The Antiquities of the Jews/Book XIV

BOOK XIV.
Containing The Interval Of Thirty-Two Years.
From The Death Of Queen Alexandra To The Death Of Antigonus.
CHAPTER 1.
The War Between Aristobulus And Hyrcanus About The Kingdom; And
How They Made Anagreement That Aristobulus Should Be King, And
Hyrcanus Live A Private Life; As Also How Hyrcanus A Little
Afterward Was Persuaded By Antipater To Fly To Aretas.
1. We have related the affairs of queen Alexandra, and her death,
in the foregoing book and will now speak of what followed, and
was connected with those histories; declaring, before we proceed,
that we have nothing so much at heart as this, that we may omit
no facts, either through ignorance or laziness; (1) for we are
upon the history and explication of such things as the greatest
part are unacquainted withal, because of their distance from our
times; and we aim to do it with a proper beauty of style, so far
as that is derived from proper words harmonically disposed, and
from such ornaments of speech also as may contribute to the
pleasure of our readers, that they may entertain the knowledge of
what we write with some agreeable satisfaction and pleasure. But
the principal scope that authors ought to aim at above all the
rest, is to speak accurately, and to speak truly, for the
satisfaction of those that are otherwise unacquainted with such
transactions, and obliged to believe what these writers inform
them of.
2. Hyrcanus then began his high priesthood on the third year of
the hundred and seventy-seventh olympiad, when Quintus Hortensius
and Quintus Metellus, who was called Metellus of Crete, were
consuls at Rome; when presently Aristobulus began to make war
against him; and as it came to a battle with Hyrcanus at Jericho,
many of his soldiers deserted him, and went over to his brother;
upon which Hyrcanus fled into the citadel, where Aristobulus's
wife and children were imprisoned by their mother, as we have
said already, and attacked and overcame those his adversaries
that had fled thither, and lay within the walls of the temple. So
when he had sent a message to his brother about agreeing the
matters between them, he laid aside his enmity to him on these
conditions, that Aristobulus should be king, that he should live
without intermeddling with public affairs, and quietly enjoy the
estate he had acquired. When they had agreed upon these terms in
the temple, and had confirmed the agreement with oaths, and the
giving one another their right hands, and embracing one another
in the sight of the whole multitude, they departed; the one,
Aristobulus, to the palace; and Hyrcanus, as a private man, to
the former house of Aristobulus.
3. But there was a certain friend of Hyrcanus, an Idumean, called
Antipater, who was very rich, and in his nature an active and a
seditious man; who was at enmity with Aristobulus, and had
differences with him on account of his good-will to Hyrcanus. It
is true that Nicolatls of Damascus says, that Antipater was of
the stock of the principal Jews who came out of Babylon into
Judea; but that assertion of his was to gratify Herod, who was
his son, and who, by certain revolutions of fortune, came
afterward to be king of the Jews, whose history we shall give you
in its proper place hereafter. However, this Antipater was at
first called Antipas, (2) and that was his father's name also; of
whom they relate this: That king Alexander and his wife made him
general of all Idumea, and that he made a league of friendship
with those Arabians, and Gazites, and Ascalonites, that were of
his own party, and had, by many and large presents, made them his
fast friends. But now this younger Antipater was suspicious of
the power of Aristobulus, and was afraid of some mischief he
might do him, because of his hatred to him; so he stirred up the
most powerful of the Jews, and talked against him to them
privately; and said that it was unjust to overlook the conduct of
Aristobulus, who had gotten the government unrighteously, and
ejected his brother out of it, who was the elder, and ought to
retain what belonged to him by prerogative of his birth. And the
same speeches he perpetually made to Hyrcanus; and told him that
his own life would be in danger, unless he guarded himself, and
got shut of Aristobulus; for he said that the friends of
Aristobulus omitted no opportunity of advising him to kill him,
as being then, and not before, sure to retain his principality.
Hyrcanus gave no credit to these words of his, as being of a
gentle disposition, and one that did not easily admit of
calumnies against other men. This temper of his not disposing him
to meddle with public affairs, and want of spirit, occasioned him
to appear to spectators to be degenerous and unmanly; while.
Aristo-bulus was of a contrary temper, an active man, and one of
a great and generous soul.
4. Since therefore Antipater saw that Hyrcanus did not attend to
what he said, he never ceased, day by day, to charge reigned
crimes upon Aristobulus, and to calumniate him before him, as if
he had a mind to kill him; and so, by urging him perpetually, he
advised him, and persuaded him to fly to Aretas, the king of
Arabia; and promised, that if he would comply with his advice, he
would also himself assist him and go with him]. When Hyrcanus
heard this, he said that it was for his advantage to fly away to
Aretas. Now Arabia is a country that borders upon Judea. However,
Hyrcanus sent Antipater first to the king of Arabia, in order to
receive assurances from him, that when he should come in the
manner of a supplicant to him, he would not deliver him up to his
enemies. So Antipater having received such assurances, returned
to Hyrcanus to Jerusalem. A while afterward he took Hyrcanus, and
stole out of the city by night, and went a great journey, and
came and brought him to the city called Petra, where the palace
of Aretas was; and as he was a very familiar friend of that king,
he persuaded him to bring back Hyrcanus into Judea, and this
persuasion he continued every day without any intermission. He
also proposed to make him presents on that account. At length he
prevailed with Aretas in his suit. Moreover, Hyrcanus promised
him, that when he had been brought thither, and had received his
kingdom, he would restore that country, and those twelve cities
which his father Alexander had taken from the Arabians, which
were these, Medaba, Naballo, Libias, Tharabasa, Agala, Athone,
Zoar, Orone, Marissa, Rudda, Lussa, and Oruba.
CHAPTER 2.
How Aretas And Hyrcanus Made An Expedition Against Aristobulus
And Besieged Jerusalem; And How Scaurus The Roman General Raised
The Siege. Concerning The Death Of Onias.
1. After these promises had been given to Aretas, he made an
expedition against Aristobulus with an army of fifty thousand
horse and foot, and beat him in the battle. And when after that
victory many went over to Hyrcanus as deserters, Aristobulus was
left desolate, and fled to Jerusalem; upon which the king of
Arabia took all his army, and made an assault upon the temple,
and besieged Aristobulus therein, the people still supporting
Hyreanus, and assisting him in the siege, while none but the
priests continued with Aristobulus. So Aretas united the forces
of the Arabians and of the Jews together, and pressed on the
siege vigorously. As this happened at the time when the feast of
unleavened bread was celebrated, which we call the passover, the
principal men among the Jews left the country, and fled into
Egypt. Now there was one, whose name was Onias, a righteous man
he was, and beloved of God, who, in a certain drought, had prayed
to God to put an end to the intense heat, and whose prayers God
had heard, and had sent them rain. This man had hid himself,
because he saw that this sedition would last a great while.
However, they brought him to the Jewish camp, and desired, that
as by his prayers he had once put an end to the drought, so he
would in like manner make imprecations on Aristobulus and those
of his faction. And when, upon his refusal, and the excuses that
he made, he was still by the multitude compelled to speak, he
stood up in the midst of them, and said, "O God, the King of the
whole world! since those that stand now with me are thy people,
and those that are besieged are also thy priests, I beseech thee,
that thou wilt neither hearken to the prayers of those against
these, nor bring to effect what these pray against those."
Whereupon such wicked Jews as stood about him, as soon as he had
made this prayer, stoned him to death.
2. But God punished them immediately for this their barbarity,
and took vengeance of them for the murder of Onias, in the manner
following: While the priests and Aristobulus were besieged, it
happened that the feast called the passover was come, at which it
is our custom to offer a great number of sacrifices to God; but
those that were with Aristobulus wanted sacrifices, and desired
that their countrymen without would furnish them with such
sacrifices, and assured them they should have as much money for
them as they should desire; and when they required them to pay a
thousand drachmae for each head of cattle, Aristobulus and the
priests willingly undertook to pay for them accordingly, and
those within let down the money over the walls, and gave it them.
But when the others had received it, they did not deliver the
sacrifices, but arrived at that height of wickedness as to break
the assurances they had given, and to be guilty of impiety
towards God, by not furnishing those that wanted them with
sacrifices. And when the priests found they had been cheated, and
that the agreements they had made were violated, they prayed to
God that he would avenge them on their countrymen. Nor did he
delay that their punishment, but sent a strong and vehement storm
of wind, that destroyed the fruits of the whole country, till a
modius of wheat was then bought for eleven drachmae.
3. In the mean time Pompey sent Scaurus into Syria, while he was
himself in Armenia, and making war with Tigranes; but when
Scaurus was come to Damascus, and found that Lollins and Metellus
had newly taken the city, he came himself hastily into Judea. And
when he was come thither, ambassadors came to him, both from
Aristobulus and Hyrcanus, and both desired he would assist them.
And when both of them promised to give him money, Aristobulus
four hundred talents, and Hyrcanus no less, he accepted of
Aristobulus's promise, for he was rich, and had a great soul, and
desired to obtain nothing but what was moderate; whereas the
other was poor, and tenacious, and made incredible promises in
hopes of greater advantages; for it was not the same thing to
take a city that was exceeding strong and powerful, as it was to
eject out of the country some fugitives, with a greater number of
Mabateans, who were no very warlike people. He therefore made an
agreement with Aristobulus, for the reasons before mentioned, and
took his money, and raised the siege, and ordered Aretas to
depart, or else he should be declared an enemy to the Romans. So
Scaurus returned to Damascus again; and Aristobulus, with a great
army, made war with Aretas and Hyrcanus, and fought them at a
place called Papyron, and beat them in the battle, and slew about
six thousand of the enemy, with whom fell Phalion also, the
brother of Antipater.
CHAPTER 3.
How Aristobulus And Hyrcanus Came To Pompey In Order To Argue Who
Ought To Have The Kingdom; And How Upon The Plight Of Aristobulus
To The Fortress Alexandrium Pompey Led His Army Against Him And
Ordered Him To Deliver Up The Fortresses Whereof He Was
Possessed.
1. A Little afterward Pompey came to Damascus, and marched over
Celesyria; at which time there came ambassadors to him from all
Syria, and Egypt, and out of Judea also, for Aristobulus had sent
him a great present, which was a golden vine (3) of the value of
five hundred talents. Now Strabo of Cappadocia mentions this
present in these words: "There came also an embassage out of
Egypt, and a crown of the value of four thousand pieces of gold;
and out of Judea there came another, whether you call it a vine
or a garden; they call the thing Terpole, the Delight. However,
we ourselves saw that present reposited at Rome, in the temple of
Jupiter Capitolinus, with this inscription, 'The gift of
Alexander, the king of the Jews.' It was valued at five hundred
talents; and the report is, that Aristobulus, the governor of the
Jews, sent it."
2. In a little time afterward came ambassadors again to him,
Antipater from Hyrcanus, and Nicodemus from Aristobulus; which
last also accused such as had taken bribes; first Gabinius, and
then Scaurus, - the one three hundred talents, and the other four
hundred; by which procedure he made these two his enemies,
besides those he had before. And when Pompey had ordered those
that had controversies one with another to come to him in the
beginning of the spring, he brought his army out of their winter
quarters, and marched into the country of Damascus; and as he
went along he demolished the citadel that was at Apamia, which
Antiochus Cyzicenus had built, and took cognizance of the country
of Ptolemy Menneus, a wicked man, and not less so than Dionysius
of Tripoli, who had been beheaded, who was also his relation by
marriage; yet did he buy off the punishment of his crimes for a
thousand talents, with which money Pompey paid the soldiers their
wages. He also conquered the place called Lysias, of which Silas
a Jew was tyrant. And when he had passed over the cities of
Heliopolis and Chalcis, and got over the mountain which is on the
limit of Colesyria, he came from Pella to Damascus; and there it
was that he heard the causes of the Jews, and of their governors
Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, who were at difference one with
another, as also of the nation against them both, which did not
desire to be under kingly' government, because the form of
government they received from their forefathers was that of
subjection to the priests of that God whom they worshipped; and
[they complained], that though these two were the posterity of
priests, yet did they seek to change the government of their
nation to another form, in order to enslave them. Hyrcanus
complained, that although he were the elder brother, he was
deprived of the prerogative of his birth by Aristobulus, and that
he had but a small part of the country under him, Aristobulus
having taken away the rest from him by force. He also accused
him, that the incursions which had been made into their
neighbors' countries, and the piracies that had been at sea, were
owing to him; and that the nation would not have revolted, unless
Aristobulus had been a man given to violence and disorder; and
there were no fewer than a thousand Jews, of the best esteem
among them, who confirmed this accusation; which confirmation was
procured by Antipater. But Aristobulus alleged against him, that
it was Hyrcanus's own temper, which was inactive, and on that
account contemptible, which caused him to be deprived of the
government; and that for himself, he was necessitated to take it
upon him, for fear lest it should be transferred to others. And
that as to his title [of king], it was no other than what his
father had taken [before him]. He also called for witnesses of
what he said some persons who were both young and insolent; whose
purple garments, fine heads of hair, and other ornaments, were
detested [by the court], and which they appeared in, not as
though they were to plead their cause in a court of justice, but
as if they were marching in a pompous procession.
3. When Pompey had heard the causes of these two, and had
condemned Aristobulus for his violent procedure, he then spake
civilly to them, and sent them away; and told them, that when he
came again into their country, he would settle all their affairs,
after he had first taken a view of the affairs of the Nabateans.
In the mean time, he ordered them to be quiet; and treated
Aristobulus civilly, lest he should make the nation revolt, and
hinder his return; which yet Aristobulus did; for without
expecting any further determination, which Pompey had promised
them, he went to the city Delius, and thence marched into Judea.
4. At this behavior Pompey was angry; and taking with him that
army which he was leading against the Nabateans, and the
auxiliaries that came from Damascus, and the other parts of
Syria, with the other Roman legions which he had with him, he
made an expedition against Aristobulus; but as he passed by Pella
and Scythopolis, he came to Corem, which is the first entrance
into Judea when one passes over the midland countries, where he
came to a most beautiful fortress that was built on the top of a
mountain called Alexandrium, whither Aristobulus had fled; and
thence Pompey sent his commands to him, that he should come to
him. Accordingly, at the persuasions of many that he would not
make war with the Romans, he came down; and when he had disputed
with his brother about the right to the government, he went up
again to the citadel, as Pompey gave him leave to do; and this he
did two or three times, as flattering himself with the hopes of
having the kingdom granted him; so that he still pretended he
would obey Pompey in whatsoever he commanded, although at the
same time he retired to his fortress, that he might not depress
himself too low, and that he might be prepared for a war, in case
it should prove as he feared, that Pompey would transfer the
government to Hyrcanus. But when Pompey enjoined Aristobulus to
deliver up the fortresses he held, and to send an injunction to
their governors under his own hand for that purpose, for they had
been forbidden to deliver them up upon any other commands, he
submitted indeed to do so; but still he retired in displeasure to
Jerusalem, and made preparation for war. A little after this,
certain persons came out of Pontus, and informed Pompey, as he
was on the way, and conducting his army against Aristobulus, that
Mithridates was dead, and was slain by his son Pharmaces.
CHAPTER 4.
How Pompey When The Citizens Of Jerusalem Shut Their Gates
Against Him Besieged The City And Took It By Force; As Also What
Other Things He Did In Judea.
1. Now when Pompey had pitched his camp at Jericho, (where the
palm tree grows,
and that balsam which is an ointment of all the most precious,
which upon any incision made in the wood with a sharp stone,
distills out thence like a juice,) (4) he marched in the morning
to Jerusalem. Hereupon Aristobulus repented of what he was doing,
and came to Pompey, had [promised to] give him money, and
received him into Jerusalem, and desired that he would leave off
the war, and do what he pleased peaceably. So Pompey, upon his
entreaty, forgave him, and sent Gabinius, and soldiers with him,
to receive the money and the city: yet was no part of this
performed; but Gabinius came back, being both excluded out of the
city, and receiving none of the money promised, because
Aristobulus's soldiers would not permit the agreements to be
executed. At this Pompey was very angry, and put Aristobulus into
prison, and came himself to the city, which was strong on every
side, excepting the north, which was not so well fortified, for
there was a broad and deep ditch that encompassed the city (5)
and included within it the temple, which was itself encompassed
about with a very strong stone wall.
