344 26 implies that the term was used at  least  initially  after  the  foundation  of  the apoikiai . 27 The presence of prytaneis in both Ambracia, Leucas, and Anactorion, and in several Corin-

- 22  Kaponis 2020: 291-96, especially for the tripartite Doric system at Syracuse, 292 (see also n. 1670). See also the respective phylai in Megarian apoikiai : Robu 2014: 326-60. On Ionian phylai at Milesian apoikiai : Ehrhardt 1983: 98-112. On the incorporation of the Dryopian population into the tribes of Ambracia: Athanadas ( FGrHist 303) fr. 1. Similar hybrid cultural and anthropological characteristics are found in Apollonia and in Euboean apoikiai : McIlvain et al . 2014; Charalambidou 2017: 110. For contacts between the Corinthians and local tribes: see above n. 7.
- 23  Nic. Dam. ( FGrHist 90) fr. 60.38. The reform was later attributed to Aletes: Suda , s.v. πάντα ὀκτώ . It is highly likely that the oligarchic government of Corinth renamed some of the previous tribes and turned other tribes into subdivisions: SEG 30.990, l. 25. See Antonetti 1999b; Kaponis 2020: 291-99; Psoma 2022: 314.
- 24  On a possible tripartite tribal system in Corcyra: Thuc. 1.47.1; IG 1 2 4 798 ll. 9-10, 3738, 49. See Psoma 2022: 309-16. On the strong similarity of the tribal system of Apollonia with that in Corcyra: Kaponis 2020: 298; Psoma 2022: 316 with n. 69. On the joint Corinthian and Corcyrean colonization of Apollonia: Ps.-Scymn. 439-446; Strabo 7.5.8 (C316). See also Reboton 2008: 11; Kaponis 2020: 89-90, 415-17.
- 25  Leucas: IG IX 1 2 1 4 1475 ll. 16-17 (= SEG 51.466, 53.388, 58.388) - for the restoration ἁ [ λίαι ], see Thonemann 2003: 116; Anactorion: IG IX 1 2 2 212 l. 3; Corcyra: IG IX 1 2 4 786 l. 5; 789 l. 1; 790 l. 1; 791 l. 1; 792 l. 1; 798 ll. 18, 49, 72, 83, 140; Epidamnus: Arist. Pol. 1301b21-26. See also Psoma 2022: 316-18.
- 26  All dates from this point onwards are BCE.
- 27  Kaponis 2020: 300-4. Cf. Psoma 2022: 316-18.

thian or Corinthian-Corcyrean apoikiai , shows that there were close political connections between Corinth and northwestern Greece. 28 The polemarchos was of great political significance in Leucas as we can deduce from a Hellenistic inscription, but probably originated from a military office that initially existed in archaic Corinth. 29 The probouloi was  also possibly of Corinthian origin. 30 Other poleis in this region later imitated these institutions. 31 All these similarities in political organization show clearly that northwestern Greece was an area of Corinthian political and ideological influence and that its political and economic development was due to the Corinthian apoikiai .

The Corinthian calendar was also adopted by several northwestern apoikiai and poleis , Corinthian and otherwise. 32 The epigraphic evidence is scarce and comes mainly from Ambracia. 33 Yet Iversen has proved that all northwestern Corinthian apoikiai used the same model from the very beginning, implicitly acknowledging the economic primacy of Corinth. 34 Furthermore, the Epeirotan sub-group of Corinthian calendars suggests

- 28  The material is mainly Hellenistic, but the offices discussed were certainly founded in previous periods: SEG 24.421 l. 1; 26.694 l. 2 (see also 24.412 l. 2); 42.543bis l. 3; 42.543ter l. 1; IG IX 1 2 2 212 l. 3; IG IX 1 2 4 786 l. 1; 798 l. 1; 1196 l. 2; 1475 l. 26; McCabe 1991: 45 l. 2; 46 ll. 2, 39-40; Cabanes & Ceka 1997: 5b l.1 ; 6 l. 1; 7 l. 2; 21 l. 1; 187 l. 2; 189 ll. 3-4; 193, F a l.15, F b ll. 10-12; 369 l.1; 385 l. 1; 387 l. 1; 390 l. 1; 391 l. 1; Cabanes & Drini 2007: 394 l. 1; 396 l. 1; 397 l. 1; 398 l. 1. For analysis: Kaponis 2020: 305-9, based mainly on Crema 2010. See Psoma 2022: 322-24. For the office of prytanis in Apollonia, see Reboton 2008: 11-12. For the office of basileus in Megara and its apoikiai , see Robu 2014: 367-75.
- 29 IG IX 1 2 4 1231 ll. 8-9. On the archaic origin: Nic. Dam. ( FGrHist 90) fr. 58.1-43. See also Matija š i ć 2010: 232-35; Kaponis 2020: 314-15.
- 30 IG IX 1 2 4.1231 ll. 8-9; IX 1 2 4 1475 l. 30 ( ἁ [ λίαι ]); IX 1 2 4 786 l. 12; 787 l. 11; 789 ll. 16-17. For a comparison with Corinthian probouloi , see Tréheux 1989; Psoma 2022: 325-27. For probouloi in Megara and its apoikiai , see Robu 2014: 387-89; 2018: 280-81. For the transplantation of probouloi to Milesian apoikiai , see Nawotka 2014: 121.
- 31  De Vido 2010; Matija š i ć 2010.
- 32  Cabanes 2003. On calendar in the Megarian apoikiai : Avram et al . 1999; Robu 2019. In Milesian apoikiai : Ehrhardt 1983: 113-26; Feraru 2015.
- 33 SEG 30.990 l. 3, if the inscription, as Crema (2010: 213) and Del Monaco (2011: 307) believe, is Ambracian; and see also SEG 56.948 ( Γαμίλιος ); 35.665 l. 2 ( Φοινικαῖος ). See also Cabanes & Andreou 1985: 499-544, 753-57, part Β , 23 ( Ἀρτεμίσιος ), 25 ( Ψυδρεύς ).
- 34  Iversen 2017; 2020: 27-30; Kaponis 2020: 318-23, 395-96, 404, 440-41. See also Psoma 2022: 395-400. For the Megarian calendar: Robu 2019.

