The Industrial Review, Social and Political. — 1877-12-22 (London, England)

THE PEACEMAKER."  THIS Book is written by Mr. Thomas Briggs, of the Homestead, Richmond,and the Monetary Gazette has so well described its content that we reprint its comments :  The first object of this volume is to show that Free Trade, as we are practically acquainted with it, is but a halting and impotent measure, which falls immeasurably short of the great objects contemplated by the founders of this modern school of political opinion, and by its shortcomings defrauds us of more than half the advantages which a real comprehensive Free Trade would bring. A second object is to show that our imperial taxation is radically wrong, impolitic, and extravagant, and that direct taxation is the true principle of Political Economy. In speaking of the abandonment of the crusade in favour of Free Trade agitation before the work was fully completed, Mr. Briggs makes the following remarks : "The fathers tilled the ground, and the sons have reaped the rich harvest, the first-fruits of Free Trade; but these have not been used for the general good of industry—with that enlightened policy which always distinguishes true political honesty—and the welfare of the commonwealth which alone can secure social harmony. We know that there is in the present day but scanty indication of that noble and enthusiastic spirit which then marshalled the means and forces that insured success. There never was a greater blunder committed by a political society than that of breaking up the Anti-Corn Law League. The only instance in modern history at all comparable to it in absurdity, was the political suicide perpetrated by Mr. Gladstone in 1874 that so radically disorganised and demoralised the Liberal Party.  "The motives which led the leaders of the League party to scuttle their noble ship when moored in quiet haven, after winning a glorious victory over the craft Protection, fighting under the walls of Governmental batteries, it is to be feared, were of a character that deserves the severest historical reprobation. The Reform Bill secured the enfranchisement of the middle and trading classes, through the aid of the popular voice, which was to be again heard as a political cry, and the men of labour were to be speedily emancipated from their civil and social bondage; but the leading Whigs saw that the Reform Bill would enable them, if carefully manipulated, to keep themselves in office "for ever," and hence Lord John Russell, one of the leaders, called it a final measure, and acting on that principle, the destruction of the League was seen to be a sine qua non. That John Bright, the so-called "Tribune of the people," and others of his political knowledge, experience, and status, should have lent themselves, or have been tricked into being a party to this destruction, shows that great men are not always wise.' That blunder now appears so palpably unwise, that it is not easy to believe a latent feeling did not exist in their minds that the League, if continued, would have become equally omnipotent in achieving those changes for the people which they expected, and which the Whig Leagues promised them, but which, after that great corn monopoly was destroyed, would lead to results which the Whig party did not desire. . . . Since that period, the Whig section of the Liberals has not only shown no honest intention to inaugurate measure sfor the people, but though they have been in office for some twenty years, they, under so-called Liberal cries, systematically burked every measure intended to give any instalment of the franchise to the people. To their disgrace, that concession was made by a Conservative Government. "Despite all their professions of Free Trade under the Anti-Corn Law League, and despite their being followers of Cobden and his enlightened principles, they have abandoned, with the destruction of the League, all honest adherence to them, and have not made any united effort to inaugurate any Free Trade measure worthy of the name."  The author's idea of Free Trade is thorough-going. He would sweep off all Customs and Excise that handicap our industrial pursuits, and operate more or less directly or indirectly, to restrict the interchange of commodities with foreign nations. He has no fear about the war of tariffs, but advocates Free Trade pure and simple, and would carry out the principles of Cobden to their logical issue, insisting on. Free Trade— absolute and universal—as the primary condition of universal plenty and peace. As for taxation, he scorns all " tinkering of Budgets," all blind adherence to faulty precedents, but would have the whole burden levied, not on struggling industry and not on income in the early stages of its inception, but on property and profits actually realised. After providing for the repeal of all present taxes, his Budget shows how taxes can be raised without paralysing trade, and is as follows :