2. Now there was a sedition of the men that were within the city,
who did not agree what was to be done in their present
circumstances, while some thought it best to deliver up the city
to Pompey; but Aristobulus's party exhorted them to shut the
gates, because he was kept in prison. Now these prevented the
others, and seized upon the temple, and cut off the bridge which
reached from it to the city, and prepared themselves to abide a
siege; but the others admitted Pompey's army in, and delivered up
both the city and the king's palace to him. So Pompey sent his
lieutenant Piso with an army, and placed garrisons both in the
city and in the palace, to secure them, and fortified the houses
that joined to the temple, and all those which were more distant
and without it. And in the first place, he offered terms of
accommodation to those within; but when they would not comply
with what was desired, he encompassed all the places thereabout
with a wall, wherein Hyrcanus did gladly assist him on all
occasions; but Pompey pitched his camp within [the wall], on the
north part of the temple, where it was most practicable; but even
on that side there were great towers, and a ditch had been dug,
and a deep valley begirt it round about, for on the parts towards
the city were precipices, and the bridge on which Pompey had
gotten in was broken down. However, a bank was raised, day by
day, with a great deal of labor, while the Romans cut down
materials for it from the places round about. And when this bank
was sufficiently raised, and the ditch filled up, though but
poorly, by reason of its immense depth, he brought his mechanical
engines and battering-rams from Tyre, and placing them on the
bank, he battered the temple with the stones that were thrown
against it. And had it not been our practice, from the days of
our forefathers, to rest on the seventh day, this bank could
never have been perfected, by reason of the opposition the Jews
would have made; for though our law gives us leave then to defend
ourselves against those that begin to fight with us and assault
us, yet does it not permit us to meddle with our enemies while
they do any thing else.
3. Which thing when the Romans understood, on those days which we
call Sabbaths they threw nothing at the Jews, nor came to any
pitched battle with them; but raised up their earthen banks, and
brought their engines into such forwardness, that they might do
execution the next day. And any one may hence learn how very
great piety we exercise towards God, and the observance of his
laws, since the priests were not at all hindered from their
sacred ministrations by their fear during this siege, but did
still twice a-day, in the morning and about the ninth hour, offer
their sacrifices on the altar; nor did they omit those
sacrifices, if any melancholy accident happened by the stones
that were thrown among them; for although the city was taken on
the third month, on the day of the fast, (6) upon the hundred and
seventy-ninth olympiad, when Caius Antonius and Marcus Tullius
Cicero were consuls, and the enemy then fell upon them, and cut
the throats of those that were in the temple; yet could not those
that offered the sacrifices be compelled to run away, neither by
the fear they were in of their own lives, nor by the number that
were already slain, as thinking it better to suffer whatever came
upon them, at their very altars, than to omit any thing that
their laws required of them. And that this is not a mere brag, or
an encomium to manifest a degree of our piety that was false, but
is the real truth, I appeal to those that have written of the
acts of Pompey; and, among them, to Strabo and Nicolaus [of
Damascus]; and besides these two, Titus Livius, the writer of the
Roman History, who will bear witness to this thing. (7)
4. But when the battering-engine was brought near, the greatest
of the towers was shaken by it, and fell down, and broke down a
part of the fortifications, so the enemy poured in apace; and
Cornelius Faustus, the son of Sylla, with his soldiers, first of
all ascended the wall, and next to him Furius the centurion, with
those that followed on the other part, while Fabius, who was also
a centurion, ascended it in the middle, with a great body of men
after him. But now all was full of slaughter; some of the Jews
being slain by the Romans, and some by one another; nay, some
there were who threw themselves down the precipices, or put fire
to their houses, and burnt them, as not able to bear the miseries
they were under. Of the Jews there fell twelve thousand, but of
the Romans very few. Absalom, who was at once both uncle and
father-in-law to Aristobulus, was taken captive; and no small
enormities were committed about the temple itself, which, in
former ages, had been inaccessible, and seen by none; for Pompey
went into it, and not a few of those that were with him also, and
saw all that which it was unlawful for any other men to see but
only for the high priests. There were in that temple the golden
table, the holy candlestick, and the pouring vessels, and a great
quantity of spices; and besides these there were among the
treasures two thousand talents of sacred money: yet did Pompey
touch nothing of all this, (8) on account of his regard to
religion; and in this point also he acted in a manner that was
worthy of his virtue. The next day he gave order to those that
had the charge of the temple to cleanse it, and to bring what
offerings the law required to God; and restored the high
priesthood to Hyrcanus, both because he had been useful to him in
other respects, and because he hindered the Jews in the country
from giving Aristobulus any assistance in his war against him. He
also cut off those that had been the authors of that war; and
bestowed proper rewards on Faustus, and those others that mounted
the wall with such alacrity; and he made Jerusalem tributary to
the Romans, and took away those cities of Celesyria which the
inhabitants of Judea had subdued, and put them under the
government of the Roman president, and confined the whole nation,
which had elevated itself so high before, within its own bounds.
Moreover, he rebuilt Gadara, (9) which had been demolished a
little before, to gratify Demetrius of Gadara, who was his
freedman, and restored the rest of the cities, Hippos, and
Scythopolis, and Pella, and Dios, and Samaria, as also Marissa,
and Ashdod, and Jamnia, and Arethusa, to their own inhabitants:
these were in the inland parts. Besides those that had been
demolished, and also of the maritime cities, Gaza, and Joppa, and
Dora, and Strato's Tower; which last Herod rebuilt after a
glorious manner, and adorned with havens and temples, and changed
its name to Caesarea. All these Pompey left in a state of
freedom, and joined them to the province of Syria.
5. Now the occasions of this misery which came upon Jerusalem
were Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, by raising a sedition one against
the other; for now we lost our liberty, and became subject to the
Romans, and were deprived of that country which we had gained by
our arms from the Syrians, and were compelled to restore it to
the Syrians. Moreover, the Romans exacted of us, in a little
time, above ten thousand talents; and the royal authority, which
was a dignity formerly bestowed on those that were high priests,
by the right of their family, became the property of private men.
But of these matters we shall treat in their proper places. Now
Pompey committed Celesyria, as far as the river Euphrates and
Egypt, to Scaurus, with two Roman legions, and then went away to
Cilicia, and made haste to Rome. He also carried bound along with
him Aristobulus and his children; for he had two daughters, and
as many sons; the one of which ran away, but the younger,
Antigonus, was carried to Rome, together with his sisters.
CHAPTER 5.
How Scaurus Made A League Of Mutual Assistance With Aretas; And
What Gabinius Did In Judea, After He Had Conquered Alexander, The
Son Of Aristobulus.
1. Scaurus made now an expedition against Petrea, in Arabia, and
set on fire all the places round about it, because of the great
difficulty of access to it. And as his army was pinched by
famine, Antipater furnished him with corn out of Judea, and with
whatever else he wanted, and this at the command of Hyrcanus. And
when he was sent to Aretas, as an ambassador by Scaurus, because
he had lived with him formerly, he persuaded Aretas to give
Scaurus a sum of money, to prevent the burning of his country,
and undertook to be his surety for three hundred talents. So
Scaurus, upon these terms, ceased to make war any longer; which
was done as much at Scaurus's desire, as at the desire of Aretas.
2. Some time after this, when Alexander, the son of Aristobulus,
made an incursion into Judea, Gabinius came from Rome into Syria,
as commander of the Roman forces. He did many considerable
actions; and particularly made war with Alexander, since Hyrcanus
was not yet able to oppose his power, but was already attempting
to rebuild the wall of Jerusalem, which Pompey had overthrown,
although the Romans which were there restrained him from that his
design. However, Alexander went over all the country round about,
and armed many of the Jews, and suddenly got together ten
thousand armed footmen, and fifteen hundred horsemen, and
fortified Alexandrium, a fortress near to Corem, and Macherus,
near the mountains of Arabia. Gabinius therefore came upon him,
having sent Marcus Antonius, with other commanders, before. These
armed such Romans as followed them; and, together with them, such
Jews as were subject to them, whose leaders were Pitholaus and
Malichus; and they took with them also their friends that were
with Antipater, and met Alexander, while Gabinius himself
followed with his legion. Hereupon Alexander retired to the
neighborhood of Jerusalem, where they fell upon one another, and
it came to a pitched battle, in which the Romans slew of their
enemies about three thousand, and took a like number alive.
3. At which time Gabinius (10) came to Alexandrium, and invited
those that were in it to deliver it up on certain conditions, and
promised that then their former offenses should be forgiven. But
as a great number of the enemy had pitched their camp before the
fortress, whom the Romans attacked, Marcus Antonius fought
bravely, and slew a great number, and seemed to come off with the
greatest honor. So Gabinius left part of his army there, in order
to take the place, and he himself went into other parts of Judea,
and gave order to rebuild all the cities that he met with that
had been demolished; at which time were rebuilt Samaria, Ashdod,
Scythopolis, Anthedon, Raphia, and Dora; Marissa also, and Gaza,
and not a few others besides. And as the men acted according to
Gabinius's command, it came to pass, that at this time these
cities were securely inhabited, which had been desolate for a
long time.
4. When Gabinius had done thus in the country, he returned to
Alexandrium; and when he urged on the siege of the place,
Alexander sent an embassage to him, desiring that he would pardon
his former offenses; he also delivered up the fortresses,
Hyrcania and Macherus, and at last Alexandrium itself which
fortresses Gabinius demolished. But when Alexander's mother, who
was of the side of the Romans, as having her husband and other
children at Rome, came to him, he granted her whatsoever she
asked; and when he had settled matters with her, he brought
Hyrcanus to Jerusalem, and committed the care of the temple to
him. And when he had ordained five councils, he distributed the
nation into the same number of parts. So these councils governed
the people; the first was at Jerusalem, the second at Gadara, the
third at Amathus, the fourth at Jericho, and the fifth at
Sepphoris in Galilee. So the Jews were now freed from monarchic
authority, and were governed by an aristocracy.
CHAPTER 6.
How Gabinius Caught Aristobulus After He Had Fled From Rome, And
Sent Him Back To Rome Again; And Now The Same Gabinius As He
Returned Out Of Egypt Overcame Alexander And The Nabateans In
Battle.
1. Now Aristobulus ran away from Rome to Judea, and set about the
rebuilding of Alexandrium, which had been newly demolished.
Hereupon Gabinius sent soldiers against him, add for their
commanders Sisenna, and Antonius, and Servilius, in order to
hinder him from getting possession of the country, and to take
him again. And indeed many of the Jews ran to Aristobulus, on
account of his former glory, as also because they should be glad
of an innovation. Now there was one Pitholaus, a lieutenant at
Jerusalem, who deserted to him with a thousand men, although a
great number of those that came to him were unarmed; and when
Aristobulus had resolved to go to Macherus, he dismissed those
people, because they were unarmed; for they could not be useful
to him in what actions he was going about; but he took with him
eight thousand that were armed, and marched on; and as the Romans
fell upon them severely, the Jews fought valiantly, but were
beaten in the battle; and when they had fought with alacrity, but
were overborne by the enemy, they were put to flight; of whom
were slain about five thousand, and the rest being dispersed,
tried, as well as they were able, to save themselves. However,
Aristobulus had with him still above a thousand, and with them he
fled to Macherus, and fortified the place; and though he had had
ill success, he still had good hope of his affairs; but when he
had struggled against the siege for two days' time, and had
received many wounds, he was brought as a captive to Gabinius,
with his son Antigonus, who also fled with him from Rome. And
this was the fortune of Aristobulus, who was sent back again to
Rome, and was there retained in bonds, having been both king and
high priest for three years and six months; and was indeed an
eminent person, and one of a great soul. However, the senate let
his children go, upon Gabinius's writing to them that he had
promised their mother so much when she delivered up the
fortresses to him; and accordingly they then returned into Judea.
2. Now when Gabinius was making an expedition against the
Parthians, and had already passed over Euphrates, he changed his
mind, and resolved to return into Egypt, in order to restore
Ptolemy to his kingdom. (11) This hath also been related
elsewhere. However, Antipater supplied his army, which he sent
against Archelaus, with corn, and weapons, and money. He also
made those Jews who were above Pelusium his friends and
confederates, and had been the guardians of the passes that led
into Egypt. But when he came back out of Egypt, he found Syria in
disorder, with seditions and troubles; for Alexander, the son of
Aristobulus, having seized on the government a second time by
force, made many of the Jews revolt to him; and so he marched
over the country with a great army, and slew all the Romans he
could light upon, and proceeded to besiege the mountain called
Gerizzim, whither they had retreated.
3. But when Gabinius found Syria in such a state, he sent
Antipater, who was a prudent man, to those that were seditious,
to try whether he could cure them of their madness, and persuade
them to return to a better mind; and when he came to them, he
brought many of them to a sound mind, and induced them to do what
they ought to do; but he could not restrain Alexander, for he had
an army of thirty thousand Jews, and met Gabinius, and joining
battle with him, was beaten, and lost ten thousand of his men
about Mount Tabor.
4. So Gabinius settled the affairs which belonged to the city
Jerusalem, as was agreeable to Antipater's inclination, and went
against the Nabateans, and overcame them in battle. He also sent
away in a friendly manner Mithridates and Orsanes, who were
Parthian deserters, and came to him, though the report went
abroad that they had run away from him. And when Gabinius had
performed great and glorious actions, in his management of the
affairs of war, he returned to Rome, and delivered the government
to Crassus. Now Nicolaus of Damascus, and Strabo of Cappadocia,
both describe the expeditions of Pompey and Gabinius against the
Jews, while neither of them say anything new which is not in the
other.
CHAPTER 7.
How Crassus Came Into Judea, And Pillaged The Temple; And Then
Marched Against The Parthians And Perished, With His Army. Also
How Cassius Obtained Syria, And Put A Stop To The Parthians And
Then Went Up To Judea.
1. Now Crassus, as he was going upon his expedition against the
Parthians, came into Judea, and carried off the money that was in
the temple, which Pompey had left, being two thousand talents,
and was disposed to spoil it of all the gold belonging to it,
which was eight thousand talents. He also took a beam, which was
made of solid beaten gold, of the weight of three hundred minae,
each of which weighed two pounds and a half. It was the priest
who was guardian of the sacred treasures, and whose name was
Eleazar, that gave him this beam, not out of a wicked design, for
he was a good and a righteous man; but being entrusted with the
custody of the veils belonging to the temple, which were of
admirable beauty, and of very costly workmanship, and hung down
from this beam, when he saw that Crassus was busy in gathering
money, and was in fear for the entire ornaments of the temple, he
gave him this beam of gold as a ransom for the whole, but this
not till he had given his oath that he would remove nothing else
out of the temple, but be satisfied with this only, which he
should give him, being worth many ten thousand [shekels]. Now
this beam was contained in a wooden beam that was hollow, but was
known to no others; but Eleazar alone knew it; yet did Crassus
take away this beam, upon the condition of touching nothing else
that belonged to the temple, and then brake his oath, and carried
away all the gold that was in the temple.
2. And let no one wonder that there was so much wealth in our
temple, since all the Jews throughout the habitable earth, and
those that worshipped God, nay, even those of Asia and Europe,
sent their contributions to it, and this from very ancient times.
Nor is the largeness of these sums without its attestation; nor
is that greatness owing to our vanity, as raising it without
ground to so great a height; but there are many witnesses to it,
and particularly Strabo of Cappadocia, who says thus:
"Mithridates sent to Cos, and took the money which queen
Cleopatra had deposited there, as also eight hundred talents
belonging to the Jews." Now we have no public money but only what
appertains to God; and it is evident that the Asian Jews removed
this money out of fear of Mithridates; for it is not probable
that those of Judea, who had a strong city and temple, should
send their money to Cos; nor is it likely that the Jews who are
inhabitants of Alexandria should do so neither, since they were
ill no fear of Mithridates. And Strabo himself bears witness to
the same thing in another place, that at the same time that Sylla
passed over into Greece, in order to fight against Mithridates,
he sent Lucullus to put an end to a sedition that our nation, of
whom the habitable earth is full, had raised in Cyrene; where he
speaks thus: "There were four classes of men among those of
Cyrene; that of citizens, that of husbandmen, the third of
strangers, and the fourth of Jews. Now these Jews are already
gotten into all cities; and it is hard to find a place in the
habitable earth that hath not admitted this tribe of men, and is
not possessed by them; and it hath come to pass that Egypt and
Cyrene, as having the same governors, and a great number of other
nations, imitate their way of living, and maintain great bodies
of these Jews in a peculiar manner, and grow up to greater
prosperity with them, and make use of the same laws with that
nation also. Accordingly, the Jews have places assigned them in
Egypt, wherein they inhabit, besides what is peculiarly allotted
to this nation at Alexandria, which is a large part of that city.
There is also an ethnarch allowed them, who governs the nation,
and distributes justice to them, and takes care of their
contracts, and of the laws to them belonging, as if he were the
ruler of a free republic. In Egypt, therefore, this nation is
powerful, because the Jews were originally Egyptians, and because
the land wherein they inhabit, since they went thence, is near to
Egypt. They also removed into Cyrene, because that this land
adjoined to the government of Egypt, as well as does Judea, or
rather was formerly under the same government." And this is what
Strabo says.
