nntsuzu/KFTT huggingface dataset:
English: Winning majority in the first general election of the members of the House of Representatives in 1890, the parties demanding the democratic rights such as the Liberal Party (it was split then and reunited through the Great Merger Movement) and the Constitutional Progressive Party and etc. thought that the public was on their side and strengthened the attitude toward the han-dominated government (the members of former Choshu and Satsuma domains who played major part in the Meiji Restoration and had power after the restoration) which suppressed them and toward other conservative parties (the Taiseikai Group and so on) regarded as the followers of the government.
Japanese: 第1回衆議院議員総選挙で合計すると、衆議院の過半数を制した自由党（当時は分裂状態にあり、大同団結運動を経て再統合される）や立憲改進党などの民権派各党は、世論の意思は自分たちにあると捉え、自分達を弾圧してきた藩閥政府やその同調者と見られた保守系政党（大成会など）との対決姿勢を強めた。
English: They used the word "minto" to call themselves with the consciousness that they were the real representatives of the people, and they regarded their opponents as the group having a cozy relationship with the government officials and despised the group by calling it "rito" (literally, the parties of the government officials, it is the discriminatory term used by the members and supporters of minto).
Japanese: 彼らは自分達こそが国民・民衆の代表であるとする意識から、「民党」という言葉を用い、反対勢力を政府官吏と癒着した勢力と看做して「吏党」と呼んで卑下した。
English: According to the opinion of Shusui KOTOKU, who wrote the biography of Chomin NAKAE, Nakae first used the words "Minto and Rito" in "Rikken Jiyu Shinbun" (the Constitutional Liberal Press) which was the publication of the Liberal Party (in Japan) and the Constitutional Liberal Party (the party for the reunification of the Liberal Party between 1890 to 1898 in Japan, later renamed "the Liberal Party") and the words spread out later.
Japanese: 中江兆民の伝記を書いた幸徳秋水の説によれば、中江が自由党(日本)立憲自由党(日本1890-1898)（自由党再統合のための受け皿となった政党、後に「自由党」と改称）の機関紙『立憲自由新聞』の中で「民党・吏党」という呼称を用いたのが広まったとする説を唱えている。
English: With the slogan "Recovery of the National Power and Reduction of the Administrative Expenditure," Minto showed a strong attitude toward the government which advocated the doctrine of detachment.
Japanese: 民党は「民力休養・政費節減」を掲げて、超然主義を唱える政府と対決姿勢を示した。
English: On the other hand, the government planned to destroy Minto by interfering in the second general election of the members of the House of Representatives in 1892 on a large scale but ironically led to its own defeat.
Japanese: これに対して政府は第2回衆議院議員総選挙の際に大規模な選挙干渉を行って民党の壊滅を計画するも、逆に大敗北を招く結果となった。
English: However, because the Liberal Party entered into cooperative relationship with the Second Ito Cabinet about the First Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895 and the revision of unequal treaties, the Progressive Constitutional Party cooperated with Rito and attacked them and appeared in Minto.
Japanese: ところが、日清戦争や条約改正を巡って自由党と第2次伊藤内閣は協調関係に入り、却って立憲改進党と吏党が連携してそれを攻撃するという構図が形成されて民党に亀裂が生じた。
English: The practical coalition cabinet was formed as the Progressive Party (in the Meiji Period) which was the Constitutional Progressive Party (the Showai Cabinet (Sho was defined as Masayoshi MATSUKATA while Wai was Shigenobu OKUMA)) in the Second Matsukata Cabinet, and the Liberal Party attacked them.
Japanese: 逆に第2次松方内閣では立憲改進党の後身である進歩党_(明治)との事実上の連立体制（松隈内閣）が形成されてこれを自由党が攻撃するという構図も形成される。
English: Not only Minto but also Rito, which was Minto's opponent at the beginning, was shaken by this situation, and the movement to reorganize political parties which Minto and Rito put into confusion increased.
