## MYTHOLOGICAL REFERENCES IN AUSONIUS' EPISTOLARY *

By Chiara Di Serio

Summary: Ausonius' letters constitute a specimen of the way he employs references to Greek mythology. The process by which Ausonius reworks mythological material follows patterns that were already well established in the Latin literary tradition of reworking Greek sources. The recycling of such material is not only proof of his technical prowess, but also demonstrates his ability to perform precise thematic choices. Frequently, the use of mythology is part of the metaliterary and metapoetic discourses tackled by Ausonius while addressing his friends as recipients of letters. The analysis of individual letters reveals how the poet used mythological references for two main purposes. The first is to elevate the tone and content of the discourse, employing a series of artificial comparisons with mythical characters and events. Brief mythological references used to formulate playful numerical periphrases are also worth noting here. The second aim is encomiastic, namely the celebration of his friends, the recipients of his letters, who are transferred from everyday reality to the higher level of the mythical dimension and the superhuman sphere.

## Characteristics of Ausonius' letters

For some time now, scholars have noted that formal experimentalism is one of the main traits characterising the multifaceted literary production of Decimus Magnus Ausonius. 1 The collection of his epistolary is also

* I sincerely thank Margot Neger for accepting this research work within her project 'Shorter Poems in Prose Contexts. From Roman Republic to Late Antiquity' funded by the University of Cyprus, and for reading the first drafts of the manuscript. The content of this article was presented at a workshop at the Department of Classics and Philosophy of the University of Cyprus on 22/10/2022. I would like to thank my colleagues for providing me with many useful suggestions. I am also very grateful to the anonymous reviewer of this journal for his advice. Finally, I express my gratitude to Aaron Pelttari and Brian Sowers for providing me with useful bibliographical references.
- 1 Green 1991: xv; Wolff 2013: 584.

influenced  by  this  experimental  approach,  as  noted  by  Charles  Aull. 2 Roger Green's edition of the collection includes 24 letters, 3 which he ascribes to a posthumous edition of the works of Ausonius. 4 The epistolary is mostly written in verse, but letters 5, 9, 14, 17, 19, 20 stand out for their mixture of prose and verses, and only letter 12 is entirely in prose. Furthermore, letter 7 is written in Greek, while letters 6 and 8 present a hybrid form due to the alternation of Greek and Latin. In addition, letter 7 is written in Greek, while letters 6 and 8 present a hybrid form due to the alternation of Greek and Latin. Letter 6, in particular, is an entirely unusual  'experimental'  text,  featuring  not  only  a  mix  of  Greek  and  Latin words, but also words composed half with Greek letters and half with Latin letters. 5

More generally, it is worth noting that Ausonius was able to write in Greek with quite exceptional competence. 6 In addition to the epistles in which Greek is used, Ausonius composed several epigrams, 7 some entirely in Greek, 8 others alternating between Greek and Latin, 9 and still others as translations of Greek epigrams from the Anthologia Palatina into Latin with readaptations. 10 Moreover, Greek words appear in the Ludus Septem Sapientium , and the Technopaegnion includes a short poem on the letters of the Greek and Latin alphabets. 11

- 2 Aull 2017: 131.
- 3 The order and the numbering of the letters proposed in Green's 1991 edition is followed here.
- 4 Regarding the structure of the original edition, i.e. the archetype, from which the two different collections, contained in manuscript V and the family of manuscripts called Z, derive, see the discussion in Green 1991: xliv-xlix. On the complex textual history of Ausonius' works and the posthumous edition, see the clear overview provided in Aull 2017: 131-45.
- 5 Goldlust 2010: 140.
- 6
- John 2021: 849.
- 7 See Kay 2001.
- 8 Epigr . 33, 34.
- 9 Epigr. 31, 35, 41, 85, 100.
- 10 Epigr . 12, 15, 22, 23, 24, 38, 43, 50, 52, 54, 56, 57, 59, 60, 62, 63, 76, 78, 85, 90, 91, 104, 105. On Ausonius' quotations, translations, and re-elaborations of Greek epigrammatic models see Munari 1956; Benedetti 1980; Traina 1982; Ternes 1986; Cameron 1993: 90-96; Kay 2001: 13-19; Cazzuffi 2017; Floridi 2013 and 2015; Wolff 2018.
- 11 Technop . 14. On this work, see Di Giovine 1996.

In addition to these singular linguistic choices, the letters also feature sophisticated rhetorical devices, such as in letter 10, where wordplays on the number six are used, and in letter 14, which is entirely built on periphrases alluding to the number thirty. 12 Such riddles were much loved by Ausonius, who also composed the Griphus ternarii numeri , a full-length poetic joke on the number three. 13

In terms of form, the most relevant aspect of Ausonius' epistolary is certainly  the  use  of  the  prosimetrum. 14 This  choice  places  Ausonius among a wider cohort of authors who wrote letters in prose while also including short poetic compositions. 15 Examples of this stylistic phenomenon could already be found in the private correspondences of Cicero and Pliny the Younger, but it became more widespread over time, and mainly in late antiquity, when it would evolve into a true literary genre. 16 Symmachus, Paulinus of Nola, Sidonius Apollinaris and Ennodius, in particular, wrote prosimetric letters. 17 Ausonius also used prosimetrum in other works, where a prose introduction precedes the verse composition. 18 These include Epicedion in patrem , Liber protrepticus ad nepotem , Epitaphia heroum qui bello Troico interfuerunt , Cupido cruciatus , Griphus . 19 Also worthy of mention are the Technopaegnion , of which we have two prose dedications; 20 the Parentalia which is introduced by both a prose and a verse preface; 21 the Bissula with a prose dedication and a verse preface; 22

- 12 Ep . 15 can be added to these: in that letter Ausonius complains to Theon that about three months have passed since their last meeting: the time lapse is indicated with various numerical periphrases. Cf. Piras 2014: 138-39.
- 13  Lowe 2013.
- 14  On  prosimetrum  in  general,  see  Dronke  1994;  Pabst  1994;  Harris  &  Reichl  1997; Braund 2001; Relihan 2018.
- 15  On collections of prosimetric letters, see Neger 2018 and 2020.
- 16  Neger 2018: 43-44.
- 17  On Sidonius' prosimetric letters, see Neger 2018. On those of Symmachus, see Neger 2020.
- 18  On the entirety of Ausonius' prefaces to his works, see Sivan 1992. On Ausonius' prose prefaces in particular, cf. Gruber 1981: 215-21; Pabst 1994: 98-102; Pelltari 2014: 6272.
- 19  On the preface to the Griphus in particular, cf. Lowe 2013: 339-41 and Piras 2014.
- 20  Pavlovskis 1967: 550-51.
- 21  Piras 2014: 114.
- 22  Piras 2014: 114.

the Cento Nuptialis , where the dedication and epilogue are both in prose, but which also includes a verse preface. 23

Ausonius' epistolary includes letters addressed to his son Hesperius, his friends Axius Paulus, Petronius Probus, Ursulus, Tetradius, Symmachus, 24 Theon,  and  his  disciple  Paulinus  of  Nola,  of  whom  two  replies have also reached us. 25 As for the selection of contents, Ausonius mostly wrote to his friends to send them greetings or invitations, or to exchange verses, or simply to comment on various kinds of food. Ausonius' private correspondence is also an important testimony to the relationships between intellectuals of the aristocratic class in 4th century Roman Gaul. 26

## Ausonius' treatment of mythology in his letters

Several scholars have so far dealt with questions concerning the transmission of Ausonius' letters and their historical context. However, one specific aspect, which emerges here and there in the epistolary correspondence, remains to be explored: the use of mythological references. It is noteworthy that Ausonius' treatment of mythology - not only in his letters but throughout his works - often concerns Greek mythical tales, greatly outnumbering any references to the Roman tradition. This process of re-enacting and remaking mythological material constitutes as much a mark of Ausonius' technical skill, as evidence of his profound knowledge of Greek culture. 27 As Alison John has shown, the process of learning Greek, as well as the knowledge and re-elaboration of the works of Greek authors, were still very much alive in 4th century Gaul. 28 The literary production of Ausonius is an important testimony to the ongoing interest in Greek, which was still taught in rhetoric schools in Gaul, 29

23  Pavlovskis 1967: 551-52.

24  It is Ausonius' reply to a letter sent by Symmachus: cf. Symm. Epist . 1.31, in SalzmanRoberts 2011. See also Green 1995, App. B 2.

25  Paul. Nol. Carm . 10 e 11. On the correspondence between Ausonius and Paulinus, cf. Pastorino 1971: 56-61; Walsh 1975: 20-24; Trout 1999: 55-59.