that Ambracia, Leucas, Anactorion and other poleis enjoyed a special economic and cultural unity in northwestern Greece. The Corinthian calendar was so widespread that it even ended up on the Antikythera mechanism, which was manufactured after the destruction of Corinth itself. 35 The calendar played a perennial role in relations between Corinth and her apoikiai , in that the common festivals referred to by Thucydides are probably those celebrated in the respective months involved. 36

Corinth also played a crucial role in the religious life of the apoikiai from the beginning. Cults and deities connected with the Doric-Corinthian  foundation  of  the apoikia concerned  were  established  from  this time, although local variations were to appear later. 37 Religious bonds were made even closer through Corinthian epic poems and Nostoi , which connected Corinth with northwestern Greece and the West. Most of the available information comes from literary sources and inscriptions dated between the fifth century and Roman times. However, legends of travelling or returning heroes were certainly widespread from classical, and probably even archaic times onwards in Corinth, Corcyra, and throughout Epirus, Illyria, and Akarnania. 38

- 35  The division into an Epeirotan and a Corcyrean subgroup denotes that Corcyra and other Corinthian apoikiai were commercial rivals from early on; see Kaponis 2020: 404.
- 36  Thuc. 1.25.4: during these festivals, the apoikiai showed particular honour to Corinthian citizens who happened to be present.
- 37  Tzouvara-Souli 1993; Kaponis 2020: 326-31, 333-49, 353-62, 378-84, 386-87, 391, 4035, with extensive bibliography. See also Psoma 2022: 372-76, 376-79, 382-83, 383-84, 387-88. Cults of deities connected with colonization were also founded in Megarian apoikiai : Antonetti 1999a: 21-22; Robu 2013: 75-76; 2018: 276-78. On Aphrodite in Milesian apoikiai : Greaves 2004: 30-31. For transplanting of cults from Paros to Thasos, see Papadopoulou 2018; Trippé 2018; from Miletus to her apoikiai, see Ehrhardt 1983: 127-223; from Phocaea to her apoikiai , see Sachs 2014: 78-84, 122-27, 158-61.
- 38  Pind. Nem. 7.35-37  (Neoptolemus);  Eur. Andr. 1243-1252  (Andromache,  Helenus); Schol. Eur. Andr. 13-14.4 (Neoptolemus); Simias fr. 6 (Andromache, Aeneas); Strabo 10.2.9 (C452) (Leucadius); Eur. fr. 65.73a; Ps.-Apollod. Bibl. 3.94.1 (Amphilochus); Dion. Hal. Ant.  Rom .  1.50.4.1-51.1.5  (Aeneas);  Ptolemaeus  Chennus, Novae  Historiae 7 (Westermann 1843: 198); Ath. 13.56.32-36 (589D) (Helenus); Paus. 1.11.1-2 (Neoptolemus, Helenus, and Andromache), 5.22.2-4 (Trojan and Achaean heroes); IG IX I 2 2 583 l. 38 (Helenus); IG IX 1 2 4 866 B ll. 5-6; 871 ll. 1-2 (Amphineis), Cabanes & Ceka 1997:

## Moulding a multifaceted unity

After the overthrow of the tyrants, oligarchic constitutions were established in both the metropolis and in the northwestern apoikiai . 39 The Corinthians seem to have willingly supported their apoikiai and defended them against enemies, as is implied by the existence of the polyandrion at Ambracia, erected after the defeat of the Perrhaiboi , and in all likelihood commemorating assistance offered by the Corinthians, 40 and the existence of the late archaic tomb stele of the Corinthian Aristion who was either a representative of Corinth, a hoplite or even a mercenary. 41 The fact that a baetyl, the symbol of Ambracia itself, is inscribed on this stele probably indicates that the Ambraciots deeply appreciated Aristion's action on behalf of their polis . 42

By the early decades of the fifth century, Ambracia, Leucas and Anactorion had become more independent in terms of commercial activity

- 78, Τ 303, 14-15 n. 4 (Trojan heroes); Tzouvara-Souli 1979: 46 with fig. 18b (Aeneas). See further Castiglioni 2003: 877-79; Stocker 2009: 288-94; Antonetti 2010; Morgan 2018: 32; Malkin 2018; Kaponis 2020: 138, 345, 355-57, 379-80, 391, 396-97, 405; Psoma 2022: 309, 311 n. 22, 355-63.
- 39  Ambracia:  Arist. Pol. 1304a29-33;  see  also  Gehrke  &  Wirbelauer  2004:  354-56;  Birgalias 2009: 126 with n. 387. Leucas: Arist. Pol. 1266b15-25; see also De Vido 2010: 25859.  Epidamnus  and  Apollonia:  Thuc.  1.26.3,  Arist. Pol. 1290a40-b20,  1301b21-26, 1304a13-17; Diod. Sic. 12.30.2. See also Reboton 2008: 10-11; Kaponis 2020: 133-34, 282-91.
- 40 Polyandrion : SEG 41.540A l. 1; 44.463 l. 1; 44.1697. For the restoration of εὐρυχόροι [ ο ϙορίνθο ]: Anth.  Pal. 6.135.  See  further  Kaponis  2020:  51  with  n.  274.  The  Thessalian/Epirotic ethnos of Perrhaeboi ( Πυραιβοί in the inscription) was a nomadic mountain people of the Pindos: Hom. Il . 2.749-54; Soph. fr. 271; Ps-Scymn. 614-617; Strabo 9.5.12 (C434), 9.5.19-20 (C439); Cl. App. Ill . 3-5; Plut. Mor . 293A-B ( Quaest. Grec. 13); Hdn. 3.1.399;  Plin. HN 4.1-2.  See  further  Kaponis  2020:  58-63.  Corinthians  also  saved ( ἐρρύσαντο ) Syracusans in the late sixth century when they, along with Corcyreans, reconciled them with Hippocrates of Gela: Hdt. 7.154.16.
- 41 SEG 41.540B ll. 1-2; see Andreou 1986.
- 42  The baetyl as a symbol of Ambracia: Kaponis 2020: 104 with n. 612, 132, 162 with n. 944, 328-30 with bibliography.