Japanese: これによって民党のみならず、対立軸であった筈の吏党側にも動揺が走り、民党・吏党が入り乱れた政党再編の流れが強まった。
English: Although there were some politicians such as Tsuyoshi INUKAI (a member of the non-reform group in the Constitutional National Party who later found the Club of Innovation) and others who associated the word "Minto" with representatives of people, but the word "Minto" faded away as the movement to reorganize political parties concentrated on two major parties called the Constitutional Party of Political Friends consisting of the Liberal Party and government officials under Hirobumi ITO the Constitutional Association of Friends (it became the Constitutional Association afterwards and changed into the Constitutional Democratic Party) with the Constitutional Progressive Party and the group of Taro KATSURA,
Japanese: それでも、犬養毅（立憲国民党非改革派→革新倶楽部）などの様にあくまでも民衆の代表であるという意識から「民党」という言葉に拘る政治家も存在したが、やがて自由党系と伊藤博文系官僚による立憲政友会と立憲改進党系と桂太郎派による立憲同志会（後の憲政会→立憲民政党）の2大政党に収斂されていくにつれて、民党という言葉は過去のものとなっていった。
English: Teikokuzaiseikakushin kai was a political group established in the middle of the Meiji Period.
Japanese: 帝国財政革新会（ていこくざいせいかくしんかい）は、明治中期に設立された政治団体。
English: Tokiichiro SUDO, Ukichi TAGUCHI, and Saburo OZAKI formed this political group in 1894 with political assertions of restructuring the tax system for tax reduction to lessen the burden on the provinces and people.
Japanese: 1894年に須藤時一郎・田口卯吉・尾崎三良らが、税制を整理して減税を行い、地方や国民負担の軽減を唱えて結成した。
English: It gained the main support from Tokyo Prefecture Assembly and bussinessmen before being approved for establishment by the prewar Ministry of Home Affairs on March 23.
Japanese: 主に東京府会議員や財界人の支援を受け、3月23日に内務省(日本)から設立許可を受けた。
English: Teikokuzaiseikakushin kai operated in urban areas around Tokyo Prefecture due to its reason for establishment, and its four candidates including SUDO and TAGUCHI were elected in the fourth general election of members of the House of Representatives in 1894 in the hopes of changing from Minto (general term of the political parties such as Liberal Party, Progressive Party and so on which conflicted with a domain government when the Imperial Diet was inaugurated) that was reluctant to reduce business taxes of commercial and industrial men while asserting a reduction in land taxes.
Japanese: 設立経緯により東京府を中心とした都市部で活動し、地租軽減は訴えても営業税などの商工業者への課税の軽減には積極的とは言えなかった民党に代わる受け皿としての期待から、同年の第4回衆議院議員総選挙では須藤・田口ら4名が当選した。
English: While asserting protection of human rights and taxation and finance reforms, Teikokuzaiseikakushin kai enthusiastically supported the government during the Japanese-Sino War.
Japanese: 人権擁護と税制・財政改革を唱える一方で、日清戦争では積極的に政府支持に回る。
English: However, Teikokuzaiseikakushin kai shifted its policy to cooperate with minto due to the opposition to the Treaty of Shimonoseki and the Triple Intervention, and dissolved to join the formation of the Shinpo-to (Progressive Party of the Meiji Period) in 1896.
Japanese: だが、下関条約と三国干渉に対する反発から民党との連携路線に転じ、1896年の進歩党(明治)結成に合流するために解散した。
English: Minryoku-Kyuyou and Seihi-Setsugen referred to the policy pledge of Minto (general term of the political parties such as the Liberal Party and Progressive Party that conflicted with a han-dominated government when the Imperial Diet was inaugurated) in early the Imperial Diet of the Meiji Period.
Japanese: 民力休養・政費節減（みんりょくきゅうよう・せいひせつげん）とは、明治時代の初期帝国議会において民党側が掲げた公約。
English: Minryoku-Kyuyou and Seihi-Setsugen asserted the reduction in the waste in the growing government's finances due to industrial advancement and the build up of armaments (Seihi-Setsugen and Keihi-Setsugen), and the alleviation of tax burden on people suffering from heavy taxation by a reduction of the land tax with a decrease of waste (Minryoku-Kyuyou) to reestablish lives of people.