26  Co ş kun 2002: 6-8; Sowers 2016; Scafoglio 2018: 19-20.

27  Goldlust 2010.

28  John 2021.

29  John 2021: 850-57. On the relevance of rhetorical training, see Lendon 2022: 3-13.

where young men from aristocratic families were educated and intellectuals trained. 30

In all  his  works,  Ausonius' exhibition of Greek erudition, borrowed from the grammarians of Bordeaux, 31 reveals  a  strong  adherence  to  a process  of  appropriation  of  Hellenic  cultural  models,  already  implemented by Latin culture for centuries. Knowledge of Greek texts, alongside with their reproduction and imitation, remains a decisive aspect of Ausonius'  writings. 32 Nonetheless,  the  ways  in  which  Ausonius  selects the Greek mythological material to be treated do not indicate a merely rhetorical  or  stylistic  process,  but  rather  a  choice  that  is  in  fact  also founded on precise content and conceptual implications. Ausonius purposefully extracts from the sources and organises what he needs for his rhetorical and argumentative aims of constructing discourse. Therefore, for the scope of this study, the analysis of mythological references in Ausonius' epistolary exchanges constitutes an emblematic specimen of his working method, and especially of the application of his knowledge inherited from the previous literary tradition, in which the Greek matrix and its Latin reinterpretation are merged.

Two elements should be highlighted as preliminary remarks on the theme addressed in this article: a) in Ausonius' epistolary correspondence - taken as a whole - allusions to mythical events work towards elevating the tone and content of the discourse, by providing material for comparisons  that  transfer  everyday  reality  to  the  higher  level  of  the mythical  dimension;  b)  references  to  mythical  characters  and  events largely have an encomiastic purpose, i.e. they serve to celebrate Ausonius' friends, symbolically raised to the level of the superhuman sphere.

30  On  the  environment  of  the  school  in  Bordeaux,  where  Ausonius  had  taught,  cf. Karsten 1988. On Ausonius' teaching in the school of Bordeaux, cf. Co ş kun 2002: 1220. On the relations between Greek and Roman culture in general, see Woolf 1994.

31  Pastorino 1971: 16-17; Sivan 1993: 76-79.

32  Lossau 1989; Goldlust 2010.

## Mythology in verse letters

Moving on to the analysis of the texts, it is worth noting that in most of the verse letters there are a few concise mythological references. More than once, Ausonius mentions Mnemosyne 33 , the Muses 34 , the Camenae 35 and Apollo 36 to indicate poetry in general. The mention of these superhuman beings, traditionally linked to the exercise of singing, music and poetry, acts here as a pure rhetorical device, which characterise Ausonius' metapoetic discourse. It is no coincidence that, almost constantly, these names appear in the letters that testify to the fruitful exchange of poems between Ausonius and his friends Theon, Axius Paulus and Paulinus, who were also poets. 37 In these letters Ausonius often discusses poetic matters with his recipients, and reflections on poetic work are one of his favourite themes. 38

In this regard, the letters to Axius Paulus, 39 his friend and colleague in the exercise of poetic activity, are significant. For example, in letter 4 Ausonius defines Paulus as 'the most famous pupil of the Camenae of Castalia' ( Ep . 4.3: Camenarum celeberrime Castaliarum alumne ). In Greek tradition, Castalia Spring was linked to the Delphic oracle of Apollo. 40 Here, Ausonius follows the path of many Latin authors, such as Tibullus, Propertius, Ovid and Martial, who often point to it as a place of inspiration for poets. 41 Ausonius then invites Paulus to keep his promise to visit him, because 'Phoebus wants the truth to be told' ( Ep . 4.8: Phoebus iubet verum loqui ), even if he has to put up with the Pierides deviating from this rule. With these words Ausonius offers a quick allusion to the myth of the Pierian sisters - narrated in detail by Ovid 42 - who challenged the Muses to

- 33 Ep.
- 13.64.
- 34 Ep.
- 6.3; 8.9; 8.17; 11.6; 11.38; 13.8; 21.73.
- 35 Ep.
4. 3; 110.7; 10.31; 1.9; 11.24; 13.66; 18.12.
- 36 Ep. 13.8. Cf. Ep.
4. 8 where the name Phoebus appears.
- 37  Green 1972; Sowers 2016. Cf. Scafoglio 2018: 28-30.
- 38  Sowers 2016: 521-37.
- 39  On the character of Axius Paulus, see Pastorino 1971: 46-47.
- 40  Pin. Pyth . 1.39; 4.163; Eur. Ion 94; Phoen . 222; Nonn. Dion . 4.309-310; Heliod. Aeth . 2.26.4.
- . 3.4.61;
- 41  Tib. 3.1.16; Prop. 3.3.13; Ov. Am . 1.15.36; Mart. 9.18.8; 12.2 (3). Cf. Hor .  Carm Sen. Oed . 229; Stat. Theb . 1.697; 6.338.
- 42 Met . 5. 294-314. Cf. Ant. Lib. 9.

a singing contest, suggesting to Paulus not to follow their deviant behaviour. The letter ends with Ausonius' request to Paulus to bring his verses with him. In letter 6, referred to by Ausonius as 'a playful bilingual composition' ( Ep . 6.2: sermone adludo bilingui ), Paulus is defined through a linguistic joke as 'a partaker of the Greek Muse and the Latin Camena' ( Ep . 6.1: Ἑλλαδικὴς μέτοχον Μούσης Latiaeque Camenae ), while Ausonius calls himself 'a useless servant of the soft-haired Pierides' ( Ep . 6.7: Πιειρίδων tenero πλοκάμων θεράποντες inertes ). Further on, the author invokes the nine daughters of Mnemosyne ( Ep .  6.13)  to  assist  him  in  composing  a poem to alleviate Paulus' melancholy ( Ep . 6.24; 37-38). In letter 8 Ausonius again invites Paulus and asks him if he has resumed his poetic activity, metaphorically designated as the frequency of the locality of Pimpla, which here seems to correspond to a fountain, given the use of the adjective riguam connected  to Pipleida ( Ep .  8.9). 43 Then  Ausonius  exhorts Paul not to carry his works with him, as the Muses 'have a great weight' ( Ep . 8.23: grande onus in Musis ). As Aaron Pelttari noted, 44 in this letter Ausonius' metaphorical play revolves around the number of 'papers' ( Ep . 8.23: chartis ) to be carried, and thus the mythological references are part of an ironic metapoetic reflection. Soon after, Ausonius lists the many volumes he keeps in his house, among which he includes tragedies and comedies, indicating them with the names Thalia and Therpsichore ( Ep . 8.28). 45 They too, while being superhuman creatures in the Greek mythical tradition, are mentioned here only as rhetorical figures of metonymy, embellishing Ausonius' discourse.

- 43  This passage probably indicates the fountain, as in Stat. Silv .  1.4.26;  2.2.37  (Green 1991: 617, fn. 9). The Greek scholiasts explain that the name Πίμπλεια can be connected either with a locality, a mountain, or a spring: Schol. in Lyc. 275; Schol. Ap. Rhod. 1.23-25; Hesychius s.v. Πίπλ ( ε ) ιαι . Cf. Mojsik 2011: 48-49.

44  Pelttari 2014: 151.

- 45  Thalia was already associated in Greek tradition with comedy (Schol. Ar. Ran . 875), but Therpsichore was usually associated with choruses (Schol. Hes. Op. prol., Gainsford 1823: 26; Schol. Ar. Ran . 875), or with citharodic singing (Schol. Hes. Theog . 76), or with dances (Schol. Hom. Batr .  1,  Ludwich 1896: 201). Ausonius, by linking the name Τερψιχόρη here to the noun σύρμα indicating the long tragic robe, alludes to the tragic choruses, as Pastorino 1971: 713, fn. 11, already supposed.

Metapoetic reflections also surface several times in letter 13, which is addressed by Ausonius to his friend Theon 46 to  ask  him  for  news.  The tone of this letter is entirely satirical. Ausonius ironically imagines how his friend might pursue different occupations, such as trading, chasing thieves, hunting, fishing, and finally poetry ( Ep .  13.17-70).  Also  in  this letter,  Ausonius dwells on the theme of poetic work, dedicating a few verses to explaining to Theon the various types of hendecasyllables, as his friend is said to ignore them ( Ep .  13.82-93). In this context, we find various  mythological  references  that  metaphorically  indicate  Theon's poetic activity: Ausonius mentions the Muses and Apollo ( Ep . 13.8), Helicon and Hippocrene ( Ep . 13.9), as well as Mnemosyne's daughters, whose number may vary from three  to  eight  ( Ep .  13.63-54).  Concerning  this point, it is worth noting that Ausonius was aware of the different traditions regarding the number of the Muses, 47 a discussion which was evidently still going on in his time. Indeed, letters 6 and 10 mention the canonical nine Muses. 48 In general, allusions to the Muses or Camenae are employed several times by Ausonius in other metapoetic contexts resembling the letters, especially in relation to the lives of some of his family members and acquaintances. This is the case, for instance, in the Protrepticus , where Ausonius refers to his nephew's literary studies, which he suggests should be alternated with leisure ( Protr . 1-2: sunt etiam Musis sua ludicra; mixta Camenis otia sunt ), or in the Professores , where he recalls the  poetic  activity  of  the  grammarian  Delphidius  ( Prof .  5.20)  and  the teaching of Greek by grammarians in Bordeaux ( Prof . 8.3: Atticas Musas ). Coming back to letter 13, the description of Theon's literary activity also includes the metaphor based on the mythological allusion to 'the black daughters of Cadmus' ( Ep . 13.74: Cadmi nigellas filias ), which refer to the letters of the alphabet. Additionally, in Ep . 14.52 we read a very similar expression: Cadmi  filiolis  atricoloribus .  The  author  thus  clearly  shows knowledge of the mythical tradition on the invention of the alphabet that  already  dated  back  to  Herodotus  (5.58-59)  and  Diodorus  Siculus (5.74), and was later recounted by the Latin authors Hyginus ( Fab . 277), 49

46  On Theon, see Pastorino 1971: 47.

47  See the source data collected by Mojsik 2011: 74-97.

48 Ep. 6.14; 10.7. The canon of the nine Muses is attested by Hes. Theog

49 Fab . 277. See the comments in Gasti 2018.

. 75-76.

