The Sun. — 1867-02-05 (London, England)

COFFEE.—A small quantity of Plantation Ceylon has been sold in the private market at full value ; in other descriptions there has been no quotable change. RlCE.—Business has remained very dull, but holders do not press sales, and prices remained steady.  rumoured Caxias is preparing to make a dash at the enemy in January. Heat terrific, 117 in the shade ; mosquitoes and flies intolerable. The revolution in Paraguay is, as was expected, a hoax. But the revolution hi the interior provinces of Buenos Ayres is•gaining strength, and many Chilians have joined in the movement.  --Mr. Bernal Osborne end his Constituents.  Mr. Bernal Osborne addressed his constituents at the Exchange Hall, Nottingham, last evening. The hon. gentleman was received with cheers. whistling, and hooting, and it was some time before he could be heard. Ile entreated them to be quiet and listen to In the words of an ancient orator he would say, " Strike, but hear me r(Confusion and fighting. A voice, "Nottingham is the most rotten borough in England.") Even a criminal was listened to on his trial, and he (Mr. Osborne) was no criminal. (Uproar, in the midst of which the reporters' table was knocked over.) They were well aware of the treatment of reform during the last session and of the fate of the Ministry which brought it forward. The Ministry gave a test of their sincerity when they resigned ; and now what would their successors du? (Uproar). The question of reform had been before the public for tweet) years, dandled like a doll. Five times it had been mentioned in Queen's speeches, and it was high time that it should be put in short clothes and allowed to run alone, as it only wanted one year to coming of age. (A laugh). The constituencies of England could no longer be treated as infants. If this question had been laid to sleep by Parliament, it was not only the fault of the Parliament, but of the people, who had been supine. The people, however, were now tired of this dawdling indifference ; and though he deprecated all physical force, which could only end in the ruin of those who used it, he could not be surprised at the large Reform meetings which had taken place in different parts of the country. The great concessions of the age had not been given to argument or reason. The bill of 1832 was not given to reason. The Emancipation Act was not given to reason, but the ministers of that day were frightened into conceding those measures. (Cheers.) They should like to know how far he would go in a future reform bill. He was opposed to all absolute forms. of government, whether that absolute form were in the shape of an absolute monarchy, or absolute aristocracy, or an absolute power of numbers. Ours was a mixed government, where the interests of all the great community must be looked to. He was opposed to the present position of the franchise. He wanted a considerable infusion of the artisan class, but he could not give his support to any measure which advocated manhood suffrage. He was, however, prepared to entertain the question in a large and liberal spirit. In 1848 he spoke in favour of Mr. Hume's motion, which would have given household suffrage in the boroughs of this country, and he could find nothing so revolutionary in carrying out the provisions of the Municipal Bill of 1836 in voting for members of Parliament. BLit he was not bigoted even as to that. In these times they must take what they could get. Although some members of the House of Commons refused to have anything from a Conservative Government, he was willing to have the best measure of reform he could obtain, let it come from whom it might. He always had a suspicion of a man who would not take anything but a comprehensive bill. It was going for a comprehensive measure that ruined the late bill. If the Ministers had simply gone in for a reduction of the suffrage it would have been carried. It was the redistribution of seats that ruined it ; and the only redistribution of seats they got was the redistribution of seats in the Cabinet. The extreme limit they would ever get in this country would be household suffrage, but if he could not obtain that he would take what he could. Practical men did not cry for the moon. But they must do the best they could in order to place their fellow-countrymen in the position they ought to occupy. The ballot would not cure all evils, but he should like to see the experiment tried. He thought intimation in this country was almost as great. as corruption, and that was saying a great deal. He thought the ballot would be much more serviceable in Ireland than in England. Bribery in England had reached such a pitch that we had become a disgrace in the eyes of foreign nations. The army wanted reforming, the navy wanted reforming, and as to the House of Commons, he should like some one well informed, like Mr. Potter, standing up in his place and bringing his theories to the test of Parliamentary experience. There was another reason why reform was wanted, and that was the state of Ireland. Sixty odd years had elapsed since the union, but the people of Ireland were still discontented, and were looking to another country for assistance. 111 r. Disraeli and Mr. Gladstone were aware of the importance of this question. It had been said that Ireland contained a starving population, an absentee aristocracy, and the worst executive in the world. But he (Mr. Bernal Osborne) did not think the present House of Commons could remedy those grievances. Again, referring to reform, Mr. Osborne said if he knew anything of the right hon. fo member for Bucks he would not commit political suicide. he came his to the H us e without departofficial life. A vote of confidence in the hon. member was then passed, and the meeting, which had been of a a Reform r Bill Assuredly h emight turbulent character throughout, dispersed.