and internal political  relations.  Initially  firmly  dependent  on  Corinth, these poleis developed independently as is indicated above all by the appearance of Attic artifacts, although this may be simply due to the general trend of the time. 43 The economic development of Ambracia, Leucas and Anactorion led to further social stratification and political diversification stimulated by the emergence of political groupings. This could also be connected with the evolution that occurs in burial customs. In some respects, such as the construction of the Ambracian polyandrion , numerical predominance of cist tombs and the numerous cremations in Anactorion, they diverge from those in Corinth and, in other cases, the burial customs of the apoikiai resemble Corinthian habits. For example, the citizens of these apoikiai use sarcophagi, stop making funerary offerings  and  the  main  type  of  burial  is  interment. 44 However, this resemblance could be due not to the imitation of the metropolis but rather to social factors. 45

In this context, a pro-Corcyrean faction seems to have arisen on Leucas, 46 as can be deduced from the arbitration of Themistocles in 483/2 between the Corcyreans and the Corinthians for the colonial rights over Leucas. Themistocles favoured the Corcyreans and acknowledged that they were mutual founders of the apoikia . 47 However, the pro-Corinthian grouping soon prevailed and convinced the Leucadians to strike coins

- 43  Aggeli 2004: 555-56; Aggeli 2014: 63-67. See also Kaponis 2020: 161, 200-1.
- 44  Dickey 1992: 20, 24-32; Stavropoulou-Gatsi & Alexopoulou 2002: 83; Slane 2017; Aggeli 2021:  284-87.  On  similarities  and  divergences  between  Corinthian  and  Syracusan burial customs: Shepherd 2002; 2015; Germanà Bozza 2011: 694; Morakis 2019: 191-92 with nn. 800, 805; between Corinthian and Corcyrean burial customs: Spanodimos 2014.
- 45  Other, non-Corinthian, apoikiai seem to have used the sarcophagi simply as a sign of social differentiation: Shepherd 2014: 120-23; 2015: 357-66.

46  Kaponis 2020: 203-11.

- 47  Thuc.  1.136.1;  Theophr.  fr.  9  ll.  II.23-34  ( P Ο xy ,  7.1012C);  Plut. Them .  24.1;  see  also Psoma 2022: 134-38. These claims probably arose from the fact that Corcyreans had a powerful navy at the time: Hdt. 6.168; Thuc. 1.14.2, 25.4; see also Psoma 2022: 11826.

employing Corinthian types. 48 The prevalence of this oligarchic grouping may be related to the institution of the habit of burying the dead in sarcophagi which survived in Leucas until the second century. 49 Themistocles' involvement in commerce in northwestern Greece also confirms the point that Corinth and its apoikiai in northwestern Greece had long collaborated over corn trade from Sicily. 50

In the early fifth century, Leucas and Ambracia minted pegasoi in large quantities in an attempt to prepare their military forces in the face of Xerxes' invasion. 51 Ambracian staters were struck in the mint at Corinth: Ambracia and Corinth were on very friendly terms and had even aligned their economic institutions with each other. 52 The economic support of metropolis towards the apoikiai inaugurated close economic cooperation between them. So important were the kinship bonds between Ambracia and Leucas and Corinth that they decided to participate in the naval battle of Salamis, in Herodotus' view, 'because they were Dorian Corinthians'. 53 All three apoikiai amassed a considerable number of hoplites for the battle of Plataea. 54 Herodotus' unusual statement, in which he gives

- 48  This conscious choice is resonant, because at the same time or a little earlier the Corcyreans minted their own coins on a variation of the Corinthian weight standard and with different types, although they also were included in the sphere of Corinthian economic influence: Calciati 1990: II.385; Psoma 2015: 141-46; Kaponis 2020: 203-11; Psoma 2022: 89-93, who emphasizes the fact that this numismatic differentiation was caused by the Corcyreans' desire to ensure their own 'loneliness' and to protect its own economic benefits denying another polis' currency such as the Corinthian one.
- 49  Douzougli 2001: 51-52, 55-57; Staikou 2016: 176-79; Aggeli 2021: 293.
- 50 Themistocles' Letters (6.8-30, 7.4-6). The letters are Hellenistic in date but draw on classical authors: see Cortassa & Culasso Gastaldi 1990: I.39. Kometopoulou (2012: 205 with n. 998) depicts Themistocles' commercial activities in the West in which he collaborates with Corinthian corn traders.
- 51  For the integration of these apoikiai into the Hellenic Alliance: Hdt. 8.45; Paus. 5.23.2; Syll. 3 30 ll. 29-30 (X), 33 (XI). See also Fantasia 2017: 45 with n. 131.
- 52  This conclusion is mainly based on the use of common dies for Ambracian and Corinthian coins: Kraay 1977: 42-44; Carter 1993: 35, 39; Mercuri 2006: 243; Kaponis 2020: 210-12.
- 53  Hdt. 7.45.
- 54  Hdt. 9.28: the Ambraciots gathered 500 and the Leucadians and Anactorians together 800. This is a significant number of hoplites, given the small populations of these poleis : see also Kaponis 2020: 142-44.

one figure for both Leucadians and Anactorians, can only be explained, if the Leucadians and Anactorians were regarded as a joint force. These ethnonyms also appear together on the bronze serpent column erected at Delphi. 55 This joint deployment implies tactical collaboration during the battle, which means that they clearly considered themselves Corinthian sister apoikiai . 56

## Colonial and kinship piety: a rule with exceptions

During the first half of the fifth century, Corinthian oligarchic institutions and values deeply influenced the political life of Ambracia. Both the foundation myth of Ambracia and the 13 th Olympian of Pindar in honour of the wealthy Corinthian Xenophon show that Corinth and Ambracia shared common political values ( themis, eunomia and dike ),  which, also unsurprisingly, happened to possess oligarchic connotations. 57 Thucydides' own comments on the filial piety of the Corinthian apoikiai and Aristotle's few passages on their polities suggest that both Ambracia and Leucas were governed by pro-Corinthian oligarchies. 58 On the other hand, the contemporary change that we have observed concerning the burial customs of all three apoikiai , in particular the adoption of built cist tombs or pit burials, the prevalence of cremations, the use of tombstones and the abandonment in Ambracia (albeit not in Leucas) of limestone sarcophagi, a burial form predominant in Corinth, implies that there was some divergence from Corinthian culture. 59

