The Sun. — 1848-09-19 (London, England)

THE PRINCE DE JOINVILLE ON THE POLICY OF LOUIS PHILIPPE.  The Akbarj of Algiers. of the 12th instant, publishes a letter from the Prince de Joinville to the Duke de Nemours, dated from on board the Souverain at Spezzia, 7th November, 1847. The letter is thus introduced by the Akbar " Every one here knows that the Prince de Joinville was sent to Algiers a month previous to Feb. 4, on account of his active opposition to thepolicy which had then for some time been adopted by the Cabinet of M. Guizot. lie under no circumstances suppressed the expression of his repulsive feelings towards a policy the dangers of which he could not conceal from himself. On arriving in Algiers, his first words were--' They are leading us to a revolution.' The subjoined letter, which has never been published, was fou. nd on February the 24th, in the Tuileries, and a copy ofit was taken by the person who has communicated it to us. In it will be found the lively and free expression of the sentiments above spoken of." The letter is as follows :  "My dear Tan,—l write to you, because my mind is disturbed by the events which I see accumulating around us from every side. I begin to be seriously alarmed, and at such moments I love to gossip with those in whom I have confidence. The death of Bresson is a great blow to me (m'a etc funeste), and I think it has bad the same effect upon you. I lay aside the sad impression it has made at Naples, where the laws on suicide are so secure; but what affects me is the seeking out the causes of his misfortune. Bresson was not ill; he executed his design with all the coolness of a resolute man. I have from Naples letters written by De eo randewnacse others,rsrtri taan strange ed whichl againsta language gul eaagv uMs ectdn doubts.teasts uFjyril eteh ir elias pi sneegcat, ri :aeon yd hana him.any The King is inflexible, and will no longer listen to any advice ; in fact, his will must predominate over all. People will not fail to repeat, and will enlarge upon what I consider as dangerous—viz., the action which he (le pyre) exercises over everything. This inflexible action, when a statesman compromised with us cannot vanquish it, leaves no other resource than suicide. It appears to me to be difficult this year for the Chamber not to turn its debates upon this anermal state of things, which has obliterated the constitutional fiction, and brought the King forward as a party in all questions. There are no more ministers ; their responsibility is null ; everything emanates from the King. The King is arrived at an age when observations from others are no more admitted. Ile is habituated to govern, and loves to show that it is he who does govern. His immense experience, his courage, and other great qualities, make him affront danger with audacity; but the danger nevertheless exists. This false position will, I believe, be this year prominently discussed. It will be said that the constitutional Government was established particularly to avoid the alternative of seeing the throne occupied by a man who is too old, or by one who is too young ; to calm the too great ardour of sovereigns, or to supply that which is wanting in them. In the present case we have need of two things, but both of them are wanting. Our condition at home is not a good one ; the state of our finances, after a peace of seventeen years, is not brilliant. Abroad, where we might have found some of those gratifications so dear to our country, and by which its attention, is turned from snore serious evils, we do not shine much more. The accession of Lord Palmerston, by awakening the impassioned mistrust of the King, has made us undertake the Spanish campaign, and invested us with a deplorable reputation for bad faith. Separated from England at the moment when the events of Italy happened, we have been unable to take that active part in them which would have flattered our country, and have been in accord with the principles we should never have abandoned, because it was through them that we became what we are. We have not dared to turn our hand against Austria, from .fear of seeing England reconstitute the Holy Allance. We come before the Chambers with a deplorable state of things abroad, and with one not much better at home. All this is the work of the King alone. The result of the old age of a king who will govern, but whose powers are too weak for him to come to any virile resolution. The worst is that I cannot discover any remedy. What will be said and done at home when our sad financial situation is exposed? what can be done abroad to raiso our position and enable us to follow a line of conduct in conformity with the wish of the country) It is certainly not by making an Austro-French intervention in Switzerland that we shall gain what the campaigns of 1123 won for the Restoration. I had hoped that Italy would afford us that derivative, that change of which we had so much need; but it is now too late, the battle is lost ! Here we can do nothing without the concurrence of the English, and every day, by suffering them to gain ground, we are per force thrown into the opposite camp. We can now do nothing more than retire, because by remaining we shall be forcibly led to make common cause with the retrograde party, which in France would have a disastrous effect. We have not yet drained the bitter cup of these unlucky Spanish marriages. To conclude—ln France, dilapidated finances; abroad, placed between an honourable amende to Palmerston on the subject of Spain, or a common cause with Austria to play the gendarme in Switzerland, and fight in Italy against our principles and our natural allitaTe All this is caused by the King, the King alone, who has perverted (fausse) our constitutional institutions. I find all this very serious, because I fear the questions of ministers and portfolios will be set aside, and that is a great danger when, in preesence of a bad situation, questions of principle are set up. If, indeed, we could find any event, any affair to conduct vigorously, and which by its success would rally our party a little, there would still be a chance of gaining the battle; but I see nothing. You will excuse this epistle, for we require to feel our way. Forgive me for what I say of the father (du p&e); it is to you alone that I say it; you know my respect and affection for him; but it is impossible for me not to look into the future, and it frightens me a little.  TUESDAY_