The Sun. — 1852-10-11 (London, England)

SUICIDE OF A BANKER.—James Taylor, Esq., -t aso °ee banker,l Brighton hado of Birmingham, eae unwell for and who has generally resided at M y Hall, near that town, committed suicide at Brighton n Mr. Taylor, who was 71 years of age, had gone on Friday. waemll ofourtheoamgeo mfoorntthhes bpeasnet.fit of his hheisalth, arrival in Brighton he had been in very low spirits, and on Friday afternoon he took a drive returned to his residence in Cwavitehndhiisshwpilfae ndnaeahsoonnt, and o'clock. He went up stairs, and in a short time after his body fell into the yard behind the house. It was found that he bad climed out of the attic window, and had cut his throat with a razor. A medical man was immediately sent for, but his services were of no avail, the unfortunate man was quite dead. On Saturday an inquest was heviderodnictthoef "Temporary i body at theßenlanordity.ll2tel, and the jury returned a  4,803,065 5,634,5b8  815,071  831,503  16,432  any further changes in the law—any reduction of the Army and Navy—any extension of secular education —because, by being the buttresses of abuses of every kind, they secure the support of lawyers, parsons, the universities, the officers of the united services, and the Methodists. The fourth is the throwing a sop to the farmers, the shipowners, the colonial planters, by robbing the public for their benefit, because that will secure the support of the squires, the mercantile marine, and the colonies. Knowing that self-interest is much more zealous and active than patriotism, and that the great body of the people cannot feel that concern in public affairs which is experienced by those whose private fortune and pecuniary income directly depend upon the management of State affairs, the Ministry, as represented by the manifesto of Mr. Henley, fall back on the support of those who will be most active at elections, and are prepared to devote time, money, and social influence to the game of politics. Their rule is to be regulated, not by the will of the nation, or the rights of the great body of the people, but by securing the help of institutions and class interests to overbear and out-vote public opinion, and the general interests of the country. They are to be a Ministry of resistance. They are to endeavour to obliterate the whole history of England between the time of Castlereagh and the year 1852. Their function is to be that of a grand jury resolved on ignoring all bills that are brought up to them from the people. In a small way they will attempt a leisurely coup d'etat in the shape of systematic reaction. They will fall back to the old policy of outvoting the commonalty of these realms by means of classes and bodies whose selfish interests are directly opposed to those of the nation at large. In short, they will rely upon material forces to bear down and crush public opinion, under the old stale pretext of " maintaining our venerable institutions," cherishing " ships, colonies, and commerce"—" repairing the wooden walls of England" —darning the union jack, and feeding the British lion. That is the plain English of all these flourishes —and we think that presumptuous fools who can venture upon offering such an insult to the nation merit no " fair trial" whatever. They are reactionists, and, therefore, revolutionists, who must be abolished to prevent their crushing us by a conspiracy of State stipendiaries. We must close our ranks at once—and vow that, whoever else may rule, such mischievous old women certainly shall not. Nay, we must go further. We think Lord John Russell was a great deal too apologetical to the traditions of the constitution at Perth. In professing his devotion to the existing organization of the State, he professed his object to be only to perpetuate by repairing it, by changing its shape, so as to adapt it to the progress of events. Substantially that proposition is totally futile and unfounded. The loyalty of the people to Queen Victoria is far greater than to George IV. ; but the power of the Crown is practically much less. The nobility, before the Reform Bill, especially at the beginninglof the century, were greatly more influential in society, and by the Constitution, than they are now, when they have been outgrown by the mercantile and manufacturing classes. The Church, before the repeal of the Test and Catholic Disabilities Acts, was far more influential than it is now, when it is overshadowed by dissent. It is absurd to say that the Constitution is the same; or, indeed, that it is possible that a Constitution, or the organism of a state, can remain unchanged when society progresses, and the relative state of classes changes. The nation, the public, the interests which have no recognition in the economy of the State, are greatly more politically powerful than those sectional denominations by whose support public opinion was overruled ; and unless Lord John Russell is prepared to recognize this great fact, and to cease coquetting with a bloated and corrupt Church, and to temporize with an aristocracy which has not yet been taught its proper place, he is not the man for this crisis, nor the leader for the people.—Weekly Dispatch.  E