- 55  Hdt. 9.28; Paus. 5.23.2; Syll. 3 30 ll. 29-30 (X), 33 (XI).
- 56  Cf. the similar troop deployment implemented in the battle outside Stratos: Thuc. 2.81.3. On the colonial identity of Euboean colonies, see Mermati 2012.
- 57  Pind. Ol. 13.4-8; Athanadas ( FGrHist 303) fr. 1. For parallels, see Hes. Theog .  85, 396, 902; Op . 9, 137, 221; Hdt. 1.65.10; Dem. Aristog. 11.1-3, 35.1. See also Stickler 2010: 3557.
- 58  Thuc.  1.38.1-4,  Arist. Pol. 1266b15-25 (Leucas), 1303a20-25, 1304a17-20, 1304a31-33, 1311a28-36, 1311a40- b1 (Ambracia).
- 59  Stavropoulou-Gatsi & Alexopoulou 2002: 82-84; Staikou 2016: 180-81; StavropoulouGatsi 2019; Aggeli 2021: 98, 287-88, 294-95. This divergence was either due to local conditions, such as a lack of limestone, or due to constitutional change: see Aggeli

By 460 the Athenians had started to dispute Corinthian political control  of  northwestern  Greece.  The  settlement  of  Messenian  refuges  in Naupaktos and Athenian military campaigns dissolved this strategical unity  between  Corinth  and  her  northwestern apoikiai .  Almost  all  the Akarnanian poleis became Athenian allies. 60 After  Phormio's  victory  in defence  of  the  Amphilochians,  the  powers  of  Ambracia  no  longer  extended to the southeastern shore of the Ambracian Gulf, so that pro-Corinthian unity in northwestern Greece was ruptured by the subsequent alliance between Athenians and Akarnanians. 61 The hatred between Ambraciots and Amphilochians probably created anti-Corinthian sentiment in Amphilochikon Argos during this period, traces of which may perhaps appear in the version of the foundation legend of Amphilochikon Argos given by Euripides, in which the eponymous hero Amphilochus denies its Corinthian origin. 62

Besides, a pro-Corcyrean political grouping may also have sprung up in Anactorion before 435, although before the Peloponnesian War Leucas and Anactorion functioned as important stopping-off points for Corinthian vessels travelling in the Ionian Sea and/or in the Ambracian Gulf. 63 Both Corcyra and Corinth had already been recognized as the co-founders of Anactorion 64 and it is very suspicious that Anactorion failed to send any triremes to assist Corinth during the first Corinthian campaign to help  Epidamnus. 65 Thus,  the  campaigns  against  Corcyra  seem  to  have provoked  a  reaction  on  the  part  of  pro-Corcyrean  or  pro-Athenian

- 2021: 284-87. A similar independent evolution in the burial customs is seen at Syracuse: Shepherd 2005.
- 60  Thuc. 1.103, 108, 111, 2.30.1, 2.33.1, 2.82.1, 3.94.1. See also the effort of the Corinthians to supervise colonial loyalty in Potidaea by means of a special office, the epidamiourgos , who was sent every year from the metropolis : Thuc. 1.56.2. See Kaponis 2020: 31114.
- 61  Thuc. 2.68.7-8. For the date of Phormio's campaign in Akarnania: Kagan 1969: 385; Krentz & Sullivan 1987; Kagan 1998: 169-70; Stickler 2010: 132-40 (before the Thirty Years' Peace); Fantasia 2017: 47-48 (beginning of 430s).
- 62  Eur. fr. 65.73a; Ps.-Apollod. Bibl. 3.94.1. See also Jouan 1990.
- 63  Thuc. 1.29.1-4, 30.3, 46.3, 55.1.
- 64  Thuc. 1.55.1-2.
- 65  Thuc. 1.27.2. The Corinthians took Anactorion by treachery before the Peloponnesian War and during the Archidamian War the Athenians expelled Corinthian apoikoi also by treachery in order to establish Akarnanians in the city: Thuc. 1.55.1, 4.49.

groups in Anactorion. 66 As  part  of  the  same  dynamic,  Ambraciots  and Leucadians sent considerable assistance  to  Corinth  during  the  second campaign which resulted in the battle of Sybota, while the Anactorians sent almost none. 67

By the 430s, the Ambraciots had become, thanks to their superior military abilities, the leaders of a regional alliance that comprised several ethne of Epirus and Illyria. 68 On the other hand, in previous decades the Corinthians had controlled the land route from Aetolia to Illyria 69 and maintained  friendly  relations  with  the  local ethne ,  as  can  be  deduced both from Corinthian nostoi dealing with returning heroes who travelled through  Epirus  and  Illyria  and  from  the  foundation  of  small poleis, apoikiai/polismata in  northwestern Greece. 70 This overlapping of Corinthian and Acmbracian political and strategical interests created a tangible, concrete Corinthian/Ambracian sphere of influence.

The  Corinthians  continued  to  regard  these poleis as  indispensable components of their sphere of influence. Leucadian pegasoi were minted in large quantities and on a great variety of dies at this time. 71 Corinth also minted Ambracian pegasoi to fund the building of triremes for Ambracia. She also probably ordered Leucas, Potidaea, Epidamnus, and Anactorion to mint their own pegasoi in  preparation for the colonial and naval campaigns in defence of Epidamnus. 72 The Corinthians could now require  military  and  political  aid  from  these poleis on  grounds  of

66  Kaponis 2020: 143, 207-8. On oligoi and demos supporting different hegemonical powers at Megara, Epidamnus and Corcyra: Thuc. 1.24-27, 1.103-5, 3.70-81. For Corcyreans' claims over Apollonia: Strabo 7.5.8 (C 316); Paus. 5.22.4.

67  Thuc. 1.27.2, 46.1. See also De Ste. Croix 1972: 68.

68  Thuc. 2.80.

69  Thuc. 1.26.2; Paus. 5.22.2-4; Cabanes & Ceka 1997: T 303, 78.

70  Thuc. 1.47.3. The Corinthians followed this route in the early 460s, in order to subjugate Thronion, a polis hostile to Apollonia: Paus. 5.22.2-4; Cabanes & Ceka 1997: T 303, 78. According to Thucydides (1.26.2), they later used this route to lead new colonists to Epidamnus. On Corinthian apoikiai/polismata : Thuc. 1.108.5, 2.30.1, 3.102.2.

- 71  Carter 1993: 35, 39. See also Kaponis 2020: 214-15.
- 72  Thuc. 1.27.1. The pegasoi from each of these poleis were engraved with the initial letter of its respective ethnonym: Kraay 1976: 123-24, 1979: 38, 42, 54, 58; Kagan 1998: 164-66, 168; Kaponis 2020: 216-20.

