The Sun. — 1825-01-13 (London, England)

XVI 11. invade Spain, and put down the Constitutional System in that ill-fated country ? Was it for the mere maintenance of abstract legitimacy, or the " monarchical principle?" If so, why not commence a crusade against South America, aye, North America too, as well as against the Peninsula ? There were no institutions established on the south of the Pyre— nets so hostile to the views of the Holy Alliance as those on the other side of the Atlantic. A more tangible and legal excuse was therefore made for that outrage, and the only excuse, in point of fact, which could avail for attacking an Independent State. The interest of France forsooth—its peace and safety were compromised by the conduct of its neighbour—by the circumstances which followed the adoption of the Spanish Constitution. This was the alleged ground of war, and could we or any other third party presume to be better judges of the interest of France than the Government of France? Whatever our own opinions might be on the subject —whatever our own wishes—whatever our own conviction of the results of the enterprise— enless we felt that the interest of England would be better consulted by openly and hostilely joining the lists with Spain against its invaders, we had no option after the failure of mediation, but to remain neutral. The latter course we honourably pursued, and we now say, that if wisdom, policy, and a desire to preserve amity with the Continent, induced us to observe strict neutrality in that instance, the same motives ought to govern.Frauce with regard to our recognition of South America, and ensure at least its neutrality. Can the nicest casuist imagine it possible to show that France is as much interested in preventing this Government from entering into commercial treaties with Colombia, Mexico, &c. as England was in preventing the invasion and occupation of Spain by a French army ? And next, can the most brazen-faced partizan dare to affirm that the interest of France dictated its conduct towards the Peninsula, in any thing like the degree which the interest of Britain—its profound and universal interest— dictates the establishment of friendly relations with the new States of America ? In neither respect is there room to run a parallel. All our negociations with the Court of Madrid to avert this step having proved abortive, but two alternatives remained to the British Ministry, the one, to sacrifice the trade, capital, and rights of the people of England to the stupid pride of the beloved Ferdinand—the other, to let him reap the bitter fruits of his impotent obstinacy, and secure the most vital constituents of our own welfare and power, by treating with the competent Authorities we find established in the New World. Could tie hesitate which to choose ? There was, indeed, one precedent of an opposite nature which we might have followed—the present King of Spain has certainly, during his whole reign, committed one continued act of felo de se against his own character, the dignity of his station, and the freedom, independence, honour, and interest of his country. But such an example, however edifying, the Head and Government of this empire must be excused from following. Towards Ferdinand, and towards the world, we always have acted, and always shall act, with generous magnanimity ; but it is rather tdo much to suppose that the People of England should be made a stalking horse to that or any Monarch's idiotic perversity. The die is now cast, and we are prepared to stand the hazard. We have not voluntarily injured or interfered with the rights of the Peninsula ; but we have been compelled by events to assert our own rights in preference to the silly groundless pretensions of any Stale.