3. So when Crassus had settled all things as he himself pleased,
he marched into Parthia, where both he himself and all his army
perished, as hath been related elsewhere. But Cassius, as he fled
from Rome to Syria, took possession of it, and was an impediment
to the Parthians, who by reason of their victory over Crassus
made incursions upon it. And as he came back to Tyre, he went up
into Judea also, and fell upon Tarichee, and presently took it,
and carried about thirty thousand Jews captives; and slew
Pitholaus, who succeeded Aristobulus in his seditious practices,
and that by the persuasion of Antipater, who proved to have great
interest in him, and was at that time in great repute with the
Idumeans also: out of which nation he married a wife, who was the
daughter of one of their eminent men, and her name was Cypros,
(12) by whom he had four sons, Phasael, and Herod, who was
afterwards made king, and Joseph, and Pheroras; and a daughter,
named Salome. This Antipater cultivated also a friendship and
mutual kindness with other potentates, but especially with the
king of Arabia, to whom he committed his children, while he
fought against Aristobulus. So Cassius removed his camp, and
marched to Euphrates, to meet those that were coming to attack
him, as hath been related by others.
4. But some time afterward Cesar, when he had taken Rome, and
after Pompey and the senate were fled beyond the Ionian Sea,
freed Aristobulus from his bonds, and resolved to send him into
Syria, and delivered two legions to him, that he might set
matters right, as being a potent man in that country. But
Aristobulus had no enjoyment of what he hoped for from the power
that was given him by Cesar; for those of Pompey's party
prevented it, and destroyed him by poison; and those of Caesar's
party buried him. His dead body also lay, for a good while,
embalmed in honey, till Antony afterward sent it to Judea, and
caused him to be buried in the royal sepulcher. But Scipio, upon
Pompey's sending to him to slay Alexander, the son of
Aristobulus, because the young man was accused of what offenses
he had been guilty of at first against the Romans, cut off his
head; and thus did he die at Antioch. But Ptolemy, the son of
Menneus, who was the ruler of Chalcis, under Mount Libanus, took
his brethren to him, and sent his son Philippion to Askelon to
Aristobulus's wife, and desired her to send back with him her son
Antigonus, and her daughters; the one of which, whose name was
Alexandra, Philippion fell in love with, and married her, though
afterward his father Ptolemy slew him, and married Alexandra, and
continued to take care of her brethren.
CHAPTER 8.
The Jews Become Confederates With Caesar When He Fought Against
Egypt. The Glorious Actions Of Antipater, And His Friendship With
Caesar. The Honors Which The Jews Received From The Romans And
Athenians.
1. Now after Pompey was dead, and after that victory Caesar had
gained over him, Antipater, who managed the Jewish affairs,
became very useful to Caesar when he made war against Egypt, and
that by the order of Hyrcanus; for when Mithridates of Pergainus
was bringing his auxiliaries, and was not able to continue his
march through Pelusium, but obliged to stay at Askelon, Antipater
came to him, conducting three thousand of the Jews, armed men. He
had also taken care the principal men of the Arabians should come
to his assistance; and on his account it was that all the Syrians
assisted him also, as not willing to appear behindhand in their
alacrity for Cesar, viz. Jamblicus the ruler, and Ptolemy his
son, and Tholomy the son of Sohemus, who dwelt at Mount Libanus,
and almost all the cities. So Mithridates marched out of Syria,
and came to Pelusium; and when its inhabitants would not admit
him, he besieged the city. Now Antipater signalized himself here,
and was the first who plucked down a part of the wall, and so
opened a way to the rest, whereby they might enter the city, and
by this means Pelusium was taken. But it happened that the
Egyptian Jews, who dwelt in the country called Onion, would not
let Antipater and Mithridates, with their soldiers, pass to
Caesar; but Antipater persuaded them to come over with their
party, because he was of the same people with them, and that
chiefly by showing them the epistles of Hyrcanus the high priest,
wherein he exhorted them to cultivate friendship with Caesar, and
to supply his army with money, and all sorts of provisions which
they wanted; and accordingly, when they saw Antipater and the
high priest of the same sentiments, they did as they were
desired. And when the Jews about Memphis heard that these Jews
were come over to Caesar, they also invited Mithridates to come
to them; so he came and received them also into his army.
2. And when Mithridates had gone over all Delta, as the place is
called, he came to a pitched battle with the enemy, near the
place called the Jewish Camp. Now Mithridates had the right wing,
and Antipater the left; and when it came to a fight, that wing
where Mithridates was gave way, and was likely to suffer
extremely, unless Antipater had come running to him with his own
soldiers along the shore, when he had already beaten the enemy
that opposed him; so he delivered Mithridates, and put those
Egyptians who had been too hard for him to flight. He also took
their camp, and continued in the pursuit of them. He also
recalled Mithridates, who had been worsted, and was retired a
great way off; of whose soldiers eight hundred fell, but of
Antipater's fifty. So Mithridates sent an account of this battle
to Caesar, and openly declared that Antipater was the author of
this victory, and of his own preservation, insomuch that Caesar
commended Antipater then, and made use of him all the rest of
that war in the most hazardous undertakings; he happened also to
be wounded in one of those engagements.
3. However, when Caesar, after some time, had finished that war,
and was sailed away for Syria, he honored Antipater greatly, and
confirmed Hyrcanus in the high priesthood; and bestowed on
Antipater the privilege of a citizen of Rome, and a freedom from
taxes every where; and it is reported by many, that Hyrcanus went
along with Antipater in this expedition, and came himself into
Egypt. And Strabo of Cappadocia bears witness to this, when he
says thus, in the name of Aslnius: "After Mithridates had invaded
Egypt, and with him Hyrcanus the high priest of the Jews." Nay,
the same Strabo says thus again, in another place, in the name of
Hypsicrates, that "Mithridates at first went out alone; but that
Antipater, who had the care of the Jewish affairs, was called by
him to Askelon, and that he had gotten ready three thousand
soldiers to go along with him, and encouraged other governors of
the country to go along with him also; and that Hyrcanus the high
priest was also present in this expedition." This is what Strabo
says.
4. But Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, came at this time to
Caesar, and lamented his father's fate; and complained, that it
was by Antipater's means that Aristobulus was taken off by
poison, and his brother was beheaded by Scipio, and desired that
he would take pity of him who had been ejected out of that
principality which was due to him. He also accused Hyrcanus and
Antipater as governing the nation by violence, and offering
injuries to himself. Antipater was present, and made his defense
as to the accusations that were laid against him. He demonstrated
that Antigonus and his party were given to innovation, and were
seditious persons. He also put Caesar in mind what difficult
services he had undergone when he assisted him in his wars, and
discoursed about what he was a witness of himself. He added, that
Aristobulus was justly carried away to Rome, as one that was an
enemy to the Romans, and could never be brought to be a friend to
them, and that his brother had no more than he deserved from
Scipio, as being seized in committing robberies; and that this
punishment was not inflicted on him in a way of violence or
injustice by him that did it.
5. When Antipater had made this speech, Caesar appointed Hyrcauus
to be high priest, and gave Antipater what principality he
himself should choose, leaving the determination to himself; so
he made him procurator of Judea. He also gave Hyrcanus leave to
raise up the walls of his own city, upon his asking that favor of
him, for they had been demolished by Pompey. And this grant he
sent to the consuls to Rome, to be engraven in the capitol. The
decree of the senate was this that follows: (13) "Lucius
Valerius, the son of Lucius the praetor, referred this to the
senate, upon the Ides of December, in the temple of Concord.
There were present at the writing of this decree Lucius Coponius,
the son of Lucius of the Colline tribe, and Papirius of the
Quirine tribe, concerning the affairs which Alexander, the son of
Jason, and Numenius, the son of Antiochus, and Alexander, the son
of Dositheus, ambassadors of the Jews, good and worthy men,
proposed, who came to renew that league of goodwill and
friendship with the Romans which was in being before. They also
brought a shield of gold, as a mark of confederacy, valued at
fifty thousand pieces of gold; and desired that letters might be
given them, directed both to the free cities and to the kings,
that their country and their havens might be at peace, and that
no one among them might receive any injury. It therefore pleased
[the senate] to make a league of friendship and good-will with
them, and to bestow on them whatsoever they stood in need of, and
to accept of the shield which was brought by them. This was done
in the ninth year of Hyrcanus the high priest and ethnarch, in
the month Panemus." Hyreanus also received honors from the people
of Athens, as having been useful to them on many occasions. And
when they wrote to him, they sent him this decree, as it here
follows "Under the prutaneia and priesthood of Dionysius, the son
of Esculapius, on the fifth day of the latter part of the month
Panemus, this decree of the Athenians was given to their
commanders, when Agathocles was archon, and Eucles, the son of
Menander of Alimusia, was the scribe. In the month Munychion, on
the eleventh day of the prutaneia, a council of the presidents
was held in the theater. Dorotheus the high priest, and the
fellow presidents with him, put it to the vote of the people.
Dionysius, the son of Dionysius, gave the sentence. Since
Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnareh of
the Jews, continues to bear good-will to our people in general,
and to every one of our citizens in particular, and treats them
with all sorts of kindness; and when any of the Athenians come to
him, either as ambassadors, or on any occasion of their own, he
receives them in an obliging manner, and sees that they are
conducted back in safety, of which we have had several former
testimonies; it is now also decreed, at the report of Theodosius,
the son of Theodorus, and upon his putting the people in mind of
the virtue of this man, and that his purpose is to do us all the
good that is in his power, to honor him with a crown of gold, the
usual reward according to the law, and to erect his statue in
brass in the temple of Demus and of the Graces; and that this
present of a crown shall be proclaimed publicly in the theater,
in the Dionysian shows, while the new tragedies are acting; and
in the Panathenean, and Eleusinian, and Gymnical shows also; and
that the commanders shall take care, while he continues in his
friendship, and preserves his good-will to us, to return all
possible honor and favor to the man for his affection and
generosity; that by this treatment it may appear how our people
receive the good kindly, and repay them a suitable reward; and he
may be induced to proceed in his affection towards us, by the
honors we have already paid him. That ambassadors be also chosen
out of all the Athenians, who shall carry this decree to him, and
desire him to accept of the honors we do him, and to endeavor
always to be doing some good to our city." And this shall suffice
us to have spoken as to the honors that were paid by the Romans
and the people of Athens to Hyrcanus.
CHAPTER 9.
How Antipater Committed The Care Of Galilee To Herod, And That Of
Jerusalem To Phasaelus; As Also How Herod Upon The Jews' Envy At
Antipater Was Accused Before Hyrcanus.
1. Now when Caesar had settled the affairs of Syria, he sailed
away. And as soon as Antipater had conducted Caesar out of Syria,
he returned to Judea. He then immediately raised up the wall
which had been thrown down by Pompey; and, by coming thither, he
pacified that tumult which had been in the country, and this by
both threatening and advising them to be quiet; for that if they
would be of Hyrcanus's side, they would live happily, and lead
their lives without disturbance, and in the enjoyment of their
own possessions; but if they were addicted to the hopes of what
might come by innovation, and aimed to get wealth thereby, they
should have him a severe master instead of a gentle governor, and
Hyrcanus a tyrant instead of a king, and the Romans, together
with Caesar, their bitter enemies instead of rulers, for that
they would never bear him to be set aside whom they had appointed
to govern. And when Antipater had said this to them, he himself
settled the affairs of this country.
2. And seeing that Hyrcanus was of a slow and slothful temper, he
made Phasaelus, his eldest son, governor of Jerusalem, and of the
places that were about it, but committed Galilee to Herod, his
next son, who was then a very young man, for he was but fifteen
years of age (14) But that youth of his was no impediment to him;
but as he was a youth of great mind, he presently met with an
opportunity of signalizing his courage; for finding that there
was one Hezekiah, a captain of a band of robbers, who overran the
neighboring parts of Syria with a great troop of them, he seized
him and slew him, as well as a great number of the other robbers
that were with him; for which action he was greatly beloved by
the Syrians; for when they were very desirous to have their
country freed from this nest of robbers, he purged it of them. So
they sung songs in his commendation in their villages and cities,
as having procured them peace, and the secure enjoyment of their
possessions; and on this account it was that he became known to
Sextus Caesar, who was a relation of the great Caesar, and was
now president of Syria. Now Phasaetus, Herod's brother, was moved
with emulation at his actions, and envied the fame he had thereby
gotten, and became ambitious not to be behindhand with him in
deserving it. So he made the inhabitants of Jerusalem bear him
the greatest good-will while he held the city himself, but did
neither manage its affairs improperly, nor abuse his authority
therein. This conduct procured from the nation to Antipater such
respect as is due to kings, and such honors as he might partake
of if he were an absolute lord of the country. Yet did not this
splendor of his, as frequently happens, in the least diminish in
him that kindness and fidelity which he owed to Hyrcanus.
3. But now the principal men among the Jews, when they saw
Antipater and his sons to grow so much in the good-will the
nation bare to them, and in the revenues which they received out
of Judea, and out of Hyrcanus's own wealth, they became
ill-disposed to him; for indeed Antipater had contracted a
friendship with the Roman emperors; and when he had prevailed
with Hyrcanus to send them money, he took it to himself, and
purloined the present intended, and sent it as if it were his
own, and not Hyrcanus's gift to them. Hyrcanus heard of this his
management, but took no care about it; nay, he rather was very
glad of it. But the chief men of the Jews were therefore in fear,
because they saw that Herod was a violent and bold man, and very
desirous of acting tyrannically; so they came to Hyrcanus, and
now accused Antipater openly, and said to him, "How long wilt
thou be quiet under such actions as are now done? Or dost thou
not see that Antipater and his sons have already seized upon the
government, and that it is only the name of a king which is given
thee? But do not thou suffer these things to be hidden from thee,
nor do thou think to escape danger by being so careless of
thyself and of thy kingdom; for Antipater and his sons are not
now stewards of thine affairs: do not thou deceive thyself with
such a notion; they are evidently absolute lords; for Herod,
Antipater's son, hath slain Hezekiah, and those that were with
him, and hath thereby transgressed our law, which hath forbidden
to slay any man, even though he were a wicked man, unless he had
been first condemned to suffer death by the Sanhedrim (15) yet
hath he been so insolent as to do this, and that without any
authority from thee."
4. Upon Hyrcanus hearing this, he complied with them. The mothers
also of those that had been slain by Herod raised his
indignation; for those women continued every day in the temple,
persuading the king and the people that Herod might undergo a
trial before the Sanhedrim for what he had done. Hyrcanus was so
moved by these complaints, that he summoned Herod to come to his
trial for what was charged upon him. Accordingly, he came; but his
father had persuaded him to come not like a private man, but with
a guard, for the security of his person; and that when he had
settled the affairs of Galilee in the best manner he could for
his own advantage, he should come to his trial, but still with a
body of men sufficient for his security on his journey, yet so
that he should not come with so great a force as might look like
terrifying Hyrcanus, but still such a one as might not expose him
naked and unguarded [to his enemies.] However, Sextus Caesar,
president of Syria, wrote to Hyrcanus, and desired him to clear
Herod, and dismiss him at his trial, and threatened him
beforehand if he did not do it. Which epistle of his was the
occasion of Hyrcanus delivering Herod from suffering any harm
from the Sanhedrim, for he loved him as his own son. But when
Herod stood before the Sanhedrim, with his body of men about him,
he aftrighted them all, and no one of his former accusers durst
after that bring any charge against him, but there was a deep
silence, and nobody knew what was to be done. When affairs stood
thus, one whose name was Sameas, (16) a righteous man he was, and
for that reason above all fear, rose up, and said, "O you that
are assessors with me, and O thou that art our king, I neither
have ever myself known such a case, nor do I suppose that any one
of you can name its parallel, that one who is called to take his
trial by us ever stood in such a manner before us; but every one,
whosoever he be, that comes to be tried by this Sanhedrim,
presents himself in a submissive manner, and like one that is in
fear of himself, and that endeavors to move us to compassion,
with his hair dishevelled, and in a black and mourning garment:
but this admirable man Herod, who is accused of murder, and
called to answer so heavy an accusation, stands here clothed in
purple, and with the hair of his head finely trimmed, and with
his armed men about him, that if we shall condemn him by our law,
he may slay us, and by overbearing justice may himself escape
death. Yet do not I make this complaint against Herod himself; he
is to be sure more concerned for himself than for the laws; but
my complaint is against yourselves, and your king, who gave him a
license so to do. However, take you notice, that God is great,
and that this very man, whom you are going to absolve and
dismiss, for the sake of Hyrcanus, will one day punish both you
and your king himself also." Nor did Sameas mistake in any part
of this prediction; for when Herod had received the kingdom, he
slew all the members of this Sanhedrim, and Hyrcanus himself
also, excepting Sameas, for he had a great honor for him on
account of his righteousness, and because, when the city was
afterward besieged by Herod and Sosius, he persuaded the people
to admit Herod into it; and told them that for their sins they
would not be able to escape his hands: - which things will be
related by us in their proper places.
