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## P USHING THE LIMITS OF V2 -NEW SYNTACTIC OPTIONS IN A D ANISH URBAN DIALECT

Ditte Zachariassen Aarhus Universitet diza@au.dk.dk/diz@ucn.dk

## Abstract

Studies of urban dialects in the Germanic languages show a development where the otherwise strict V2 syntax rules are supplemented with V3 syntax in specific syntactic and social contexts. Based on recordings of naturally occurring interaction in multilingual areas of Aarhus, Denmark, this paper adds to existing research with an interactional collection analysis of actions supporting V3. It describes six structural subtypes of V3 characterised by different adverbial and object material in first position and shows how the subtypes are connected to three interactional resources used in organising storytelling, claiming epistemic authority and reframing referents or discourse. V3 is often used when contrasting one type of information with another. It does not result in a different semantic meaning, rather it existing possible  meanings  that  could  also  be  emphasised  by  extra  wording  or multiple sentences. In the discussion, I argue that the extra syntactic options allow speakers to say more with fewer words by pushing the limits of the rather strict V2 syntax of Standard Danish 1 .

Keywords: dialect, Interactional Linguistics, multiethnolect, syntax, V2, V3

## 1. Introduction

Non-V2 word order has been described in numerous studies of urban dialects in the Germanic languages over the past decades (see Freywald et al. 2015 for an overview). In this article, I investigate how speakers use  V3  word  order  for  strategic  interactional  purposes.  The  analysis builds on 184 examples of V3-sentences in contexts where V2 was also structurally  possible.  Traditionally,  the  focus  of  studies  of  urban dialects has been on alternation in different social contexts (e.g. Quist 2008, Maegaard 2005, Christensen 2010, Madsen et al. 2016, Quist & Skovse 2020). This article describes alternation between V2 and V3

1 Thanks	is	due	to	participants	at	DanTIN	datasessions,	Aarhus	University,	for valuable	analytical	input	and	to	Mette	Vedsgaard	Christensen	for	providing part	of	the	data.	A	special	thanks	to	Bilge,	Halimah,	Tarek	and	all	the	other speakers	in	Aarhus	West	and	South.

## Scandinavian Studies in Language, 14(1), 2023 (30-70)

within the same social context: naturally occurring interaction among peers during leisure time activities. V3 word order is widely described in the literature on urban dialects (see below) and is also often used in stereotypical representations of 'the problematic immigrant', as exemplified below in a self-portrait by the late poet Yahya Hassan:

Den ene dag jeg er en sund og velintegreret digter (…) den næste jeg er sigtet for biltyveri 'One day I am a healthy and well-integrated poet (…) the next I am charged with car theft' 2 (Hassan 2013: 135, my translation)

Linguistic descriptions, however, provide a more nuanced picture. The use of V3 is not an example of grammatically flawed learner language, and it is not directly linked to immigrant languages. Quantitatively, it is not even as frequent as stereotypical portrayals of 'multilingual youth' often suggest (Ganuza 2008). This article applies analytical methods from Interactional linguistics (IL, Couper-Kuhlen & Selting 2018) to describe different forms of V3 and the interactional functions they may serve. Firstly, an analysis of the grammatical, syntactic characteristics of  V3  reveals  six  structural  subtypes  of  V3,  differing  mainly  in  the material of the first constituent. Secondly, these six subtypes are used as  a  starting  point  for  an  IL  collection  analysis  that  reveals  three different interactional functions: 1) supporting storytelling by highlighting  a  specific  timing  of  events,  2)  supporting  claims  of epistemic  authority,  and  3)  supporting  introductions  or  reframing  of referents in stories.

An  important  underlying  assumption  in  this  article  is  that  the occurrence  of  V3  is  not  an  arbitrary  mistake  made  by  individual speakers. It is rather part of a language system, or as Kotsinas (1988) calls it: a dialect. In this article, the term 'urban dialect' is used to refer to  a  linguistic  variety  that  has  emerged in a multilingual urban area. Previous studies have used terms such as 'multiethnolect' (e.g. Quist 2000,  Røyneland  &  Svendsen  2008)  or  'youth  style'  (Madsen  et  al. 2016),  but  with  increased  evidence  of  linguistic  coherence  (see  sec. 5.4),  I  argue,  in  line  with  Wiese  &  Rehbein  (2016),  that  the  term

2 In	glossing	with	grammatical	roles	of	the	first	three	constituents: [ den	ene	dag ] A [ jeg ] S [ er ] V en	sund		og	vel=integreret	digter the					one				day I am a					healthy		 and	well.integrated									poet [ den	næste ] A [ jeg ] S [ er ] V sigtet	for			bil=tyveri the					next I am charged		with		car.theft

'dialect'  is  more  accurate.  The  terminology  is  further  discussed  in section 5.4.

## 1.1 Background

This  article  rests  on  four  decades  of  research  in  urban  linguistic varieties in North European urban environments, and in this section, I describe a selection of them. For a thorough review of the research field, I refer to three comprehensive anthologies by Quist & Svendsen (2010), Nortier & Svendsen (2015) and Kerswill & Wiese (2022).

## 1.1.1 Urban dialects: from a deficit to a variation perspective

The Swedish linguist Kotsinas (1988) was the first to show linguistic consistency in what had previously been considered learner language. Describing  spoken  language  among  immigrants  and  descendants  of immigrants in Rinkeby, a suburb of Stockholm, Kotsinas documented a  number  of  new  linguistic  forms  used  in  systematic  ways,  forms categorised by Kotsinas as either 'expansions' or 'simplifications' of standard Swedish. V3 word order was described as a 'lack of inversion' and considered as a simplification. However, later studies throughout a number of Northern European cities quickly disputed this by way of more thorough grammatical descriptions. A selection of grammatical studies of V3 is presented below.

## 1.1.2 Previous structural descriptions of V3

Selting & Kern (2006) provide an interactional linguistic analysis of the pre-positioning ( Voranstellung ) of adverbs in German Türkendeutsch, a structure very similar to what I call V3. They show that pre-posed adverbs serve different functions depending on the degree of prosodic integration,  and  they  classify  all  examples  as  either  prosodically separated, cliticized or integrated. Integrated examples are excluded in their analysis because they are rare in the data. This is not the case with regard  to  the  analysis  in  this  article  where  prosodic  integration  is commonly found and treated as a defining criterion for V3, see section 3.5.

In a quantitative study of V3 in an urban dialect in Sweden, Ganuza (2010)  describes  the  distribution  of  V2  and  V3  (termed  'XVS'  and 'XSV' by Ganuza) where both are possible. The data is from both peer interaction and interviews, which allows Ganuza to compare frequency across social situations. For Norwegian data, Opsahl & Nistov (2010) analyse the distribution of V3 across demographically defined speaker types  and  different  social  situations.  Structurally,  they  find  that  V3

often occurs together with specific adverbs, e.g. 'actually' (2009: 25). Opsahl (2009) shows a single example of object-V3 but regards it as an exception. In the present study, adverbs like 'actually' also occur but are not the most common, see table 1 in section 3, and object-V3 is treated as a separate category of V3 (section 3.3).

Wiese (2009) studies the German urban dialect Kiezdeutsch from a  grammatical  perspective  and  points  to  a  'framesetter-function'  of clause  initial  adverbial  constituents  in  V3.  Freywald  et  al.  (2015) combine analyses of V3 in Swedish, Norwegian, German, and Dutch studies and suggest that the initial adverbials function as 'interpretational  frames'  or  'anchors  of  the  following  statement' (Freywald et al. 2015: 89). Freywald et al. state that subjects in the V3s are always a previously introduced topic (ibid.). In data from Aarhus, however, examples of new topics do occur as subjects. Freywald et al. point  to  the  interesting  fact  that  V3  is  apparently  not  established  in Dutch urban varieties, suggesting the possibility that V3 only develops when  grammatical  restrictions  are  loosened,  or,  in  my  terminology, when the limits of the standard language's V2 are being pushed .

Walkden (2017) provides a re-analysis of examples from Freywald et al. (2015) from a generative perspective and concludes that 'what unifies  these  [fronted]  elements  is  that  they  are  invariably  adjuncts rather than arguments' (Walkden 2017: 55). Walkden also compares the development of V3 in the urban dialects to the V3/V2 alternation in Old English West Saxon, an interesting perspective that is described further in sec. 5.2.

## 1.2 Perspective and delimitations of the study

This  article  pursues  a  grammatical  explanation  in  line  with  Wiese (2009)  and  Freywald  et  al.  (2015)  and  aims,  in  Wiese's  words,  to 'investigate the interplay of grammatical and pragmatic features [that] allow  speakers  to  realise  information-structural  preferences  more directly' (Wiese 2009: 787). V3 is seen through the lens of language internal  motivation,    and  V3  is  compared  not  to  learner  language  or supposed source languages (i.e. other languages used in the areas where the data was collected) but to existing structures in Standard Danish, more specifically, in spoken, informal Danish as it is used in interaction (e.g. Steensig 2001, Brøcker et al. 2012, Puggaard 2019). The analyses are primarily qualitative, though some observations on frequency and distribution  are  mentioned.  The  article  aims  at  providing  a  detailed grammatical  and  interactional  description  of  V3  which  can  serve  as basis  for  further  investigation  of  frequency  and  distribution.  Future sociolinguistic research questions such as who uses V3 in which social contexts may benefit from this nuanced understanding of the subtypes and of the interactional functions that make V3 relevant.

