The Press. — 1855-04-28 (London, England)

APRIL 28, 1855.  the opinions which they represent than from their armies and their fleet. This anti-despotic truism tells with superlative force when coining from one armed with the unbounded powers of an irresponsible sovereignty. It is a voluntary acceptance of public opinion as a guide, and the determination of fulfilment as a duty. The effect may be more easily imagined than described upon brutal Russia, and upon disloyal and lying Prussia. On hearing the memorable and golden words, Poland, Hungary, Italy, and the oppressed nationalities, not excepting the Rhinelands of Prussia and Bavaria, recur instantly to the mind. Austria must beware in time. M. de Bismarck founds his cry of Germanic union upon the avowed antagonism of the Western against the Northern powers, forgetful that in this not incorrect statement he inclines to a dissolution of the predicated union. Moreover, he reveals the source of weakness, and infers by the warmth of his entreaties that the Germanic princes are far from being of one mind on the means of consolidation. The attitude of Austria is damaging to all, and in a serious degree prejudicial to herself. After the Napoleonic speech which still more increases her bewildered hesitation, she must adopt, voluntarily or involuntarily, a decided course. The fear of losing Italy is not allayed by the firm assurances of France and England that the Austrian dominions shall remain intact ; and a knowledge of the exposure of her northern frontier is heightened by the consciousness that the high officers of her army entertain strong predilections for Russia, and that the discontented of Hungary are to a man Muscovite. Russia, on the other hand, offers the same, if not better, terms than those of the Western powers. It has been signified to the Tiquelurdat Camarilla that the integrity of the empire shall be guaranteed—that the Germanic influence of Austria shall be respected, and the Prussian intrigues arrested—and in addition to this that the Danubian rights, and the question of the principalities, comprised in the two first points of the Vienna Conference, and there agreed upon, shall form a separate treaty betwixt Russia and Austria. This is to be the price of her neutrality, whereby she will be placed upon surer ground, and reap more solid advantages than by adhering to an anti-Russian policy. Against this must be set off the drawback of Italy, the whole of which peninsula will be revolutionised whenever France may be opposed to Austria. It is this dread that predominates with M. de Buol ShOnstein, whose plastic temperament has been paralysed by the straightforward declaration of the Emperor Napoleon. The communications betwixt Lord John Russell and Lord Raglan since the arrival of the latter at Vienna have been constant, and the dilatoriness of the siege with all the appliances ready is attributed to the influence of these passing councils. This partakes of the nature of an armistice worse than equivocal, with which the French have nothing to do, and to which the Emperor so peremptorily refused to accede when requested by Austria. One of these special and military messengers has just passed through Frankfort on his way to the Horse Guards, and scrupled not to make public the dissatisfaction felt by the English army at the tardiness and inutility of the Vienna conferences. if the integrity of the third point be in any way invaded, the lives lost betere Sebastopol will have been a useless slaughter. The misconduct of Austria in the principalities outherods the former atrocities of the Russians. Rape, rubbery, and murder, are every-day acts, justified by the officers in command by a refusal to punish the delinquents or to listen to complaint. J. E. L. PS.—The conferences are at an end. This will not the more readily induce Austria to fulfil her bond; she dare not engage in active hostility against Russia unless supported by the whole of Germany.