The Sun. — 1863-10-17 (London, England)

POST.—Up to the present time there is no sign that the authors of the pending crisis in Prussia are awake to the importance of the conflict they have rashly provoked. Count Eulenberg's circular—which very closely resembles the notorious Jagow circular of last year—is a declaration of war against the freedom of election, in perfect freedom with bureaucratic traditions, but calculated to widen rather than to diminish the breach between the King and his subjects. It would have been impolitic, if it had not been contrary to the truth, to denounce the members of the Liberal majority in the late Chamber as the enemies of the monarchy; but for the Minister of the Interior to take it upon himself to exhort the em ployes of the State to vote for none but the Ministerial candidates—to command prefects and sub-prefects, and all other provincial functionaries, to prove their devotion to the Crown by turning the electioneering screw on the side of the Government candidates, is, to say the least of it, in the actual situation of affairs in Prussia, not merely an nnpardimable impertinence' but also a very wanton act of political suicide. Yet this is precisely what Count Eulenburg has thought fit to do. He confides to the paid servants of the Government the supervision and manipulation of the elections, and he tells them, in so many words, that—" It is impossible for any Government board to act efficiently should its president profess political opinions at variance with those of the Government." No doubt the Minister writes with a better knowledge of the character of Prussian officials than we possess, and it may be that they will, as a body, accept without murmuring or shame the ignominous part he has assigned to them. Still there are, we will hope, a few who, like the university authorities of Berlin and Bonn on a former occasion, will decline to serve as Ministerial electioneering agents, and their independence can prove contagious even in the best drilled of all European bureaucracies. At all events, such a bold and unconstitutional attempt to influence the elections can barely fail to aggravate the defeat of the King and his Government ; and if, as is rumoured, the Minister of Justice intends to issue a similar circular, the only inference to be drawn from such a flagrant violation of constitutional privileges will be that M. Von Bismark has matte up his mind to govern without a Chamber, or—  which would be the best thing that could happen for Prussia and Germany—not to govern at all. Count Eulenburg's views of the duties of the civil servants of a constitutional Sovereign are curious enough. When the King has pointed out and definitely laid down the constitutional paths to be trodden by himself, and his officials with him, all must obey; and those holding offices of political importance are bound, not only to render obedience, but active support. The idea is that the Crown is the living central point of the Prussian Constitution—that it is for the King to ordain, and the Parliament to register, his ordinances. This was laid down ex cathedra in the lately published programme of the Ministerial party. The King, it was said, had confessed that the utmost unity prevailed between the Crown and its counsellors, and that, therefore, to look to a change of Ministers for a solution of the existing crisis would he of no avail. Royalty—" a strong royalty"—could alone bring the present confusion to a close and guard and strengthen Prussia's position in Germany. But if he King be, as his so-called "friends" in effect affirm, the only Power in the State, why has Chamber after Chamber been dissolved to procure if possible the concurrence of the representatives of the people in the measures which his Majesty deems necessary for the salvation of the country ? The present appeal" to the patriotism of the electors and the judgment of the elected" has, we are assured, been made under a conscientious observance of the Constitution ;" but in the same breath the Prussian people are warned "not to slight the inevitable consequences of a haughty re-election." What the King and his Ministers understand by a Constitution seems to be nearly this—that the Sovereign shall govern, bat that he shall govern under certain conditions settled by himself. Ile Liberal party, on the other hand, contend that a Constitutional Government, under which the people are taxed withoat the consent of their representatives, and. under which the Ministers of the Crown are not responsible to the nation, is a delusion and a sham, and they have determined to substitute their own real theory of the Constitution for the theory of Divine right upon which William I. has been advised to rely. The elections in which this question between the King and the nation is to be decided are fixed to take place on the 28th inst., but neither in Berlin nor in the provinces are there any symptoms of feverish anxiety as to the result. The absence of political agitation shows, in fact, that the Liberal party are conscious of their strength, and confident of success. Nor is it expeeted that the character of the Opposition in the new Chamber will be much changed. In some places men of more advanced opinions may be returned, replacing, probably, a few of Count Schwenn's friends; but, upon the whole, it appears that the people will be satisfied with confirming the resolution they have more than once announced, by sending back their former representatives; and, as they are still desirous to avoid a direct collision with the Crown, this is, perhaps, the wisest course they could take,inasmuch as it will leave the way open for the King to escape by dismissing his unpopular Ministers, and choosing for their successors statesmen who can command the confidence of the majority of the Chamber. It will also be the most emphatic answer that an insulted nation can return to the appeal of a Government which inspires neither respect nor fear. Hitherto the Opposition has been distinguished by firmness, unanimity, and moderation ; and there is no reason for deviating from the conduct which has extorted the admiration of Parliamentary veterans, and done more for the political education of Prussia than could ever have been effected by louder, but not more sincere, demonstrations of patriotism.