Pliny  ( HN 7.192-193)  and  Tacitus  ( Ann .  11.14).  According  to  this  tale, which constitutes a foundation myth, Hermes is said to have invented the Greek letters in Egypt, while Cadmus later exported them from Phoenicia to Greece. 50 Considering the structure of Greek myths, the expression used by Ausonius in this letter does not seem to be merely a rhetorical periphrasis but rather the trace of a particular mythical variant according to which 'the black daughters of Cadmus' are superhuman beings that existed in the 'time of origins', and then in historical time came to embody the elements of the alphabet. Continuing the analysis of letter 13, mythological references are variously interwoven with other circumstances of Theon's life as it is ironically described by Ausonius. On the hunting activity of Theon and his brother, Ausonius constructs hyperbolic and paradoxical comparisons. Theon's brother is compared to the hero Meleager, slayer of the Calydonian boar ( Ep . 13.39), and to the young Athenian slayer of the Erymanthian monster ( Ep .  13.40), 51 while Theon himself is compared to Adonis, who died during a hunt ( Ep . 13.41-43), and to the god Orcus, lord of the underworld and abductor of the daughter of Deo ( Ep . 13.49-51). Here Ausonius, as a scholar, uses the term Deoida deriving from the learned Greek variant Δηώ of the name Δημήτηρ , which appears for the first time in the Homeric Hymn to Demeter . 52 It cannot be excluded that Ausonius was familiar with Greek poetic texts where that term appeared, although he probably followed Ovid's example. 53 Summing up, letter 13 significantly represents one of the ways in which Ausonius uses his erudition when handling mythology: references to mythical characters function as clever rhetorical devices, whose purpose is to show the paradoxical contrast between an ideal world and the mediocrity of everyday life.

In line with what can be noted in letter 13, mythological allusions are inserted by Ausonius in other letters too in such a subtle way that they constitute terms of comparison with contingent situations and private events he describes. From this point of view, the epistolary exchanges with  his  friend  and  disciple  Paulinus  are  particularly  significant. 54 In epistle 22, Ausonius complains about Paulinus' enduring silence, 55 and assuming that his friend does not want his messages to be known by people lacking in discretion, suggests that he should also begin to communicate through secret messages. To this purpose, Ausonius again employs the artifice of the ideal comparison by mentioning some mythical examples: Philomela, who embroidered on a cloth the outrage suffered by Tereus ( Ep . 22.13-15), Cydippe, who is said to have declared her love by writing it on an apple ( Ep . 22.16-17), and King Midas' servant, who spilled the secret about his master's donkey ears into a hole ( Ep .  22.18-20). As Ian Fielding has noted, it is significant that these three mythological scenes, sketched  with  quick  and  skilful  strokes  by  Ausonius,  are  described  in Ovid's works, which Ausonius probably had on his mind. 56 The stories of Philomela and of Midas' servant are found in the Metamorphoses , 57 while that of Cydippe is narrated in the Heroides (20-21), where, in contrast to Ausonius, we read that it was Acontius who forced Cydippe to marry him, as she read aloud the message on the apple he threw as an unbreakable oath. 58 Given  Ausonius'  profound  erudition  in  the  field  of  traditional Greek heritage, he probably knew a variant of this tale, compared to the better-known vulgate. It is remarkable that Ausonius, as in other cases, uses the same mythological allusions in several works: the reference to the violence suffered by Philomela also appears in the Technopaegnion (11.3). Considering the subject and purpose of letter 22, it certainly constitutes another significant case of how mythological examples are employed by Ausonius to ennoble Paulinus' actions, elevating them to an idealised level.

50  On the mythical tales concerning the invention of writing, see Piccaluga 1991.

51  With regard to this verse Green 1991 and 1990 accepted the conjecture Cromyoneo , but it would be better to leave the transmitted lesson Erymantheo , as Evelyn White 1921 and Pastorino 1971 did.

52 Hymn. Hom. Cer . 47. Cf. LSJ s. v. Δηώ

.

53  In Met . 6. 114 Deoida is found.

- 54  On the biography of Paulinus and his relationship with Ausonius, see Trout 1999: 5576; Conybeare 2000: 147-157; Co ş kun 2002: 99-111. On the correspondence of Paulinus and Ausonius in particular, see Witke 1971: 3-74; Amherdt 2004; Knight 2005; Ebbeler 2007: 303-15; Chin 2008: 148-55; Hardie 2019: 6-43.
- 55  On letters 21 and 22 sent by Ausonius to Paulinus, see the extensively annotated edition of Rücker 2012.
- 56  Fielding 2017: 26-27.
- 57  On Philomela Ov. Met . 6.572-578; on Midas' servant Met . 11.180-93.
- 58  The entire story also appears in Callim. Aet . frr. 67-75, Pfeiffer 1949; Ant. Lib. Met . 1; Aristaenetus 1.10.

Finally, verse letter 24, the last of the epistolary, presents a fair number of mythological allusions. Ausonius writes to Paulinus lamenting his unwillingness to visit him. The references to mythology are evidently aimed at heightening the tone of the discourse in a serious context, as Ausonius communicates his regret to his friend, letting his feelings shine through. In the beginning of the letter, using the metaphor of the iugum , the author claims that the bond between him and Paulinus is now broken. 59 Continuing with the same metaphor, Ausonius recalls the horses of Mars ( Ep . 24.15-16), those stolen from Diomedes ( Ep . 24.16), and those that brought down Phaeton in the Po ( Ep . 24.17-18), because all of them would have easily supported the yoke that bound them. These are wellknown examples mostly inspired by the epic verses of Homer, Virgil, and Ovid, 60 which Ausonius had to keep in mind. Indeed, as Philip Hardie has shown, the text of letter 24 displays numerous literary echoes. 61 On the whole, literary reminiscences contribute to making this letter a high example  of  stylistic  skill.  More  specifically,  the  mythological  allusions which refer above all to the epic testify to how Ausonius sought a lofty style appropriate to the celebration of his bond of friendship with Paulinus, which was indispensable for him. Later, well-known mythical examples  appear  again,  where  Ausonius  reminds  Paulinus  that  their  two names were about  to  be  included  in  the  list  of  'old  friends  of  better times'  ( Ep .  24.41: antiquis  aevi  melioris  amicis ).  As  remarked  by  Gillian Knight, Ausonius evokes a golden age, to which he ascribes a number of exemplary characters who championed immortal friendship. 62 He mentions the well-known heroes Pylades and Nisus ( Ep . 24.34), inextricably united with their friends in their adventures, and then adds the Pythagorean  Damon  ( Ep .  24.35),  famous  for  having  saved  his  friend  Phintias from a death sentence. 63 According to the division of Ausonius' letters

- 59  On the theme of friendship and the metaphor of iugum in Ep . 24, see Ebbeler 2007: 308-09. See the in-depth analysis of Ep . 23-24 in Knight 2012.
- 60  On the horses of Ares/Mars, see Hom. Il . 15.119-20; Verg. Georg . 3.91. On the horses of Diomedes cf. Verg. Ecl . 17.9; Serv. Aen . 1. 752. The detailed myth of Phaeton is told in Ov. Met . 2.19-332.
- 61  Hardie 2019: 27-30 dwelt on the echoes of Virgil's Eclogues in letter 24.
- 62  See the insightful analysis of this passage by Ausonius in Knight 2012: 390-94.
- 63  The story of the unbreakable bond of friendship between Damon and Phintias is told by Cic. Off .  3.10.45; Tusc .  5.63; Val. Max. 4.7 ext. 1. See also Diod. Sic. 10.4.3. For an

proposed by Green, 64 the same ideal models of friendship appear in the epistle 23, where Ausonius accuses Paulinus, metaphorically, of breaking the bonds of Theseus and Pirithous ( Ep .  23.19), Nisus and Euryalus ( Ep . 23.20), Pylades and Orestes ( Ep . 23.21), and the oath of Damon ( Ep . 23.22). The stories of such characters were well known among Latin poets 65 and prose writers 66 - who largely reworked Greek sources 67 - but here Ausonius employs them specifically to provide terms of comparison with the bond between himself and Paulinus. The comparison thus reveals a twofold purpose: on the one hand, the famous examples of myth serve to 'elevate' their friendship, and on the other hand, they serve to 'lower' Paulinus' behaviour, who wanted to distance himself from Ausonius. Expanding further on the main theme of letter 24, namely the exaltation of his friendship with Paulinus, Ausonius uses another notable mythological reference, that to the goddess Rhamnusia ( Ep . 24.44; 101), whom he suggests was angered by their proud friendship. The poet then identifies her with Nemesis, 68 a divinity from Attica ( Ep . 24.49), who raged against Darius and the Persians for their pride ( Ep . 24.45-49). 69 Remarkably, Ausonius also dedicated epigram 22 to Nemesis, making her speak in the first person as a statue-trophy for the Greeks' victories over the Persians: in this epigram Ausonius paraphrases and translates into Latin the text

analysis of the primary sources and an extensive bibliography on this story, see Santorelli 2012.