Japanese: 産業振興や軍備拡張によって、財政膨張を続ける政府財政の無駄を削減して（政費節減/経費節減）、その削減分に相応した地租などを削減して重税に苦しむ国民の負担を軽減して（民力休養）、国民生活の再建を図るべきとする主張である。
English: Reduction of the land tax was increasingly asserted after 1880 when the principal members of Democratic-Rights Movement shifted to landowners and peasants, and it was aimed along with "Gaikou no Satsushin" (revamping of foreign diplomacy) and "Genron and Syukai no Jiyuu" (freedom of speech and assembly) also in Sandai Jiken Kenpakusyo (the petition of three major matters) in 1887.
Japanese: 地租の軽減は自由民権運動の主力が地主・農民に移った1880年代以後盛んになっており、1887年の三大事件建白書においても「外交の刷新」「言論・集会の自由」と並んで掲げられていた。
English: Since the political party called "Daido Kurabu" (Great Club) formed when Great Merger Movement disbanded in 1889 advocated "reconstructing finance and aiming for rest for laborers," it became a policy pledge that was shared by Minto, involving confronting Daido Kyowa Kai (later Constitutional Liberal Party) and the Constitutional Progressive Party.
Japanese: 1889年の大同団結運動分裂の際に成立した大同倶楽部が「財政を整理し、民力の休養を謀ること」を綱領に掲げて以後、対立した大同協和会（後の立憲自由党）、更に立憲改進党を巻き込んで民党勢力共通の公約となった。
English: After the Imperial Diet was inaugurated, Minto specifically demanded the land tax reduction 2 to 2.5% of the land price and tried to decrease the budget of the House of Representatives.
Japanese: 帝国議会開設後、民党勢力は具体的に地租を地価の2.5％から2％に引き下げるように要求して、衆議院において度々予算の減額修正を図った。
English: However, Minto could not realize their goal since the House of Peers was reluctant to reduce the tax.
Japanese: だが、貴族院(日本)はこれに消極的であり結果的に要求を貫徹できなかった。
English: On the other hand, Rito (pro-government political parties) opposing Minto, did not generally disagreed with this principle and demanded to shift the land tax payday to the pre-harvest months (the burden on peasants would be reduced if rice is exchanged to cash while the rice price was high for paying tax), which was more feasible than reducing land tax.
Japanese: 一方、民党に対峙する吏党もこの方針には一概に反対ではなかったが、地租の削減よりも現実的な地租納期の端境期への変更（米価が高い時期に換金して納税すれば、結果的に農民の負担は軽くなる）を求めた。
English: However, the price of rice remained on an upward trend along with changes in the social structure around the time of the Japanese-Sino War, causing a phenomenon of burden reduction since the tax was still based on a relatively old land price.
Japanese: ところが、日清戦争の前後より、社会構造の変化に伴って米価が上昇基調のまま推移するようになり、相対的に古いままの地価を基にした税額に対して負担が軽くなる現象が生じた。
English: In addition, the expenditure was often reduced since repayment of bonds had a higher percentage of the annual government expenditure at that time, and some of the councilors of Minto called for budget distribution to their local public work projects, indicating a specific measure for expense savings could not be finalized even in Minto.
Japanese: また、当時の歳出は公債返済の占める割合が多く削減の割合が多かったこと、また民党議員でも地元の公共事業への予算配分を求める意見があるなど政費節減のための具体策については民党内でもまとまらなかった。
English: In other words, while the landowners and peasants in eastern Japan demanded a reduction of taxation rate previously raised more than the shogunate and domain system after the land-tax reform, those of western Japan, whose previous taxation rate was relatively high and evaluated highly due to high yield demanded a reduction in the land price rather than the taxation rate (the land price used to calculate the land tax).
Japanese: 即ち、地租改正によって結果的に幕藩体制時代よりも税率が引き上げられた東日本の地主・農民は税率の引き下げを求め、元の税率が高めであった西日本では地租の算定基準となった地価が収穫量が安定して多いという理由で、高い評価が与えられたために、税率よりも地価の引き下げを求めた。
English: Furthermore, business and industrial men around urban areas were frustrated by assertions of Minto calling only for the reduction in the land tax despite the fact that the fraction of business tax (Japan) on profits was higher than that for land tax, and established their own movement through Zaiseikakushin kai (conference on reform of financial affairs) and others.
