The Cotton Factory Times. — 1898-09-02 (Manchester, Greater Manchester, England)

THE PRESIDENT AND HALF-TIME LABOUR.  "LEGALISED CHILD I.IL-EDER " : AS APPEAL TO TEXTILE  WO  In the course of his address the President (Mr. James O'Grady) referred to the employment of children. In doing so he said he could not help thinking that something ought to be done—nay, something must be done—to free our industrial conditions from the blinding shame and disgrace that was attached to it in the hali-time system and child labour generally.—(Hear, hear.) Congress had repeatedly passed resolutions in favour of raising the age limit at which children could leave school and be eligible for employment, either full or half time, in factory and workshop; but what was the good of these heroic resotations if there was no intention of carrying them into effect? This question had become one of national concern, about which there was need of immediate and drastic reform, from the point of view of both the physical and mental development of the coming generation of citizens, and also, to trade unionists, from the point of view of wages, hours, and conditions of labour. In an industries this was a matter of immediate practical concern. Of the estimated school population between the ages of 11 and 14, 500,000 had left school. Of those that remained, 120,000 were half-timers. More than half these half-timers were in Lancashire, and fully three-quarters were to be found in Lancashire and Yorkshire. In some northern towns the half -timers were assuming alarming proportions. He commended these figures to the consideration of the representatives of the textile operatives, because it was the workers in that particular industry who had been the greatest opponents to the abolition of the system. Some of the excuses—he could not call them arguments—that were advanced in justification of the retention uf the half-timer, judged by the standard of common sense and reason, were ridiculous. One was that the half-crown per week of the child was needed to supplement the income of the family. Well, it did not need arguments to prove the economic fallacy of that statement. Another argument used was that the children must be taught to handle the delicate fibres when very young, if they were to become skilful weavers. He was bound to say that he believed a great measure of the responsibility for this cruel and barbarous traffic in child labour rested with the leaders of the men, who, instead of educating their members upon its danger to their own standard of comfort and its iniquity from the moral and humanitarian point of uiew, bad simply acquiesced in and had repeatedly tried to justify their position to the Congress. It was certain that the greatest stumbling block to reform in this matter was the operatives themselves. He believed that if the operatives of Lancashire and Yorkshire were to appeal to Parliament for the emancipation of these little ones by raising the age for employment to fourteen and by making the qualification for exemption from school stricter the day would not be far distant when the half-time system and child labour generally would be no more. He had not mentioned as he could the evidence of the doctors on this matter. It was sufficient to say that it was of a very startling character, and to those who still persisted in believing that child labour was necessary, he submitted the facts he had mentioned. If they could be controverted, then, in the name of justice, let it be done. If they could not be disputed, then he accused those knowing the facts and still acquiescing in this abominable traffic in child labour of being accessories to the fact of legalised child murder. He had spoken strongly, because he felt strongly, on the matter, and because he was there in the dual capacity of citisen and trade unionist.