## 2. Methods and data

In this section, I describe the methodology behind the article's analyses, Interactional  Linguistics,  including  my  motivation  for  using  this method  to  describe  word  order  in  the  urban  dialect  in  Aarhus.  The empirical basis of the analyses is described in detail in sec. 2.3, and the coding procedure leading to the 184 examples of V3 is accounted for in sec. 2.4. Finally, the analytical limitations of the data set and the method are discussed in sec. 2.5.

## 2.1 Conversation Analysis and Interactional Linguistics

Paraphrasing Steensig (2015: 409-426), Conversation Analysis (CA) is a  research  methodology  which  builds  on  the  premises  that  we  as humans create meaning by means of and in the course of interaction, that  we  acknowledge  our  understanding  to  each  other  and  that  we interpret each other's signs of understanding and carry on accordingly. All this can be seen by means of detailed transcriptions of recordings of natural interaction, and from detailed analysis, researchers can reveal the patterns and norms that constitute our interactional grammar.

The  method  underlying  Interactional  Linguistics  (IL)  combines concepts from CA such as turn-taking, timing and action design with tools from classic grammatical analyses such as prosodic, morphological and syntactic analyses (Couper-Kuhlen & Selting 2018). IL aims to describe different ways in which a linguistic form can be used for different functions or, vice versa, how a function can be carried out  using  different  forms.  In  this  article,  IL  is  used  to  find  different functions that the form V3 can perform.

Interactional Dialectology (Bockgård & Nilsson 2011) applies IL in  studying  classical  dialectological  phenomena.  Öqvist  (2011)  and Huhtamäki  (2015),  for  example,  study  prosodic  forms  in  traditional dialects in Stockholm and Helsingfors Swedish, respectively. For the same reason I study the form V3 in urban dialects, they study prosodic forms as the primary way in which these dialects stand out from the national standard language. Zachariassen (in press) is another example of  Interactional  Dialectology  used  to  explore  another  characteristic feature of the urban dialect in Aarhus, a prosodic pattern called 'Strong Finals'.

## 2.2 'Interactional function'

The term 'interactional function' is widely used but rarely discussed or defined in the same way by various authors. I use the term interactional function in keeping with a definition from Sørensen (2020):

'Interactional functions such as action , stance, and turn-taking can then be  considered  the  purposes  that  language  or  grammar  is  structured  to perform' (Sørensen 2020: 19, my emphasis).

Sørensen studies the five words yes, no, well, okay and mm , under the shared term 'response tokens', a term chosen because all five words are ' tokens […] designed to perform a specific subset of responsive actions .' (2020: 18, my emphasis).  Sørensen's five words are tokens, all forms that perform an action, the action of response, but as stated above, a form's function may also be to take a stance or to perform turntaking. The form in my study is V3, or rather six structural subtypes of V3 (sec. 3). In my interactional analyses (sec. 4), I find three functions of V3s, two of them in which V3 supports the performing of an action , and one in which V3 supports stance taking . It is important to note that sec. 4's collection analyses are informed by, but not defined by, the six form  subcategories,  and  that  the  three  interactional  functions  only loosely map with the form subtypes. I claim no common name for the three functions, but all three are functions that are particularly useful in storytelling (as further described in sec. 4). A common function that is very  broad  -  and  perhaps  too  generic  to  capture  any  interactional relevance  -  could  be  that  V3  is  a  storytelling  device.  Following Sørensen's (2020: 18) formulation, V3 is a syntactic form designed to support a specific subset of storytelling actions and stance.

Summing up, I do not claim that V3 has one function that it carries out on its own. The collection analyses in sec. 4 point to three functions, each of which supports the speaker in performing specific actions or taking a specific stance.

## 2.3 The corpus

A central dogma for Interactional Linguistics is that analyses must build on  naturally  occurring  talk-in-interaction  since  some  interactional resources  are  only  relevant  when  there  are  multiple  speakers  taking turns  (interaction)  and  when  the  content,  roles  or  purpose  of  the interaction  are  not  prearranged  (naturally  occuring).  The  analyses  in this  article  build  on  a  corpus  of  17  hours  of  recordings  of  natural interaction  collected  through  multi-sited  field  work  in  six  different

## Scandinavian Studies in Language, 14(1), 2023 (30-70)

residential  areas  in  Aarhus  West  and  South.  The  recordings  were roughly transcribed and coded for the following linguistic forms: V3, Strong Final prosody (Zachariassen in press), non-standard grammatical gender, non-standard prepositions, non-standard pronunciation  of  vowels  and  consonants,  interjectional  use  of  the pronoun dig ('you')  (Zachariassen  &  Nielsen  2021)  and  passages having metalinguistic content, e.g. discussions of language terminology. In all cases, 'non-standard' is defined as variation from the  regional  standard  in  Aarhus.    The  corpus  is  available  for  other researchers 3 . It consists of audio self-recordings collected by speakers and  of  audio  and  video  recordings  set  up  by  the  researcher  after observation  of  frequently  occurring  activities,  for  example  board games,  video  games,  cooking  and  study  groups.  Recordings  were collected at elementary schools, high schools, youth clubs and community facilities, all located in residence areas that are characterised by a high degree of linguistic diversity in that many of the inhabitants are immigrants or decedents of immigrants. The selection criterion for participants, however, was that they were born and raised in Aarhus. In informal interviews, all participants reported Danish as their primary everyday language. Some mentioned other languages, for example English for high school (IB Diploma Programme), Arabic for Quran school, Kurdish, Somali, Polish or Vietnamese with grandparents. V3 and other linguistic forms of the urban dialect were also used by participants with no connection to other languages or to immigration.

The corpus contains recordings collected at three different points in time: in 2002-3 by Mette Vedsgaard Christensen (see Christensen 2010),  in  2012  by  the  author,  and  again  in  2017-18  by  the  author. Participants gave informed consent that the recordings could be used for  research.  All  information  that  might  lead  to  identification  of participants  is  pseudonymised  in  transcripts,  and  data  is  treated  and stored in accordance with the EU dataregulation (GDPR). EU GDPR . Additionally, participants were promised that the research would only focus on linguistic forms, e.g. word order, prosody and lexemes, and that their data would not be used for analysis of individual distribution, of  themes  of  conversations  or  of  research  questions  of  sociological character.

3 To	access	the	corpus,	please	contact	the	DanTIN	research	group samtalegrammatik@cc.au.dk	or	professor	Jakob	Steensig	linjs@cc.au.dk, Aarhus	University.

## 2.4 Analytical process

The analytical process had five steps: 1) impressionistic coding of the dataset, which revealed 184 examples of V3 produced by approx. 60 different speakers from all field sites and all points in time, 2) structural analysis of the 184 examples, which resulted in six syntactic subgroups (sec. 3), 3) fine-grained CA-transcription of surrounding interaction for the 184 examples, 4) validation that the examples indeed differed from standard Danish word order, see detailed description below, and 5) CA collection analysis of the 184 examples, which resulted in three types of interactional functions that V3 can support (sec. 4). Subsequently, additional media data examples were collected (sec. 5).

The validation process consisted of two practices from CA, applied in  a  non-linear  fashion.  One  is  'next-turn  proof  procedure'  (Sacks, Schegloff & Jefferson 1974) based on the assumption that speakers' subsequent actions are analytical signs of whether a form or an action is accepted and of the meaning that is attributed to it (Arminen 2005: 4, 84-85). Using next-turn proof procedure for validation that none of the V3 examples were just  an  arbitrary  mistake  made  by  the  individual speaker meant going through each of the 184 examples to make sure there were no hesitations, restarts, repairs or the like in the following turn  (Sacks, Schegloff & Jefferson 1974) and determining whether the other  participants  in  the  interaction  treated  utterances  with  V3  as acceptable and meaningful. The second CA-practice used for validation was the use of data sessions arranged with other researchers of Danish talk-in-interaction . to  ensure  that  V3  was  in  fact  impressionistically different  from  Standard  Danish  and  from  the  regional  standard  in Aarhus and to make sure that the urban dialect was always compared to spoken language with no influence from a written language bias (Linell 2005).

## 2.5 Limits to the methodology

A CA collection analysis does not aim to give an exhaustive list of all possible functions of a form V3 based on the interactional analysis, and I also do not claim to to have found one overall function covering the three functions. The way in which the data is collected and structured in the corpus means that this data cannot say anything about social or individual distribution or frequency. It only shows that something exists and what it consists of, not how often or where it is used in social or individual terms. Observations during the fieldwork showed a strong correlation between speakers' area of residence and whether or not they used  urban  dialect  features,  but  these  observations  have  not  been quantitatively substantiated.

## 3. Structural description

The 184 examples of V3 are all found in declarative main clauses. Table 1 show six structural subtypes of V3 defined and named in the leftmost column by the different types of constituent in first position. Some types are frequent, other are less so, see the rightmost column, but all types are  found  across  speakers,  across  field  sites  and  across  time  of recordings. The subtypes are either adverbially-initiated (time adverbV3, så -V3, conditional-V3, discourse adverb-V3 and locative-V3) or object-initiated (object-V3). Adverbially-initiated V3 is well-described in  previous  studies  whereas  object-V3,  though  briefly  mentioned  by Opsahl (2008), has not been described previously. Methodologically, the  structural  analysis  builds  on  topological  grammatical  models  by Diderichsen  (1946)  and  Hansen  &  Heltoft  (2011)  combined  with studies  of  grammar  of  Danish  talk-in-interaction,  primarily  from  the research group DanTIN (samtalegrammatik.dk).