5. But when Hyrcanus saw that the members of the Sanhedrim were
ready to pronounce the sentence of death upon Herod, he put off
the trial to another day, and sent privately to Herod, and
advised him to fly out of the city, for that by this means he
might escape. So he retired to Damascus, as though he fled from
the king; and when he had been with Sextus Caesar, and had put
his own affairs in a sure posture, he resolved to do thus; that
in case he were again summoned before the Sanhedrim to take his
trial, he would not obey that summons. Hereupon the members of
the Sanhedrim had great indignation at this posture of affairs,
and endeavored to persuade Hyrcanus that all these things were
against him; which state of matters he was not ignorant of; but
his temper was so unmanly, and so foolish, that he was able to do
nothing at all. But when Sextus had made Herod general of the
army of Celesyria, for he sold him that post for money, Hyrcanus
was in fear lest Herod should make war upon him; nor was the
effect of what he feared long in coming upon him; for Herod came
and brought an army along with him to fight with Hyrcanus, as
being angry at the trial he had been summoned to undergo before
the Sanhedrim; but his father Antipater, and his brother
[Phasaelus], met him, and hindered him from assaulting Jerusalem.
They also pacified his vehement temper, and persuaded him to do
no overt action, but only to affright them with threatenings, and
to proceed no further against one who had given him the dignity
he had: they also desired him not only to be angry that he was
summoned, and obliged to come to his trial, but to remember
withal how he was dismissed without condemnation, and how he
ought to give Hyrcanus thanks for the same; and that he was not
to regard only what was disagreeable to him, and be unthankful
for his deliverance. So they desired him to consider, that since
it is God that turns the scales of war, there is great
uncertainty in the issue of battles, and that therefore he ought
of to expect the victory when he should fight with his king, and
him that had supported him, and bestowed many benefits upon him,
and had done nothing itself very severe to him; for that his
accusation, which was derived from evil counselors, and not from
himself, had rather the suspicion of some severity, than any
thing really severe in it. Herod was persuaded by these
arguments, and believed that it was sufficient for his future
hopes to have made a show of his strength before the nation, and
done no more to it - and in this state were the affairs of Judea
at this time.
CHAPTER 10.
The Honors That Were Paid The Jews; And The Leagues That Were
Made By The Romans And Other Nations, With Them.
1. Now when Caesar was come to Rome, he was ready to sail into
Africa to fight against Scipio and Cato, when Hyrcanus sent
ambassadors to him, and by them desired that he would ratify that
league of friendship and mutual alliance which was between them,
And it seems to me to be necessary here to give an account of all
the honors that the Romans and their emperor paid to our nation,
and of the leagues of mutual assistance they have made with it,
that all the rest of mankind may know what regard the kings of
Asia and Europe have had to us, and that they have been
abundantly satisfied of our courage and fidelity; for whereas
many will not believe what hath been written about us by the
Persians and Macedonians, because those writings are not every
where to be met with, nor do lie in public places, but among us
ourselves, and certain other barbarous nations, while there is no
contradiction to be made against the decrees of the Romans, for
they are laid up in the public places of the cities, and are
extant still in the capitol, and engraven upon pillars of brass;
nay, besides this, Julius Caesar made a pillar of brass for the
Jews at Alexandria, and declared publicly that they were citizens
of Alexandria. Out of these evidences will I demonstrate what I
say; and will now set down the decrees made both by the senate
and by Julius Caesar, which relate to Hyrcanus and to our nation.
2. "Caius Julius Caesar, imperator and high priest, and dictator
the second time, to the magistrates, senate, and people of Sidon,
sendeth greeting. If you be in health, it is well. I also and the
army are well. I have sent you a copy of that decree, registered
on the tables, which concerns Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the
high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, that it may be laid up
among the public records; and I will that it be openly proposed
in a table of brass, both in Greek and in Latin. It is as
follows: I Julius Caesar, imperator the second time, and high
priest, have made this decree, with the approbation of the
senate. Whereas Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander the Jew, hath
demonstrated his fidelity and diligence about our affairs, and
this both now and in former times, both in peace and in war, as
many of our generals have borne witness, and came to our
assistance in the last Alexandrian war, (17) with fifteen hundred
soldiers; and when he was sent by me to Mithridates, showed
himself superior in valor to all the rest of that army; - for
these reasons I will that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his
children, be ethnarchs of the Jews, and have the high priesthood
of the Jews for ever, according to the customs of their
forefathers, and that he and his sons be our confederates; and
that besides this, everyone of them be reckoned among our
particular friends. I also ordain that he and his children retain
whatsoever privileges belong to the office of high priest, or
whatsoever favors have been hitherto granted them; and if at any
time hereafter there arise any questions about the Jewish
customs, I will that he determine the same. And I think it not
proper that they should be obliged to find us winter quarters, or
that any money should be required of them."
3. "The decrees of Caius Caesar, consul, containing what hath
been granted and determined, are as follows: That Hyrcanus and
his children bear rule over the nation of the Jews, and have the
profits of the places to them bequeathed; and that he, as himself
the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, defend those that are
injured; and that ambassadors be sent to Hyrcanus, the son of
Alexander, the high priest of the Jews, that may discourse with
him about a league of friendship and mutual assistance; and that
a table of brass, containing the premises, be openly proposed in
the capitol, and at Sidon, and Tyre, and Askelon, and in the
temple, engraven in Roman and Greek letters: that this decree may
also be communicated to the quaestors and praetors of the several
cities, and to the friends of the Jews; and that the ambassadors
may have presents made them; and that these decrees be sent every
where."
4. "Caius Caesar, imperator, dictator, consul, hath granted, That
out of regard to the honor, and virtue, and kindness of the man,
and for the advantage of the senate, and of the people of Rome,
Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, both he and his children, be high
priests and priests of Jerusalem, and of the Jewish nation, by
the same right, and according to the same laws, by which their
progenitors have held the priesthood."
5. "Caius Caesar, consul the fifth time, hath decreed, That the
Jews shall possess Jerusalem, and may encompass that city with
walls; and that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the high priest
and ethnarch of the Jews, retain it in the manner he himself
pleases; and that the Jews be allowed to deduct out of their
tribute, every second year the land is let [in the Sabbatic
period], a corus of that tribute; and that the tribute they pay
be not let to farm, nor that they pay always the same tribute."
6. "Caius Caesar, imperator the second time, hath ordained, That
all the country of the Jews, excepting Joppa, do pay a tribute
yearly for the city Jerusalem, excepting the seventh, which they
call the sabbatical year, because thereon they neither receive
the fruits of their trees, nor do they sow their land; and that
they pay their tribute in Sidon on the second year [of that
sabbatical period], the fourth part of what was sown: and besides
this, they are to pay the same tithes to Hyrcanus and his sons
which they paid to their forefathers. And that no one, neither
president, nor lieutenant, nor ambassador, raise auxiliaries
within the bounds of Judea; nor may soldiers exact money of them
for winter quarters, or under any other pretense; but that they
be free from all sorts of injuries; and that whatsoever they
shall hereafter have, and are in possession of, or have bought,
they shall retain them all. It is also our pleasure that the city
Joppa, which the Jews had originally, when they made a league of
friendship with the Romans, shall belong to them, as it formerly
did; and that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his sons, have
as tribute of that city from those that occupy the land for the
country, and for what they export every year to Sidon, twenty
thousand six hundred and seventy-five modii every year, the
seventh year, which they call the Sabbatic year, excepted,
whereon they neither plough, nor receive the product of their
trees. It is also the pleasure of the senate, that as to the
villages which are in the great plain, which Hyrcanus and his
forefathers formerly possessed, Hyrcanus and the Jews have them
with the same privileges with which they formerly had them also;
and that the same original ordinances remain still in force which
concern the Jews with regard to their high priests; and that they
enjoy the same benefits which they have had formerly by the
concession of the people, and of the senate; and let them enjoy
the like privileges in Lydda. It is the pleasure also of the
senate that Hyrcanus the ethnarch, and the Jews, retain those
places, countries, and villages which belonged to the kings of
Syria and Phoenicia, the confederates of the Romans, and which
they had bestowed on them as their free gifts. It is also granted
to Hyrcanus, and to his sons, and to the ambassadors by them sent
to us, that in the fights between single gladiators, and in those
with beasts, they shall sit among the senators to see those
shows; and that when they desire an audience, they shall be
introduced into the senate by the dictator, or by the general of
the horse; and when they have introduced them, their answers
shall be returned them in ten days at the furthest, after the
decree of the senate is made about their affairs."
7. "Caius Cqesar, imperator, dictator the fourth time, and consul
the fifth time, declared to be perpetual dictator, made this
speech concerning the rights and privileges of Hyrcanus, the son
of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews. Since
those imperators that have been in the provinces before me have
borne witness to Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews, and to
the Jews themselves, and this before the senate and people of
Rome, when the people and senate returned their thanks to them,
it is good that we now also remember the same, and provide that a
requital be made to Hyrcanus, to the nation of the Jews, and to
the sons of Hyrcanus, by the senate and people of Rome, and that
suitably to what good-will they have shown us, and to the
benefits they have bestowed upon us."
8. "Julius Caius, praetor [consul] of Rome, to the magistrates,
senate, and people of the Parians, sendeth greeting. The Jews of
Delos, and some other Jews that sojourn there, in the presence of
your ambassadors, signified to us, that, by a decree of yours,
you forbid them to make use of the customs of their forefathers,
and their way of sacred worship. Now it does not please me that
such decrees should be made against our friends and confederates,
whereby they are forbidden to live according to their own
customs, or to bring in contributions for common suppers and holy
festivals, while they are not forbidden so to do even at Rome
itself; for even Caius Caesar, our imperator and consul, in that
decree wherein he forbade the Bacchanal rioters to meet in the
city, did yet permit these Jews, and these only, both to bring in
their contributions, and to make their common suppers.
Accordingly, when I forbid other Bacchanal rioters, I permit
these Jews to gather themselves together, according to the
customs and laws of their forefathers, and to persist therein. It
will be therefore good for you, that if you have made any decree
against these our friends and confederates, to abrogate the same,
by reason of their virtue and kind disposition towards us."
9. Now after Caius was slain, when Marcus Antonius and Publius
Dolabella were consuls, they both assembled the senate, and
introduced Hyrcanus's ambassadors into it, and discoursed of what
they desired, and made a league of friendship with them. The
senate also decreed to grant them all they desired. I add the
decree itself, that those who read the present work may have
ready by them a demonstration of the truth of what we say. The
decree was this:
10. "The decree of the senate, copied out of the treasury, from
the public tables belonging to the quaestors, when Quintus
Rutilius and Caius Cornelius were quaestors, and taken out of the
second table of the first class, on the third day before the Ides
of April, in the temple of Concord. There were present at the
writing of this decree, Lucius Calpurnius Piso of the Menenian
tribe, Servius Papinins Potitus of the Lemonian tribe, Caius
Caninius Rebilius of the Terentine tribe, Publius Tidetius,
Lucius Apulinus, the son of Lucius, of the Sergian tribe,
Flavius, the son of Lucius, of the Lemonian tribe, Publius
Platins, the son of Publius, of the Papyrian tribe, Marcus
Acilius, the son of Marcus, of the Mecian tribe, Lucius Erucius,
the son of Lucius, of the Stellatine tribe, Mareils Quintus
Plancillus, the son of Marcus, of the Pollian tribe, and Publius
Serius. Publius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, the consuls, made
this reference to the senate, that as to those things which, by
the decree of the senate, Caius Caesar had adjudged about the
Jews, and yet had not hitherto that decree been brought into the
treasury, it is our will, as it is also the desire of Publius
Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, our consuls, to have these decrees
put into the public tables, and brought to the city quaestors,
that they may take care to have them put upon the double tables.
This was done before the fifth of the Ides of February, in the
temple of Concord. Now the ambassadors from Hyrcanus the high
priest were these: Lysimachus, the son of Pausanias, Alexander,
the son of Theodorus, Patroclus, the son of Chereas, and Jonathan
the son of Onias."
11. Hyrcanus sent also one of these ambassadors to Dolabella, who
was then the prefect of Asia, and desired him to dismiss the Jews
from military services, and to preserve to them the customs of
their forefathers, and to permit them to live according to them.
And when Dolabella had received Hyrcanus's letter, without any
further deliberation, he sent an epistle to all the Asiatics, and
particularly to the city of the Ephesians, the metropolis of
Asia, about the Jews; a copy of which epistle here follows:
12. "When Artermon was prytanis, on the first day of the month
Leneon, Dolabella, imperator, to the senate, and magistrates, and
people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. Alexander, the son of
Theodorus, the ambassador of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the
high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, appeared before me, to show
that his countrymen could not go into their armies, because they
are not allowed to bear arms or to travel on the sabbath days,
nor there to procure themselves those sorts of food which they
have been used to eat from the times of their forefathers; - I do
therefore grant them a freedom from going into the army, as the
former prefects have done, and permit them to use the customs of
their forefathers, in assembling together for sacred and
religious purposes, as their law requires, and for collecting
oblations necessary for sacrifices; and my will is, that you
write this to the several cities under your jurisdiction."
13. And these were the concessions that Dolabella made to our
nation when Hyrcanus sent an embassage to him. But Lucius the
consul's decree ran thus: "I have at my tribunal set these Jews,
who are citizens of Rome, and follow the Jewish religious rites,
and yet live at Ephesus, free from going into the army, on
account of the superstition they are under. This was done before
the twelfth of the calends of October, when Lucius Lentulus and
Caius Marcellus were consuls, in the presence of Titus Appius
Balgus, the son of Titus, and lieutenant of the Horatian tribe;
of Titus Tongins, the son of Titus, of the Crustumine tribe; of
Quintus Resius, the son of Quintus; of Titus Pompeius Longinus,
the son of Titus; of Catus Servilius, the son of Caius, of the
Terentine tribe; of Bracchus the military tribune; of Publius
Lucius Gallus, the son of Publius, of the Veturian tribe; of
Caius Sentins, the son of Caius, of the Sabbatine tribe; of Titus
Atilius Bulbus, the son of Titus, lieutenant and vice-praetor to
the magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth
greeting. Lucius Lentulus the consul freed the Jews that are in
Asia from going into the armies, at my intercession for them; and
when I had made the same petition some time afterward to Phanius
the imperator, and to Lucius Antonius the vice-quaestor, I
obtained that privilege of them also; and my will is, that you
take care that no one give them any disturbance."
14. The decree of the Delians. "The answer of the praetors, when
Beotus was archon, on the twentieth day of the month Thargeleon.
While Marcus Piso the lieutenant lived in our city, who was also
appointed over the choice of the soldiers, he called us, and many
other of the citizens, and gave order, that if there be here any
Jews who are Roman citizens, no one is to give them any
disturbance about going into the army, because Cornelius
Lentulus, the consul, freed the Jews from going into the army, on
account of the superstition they are under; - you are therefore
obliged to submit to the praetor." And the like decree was made
by the Sardians about us also.
15. "Caius Phanius, the son of Caius, imperator and consul, to
the magistrates of Cos, sendeth greeting. I would have you know
that the ambassadors of the Jews have been with me, and desired
they might have those decrees which the senate had made about
them; which decrees are here subjoined. My will is, that you have
a regard to and take care of these men, according to the senate's
decree, that they may be safely conveyed home through your
country."
16. The declaration of Lucius Lentulus the consul: "I have
dismissed those Jews who are Roman citizens, and who appear to me
to have their religious rites, and to observe the laws of the
Jews at Ephesus, on account of the superstition they are under.
This act was done before the thirteenth of the calends of
October."
17. "Lucius Antonius, the son of Marcus, vice-quaestor, and
vice-praetor, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the
Sardians, sendeth greeting. Those Jews that are our fellow
citizens of Rome came to me, and demonstrated that they had an
assembly of their own, according to the laws of their
forefathers, and this from the beginning, as also a place of
their own, wherein they determined their suits and controversies
with one another. Upon their petition therefore to me, that these
might be lawful for them, I gave order that these their
privileges be preserved, and they be permitted to do
accordingly."
18. The declaration of Marcus Publius, the son of Spurius, and of
Marcus, the son of Marcus, and of Lucius, the son of Publius: "We
went to the proconsul, and informed him of what Dositheus, the
son of Cleopatrida of Alexandria, desired, that, if he thought
good, he would dismiss those Jews who were Roman citizens, and
were wont to observe the rites of the Jewish religion, on account
of the superstition they were under. Accordingly, he did dismiss
them. This was done before the thirteenth of the calends of
October."
