The Sun. — 1860-07-13 (London, England)

THE SUN. LONDON, FRIDAY, JULY 13, 1880.  In no way can England so well serve the cause of Italian liberty as by insisting on other nations as well as herself observing the great law of nonintervention in domestic quarrels. Italy needs  now—indeed, has always needed—no other help than this. England has in past years been very  culpable for not asserting this principle. It means that a Ruler has no right to ask foreign aid against his own subjects. It is a part of the compact between the Hapsburg dynasty and. the Hungarians that the former should never introduce a foreign soldier into the kingdom of Hungary. To do so was treason, and involved ipso facto forfeiture of  the Crown. Yet with the general law of nations, and the special laws of Hungary, both prohibiting the monarch to coerce his people by foreign aid,  the Hapsburgs accepted the aid of the Arch-Evil One of Europe, the savage NICHOLAS, of accursed  memory, and our own Government did not even protest. We ought, then, to have said, our fleet in the Baltic will be the counterpart of a Russian invasion of Hungary ; let the Hapsburgs and their  subjects settle their own affairs. We were guilty of like tolerance of disgraceful violation of the fundamental rights of nations when, in 1821, we allowed Austria to subvert the free constitution the country had obtained, and to fill  all Italy with her brutal soldiery. We have paid for it heavily. Free countries are the life and soul of our commerce ; a free Italy would have been a splendid customer for us. She has been so indeed, in proportion to her freedom, already. Hungary had prepared, just as sbe was crushed by the Russian savages, to inaugurate a course of free trade with us, while Austria had up to that time compelled her to purchase only her own bad and dear manufactures ; and, being an agricultural coantry of untold resources, the would have carried on with us a vast and mutually enriching traffic.  But the Hapsburgs had intermarried with the Coburgs, and savage Cossacks must be allowed to murder the liberties of the noblest freemen of the East that an Austrian Emperor might recover by their aid the blood-stained crown which he had forfeited. We awoke too late.. NICHOLAS thought that we who had tolerated his infernal villany in Hungary would put up with his entrgnee into the principalities ; and the money and blooa .f the Crimean war were the atonement offered by England Cnr the Hungarian sins of 1849, and the Italian sins of 1821.  We hope, from the uniform language of Lords JOHN RUSSELL and PAMERSTON, that the same leaders will not repeat their former crimes. We must own we are not quite sure. We will not say that it may not be better to abstain from threatening. Every wrong done by a dishonest man cannot be punished by a war. LOUIS PHILIPPE and GiazoT played the blackleg with us respecting the Spanish marriages ; Louis NAPOLEON has equivocated, Ilea, and cheated, noi, only us, but all Europe, in the affair 'of Savoy and Nice. Probably a more disgraceful violation of an Emperor's word is not on record than this last. Yet none of us -wished to fight about it. Lord JOHN RUSSELL'S punishment was the only one we could think of—to post the man "SUSPECTED," and consign him to the reputation of a monarch against whom we mutt maintain a frontier police. We almost question the propriety of meeting such a man in conference at all—" You have lied to -us once, place all things in the position in whi eh they were before you told your lies, and then N Ve will meet you"—would seem to have been the sentiments appropriate to the invitation of such a) nan. Such treatment would have of the kind of punishbeen but the continuation