The following subsections describe firstly the existing V2 system of Standard Danish and the way in which V2 typically unfolds in talkin-interaction  and  secondly  V3  and  its  different  subtypes.  Prosodic arguments are provided to explain why V3 in its genuine form differs from  similar  constructions  in  standard  talk-in-interaction.  Finally,  a small-sample  distribution  analysis  of  one  recording  is  presented  to illustrate that such a purely structural analysis does not shed light on the important question of the functions of V3.

## Scandinavian Studies in Language, 14(1), 2023 (30-70)

Table 1: Subcategories of V3 and total no. of examples in the corpus

| Cat.         | ID        | Example from subcategory with glossing and translation                                                                                                                                                    |   Total |
|--------------|-----------|-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------|---------|
| Time adv.    | 4)        | [ i år ] A [ jeg ] S [ ringede ] V til banken in year I called to bank.the 'this year I called the bank'                                                                                                  |      28 |
| Time adv.    | 5)        | [ imens vi sad og så filmen ] A [ hende der hun ] S [ hopper ] V rundt while we sat and saw movie.the her there she jumps around 'while we were watching the movie she was jumping around'                |      28 |
| Adv. 'then'  | 6)        | [ så ] A [ de ] S [ stopper ] V os op then they stop us up 'then they stop us'                                                                                                                            |      69 |
| Adv. 'then'  | 7)        | å [ så ] A [ jeg ] S [ drak ] V te lige bagefter and then I drank tea just after 'and then I drank tea right afterwards'                                                                                  |      69 |
| Cond. phrase | 8)        | [ når min far han bliver vred ikkå ] A when my dad he gets angry DISC [ hans næseden ] S begynder V å klø his nose it begins to itch 'when my dad gets angry his nose begins to itch'                     |      51 |
| Cond. phrase | 9)        | [ når man er rig derhenne ] A [ man ] S [ har ] V en der vogter sit hus when you is rich over.there one has one there guards one's house 'if you are rich over there one has someone guarding your house' |      51 |
| Disc. adv.   | 10)       | [ faktisk ] A [ du ] S [ kan ] V også bruge den til geografi actually you can also use it to geography 'actually you can also use it for geography class'                                                 |      15 |
| Disc. adv.   | 11)       | [ ellers ] A [ jeg ] S [ udgiver ] V hans adresse else I publish his address 'otherwise I will publish his address'                                                                                       |      15 |
| Loc. adv.    | 12)       | [ herovre ] A [ det ] S [ blev ] V glat here.over it became straight 'over here it became straight' ['it' refers to the speaker's hair]                                                                   |      12 |
| Loc. adv.    | 13)       | [ i Berlin ] A [ de ] S [l aver ] V suppe in Berlin they make soup 'in Berlin they make soup'                                                                                                             |      12 |
| Obj.         | 14)       | [ de der penge ] O [ vi ] S [ skal bruge ] V [ dem ] O-copy på noget fælles the there money we shall use them on something common 'we should use that money for something we share'                       |       9 |
| Obj.         | 15)       | [ telefonen ] O [ du ] S [ skal gemme ] V [ den ] O-copy telephone.the you shall hide it 'you must hide the phone'                                                                                        |       9 |
| TOTAL NO.    | TOTAL NO. | TOTAL NO.                                                                                                                                                                                                 |     184 |

## 3.1 V2 in Standard Danish talk-in-interaction

The syntax of Danish as well as of other Germanic languages (except English) is notable for adhering to a verb-second (V2) word order in main  clauses.  The  V2  rule  is  often  described  topologically  in  a schematic  manner  (e.g.  Diderichsen  1946,  Hansen  &  Heltoft  2011) where all grammatical roles have canonical positions in the clause but where almost all constituents also can occupy the first position (Hansen &  Heltoft  2011:  1574).  The  most  frequent  constituent  in  the  first position  is  the  subject,  as  in  example  (1)  below.  The  second  most frequent constituent is an adverbial phrase, as in example (2) (Puggaard 2019). When adverbs are in first position, the subject is 'moved' to its canonical position, resulting in what is sometimes called 'inversion'. (1-3) below are constructed examples of semantically similar sentences in Standard Danish, (1) with the subject fronted, (2) with inversion and (3) with the adverb in extraposition outside the clause and represented by an adverbial copy, der ,  in  the  first  position. The third structure is particularly frequent in talk-in-interaction (Brøcker et al. 2012). This article  describes  a  fourth  option:  adverbials  in  first  position  without movement  of  the  subject,  as  illustrated  in  (4)  with  a  sentence  from recordings from Aarhus West.

- 1) [ jeg ] S [ ringede ] V til banken [ i år ] A (V2, constructed) I          called to bank.the  in year 'I called the bank this year'
- 2) [ i år ] A [ ringede ] V [ jeg ] S til banken (V2, constructed) in year  called I to bank.the 'this year I called the bank'
- 3) [ i år ] A |  [ der ] A-copy [ ringede ] V [ jeg ] S til banken (V2, constructed) in year      there            called              I          to bank.the 'this year I called the bank'
- 4) [ i år ] A [ jeg ] S [ ringede ] V til banken (V3) in year I           called to bank.the 'this year I called the bank

Structures like (4) are ungrammatical in Standard Danish and are often associated with learner language because 'non-inversion' is common in  certain  stages  of  L2-acquisition  (Steensig  1994).  However,  the speakers in the corpus are not L2-speakers. They use perfectly standardformed  V2  sentences  most  of  the  time,  and  they  do  not  use  V3

invariantly  as  L2-speakers  would.  As  noted  above,  some  of  the  first studies  of  urban  varieties  referred  to  structures  like  (4)  as  'lack  of inversion' (Kotsinas 1988, Quist 2000), but more recent studies (e.g. Wiese & Rehbein 2016, Walkden 2017 ) use the term V3, illustrating that  the  verb  resides  in  the  third  position  without  implying  that something is 'lacking'. In Danish talk-in-interaction, the first position most frequently contains light material such as pronouns, provisional subjects  or  light  adverbs  (Puggaard  2019:  294),  and  if  'heavier' material is fronted, then it is most frequently done by placing it outside the clause (Brøcker et al. 2012) as in (3) above. Other studies call this extra position (Hansen  &  Heltoft 2011: 1827), left dislocation (Johannesen 2014) or resumptive pattern (Haegeman & Greco 2018: 3).

## 3.2 V3 with adverbials in first position

Most of the examples in the corpus have adverbial material in the first position. In this subsection, I describe the most common adverb, så, and comment on some restrictions on possible adverbial material in V3.

## 3.2.1 så ('then')

Så ('then')  is  the  most  frequent  word  in  first  position  among  the examples of V3, 69 out of 184 (see table 1) and often found in longer sequences with multiple så -V3s. Freywald et al. also show examples of sequences  with  multiple  similar  'then'-V3s  and  suggest  that  they 'subdivide a larger stretch of discourse into smaller units (which can still be larger than sentences) and arrange them in an easily processible linear order' (2015: 89). The function in my data seems to be somewhat similar, see sec. 4.1. In Danish, the word så [sʌ] is homonymous for adverbial 'then' and conjunctional 'so', and depending on the meaning, så results  in  different  verb  placement:  adverbial  'then'  requires inversion,  conjunctional  'so'  does  not.  Semantically,  however,  both have to do with sequentiality, and in sec. 4.1.1, I discuss whether a less strict distinction of 'so'/'then' can explain the heavy use of så -V3 in the urban dialect.

## 3.2.2 'Heavy' adverbs

In Standard Danish talk-in-interaction, subject material 'heavier' than pronouns is usually placed in extraposition with a following light copy (Brøcker et al. 2012). In the Aarhus data, V3 sentences with 'heavy' adverbials or objects are often found without a following light copy. Compare (9) to the constructed example (9b) of a V2 with the light copy så.

- 9) [ når   man er rig  derhenne ] when one   is   rich over.there [ man ] S [ har ] V en  der vogter    sit    hus (V3) one         has        one there guards   one's house 'if you are rich over there you have someone guarding your house'
2. 9b) når   man er rig  derhenne when one    is  rich over.there [ så ] A [ har ] V [ man ] S en  der  vogter sit    hus (V2, constructed) then      has        one       one there guards  one's house 'if you are rich over there then you have someone guarding your house'

Ganuza (2010) finds that subordinate clauses, which are heavy adverbs by Brøcker et al.'s (2012) definition, in first position seem to trigger the use of V3:

'clause-initial subordinate clauses that were followed by a topic placeholder så / då ['then'] were produced less often with SV order [=V3] than clause-initial subordinate clauses that were not immediately followed by a topic placeholder' (Ganuza 2010: 39)

## 3.2.3 Not all adverbs

Walkden describes the fronted adverbs with terms from generative grammar, as 'What unifies these elements is that they are invariably adjuncts rather than arguments in the attested examples (Freywald et al. 2015: 84)' (Walkden 2017: 55). In functional grammar terms, this can be described as a matter of valency: if the adverbial material is too closely connected to the verb, then it is unlikely to be fronted. This is also unlikely for Standard Danish V2 and for the urban dialect V3, see constructed examples 4b and 4c below.

