The Sun. — 1846-10-07 (London, England)

ADVERTISER.—The tenour of the intelligence from India during the last two or three months has been by no means of a satisfactory nature; the vows last received, especially, betokens a probably early interruption of the state of " armed peace" which now prevails in the upper provinces of the Indian peninsula. The Punjaub, in which we were promised such an abundant harvest of peace and good government for our " moderation," after the rout of the Seikh forces, is one universal scene of anarchy and rebellion. The profligacy of the QueenMother, the dissolute conduct of the chief Minister, Lall Singh, and the incompetency of the youthful Maharaja, Dhuleep Singh, are elements which could lead to no other result. It was to be expected that the warlike chiefs of the Seikhs would laugh at and despise such a mockery of a Government—a Government that is entirely sustained by the British forces. Even this protection afforded by us is a source of danger to the Lahore Durbar, inasmuch as it excites a feeling of mistrust in the minds of the Seikh soldiery, who, burning to revenge the losses they sustained at Aliwal and Sobraon, include their present rulers in the hatred they bear to their Feringhee conquerors, and would gladly involve both in one common vengeance. It is evident that the presence of the imposing force we have now at Lahore alone prevents a repetition of the sanguinary scenes which followed the death of the old lion of the Punjaub, Runjeet Singh, and that were that force once withdrawn from Lahore, the murder of every individual supposed to be favourable to the British power, would be the immediate consequence. Meanwhile, Ghoolab Singh, a Prince whom we fondly imagined we bad rendered completely subservient to our interests, whom we have raised to sovereign dignity, whom it might have been thought gratitude at least would have made our friend, has proved himself our most dangerous opponent. He is straining every nerve to injure us, and still further to aggrandise himself. The hills of Cashmere do not suffice for his desires, the dignity of a tributary Raja is too petty for his ambition ; he will be satisfied with nothing less than the entire dominions of Runjeet Singh. In this, however, he displays that " vaulting ambition which o'erleaps itself, and falls on the other side," for the heterogeneous combination of states that formed the empire of Runjeet Singh, and which it required all his talent to keep in order, would scarcely be restrained by the hand of so distant a counterpart as Ghoolab Singh, whose highest state-craft is a temporising hypocrisy, and whose policy is entirely destitute of the mixture of caution and energy that marked the Government of our ancient ally. Mereover, the first step taken by Ghoolab Singh towards the attainment of his ambitious designs, would bring him into collision with the British; for it cannot for an instant be supposed that we would allow the arrangement made by us at so great a cost—whether wisely or not we will not now stop to argue—to be thus disturbed. The purposes for which that arrangement was made would be completely prevented if Ghoolab Singh were permitted to disturb the balance of power in the Punjaub, as the sole condition by which he could retain the least vestige of authority over the Seikhs would be to lead them again across the Sutlej, for the double object of plunder and revenge. One thing, however, seems to be wholly lost sight of; in the discussions upon this subject—thlit is, the condition of the people, who form the great bulk of the Punjabi population, apart from the Seikh soldiery, who constitute a very small fraction of that nation, and whose sole occupation is the oppression and ill-treatment of the rest. There can be no doubt that the Hindoo population of Lahore would hail with delight any measure that would relieve them from the tyranny under which they now languish, and that would tend to assimilate them to the other nations of Hindostan, who enjoy, directly or indirectly, the blessings of British rule and British protection. Grave, indeed, must have been the considerations that could have induced Sir Henry Hardinge to again surrender this unfortunate people to the unrestrained licentiousness and brutality of their Seikh rulers, and it cannot be doubted that a heavy responsibility rests upon him for so doing. The question is not, however, yet settled; serious events must shortly occur, to again bring the whole subject under discussion, when we hope a wiser and better policy will be pursued.  SPIRIT of the