- 64  On the division between letters 23 and 24, see Green 1991: 654-56.
- 65  On Theseus and Pirithous cf. Ov. Trist . 1.5.19; 1.9.31-32; Met . 8.405-6; Stat. Silv. 4.4.1034. On Euryalos and Nisus cf. Verg. Aen . 9.170-433; Stat. Theb. 10.447-48. On Pylades and Orestes cf. Ov. Trist . 1.9. 27-28; 5.6.26.
- 66  Cic. Lael . 24.
- 67  On Theseus and Pirithous, see Hom. Il . 1.263-65 and schol. ad loc.; Diod. Sic. 4.63; Plut. Thes . 30. On Pylades and Orestes it is sufficient to recall Aeschylus' The Libation Bearers.
- 68  Ausonius  follows  the  tradition  of  Greek  sources  that  identify Ῥαμνουσία with Νέμεσις :  see Steph. Byz., Phot. Lexicon ,  Hesychius s. v. Ῥαμνουσία .  From the small village of Ῥαμνοῦς ,  where there was a sanctuary and a famous statue of Nemesis, derives the epithet Ῥαμνουσία (Paus. 1.33.2; Strabo 9.1.17; Plin. HN . 36.17).
- 69  Ausonius reports in verses 45-49 the defeat handed down to the Persians by the goddess Nemesis herself. See the detailed account in Paus. 1.33. Cf. Pastorino 1971: 758 fn. 11. Rhamnusia also appears in Catull. 64.395; 66.1; 68.77; Ov. Tr . 5.8.9; Stat. Silv . 3.5.5.

of Anthologia Palatina 16.263. 70 In letter 24, the evocation of Nemesis' jealousy functions as a sort of imprecation to 'banish' any obstacle, even of a superhuman nature, that may stand in the way of the solid friendship that binds Ausonius to Paulinus. Ausonius complains that the goddess enjoys tormenting him and Paulinus 'the noble descendants of Romulus' ( Ep . 24.50: Romulidas proceres ), and invites her to stay away from men who have worn 'the sacred purple of Quirinus' ( Ep . 24.56-57: sacra Quirini purpura ). He then contemptuously calls her a 'foreign deity' ( Ep . 24.58: peregrinae divae )  and an 'oriental monster' ( Ep .  24.59: Eoi monstri ).  It  is clear that here Ausonius, by appealing to his and Paulinus' descent from the founder of Rome and their role as consuls, aims to celebrate their origins and give them the heft he thinks they merit. Added to this is the annoyance he shows for a god alien to Roman civilisation and linked to the world of the barbarians. The reference to Roman tradition, therefore, testifies to Ausonius' sense of belonging to his own people and homeland. It  is  one  of  the  few  passages  in  the  entire  epistolary  where  Ausonius evokes the sacred domain of the origins and traditions of Rome.

Finally, in the last part of letter 24, Ausonius again uses mythological examples from the Homeric epic: the two tales on the impossibility of stretching Ulysses' bow ( Ep . 24.99) 71 and brandishing Achilles' shaft ( Ep . 24.100) 72 are hyperbolically evoked to demonstrate the unbreakable nature of the pact of friendship between Ausonius and Paulinus. In this respect, it should be noted that the Homeric model is often recurrent in Ausonius' letters. In letter 3, sent to Axius Paulus, Ausonius mentions two Homeric examples contrasting with his own frugality, that of the table of Penelope's suitors ( Ep . 3.14) 73 , and that of the banquets at the palace of Alcinous ( Ep . 3.15). 74 At the end of letter 21, written because of Paulinus' lack of response, Ausonius rails against those who may have driven Paulinus to silence, wishing them to be forced to wander in inaccessible and deserted  places,  in  the  same  way  as  Bellerophon  ( Ep .  21.69-72).  It  is notheworthy that in verse 71 Ausonius quotes Cicero's words hominum vestigia vitans ( Tusc. 3.63), which in turn translate the Homeric expression πάτον ἀνθρώπων ἀλεείνων ( Il . 6.201-2). 75

70  On Epigr

. 22, see the commentary by Kay 2001: 123-24.

71  Cf. Hom. Od

. 21.89-92.

72  Cf. Hom. Il . 16.140-44.

73  Cf. Hom. Od . 20.279-80; 248-56.

74  Cf. Hom. Od

. 8.70; 429; 470-73.

## Mythology in prosimetric letters

Looking at Ausonius' entire epistolary, the use of mythology appears rather more significant in the prosimetric letters than in the verse letters, as the mythological allusions are better articulated and more wide-ranging.

Only letter 5 presents just a single mythological reference in the prose section. The letter is addressed by Ausonius to his friend Axius Paulus, who sent him some verses and a prose text and asked to read Ausonius' latest verses in return. It constitutes further evidence of the exchange of poems between Ausonius and his friends, and the metapoetic discussions he favoured. In his reply, Ausonius deflects the issue, saying that one who is an experienced poet and speaker should not push the inexperienced to show their work. To clarify this assertion, the author uses a comparison with the behaviour displayed by Venus during the renowned beauty contest with the goddesses Juno and Minerva, that Paris was summoned to judge. 76 In the tale reported by Ausonius, Venus first presents herself clothed before Jupiter, in ordinary attire, not arousing the fear of her rivals, but then performs naked before the Trojan shepherd - just as she had lain with Mars - defeating the other participants in the competition. It should be noted that the theme of Venus' nakedness is one that is well known to Ausonius, as he re-proposes it in epigram 59, where Pallas challenges Venus to arm herself and fight, invoking Paris, while Venus rebukes her for having once defeated her when she was naked. As some scholars have noted, 77 the subject of this epigram, i.e. the contest between Pallas and Venus-in-arms, is similar to that of a series of Greek epigrams in the Anthologia Planudea . 78 It is noteworthy that according to the interpretation of this poem put forward by some scholars, 79 Ausonius relates an ancient version of the myth, that had already been recounted in the Cypria : 80 Aphrodite would have presented herself to be judged by Paris wearing robes prepared by the Graces and the Hours, who had also dyed them with the colours of spring flowers. The context of Ausonius' story is clarified further by reading Lucian's passage from the Dialogues of the Gods devoted to the same episode, where Athena reproaches Aphrodite for appearing before Paris wearing an enchanted girdle and embellished with many colours, whereas she should have been naked from the beginning. 81 The motif developed by Ausonius in letter 5, unlike that of epigram 59, appears more closely connected to the episode of Paris' judgement, and is certainly more articulate and complex. If we compare the account in letter 5 with the versions of the same myth recounted in the Cypria and by Lucian, it is clear that Ausonius' knowledge of Greek tradition was indeed extensive, and it cannot be excluded that he was familiar with these sources.

75  In Tusc . 3.63 Cicero translates Hom. Il . 6.201-2. Paulinus responded to this allusion by Ausonius in poem 10.156-158: 'My mind is not deranged, my way of life does not shun men's company like the rider of Pegasus who you write lived in a Lycian cave' (trans. by Walsh 1975). Another reference to Bellerophon's loneliness is found in Rut. Nam. 1.449-52. For a discussion of these passages see Mondin 1995: 264-65. Cf. Filosini 2008: 138.

76  See the detailed account in Kerényi 1958: 246-47.

77  Green 1991: 403; Kay 2001: 190-92.

As  concerns  the  other  prosimetric  letters,  it  is  significant  that  the mythological references are concentrated in the verse sections. Following  the  common  thread  of  letters  testifying  to  Ausonius'  literary  exchanges,  we  come  across  letter  9,  which  contains  the  dedication,  in prose, of two volumes sent by Ausonius to his friend Sextus Petronius Probus 82 for  the  education  of  his  son:  Julius  Titianus'  apologues 83 and Cornelius  Nepos' Chronica . 84 The  poet  then  adds  a  105-dimeter  iambic

78  Green 1991: 403 noted that the text of Anth. Plan. 16.174 is the one most similar to Ausonius' Epigr . 59. Kay 2001: 190-91 indicated the epigrams of Anth. Plan . 16.171-77 as direct references to the episode of the contest between Pallas and armed Venus. But on the nudity of Venus as seen by Paris and depicted by Praxiteles, consider also the epigrams of Anth. Plan . 16.160-70.