- 4) [ i år ] A [ jeg ] S [ ringede ] V til banken in year   I called to bank.the 'this year I called the bank'

(original V3)

- 4a)  *[ til banken ] A

- [ ringede ] V [ jeg ] S i år to bank.the called I in year

(V2, constructed)

- 4b)  *[ til banken ] A [ jeg ] S [ ringede ] V i   år (V3, constructed)

to bank.the            I called in year

The above examples illustrate that in a sentence with the semantic content of (4), only the adjunct 'this year' may be fronted. The argument 'to the bank' is too closely connected to the verb 'call' to be fronted.

## 3.3 V3 with objects in first position

V3s with objects in first position follow a slightly different pattern than the adverbial ones. All object-V3s contain a pronominal copy in the object's canonical position. In (14) the copy dem ('them') refers to the fronted material de der penge ('that money').

```
14)  [ de   der   penge ] O [ vi ] S [ skal bruge ] V [ dem ] O-copy those there money        we shall  use            them på noget    fælles (V3) on something common 'that money should be used for something we share'
```

Two common objections for object-V3s are that they are no different from Standard Danish, and because of the pronominal copy they are not V3. The first objection can be countered by listening to the syntactic and prosodic integration (see sec. 3.5). The second objection requires a discussion of which type of grammatical analysis one prefers. Below, two  different  possible  analyses  of  (14)  are  shown  in  a  topological sentence scheme inspired by Diderichsen's (1946). In analysis I, the object is in first position, and its pronominal copy is placed in an extra field in the scheme, a field which does not exist in Diderichsen's (1946: 187) scheme for Standard Danish. In analysis II, the object is in extra position, and the pronominal copy is considered to be moved from its original first position to the canonical position for non-fronted objects (Diderichsen  1946:  187).  The  first  position  is  now  available  for  the subject and the second for the verb, making it a V2-sentence. The two analyses differ in whether the object is in first or extra position and whether we accept 'movement' as an explanation for syntactical forms in talk-in-interaction.

## Analysis I: Object-V3

| Extra position   | 1 st position   | 2 nd position   | 3 rd position   | Pron. copy   |
|------------------|-----------------|-----------------|-----------------|--------------|

| de der penge those there money   | vi we   | skal bruge shall use   | dem them   |
|----------------------------------|---------|------------------------|------------|

Analysis II: V2 with object in extra position and 'moved' pronominal copy

<!-- image -->

| Extra position                 | 1 st position   | 2 nd position        | Obj. position   |
|--------------------------------|-----------------|----------------------|-----------------|
| de der penge those there money | vi we           | skal bruge shall use | dem them        |

Comparing with Standard Danish talk-in-interaction it is likely that a heavy element like the noun phrase de der penge ('that money') would take the extra position (Brøcker et al. 2012), and this argument favours analysis II. But on the other hand, the construction with heavy material + pronominal is so established and frequent in Standard Danish that it might be used as a fixed and rather inflexible format. Consulting with researchers of Danish talk-in-interaction, no one recalls seeing constructions like heavy material ADV + pronominal SUBJ such as [ de der  penge ] OBJ + [ vi ] pron.  SUBJ . This speaks against analysis II.  In  the Aarhus urban dialect, however, the construction 'X + pronominal Y' is an established format as shown for 175 adverbial-V3s in this article, for example (13) [ i Berlin ] ADV + [ de ] pron.SUBJ, just to mention one. All in all, I find analysis I most convincing.

Adverbial-V3 is  common in urban dialects,  but  only  one  study, Opsahl (2009), shows an example of object-V3 (16). The example is from  Oslo  and  follows  the  same  light  copy  structure  as  the  Aarhus examples.

```
(16)   [ mens ] conj (.) [ graffiti ] O [ du ] S [ har  lagt ] V while                   graffiti          you    have   put et stykke arbeid i [ det ] O-copy a   piece     work    in   it 'but you have put quite a bit of work into graffiti'
```

(Opsahl 2009: 131, my annotation and translation)

Walkden notes in a re-analysis of other studies of V3 data that 'object fronting to initial position in V3 clauses is judged as unacceptable by native speakers of Kiezdeutsch (Heike Wiese (p.c.))' (Walkden 2017: 55). It would be interesting to see if object-V3 with pronominal copystructures would be acceptable for Kiezdeutsch speakers.

## 3.4 Second and third positions: subjects and verbs

The second and third positions in V3 are much less varied than the first position, second position always contains the sentence subject and third (by definition) the verb. The subject is most frequently pronominal or provisional as is also the case in Standard Danish talk-in-interaction in general (Puggaard 2019). Subjects of 'heavier' material are infrequent and are most frequently constructed with a light pronominal copy, also in Standard Danish talk-in-interaction in general (Brøcker et al. 2012), exemplified  in  (5)  with  the  formal  subject  'her  there'  and  a  light pronominal copy 'she':

- (5)  [ imens vi sad å   så  filmen ] A [ hende der hun ] S [ hopper ] V rundt while      we sat      and  saw movie.the          her          there she           jumps             around 'while we were watching the movie she was jumping around'

According  to  Freywald  et  al. (2015: 89), subjects in  Swedish, Norwegian, Dutch and German V3s are always a previously introduced topic.  This  is  not  the  case  for  the  Aarhus  data,  where  the  'heavier' material subjects are often new referents. In line with Ganuza (2008: 107) and Opsahl (2009: 131), a search for patterns in types of verbs or relations between adverbials and verbs showed no limitation on verb types, neither semantically, nor temporal or modal. However, the verb's valency plays a role in determining which adverbials can be fronted, see sec. 3.2.3.

## 3.5 Prosodic and syntactic integration

There  is  an  important  difference  between  the  way  V3  sounds  in interaction  and  the  way  it  looks  in  writing.  A  common  objection  to examples of V3 in writing is that informal Standard Danish also has this option,  typically  exemplified  by  sentences  with  adverbs  in  extra position and  pausing, intonation shift, and/or  discourse  markers between extra position and the sentence. The difference between such examples  and  V3  can  be  described  as  the  degree  of  prosodic  and syntactic  integration.  Barth-Weingarten  (2016,  as  paraphrased  by Couper-Kuhlen & Selting 2018: ch. E) describes how intonation-unit boundaries in conversations are fuzzy, maintaining that as analysts we tend to fall back on syntactic criteria to determine boundaries.

As a tool to avoid the written language bias, Barth-Weingarten proposes recognising degrees of prosodic 'breaking', so-called cesuras ,  which depend on specific clusters of boundary cues, illustrated with | and || in transcriptions. Many or drastic changes in prosodic and phonetic cues such  as  pitch,  volume,  tempo,  voice  quality  or  aspiration  indicate  a strong unit boundary (Barth-Weingarten 2016: 175), illustrated with ||, and weaker ones with fewer cues with |. This article's collection of V3 examples  includes  only  sentences  with  no  or  very  weak  cesuras between the three initial components, i.e. between the initial adverbial or object and the following elements, the subject and the verb. Below, a  V3  from  the  collection  (10)  is  shown  compared  to  a  similar, constructed example commonly occurring in informal Standard Danish (10b).

- (10) [ faktisk ] A [ du ] S [ kan ] V ogs bruge den til geografi-hh | (V3) actually      you     can       also  use       it      to  geography EXH du ved  hovedstader ↘ || hehe DISC      capitals                LAUGH 'actually you can also use it for geography class, you know capitals'
2. (10b) [ faktisk ikkå ↘ ] A (.) || du ved-hh [ du ] S [ ka ] V ogs bruge den actually   DISC DISC.  EXH  you     can    also   use      it til geografi (V2, constr.) to  geography 'well actually, you know, you can also use it for geography class'

The constructed example (10b) includes multiple features of disintegration:  change  in  intonation,  insertion  of  discourse  markers, mid-sentence exhale -hh and pause (.). The  same  elements  of disintegration are used in the original example (10), but they are used after the V3. In Conversation Analysis, the place before 'you' in  (10b) would be considered a restart. Figure 1 supplements the transcription of (10)  with  acoustic  measures  of  pitch  and  volume  over  time.  It  is prosodically  strongly  integrated  with  no  pauses,  pitch-reset  or  other boundary cues. Adverbial faktisk integrates with the subject du and the verb kan in two ways: 1) the pitch of the two stressed syllables [fags] and [ɡ ̊ ʌz] are equally high, and 2) there are no pauses of silence, inhale or exhale, nor any change in voice quality.

Figure 1: Pitch (solid) and volume (dashed) over time in example 10. Measurements made in Praat (Boersma & Weenink n.d)

<!-- image -->

Selting & Kern's (2006) study of pre-positioned adverbs in Türkendeutsch  finds  that  prosodic  integration  was  rare,  and  they excluded  such  examples  in  their  analysis.  This  may  indicate  that structures  with  fronted  adverbs  in  Türkendeutsch  and  in  the  Aarhus urban  dialect  should  not  be  interpreted  as  the  same  grammatical phenomenon.

