The Sun. — 1837-02-23 (London, England)

ROBERT PEEL. The Catholic Question and Parliamentary Reform are beacons before his eyes ; but, contrary to his own will, he has been impelled by two parties, who blinded by self-interest, or soured by disappointment, urged him to make a last desperate trial for the victory. Every one who has read the speeches of the Right Honourable Baronet on the question, or observed his cold desponding manner in the House, must feel convinced that the desperate plan is not his. It is the plan of the leaders of the Orange party, and his new allies. The former see no chance of preferment but in the speedy return of the Tories to power. Judges and Bishops and Lords-Lieutenant are dropping off day by day ; their places are supplied by men opposed to their selfish policy, and determined to thwart their machinations ; and for even one month of Tory dominion they would endanger the peace of the country, and sacrifice the political character of the only man fit to direct their councils. The other supporters of the Tory leader are impelled by passions perhaps not so selfish, but equally strong. Their situation indeed is so wretched that they are forced to make the most desperate efforts to escape from it. What position can be more humiliating than that of the chief of that miserable band who deserted the liberal cause ? Elated by the success of his exertions in the cause of Reform—buoyed up by the praises bestowed on him by all parties as a successful debater, and flattered by some with.the appellation of the future Prime Minister—in a fit of peevishness, or with a view to overturn the Whig Administration, he first left his friends—then described them as thimble-riggers and pickpockets—then joined the party whom he had described as the miserable remnants of a broken faction, and now has the mortification to find that the Whig Government can go on without him—that he is almost forgotten by the public—distrusted by the old Anti-Reformers, and not much beloved by the Conformers, whom he disconcerts by occasiona freaks of liberalism, or encumbers with his bigotted and an•  tiquated religious prejudices. These are the parties who are to assist Sir ROBERT PEEL in governing Ireland. Orangemen, burning with hatred towards the people they have to govern—a Lord Chancellor who has calumniated the whole nation—and perhaps a Home Secretary, the author of the Coercion Bill, the champion of tithes, and the reputed author of the scheme to deprive the Irish people of their just rights. A Cabinet, composed of such men, would be tantamount to a declaration of war against Ireland. But there is little to fear. Sir ROBERT PEEL has too much prudence, and too much at stake, to venture on such a wild scheme ; and now that he has convinced them of the impracticability of denying justice to Ireland, will henceforth be guided by feelings more consistent with those of a wise statesman and practical legislator.  The French papers of Tuesday are filled with accounts of the regicide, Cnamnom, whose crime, seizure and suicide, were fully detailed in The Sun of yesterday. The Charte de 1930—an official organ, declares that CHAMPION had several accomplices. The Pair asserts that he was but a mercenary tool in the hands of a rich and hidden party. For some time before he was seized CHAMPION lived without work, or any visible means of providing subsistence. And yet during that time he appeared to have money in abundance.  The political aspect of France was not so unfavourable since the revolution of 1830 as it is at present. On all sides indications of a social hurricane arc visible. Louts PHILIPPE is popular with no class. The main props of his Throne—the Doctrinaires of the shop-keeping and small fundholding order—are become indifferent to the  permanence of his dynasty. They have had time to prepare for an altered state of things, and they have taken care to avail themselves of it, in the best manner they could. They stood by the KING while their pockets were in danger, and they would openly desert him to-morrow were they certain that so public a defection would cost them nothing. The army is completely disorganized. There is hardly a regiment upon whose entire devotion to his person and family the KING can place unlimited reliance. The higher officers are filled with discontent, and the great mass of the private soldiers reciprocate the sentiments and feelings of their fellow-countrymen. All know and feel that the KING intends them as instruments for the re-establishment of a tyranny of which France once rid herself at the expense of an ocean of innoeent blood. To such men as form the bulk of the French army, the semblance of a violation of the dear-bought liberties of their native land must appear in the light of the most heinous crime. France enjoys not a right which she has not purchased with torrents of her bravest blood —with torrents of that blood which flows in the veins of her chivalrous military force. Despite of the artifices of the KING, her soldiers are citizens and will remain so. Hence their general disaffection.  The higher ranks are for the most part decided Royalists. They declared for the Revolution of July only to save their lives and preserve their estates ; but at bottom they never ceased to lament the overthrow of the Bourbon family. With the exception of the Nobles who receive pensions from the Crown, or in some way or other profit by the new dynasty, there is hardly a representative of an old family in France who at heart is not disposed to assist