19. "In the month Quntius, when Lucius Lentulus and Caius
Mercellus were consuls; and there were present Titus Appius
Balbus, the son of Titus, lieutenant of the Horatian tribe, Titus
Tongius of the Crustumine tribe, Quintus Resius, the son of
Quintus, Titus Pompeius, the son of Titus, Cornelius Longinus,
Caius Servilius Bracchus, the son of Caius, a military tribune,
of the Terentine tribe, Publius Clusius Gallus, the son of
Publius, of the Veturian tribe, Caius Teutius, the son of Caius,
a milital tribune, of the EmilJan tribe, Sextus Atilius Serranus,
the son of Sextus, of the Esquiline tribe, Caius Pompeius, the
son of Caius, of the Sabbatine tribe, Titus Appius Menander, the
son of Titus, Publius Servilius Strabo, the son of Publius,
Lucius Paccius Capito, the son of Lucius, of the Colline tribe,
Aulus Furius Tertius, the son of Aulus, and Appius Menus. In the
presence of these it was that Lentulus pronounced this decree: I
have before the tribunal dismissed those Jews that are Roman
citizens, and are accustomed to observe the sacred rites of the
Jews at Ephesus, on account of the superstition they are under."
20. "The magistrates of the Laodiceans to Caius Rubilius, the son
of Caius, the consul, sendeth greeting. Sopater, the ambassador
of Hyrcanus the high priest, hath delivered us an epistle from
thee, whereby he lets us know that certain ambassadors were come
from Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews, and brought an
epistle written concerning their nation, wherein they desire that
the Jews may be allowed to observe their Sabbaths, and other
sacred rites, according to the laws of their forefathers, and
that they may be under no command, because they are our friends
and confederates, and that nobody may injure them in our
provinces. Now although the Trallians there present contradicted
them, and were not pleased with these decrees, yet didst thou
give order that they should be observed, and informedst us that
thou hadst been desired to write this to us about them. We
therefore, in obedience to the injunctions we have received from
thee, have received the epistle which thou sentest us, and have
laid it up by itself among our public records. And as to the
other things about which thou didst send to us, we will take care
that no complaint be made against us."
21. "Publius Servilius, the son of Publius, of the Galban tribe,
the proconsul, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the
Mileslans, sendeth greeting. Prytanes, the son of Hermes, a
citizen of yours, came to me when I was at Tralles, and held a
court there, and informed me that you used the Jews in a way
different from my opinion, and forbade them to celebrate their
Sabbaths, and to perform the Sacred rites received from their
forefathers, and to manage the fruits of the land, according to
their ancient custom; and that he had himself been the promulger
of your decree, according as your laws require: I would therefore
have you know, that upon hearing the pleadings on both sides, I
gave sentence that the Jews should not be prohibited to make use
of their own customs."
22. The decree of those of Pergamus. "When Cratippus was
prytanis, on the first day of the month Desius, the decree of the
praetors was this: Since the Romans, following the conduct of
their ancestors, undertake dangers for the common safety of all
mankind, and are ambitious to settle their confederates and
friends in happiness, and in firm peace, and since the nation of
the Jews, and their high priest Hyrcanus, sent as ambassadors to
them, Strato, the son of Theodatus, and Apollonius, the son of
Alexander, and Eneas, the son of Antipater, and Aristobulus, the
son of Amyntas, and Sosipater, the son of Philip, worthy and good
men, who gave a particular account of their affairs, the senate
thereupon made a decree about what they had desired of them, that
Antiochus the king, the son of Antiochus, should do no injury to
the Jews, the confederates of the Romans; and that the
fortresses, and the havens, and the country, and whatsoever else
he had taken from them, should be restored to them; and that it
may be lawful for them to export their goods out of their own
havens; and that no king nor people may have leave to export any
goods, either out of the country of Judea, or out of their
havens, without paying customs, but only Ptolemy, the king of
Alexandria, because he is our confederate and friend; and that,
according to their desire, the garrison that is in Joppa may be
ejected. Now Lucius Pettius, one of our senators, a worthy and
good man, gave order that we should take care that these things
should be done according to the senate's decree; and that we
should take care also that their ambassadors might return home in
safety. Accordingly, we admitted Theodorus into our senate and
assembly, and took the epistle out his hands, as well as the
decree of the senate. And as he discoursed with great zeal about
the Jews, and described Hyrcanus's virtue and generosity, and how
he was a benefactor to all men in common, and particularly to
every body that comes to him, we laid up the epistle in our
public records; and made a decree ourselves, that since we also
are in confederacy with the Romans, we would do every thing we
could for the Jews, according to the senate's decree. Theodorus
also, who brought the epistle, desired of our praetors, that they
would send Hyrcanus a copy of that decree, as also ambassadors to
signify to him the affection of our people to him, and to exhort
them to preserve and augment their friendship for us, and be
ready to bestow other benefits upon us, as justly expecting to
receive proper requitals from us; and desiring them to remember
that our ancestors (19) were friendly to the Jews even in the
days of Abraham, who was the father of all the Hebrews, as we
have [also] found it set down in our public records."
23. The decree of those of Halicarnassus. "When Memnon, the son
of Orestidas by descent, but by adoption of Euonymus, was priest,
on the * * * day of the month Aristerion, the decree of the
people, upon the representation of Marcus Alexander, was this:
Since we have ever a great regard to piety towards God, and to
holiness; and since we aim to follow the people of the Romans,
who are the benefactors of all men, and what they have written to
us about a league of friendship and mutual assistance between the
Jews and our city, and that their sacred offices and accustomed
festivals and assemblies may be observed by them; we have
decreed, that as many men and women of the Jews as are willing so
to do, may celebrate their Sabbaths, and perform their holy
offices, according to Jewish laws; and may make their proseuchae
at the sea-side, according to the customs of their forefathers;
and if any one, whether he be a magistrate or private person,
hindereth them from so doing, he shall be liable to a fine, to be
applied to the uses of the city."
24. The decree of the Sardians. "This decree was made by the
senate and people, upon the representation of the praetors:
Whereas those Jews who are fellow citizens, and live with us in
this city, have ever had great benefits heaped upon them by the
people, and have come now into the senate, and desired of the
people, that upon the restitution of their law and their liberty,
by the senate and people of Rome, they may assemble together,
according to their ancient legal custom, and that we will not
bring any suit against them about it; and that a place may be
given them where they may have their congregations, with their
wives and children, and may offer, as did their forefathers,
their prayers and sacrifices to God. Now the senate and people
have decreed to permit them to assemble together on the days
formerly appointed, and to act according to their own laws; and
that such a place be set apart for them by the praetors, for the
building and inhabiting the same, as they shall esteem fit for
that purpose; and that those that take care of the provision for
the city, shall take care that such sorts of food as they esteem
fit for their eating may be imported into the city."
25. The decree of the Ephesians. "When Menophilus was prytanis,
on the first day of the month Artemisius, this decree was made by
the people: Nicanor, the son of Euphemus, pronounced it, upon the
representation of the praetors. Since the Jews that dwell in this
city have petitioned Marcus Julius Pompeius, the son of Brutus,
the proconsul, that they might be allowed to observe their
Sabbaths, and to act in all things according to the customs of
their forefathers, without impediment from any body, the praetor
hath granted their petition. Accordingly, it was decreed by the
senate and people, that in this affair that concerned the Romans,
no one of them should be hindered from keeping the sabbath day,
nor be fined for so doing, but that they may be allowed to do all
things according to their own laws."
26. Now there are many such decrees of the senate and imperators
of the Romans (20) and those different from these before us,
which have been made in favor of Hyrcanus, and of our nation; as
also, there have been more decrees of the cities, and rescripts
of the praetors, to such epistles as concerned our rights and
privileges; and certainly such as are not ill-disposed to what we
write may believe that they are all to this purpose, and that by
the specimens which we have inserted; for since we have produced
evident marks that may still be seen of the friendship we have
had with the Romans, and demonstrated that those marks are
engraven upon columns and tables of brass in the capitol, that
axe still in being, and preserved to this day, we have omitted to
set them all down, as needless and disagreeable; for I cannot
suppose any one so perverse as not to believe the friendship we
have had with the Romans, while they have demonstrated the same
by such a great number of their decrees relating to us; nor will
they doubt of our fidelity as to the rest of those decrees, since
we have shown the same in those we have produced, And thus have
we sufficiently explained that friendship and confederacy we at
those times had with the Romans.
CHAPTER 11.
How Marcus, Succeeded Sextus When He Had Been Slain By Bassus's
Treachery; And How, After The Death Of Caesar, Cassius Came Into
Syria, And Distressed Judea; As Also How Malichus Slew Antipater
And Was Himself Slain By Herod.
1. Now it so fell out, that about this very time the affairs of
Syria were in great disorder, and this on the occasion following:
Cecilius Bassus, one of Pompey's party, laid a treacherous design
against Sextus Caesar, and slew him, and then took his army, and
got the management of public affairs into his own hand; so there
arose a great war about Apamia, while Caesar's generals came
against him with an army of horsemen and footmen; to these
Antipater also sent succors, and his sons with them, as calling
to mind the kindnesses they had received from Caesar, and on that
account he thought it but just to require punishment for him, and
to take vengeance on the man that had murdered him. And as the
war was drawn out into a great length, Marcus (21) came from Rome
to take Sextus's government upon him. But Caesar was slain by
Cassius and Brutus in the senate-house, after he had retained the
government three years and six months. This fact however, is
related elsewhere.
2. As the war that arose upon the death of Caesar was now begun,
and the principal men were all gone, some one way, and some
another, to raise armies, Cassius came from Rome into Syria, in
order to receive the [army that lay in the] camp at Apamia; and
having raised the siege, he brought over both Bassus and Marcus
to his party. He then went over the cities, and got together
weapons and soldiers, and laid great taxes upon those cities; and
he chiefly oppressed Judea, and exacted of it seven hundred
talents: but Antipater, when he saw the state to be in so great
consternation and disorder, he divided the collection of that
sum, and appointed his two sons to gather it; and so that part of
it was to be exacted by Malichus, who was ill-disposed to him,
and part by others. And because Herod did exact what is required
of him from Galilee before others, he was in the greatest favor
with Cassius; for he thought it a part of prudence to cultivate a
friendship with the Romans, and to gain their goodwill at the
expense of others; whereas the curators of the other cities, with
their citizens, were sold for slaves; and Cassius reduced four
cities into a state of slavery, the two most potent of which were
Gophna and Emmaus; and, besides these, Lydia and Thamna. Nay,
Cassius was so very angry at Malichus, that he had killed him,
(for he assaulted him,) had not Hyrcanus, by the means of
Antipater, sent him a hundred talents of his own, and thereby
pacified his anger against him.
3. But after Cassius was gone out of Judea, Malichus laid snares
for Antipater, as thinking that his death would-be the
preservation of Hyrcanus's government; but his design was not
unknown to Antipater, which when he perceived, he retired beyond
Jordan, and got together an army, partly of Arabs, and partly of
his own countrymen. However, Malichus, being one of great
cunning, denied that he had laid any snares for him, and made his
defense with an oath, both to himself and his sons; and said that
while Phasaelus had a garrison in Jerusalem, and Herod had the
weapons of war in his custody, he could never have a thought of
any such thing. So Antipater, perceiving the distress that
Malichus was in, was reconciled to him, and made an agreement
with him: this was when Marcus was president of Syria; who yet
perceiving that this Malichus was making a disturbance in Judea,
proceeded so far that he had almost killed him; but still, at the
intercession of Antipater, he saved him.
4. However, Antipater little thought that by saving Malichus he
had saved his own murderer; for now Cassius and Marcus had got
together an army, and entrusted the entire care of it with Herod,
and made him general of the forces of Celesyria, and gave him a
fleet of ships, and an army of horsemen and footmen; and promised
him, that after the war was over they would make him king of
Judea; for a war was already begun between Antony and the younger
Caesar: but as Malichus was most afraid of Antipater, he took him
out of the way; and by the offer of money, persuaded the butler
of Hyrcanus, with whom they were both to feast, to kill him by
poison. This being done, and he having armed men with him,
settled the affairs of the city. But when Antipater's sons, Herod
and Phasaelus, were acquainted with this conspiracy against their
father, and had indignation at it, Malichus denied all, and
utterly renounced any knowledge of the murder. And thus died
Antipater, a man that had distinguished himself for piety and
justice, and love to his country. And whereas one of his sons,
Herod, resolved immediately to revenge their father's death, and
was coming upon Malichus with an army for that purpose, the elder
of his sons, Phasaelus, thought it best rather to get this man
into their hands by policy, lest they should appear to begin a
civil war in the country; so he accepted of Malichus's defense
for himself, and pretended to believe him that he had had no hand
in the violent death of Antipater his father, but erected a fine
monument for him. Herod also went to Samaria; and when he found
them in great distress, he revived their spirits, and composed
their differences.
5. However, a little after this, Herod, upon the approach of a
festival, came with his soldiers into the city; whereupon
Malichus was aftrighted, and persuaded Hyrcanus not to permit him
to come into the city. Hyrcanus complied; and, for a pretense of
excluding him, alleged, that a rout of strangers ought not to be
admitted when the multitude were purifying themselves. But Herod
had little regard to the messengers that were sent to him, and
entered the city in the night time, and aftrighted Malichus; yet
did he remit nothing of his former dissimulation, but wept for
Antipater, and bewailed him as a friend of his with a loud voice;
but Herod and his friends though, it proper not openly to
contradict Malichus's hypocrisy, but to give him tokens of mutual
friendship, in order to prevent his suspicion of them.
6. However, Herod sent to Cassius, and informed him of the murder
of his father; who knowing what sort of man Malichus was as to
his morals, sent him back word that he should revenge his
father's death; and also sent privately to the commanders of his
army at Tyre, with orders to assist Herod in the execution of a
very just design of his. Now when Cassius had taken Laodicea,
they all went together to him, and carried him garlands and
money; and Herod thought that Malichus might be punished while he
was there; but he was somewhat apprehensive of the thing, and
designed to make some great attempt, and because his son was then
a hostage at Tyre, he went to that city, and resolved to steal
him away privately, and to march thence into Judea; and as
Cassius was in haste to march against Antony, he thought to bring
the country to revolt, and to procure the government for himself.
But Providence opposed his counsels; and Herod being a shrewd
man, and perceiving what his intention was, he sent thither
beforehand a servant, in appearance indeed to get a supper ready,
for he had said before that he would feast them all there, but in
reality to the commanders of the army, whom he persuaded to go
out against Malichus, with their daggers. So they went out and
met the man near the city, upon the sea-shore, and there stabbed
him. Whereupon Hyrcanus was so astonished at what had happened,
that his speech failed him; and when, after some difficulty, he
had recovered himself, he asked Herod what the matter could be,
and who it was that slew Malichus; and when he said that it was
done by the command of Cassius, he commended the action; for that
Malichus was a very wicked man, and one that conspired against
his own country. And this was the punishment that was inflicted
on Malichus for what he wickedly did to Antipater.
7. But when Cassius was marched out of Syria, disturbances arose
in Judea; for Felix, who was left at Jerusalem with an army, made
a sudden attempt against Phasaelus, and the people themselves
rose in arms; but Herod went to Fabius, the prefect of Damascus,
and was desirous to run to his brother's assistance, but was
hindered by a distemper that seized upon him, till Phasaelus by
himself had been too hard for Felix, and had shut him up in the
tower, and there, on certain conditions, dismissed him. Phasaelus
also complained of Hyrcanus, that although he had received a
great many benefits from them, yet did he support their enemies;
for Malichus's brother had made many places to revolt, and kept
garrisons in them, and particularly Masada, the strongest
fortress of them all. In the mean time, Herod was recovered of
his disease, and came and took from Felix all the places he had
gotten; and, upon certain conditions, dismissed him also.
CHAPTER 12.
Herod Ejects Antigonus, The Son Of Aristobulus Out Of Judea, And
Gains The Friendship Of Antony, Who Was Now Come Into Syria, By
Sending Him Much Money; On Which Account He Would Not Admit Of
Those That Would Have Accused Herod: And What It Was That Antony
Wrote To The Tyrians In Behalf .
1. Now (22) Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, brought back into Judea
Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, who had already raised an
army, and had, by money, made Fabius to be his friend, add this
because he was of kin to him. Marion also gave him assistance. He
had been left by Cassius to tyrannize over Tyre; for this
Cussiris was a man that seized on Syria, and then kept it under,
in the way of a tyrant. Marion also marched into Galilee, which
lay in his neighborhood, and took three of his fortresses, and
put garrisons into them to keep them. But when Herod came, he
took all from him; but the Tyrian garrison he dismissed in a very
civil manner; nay, to some of the soldiers he made presents out
of the good-will he bare to that city. When he had despatched
these affairs, and was gone to meet Antigonus, he joined battle
with him, and beat him, and drove him out of Judea presently,
when he was just come into its borders. But when he was come to
Jerusalem, Hyrcanus and the people put garlands about his head;
for he had already contracted an affinity with the family of
Hyrcanus by having espoused a descendant of his, and for that
reason Herod took the greater care of him, as being to marry the
daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, add the
granddaughter of Hyrcanus, by which wife he became the father of
three male and two female children. He had also married before
this another wife, out of a lower family of his own nation, whose
name was Doris, by whom he had his eldest son Antipater.