## 3.6 Distribution and frequency measures for one recording

It  is  important  to  note  that  V3  is  always  used  alongside  V2  in  the recordings. Ganuza (2010) shows that quantitatively V3 is much less frequent than we would expect considering its iconic status in the urban varieties. Although my work is not a a study of quantitative distribution like Ganuza's, I will nevertheless illustrate the frequency of V2 and V3 in one recording from the corpus.  This recording, in the corpus called 'Ethiopians', is a 21 minute audio recording of four boys age 14-15 telling an adult club worker and an adult researcher about the time they visited  family  in  Ethiopia  and  experienced  huge  cultural  differences between  their  own  everyday  life  and  that  of  their  relatives.  The recording is particularly interesting because both adults qualify as nonpeers, and based on previous studies we would not expect much V3 outside  peer  interaction  (e.g.  Quist  2022:  195  ).  Contrary  to  our expectations, however,  'Ethiopians' is by far the recording with the highest number of V3s in the Aarhus corpus.

Measuring the frequency of V3 is only meaningful if compared with sentences where V3 is structurally possible. As shown in 3.1., V3 is  possible  in  declarative  clauses  in  which  something  other  than  the subject occupies the first position. Table 2 shows the number of the different types of word order in declarative sentences.

Table 1: Different types of word order for declarative sentences in the recording 'Ethiopians'

|                                   |   Total no. | %of declaratives   |
|-----------------------------------|-------------|--------------------|
| Declarative sentences, total no.  |         161 |                    |
| Inversion not applicable:         |             |                    |
| - Only Subject-Verb (no other     |          76 | 47%                |
| candidate for first position)     |          41 | 25%                |
| V2 : Adverbial Verb Subject       |             |                    |
| (AVS)                             |          21 | 14%                |
| V3 : Adverbial Subject Verb (ASV) |          23 | 13%                |

'Ethiopians' contains 161 declarative sentences, and about half of them (47%)  contain  no  adverbial  candidates  for  the  first  position.  As sentences with objects in first position are relatively infrequent, both in this  recording  and  in  Standard  Danish  talk-in-interaction  (Puggaard 2019),  object material is not accounted for in the table. 25% of the declarative sentences  contain adverbial material in its  canonical position, and thus inversion is not relevant for these sentences either. This leaves 44 (27%) sentences in which the speaker can, at least based on structural linguistic criteria, choose between V2 or V3. The result is an  almost  equal  distribution  between  V2  and  V3,  14%  and  13% respectively.

## 3.7 Summary and implications for the interactional analysis

Overall,  most  V3-sentences  in  the  Aarhus  corpus  follow  the  same structural patterns as has been found in previous studies with adverbial first position material and light subjects, two characteristics that are also typical for Standard Danish talk-in-interaction. Aside from adverbial V3s, the Aarhus data contains 9 examples of object V3s. These differ slightly  from  the  other  examples  of  V3  in  that  they  have  an  extra pronominal copy of the fronted object in the object's canonical position. The small sample distributional analysis of 'Ethiopians' illustrates one of the shortcomings of a purely structural analysis: the fact that speakers choose V2 for some sentences where V3 is structurally possible and V2 for others, points to the need for explanations other than those provided by  a  strictly  structural  analysis.  These  alternative  explanations  are pursued in the interactional analyses in section 4.

## 4. INTERACTIONAL FUNCTIONS

This section describes three types of functions of V3 found in a CA collection analysis (Hoey & Kendrick 2017). Examples from the corpus are shown for each type. As mentioned in 1.3, studies of German urban dialect  pointed  to  two  linguistic  functions  of  V3:  a  'framesetterfunction'  with  time,  place  or  condition  adverbials  in  first  position (Wiese  2009:  787),  correlating  with  the  categories  time  adverb-V3, location-V3 and conditional phrase V3 in this study (table 1), and a 'discourse  linking'  with  'then',  'afterwards'  and  other  serializing adverbials (Freywald et al. (2015: 89), correlating with 'then'-V3 and discourse adverb V3 in this study. These studies are not CA-based, but like my study, they are based on natural talk-in-interaction data.

The collection analysis resulting in the three functional categories below was carried out by means of individual analyses of 184 examples of V3, including their interactional contexts, typically a few minutes before and after the V3 sentence. The analyses are based on a varying number of examples for each category, ranging from 9 to 69 examples (table 1). The robustness of the analyses based on smaller collections, such as object-V3, is obviously less than the robustness of the analyses from categories with a larger number of examples. It is important to note  that  the  division  into  six  forms  apparently  connected  to  three functions is an oversimplification. As Walker (2014) reminds us, forms rarely have a 1:1 relation to function, and this is also true for this study. Column 1 and 2 in table 3 should be seen in this light.

Table 2: Three interactional functions and V3-forms with which they are frequently performed

| Frequent V3-forms                          | Suggested name     | Function description + examples with translations                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                               |
|--------------------------------------------|--------------------|-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------|
| Time adverbs, including adverbial 'then'   | Timing device      | Word order designed to support actions in storytelling by highlighting a specific time stamp or the order of events in a sequence of events. Examples: (4) i år jeg ringede til banken 'this year I called the bank' (7) å så jeg drak te lige bagefter 'and then I drank tea right after'                                                                                                                      |
| Conditional -phrases and discourse adverbs | Epistemic device   | Word order designed to support stance taking for a speaker claiming epistemic authority to give information of general scope instead of just situation specific scope. Examples: (9) når man er rig derhenne man har en der vogter sit hus 'if you are rich over there you have someone guarding your house' (10) faktisk du kan også bruge den til geografi 'actually you can also use it for geography class' |
| Locative adverbs and objects               | Introducing device | Word order designed to support actions in storytelling by highlighting that a place or a referent is introduced into the story or that its role is reframed. Examples: (13) i Berlin de laver suppe 'in Berlin they make soup' (15) telefonen du skal gemme den 'you must hide the phone'                                                                                                                       |

The three functions are described in detail in the following subsections. A fourth function that could be interesting for future studies is V3s that are  part  of  instructing  or  demanding  something  of  others.  Here  V3 seems to have a stance taking function, supporting a claim of deontic authority. Examples of this function are found across form subcategories.

## 4.1 V3 when exact timing and sequentiality is important

For this functional category, examples are often found in time adverbV3, including the subcategory of så -V3. The distinction of temporal så and  causal så is  not  always  clear  in  talk-in-interaction,  and  a  final subsection  discusses  whether  such  a  distinction  makes  sense  in  the urban dialect. Time adverb-V3 categories comprise almost half of the corpus' examples (table 1). A common function of the time adverb-V3s is to support highlighting of a specific time stamp or a specific order of events in storytelling.

The first example (22) is a short story with two sequential events, eating chili and drinking tea, and a following consequence, getting a sore throat. In the example, storyteller Ali uses V3 for the two events (line 1, 4).

| (22, same as 7) CHILI (Drikkerte 11:37)   | (22, same as 7) CHILI (Drikkerte 11:37)   | (22, same as 7) CHILI (Drikkerte 11:37)                              |
|-------------------------------------------|-------------------------------------------|----------------------------------------------------------------------|
| 01→                                       | Ali:                                      | engang jeg spiste sån en chiliret ↘ once I ate a chili dish          |
| 02                                        |                                           | (0.4)                                                                |
| 03                                        | Halimah:                                  | ja→                                                                  |
| 04→                                       | Ali:                                      | å så jeg drak te lige efter ↘ and then I had tea right afterwards    |
| 05                                        | Halimah:                                  | a → yes                                                              |
| 06                                        | Ali:                                      | jeg blev ☺ stærkere ☺ i munden på mig it started burning in my mouth |

Before the excerpt, Halimah has ridiculed Ali for not liking tea and compared him to a child.  Now Ali gives an account explaining his distaste for tea in a  storytelling format. The two events in the story are both produced as V3s. The first, eating a chili dish (line 1), is produced as a time adverb-V3 and the second, drinking tea (line 4), as a så -V3. Both events also share a similar rhythmical structure in that they are both short intonational units with three stressed syllables and a global falling  intonation.  Ali  does  not  provide  the  ensuing  consequence, getting a sore throat, immediately. In fact, the falling intonation is so low in line 6 that this could signal a possible end point of his story. Only after  Halimah's  continuer a (line  5)  does  Ali  continue,  now  with  a description of the state he was in at the time. He begins his description without any cohesion marker, e.g. 'so' or 'therefore', as if causality is inferred by the semantic context alone. A similar rhymical structure and the same V3 structure of the two events underline that they are of the same kind, they are both events. The time adverbs 'once' and 'then' function as markers of the exact sequentiallity of the events. Sequentiality is important here: drinking tea before eating chili would probably not give you a bad experience with tea. In this example, V3 is used to support the function of illustrating exact sequentiality.

## 4.1.1 Adverbial så and conjunctional så as one general cohesive marker

Så [sʌ] is  homophonous for adverbial 'then' and conjunctional 'so', resulting  in  a  different  placement  of  the  verb  in  Standard  Danish: adverbial så implies a temporal relation and requires inversion whereas conjunctional så implies causality and cannot occupy the first position and thus does not require inversion (Hansen & Heltoft 2011: 974). This analysis may, however, be biased by written language. Below I argue that these two types of så can be seen as one general cohesive marker exemplified by (24) where four very similar occurrences of så cannot be distinguished as either temporal or causal.

