The Sun. — 1845-11-04 (London, England)

LONDON, TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 4, 1845.  It is unnecessary for us, we trust, to remind our readers of the undeviating earnestness with which we have ever advocated the claims of Ireland to participate in the advantages of her Legislative Union with this country, to the fairest—that is to say, to the fullest extent. Deprecating, as we have never ceased to do, the impracticable and mischievous agitation of repeal, we are, on the other hand, just as distinctly prepared to maintain the indefeasible rights of our Irish brethren to a perfect equality of all the civil and political benefits, the diffusion of which was the pretext and remains the still unsatisfied condition of the union in question. Now, whatever be our objections to the general policy of Sir ROBERT PEEL'S Government, and on some great questions they are neither slight nor few, we conceive that it is impossible to deny that he deserves the praise of being actuated by a sincere and zealous desire to extend " justice to Ireland." It by no means follows that because her MAJESTeS Ministers cannot follow, pari passu, Mr. O'CONNELL and his partizans in their courso of operations for the redress of Ireland's grievances-and for something beyond that object—therefore they are to be justly suspected of insincerity or lukewarmness in the cause. Motives of prudence, views of policy, considerations and even necessities of circumstances that can have no such immediate bearing upon private individuals combined in an extensive association may well operate with Ministers to make them consider maturely—and, therefore, at some sacrifice of time—every step they take in the affairs of Ireland, looking to the vast amount of responsibility under which any measures for the amelioration of Ireland must be adopted. The risk of defeat— of defeat the consequences of which can only react with destructive effect on their own official existence, and to the general disorganization of the State—is sufficient to bespeak a large measure of indulgence for some tardiness in attempting. But, upon a candid consideration of all the elements that compose the " Irish question" with which they have to deal, it must be allowed that her MASESTY'S Ministers have committed themselves by some very momentous concessions to a scheme of civil regeneration for the Irish people. This they have done to so decided an extent, that if the required degree of success have not hitherto attended their well-meant efforts, we may fairly assume the fault to be in the counsels which govern the department of the Irish people. It is not to be forgotten that a pertinacious demand for a repeal of the union must, in the nature of things, inevitably retard the progress of equal justice to Ireland, not alone with the Imperial Legislature, but with the vast majority of the British people ; who, entertaining a strong opinion that to concede that repeal would amount to a virtual dismemberment of the empire, never will, and never ought to, sacrifice that conviction to the language of intimidation or the physical eloquence of multitudinous assemblages and monster meetings. We must say, with sorrow, but in sober earnestness, that it is high time this sort of machinery should be discontinued. It should be abandoned from its positive incompetency to attain its avowed purpose, were there no other reason for such abandonment. But we fear it has already produced bad results, and excited hostility against those denounced as " Saxons." Our columns to-day record another of those frightful mid-day assassinations in Tipperary which are the curse and the infamy of modern Ireland. Another landlord, in the very act of superintending the employment heihad devised for a large band of labouring men— in that land the great social evil of which is admitted on all hands to be the deficient demand for a ready and unlimited amount of labour—has been shot dead by two ruffians, with the obvious object of personal revenge under the usual circumstances of cowardly, creeping, and calculating bloodthirstiness which distinguish these more than monthly murders of Irish landlords or magistrates. They have been of late so frequent—their features present so much of unmitigated atrocity—their detection has been, and yet remains in so large a majority of instances unaccomplished, if not hopeless—and the peasant communities of whole districts in which they occur manifest so brutal an apathy about surrendering, or, rather, so evident a desire to favour the escape, of the guilty criminals, that it is in vain for the great leaders and directors of the Irish national party, as it is called, to affect to attribute these horrors to English misgovern:_lent or Imperial legislation. The fault lies with the Irish people themselves. The peasentry aro all too prone to indulge in these  , 4 Y • z;;F(4 .11 . ‘• 'its 0 s .•