συγγένεια and was obliged to reciprocate with offers of military protection and financial support. The Corinthians even declared that they enjoyed more affection and respect from northwestern apoikiai than  did any other metropolis in  Greece.  With  the  exception  of  the  Corcyreans, during  joint  sacrifices  the  Corinthians  were  first  to  be  honoured  by them. 73

Corinth continued to support her apoikiai and allies during the Peloponnesian War. 74 Ambracia did not mint any coinage in this period in contrast to Leucas. 75 Pegasoi from both Corinth and her apoikiai became the  dominant coinage in neighbouring areas, while Akarnanian poleis , although hostile to Corinth and her apoikiai , also minted coins on a reduced Corinthian weight standard. 76 Thus pegasoi came to symbolize a peripheral economic unity despite any political diversity. Corinth also insisted on exercising particular political and military control over Anactorion. 77

During the Archidamian War, the Corinthians were very willing to promote Ambracian interests. 78 After  the  battles  of  Stratos,  Olpae  and Idomenae the Ambraciots lost their supremacy. 79 On the other hand, Corinth sent 500 hoplites to protect Ambracia and Leucas to demonstrate her willingness to protect her apoikiai should the Athenians attack. 80 Anactorians had sent hoplites for the first Peloponnesian expedition in 429, but in 425 the anti-Corinthian party facilitated the Athenian conquest and Anactorion was refounded by new settlers from all over Akarnania. 81

- 73  Thuc. 1.25.4, 38.3. For an interpretation of this passage, see Suk Fong Jim 2013. Thucydides  emphasizes  the  paradoxical  fact  that  Corcyreans  plundered  Leucas,  although it was a Corinthian apoikia : Thuc. 1.30.2. It is in this context that we must regard the Corinthian claim that the Corcyreans were their own allies who had rebelled against them: Thuc. 1.40.4. See also Stickler 2010: 248-50; Fragoulaki 2013: 66, 73, 84.
- 74  Thuc. 2.9.3.
- 75  Carter 1993: 35. See also Kaponis 2020: 223-25.
- 76  Carter 1993: 35; SNG (1943/Copenhagen) n. 340; Calciati 1990: II.404-5 nos. 54, 55, 57, 58, 392-476 nos. 17-129; Psoma 2007a: 10-11, 17, 18.
- 77  Thuc. 1.55.1-2, 4.49. Graham 1962; Fragoulaki 2013: 40.
- 78  Thuc. 2.80-82 (Cnemus), 3.102.6-7, 3.105-14 (Eurylochus).
- 79  Thuc. 2.81.6-7, 3.114.3.
- 80  Thuc. 4.42.3.

81  Thuc. 4.49.

Leucas was then the only place to provide secure docking facilities for triremes and commercial vessels and so became the centre of naval operations of Corinth in the region. 82

In Thucydides' narrative, Ambracia and Leucas and (until 425) Anactorion are constantly mentioned together, which implies that this was how they were grouped in battle. This is how they appear in the catalogue of Sparta's allies, in the battle of Stratos, in the Corcyrean civil war and in the Sicilian Campaign. 83 In various passages in Thucydides, Corinth willingly supports her apoikiai , being motivated above all by colonial and kinship bonds. 84 Thucydides thus regarded the apoikiai around the Ambracian Gulf as a form of an entity united by συγγένεια . 85

## Revival of a mocked Corinthian unity

The economic development of the poleis around the Ambracian Gulf and the consequences of the Corinthian War gave the poleis another chance to diverge from the policy of Corinth. At the beginning of the fourth century, the Leucadians struck new issues on Corinthian types, albeit with new legends ( Λ or ΛΕΥ ),  which proudly advertised the economic independence of Leucas. 86

- 82  Thuc. 2.80.2-5, 81.3, 84.5, 91-92.3, 3.7.4-5, 69.1, 80.2, 81.1, 94.1-2, 95.1-2, 102.3, 4.8.2, 4.42.3, 6.104.1, 7.2.1, 7.1, 8.13.1; Xen. Hell. 6.2.26; Paus. 10.9.10.
- 83  For similar grouping before the Peloponnesian War, cf. above n. 55-56.
- 84  Thuc. 1.29.1-4, 1.30.1-3, 2.9.2-3, 2.80, 2.91.1-4, 3.69.1, 3.76.1, 7.58.3 ( κατὰ τὸ ξυγγενές ); Xen. Hell. 5.4.64.2-4.66.10, 6.2.2.1-2.2.5. Cf. Thuc. 1.26.3 (Epidamnus), 7.57.7 (Corcyra). On kinship in Thucydides: Curty 1994; Fragoulaki 2013, especially concerning Corinth and apoikia i, 58-99.
- 85  Corinth preserved the same warm relationship with other Corinthian apoikiai , such as Potidaea and Syracuse: Hdt. 7.154.16; Thuc. 1.29.6, 56.2, 60.1-3, 4.72.1, 6.34.3-4, 73.2, 88.7, 104.1, 7.2.1-3, 4.7, 7.3, 17.3-4, 18.1, 19.5, 24.3, 39.2. The Syracusans later in fourth century asked Corinth to become their metropolis again, showing their loyalty over time: Plut. Tim. 23.1-2. See also Fragoulaki 2013: 81, 88-96. Cf. the violation of this Corinthian συγγένεια when the Corcyreans participated in the Sicilian Expedition: Thuc. 7.57.7. See also Fragoulaki 2013: 34.
- 86  Kraay 1976: 125 n. 3; Calciati 1990: II.392, 400 no. 45, 404 no. 54-55, 405 no. 57; Carter 1993: 35. See also Kaponis 2020: 223-25, 231-33. Over 400-350 there was a significant

Although Ephorus states that Ambracia and Leucas were members of the anti-Spartan coalition during the Corinthian War, they did not send troops or triremes in support of Corinth, whose territory was ravaged. 87 At the time, Anactorion was still considered Akarnanian. 88 Consequently, both Leucas and Ambracia reorganized their army and navy and, when they became Peloponnesian allies soon after, they again funded naval campaigns in the Ionian Sea and supported Peloponnesian triremes in the conflict over Corcyra. Ambracia and Leucas are again mentioned together by Xenophon as members of the naval force under Mnasippus, although this time they appear in the text after Corinthians. 89

By the fourth century, probably after the Corinthian War, 90 the polities of Ambracia and Leucas had been reformed and the poleis gradually adopted  democratic  institutions  that  diverged  from  the  oligarchical model employed in Corinth. 91 Furthermore, political offices which in archaic times had enjoyed great prestige started to acquire features in the apoikiai that differed from those possessed by such magistracies in Corinth. 92

Moreover, the Leucadians in 361 joined the Second Athenian Alliance, albeit for only a short period. 93 In 350s they minted staters depicting the

increase  in  foreign  coins  circulating  in  the agora at  Leucas:  Bonelou  2005:  49-53; Gatzolis 2012: 386-90; Bonelou 2016: 121, 124-25; Kaponis 2020: 269-71.