## (24, same as 6) SUNNI HAT (Ethiopians 9:37)

```
01  Khalid: ☺ hun gaHH.H || hun gav mig den der sunnihue ↘ ☺ (0.3) she gave- she gave me that Sunni hat 02 → ☺ så: jeg havde den på ↗ ☺ så I was wearing it 03 → så de stopper os op→ (.) så they stop us 04 → så h:an sir til mig ↘ | hva der → så he says to me what's up 05 ø-ta d- ta den af ↘ eh-take i- take it off 06 h .HHH 07 → så jeg kigger til ham å han har et gevæ:r ↗ så I look at him and he has a gun 08 ☺ hva ska jeg sigehh tilh >ham jeg< kigger what should I say      to    him
```

In the excerpt, Khalid is telling a story about when his mother tried to hide his long hair from border controls in Ethiopia. The first three såsentences (line 2-4) are relatively short prosodic units with rhythmically similar structures and can be seen as a list construction within which each list item is produced in a structurally similar format (Selting 2007). The list  builds  up  to  the  story's  climax:  a  quotation  with  the  border controller's  remarks  (line  4-5).  The  fourth såsentence,  ' så I  look  at him' (line 7), resembles the rhythmical structure of the first three, but is  part  of  a  longer  prosodic  unit  containing  two  sentences  where the second sentence, 'he has a gun', is produced with Strong Final prosody (Zachariassen, in press) on gevæ:r ↗ and can function as a projection of the following meta-quotation, 'what should I say' (line 8). In this case the så -V3  functions  as  a  line  up  for  the  story's  second  climax,  the noticing of a weapon. Table 4 shows the four såsentences' structural similarities:  they  all  consist  of  a  stressed så +  an  unstressed  subject which  is  also  the  semantic  agent  +  a  stressed  verb  that  is  part  of  a predicate.

Table 3: Lexical, syntactic, and prosodic similarities of the four så -sentences

| Line no.   | 'so/t hen'   | Agent   | Predicate   | Predicate   | Translation             |
|------------|--------------|---------|-------------|-------------|-------------------------|
| Line no.   | 'so/t hen'   | Subject | Verb        |             | Translation             |
| 3          | så:          | jeg     | havde       | den på      | 'so/then I had it on'   |
| 4          | så           | de      | stopper     | os op       | 'so/then they stop us'  |
| 5          | så           | han     | sir         | til mig     | 'so/then he says to me' |
| 8          | så           | jeg     | kigger      | til ham     | 'so/then I look at him' |

## 4.2 V3 to support epistemic authority

The collection analysis of conditional phrase-V3 or discourse adverb-V3 revealed  many  examples  in  which  V3,  together  with  other  linguistic resources, supported stance taking. For conditional phrase-V3s, the form shift  from  V2  to  V3  often  correlates  with  a  form  shift  from  typically shorter declarative sentences to the longer and heavier sentence format of a subordinate clause plus a main clause. The functionalities of shifting to V3 syntax and of shifting to conditional phrase sentences are probably similar,  but  so  far  no  studies  exist  on  the  interactional  functions  of conditionals in general in Danish talk-in-interaction, so the analysis here is  not  a  comparison  of  urban  dialect  and  Standard  Danish,  merely  an analysis of cases in which V3 is used instead of V2. In (8), Tarek uses conditional-V3 when he is struggling to win an argument. The excerpt comes from a recording in a dance studio where dance instructor Tarek is trying to ridicule dancer Jimmy's pants.

|   (8) PANTS (Dans01) | (8) PANTS (Dans01)                                                             |
|----------------------|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------|
|                   01 | de her bukser ikkå || ((looking at Jimmy's pants)) these pants right |
|                   02 | (1.0) ((everybody looking at Tarek))                                           |
|                   03 | ((Tarek looks up)) de blev opfunde:t→ | (0.4) they were invented          |

| 04   |          | i femtenhundredetallet ↘ in the sixteenth century                                                  |
|------|----------|----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------|
| 05   | Jimmy:   | jaer ↘ || å nu tar (vi) det op igen ↘ yeah and now it's catching on again                |
| 06   |          | (0.5)                                                                                              |
| 07   |          | standard ↘ standard practise                                                                       |
| 08   | Dancer2: | h h                                                                                                |
| 09   | Dancer3: | hihihi                                                                                             |
| 10   | Jimmy:   | DET ER DET → it is                                                                                 |
| 11   |          | (1.0) ((Tarek looks down and scratches his nose))                                                  |
| 12   | Jimmy:   | det er standard ↘ it is standard practise                                                          |
| 13   | →Tarek:  | ((looks up)) du ved når min far han blir sur ikkå hn→ you know when my dad he gets angry right he- |
| 14→  |          | hans næse begynder å klø his nose begins to itch                                                   |
| 15   |          | å min den begynder sån stille å rolig ogs ((scratches nose)) and mine is slowly beginning now too  |

Before the excerpt, Tarek has given multiple negative evaluations of the design of the pants, saying that they are ugly and that they look like pants  from  Kurdistan.  When  Tarek  claims  that  the  pants  are  oldfashioned (line 1-4), Jimmy rejects this as a critique with the argument that  they  have become fashionable again today (line 5). Considering that  Tarek  is  26  years  old  and  the  dancers  are  around  17,  Jimmy  is probably correct in assuming that they don't share the same perception of fashion, but Tarek doesn't give up. He looks down for a one second pause while scratching his nose (line 11), and then he uses this as an inspiration for his next argument: a scratching nose means one is angry (line 13-14). To illustrate how angry their differing perceptions make him, Tarek tells a story about his father. He introduces the story with the discourse marker du ved ('you know') (line 10) functioning as a marker  of  knowledge,  an  epistemic  marker  in  the  sense  of  Heritage (2012),  though  only  for  Tarek  himself.  The  only  relation  between Jimmy and Tarek is  that  of  dance  instructor  and  student,  so  Jimmy would not know anything about Tarek's father. The discourse adverb ikkå (≈ 'right') in the same utterance could also function as a claim of epistemic stance (Mikkelsen & Zachariassen 2021). In total, we see four different  linguistic  resources  that  all  make  line  13-14  stand  out  as different from the rest of Tarek's so far fruitless arguments: a change from  declarative  to  conditional  syntax,  the  use  of  epistemic  stance markers du ved and ikkå, the bodily enactment of scratching and V3. In this  utterance,  Tarek  also  shifts  to  a  topic  over  which  he  alone  has epistemic authority and therefore could hope to not have his argument rejected again. The examples in the collection do not suggest that V3 can  function  as  an  epistemic  marker  in  itself,  but  they  show  that conditional-V3's often accompany other types of epistemic marking.

## 4.3 V3 for introducing or reframing referents or locations

Though the examples with location adverb-V3 and object-V3 are sparse (27 in total), they are found across speakers, fields and social context, and they are all recognised as acceptable by the recipients (see sec. 2.4 on next-turn proof procedure). The examples all show V3 supporting highlighting of a place or a specific referent in storytelling. (15) is from the recording 'Ethiopians' and takes place a few  minutes after (24), 'Sunni hat'. In (15), Rahman is describing how independent soldiers are claiming land and border control rights in certain areas of Somalia and ends up explaining to the club worker and the researcher what happens if you meet them. Rahman's friend Khalid contributes to the story with an object-V3 sentence (line 5-6).

## (15) THE PHONE (Ethiopians 10:42)

01

Rahman:

((if you are wearing a ring))

02

å du ligner en fra udlandet ↘

and you look like a foreigner

03

Mahmoud:

å du ligner en [rig→

and you look like a rich person

04

Rahman:

[ så cutter de dine [ hænder af→

then they cut your hands off

05 → Khalid:

[

telefonen=

the phone

06 →

[ =du ska gemme den her wallah ↘

((points to breast pocket))

you should hide it here DISC

07 Rahman:

[ bare for å få den ring ↘ just to get that ring

Three speakers, Rahman, Mahmoud and Khalid, take part in this collaborated storytelling, and they all self-select for turns in order to contribute with their respective individual knowledge and

recommendations. Mahmoud specifies that Rahman's utterance about looking foreign (line 2) means to 'look rich' (line 8), and Khalid shows where to hide your phone so the soldiers don't steal it (line 5-6). He does so by introducing the object 'the phone' in a V3 sentence. Their collaborative story is characterised by numerous overlaps among the speakers, and Khalid's utterance also occurs at a place with overlap. V3 can be used here to support Khalid in contributing to the story in spite of the fierce competition for the floor. The object-V3 components are prosodically integrated. = in the transcription indicates that there is no silence at all between the words. Because object-V3 is the most commonly questioned case of V3, I will give one more example here (14). In this example, object-V3 is used to reframe the topic of the conversation by referring to it with a different noun. The excerpt is from a self-recording by Bilge who is visiting her friend Salma and Salma's boyfriend Erdem. Before the excerpt, Salma has been telling Bilge about her savings, and Erdem has claimed that Salma's savings all come from loose change from his pockets. In line 11, Erdem uses an object-V3 when referring to the savings as 'that money'.

