Star. — 1830-09-14 (London, England)

COMMEO4. Mg more animatedly than ever. Why is this ? What ill has the Chamber done ? What good does it wish or could it prevent ? Did it fail in proclaiming the abdication of a dynasty which was lost in the minds of the people, and in placing on the throne a truly liberal Prince? Is it for having reformed some articles of the Charter that the Chamber is opposed to the utmost ? And since, have not all the measures of the Chambers been generally approved as distinguished for prudence and wisdom I It has in this done nothing more than acknowledge the public voice and conformed to it. What more can be required ? The Chamber has done well and quickly what it ought to do, and alone it provides for the public safety at a moment when the victorious society, covered with glory, but broken up, only sustained itself against anarchy by an enthusiasm of short duration. Again then we ask, what is the crime of the Chamber ? It is apprehended that the Chamber will not profit sufficiently by the advantages of the Revolution, that it will not destroy fast enough, and re-construct with sufficient boldness. A new society is required, made by the hand of man, and exclusively by some men keeping out all the men concerned in the restoration. An anathema is pronounced against the men concerned in the restoration. They are weak people ; Royer, Collard, Dupla, the elder, Casimir Perrier. and others like them, who know nothing of liberty. They defended it, indeed, with all their powers they established it with their eloquence; but they employed ten years in their workl; and we, in a fortnight, if they would allow us—in one fortnight, we would overthrow all, and rebuild it on a new plan. What solidity the «Ufa might hovels of DO coosequence. At present the unpardonable crime of the Chambers is the having taken into consideration a municipal law. This has earned loud outcries. This pretended grievance, however, is only a pretext. The project of the Jaw must be bad. It is not even susceptible of amend. nient. We again say this is a pretext. If it were a hundred times better, the Chamber would not be the less guilty. Its true crime is the determi. nation not to commit suicide. Whatever else it may do it will do evil, because it does not do that. Whatever it does will be evil, except the preparation for dissolving itself, by a law regulating the General Elections. It will be allowed to give in its resigns. tion, and to make good its retirement. It will be interred with honour, provided it die speedily. Hence the discussion on the extent of the powers of the Chamber, which, at first, appear incomprehensible. The Chamber has or has not power to make laws. If its power exist, it is competent to make a Municipal I.r.w as well ass Law of Election ; if it do not exist, whatever law it may make.—an Election or Municipal Law—will be nothing more than a usurpation. But this is not the question. The only difference is that between those who desire that the Chamber should remain and those who desire that it should turn to the right about.—What man could predict what would be the result of a general election at the time—would it be good or evil ? France is, generally speaking, animated by a spirit of mo. deration. It dreads anarchy and the anarchists. But who is ignorant of the advantages, which, in the times of the Revolution, a few ardent, active spirits had over the more tranquil and moderate? They will thrust themselves forward•—they will intrigue and speak boldly. Promises and threats cost them nothing; those whom they cannot seduce, they will intimidate. Who will say, that in 1792 Prance desired to have the men of 1793 ? It must now be courageously avowed. The Chamber of Deputies is at present all in all—royalty is too young. The Chamber of Peers is too weak to countertelonee it. Collect, then, in the Palais Bourbon a new and active Chamber, ds-1 sirous of playing the perilous part of a Coostitational Assembly. Where should we find refuge against the pretensions*, oath a Chamber ? Td despotism of an Assembly is worth so more than any other doped= The resent Chemise/Amok Gout is moderate by disposition and through reason. It uses--it does not abuse its power. Allow it dme to settle our in stltutions—allow royalty time to fix itself finnlyon the ground—allow the Chamber of Peers time to recover its confidence, arid then we may open, without danger, the Electoral Colleges throughout France. The ques. don of the dissolution of the Chamber is the question of our futurity. Two parties are forming, and coming into opposition; one, rallying around the new dynasty and the charter, does not suppose, because there has been a revolution that it has reduced everything to powder, men and i things, !aws and legislators, and that France is nothing more than a lbeap of ruins. Far from that, in its eyes; the revolution, in its object and in its spirit, has been more conservative than destructive. It over. threw a dynasty, but to save the laws; it banished some men, to lave things ; it did what the restoration ought to have done, it has established a monarchy truly constitutional. It is not necessary then to reform society as in the year ; but to pursue with security the gradual developemant of our institutions. Above all, it is necessary tore-establish and to conselidste order. The other party, overkw4dng the origin Dud the character of the Revolution of 113210, describes it as a general insurrection, not for, hut against the laws. It describes this instnrection as a complete overthrow of all things—.an ideal regeneration. In its eyes the Charter of 1830 is only a transitory law, nothing of what was ought to be allowed to remain. No conditions of eligibility ; no hereditary Peers ; democracy every where a nominal royalty, a sovereignty disseminated In every part, al. lowing France to extract herself as she may from the chaos.— It is not asserted that all this party desire all these things.— but some of it do. All this party now demand is the dissolution of the Chambers. That is necessary for it. Their point ob. mined, it would split into several parties antra new contest would begin, which would end in anarchy. When once a beginning is made to overturning and renewing legislation, there will be no end to It, and, before long, no laws, Those of to-day will be no more sacred than those of yesterday. One Chamber being chaced away, another would soon follow. A few bold intriguers would take on themselves the sovereignty of the people. In all this one thing seems certain, and that is, that supposing the worst, no serious danger can arise from preserv. Mg the Chamber ; while, supposing the best possible, there will be much danger in dismissing it. What prudent man can hesitate in his choice ?  Front the Quolidienne.  Names,