- 87  Diod. Sic. 14.82.1.5-5.1. However, Ephorus in his list of the states in this alliance mentions Leucadians along with Akarnanians and Ambraciots. Cf. Xen. Ages. 1.5.1-7.1; Hell. 4.2.17, 3.15.
- 88  After Agesilaus' expedition in 388 against Akarnania, Anactorion became an ally of Sparta: Xen. Hell. 4.7.1.
- 89  Xen. Hell. 5.4.64-66.10, 6.2.2-2.5, although he never mentions any bonds of kinship.
- 90  Kaponis 2020: 286, 288. During this war, Corinth also experienced a political revolt, possibly organized by a recently formed democratic party in collaboration with disenfranchised wealthy citizens: Diod. Sic. 14.86.1; POxy 7.2; Xen. Hell. 4.4. See also Hamilton 1972: 21-24.
- 91  Arist. Pol . 1266b15-25 (Leucas), 1303a20-25 (Ambracia).
- 92  On the office of polemarchos : IG IX 1 2 4 1231 ll. 8-9; Nic. Dam. ( FGrHist 90) fr. 58.1-43; Arist. Ath. Pol . 14.1, 17.2, 22.2; on that of basileus : Hdt. 5.92 δ ; Nic. Dam. ( FGrHist 90) fr. 58.1, 59.1-13; Apollodorus ( FGrHist 244) fr. 331 (= Diod. Sic. 7.9.1-9.6); Euseb. Chron . Ι , 88 (Schöene); Arist. fr. 611.19-20 (Rose). See also Matija š i ć 2010: 232-37; Kõiv 2016: 26-27, 58, 60; Kaponis 2020: 314-15.
- 93 IG II 2 104. See also Kaponis 2020: 230, 239.

Boeotian shield, possibly as a sign of some economic or political cooperation with Thebes, which at the time was on bad terms with Corinth. 94 Anactorion had also cooperated with Thebes at about that time: it was asked to fund Theban troops during the Third Sacred War. 95 However, it minted a large amount of pegasoi , a symbol of Corinthian economic supremacy in the region before 350. 96

The most important factor that deepened and expanded unity within northwestern Greece was the campaign in support of Syracuse organized by the Corinthian strategos Timoleon in 344. An inscription from Corinth commemorating his victory mentions Corcyreans, Apolloniates and possibly Ambraciots, while literary sources confirm that the Leucadians also took part. 97 This campaign led to the political rediscovery of Corinth as the metropolis of all the Corinthian apoikiai in the north-west and to the reestablishment of previous colonial loyalty. 98 Anactorion re-entered the Corinthian sphere of economic and political influence, and the idea of kinship was promoted once more and this time incorporated even the previously hostile Corcyra. 99 The reunification of the Corinthian colonial family was also expressed by the settlement of citizens from one apoikia in another, as is shown by the presence of tombs of Corcyreans at Leucas and Anactorion and of Ambraciots at Leucas. 100 The memory of the com-

- 94 Kraay 1976: 125 with n. 3; Calciati 1990: II.392, 400 no. 45, 404 nos. 54-55, 405 no. 57; Kaponis 2020: 237-42. Likewise, the Akarnanians were briefly members of the Second Athenian Alliance and subsequently fell within in the sphere of influence of Thebes: Diod. Sic. 15.36.5-6 (Second Athenian Alliance); Xen. Hell . 6.5.23; Diod. Sic. 15.57.2-4 (Theban sphere of influence).
- 95 IG VII 2418 ll. 5-7. See also Psoma 2016: 102; Kaponis 2020: 261, 266-69.
- 96 Kaponis 2020: 261.
- 97 Kent 1966: no. 23; Cabanes & Ceka 1997: T 307. For the possible reconstruction [ Ἀμβρακ ] ιωτῶν , see Fantasia 2017: 99-105. For the participation of Leucas and Corcyra: Diod. Sic. 16.66.2; Plut. Tim. 8.4; [ Rh. Al. ] 1429b.18-22. For the encapsulation of Corcyra in the Corinthian sphere of influence, see Intrieri 2015: 107-9.
- 98 Antonetti 2011.
- 99 Forasté 1993: 47. On Corcyra regarded as ἄποικος of the Corinthians and συγγενής of the other Corinthian apoikia i: Thuc. 7.57.7. See also Fragoulaki 2013: 34.
- 100 Stavropoulou-Gatsi & Alexopoulou 2002: 84; Staikou 2016: 180-81. For the right of reestablishment in old apoikiai, see Malkin 2018; Kaponis 2020, 90 with n. 516.

mon past was expressed on Ambracian coins, where the figure of the Corinthian  oecist  Gorgus  was  depicted. 101 The  reconnection  of metropolis and northwestern apoikiai was so strong in fourth century that Demosthenes  tried  to  warn  the  Corinthians  of  Philip's  aggression,  since  (he states that) Ambracia and Leucas were poleis under Corinthian control. 102 Once more in the literary tradition the poleis around the Ambracian Gulf form a multifaceted unity. 103

A few years later, the Ambraciots formed a similar political and economic entity, albeit smaller. A treaty of friendship and alliance with the Akarnanians and the Amphilochians, probably agreed in 342 but in fact a renewal of the treaty signed in 426, confirms that the Ambracian Gulf is to be exploited freely and in common by all parties. 104 Ambracia managed also to reaffirm her bonds with Akarnania, point commemorated on her coins that depict the Akarnanian god Achelous. 105

During this period, the Leucadians considered themselves the closest relatives of the Corinthians, as did also other Greeks. A Late classical mirror advertises its Corinthian origin and hints at economic cooperation between Leucas and Corinth: it depicts Corinth as a seated male deity and Leucas as a nymph serving him, while two irises, a flower closely connected with Corinthian and Leucadian trade in perfumes in Epirus and Illyria, appear in the background. 106 These close kinship bonds are found