| 01   | Bilge:   | har du talt hvor meget du har fået:: samlet ind→ did you count how much you collected              |
|------|----------|----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------|
| 02   |          | (0.3)                                                                                              |
| 03   | Salma:   | jeg har omkring to tusind tre tusind→ I have about two three thousand                              |
| 04   | Bilge:   | h. he he [( ) ↘                                                                                    |
| 05   | Erdem:   | [ wallah hvis det ikke er mine yani ↘ I swear if it isn't my money INTERJECT .                     |
| 06   |          | (0.4)                                                                                              |
| 07   |          | det er mine man:d ↘ it is mine DISC                                                                |
| 08   |          | (0.7)                                                                                              |
| 09   |          | GÜLLEM→ ((Turkish: my rose))                                                                       |
| 10   |          | (0.9) ((sound of coins))                                                                           |
| 11→  |          | >de der penge vi skal< bruge dem på noget fælles ↘ we should use that money for something we share |
| 12   |          | (0.7)                                                                                              |
| 13   |          | jeg har det→ (.) I got it                                                                          |
| 14   |          | totusind kroner vi skal til cirkus allesammen ↘                                                    |

## two thousand crowns we should all go to the circus together

In the first lines, Bilge and Salma talk about the topic savings in terms of counting ('how much') and numbers ('two three thousand'). In line 5, Erdem objects to Salma's claim that it is her money. He formulates the objection with the intensifying wallah (lit.  'I  swear', Arabic) and the interjection yani, functioning as a marker that something ought to be common knowledge (Zachariassen & Nielsen 2021). He then repeats the objection with extra stress (line 7), and after a relatively long pause where  no  one  takes  a  turn,  Erdem  summons  his  girlfriend  with  an endearing name güllem , ('my rose' Turkish), which, according to Bilge who made the recording, means that he is begging her to agree with him. His begging is unsuccessful as it is again followed by a long pause (line 10). During the pause we hear the sound of coins which may be Erdem acting out his previous claim that Salma's savings all come from loose change from his pockets. Now Erdem changes tactics: instead of focusing on whose money it is, he makes a suggestion, focusing on a positive aspect: the opportunity to put the money to common use (line 11). By placing the object first in his suggestion, he puts focus on how the  money  should  be  referred  to,  with  a  neutral  term  instead  of  the previous problematic focus on ownership with 'I have' in line 3 and 'mine' in line 5 and 7. Taken together, object-V3 here occurs when the speaker is searching for common ground in an otherwise problematic situation, and it occurs alongside other linguistic resources supporting the same: a new neutral term "that money" and the addressing of his recipient with an endearing name. As in example 15, 'The phone', an object is introduced for the first time, but in this case 'that money' is a renaming of a previously named object whereas 'The phone' was an entirely new object.

## 5. DISCUSSION

The  existing  systems  in  Standard  Danish  already  include  variation within  the  V2  system,  and  V3  syntax  in  urban  dialects  seems  most similar  to  the  most  common  V2  type  in  Danish  talk-in-interaction, namely that of heavy material + pronominal, as described by Brøcker et al. (2012). This article's title 'Pushing the limits of V2' suggests that V3, in the way it is used in the urban dialect, from a language internal perspective, is a natural extension of the existing V2 system. In this section, I discuss whether V3 is likely to make its way into Standard Danish by presenting more details of V2 in Danish talk-in-interaction

(sec. 5.1) as well as two studies concerning more flexible V2 in Old English  and  in  West  Flemish  (sec.  5.2).  Additionally,  I  introduce examples of V3 used in Danish by speakers with no connections to the urban  dialect  (sec.  5.3).  Finally,  I  discuss  the  notion  of  'style'  vs. 'dialect' and argue for my choice of the term 'urban dialect' for the variety in Aarhus (sec. 5.4).

## 5.1 The highly flexible first position made even more flexible

V2  languages  have  strict  word  order  in  the  sense  that  the  second position is always reserved for the verb, but on the other hand, they have flexible word order, in the sense that the first position can be used for almost all types of constituents (Hansen & Heltoft 2011:1574). One way of making word order even more flexible  is  to  use  provisional subjects, that is grammatical subjects composed of semantically empty pronouns or adverbs, such as der , det or så ('there', 'it', 'so').  Puggaard (2019)  shows  that  provisional  subjects  are  among  the  most  frequent elements in first position and describes them as particularly useful in talk-in-interaction:

'[provisional subjects are] useful when occupying the first position, because their flexible nature means that they can be used even when speakers do not have a full format ready for the carrier clause, as long as they have some idea of the interactional purpose of the clause' (Puggaard 2019: 291).

V3 can be seen as an additional way of making the first position system even more flexible. In (5) below, the subject hende der hun (lit.  'her there she') refers to a person who is present in the room but who has not  previously  been  mentioned  in  the  conversation.  Structurally,  the subject contains first a deictic element 'there' and then a pronominal 'she'. This construction is similar to Standard Danish's very frequent format extraposition + pronominal (Brøcker et al. 2012). The V2 format only  allows  for  such  a  provisional  subject  in  extraposition  and  not inside the clause, see ungrammatical constructed example (5b).

- (5) [ imens vi  sad å   så   filmen ] A (V3) while   we sat   and saw film.the [ hende der hun ] S [ hopper ] V rundt her there she        jumps        around 'while we were watching the film that one she is jumping around'
2. (5b) *[ imens vi  sad og  så   filmen ] A (V2, constr.) while   we sat   and saw film.the [ hopper ] V [ hende der  hun ] S rundt jumps her       there she     around

To express (5) in V2, a speaker would have to refrain from fronting the adverbial phrase 'while we were watching the film'. In this way, V3 is more  flexible  than  V2  for  constructing  sentences  which  contain 'heavier'  material  (Brøcker  et  al.  2012)  than  that  which  is  usually placed inside the clause.

## 5.2 Expected language change

Two interesting studies describe other cases of alternation between V2 and V3: Walkden (2017) on historical West Saxon and Haegemann & Greco (2018) on West Flemish. Walkden compares the retention of V2 in Old English over time to the development of V3 in urban dialects based  on  examples  from  urban  dialects  in  Norway,  Sweden  and Germany.  In  examples  from  West  Saxon  English,  a  dialect  of  Old English,  Walkden  shows  V2/V3  alternation  where  the  V3  sentences look very similar to examples from my data. Compare, for example, West Saxon (17) with (5) above.

- (17) æfter his gebede ] A [ he ] S [ ahof ] V þæt cild   up after       his   prayer he         lifted        the    child    up
2. 'after his prayer he lifted the child up.' (Walkden 2017: 71, my annotation)

Walkden finds two main structural similarities in West Saxon and urban dialect  V3.  Firstly,  the  first  position  of  both  systems  can  contain  a variety of forms and functions (however, whether variation is a trait of similarity is arguable). Secondly, the second position in both systems is usually  occupied  by  the  subject,  which  is  usually  pronominal  and always  represents  given  information.  This  is  usually  also  true  for subjects in first position in Standard Danish talk-in-interaction (Puggaard  2019, Brøcker  et al. 2012). Walkden  points  to  two explanations. One is that West Saxon discourse connective adverbs þa and þonne (both  temporal  'then')  always  trigger  V2,  regardless  of whether the subject represents given information. Urban dialects are quite the opposite: 'then' and other temporal adverbs are prototypical of  V3  (Walkden  2017:  72).  The  other  is  that  West  Saxon  shows examples of V3 with fronted objects, which previous studies of urban dialects do not (ibid.). This is interesting since, contrary to other urban dialects, the Aarhus urban dialect does have V3 with fronted objects. However, the example given below (18) reveals that the West Saxon object-V3 is different from the Aarhus object-V3. In West Saxon, the second  position  contains  the  indirect  object,  whereas  in  the  Aarhus urban dialect it contains the subject, and, in addition, the West Saxon sentence does not contain a pronominal copy of the object.

- (18) [ Fela spella ] IO [ him ] DO [ sægdon ] V [ þa Beormas ] S many stories        him told the Permians 'The Permians told him many stories' (Walkden 2017: 71, my annotation)

Haegemann  &  Greco  (2018)  show  West  Flemish  examples  that,  in writing,  look  similar  to  the  Aarhus  V3.  Compare  (19)  with  the conditional phrase-V3 in (9).

- (19)   [ Als 't  geijzeld is ] A ,   [ ze ] S [ risschiert ] V heur niet buiten when it frosty is she risks her    not    outside 'When it is frosty, she does not venture outside' (Haegeman & Greco 2018: 2, my annotation)
- (9) [ når man er rig derhenne ] A [ man ] S [ har ] V en  der vogter sit   hus when one    is rich over.there       one          has      one that   guards  ones house 'if you are rich over there you have someone guarding your house'

Haegemann & Greco's examples are not phonetically annotated, but the comma in their translation of (19) suggests that there might be a pause or and intonational reset, in which case this example is different from urban dialect V3. Haegemann & Greco maintain that West Flemish is a genuine V2 language and that the initial adjunct must be analysed as extra-sentential or 'main clause-external'. They also reject that V3 in West Flemish is the same phenomenon as in the urban dialects and point to a difference in first position material: in the German urban dialect Kiezdeutsch, short adverbs such as da 'then' and danach 'afterwards', typically lead to V3, whereas in the West Flemish, initial short adverbs are  rare  in  V3  (Haegeman  &  Greco  2018:  12).  In  the  Aarhus  urban dialect, as in Kiezdeutsch, the short adverb så 'then' is very frequent in V3 first position and differs from West Flemish in that regard.