79  Bernabé 1996: 46. Cf. Kerényi 1958: 247.

80  Fr. 4, Bernabé 1996.

81 Dial. D . 20. In Lucian's account Athena accuses Aphrodite of wanting to use the girdle to bewitch Paris.

- 82  On the biography of this figure, see Pastorino 1971: 48; Mondin 1995: 152.

83  For information on this work, see Mondin 1995: 164-65.

84  Mondin 1995: 154.

poem, composed as a preface to the apologues. Here Ausonius plays with the figure of the speaking poem, calling his composition libellus and inviting it to go and greet Probus ( Ep. 9b.1; 53; 64). This rhetorical device is built on the personification of the booklet, able to convey an oral discourse. The apostrophe to the libellus clearly reveals the imitation of Catullus' proemial poem, 85 and the adherence to a well-established poetic motif, such as the well-known opening verses from Horace ( Epist . 1.20.1) and Ovid ( Trist . 1.1), and numerous other verses in the epigrams by Martial. 86 Further confirmation that Ausonius' model is the well-known poet from Verona is provided by the quotation of Sirmio in verse 1, which clearly refers to Catullus' poem 31. This kind of allocution to the libellus is  used  by  Ausonius  in  other  poetic  compositions  as  well.  As  several scholars  have  pointed  out,  Ausonius  quotes  the  well-known  Catullian verse 1.1. in a proemial epigram with the dedication of one of his libellus to  his  friend  Depronius  Pacatus  ( Praef.  var .  4.1). 87 Similarly  in  another proemial epigram Ausonius jokes with his libellus claiming it would prefer worms to his verses ( Praef . var . 5.1-3). Overall, the short poem in Ausonius' letter 9 is constructed with a high level of rhetorical skill, as the plays on the etymology of the name Probus ( Ep .  9b.42-46)  and  on  the meaning of the name Ausonius ( Ep .  9b.76) also demonstrate. Alongside such rhetorical devices, this short poem is characterised by three prominent  and  extensive  mythological  references,  whose  function  is  eminently encomiastic:

- a) the association of Probus with Menelaus, Ulysses, and Nestor for his eloquence ( Ep . 9b.10-15);
- b) the refutation of Hesiod's idea ( Op . 174-78) that present-day humanity lives in an iron age, in as much as Probus proves the opposite: he  is  the  scion  of  a  golden  lineage  and  the  father  of  a  golden offspring ( Ep . 9b.27-30);

85  Cfr. McGill 2017: 272-75; Hernández Lobato 2017: 281-82. In Praef. var . 4 Ausonius used the same figure of the libellus , quoting Catull. 1.1. On this subject, see the study by Mattiacci 2019.

86  3.2.1; 6.1.4; 8.24.1; 9.58.5. Cf. Mattiacci 2019: 248-49.

87  Scafoglio 2018: 33-38; Mattiacci 2019: 246-48.

- c) the  comparison  of  the  marriage  of  Probus,  who  had  mixed  the blood of the Probi and the Anicii ( Ep .  9b.31-34), with the birth of Silvius, son of Aeneas, who had mixed the Silvii with the Iulii ( Ep . 9b.82-89).

Some observations can be drawn when considering these mythographic references that clarify both Ausonius' background and his cultural heritage. The praise of the faculties of the three heroes he mentions could already be found in the Iliad , where Menelaus is celebrated for his fluency of speech ( Il . 3.213-4), Odysseus' eloquence is compared to snowflakes ( Il . 3.222)  -  whereas  here  Ausonius  speaks  of  Odysseus'  'hail'  ( Ep .  9b.13: grandines )  -  and  finally  Nestor's  speech  is  likened  to  the  sweetness  of honey ( Il .  1.247-49). 88 The Homeric passages where these three heroes speak contain precisely the speeches of Achaean leaders addressing their fellows. These characters play a role of authority 89 , the purpose of their words is to admonish and spur on their comrades to do what appears to be for the good for their community. 90 Later, on the basis of the Homeric text, a canonical classification of three styles of eloquence, symbolised by these three Homeric characters, is formed in the reworking of Roman culture. In particular, this process is witnessed by a passage from Quintilianus ( Inst . 12.10.64) 91 and another from Gellius ( NA 6.14. 1-2). 92 Therefore, verses of Ausonius' letter 9 provide further evidence of the spread of this canon of the three genera eloquendi .  In  this  regard, it should be

88  Pastorino 1971: 719 fn. 8

89  On the authority of Homeric leaders, see Pisano 2019: 46-50; 66-76.

90  As examples, see the speeches of Menelaus in Hom. Il . 3.96-110, of Ulysses in Il . 2.278335, of Nestor in Il . 2.336-68; 2.432-83; 9.52-78.

91  Here we read that Homer gave 'a concise, appropriate language, with pleasantness, and devoid of the superfluous' ( brevis cum iucunditate, et propria et carens supervacuis eloquentia ) to Menelaus, 'a manner of speech sweeter than honey' ( dulciorem melle sermo ) to Nestor, while 'a supreme eloquence' ( summa facundia ), 'a mighty voice' ( magnitudo vocis ) and 'an oratorical power' ( vis orationis ) to Ulixes. See also Quint. Inst . 2.17. 8. Cf. Mondin 1995: 157.

- 92  In this passage we read that the styles of eloquence handed down by Homer are three:  that  of  Ulysses  'magnificent  and  copious'  ( magnificum et ubertum ),  that  of Menelaus 'fine and sober' ( subtile et cohibitum ), and that of Nestor 'mixed and moderate' ( mixtum et moderatum ). Cf. Mondin 1995: 157.

mentioned that Ausonius uses the comparison with the same three Homeric heroes both in the Gratiarum Actio (4.19-20) in reference to the eloquence of emperor Gratian, and in the Commemoratio Professorum Burdigalensium (21.16-24)  to  praise  the  eloquence  of  the  grammarian  Urbicus. These passages from Ausonius, including the one in letter 9, clearly show that he mentions Achaean heroes, who represent authority figures, as comparative terms for the high-ranking men of his society: his aim is to praise them by elevating them to the level of well-known figures from Greek mythology, and therefore invested with their own sacredness. In Ausonius' text, a process of symbolic transfer is thus triggered on the level of an ideal competition between the men being praised and the Homeric heroes. All this implies a vision according to which characters of the highest social class can overcome the limitations of the human condition. In the same short poem from letter 9, the second mythological theme used by Ausonius to praise Probus is that of the reference to the golden age, following the division of human life formulated by Hesiod. This theme was quite common among writers wishing to praise emperors or people of high lineage. Recalling Vergil's eclogue 4, which celebrates the new golden age of the Augustan principate ( Ecl . 4.9), is a must here. Similarly, in the Consolatio ad Liviam , the well-known female character is credited with establishing a golden age and giving rise to a lineage of princes ( Epiced . Drusi 343-44). 93 Finally, we may recall how the poet Claudian,  a  contemporary  of  Ausonius,  also  celebrated  the  empire  of Theodosius, extolling the birth of a new golden age (3.51-52). A third mythological reference is also greatly developed by Ausonius in these verses, an allusion that he in fact makes twice: it is the comparison between  Probus'  marriage  and  that  of  Silvius,  son  of  Aeneas.  This  is  a learned reference to the purely Roman tradition, according to which Silvius is the last son of Aeneas and Lavinia, brother and successor of Iulus on the throne of Alba. 94 Set within the complex tradition on the relationship between Silvius and Ascanius-Iulus, Ausonius' reference emphasises

- 93  Cf. Mondin 1995: 159. In general on this work, Schlegelmilch 2005.

94  This tradition is found in Verg. Aen . 6.760-66 and Gell. NA 2.16. The same information is in Dion. Hal. 1.70. However, versions of the relationship between Silvius and Ascanius differ and the issue is controversial. In Serv. Aen . 6.760 we read that Silvius was

the kinship between the families descended from them, in order to praise the nobility of the Iulii lineage, famously celebrated as the founders of the principate. 95 As in the previous verses on the Homeric heroes, in this comparison, based on the attribution of prerogatives that are emblematic of a hero from mythical times to a character from historical times, a typical ideological mechanism operates to elevate mortal beings to the superhuman sphere. Several significant examples of this process can be found in the texts of many Roman writers who elevated emperors and their relatives 96 to the rank of deities. Finally, we may note how skilfully Ausonius' reference to this purely Roman tradition is mixed with the Greek mythological strand. Through such a process, the author reveals himself to be an intellectual of his time: in celebrating a character associated with imperial power, 97 he uses topical motifs that simultaneously combine the Greek and Roman traditions, showing how the two cultures were perfectly assimilated.