- 101 Cf. above n. 15.
- 102 Dem. Phil. 3 , 34.1-35.2.
- 103 Kaponis 2020: 140, 434-35.
- 104 SEG 63.391, especially on the common exploitation of the Ambracian Gulf: ll. 8-9. See also Funke & Hallof 2013: 56-62; Fantasia 2018: 503-5; Kaponis 2020: 158, 245. Ambraciots exported great quantities of fish throughout the classical period: Hsch. s.v. ἀκεᾶνες ;  Anonymus, Exegesis  totius  mondi  e  nationum ,  30;  Archestratus,  fr.  7 Brandt (= Ath. 3.44-92D), fr. 26 Brandt (= Ath. 3.66-105 Ε ), fr. 15 Brandt (Ath. 7.72305E-F), fr. 30 Brandt (Ath. 7-328 Α ), fr. 45.1-10 Brandt (Ath. 7.86-311A): fr. 54 (Ath. 7-326D), fr.  156  Brandt  (Ath.  3-105E);  Philemon,  fr.  82  (Kassel).  See  also  Dakaris 1976: 19; Tzouvara-Souli 1992: 206-7; Zoumbaki 2012: 85-86; Dalby 2013: 7 (Ambracia); Kaponis 2020: 149-57.
- 105 Calciati 1990: II.463, nos. 88-90. Achelous was the most important deity of the Akarnanians: Corsten 2006: 163-65. See also Kaponis 2020: 244-45.
- 106 IG IV 360; IG ΙΧ 1 2 4 1477 (Louvre no. 1699). For the ideological relation with Corinth: Ostrowski 1996: 266; Zachos & Douzougli 2003: 45; Antonetti 2011: 58-59 with nn.

to an exceptional degree in pseudo-Aristotle's implication that Leucadians and Corinthians resemble each other. 107 Most peculiar and amusing of all, Callisthenes made fun of the obvious and mutual affection between the Corinthians and the supposedly conservative Leucadians, presenting the Leucadians as 'a fogeyish version of the Corinthians'. 108

## I ntertemporal Corinthian memories

During  the  period  of  Macedonian  and/or  Molossian  supremacy,  proMacedonian parties  in  northwestern poleis respected  their  Corinthian past, although in an effort to legitimize the claims of the Macedonian sovereign, they created new versions of foundation legends and placed deities  with  Macedonian/Molossian  affinities  at  the  centre  of  local cult. 109 The later version of the Ambracian foundation legend commemorates the Corinthian oecist Gorgus, thus revealing the diachronic cult that lay at the heart of Ambracian religious life. 110 Furthermore, the economic bonds that had connected the members of the Corinthian family of apoikiai could not be annulled. Numismatists have concluded that Am-

31-32. Iris flowers: Theophr. Hist. Pl. 9.7.3-4; Plin. HN 13.5, 21.42. See also Roebuck 1972: 118; Lambrugo 2008; Castel et al . 2009: 326-27; Zoumbaki 2012: 84. For depictions of iris on Leucadian coins: Calciati 1990: II.392-476 nos. 17-129.

- 107 Arist. [ Phgn. ] 808a31 (Bekker). Unlike Leucadians, the inhabitants of Apollonia in Illyria had probably little in common in their appearance with the Corinthians: McIlvain et al . 2014.
- 108 Callisthenes ( FGrHist 124) fr. 5.32-33 = Ath. 8.44.7-11 (347C).
- 109 Kaponis 2020: 133-37, 341-46. For re-elaborated and amended foundation legends in Miletus: Polito 2011: 97-98.
- 110 Athanadas ( FGrHist 303) fr. 1. Cf. the cult of the oecist in Megarian apoikiai : Robu 2014: 159, 248, 412-13.

bracia continued to use pegasoi for several decades after Pyrrhus' arrival, 111 and  Corinthian pegasoi circulated  extensively  in  northwestern Greece and the west. 112

In spite of the political integration of these poleis in the territory of Hellenistic  hegemonic  or  peripheral  powers,  there  were  still  strong memories of Corinthian culture. The most eloquent symbol of the Corinthian origin of its apoikiai and of cooperation over time between metropolis and apoikia was Pegasus. He was still engraved on Hellenistic danakes (coin-shaped burial offerings) in Ambracia and Leucas. 113 Moreover, political cults connected with the Corinthian nostoi or linked to Doric cult practices kept Corinthian culture and ideology alive. 114

Most strikingly,  however,  these  memories  were  propagated  by  authors and poets of Augustan times. Antipater of Thessalonica represents the three apoikiai , along with Argos Amphilochikon and Thyrrheion, as the predecessors of Nicopolis. Dionysius of Halicarnassus and Ovid represent their conquest by the Romans as a result of Roman aggression against Corinth. 115 Lastly, the survival of so many deeply-rooted Corinthian memories is attested in the cults of Nicopolis. The population of Augustus' city was drawn from neighbouring areas, and they brought with them their own deities and cult practices, along with their material culture, 116 and sanctuaries were dedicated to Asclepius, Leucadian Apollo

- 111 Oikonomidou-Karamessini 1994: 172-74; Preka-Alexandri & Stoyas 2009; Bonelou 2013: 389. Corinthian staters were also used for paying the wages of Akarnanian soldiers: IG IX I 2 1 3 l. 39. Bronze Ambracian pegasoi were dominant in the Ionian Sea and Epirus during the third and early second centuries: see Oeconomides 1990: 267-69 with n. 4; Tsangari 2007: 26; Kaponis 2020: 251-52.
- 112 CID 2 12, col. II ll. 20-25; Bousquet 1942: 102, 20-25; CID 2 4, col. III; IG IX 1 2 4 32; IG IX 1 2 4 798 ll. 4, 7, 19, 41, 69, 102, 112; IG IX 1 2 4 1196 l. 32; Cabanes & Drini 1995: 514 n. 46 l. 41. See also Psoma 2007b: 238-40; 2018: 128-33.
- 113 Zachos 1997: 282; Vassios 2017.
- 114 IG IX Ι 2 2 583 l. 38; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom . 1.50.4.1-51.1.5; Strabo 10.2.9 (C 452). On the exploitation of traditional Doric cults in Hellenistic times: Kaponis 2020: 322, 39697.
- 115 Anth. Pal. 9.553; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom . 1.50.4.1-51.1.5; Ov. Her. 155-172. See also Fantasia 2017: 200.
- 116 Fantasia 2017: 190-95.

