Swansea and Glamorgan Herald, and South Wales Free Press. — 1863-08-01 (Swansea, West Glamorgan, Wales)

LECTURE ON THE PERMISSIVE BILL. On Tuesday a lecture on this subject was delivered in the British School Room, Goat-streut, by the Rev. T. Rena, D.D. Dr. Evan Davies occupied the chair, and there was a large and attentive audience. Du.. Hens said : I stand here to plead for the suepression of one of the most extensive branches of the trade of this country—the trade in intoxicating drinks ; but I wish it to be distinctly understood at the outset, that while I consider the trade itself as one of the chief sources of the crimes and miseries of our country, I do not intend to abuse the persons engaged in the trade. There are amongst the brewers, distillers, wine and spirit m rchants, and the retailers of intoxicating drinks in this country, some of the most excellent men on earth These people are certainly objects of pity, but they should not be abused. My subject is the Permissive Bill. Now, what do we mean by the Permissive Bill ? I reply, we do not mean by it an Act of Parliament to prohibit the sale of intoxicating drinks imposed upon the people against their will. Such an act could only emanate from and be enforced by a despotic government. With all the evils of the liquor traffic, we would rather bear them than exchange our free constitutional government for a despotic one. Neither do we 'mean by it a law to compel every individual to be a teetotaller. The advocates of the Permissive Bill do not wish nor aim to interfere with the personal liberties of the people, and pre scribe to individuals and families what they shall eat and drink. By the Permissive Bill we understand an Act of Parliament to empower the majority of the inhabitants of a parish, town, or district, to prohibit the retail of intoxicating drinks within the limits of such parish, town, or district. Our reason for advocating such a Bill is that the liquor traffic is the poisonous fountain from which flows nine-tenths of the evils under which the community groans. How many of the deeds of crime and violence of which we read in the newspapers are not to be traced directly or indirectly to the drinking habits of the community? What is the chief support of the prostitution which disgraces our towns? My reply is—it is drink, strong driok almost entirely. Could we persuade the inhabitants of Swansea to agree to close all their pothouses and dramdrops for six months, the disreputable inhabitants of our illfamed courts and streets would find their way to some other place, or seek for a more creditable way of living. How many of the inmates of our workhouses have been brought there by their own drunkenness, or the drunkenness of those upon whom they depended? How many poor old people pine away, and are doomed to subsist upon the scanty allowance of the guardians, while their able bodied children and grandchildren spend pounds every week on strong drink? 'fhe ratepayers groan under the heavy taxes they have to pay, while at least nine pence out of every shilling they pay might be left in their pockets were the mass of the people sober men. Numerous sad arid fatal accidents on sea and land, and the suicides and the cases of insanity of which we constantly hear are, witli rare exceptions, to be traced to drink, and as an awful climax to the whole we should not omit to mention the wide spread irreligion which is so prevalent among ell classes throughout our highly privileged country. This evil of evils is to be attributed almost entirely to the drinking custom of society. Where has the mass of the working people of England learnt to be sceptics and infidels, and to laugh at those solemn subjects which make even the devils to tremble. Nowhere but in the society of drunkards and in the tumor of taprooms. Swansea is not to be compared with some English towns for irreligion, but I can hardly believe that one-half of the inhabitants of our town ever attend a church or chapel. Could we succeed in closing the beer shops all our places of worship would soon become too small to accommodate our over crowded congregations. Taking all these things into consideration, it is astonishing that any man making any pretence to humanity and religion should have anything to say in favour of a custom which produces so much evil. But to our sorrow we find that prejudice, self-iuterest, and the hardening effect of habit have so blinded the minds of many men, that the most telling and convincing ar• gement, are spent in vain on them. Many persons occupying posts of usefulness and respectability in the church and the world, are opposed to all legislative enactments to suppress the liquor traffic of the country ; and in favour of their opinions they urge such objections as these . It. interferes with the personal liberty of free citizens. We readily acknowledge that it does, and so does every law. The principle on which the Permissive Bill is based is already an acknowledged principle in all other laws, and that principle is that no individual has a ri.;ht to exercise bis personal liberty, so as to he offensive and hurtful to his fellow citizens We ale also told that the advocates of the Permissive Bill attempt to make people virtuous and religious by Acts of Parliament. We attempt no such thing. We know human nature too well to imagine that we could do so. Virtue has its seat in the heart, and Acts of Parliament can never reach there. All we attempt is so to restrain the lusts of men, that they may not injure others in their persons and property. Legislation is intended for this very purpose, and is good for nothing if it does not accomplish this. It is also objected that such a law would oppress the wonting classes. This is really bordering on, if it is not down.r;iait, :hypocrisy. What is it but the sale of intoxicating di inks that maccs .the homes of thousands of our working men • hell alma ,egrth ? It is intolerable to bear the promoters of the curse le' the working man pro