The Sun. — 1842-09-23 (London, England)

STANDARD.—Supposing, contrary to what we believe to be the truth, that Great Britain were overreached in the matter of the boundary, we should be much better pleased that it should be so than that this empire had overreached the Republic. It is not pretended that any sacrifice of interest or security has been made; and such being the case, we give our transatlantic kinsmen joy of what they have obtained. The very tact that it is argued (and we believe justly argued) that Great Britain was in a condition, supposing a bargain of some kind made, to demand higher terms than have contented her, is proof that she has made no unworthy concession. The hypothesis that we have introduced is, however, one that deserves attention, because the refusal to settle the question was a resource always open to the States. They might, if they disliked our conditions, have left the question in the state in which it has rested for 59 years ; and though we might have, as undoubtedly we have, the power to torce an arrangement and to dictate its terms, we would not have the right to do so after waiting Si) years, and opening successive negotiations, upon the assumption that the territory is of doubtful proprietorship. We could not have the right to originate a war upon the subject. To close this place of retreat (an abrupt postpon,lment of the settlement) against the United States was, after all, Lord Ashburton's greatest difficulty; but this place of retreat was to be closed only by liberal and even inviting terms, which the Government could not reject, but in compromising itself with the democracy. Again, it is a mistake to suppose that there was any dispute upon the subject of the slave-trade. This, like the question of the boundary, was an open question between two independent parties, neither complaining of wrong by the other—for the casual, private, and well-deserved sufferings of Americans were properly held back ; and Great Britain had not even such shadows of wrong to complain of. Great Britain has no right to interfere with the American slave trade further than as the United States may give the right by treaty. Great Britain has no more original right to prevent the carriage of slaves from Africa to the United States, than she has to liberate the slaves already domiciled in those States. It is necessary to keep this steadily in view, because all the misapprensions that have arisen upon the subject rest upon the hypothesis, that we have a right to suppress the foreign slave-trade. We have no such right— and the attempt to arrogate it would only defeat our object; because it would identify the accursed traffic with the independence of nationsWe have not any such right, any more than in any other matter we have a commission to keep the police of the world. We may do much by the influence of example, by expostulation with other independent nations. and by obtaining from them treaties which shall enable us to prevent the trade, as far as their subjects and our own citizens are concerned; but this is all we have a right to expect, and in this way we have done a great deal. The United States profess a wish to prevent that traffic in human flesh which costs a thousand daily murders; to the degree in which they co-operate with us, to the extent to which they afford us facilities, they prove the sincerity of their profession; but if their co-operation is lukewarm— if, instead of affording facilities to the extinction of the abominable trade, they throw difficulties in the way of such as would extinguish it; the responsibility is not to us, who have no legal authority over them, but to their character beforemen and to their Almighty Creator. Engagements to assist in putting down the slave trade are not engagements made to Great Britain, or to, any particular country, but to human nature. To refuse such engagements, to withhold the means of enforcing them when professedly made, is no wrong to Great Britain in particular, but to. the whole family of mankind, It matters, therefore, nothing to the honour of this country whether the provisions conceded to the United States fbr the suppression of the slave-trade are made bona fide, and are adequate to their object ; but it 'natters everything to the character of the United States. Great Britain has done her part when she has earnestly recommended that proper course, which she has, however, no right to command; and even though she gain nothing by her recommendation, she in no respect compromises her honour by resting patient with that nothing.