Letter 7 also lies within the scope of the letters dedicated to the exchange of literary writings between Ausonius and his friends. 98 Here we are faced with a rather elaborate scheme of alternating poetry and prose, as there are three poetic inserts, equally characterised by mythological references. This text constitutes Ausonius' response to a letter from Paulinus, his student, who sent him a composition based on a compendium of Suetonius' De Regibus . 99 Letter 17 is introduced by a refined astronomical  periphrasis of 10 hexameters, which shows that it follows models from epic poetry 100 that were already widespread in Homeric poems 101 and then further elaborated upon by Latin authors. 102 In this periphrasis, there is mention of the horses of the Sun, which is associated with the name Titan. 103 Further on, we read a quotation of 9 hexameters from Paulinus' poem, where another interesting reference appears, not strictly mythological, but inherent to the geographical conception of the world known to the Greeks and Romans. Here, we are reminded of the three parts into which the entire Earth was divided, according to Graeco-Roman tradition: Europe, Asia and Libya. This division recurs fairly constantly among the Greek and Roman authors who wrote geographical works, of which Strabo's Geography (1.4.7), Dionysius Periegetes' Description of the Inhabited Land 104 , with its Latin translations by Avienus 105 and Priscianus 106 ,  and  Pomponius  Mela's Chorographia (1.8)  are  among  the most noteworthy examples. Later in Paulinus' verses, as quoted by Ausonius,  there  appear  the  names  of  several  barbarian  kings  -  Illibanus, Avelis, Vonones, Caranus, Nechepsos and Sesostris - who were mostly unknown to the earlier tradition. Of these kings, 107 the most information we have regards Sesostris, who is mentioned by several authors as king of Egypt. 108 In particular, it is worth noting how the typical Greek idea that kingship belongs to a different dimension, to the otherness of the barbarians, 109 clearly  transpires  from  the  content  of  these  verses:  this

called Ascanius, while in Liv. 2.3.6 Silvius is said to be the son of Ascanius. Cf. Mora 1995: 154-55.

95  Hardie 1993: 91-92.

96  See  the  well-known  celebrations  of  Augustus'  divinity:  Verg. Ecl .  1.6;  Hor. Carm . 1.2.45; Ov. Fast . 419-28.

97  Also emblematic in this respect are the Panegyrici Latini: cf. Whitby 1998; Rees 2002. On the motif of the celebration of the divinity of emperors in Claudian, Sidonius Apollinaris and Cassiodorus, see Consolino 2011. On the same theme elaborated by the Panegyrici Latini, Claudian, Sidonius Apollinaris and Corippus, see Tommasi Moreschini 2016. On the celebration of characters linked to the imperial court in Claudian's works, see Schindler 2014.

98  On the subject of this letter in connection with the method used by Ausonius for epitomising, see Sowers 2023.

99  On this lost work by Suetonius, see Sivan 1993: 154; Mondin 1995: 115.

- 100 Mondin 1995: 113.
- 101 See, for example, the passage in Hom. Od . 12.3-4.
- 102 Passages by other authors comparable with Ausonius' are noted by Mondin 1995: 113.
- 103 On a comparative level, particularly significant are the verses of Verg. Aen . 11.91314 and Sil. Pun . 1.209-10, where horses drawn by Phoebus and Titan respectively are mentioned, two characters that are often identified by Latin authors (see for instance Avianus Fab . 4). In Ep . 14b.10 Ausonius also refers to Sol as Titan.
- 104 Dionys. Per. 9, Amato 2005.
- 105 Orbis terrae 17-18, Raschieri 2010.
- 106 Perihegesis 15, Bernhardy 1828.
- 107 The sources are reported by Pastorino 1971: 733 fn. 3. Vonones is the king of the Parthians mentioned in Tac. Ann . 2.1; 58; 68. Caranus is the first mythical king of Macedonia cf. Theopomp. FGrH 115, F 393; Liv. 45.9; Iust. 7.1.7-12. On the astronomer Nechepsos cf. Firm. Mat. Mathesis 3. proem . 4; 4. proem . 5; 4.22.2; 8.4.14; 8.5.1.
- 108 Hdt. 2.102-5; Diod. Sic. 1.53-58; Strabo 15.1.6; Arr. Indica 5.5.
- 109 Isaac 2004: 60-69; Vlassopoulos 2013: 192-93.

conception is emphasised precisely in the text with regard to the barbara nomina of the mentioned kings. Finally, scrolling through the same letter, we find a third poetic insert, containing another reference of a mythographic kind. Ausonius quotes two more verses from Paulinus' composition, where the latter is compared to the reckless Icarus, while the master Ausonius is associated with the prudent Daedalus ( Ep . 17.41-42). Commenting on the significance of this comparison, Ausonius reinterprets the well-known myth 110 of Icarus' ill-fated flight, emphasising that Paulinus used it as a clever artifice for celebratory purposes. The analogy formulated by Paulinus, in Ausonius' opinion, reproduces the father-son and  master-disciple  schema.  However,  immediately  afterwards,  Ausonius  himself  reverses  the  terms  of  the  comparison,  declaring  that  in truth it is Paulinus who is prudent while he himself is uncertain and unsteady.  Given  the  way  the  text  is  composed,  it  is  clear  that  Ausonius wishes to raise the tone of the discourse and employ the mythological reference to eulogise Paulinus and his poetic skill. An interesting point to note here is that Ausonius uses a topical motif that is quite common among Latin authors, 111 such as in the case of Horace's comparison of himself both to Icarus, when he alludes to the superiority of his poetic 'flight' ( Carm . 2.20.13-16), and to Daedalus for his clumsy and unsuccessful poetic exercise ( Carm . 4.2.1-4). As already seen in other letters, Ausonius  uses  mythological  references  in  a  metapoetic  context:  in  other words, by quoting Paulinus' two verses on Daedalus and Icarus, he creates a meta-literary game in which both intertextuality and a kind of 'intermythology' recur and are used to indicate the outcomes of different poetic skills.

As for letter 19, it is certainly the most interesting of the prosymetric letters, both in terms of its formal structure and its content, which extensively develops a mythological theme. It once again testifies to the exchange of poems between Ausonius and Paulinus. In the first part Ausonius thanks Paulinus for the food he has given him, inserting two hexameters. He then reassures Paulinus that he will revise the poem he has sent him, and in the meantime sends him a poem of 46 iambic trimeters as a tribute. The short poem is devised by Ausonius using the figure of the personification of iambic verse, who is imagined as flying high and bringing his  greetings  to  Paulinus.  Verses  1-13  contain  an  interesting mythological  digression  on  the  origin  of  the  iambic  meter  ( Ep .  19b.113): 112

110 Apollod. Bibl . 2.6.3; Epit . 1.12-13; Ov. Met . 8.183-235; Hyg. Fab . 40.

111 Ov. Ars am. 2.21-96; Plin. Ep . 7.4. On Pliny the Younger's comparison between his elegies and the flight of Icarus, see Tzounakas 2012.

Iambe Parthis et Cydonum spiculis, iambe pinnis alitum velocior, Padi ruentis impetu torrentior, magna sonorae grandinis vi densior, flammis corusci fulminis vibratior, iam nunc per auras Persei talaribus petasoque ditis Arcados vectus vola. Si vera fama est Hippocrene, quam pedis pulsu citatam cornipes fudit fremens, tu, fonte in ipso procreatus Pegasi, primus novorum metra iunxisti pedum sanctisque Musis concinentibus novem

caedem in draconis concitasti Delium.

Iambus more fleet than Parthian or Cydonian dart, Iambus more fleet than wings of birds, more impetuous than rushing Padus' current, more searching than the downpour of rattling hail, more darting than lightning's dazzling flash, even now speed through the air borne by Perseus' winged sandals and with the cap of the Arcadian god. If 'tis truly told that Hippocrene gushed forth at the hoof-beat of the impatient courser, thou, begotten in the very fount of Pegasus, wast first to link new rhythmic feet and, while the nine holy Muses sang in harmony, didst urge the lord of Delos to slaughter of the dragon.

- 112 This quotation and the following reproduce the Latin text by Green 1999, and the English translation, with some modifications, is by Evelyn White 1921.