or Apollo Actios. 117 The temple of Apollo Actios in Akarnania was also restored by Augustus. 118 The 'Leucadian Leap' on the promontory of Leucatas as a purificatory ceremony was adopted, while Leucadian Apollo was also depicted on coins of Nicopolis. 119 A baetyl, the Ambracian symbol, was erected in the centre of Nicopolis to indicate the identity of the new  city.  During  the  same  period,  burials  of  wealthy  citizens  from Nicopolis contained golden danakes depicting Pegasus, just like in Hellenistic Ambracia. 120 Finally, both the political institutions of these poleis , especially the boule and demos of Ambracia, and in general the nomima , including cults and calendar, remained to a remarkable degree unchanged throughout the Hellenistic and Roman periods. 121

## I ntertemporal memories of a shifting unity

To conclude: ancient literary tradition always regarded Ambracian Gulf as an area of Corinthian economic, cultural and political interest from the  archaic  period  onwards.  Corinth's  relationship  with  her  western apoikiai gradually led to a notable degree of unity, derived from colonial kinship and otherwise rare in the divided world of Greek poleis . Other examples of such unity are exceptional in the ancient Greek world and are

- 117 Polyb. 21.27.2; Livy 38.5.2. See also Strauch 1996: 172.
- 118 Verg. Aen. 8.704-706; Prop. 4.6.27-68; Strabo 7.7.5-6 (C325); Suet. Aug. 18.2; Dio Cas. 51.1.1-3.
- 119 Prop. 3.11.69; Ov. Her. 155-172; Tr. 3.1.35-40. For coins, see Franke 1976; TzouvaraSouli 2001: 242-44.
- 120 Tzouvara-Souli 1984; 1987: 177; 1993: 65-69; Fehrentz 1993: 156; Strauch 1996: 17172; Tzouvara-Souli 2001: 243-44; Katsadima 2007: 96. For the baetyl in Ambracia and Apollonia, see SEG 45.659; 59.614-15; Quantin 2011: 229 with n. 44. For artifacts from Ambracia adorning the monuments of Actium, see Hoepfner 1983; TzouvaraSouli 1987: 181; Strauch 1996: 170-71; Fantasia 2017: 193.
- 121 Most of the sources are Hellenistic: see above nn. 25-31. For βουλὴ and δῆμος in possibly Trajanic Greek inscriptions: CIG 2.1801; SEG 39.527; 1868. Fantasia 2017: 196 thinks that βουλή and δῆμος were revived after the site had been abandoned in Augustan times.

perhaps due to initial strong political and economic affinities. 122 Political unity was to a certain degree ruptured by Athenian policy in the region and  was  challenged  by  political  developments  and  constitutional changes in the apoikiai . Yet this unity survived via political ideology and institutions and until the absorption of the poleis by Hellenistic powers was revived several times thus strengthening the kinship bonds among these states. Economic unity was maintained through Corinthian trade and through a common calendar and numismatic policy and managed to survive until the end of the Hellenistic era. Cultural diversities that arose from local needs and particularities did not prevent these poleis over time from  remaining  conscious  of  their  common  Corinthian  culture,  expressed mainly through cults, myth, burial customs and artefacts.

Although they had their own institutions and followed their own policies, these apoikiai seem initially to have depended on Corinth because of the blood relationship between Corinthian and their own tyrants. The Corinthian legends created a common mythological tradition, retained the memory of Corinthian origin and therefore shaped strong kinship and cultural bonds. Metropolis and apoikiai shared a common ideology and war experience that reinforced bonds of sentiment between them. At the end of the archaic period, they formed a political and economic unity, which motivated the apoikiai to support each other. However, from time to  time  political  bonds  among  these  Corinthian apoikiai and  between them and the metropolis were either strengthened or partially dismantled. Despite the divergence from Corinth caused by the economic development of its apoikiai , by internal social diversification and by the corrosive effects of war over the fifth and early fourth centuries, Corinthians, Ambraciots, and Leucadians continued to enjoy the economic and political unity they had established previously.

- 122 For the similar relations of Sicilian apoikiai with their metropolis , see Morakis in this volume (throughout). The apoikiai of the Syracusans and Sinopeis maintained exceptional bonds with or even dependence on their metropolis : Hdt. 7.154.18; Thuc. 6.5.2-3 (Syracusans); Xen. An . 4.8.22, 5.3.2, 5.5.7, 5.5.10-11 ( Sinopeis ): for Syracusan apoikiai , see Dunbabin 1948: 16-18; Graham 1964: 92-93; Morakis 2019: 177-80; for Sinopean apoikiai, see Manoledakis 2015: 86. Sparta also had a similar relationship to her apoikiai : Fragoulaki 2013: 140-208 with references to Thucydides. For Miletus and her apoikiai , see Ehrhardt 1983: 229-54.

In late classical times, Corinthian apoikiai diverged from Corinth and created new economic relations, albeit still respecting Corinthian economic supremacy. They gladly participated in the revival of old traditions and in establishing a new and long-lasting period of unity as a result of Timoleon's campaign. So firm at that time were their bonds of sentiment, that other Greeks regarded the citizens of the apoikiai almost as if they were Corinthians. The apoikiai were thought to be so respectful of their metropolis , that they surpassed the normal limits of colonial loyalty and indeed became something of a caricature of Corinthians. The renewal of economic interconnections with Corinth and the West created a perennial memory of the political, economic and cultural unity of the past for a greater group of poleis in the north-west, which now included old enemies or apoikiai . 123 Although these ties underwent various fluctuations over the course of history, they remained important channels for the transmission of ideologies and they sometimes even engendered important cultural revivals in successive periods. The citizens of Nicopolis acknowledged the cultural bonds with the Corinthian apoikiai on and around the Ambracian Gulf, both through Corinthian cults and via  the  dominant ideology of Augustus himself, who employed Corinthian saga and myth in order to legitimize the political unification and synoecism of the ancient poleis , namely the foundation of Nicopolis. Such was the powerful impression made by these bonds between metropolis and apoikiai upon Augustus himself, that he, too, respected this tradition and even promoted it through his own propaganda.

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