2. Now Antonius and Caesar had beaten Cassius near Philippi, as
others have related; but after the victory, Caesar went into
Gaul, [Italy,] and Antony marched for Asia, who, when he was
arrived at Bithynia, he had ambassadors that met him from all
parts. The principal men also of the Jews came thither, to accuse
Phasaelus and Herod; and they said that Hyrcanus had indeed the
appearance of reigning, but that these men had all the power: but
Antony paid great respect to Herod, who was come to him to make
his defense against his accusers, on which account his
adversaries could not so much as obtain a hearing; which favor
Herod had gained of Antony by money. But still, when Antony was
come to Ephesus, Hyrcanus the high priest, and our nation, sent
an embassage to him, which carried a crown of gold with them, and
desired that he would write to the governors of the provinces, to
set those Jews free who had been carried captive by Cassius, and
this without their having fought against him, and to restore them
that country, which, in the days of Cassius, had been taken from
them. Antony thought the Jews' desires were just, and wrote
immediately to Hyrcanus, and to the Jews. He also sent, at the
same time, a decree to the Tyrians; the contents of which were to
the same purpose.
3. "Marcus Antonius, imperator, to Hyrcanus the high priest and
ethnarch of the Jews, sendeth greeting. It you be in health, it
is well; I am also in health, with the army. Lysimachus, the son
of Pausanias, and Josephus, the son of Menneus, and Alexander,
the son of Theodorus, your ambassadors, met me at Ephesus, and
have renewed the embassage which they had formerly been upon at
Rome, and have diligently acquitted themselves of the present
embassage, which thou and thy nation have entrusted to them, and
have fully declared the goodwill thou hast for us. I am therefore
satisfied, both by your actions and your words, that you are
well-disposed to us; and I understand that your conduct of life
is constant and religious: so I reckon upon you as our own. But
when those that were adversaries to you, and to the Roman people,
abstained neither from cities nor temples, and did not observe
the agreement they had confirmed by oath, it was not only on
account of our contest with them, but on account of all mankind
in common, that we have taken vengeance on those who have been
the authors of great injustice towards men, and of great
wickedness towards the gods; for the sake of which we suppose it
was that the sun turned away his light from us, (23) as unwilling
to view the horrid crime they were guilty of in the case of
Caesar. We have also overcome their conspiracies, which
threatened the gods themselves, which Macedonia received, as it
is a climate peculiarly proper for impious and insolent attempts;
and we have overcome that confused rout of men, half mad with
spite against us, which they got together at Philippi in
Macedonia, when they seized on the places that were proper for
their purpose, and, as it were, walled them round with mountains
to the very sea, and where the passage was open only through a
single gate. This victory we gained, because the gods had
condemned those men for their wicked enterprises. Now Brutus,
when he had fled as far as Philippi, was shut up by us, and
became a partaker of the same perdition with Cassius; and now
these have received their punishment, we suppose that we may
enjoy peace for the time to come, and that Asia may be at rest
from war. We therefore make that peace which God hath given us
common to our confederates also, insomuch that the body of Asia
is now recovered out of that distemper it was under by the means
of our victory. I, therefore, bearing in mind both thee and your
nation, shall take care of what may be for your advantage. I have
also sent epistles in writing to the several cities, that if any
persons, whether free-men or bond-men, have been sold under the
spear by Caius Cassius, or his subordinate officers, they may be
set free. And I will that you kindly make use of the favors which
I and Dolabella have granted you. I also forbid the Tyrians to
use any violence with you; and for what places of the Jews they
now possess, I order them to restore them. I have withal accepted
of the crown which thou sentest me."
4. "Marcus Antonius, imperator, to the magistrates, senate, and
people of Tyre, sendeth greeting. The ambassadors of Hyrcanus,
the high priest and ethnarch [of the Jews], appeared before me at
Ephesus, and told me that you are in possession of part of their
country, which you entered upon under the government of our
adversaries. Since, therefore, we have undertaken a war for the
obtaining the government, and have taken care to do what was
agreeable to piety and justice, and have brought to punishment
those that had neither any remembrance of the kindnesses they had
received, nor have kept their oaths, I will that you be at peace
with those that are our confederates; as also, that what you have
taken by the means of our adversaries shall not be reckoned your
own, but be returned to those from whom you took them; for none
of them took their provinces or their armies by the gift of the
senate, but they seized them by force, and bestowed them by
violence upon such as became useful to them in their unjust
proceedings. Since, therefore, those men have received the
punishment due to them, we desire that our confederates may
retain whatsoever it was that they formerly possessed without
disturbance, and that you restore all the places which belong to
Hyrcanus, the ethnarch of the Jews, which you have had, though it
were but one day before Caius Cassius began an unjustifiable war
against us, and entered into our province; nor do you use any
force against him, in order to weaken him, that he may not be
able to dispose of that which is his own; but if you have any
contest with him about your respective rights, it shall be lawful
for you to plead your cause when we come upon the places
concerned, for we shall alike preserve the rights and hear all
the causes of our confederates."
5. "Marcus Antonius, imperator, to the magistrates, senate, and
people of Tyre, sendeth greeting. I have sent you my decree, of
which I will that ye take care that it be engraven on the public
tables, in Roman and Greek letters, and that it stand engraven in
the most illustrious places, that it may be read by all. Marcus
Antonius, imperator, one of the triumvirate over the public
affairs, made this declaration: Since Caius Cassius, in this
revolt he hath made, hath pillaged that province which belonged
not to him, and was held by garrisons there encamped, while they
were our confederates, and hath spoiled that nation of the Jews
that was in friendship with the Roman people, as in war; and
since we have overcome his madness by arms, we now correct by our
decrees and judicial determinations what he hath laid waste, that
those things may be restored to our confederates. And as for what
hath been sold of the Jewish possessions, whether they be bodies
or possessions, let them be released; the bodies into that state
of freedom they were originally in, and the possessions to their
former owners. I also will that he who shall not comply with this
decree of mine shall be punished for his disobedience; and if
such a one be caught, I will take care that the offenders suffer
condign punishment."
6. The same thing did Antony write to the Sidonians, and the
Antiochians, and the Aradians. We have produced these decrees,
therefore, as marks for futurity of the truth of what we have
said, that the Romans had a great concern about our nation.
CHAPTER 13.
How Antony Made Herod And Phasaelus Tetrarchs, After They Had
Been Accused To No Purpose; And How The Parthians When They
Brought Antigonus Into Judea Took Hyrcanus And Phasaelus
Captives. Herod's Flight; And What Afflictions Hyrcanus And
Phasaelus Endured.
1. When after this Antony came into Syria, Cleopatra met him in
Cilicia, and brought him to fall in love with her. And there came
now also a hundred of the most potent of the Jews to accuse Herod
and those about him, and set the men of the greatest eloquence
among them to speak. But Messala contradicted them, on behalf of
the young men, and all this in the presence of Hyrcanus, who was
Herod's father-in-law (24) already. When Antony had heard both
sides at Daphne, he asked Hyrcanus who they were that governed
the nation best. He replied, Herod and his friends. Hereupon
Antony, by reason of the old hospitable friendship he had made
with his father [Antipater], at that time when he was with
Gabinius, he made both Herod and Phasaelus tetrarchs, and
committed the public affairs of the Jews to them, and wrote
letters to that purpose. He also bound fifteen of their
adversaries, and was going to kill them, but that Herod obtained
their pardon.
2. Yet did not these men continue quiet when they were come back,
but a thousand of the Jews came to Tyre to meet him there,
whither the report was that he would come. But Antony was
corrupted by the money which Herod and his brother had given him;
and so he gave order to the governor of the place to punish the
Jewish ambassadors, who were for making innovations, and to
settle the government upon Herod; but Herod went out hastily to
them, and Hyrcanus was with him, (for they stood upon the shore
before the city,) and he charged them to go their ways, because
great mischief would befall them if they went on with their
accusation. But they did not acquiesce; whereupon the Romans ran
upon them with their daggers, and slew some, and wounded more of
them, and the rest fled away and went home, and lay still in
great consternation. And when the people made a clamor against
Herod, Antony was so provoked at it, that he slew the prisoners.
3. Now, in the second year, Pacorus, the king of Parthia's son,
and Barzapharnes, a commander of the Parthians, possessed
themselves of Syria. Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, also was now
dead, and Lysanias his son took his government, and made a league
of friendship with Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus; and in
order to obtain it, made use of that commander, who had great
interest in him. Now Antigonus had promised to give the Parthians
a thousand talents, and five hundred women, upon condition they
would take the government away from Hyrcanus, and bestow it upon
him, and withal kill Herod. And although he did not give them
what he had promised, yet did the Parthians make an expedition
into Judea on that account, and carried Antigonus with them.
Pacorus went along the maritime parts, but the commander
Barzapharnes through the midland. Now the Tyrians excluded
Pacorus, but the Sidontans and those of Ptolemais received him.
However, Pacorus sent a troop of horsemen into Judea, to take a
view of the state of the country, and to assist Antigonus; and
sent also the king's butler, of the same name with himself. So
when the Jews that dwelt about Mount Carmel came to Antigonus,
and were ready to march with him into Judea, Antigonus hoped to
get some part of the country by their assistance. The place is
called Drymi; and when some others came and met them, the men
privately fell upon Jerusalem; and when some more were come to
them, they got together in great numbers, and came against the
king's palace, and besieged it. But as Phasaelus's and Herod's
party came to the other's assistance, and a battle happened
between them in the market-place, the young men beat their
enemies, and pursued them into the temple, and sent some armed
men into the adjoining houses to keep them in, who yet being
destitute of such as should support them, were burnt, and the
houses with them, by the people who rose up against them. But
Herod was revenged on these seditious adversaries of his a little
afterward for this injury they had offered him, when he fought
with them, and slew a great number of them.
4. But while there were daily skirmishes, the enemy waited for
the coming of the multitude out of the country to Pentecost, a
feast of ours so called; and when that day was come, many ten
thousands of the people were gathered together about the temple,
some in armor, and some without. Now those that came guarded both
the temple and the city, excepting what belonged to the palace,
which Herod guarded with a few of his soldiers; and Phasaelus had
the charge of the wall, while Herod, with a body of his men,
sallied out upon the enemy, who lay in the suburbs, and fought
courageously, and put many ten thousands to flight, some flying
into the city, and some into the temple, and some into the outer
fortifications, for some such fortifications there were in that
place. Phasaelus came also to his assistance; yet was Pacorus,
the general of the Parthians, at the desire of Antigonus,
admitted into the city, with a few of his horsemen, under
pretence indeed as if he would still the sedition, but in reality
to assist Antigonus in obtaining the government. And when
Phasaelus met him, and received him kindly, Pacorus persuaded him
to go himself as ambassador to Barzapharnes, which was done
fraudulently. Accordingly, Phasaelus, suspecting no harm,
complied with his proposal, while Herod did not give his consent
to what was done, because of the perfidiousness of these
barbarians, but desired Phasaelus rather to fight those that were
come into the city.
5. So both Hyrcanus and Phasaelus went on the embassage; but
Pacorus left with Herod two hundred horsemen, and ten men, who
were called the freemen, and conducted the others on their
journey; and when they were in Galilee, the governors of the
cities there met them in their arms. Barzaphanles also received
them at the first with cheerfulness, and made them presents,
though he afterward conspired against them; and Phasaelus, with
his horsemen, were conducted to the sea-side. But when they heard
that Antigonus had promised to give the Parthians a thousand
talents, and five hundred women, to assist him against them, they
soon had a suspicion of the barbarians. Moreover, there was one
who informed them that snares were laid for them by night, while
a guard came about them secretly; and they had then been seized
upon, had not they waited for the seizure of Herod by the
Parthians that were about Jerusalem, lest, upon the slaughter of
Hyrcanus and Phasaelus, he should have an intimation of it, and
escape out of their hands. And these were the circumstances they
were now in; and they saw who they were that guarded them. Some
persons indeed would have persuaded Phasaelus to fly away
immediately on horseback, and not stay any longer; and there was
one Ophellius, who, above all the rest, was earnest with him to
do so; for he had heard of this treachery from Saramalla, the
richest of all the Syrians at that time, who also promised to
provide him ships to carry him off; for the sea was just by them.
But he had no mind to desert Hyrcanus, nor bring his brother into
danger; but he went to Barzapharnes, and told him he did not act
justly when he made such a contrivance against them; for that if
he wanted money, he would give him more than Antigonus; and
besides, that it was a horrible thing to slay those that came to
him upon the security of their oaths, and that when they had done
them no injury. But the barbarian swore to him that there was no
truth in any of his suspicions, but that he was troubled with
nothing but false proposals, and then went away to Pacorus.
6. But as soon as he was gone away, some men came and bound
Hyrcanus and Phasaelus, while Phasaelus greatly reproached the
Parthians for their perjury; However, that butler who was sent
against Herod had it in command to get him without the walls of
the city, and seize upon him; but messengers had been sent by
Phasaelus to inform Herod of the perfidiousness of the Parthians.
And when he knew that the enemy had seized upon them, he went to
Pacorus, and to the most potent of the Parthians, as to the lord
of the rest, who, although they knew the whole matter, dissembled
with him in a deceitful way; and said that he ought to go out
with them before the walls, and meet those which were bringing
him his letters, for that they were not taken by his adversaries,
but were coming to give him an account of the good success
Phasaelus had had. Herod did not give credit to what they said;
for he had heard that his brother was seized upon by others also;
and the daughter of Hyrcanus, whose daughter he had espoused, was
his monitor also [not to credit them], which made him still more
suspicious of the Parthians; for although other people did not
give heed to her, yet did he believe her as a woman of very great
wisdom.
7. Now while the Parthians were in consultation what was fit to
be done; for they did not think it proper to make an open attempt
upon a person of his character; and while they put off the
determination to the next day, Herod was under great disturbance
of mind, and rather inclining to believe the reports he heard
about his brother and the Parthians, than to give heed to what
was said on the other side, he determined, that when the evening
came on, he would make use of it for his flight, and not make any
longer delay, as if the dangers from the enemy were not yet
certain. He therefore removed with the armed men whom he had with
him; and set his wives upon the beasts, as also his mother, and
sister, and her whom he was about to marry, [Mariamne,] the
daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, with her mother,
the daughter of Hyrcanus, and his youngest brother, and all their
servants, and the rest of the multitude that was with him, and
without the enemy's privity pursued his way to Idumea. Nor could
any enemy of his who then saw him in this case be so hardhearted,
but would have commiserated his fortune, while the women drew
along their infant children and left their own country, and their
friends in prison, with tears in their eyes, and sad
lamentations, and in expectation of nothing but what was of a
melancholy nature.
8. But for Herod himself, he raised his mind above the miserable
state he was in, and was of good courage in the midst of his
misfortunes; and as he passed along, he bid them every one to be
of good cheer, and not to give themselves up to sorrow, because
that would hinder them in their flight, which was now the only
hope of safety that they had. Accordingly, they tried to bear
with patience the calamity they were under, as he exhorted them
to do; yet was he once almost going to kill himself, upon the
overthrow of a waggon, and the danger his mother was then in of
being killed; and this on two accounts, because of his great
concern for her, and because he was afraid lest, by this delay,
the enemy should overtake him in the pursuit: but as he was
drawing his sword, and going to kill himself therewith, those
that were present restrained him, and being so many in number,
were too hard for him; and told him that he ought not to desert
them, and leave them a prey to their enemies, for that it was not
the part of a brave man to free himself from the distresses he
was in, and to overlook his friends that were in the same
distresses also. So he was compelled to let that horrid attempt
alone, partly out of shame at what they said to him, and partly
out of regard to the great number of those that would not permit
him to do what he intended. So he encouraged his mother, and took
all the care of her the time would allow, and proceeded on the
way he proposed to go with the utmost haste, and that was to the
fortress of Masada. And as he had many skirmishes with such of
the Parthians as attacked him and pursued him, he was conqueror
in them all.
9. Nor indeed was he free from the Jews all along as he was in
his flight; for by that time he was gotten sixty furlongs out of
the city, and was upon the road, they fell upon him, and fought
hand to hand with him, whom he also put to flight, and overcame,
not like one that was in distress and in necessity, but like one
that was excellently prepared for war, and had what he wanted in
great plenty. And in this very place where he overcame the Jews
it was that he some time afterward build a most excellent palace,
and a city round about it, and called it Herodium. And when he
was come to Idumea, at a place called Thressa, his brother Joseph
met him, and he then held a council to take advice about all his
affairs, and what was fit to be done in his circumstances, since
he had a great multitude that followed him, besides his mercenary
soldiers, and the place Masada, whither he proposed to fly, was
too small to contain so great a multitude; so he sent away the
greater part of his company, being above nine thousand, and bid
them go, some one way, and some another, and so save themselves
in Idumea, and gave them what would buy them provisions in their
journey. But he took with him those that were the least
encumbered, and were most intimate with him, and came to the
fortress, and placed there his wives and his followers, being
eight hundred in number, there being in the place a sufficient
quantity of corn and water, and other necessaries, and went
directly for Petra, in Arabia. But when it was day, the Parthians
plundered all Jerusalem, and the palace, and abstained from
nothing but Hyrcanus's money, which was three hundred talents. A
great deal of Herod's money escaped, and principally all that the
man had been so provident as to send into Idumea beforehand; nor
indeed did what was in the city suffice the Parthians, but they
went out into the country, and plundered it, and demolished the
city Marissa.