Summing up, V3 in West Saxon and West Flemish are structurally similar, though not identical to, V3 in urban dialects. The interesting part is the co-existence of V2 and V3. Whether V3 supports the same interactional functions in Saxon, Flemish and the

urban dialect in Aarhus is unknown, but the Saxon and Flemish cases show that V2 systems can develop V3 structures to be used alongside V2.

## 5.3 Is V3 making its way into Standard Danish?

The use of V3 is stereotypically connected to speakers of urban dialect, but V3 is sometimes also used informally by speakers who use no other dialect features. Below are a few media examples, all produced with full prosodic and syntactic integration.

- (20)  [ på mange måder ] A [ jeg ] S [ er ] V lissom Gilli for jeg knokler ogs hårdt 'in many ways I am like Gilli because I too work hard'

(Dopeman, TikTok)

- (21)  [ lige siden hende der Asta er kommet ] A [ folk de ] S [ er ] V begyndt at opføre sig vildt mærkeligt 'ever since that girl Asta arrived people have started

acting really strange'

(reality show-participant, DR)

- (22) [ hvis jeg var håndboldspiller ] A [ jeg ] S [ ville ] V blive verdens bedste målmand

'if I were a handball player I would be the world's best goal keeper' (Jacob Taarnhøj, comedian)

- (23) [hvis jeg sir det til hende ] A [ hun ] S [ bliver ] V rasende
2. 'if I tell her she will become furious'

(Jonatan Spang, comedian)

These  examples  all  follow  the  same  structures  as  V3  in  the  Aarhus corpus, even though none of the speakers are connected to the urban dialect's typical social characteristic of having grown up in multilingual housing areas, and none of them use other typical features of the urban dialect like prosodic, morphological and vocabulary variation. Overall, I find it unlikely that V3 is making its way from the urban dialect into Standard  Danish.  If  V3  constructions  such  as  (20-24)  become  more frequent in Standard Danish, it is not because of the urban varieties but rather for the same reason as V3 developed in the new urban varieties, namely internal  linguistic  motivation  relating  to  the  already  existing flexibility of V2 syntax in talk-in-interaction.

## 5.4 A note on terminology

Many  of  the  examples  of  V3  involve  highly  engaging  topics  and negotiations  of  turn  allocation.  This  is  even  more  prevalent  than  is represented in this article's examples, since, for the sake of clarity, I chose examples with less overlap. It could be that being highly engaged with prevalent overlapping is simply the way the age-group 11-29 talks. Or it could be that negotiation of turn allocation is what triggers V3. In Swedish data, Ganuza find that 'most instances of XSV [V3] occurred when  the  participants  spoke  about  something  that  was  personally engaging,  that  is  when  they  told  someone  about  something  that  had happened to them or about somebody they knew' (Ganuza 2010: 43, my insertion).  She  compares  this  to  Tannen's  (1984)  description  of 'high involvement style'. Ganuza adds that V3 often occurs in passages with  many features  typical  of  informal  youth  language,  for  example slang  words,  epistemic  markers  like  'you  know',  fast  speech  rates, overlapping talk, expressive phonology,and marked intonational patterns. These are all frequent in the Aarhus corpus as well.

Madsen et al.  (2016)  describe  V3  in  Copenhagen  as  a  'stylistic device' rather than a dialect feature, and from ethnographic studies they find  that  it  is  primarily  used  among  peers.  In  the  recordings  from Aarhus, however,  V3  is also present in situations where  style performance is not a core activity. V3 is also used when solving a math problem, describing geopolitical conditions and when making amends with friends. Nor is it reserved for peer interaction, but often used with adults and with the researcher. This is not quantitively substantiated, but it is interesting in the broader discussion of whether urban dialects should be considered dialects or 'youth styles'.

Wiese & Rehbein (2016) argue that terminology must take into account the  degree  of  coherence  of  linguistic  forms:  if  two  or  more dialect features always or almost always cooccur within speakers, that is a sign that the speakers' language is an independent linguistic system and should be termed a dialect (Wiese & Rehbein 2016: 59).  In this light, V3 can be seen as a part of a 'dialect' in Aarhus as all speakers of V3 in the corpus use other non-standard features as well, for example Strong  Final  prosody  (Zachariassen  in  press)  and  the  interjectional markers lak, eow, yani and dig (Zachariassen & Nielsen 2021).

Rampton (2011) raises the question of enregisterment, paraphrasing Agha (2004): 'Agha insists that reflexive metapragmatic/metalinguistic practices play a vital role in the life of a register or style. Through processes of 'enregisterment', particular sets of linguistic (and other semiotic) forms are linked to social typifications' (Rampton 2011: 290). Reflexive metapragmatic practices do occur during the Aarhus recordings but the speakers never give a specific name  for the variety. Contrarily, one speaker actively formulates the non-existence of a name when the researcher explicitly asked for it. The interaction below took place after a club worker had explained the purpose of the collection of recordings to Rahman and Khalid who then asked if they are supposed to speak 'integrated' for the recordings. The name 'integrated'  also occurs in Madsen et al.'s (2016) studies from Copenhagen where speakers use it in contrast to the name 'street language' for their own linguistic variant. In Aarhus, Rahman and Khalid do not have a name for their linguistic variant, they simply refer to it as 'like that'.

## (25) Aarhus West youth club 2017

Ditte: But what about the opposite, what is that called? Rahman and Khalid giggle.

Ditte: I mean, the opposite of speaking integrated? Rahman: It is… like you know. Like that 4 .

In  Aarhus,  the  urban  dialect  does  not  seem  to  be  enregistered  in Rampton and Agha's sense. Rahman and Khalid describe their way of speaking not as a socially defined 'style', but simply as the unmarked way  of  communicating.  It  is  important  to  note  that  social  and interactional  functions  are,  of  course,  not  mutually  exclusive.  For example,  a  speaker  may  use  V3  in  a  particular  context  to  obtain  a specific  social  function,  but  still,  the  linguistic  form  is  not  applied randomly. There are linguistic constraints for when V3 is possible, also for speakers who use V3 in performative functions.

4 See	Jensen's	(2019)	description	of	an	'approximation	function'	in	the expression	'sån	der'	in	youth	language.

## 6. CONCLUSION

In the Aarhus urban dialect as well as in many other urban dialects, V3 syntax is used along  with the respective languages' standard V2 syntax, and when both V2 and V3 are syntactically possible, speakers' choices cannot be explained solely by social context. 'Choice', as it is used here, does not mean a deliberate, conscious, stylistic choice. Instead, it refers to the ongoing process speakers face when interacting with each other. Danish  talk-in-interaction  already  has  three  syntactic  options  for communicating approximately the same semantic content, and V3 in this  article  is  described  as  a  fourth  syntactic  option.  The  article's interactional  analyses  show  three  interactional  functions  that  can  be supported by V3:

- 1) Highlighting a specific time stamp or the order of events in storytelling
- 2) Claiming epistemic authority to give information of general scope
- 3) Introducing or reframing a place or a referent in a story

The interactional functions are not carried out by V3 on its own. V3 always occurs together with multiple other linguistic resources supporting  the  same  action.  V3  is  merely  an  additional  way  of supporting this action or stance. The corpus' V3 sentences all stem from speakers who also use other local features, and by Wiese & Rehbein's (2016) definition, this coherence indicates that the variety can be seen as  a  dialect.  Previous  studies  of  V2/V3  alternation  (Walkden  2017, Haegemann & Greco 2018)  show  that  the  two  systems  can  operate simultaneously, and comparisons with the grammar of Standard Danish interaction (Puggaard 2019, Brøcker et al. 2012) show that V3 in the Aarhus  urban  dialect  is  more  similar  to  the  most  frequent  forms  in Standard Danish spoken language, and this supports the analysis that V3 is part of a genuine V2 system rather than 'lack of inversion'. In addition to dialect speakers, speakers of Standard Danish sometimes also use V3 in informal spoken language. To the question of whether V3 is making its way in to the standard language, the article concludes that language internal motivations are more likely to explain and predict the development of V3 in the standard language than influence from the urban dialects. V3 is simply more likely to develop in the context of the existing constraints and possibilities of V2 in Danish talk-ininteraction.

## 7. Appendix

| Transcription →               | key based on samtalegrammatik.dk and Jefferson 2004. arrows between line number and speaker indicate lines of main focus   |
|-------------------------------|----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------|
| ↘ → ↗                         | arrows at the end of utterances indicate movement in intonation                                                            |
| word, word                    | stressed syllable, length of underlining show degree of stress                                                             |
| wo:rd, wo::rd                 | lengthened syllable, number of colons show degree of lengthening                                                           |
| (0.7), (.) one [word [another | pause in seconds, micro-pause shorter than 0.3 seconds                                                                     |
| WORD                          | squared brackets indicate overlap between lines spoken loudly                                                              |
| °word°                        | spoken softly                                                                                                              |
| >word<                        | spoken quickly                                                                                                             |
| <word> word-                  | spoken slowly abrupt ending                                                                                                |
| =                             | latching, two utterances with no silence between them                                                                      |
| ||                  | strong cesura, many syntactic and phonetic boundary cues                                                                   |
| |                        | weak cesura, few and weak syntactic and phonetic boundary cues                                                             |
| (word)                        | hearings                                                                                                                   |
| ((word))                      | doubtful comments from transcriber, i.e. about physical actions                                                            |

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