Ausonius' text is not simply built on a rhetorical device but refers to the typical features of the 'myths of origins' or foundation myths, as the iambus is invoked as a mythical character capable of flight, carried by Perseus' winged shoes 113 and the petasus , the broad-brimmed hat, of the god Mercury. 114 In addition, the text also recalls his mythical birth at the Hippocrene spring, generated by the hoof of Pegasus. 115 This image as a symbol of poetic inspiration was a traditional motif, as evidenced by its recurrence in the first choliambic verse of the prologue to Persius' Satires . 116 Subsequently, Ausonius' verses add that in the very same place, having created for the first time the measures of new rhythmic units, while the Muses sang, iambus is said to have incited Delian Apollo to kill the serpent Python. Several versions of this myth have come down to us. Athenaeus 117 reports two different versions, one attributed to Clearchus of Soli 118 , according to which Leto urged Apollo to shoot Python with an arrow, exclaiming ' híe paî' 119 , and the other by Heraclides Ponticus 120 in which it was the god himself who repeated ' ié paián, ié paián, ié paián ' three times. Another variant of the same tale is given by Terentianus Maurus, according to whom the cry was uttered by the priests of Delphi to incite the child god against Python. 121 Considering the tradition referred to by Ausonius, it is distinguished by the place of the mythical event near the Hippocrene spring, whereas the other versions mention Delphi. The mythical motif continues later in the text, when Ausonius asks the iambus to fly 'winged and swiftly' ( Ep .  19b.14: praepes et volucripes ) to Paulinus' dwelling, bringing him his greetings, and to turn back ( Ep . 19b.19-22):

nihil moreris iamque, dum loquor, redi,

- 113 Apollod. Bibl . 2.4.2-3; Catull. 55.6; Prop. 2.30.3; Ov. Met . 4.665-67; Hyg. Fab . 64.
- 114 Apollod. Bibl . 2.4.2-3; Ov. Met
- . 1.671-72.
- 115 Avienus Aratea 495-96; Ov. Met . 5.262; cfr. Fast . 5.7-8.
- Nec fonte labra
- 116 In Persius' text we read: 'I never wet my lips in the horse's spring' ( prolui caballino ) .
- 117 Ath. 15.701c-f.
- 118
- Ath. 15.701c (= Clearchus fr. 64, Wehrli 1948)
- 119 See also the account of Macrob. Sat
- 120
- . 1.17.17.
- Ath. 15. 701e-f (= Heraclides Ponticus fr. 158, Wehrli 1953).
- 121 De litteris, de syllabis, de metris
- 1584-95.

imitatus illum stirpis auctorem tuae, tripliei furentem qui Chimaeram incendio supervolavit tutus igne proximo.

Tarry not at all, and return now ere I cease to speak, after the example of that author of thy source, who o'er Chimaera with her triple blast of raging flame flew safe from the fire so near.

Again, Ausonius' verses evoke the mythical Pegasus, who managed to fly above the Chimaera, thus helping Bellerophon to defeat it. 122 Ausonius reconstructs here a mythical genealogy of the iambus, giving it the status of an extra-human being, invested with a fundamental function. Therefore, evaluating the events narrated by Ausonius as a whole, it seems that he uses a mythical chronology divided into various stages, although presented in reverse order: first, the reference to a time, in which Apollo the son of Leto and Zeus according to tradition - is now an adult god, who defeats the serpent Python by pronouncing the first iambic verse, while being supported by the Muses' song in accomplishing his deed; second, the evocation of a remote primordial epoch, in which Chimaera, one of the monsters inhabiting the world before the order established by the reign of Zeus, was destroyed. In short, in letter 19 Ausonius' allocution to the iambic verses, sent to Paulinus, presents a skilful rhetorical design, which not only focuses on the rapid and incisive details of the description, but also transfers the expressive instrument of poetic inspiration onto the higher level of the mythical dimension. In this way, the contingent side of poetic activity is transfigured and becomes essential.

Among the letters dedicated to Paulinus, the prosimetric letter 20 deserves a final mention. Ausonius asks his friend and disciple the courtesy of helping his former administrator Philo to transport some food to his villa in Lucaniacus to relieve him of shortages. 123 The author then states that he is sending Paulinus some iambic verses that actually constitute his 'personal brand' ( character ). 124 At the end of his verses, dedicated to the description of Philo's activities, Ausonius' declaration - clearly created for encomiastic purposes and offered as a form of captatio benevolentiae 125 -stands out rather strongly: he wishes to honour Paulinus more than  Ceres  and  put  his numen before  Triptolemus,  Epimenides  and Bouzyges ( Ep . 20b. 45-49). The common trait of the characters mentioned concerns their being protagonists in the mythical tales that narrate the introduction of wheat. Regarding Ceres, there is no doubt that her sphere of action is constantly connected, both in myth and ritual, to the cultivation  of  wheat  and  to  agriculture  in  general. 126 As  far  as  Triptolemus, Epimenides and Bouzyges are concerned, these are rather well-known culture heroes in the Greek tradition. 127 But for the purposes of analysing this  text,  what  is  most  interesting  is  that  Paulinus  is  elevated,  figuratively, by Ausonius to a rank higher than human, even higher than divinity. Here too, the mythological references - as in the other letters - have the function of raising and embellishing the tone and content of the poetic discourse.

122 Hes. Theog . 325; Pind. Ol . 13.90-91; Apollod. Bibl . 2.3.2; Schol. ad Lycoph . 17; Hyg. Fab . 57.

123 Cf. Mondin 1995: 139.

## Mythological references in letters with numerical games

The discussion of Ausonius' use of mythology would not be complete if we did not also examine letters 10 and 14, which are constructed as contrived rhetorical plays on numbers. In these letters, mythological references provide the basis for catalogues formed by numerical periphrases.

- 124 On the use of this term, see Mondin 1995: 141.
- 125 On Ausonius' use of captatio benevolentiae , see McGill 2014: 258-59.
- 126 Among the many studies on Ceres, one of the most significant is by Spaeth 1996.
- 127 These three characters are often overlapped in mythical variants. On Epimenides and  Bouzyges  as  the  first  ox-drivers,  see  Schol.  Hom. Il .  18.  483;  Hesych.  s.v. Βουζύγης . On Triptolemus and Bouzyges cf. Plin. HN 7.199. The complexity of the mythical accounts of the origin of ploughing is reported by Serv. G . 1.19, where it is narrated that Ceres had granted the use of the plough to Triptolemus as a gift. In this connection, we should recall the myth narrated by Ovid about the gift of the first plough to the child Triptolemus by Ceres ( Fast .  4.550-60). Cf. Pastorino 1970: 761 fn. 15; Green 1991: 645; Mondin 1995: 145-46.

The compilation of catalogues, as well as centones and epitomes, assembled through a skilful and meticulous collection of material taken from past works, constitutes one of the fundamental components of Ausonius' literary production and prowess. As Brian Sowers has shown, however, Ausonius' work in assembling and combining literary sources and quotations is never mechanical nor an end in itself, but always gives rise to unique and functional variations on already known themes. 128 Letters 10 and 14 are evidence of Ausonius' inclination for a virtuoso rhetorical, linguistic and stylistic play, thanks to which he created a series of literary jokes, of which the best known are the Griphus ternarii numeri and the Technopaegnion .

In letter 10, Ausonius tells his friend Ursulus 129 how he endeavoured to make sure he received the emperor's gift of six solids. The text appears as a rhetorical game built on a series of periphrases indicating the number six, many of which are mythological allusions. The first of these circumlocutions mentions 'two Geryons' ( Ep . 10.6: duo Geryones ), alluding to the fact that Geryon in mythical tales has three heads and three bodies. 130 Not by chance, the metaphor based on the monstrous figure of Geryon appears in both Ep . 14b.6 and in Griphus 82, where Ausonius again plays on numerical periphrases. Remarkably, letters 10 and 14 - which according to some scholars were written later than the Griphus 131 - constitute a further reworking of the same rhetorical game on numbers. A second mythological periphrasis indicates 'the Muses minus three' ( Ep . 10.7: demptoque triente Camenae ), which once again confirms Ausonius' interest in the number of Muses, 132 and a third circumlocution mentions 'how many men are entrusted with the destinies of Rome and Alba' ( Ep . 10.9: commissa viris Romana Albanaque fata ),  an  allusion  to  the  fight  between the three Horatii and the three Curiatii, whose story is reported in Livy's account (1. 24). In the entire epistolary, this is one of the very few

- 128 See the correct remarks by Sowers 2023 on the method Ausonius followed in epitomising his sources.
- 129 Cf. Pastorino 1971: 48.
- 130 Hes. Theog . 287; Apollod. Bibl . 2.5.10; Paus. 5.19.1; Hyg. Fab . praef . 30; 151.
- 131 See the chronology established by Pastorino 1971, according to which the Griphus dates to 368, Ep . 10 (= 18 Pastorino) is dated 375-378, Ep . 14 (= 7 Pastorino) is dated after 383. According to Mondin 1995: 121, letter 10 (= 7 Mondin) dates to 377.
- 132 See above on letter 13.

references to traditional tales on Rome's origins. When considering letter 10, there are very few numerical periphrases built on mythological characters and subjects when compared to others that are displayed as mathematical equivalences. Quick and short mythological details echo ancient traditions that were well known to Ausonius' addressees and audience, but are decontextualised from their original setting and given a new function, becoming formal expedients for the realisation of a refined and elevated style.

Of the two letters constructed with numerical games, letter 14 is the most complex and representative: it constitutes a worthy continuation of the kind of rhetorical exercise already implemented by Ausonius in the Griphus . This letter is sent by Ausonius to Theon to comment on his gift of thirty oysters. It offers a fine example of the rhetorical devices that are particularly favoured by the author and most often used in his works. In addition to the prosimetric form, the satirical tone and the periphrastic play on the number thirty make the letter particularly emblematic of Ausonius' style. The most interesting aspect of this letter is the inclusion of a short polymetric composition of 56 verses, where verses 617 constitute a series of monostichs containing equivalences of the number thirty linked to the Greek or Roman mythical tradition. Let us look specifically at the structure of these numerical associations as borrowed from mythology.