10. And thus was Antigonus brought back into Judea by the king of
the Parthians, and received Hyrcanus and Phasaelus for his
prisoners; but he was greatly cast down because the women had
escaped, whom he intended to have given the enemy, as having
promised they should have them, with the money, for their reward:
but being afraid that Hyrcanus, who was under the guard of the
Parthians, might have his kingdom restored to him by the
multitude, he cut off his ears, and thereby took care that the
high priesthood should never come to him any more, because he was
maimed, while the law required that this dignity should belong to
none but such as had all their members entire (25) But now one
cannot but here admire the fortitude of Phasaelus, who,
perceiving that he was to be put to death, did not think death
any terrible thing at all; but to die thus by the means of his
enemy, this he thought a most pitiable and dishonorable thing;
and therefore, since he had not his hands at liberty, but the
bonds he was in prevented him from killing himself thereby, he
dashed his head against a great stone, and thereby took away his
own life, which he thought to be the best thing he could do in
such a distress as he was in, and thereby put it out of the power
of the enemy to bring him to any death he pleased. It is also
reported, that when he had made a great wound in his head,
Antigonus sent physicians to cure it, and, by ordering them to
infuse poison into the wound, killed him. However, Phasaelus
hearing, before he was quite dead, by a certain woman, that his
brother Herod had escaped the enemy, underwent his death
cheerfully, since he now left behind him one who would revenge
his death, and who was able to inflict punishment on his enemies.
CHAPTER 14.
How Herod Got Away From The King Of Arabia And Made Haste To Go
Into Egypt And Thence Went Away In Haste Also To Rome; And How,
By Promising A Great Deal Of Money To Antony He Obtained Of The
Senate And Of Caesar To Be Made King Of The Jews.
1. As for Herod, the great miseries he was in did not discourage
him, but made him sharp in discovering surprising undertakings;
for he went to Malchus, king of Arabia, whom he had formerly been
very kind to, in order to receive somewhat by way of requital,
now he was in more than ordinary want of it, and desired he would
let him have some money, either by way of loan, or as his free
gift, on account of the many benefits he had received from him;
for not knowing what was become of his brother, he was in haste
to redeem him out of the hand of his enemies, as willing to give
three hundred talents for the price of his redemption. He also
took with him the son of Phasaelus, who was a child of but seven
years of age, for this very reason, that he might be a hostage
for the repayment of the money. But there came messengers from
Malchus to meet him, by whom he was desired to be gone, for that
the Parthians had laid a charge upon him not to entertain Herod.
This was only a pretense which he made use of, that he might not
be obliged to repay him what he owed him; and this he was further
induced to by the principal men among the Arabians, that they
might cheat him of what sums they had received from [his father]
Antipater, and which he had committed to their fidelity. He made
answer, that he did not intend to be troublesome to them by his
coning thither, but that he desired only to discourse with them
about certain affairs that were to him of the greatest
importance.
2. Hereupon he resolved to go away, and did go very prudently the
road to Egypt; and then it was that he lodged in a certain
temple; for he had left a great many of his followers there. On
the next day he came to Rhinocolura, and there it was that he
heard what was befallen his brother. Though Malehus soon repented
of what he had done, and came running after Herod; but with no
manner of success, for he was gotten a very great way off, and
made haste into the road to Pelusium; and when the stationary
ships that lay there hindered him from sailing to Alexandria, he
went to their captains, by whose assistance, and that out of much
reverence of and great regard to him, he was conducted into the
city [Alexandria], and was retained there by Cleopatra; yet was
she not able to prevail with him to stay there, because he was
making haste to Rome, even though the weather was stormy, and he
was informed that the affairs of Italy were very tumultuous, and
in great disorder.
3. So he set sail from thence to Pamphylia, and falling into a
violent storm, he had much ado to escape to Rhodes, with the loss
of the ship's burden; and there it was that two of his friends,
Sappinas and Ptolemeus, met with him; and as he found that city
very much damaged in the war against Cassius, though he were in
necessity himself, he neglected not to do it a kindness, but did
what he could to recover it to its former state. He also built
there a three-decked ship, and set sail thence, with his friends,
for Italy, and came to the port of Brundusium; and when he was
come from thence to Rome, he first related to Antony what had
befallen him in Judea, and how Phasaelus his brother was seized
on by the Parthians, and put to death by them, and how Hyrcanus
was detained captive by them, and how they had made Antigonus
king, who had promised them a sum of money, no less than a
thousand talents, with five hundred women, who were to be of the
principal families, and of the Jewish stock; and that he had
carried off the women by night; and that, by undergoing a great
many hardships, he had escaped the hands of his enemies; as also,
that his own relations were in danger of being besieged and
taken, and that he had sailed through a storm, and contemned all
these terrible dangers of it, in order to come, as soon as
possible, to him, who was his hope and only succor at this time.
4. This account made Antony commiserate the change that had
happened in Herod's condition; (26) and reasoning with himself
that this was a common case among those that are placed in such
great dignities, and that they are liable to the mutations that
come from fortune, he was very ready to give him the assistance
he desired, and this because he called to mind the friendship he
had had with Antipater because Herod offered him money to make
him king, as he had formerly given it him to make him tetrarch,
and chiefly because of his hatred to Antigonus; for he took him
to be a seditious person, and an enemy to the Romans. Caesar was
also the forwarder to raise Herod's dignity, and to give him his
assistance in what he desired, on account of the toils of war
which he had himself undergone with Antipater his father in
Egypt, and of the hospitality he had treated him withal, and the
kindness he had always showed him, as also to gratify Antony, who
was very zealous for Herod. So a senate was convocated; and
Messala first, and then Atratinus, introduced Herod into it, and
enlarged upon the benefits they had received from his father, and
put them in mind of the good-will he had borne to the Romans. At
the same time, they accused Antigonus, and declared him an enemy,
not only because of his former opposition to them, but that he
had now overlooked the Romans, and taken the government from the
Parthians. Upon this the senate was irritated; and Antony
informed them further, that it was for their advantage in the
Parthian war that Herod should be king. This seemed good to all
the senators; and so they made a decree accordingly.
5. And this was the principal instance of Antony's affection for
Herod, that he not only procured him a kingdom which he did not
expect, (for he did not come with an intention to ask the kingdom
for himself, which he did not suppose the Romans would grant him,
who used to bestow it on some of the royal family, but intended
to desire it for his wife's brother, who was grandson by his
father to Aristobulus, and to Hyrcanus by his mother,) but that
he procured it for him so suddenly, that he obtained what he did
not expect, and departed out of Italy in so few days as seven in
all. This young man [the grandson] Herod afterward took care to
have slain, as we shall show in its proper place. But when the
senate was dissolved, Antony and Caesar went out of the senate
house with Herod between them, and with the consuls and other
magistrates before them, in order to offer sacrifices, and to lay
up their decrees in the capitol. Antony also feasted Herod the
first day of his reign. And thus did this man receive the
kingdom, having obtained it on the hundred and eighty-fourth
olympiad, when Caius Domitius Calvinus was consul the second
time, and Caius Asinius Pollio [the first time].
6. All this while Antigonus besieged those that were in Masada,
who had plenty of all other necessaries, but were only in want of
water (27) insomuch that on this occasion Joseph, Herod's
brother, was contriving to run away from it, with two hundred of
his dependents, to the Arabians; for he had heard that Malchus
repented of the offenses he had been guilty of with regard to
Herod; but God, by sending rain in the night time, prevented his
going away, for their cisterns were thereby filled, and he was
under no necessity of running away on that account; but they were
now of good courage, and the more so, because the sending that
plenty of water which they had been in want of seemed a mark of
Divine Providence; so they made a sally, and fought hand to hand
with Antigonus's soldiers, (with some openly, with some
privately,) and destroyed a great number of them. At the same
time Ventidius, the general of the Romans, was sent out of Syria,
to drive the Parthians out of it, and marched after them into
Judea, in pretense indeed to succor Joseph; but in reality the
whole affair was no more than a stratagem, in order to get money
of Antigonus; so they pitched their camp very near to Jerusalem,
and stripped Antigonus of a great deal of money, and then he
retired himself with the greater part of the army; but, that the
wickedness he had been guilty of might be found out, he left Silo
there, with a certain part of his soldiers, with whom also
Antigonus cultivated an acquaintance, that he might cause him no
disturbance, and was still in hopes that the Parthians would come
again and defend him.
CHAPTER 15.
How Herod Sailed Out Of Italy To Judea, And Fought With Antigonus
And What Other Things Happened In Judea About That Time.
1. By this time Herod had sailed out of Italy to Ptolemais, and
had gotten together no small army, both of strangers and of his
own countrymen, and marched through Galilee against Antignus.
Silo also, and Ventidius, came and assisted him, being persuaded
by Dellius, who was sent by Antony to assist in bringing back
Herod. Now for Ventidius, he was employed in composing the
disturbances that had been made in the cities by the means of the
Parthians; and for Silo, he was in Judea indeed, but corrupted by
Antigonus. However, as Herod went along his army increased every
day, and all Galilee, with some small exception, joined him; but
as he was to those that were in Masada, (for he was obliged to
endeavor to save those that were in that fortress now they were
besieged, because they were his relations,) Joppa was a
hindrance to him, for it was necessary for him to take that
place first, it being a city at variance with him, that no strong
hold might be left in his enemies' hands behind him when he
should go to Jerusalem. And when Silo made this a pretense for
rising up from Jerusalem, and was thereupon pursued by the Jews,
Herod fell upon them with a small body of men, and both put the
Jews to flight and saved Silo, when he was very poorly able to
defend himself; but when Herod had taken Joppa, he made haste to
set free those of his family that were in Masada. Now of the
people of the country, some joined him because of the friendship
they had had with his father, and some because of the splendid
appearance he made, and others by way of requital for the
benefits they had received from both of them; but the greatest
number came to him in hopes of getting somewhat from him
afterward, if he were once firmly settled in the kingdom.
2. Herod had now a strong army; and as he marched on, Antigonus
laid snares and ambushes in the passes and places most proper for
them; but in truth he thereby did little or no damage to the
enemy. So Herod received those of his family out of Masada, and
the fortress Ressa, and then went on for Jerusalem. The soldiery
also that was with Silo accompanied him all along, as did many of
the citizens, being afraid of his power; and as soon as he had
pitched his camp on the west side of the city, the soldiers that
were set to guard that part shot their arrows and threw their
darts at him; and when some sallied out in a crowd, and came to
fight hand to hand with the first ranks of Herod's army, he gave
orders that they should, in the first place, make proclamation
about the wall, that he came for the good of the people, and for
the preservation of the city, and not to bear any old grudge at
even his most open enemies, but ready to forget the offenses
which his greatest adversaries had done him. But Antigonus, by
way of reply to what Herod had caused to be proclaimed, and this
before the Romans, and before Silo also, said that they would not
do justly, if they gave the kingdom to Herod, who was no more
than a private man, and an Idumean, i.e. a half Jew, (28) whereas
they ought to bestow it on one of the royal family, as their
custom was; for that in case they at present bear an ill-will to
him, and had resolved to deprive him of the kingdom, as having
received it from the Parthians, yet were there many others of his
family that might by their law take it, and these such as had no
way offended the Romans; and being of the sacerdotal family, it
would be an unworthy thing to put them by. Now while they said
thus one to another, and fell to reproaching one another on both
sides, Antigonus permitted his own men that were upon the wall to
defend themselves, who using their bows, and showing great
alacrity against their enemies, easily drove them away from the
towers.
3. And now it was that Silo discovered that he had taken bribes;
for he set a good number of his soldiers to complain aloud of the
want of provisions they were in, and to require money to buy them
food; and that it was fit to let them go into places proper for
winter quarters, since the places near the city were a desert, by
reason that Antigonus's soldiers had carried all away; so he set
the army upon removing, and endeavored to march away; but Herod
pressed Silo not to depart, and exhorted Silo's captains and
soldiers not to desert him, when Caesar, and Antony, and the
senate had sent him thither, for that he would provide them
plenty of all the things they wanted, and easily procure them a
great abundance of what they required; after which entreaty, he
immediately went out into the country, and left not the least
pretense to Silo for his departure; for he brought an unexpected
quantity of provisions, and sent to those friends of his who
inhabited about Samaria to bring down corn, and wine, and oil,
and cattle, and all other provisions, to Jericho, that those
might be no want of a supply for the soldiers for the time to
come. Antigonus was sensible of this, and sent presently over the
country such as might restrain and lie in ambush for those that
went out for provisions. So these men obeyed the orders of
Antigonus, and got together a great number of armed men about
Jericho, and sat upon the mountains, and watched those that
brought the provisions. However, Herod was not idle in the mean
time, for he took ten bands of soldiers, of whom five were of the
Romans, and five of the Jews, with some mercenaries among them,
and with some few horsemen, and came to Jericho; and as they
found the city deserted, but that five hundred of them had
settled themselves on the tops of the hills, with their wives and
children, those he took and sent away; but the Romans fell upon
the city, and plundered it, and found the houses full of all
sorts of good things. So the king left a garrison at Jericho, and
came back again, and sent the Roman army to take their winter
quarters in the countries that were come over to him, Judea, and
Galilee, and Samaria. And so much did Antigonus gain of Silo for
the bribes he gave him, that part of the army should be quartered
at Lydda, in order to please Antony. So the Romans laid their
weapons aside, and lived in plenty of all things.
4. But Herod was not pleased with lying still, but sent out his
brother Joseph against Idumea with two thousand armed footmen,
and four hundred horsemen, while he himself came to Samaria, and
left his mother and his other relations there, for they were
already gone out of Masada, and went into Galilee, to take
certain places which were held by the garrisons of Antigonus; and
he passed on to Sepphoris, as God sent a snow, while Antigonus's
garrisons withdrew themselves, and had great plenty of
provisions. He also went thence, and resolved to destroy those
robbers that dwelt in the caves, and did much mischief in the
country; so he sent a troop of horsemen, and three companies of
armed footmen, against them. They were very near to a village
called Arbela; and on the fortieth day after, he came himself
with his whole army: and as the enemy sallied out boldly upon
him, the left wing of his army gave way; but he appearing with a
body of men, put those to flight who were already conquerors, and
recalled his men that ran away. He also pressed upon his enemies,
and pursued them as far as the river Jordan, though they ran away
by different roads. So he brought over to him all Galilee,
excepting those that dwelt in the caves, and distributed money to
every one of his soldiers, giving them a hundred and fifty
drachmae apiece, and much more to their captains, and sent them
into winter quarters; at which time Silo came to him, and his
commanders with him, because Antigonus would not give them
provisions any longer, for he supplied them for no more than one
month; nay, he had sent to all the country about, and ordered
them to carry off the provisions that were there, and retire to
the mountains, that the Romans might have no provisions to live
upon, and so might perish by famine. But Herod committed the care
of that matter to Pheroras, his youngest brother, and ordered him
to repair Alexandrium also. Accordingly, he quickly made the
soldiers abound with great plenty of provisions, and rebuilt
Alexandrium, which had been before desolate.
5. About this time it was that Antony continued some time at
Athens, and that Ventidius, who was now in Syria, sent for Silo,
and commanded him to assist Herod, in the first place, to finish
the present war, and then to send for their confederates for the
war they were themselves engaged in; but as for Herod, he went in
haste against the robbers that were in the caves, and sent Silo
away to Ventidius, while he marched against them. These caves
were in mountains that were exceeding abrupt, and in their middle
were no other than precipices, with certain entrances into the
caves, and those caves were encompassed with sharp rocks, and in
these did the robbers lie concealed, with all their families
about them; but the king caused certain chests to be made, in
order to destroy them, and to be hung down, bound about with iron
chains, by an engine, from the top of the mountain, it being not
possible to get up to them, by reason of the sharp ascent of the
mountains, nor to creep down to them from above. Now these chests
were filled with armed men, who had long hooks in their hands, by
which they might pull out such as resisted them, and then tumble
them down, and kill them by so doing; but the letting the chests
down proved to be a matter of great danger, because of the vast
depth they were to be let down, although they had their
provisions in the chests themselves. But when the chests were let
down, and not one of those in the mouths of the caves durst come
near them, but lay still out of fear, some of the armed men girt
on their armor, and by both their hands took hold of the chain by
which the chests were let down, and went into the mouths of the
caves, because they fretted that such delay was made by the
robbers not daring to come out of the caves; and when they were
at any of those mouths, they first killed many of those that were
in the mouths with their darts, and afterwards pulled those to
them that resisted them with their hooks, and tumbled them down
the precipices, and afterwards went into the caves, and killed
many more, and then went into their chests again, and lay still
there; but, upon this, terror seized the rest, when they heard
the lamentations that were made, and they despaired of escaping.
