Davidson, a fresh breath of pragmatism amid the smog of radicalism

by James O'Brien 
POLITICO | At the dusk of the Purple Coalition, a centrist government between UKIP (now CIP), the SP (now DUP) and the PRM, an important development in our parliamentary history took place. The leader of the then largest party in parliament, former Chancellor Angela Merkel, resigned from her position as UKIP leader and candidate for the upcoming 575AER elections. Her successors election, former Home Secretary Amber Rudd, represented a shift in the party's position out of the liberal conservative mainstream, into the traditionalist right. This rejection of Merkelism, a political stream of compromise and pragmatism that had delivered UKIP the plurality of Chancellors in Falleen history, saw Rudd ruling out and isolating itself from potential coalition partners, and handed the Chancellery to the Socialists under Brandt on a silver platter. 
Seven years, two referenda and one world war later, Rudd had been deposed by the powers-that-be within the party, her own Shadow Home Secretary using her as a stepping stone to the top. Ruth Davidson, a close ally and confidante to Rudd, many feared would be a continuation of the series of defeats since Merkel stepped down. From 226 seats in 571, to 204 in 575 and eventually 128 in 582. Although not directly her doing, Rudd's decision to reject the Wartime Government, and Davidson's continuation of this policy, confirmed in many people's minds that Davidson would continue this legacy of staunch puritanism. 
Fast forward one-year-and-a-half, a battered Conservative government under Brokenshire attempts to cling onto power after a decisive blow was dealt to it by the departure of the Federal Liberals and Davidson's rebranded CIP due to the Chancellery imposing a rejected budget through executive decree. Brokenshire attempted to keep the groceries within the ripped-bag of a government propped up by UFID and the NFO, but ultimately failed to prevent the remaining two-thirds of the Chamber from supporting new elections, ultimately resigning in disgrace after a short 18 months -- the second shortest term after the 5 months under Andrew Coyne (FFP), and before the 25 months under Letho Bonhart (FNP). One can almost draw a correlation between failed govenrments and radical right wingers if one looks at the FNP, FFP and CCU's first throw at leading a government. 
This decision, although it ultimately costed the CIP another 9 seats compared to the previous election, showed the clear rift between Davidson's brand of liberal conservatism and CCU's reactionary populism. After nearly 15 years, remnants of Merkel's legacy, and a return to it's moderate roots, are seen once again within one of the country's longest serving parties. This rift was once again confirmed when in contrast to the CCU under Verwoerd and it's far-right cronies, who incoherently blasted the government's budget for political point-scoring, Davidson's Conservatives voted in favour and supported the bill -- acknowledging it's urgency and nature of compromise, taking points from both the left and the right to ameliorate our current woes.
With three years to go until the next election, and the right being under the grip of radical, illiberal and anti-democratic elements that hold the impressionable leadership of the CCU as puppets to further their agenda, this redaction hopes that the CIP continues to advocate for bipartisanism, for pragmatism and proven solutions, and that as such the electorate recognises the need for such parties in parliament at the ballot box.
James O'Brien is a POLITICO columnist
Category:The Imperial Constitution