- 14b.6 The periphrasis 'the Geryons multiplied by ten' reproduces the same metaphor already seen in Ep . 10.6 and in Griphus 82.
- 14b.7 The multiplication by three of the canonical 10-year duration  of  the  famous  Trojan  conflict  evokes  the  epic  tradition. 133
- 14b.8 Here we find a sentence that is harder to interpret. Green suggests reading quotve dies solidi as referring to the days of the  month. 134 Agostino  Pastorino  instead  maintains  the reading offered by the manuscript V aut ter ut Eolidi and defends Elia Vinet's interpretation that Eolis is Canace, daughter  of  Aeolus,  who  is  said  to  have  given  birth  after  a  ten-

133 Hom. Il . 2.299-330; Apollod. Epit . 3; Cic. Div . 2.30.63-65; Hyg. Fab . 108.

134 Green 1991: 633.

month  pregnancy. 135 By  contrast,  Luca  Mondin  suggests amending  the  text  with teru<e  quo>t Aeolidi ,  giving  it  this meaning: 'three times are the months the sun has for the granddaughter of Aeolus'. 136

- 14b.9 The  nights  included  in  the  lunar  month  indicated  by  the name  of  the  goddess  Cynthia,  often  identified  with  the moon, are briefly alluded to. Such identification, besides often being found among 1st century poets, 137 is indeed often seen  in  other  late  antique  poets  such  as  Avienus, 138 Claudian, 139 Dracontius, 140 Ennodius. 141
- 14b.10 Reference  is  made  to  the  days  that Titan ,  i.e. Sol ,  takes  to cross each single sign. 142
- 14b.11 The 30-year duration of the revolution of Saturn, indicated by the epithet Phaenon , 143 is mentioned.
- 14b.12 A recall to the thirty years of the ministry of the Vestal Virgins is added. 144
- 135 Pastorino 1971: 233. The account of Canace's pregnancy is in Ov. Epist .11.45-46.
- 136 Mondin 1995: 212-13, argues that Aeolidi refers to Tyro, daughter of Salmoneus and granddaughter of Aeolus, seduced by Poseidon; the scholar connects this idea to the passage in Gell. NA 3.16.15, where the duration of pregnancy is discussed and it is assumed that female beings loved by Poseidon could have a longer pregnancy.
- 137 Luc. 1.218; 2.577; Sil. Pun . 4.480.
- 138 Aratea 1445-88.
- 139 Carmina 8.427; Carmina minora 27.38.
- 140 Romulea 10.188-92.
- 141 Carmina 2.128. 4.
- 142 In the text of Aratus Phaen . 546-52, we read that he goes through the 12 stages of the zodiac, throughout the year. See also Quint. Smyrn. 2.502-6. Cf. Luc. 1.15; 540. The name Titan is often used by Latin authors to identify Sol (the Greek name is Helios ), son of Hyperion, himself belonging to the first generation of Titanes .  See Ecl . 23.4 and Ep . 17.2.
- 143 Several sources speak of Saturn's revolution: Cic. Nat. D . 2. 52; Plin. HN 2.32; Censorinus DN 13.3;  Firm. Mat. Mathesis 3.3.2.;  Mart. Cap. 8.851. Cf. Green 1991: 633; Mondin 1995: 213.
- 144 Dion. Hal. 2.67.2; Plut. Num . 10; Symmachus Epist . 9.108. Wildfang 2006.

- 14b.13 The Vergilian quotation Dardaniusque nepos indicating Ascanius, king of Alba for thirty years, appears here. 145
- 14b.14 A numerical periphrasis by subtraction is provided: Priam's sons, who traditionally numbered 50 146 minus two ten.
- 14b.15 The number of the quindecemviri guardians of the Sibylline oracles is indicated here. 147 Interestingly, this is a rhetorical game that re-proposes another numerical periphrasis on the same personages already mentioned in Griphus 87.
- 14b.16 Mention is made of the piglets that the sow of Alba gave birth to under the holm oaks. 148

These verses of letter 14 display such a diversified range of mythological references, that it vividly conveys Ausonius' impressive erudition in this area. His skilful use of this knowledge constitutes a refined exercise that is meant to elevate the level of his poetic and rhetorical proficiency. Ausonius here uses his usual technique of reproducing and recomposing small  fragments  of  the  mythological  material  at  his  disposal: 149 it  is thanks to this cataloguing procedure that the composition appears unified in its theme and construction. As a demonstration of the technical skill with which Ausonius compiles and formulates this short poetic interlude, it is worth looking at verses 19-23, in which Ausonius, using a sharp satirical tone, emphasises the obtuseness of his addressee Theon, who - in his opinion - might not understand mythical tales at all. Evidently, Ausonius plays here on a 'metamythological' level, so to speak, lingering jokingly and paradoxically in his address to Theon in order to continue his rhetorical game on the number thirty. Immediately after-

- 145 As already noted by Pastorino 1971, Green 1991 and Mondin 1995, the Vergilian quotation is in Aen . 4.163, and the prediction of the duration of Ascanius' reign over Alba is found in Aen . 1.167-70.
- 146 Cf. Verg. Aen . 2.503.
- 147 The members of the collegio sacris faciundis were originally two, then became ten and were later increased to fifteen. See Santi 1985 and Gillmeister 2019.
- 148 The same image is found in Aen . 3.390-91.
- 149 On the method of fragmenting and recomposing in epitomes of late antiquity, see Sacchi & Formisano 2023: 2-14. On the same method used by Ausonius, see Sowers 2023.

wards,  in  fact,  another  series  of  mathematical  equivalences  is  introduced, based on the decomposition of the factors that form the number itself ( Ep . 14b.24-35).

## Conclusions

This analysis of Ausonius' epistolary - though only a limited part of his literary production - shows that the manner in which he reworks the mythological heritage at his disposal is very clear. The re-adaptation of such material is evidence as much of his deep-rooted knowledge of the contents and the ideas of the literary tradition of the past, as of his complete identification with that world: Ausonius clearly shares its ideals, which comprise his keys to interpreting everyday reality. On the one hand Ausonius' re-elaboration of mythological material implies refined rhetorical techniques, and on the other, it is a readjustment to his own themes.

From a formal point of view, allusions to mythical events constitute one of Ausonius' tools in his quest for an elevated style, the function of which is predominantly aesthetic. Within this process, some relevant aspects are worthy of note.

First of all, in many cases mythological references are included in metapoetic discussions as they relate to the poetic activity of Ausonius and his friends, as can be seen several times in the letters in verse, where there are allusions to the Muses and their seats, or in the epistles that testify to exchanges of literary works ( Ep . 4 and 8 to Theon, Ep . 5 to Axius Paulus, Ep .  9  to  Petronius  Probus, Ep .  17,  19  and  20  to  Paulinus).  The metamythological reflections of letter 14 - where Ausonius pokes fun at Theon's misunderstanding of myths - and the intermythological layering of letter 17 - where Ausonius quotes Paulinus' verses containing mythological references - also fall within this remit.

Second,  mythological  references  are  often  connected  to  Ausonius' private affairs, such as when he asks for news of Theon ( Ep . 5) or urges Paulinus to host his factor Philo ( Ep . 20) or extols his friendship with Paulinus ( Ep . 24).

Third, Ausonius very frequently employs well-known Homeric, Virgilian  and  Ovidian  epic  models  to  construct  abstract  comparisons  between an ideal world and the reality of everyday life. Such analogies are used by Ausonius in two directions. In one sense, to 'elevate', i.e. to celebrate his friends, as in letter 9 where the three Homeric heroes are compared to Probus, or in letter 20 when he considers Paulinus a sort of cultural hero superior to Triptolemus, Epimenides and Bouzyges, or in letter 24 where the friendship between Ausonius and Paulinus is assimilated to various mythical examples of couples of indissoluble friends. In the other sense, to 'lower', i.e. to offer contrasting and paradoxical examples, as in letter  4  concerning Pierides' misbehaviour, which Axius Paulus is discouraged from imitating, or in letter 13 when ironically Theon's hunting activity is compared to that of Adonis and his performance to the god Orcus.

Again,  mythological  motifs  are  more  extensively  developed  in  the prosimetric letters where formal experimentation and contrived style are more elaborated. This can already be seen in letter 17 where there are three poetic inserts, consisting of a mythological-astronomical periphrasis, a digression on oriental mythical geography, and a reference to  the  pair  Daedalus-Icarus.  But  it  is  particularly  evident  in  letter  19, where Ausonius extensively recounts the myth of the origin of the iambus, who becomes a mythical character of the 'time of origins'.

Lastly,  mythological  motifs  are  sometimes  combined with complex numerical word games, as in letter 10 on the number six, or in letter 14 on  the  number  thirty.  Here  there  is  evidence  of  technical-rhetorical prowess and literary delight by Ausonius, who collects and rearranges small fragments of the tradition of the past, arriving at unitary poetic structures.

In sum, the task performed by Ausonius when collecting from older sources, assembling, and rearranging the mythological material in his letters, does not appear to be mechanical work at all. On the contrary, it is  an ordering process that follows a clearly defined approach: mainly that of looking at everyday reality through the lens of an erudite man, who knows how to use his knowledge intelligently and ironically.

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