Swansea and Glamorgan Herald, and South Wales Free Press. — 1867-06-26 (Swansea, West Glamorgan, Wales)

IELD OUTRAGES.  SINCE the appointment of the Commission to inquire into the condition of the British army before the walls of Sebastopol, there has been no more important one than that now sitting at Sheffield, charged with investigating the Trade outrages in that town for the last ten years. The revelations which have been made, the atrocities which have been disclosed, and the coolness and audacity which have been exhibited by the vile perpetrators are, we think, without a parallel. After what we have now learnt, let us no longer indulge in moral strictures on Spain or Italy. The ruffians of these countries may engage in conspiracies, and pursue murder and violence in the way of a regular trade; but in their case the tyranny and misgovernment of ages have produced classes of men with the character of wild beasts. They live by the knife: "It is the bread they eat, the staff on which they lean." But nothing can be urged by way of extenuation in the case of the diabolical scoundrels of Sheffield. The victims against whom they plotted and conspired were men of their own sphere of life—men who had done no personal wrong to those who sought their injury, and whose death could not bring individual benefit to their assassins. And yet for the space of ten years—perhaps for a much longer period, could the Commission carry its inquiries further back—assassination and murderous violence has been the continual occupation, almost the daily business, of a gang of villains at Sheffield; and, after each fresh crime, the wretches have remained at large, rejoicing in their evil doings and seeking out fresh victims. And, what is more astonishing still, the originator and investigator of these foul transactions—the man whose mind conceived and developed the plans for hurrying victims to the grave, or grievously maiming them, walked about in the broad daylight, took part in leading public movements, and was generally regarded as a man of upright principles, integrity, and honour. The faith in his honesty and ability was such that he was always chosen to fill any trade office requiring great trust and confidence. Those who gave their votes to him—a large majority of them at least—probably believed in the outward character, which he simulated so well. The unsophisticated workmen of Sheffield might easily have been deceived by the man who had the cunning, tact, and ability to defy all the machinery of the law, and checkmate all the investigations of detective police. We therefore disconnect the Sheffield workmen as a body from any direct connection with murderous outrages. Trades-unionists may not always be discreet in their policy ; but we cannot believe that the members of such bodies, in the aggregate, would sanction, murder, arson, and violence. But the connection of Broadhead with their organization—the respect and support which he commanded—the high offices which he held, render it imperative that the trade societies should clearly show to the world that they have not been cognizant of his viler proceedings, and that they heartily disapprove of them. And the trades unions, not only of Sheffield, but of the whole United Kingdom, must do more than this. They must once for all abandon, and for the future discourage, all coercion or intimidation by physical means, as regards both their fellow-workmen and their employers. The last and final resort of the societies, in any case, should be a strike—the I withholding of their labour from the market until they can either obtain their own price for it, or they find that they have made a wrong I estimate ot its market value. To this expedient and the expulsion of members offending against trade rules, the sanction of the public voice will be obtained; and to the funds of societies acting upon this principle Parliament must give full protection, as to the funds of ordinary benefit societies. This must be done for the sake of public morality; for it is now clear that, by ignoring these societies, and placing their organization and funds at the mercy of villains like Broadhead and ruffians like Crookes, the Legislature has rendered possible the appropriation of the means of the unions for the vilest purposes, when they happen to be controlled by an unscrupulous man, and for purposes, we will say, that ninety-nine Britishiworkmen out of a hundred will indignantly condemn.