The Sun. — 1837-02-27 (London, England)

LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 27, 1837.  The late decision of the House of Commons on the Irish Corporation Bill has driven the Tories to their wit's end. They are quite at a loss how to shape their political course after so unexpected and awful a disaster. We are not in the least surprised at this paralysis of the body factious. It Welt puzzle wiser heads than sit upon the shoulders of any or all of the oarty to devise a plan capable of extricating them out of their present difficulties,without sacrificing factious intetests. To Men who regarded only their country's good,the path le clear enongh—so clear that it cannot possibly be missed. Such men would not hesitate a moment. They would imtoediately submit to the will of the nation so unequivocally expressed through its representatives. They would reason thus " We had imagined that the voice of the country Was with us in our Irish policy ; the matter has been put to the test which the Constitution has provided in such cases, *and that test has proved that we have been labour411g under a delusion with respect to reaction in the public sentiment. We find, on the contrary, that the oftener the question of Irish Corporation Reform is discussed in the House of Commons, the greater is the Majority in its favour. We find that in a House originally Called together under circumstances more favourable to our 'views than we can ever expect to exist in future, this majority has increased from Session to Session, until it has „reached a number nearly twice as great as that which we felt it our duty not to resist when the great question of the rep. al of the Test and Corporation Acts—Acts which we had looked upon as the best safeguards of the Church— was decided. To stand out any longer against manifestotions of the national opinions, so clear and strong, would be equally unconstitutional and impolitic ; for it would inevitably lead to the suspicion that we are actuated by other Tnotives than those by which we profess to be guided. We therefore yield the point,\and acquiesce in the peaceful settlement of thislon,g agitated and irritating question, as the representatives of the people have determined." This, we say, would be the language of the Tories if they had a single eye to the good of their country. But as they have their eyes fixed, and their Whole minds bent upon place, every thing else is but a :secondary consideration. The selfish principle has entirely absorbed the social in their breasts. Let society be sg itated and disturbed in England and Scotland ;. let it be inged in Ireland, it matters not. If by any means—if at any hazard—they can gratify, or see a chance of gratifying, their insatiable lust of office, the best interests of the nation must not stand in the way—the empire may go to wreck and ruin. It is rumoured, though we cannot give credit to it, that they have adopted a new plan of tactics, to be carried into effect through the House of Lords. We are by no means thisiuelined to believe that the Lords would lend themselves as ready instruments to any scheme that had a likelihood to thwart the public inclinations, more especially if it could they the same time further the views of the party to which ,2hey are devoted ; but we do not think that they will venture upon a step so pregnant with danger to the " Order" 414 that to which we refer would be. The Lords, it is I?.hispered, mean to adjourn the consideration of the Irish Ut‘rporation Bill, when it shall come before them, for two u. 'the I The pretence under which this .unprecedented departure from Constitutional usage is to be justified is this—that as the Bill in question is one of a connected series of measures proposed and to be proposed by the jeT ntuent they cannot be duly qualified to take any one 15,,,.t hen: into consideration until they have seen the whole ! _1"--the sapient patriots—never before discovered— ultvreer_ in the course of the three years durhig which they been discussing these measures, found out that there vas any connection at all among them, much less such !SO lurrepealable union as must indissolubly link the one with tlih ieatotile.r in their lordly minds ! But how do they know e .natoi More Irish measures than those already introtlvced T.' sndeil ? Do they mean to assume the province of etqtatma to the KING'S Government what measures they  shall bring forward, and what not ? Surely this is a pitch of overbearing arrogance to which they do not mean to carry their presumption. But the thing is altogether too absurd to waste words upon. The Lords might just as well say to the Commons " draw your swords, and let us fight it out at once," as have recourse to so desperate an expedient as that alluded to.  The Paris papers of Wednesday, Thursday, Friday, and Saturday have all been received. The journals of Wednesday contain no intelligence of  importance. The suicide of CHAMPION, and the conspiracy of which he was to have been the instrument, form the principal topics of discussion. In the Chamber of Deputies, on the preceding day, M. THIERS made a long speech against the Ministerial project of law, relative to Savings Banks. The law enables Ministers to apply the surplus funds vested in such establishments to State purposes, on leaving in the hands of the Directors an equal amount of Government Stock. The object of this law is political, and so transparent as not to be easily misapprehended. In it the KING adopts the old Macedonian policy of borrowing from his enemies, in order to make it their interest to preserve his life, and give stability to his Government. Louis PHILIPPE, like EUMENES, endeavours 'to bind his enemies by the ties of a pecuniary loyalty, by sanctioning a law which makes his life the only security for their money. M. THIERS, however, did not oppose the law, because of the great influence which it would give the Ministry He only contended, that in the event of a run upon the Banks, they would be compelled to declare themselves insolvent, unless the Government undertook to guarantee their solvency. Uuder the new Law the directors would be transformed into an association of stockjobbers—for they could not be prevented from jobbing in the securities placed in their hands. M. DUCHATEL, the Alinister of Finance, contented himself with asserting that the evils apprehended by the ex-President of the Council would not, and could not occur. The Chamber appeared to be of the same opinion, for the articles of the law embodying its principle were severally proposed and adopted. The Charte of Wednesday states that three men were seized by the police on the Sunday before, as they were fixing crowns of flowers on the grave of PEPIN, who was executed as a regicide along with MOREY and