The Sun. — 1855-05-10 (London, England)

LONDON, THURSDAY, MAY.IO, 1855.  Last September we drew attention to a remarkable "Letter to the Emperor of- the FRENCH on the Eastern Question, and the re-establishment of the Independence of Poland." It was a translation from the French, and the author, according to universal and uncontradicted report, is the M. DE PERSIGNY, who is now appointed ambassador to our Court. At the same;time Count WALEWSKI, whose very name must guarantee his sympathy with the cause of the Poles, succeeds M. DROUYN DE L'HETS as the Minister for Foreign Affairs in Prance. Concurrently with these official indications, we find the services of the Polish prisoners against their oppressor accepted, and a Polish Legion, alas ! too tardily, in course of formation. In the pamphlet we have alluded to, onr readers rimy remember that M. DE PERSIGNY shows with clearness and vigour that an independent Poland is the grand effentive sentiment which would impart to the Allied efforts "a passion" which would be more than a match for the religious fanaticism on which Russia so much relies ; and that its realisation as a fact is the only possible means of depriving Russia of her present offensive power against civilised Europe. We consider, he says, `the recognition by a common declaration, on the part of the Allies, of the legitimate existence .of the Polish nationality" as the masterpiece of Allied policy. Before this he conceives, if accompanied, of course, by suitable military measures, the complications of the case would attain a prompt and ready solution. We may surely hope, then, that the new French Ambassador and Foreign Minister are indications that Lours NAPOLEON, at least, is favourable to a bold and worthy policy. We may be told, perhaps, that we have with Sebastopol and the Crimea, enough on our hands at present. Perhaps quite enough to do, but certainly" not enough to fill our plans and thoughts. " Ever too late" has been the ruin of everything hitherto ; our policy, thanks to that caressed drag-chain Austria, has always as yet been (plite as much behind the occasion as our military and commissariat management. Had PERSIGNY'S advice been adopted the day he gave it, we believe that, despite all our administrative shortcomings, Sebastopol would have fallen ere now. Polish nationality recognised, and the Polish flag floating before Sebastopol, would have disorganised the plans of Russia, have stopped her reinforcements far away from the Crimea, and have transferred her best soldiers from the garrison of Sebastopol to our trenches. If it be now adopted, though too late to recal the past, it will not be too late to give a new, and we believe invincible, vigour to the future. Suppose the Allies to act on M. DE PERSIGNY'S suggestion, what would be the results ? Take the Allies themselves first. In England and France the universal feeling would be one of deep satisfaction. It would be a relief to the national conscience of both countries. The burden of half a century—the guilt of complicity in the blood of a murdered kingdom—would be taken off at once. This War is but the visitation of OUT fathers' sin, in tolerating the dismemberment of Poland, upon us their children. We are painfully conscious of its lying upon us till we avenge the oppressed, and punish`the rampant oppressor ; and we should bear the needful sacrifices of the War with the light-heartedness of one who frankly atones for long-neglected duty. Every soldier, too, and commander employed in the War would feel that he was engaged in a really holy cause. Contrast the spirit with which we should pay, and our soldiers fight, for such a cowardly, we must say such a recreant, peace as Lord JOHN would have accepted at Vienna, and for the res torat'4l/ of a crushed and noble nation ! A the te,ti 'up_ whose restoration alone can stave off ivvuee of these cruel wars in which its destroetion has constitut.t.oian,:uvolved us. A resolve to reand fire all the would would disburden the conscience, and France. it is sentiments of both England Turkey would hail itsZera, uous to add, that curity. uer only effectual seBut how would our, trxiltnirtio affect Austria and Prussia ? pt : worse enemies it could not niakefi hem 2s . Fcase rtaei nc , alliance and treacherous neutrality is all We have hitherto gained from them. At open war With them we should have known what to do. By heminal peace Prussia has shielded Russia on her weakest. side, and has almost nullified our costly 111°Q44(10- Austria's villany, in enabling rein4,'reements to march from the Danube to Tnkernl4l3, can never itritti•-4 therm be forgotten. We do not dread Mew:. i en'les so much as lying and treacherous 31tt *hat is their interest ? We answer,