However, when the night came on, that put an end to the whole
work; and as the king proclaimed pardon by a herald to such as
delivered themselves up to him, many accepted of the offer. The
same method of assault was made use of the next day; and they
went further, and got out in baskets to fight them, and fought
them at their doors, and sent fire among them, and set their
caves on fire, for there was a great deal of combustible matter
within them. Now there was one old man who was caught within one
of these caves, with seven children and a wife; these prayed him
to give them leave to go out, and yield themselves up to the
enemy; but he stood at the cave's mouth, and always slew that
child of his who went out, till he had destroyed them every one,
and after that he slew his wife, and cast their dead bodies down
the precipice, and himself after them, and so underwent death
rather than slavery: but before he did this, he greatly
reproached Herod with the meanness of his family, although he was
then king. Herod also saw what he was doing, and stretched out
his hand, and offered him all manner of security for his life; by
which means all these caves were at length subdued entirely.
6. And when the king had set Ptolemy over these parts of the
country as his general, he went to Samaria, with six hundred
horsemen, and three thousand armed footmen, as intending to fight
Antigonus. But still this command of the army did not succeed
well with Ptolemy, but those that had been troublesome to Galilee
before attacked him, and slew him; and when they had done this,
they fled among the lakes and places almost inaccessible laying
waste and plundering whatsoever they could come at in those
places. But Herod soon returned, and punished them for what they
had done; for some of these rebels he slew, and others of them,
who had fled to the strong holds he besieged, and both slew them,
and demolished their strong holds. And when he had thus put an
end to their rebellion, he laid a fine upon the cities of a
hundred talents.
7. In the mean time, Pacorus was fallen in a battle, and the
Parthians were defeated, when Ventidius sent Macheras to the
assistance of Herod, with two legions, and a thousand horsemen,
while Antony encouraged him to make haste. But Macheras, at the
instigation of Antigonus, without the approbation of Herod, as
being corrupted by money, went about to take a view of his
affairs; but Antigonus suspecting this intention of his coming,
did not admit him into the city, but kept him at a distance, with
throwing stones at him, and plainly showed what he himself meant.
But when Macheras was sensible that Herod had given him good
advice, and that he had made a mistake himself in not hearkening
to that advice, he retired to the city Emmaus; and what Jews he
met with he slew them, whether they were enemies or friends, out
of the rage he was in at what hardships he had undergone. The
king was provoked at this conduct of his, and went to Samaria,
and resolved to go to Antony about these affairs, and to inform
him that he stood in no need of such helpers, who did him more
mischief than they did his enemies; and that he was able of
himself to beat Antigonus. But Macheras followed him, and desired
that he would not go to Antony; or if he was resolved to go, that
he would join his brother Joseph with them, and let them fight
against Antigonus. So he was reconciled to Macheras, upon his
earnest entreaties. Accordingly, he left Joseph there with his
army, but charged him to run no hazards, nor to quarrel with
Macheras.
8. But for his own part, he made haste to Antony (who was then at
the siege of Samosata, a place upon Euphrates) with his troops,
both horsemen and footmen, to be auxiliaries to him. And when he
came to Antioch, and met there a great number of men gotten
together that were very desirous to go to Antony, but durst not
venture to go, out of fear, because the barbarians fell upon men
on the road, and slew many, so he encouraged them, and became
their conductor upon the road. Now when they were within two
days' march of Samosata, the barbarians had laid an ambush there
to disturb those that came to Antony, and where the woods made
the passes narrow, as they led to the plains, there they laid not
a few of their horsemen, who were to lie still until those
passengers were gone by into the wide place. Now as soon as the
first ranks were gone by, (for Herod brought on the rear,) those
that lay in ambush, who were about five hundred, fell upon them
on the sudden, and when they had put the foremost to flight, the
king came riding hard, with the forces that were about him, and
immediately drove back the enemy; by which means he made the
minds of his own men courageous, and imboldened them to go on,
insomuch that those who ran away before now returned, and
the barbarians were slain on all sides. The king also went on
killing them, and recovered all the baggage, among which were a
great number of beasts for burden, and of slaves, and proceeded
on in his march; and whereas there were a great number of those
in the woods that attacked them, and were near the passage that
led into the plain, he made a sally upon these also with a strong
body of men, and put them to flight, and slew many of them, and
thereby rendered the way safe for those that came after; and
these called Herod their savior and protector.
9. And when he was near to Samosata, Antony sent out his army in
all their proper habiliments to meet him, in order to pay Herod
this respect, and because of the assistance he had given him; for
he had heard what attacks the barbarians had made upon him [in
Judea]. He also was very glad to see him there, as having been
made acquainted with the great actions he had performed upon the
road. So he entertained him very kindly, and could not but admire
his courage. Antony also embraced him as soon as he saw him, and
saluted him after a most affectionate manner, and gave him the
upper hand, as having himself lately made him a king; and in a
little time Antiochus delivered up the fortress, and on that
account this war was at an end; then Antony committed the rest to
Sosius, and gave him orders to assist Herod, and went himself to
Egypt. Accordingly, Sosius sent two legions before into Judea to
the assistance of Herod, and he followed himself with the body of
the army.
10. Now Joseph was already slain in Judea, in the manner
following: He forgot what charge his brother Herod had given him
when he went to Antony; and when he had pitched his camp among
the mountains, for Macheras had lent him five regiments, with
these he went hastily to Jericho, in order to reap the corn
thereto belonging; and as the Roman regiments were but newly
raised, and were unskillful in war, for they were in great part
collected out of Syria, he was attacked by the enemy, and caught
in those places of difficulty, and was himself slain, as he was
fighting bravely, and the whole army was lost, for there were six
regiments slain. So when Antigonus had got possession of the dead
bodies, he cut off Joseph's head, although Pheroras his brother
would have redeemed it at the price of fifty talents. After which
defeat, the Galileans revolted from their commanders, and took
those of Herod's party, and drowned them in the lake, and a great
part of Judea was become seditious; but Macheras fortified the
place Gitta [in Samaria].
11. At this time messengers came to Herod, and informed him of
what had been done; and when he was come to Daphne by Antioch,
they told him of the ill fortune that had befallen his brother;
which yet he expected, from certain visions that appeared to him
in his dreams, which clearly foreshowed his brother's death. So
he hastened his march; and when he came to Mount Libanus, he
received about eight hundred of the men of that place, having
already with him also one Roman legion, and with these he came to
Ptolemais. He also marched thence by night with his army, and
proceeded along Galilee. Here it was that the enemy met him, and
fought him, and were beaten, and shut up in the same place of
strength whence they had sallied out the day before. So he
attacked the place in the morning; but by reason of a great storm
that was then very violent, he was able to do nothing, but drew
off his army into the neighboring villages; yet as soon as the
other legion that Antony sent him was come to his assistance,
those that were in garrison in the place were afraid, and
deserted it in the night time. Then did the king march hastily to
Jericho, intending to avenge himself on the enemy for the
slaughter of his brother; and when he had pitched his tents, he
made a feast for the principal commanders; and after this
collation was over, and he had dismissed his guests, he retired
to his own chamber; and here may one see what kindness God had
for the king, for the upper part of the house fell down when
nobody was in it, and so killed none, insomuch that all the
people believed that Herod was beloved of God, since he had
escaped such a great and surprising danger.
12. But the next day six thousand of the enemy came down from the
tops of the mountains to fight the Romans, which greatly
terrified them; and the soldiers that were in light armor came
near, and pelted the king's guards that were come out with darts
and stones, and one of them hit him on the side with a dart.
Antigonus also sent a commander against Samaria, whose name was
Pappus, with some forces, being desirous to show the enemy how
potent he was, and that he had men to spare in his war with them.
He sat down to oppose Macheras; but Herod, when he had taken five
cities, took such as were left in them, being about two thousand,
and slew them, and burnt the cities themselves, and then returned
to go against Pappus, who was encamped at a village called
Isanas; and there ran in to him many out of Jericho and Judea,
near to which places he was, and the enemy fell upon his men, so
stout were they at this time, and joined battle with them, but he
beat them in the fight; and in order to be revenged on them for
the slaughter of his brother, he pursued them sharply, and killed
them as they ran away; and as the houses were full of armed men,
(29) and many of them ran as far as the tops of the houses, he
got them under his power, and pulled down the roofs of the
houses, and saw the lower rooms full of soldiers that were
caught, and lay all on a heap; so they threw stones down upon
them as they lay piled one upon another, and thereby killed them;
nor was there a more frightful spectacle in all the war than
this, where beyond the walls an immense multitude of dead men lay
heaped one upon another. This action it was which chiefly brake
the spirits of the enemy, who expected now what would come; for
there appeared a mighty number of people that came from places
far distant, that were now about the village, but then ran away;
and had it not been for the depth of winter, which then
restrained them, the king's army had presently gone to Jerusalem,
as being very courageous at this good success, and the whole work
had been done immediately; for Antigonus was already looking
about how he might fly away and leave the city.
13. At this time the king gave order that the soldiers should go
to supper, for it was late at night, while he went into a chamber
to use the bath, for he was very weary; and here it was that he
was in the greatest danger, which yet, by God's providence, he
escaped; for as he was naked, and had but one servant that
followed him, to be with him while he was bathing in an inner
room, certain of the enemy, who were in their armor, and had fled
thither, out of fear, were then in the place; and as he was
bathing, the first of them came out with his naked sword drawn,
and went out at the doors, and after him a second, and a third,
armed in like manner, and were under such a consternation, that
they did no hurt to the king, and thought themselves to have come
off very well ill suffering no harm themselves in their getting
out of the house. However, on the next day, he cut off the head
of Pappus, for he was already slain, and sent it to Pheroras, as
a punishment of what their brother had suffered by his means, for
he was the man that slew him with his own hand.
14. When the rigor of winter was over, Herod removed his army,
and came near to Jerusalem, and pitched his camp hard by the
city. Now this was the third year since he had been made king at
Rome; and as he removed his camp, and came near that part of the
wall where it could be most easily assaulted, he pitched that
camp before the temple, intending to make his attacks in the same
manner as did Pompey. So he encompassed the place with three
bulwarks, and erected towers, and employed a great many hands
about the work, and cut down the trees that were round about the
city; and when he had appointed proper persons to oversee the
works, even while the army lay before the city, he himself went
to Samaria, to complete his marriage, and to take to wife the
daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus; for he had
betrothed her already, as I have before related.
CHAPTER 16.
How Herod, When He Had Married Mariamne Took Jerusalem With The
Assistance Of Sosius By Force; And How The Government Of He
Asamoneans Was Put An End To
1. After the wedding was over, came Sosius through Phoenicia,
having sent out his army before him over the midland parts. He
also, who was their commander, came himself, with a great number
of horsemen and footmen. The king also came himself from Samaria,
and brought with him no small army, besides that which was there
before, for they were about thirty thousand; and they all met
together at the walls of Jerusalem, and encamped at the north
wall of the city, being now an army of eleven legions, armed men
on foot, and six thousand horsemen, with other auxiliaries out of
Syria. The generals were two: Sosius, sent by Antony to assist
Herod, and Herod on his own account, in order to take the
government from Antigonus, who was declared all enemy at Rome,
and that he might himself be king, according to the decree of the
Senate.
2. Now the Jews that were enclosed within the walls of the city
fought against Herod with great alacrity and zeal (for the whole
nation was gathered together); they also gave out many prophecies
about the temple, and many things agreeable to the people, as if
God would deliver them out of the dangers they were in; they had
also carried off what was out of the city, that they might not
leave any thing to afford sustenance either for men or for
beasts; and by private robberies they made the want of
necessaries greater. When Herod understood this, he opposed
ambushes in the fittest places against their private robberies,
and he sent legions of armed men to bring its provisions, and
that from remote places, so that in a little time they had great
plenty of provisions. Now the three bulwarks were easily erected,
because so many hands were continually at work upon it; for it
was summer time, and there was nothing to hinder them in raising
their works, neither from the air nor from the workmen; so they
brought their engines to bear, and shook the walls of the city,
and tried all manner of ways to get its; yet did not those within
discover any fear, but they also contrived not a few engines to
oppose their engines withal. They also sallied out, and burnt not
only those engines that were not yet perfected, but those that
were; and when they came hand to hand, their attempts were not
less bold than those of the Romans, though they were behind them
in skill. They also erected new works when the former were
ruined, and making mines underground, they met each other, and
fought there; and making use of brutish courage rather than of
prudent valor, they persisted in this war to the very last; and
this they did while a mighty army lay round about them, and while
they were distressed by famine and the want of necessaries, for
this happened to be a Sabbatic year. The first that scaled the
walls were twenty chosen men, the next were Sosius's centurions;
for the first wall was taken in forty days, and the second in
fifteen more, when some of the cloisters that were about the
temple were burnt, which Herod gave out to have been burnt by
Antigonus, in order to expose him to the hatred of the Jews. And
when the outer court of the temple and the lower city were taken,
the Jews fled into the inner court of the temple, and into the
upper city; but now fearing lest the Romans should hinder them
from offering their daily sacrifices to God, they sent an
embassage, and desired that they would only permit them to bring
in beasts for sacrifices, which Herod granted, hoping they were
going to yield; but when he saw that they did nothing of what he
supposed, but bitterly opposed him, in order to preserve the
kingdom to Antigonus, he made an assault upon the city, and took
it by storm; and now all parts were full of those that were
slain, by the rage of the Romans at the long duration of the
siege, and by the zeal of the Jews that were on Herod's side, who
were not willing to leave one of their adversaries alive; so they
were murdered continually in the narrow streets and in the houses
by crowds, and as they were flying to the temple for shelter, and
there was no pity taken of either infants or the aged, nor did
they spare so much as the weaker sex; nay, although the king sent
about, and besought them to spare the people, yet nobody
restrained their hand from slaughter, but, as if they were a
company of madmen, they fell upon persons of all ages, without
distinction; and then Antigonus, without regard to either his
past or present circumstances, came down from the citadel, and
fell down at the feet of Sosius, who took no pity of him, in the
change of his fortune, but insulted him beyond measure, and
called him Antigone [i.e. a woman, and not a man;] yet did he not
treat him as if he were a woman, by letting him go at liberty,
but put him into bonds, and kept him in close custody.
3. And now Herod having overcome his enemies, his care was to
govern those foreigners who had been his assistants, for the
crowd of strangers rushed to see the temple, and the sacred
things in the temple; but the king, thinking a victory to be a
more severe affliction than a defeat, if any of those things
which it was not lawful to see should be seen by them, used
entreaties and threatenings, and even sometimes force itself, to
restrain them. He also prohibited the ravage that was made in the
city, and many times asked Sosius whether the Romans would empty
the city both of money and men, and leave him king of a desert;
and told him that he esteemed the dominion over the whole
habitable earth as by no means an equivalent satisfaction for
such a murder of his citizens'; and when he said that this
plunder was justly to be permitted the soldiers for the siege
they had undergone, he replied, that he would give every one
their reward out of his own money; and by this means be redeemed
what remained of the city from destruction; and he performed what
he had promised him, for he gave a noble present to every
soldier, and a proportionable present to their commanders, but a
most royal present to Sosius himself, till they all went away
full of money.
4. This destruction befell the city of Jerusalem when Marcus
Agrippa and Caninius Gallus were consuls of Rome (30) on the
hundred eighty and fifth olympiad, on the third month, on the
solemnity of the fast, as if a periodical revolution of
calamities had returned since that which befell the Jews under
Pompey; for the Jews were taken by him on the same day, and this
was after twenty-seven years' time. So when Sosius had dedicated
a crown of gold to God, he marched away from Jerusalem, and
carried Antigonus with him in bonds to Antony; but Herod was
afraid lest Antigonus should be kept in prison [only] by Antony,
and that when he was carried to Rome by him, he might get his
cause to be heard by the senate, and might demonstrate, as he was
himself of the royal blood, and Herod but a private man, that
therefore it belonged to his sons however to have the kingdom, on
account of the family they were of, in case he had himself
offended the Romans by what he had done. Out of Herod's fear of
this it was that he, by giving Antony a great deal of money,
endeavored to persuade him to have Antigonus slain, which if it
were once done, he should be free from that fear. And thus did
the government of the Asamoneans cease, a hundred twenty and six
years after it was first set up. This family was a splendid and
an illustrious one, both on account of the nobility of their
stock, and of the dignity of the high priesthood, as also for the
glorious actions their ancestors had performed for our nation;
but these men lost the government by their dissensions one with
another, and it came to Herod, the son of Antipater, who was of
no more than a vulgar family, and of no eminent extraction, but
one that was subject to other kings. And this is what history
tells us was the end of the Asamonean family.
Category:Josephus' Antiquities of the Jews