The Sun. — 1848-09-20 (London, England)

THE PRINCE DE JOINVILLE ON  THE POLICY OF LOUIS PHILIPPE.  The Akbar of Algiers, of the 12th instant, pub- I lisbes a letter from the Prince de Joinville to the Duke de Nemours, dated from on board the Souverain at Spezzia, 7th November, 1847. The letter is thus introduced by the Akbar : " Every one here knows that the Prince de Joinville was sent to Algiers a month previous to Feb. 4, on ac- I count of his active opposition to the policy which had then for some time been adopted by the Cabinet of M. Guizet. He under no circumstances suppressed the expression of his repulsive feelings towards a policy the dangers of which he could not conceal from himself. On arriving in Algiers, his first words were—' They are leading us to a revolution.' The subjoined letter, which has never been published, was found on February the 24th, in the Tuileries, and a copy of it was taken by the person who has communicated it to us. In it will be found the lively and free expression of the sentiments above spoken of." The letter is as follows : ,6 My dear Tan,—l write to you, because my mind is disturbed by the events which I see accumulating around us from every side. I begin to be seriously alarmed, and at such moments I love to gossip with those in whom I have confidence. The death of Bresson is a great blow to me (m'a ate funeste), and I think it has had the same effect upon ypu. I lay aside the sad impression it has made at Naples, where the laws on suicide are so secure; but what affects me is the seeking out the causes of his misfortune. Bresson was not ill; he executed his design with all the coolness of a resolute man. I have from Naples letters written by De Montessuy and others, which leave me scarcely, any doubts. He was irritated against the King, and had used at Florence strange language_ respecting him. The King is inflexible, and will no longer listen to any advice ; in fact, his will must predominate over all. People will not fail to repeat, and will enlarge upon what I consider as dangerous—viz., the action which he (le pert) exercises over; everything. This inflexible action, when a statesman compromised with us cannot vanquish it, leaves no other resource than suicide. It appears to me to be difficult this year for the Chamber not to turn its debates upon this anormal state of things, which has obliterated the constitutional fiction, and brought the King forward as a party in all questions. There are no more ministers ; their responsibility is null ; everything emanates from the King. The King is arrived at an age when observations from others are no more admitted. He is habituated to govern, and loves to show that it is Its !*ho dqes Aevezin. -His immense etperiencte, his courage, and other great qualities, make him affront danger with audacity; but the danger nevertheless exists. This false position will, I believe, be this year prominently discussed. It will be said that the constitutional Government was established particularly to avoid the alternative of seeing the . throne occupied by a man who is too old, or by one who is too young ; to calm the too great ardour of Bovereigns, or to supply that which is wanting in them. In the present case we have need of two things, but both of them are wanting. Our condition at home is not a good one ; the (state of our finances, after a peace of seventeen years, is not brilliant. Abroad, where we might have found some of those gratifications so dear to our country, and by which its attention is turned from more serious evils, we do not shine much more. The accession of Lord Palmerston, by awakening the impassioned mistrust of the King, has made us undertake the Spanish campaign, and invested us with a deplorable reputation for bad faith. Separated from England at the moment when the events of Italy happeriod, we have been unable to take that active part in them which would have flattered our country, and have been in accord with the principles we should never have abandoned, because it was through them that we became what we are. We have not dared to turn our hand against Austria, from fear of seeing England reconstitute the Holy Allance. We come before the Chambers with a deplorable state of things abroad, and with one not much better at home. All this is the work of the King alone. The result of the old age of a king who will govern, but whose powers are too weak for him to come to any virile resolution. The worst is that I cannot discover any remedy. What will I be said and done at home when our sad financial situation is exposed? what can be done abroad to raise our position and enable us to follow a line of conduct in conformity with the wish of the country? It is certainly not by making an Austro-French intervention in Switzerland that we shall gain what the campaigns of 1823 won for the Restoration. I bad hoped that Italy would afford us that derivative, that change of which we had so much need; but it is now too late, the battle is lost ! Here we eau do nothing without the concurrence of the English, and every day, by suffering them to gain ground, we are per force thrown into the op=posite camp. We can now do nothing more than rows, '_bee.ause) by. remarUliig4e-iliall- be foreiblY Ted IS make common cause with the retrograde party, which