Stockton Herald, South Durham and Cleveland Advertiser. — 1887-10-22 (Stockton-on-Tees, Cleveland, England)

THE HERALD.  SATURDAY, OCTOBER 22, 1887.  THE meetings of the National Liberal Federation at Nottingham have resulted in a scene almost unprecedented for its enthusiasm and fervour. Mr Gladstone addressed the delegates on Tuesday afternoon, and on Wednesday delivered a speech to an enormous audience, exceeding 6,C00 persons. Both addresses were marked by all the fire and spirit of the veteran orator, and kindled in the minds of the hearers such a degree of enthusiasm as, perhaps, has never been exceeded. It had been expected in some quarters that the great Liberal leader would deal largely with the Home Rule aspect of the Irish problem, and unfold the details of the scheme which he hopes soon to be able to present to the country from his place as leader of a Home Rule Cabinet. But this expectation was not fulfilled. Mr Gladstone confined his first speech to a powerful, indeed an overwhelming, indictment of the present coercion policy in Ireland. He declared emphatically that the one great necessity of the hour was for everyl body to show by his opinion that the present policy is utterly indefensible and wrong. He dwelt upon this theme with all the passion and force at his command, and he SO marshalled his facts and arguments, mingling with them his fiery denunciations of the whole policy, that at the close of the wonderful speech the cause of coercion was irrevocably overthrown. He gave instances of the cruelty and wickedness of the system of government, and he pressed home, in language impossible of refutation, the terrible charge against the Ministers of the Queen of responsibility for and complicity in the fearsome and fatal deeds which climaxed in the shooting of the man Kinsella, the murder of Inspector Whelehan, and the shameful and causeless martyrdom of the three victims of Mitchelstown. The indictment was a terrible one indeed, but no one can say truthfully that it was not supported and proved by the facts and arguments on which it was based. The speech was by far the weightiest blow yet delivered against the Government.  ON Wednesday he took up the question of the form of any Home Rule scheme, and he absolutely declined to commit himself with precise definiteness to details and particulars. He renewed his pledges as to the general lines on which the restrictions and safeguards, as they have been termed, should be formed ; but in view of the considerations that people don't know their own minds, and that they should decide such questions, he said he would not bind himself. We think this is best. The majority of the Liberal party will be content to accept the general. pledge that the opinions of the masses shall be respected. At present the question which dwarfs all others is the terrible condition of Ireland owing to coercion policy. It is thus a matter of degrees. The present state of things is unbearable: any form of Home Rule would be better than this. The advocates of Home Rule have some slight differences of opinion as to one or two seccudary points in connection with Home Rule, and each section is, perhaps, a little overanxious that their particular views shall prevail. But these are really variations in degree rather than principle, in form rather than spirit. They are quite capable of arrangement, and in the face of the terrible necessity for some kind of Home Rule they may be termed unimportant. We take the general position to be about this: There are some Home Rulers who would like one form of Irish self-government, and others who would prefer another kind : but neither would be willing to jeopardise the whole principle, and thus continue the only alternative to it—to wit, coercion—merely for the sake of insisting upon any detail however apparently considerable. Thus we ourselves, would give a very large measure indeed: but we should not refuse to aiiree to a smaller schema softosing