Japanese: 更に都市部を中心とした商工業者は地租よりも営業税(日本)などの方が収益に対する税負担の割合が高いにも関わらず、民党が地租軽減ばかりを唱えることに不満を抱き、財政革新会などを通して独自の運動を起こした。
English: Contrarily, the government planned to raise the land tax on the grounds that the taxation on landowners and peasants had been reduced.
Japanese: 逆に政府側は地主・農民の税負担が軽くなっていることを理由に地租の増徴を計画するようになる。
English: When the Second Matsukata's cabinet proposed this policy in 1898, heated arguments erupted between the government and Minto or landowners and peasants against commercial and industrial men, which caused a radical change in the composition of the political world such as the cooperative relationships between political parties and domain cliques.
Japanese: 1898年に第2次松方内閣がこの構想を打ち出すと、政府と民党、あるいは地主・農村と商工業者の間で激しい議論を巻き起こすようになり、政党と藩閥の連携などの政界の構図を激変させる原因の1つとなった。
English: Mimana Nihon-fu or Yamato no Mikotomochi is the governing institution of Wakoku (Japan) which is said to have been located in Mimana in the southern area of the Korean Peninsula in ancient times.
Japanese: 任那日本府（みまなのにほんふ、やまとのみこともち）とは、古代、朝鮮半島南部の任那にあったとされる倭国の統治機関である。
English: But there is not yet an unified view whether Wakoku controlled the area by civilian rule.
Japanese: ただし、倭国が当該地域に対して民政統治を行ったかどうかについては一定の見解がでていない。
English: The name of Mimana Nihon-fu came into use in later years after the country was officially named Nihon (Japan), but when it was actually existed, it was called Wafu (Wakoku government).
Japanese: なお、任那日本府の称は、国号の表記が日本と定まった後世に呼称されるようになったものであり、任那日本府が存在したとされる時代にあっては、倭府と称したとされる。
English: Before the World War II, the study of Goya region in Japan stood on the premise that Mimana Nihon-fu, which appears in "Nihonshoki", was the regional office established by Wakoku (Yamato Administration) to govern the southern area of the Korean Peninsula, which would justify Japan's annexation policy.
Japanese: 第二次世界大戦以前の日本における伽耶地方の研究については、当時の併合政策を正当化しようとする姿勢から、『日本書紀』に現れる任那日本府を倭国（大和政権）が朝鮮半島南部を支配するために設置した出先機関であるとする前提に立つものであった。
English: Japanese archaeological study also failed in the first place to completely get rid of the inclination to rationalize the existence of Mimana Nihon-fu in accordance with such interpretaion, partly because Koreans were prohibited from participating in the study.
Japanese: 考古学的な研究についても、研究そのものに朝鮮人の参画が認められていなかったこともあり、まず任那日本府の解釈に沿って日本府を合理的に説明しようとする姿勢から抜け切ることができなかった。
English: Such interpretation can be seen in the studies by Michiyo NAKA and Masatomo KAN in the Meiji period, followed by Sokichi TSUDA and it was perfected in "History of the Rise and Fall of Mimana" by Yasukazu SUEMATSU after the war.
Japanese: そのような解釈は明治期の那珂通世、菅政友らの研究から見られ、津田左右吉を経て戦後に末松保和『任那興亡史』において大成された。
English: The scholars of this period sought the origin of Mimana Nihon-fu in 'miyake' (Imperial-controlled territory) which is recorded in the Jingu section of "Nihonshoki" and believed that Mimana Nihon-fu politically and militarily ruled the Gaya region, which was also called Mimana region.
Japanese: この時代の認識では、任那日本府の淵源を『日本書紀』神功紀にある「屯倉」に求め、任那日本府は伽耶地方＝任那地方を政治的軍事的に支配したとするものであった。
English: In order to make historical ends meet, the dispatch of troops to the Korean Peninsula, which led to the legend of sankan-seibatsu (the conquest of three countries in old Korea), was said to have taken place in the mid fourth century (presumably in 369, calculated by adding two rounds of the Oriental zodiac [120 years] to the year of 249 as stated in Nihonshoki) and this area was considered as the directly controlled land of the king of Wa (Japan) ever since.
Japanese: そのため三韓征伐のモデルとなった朝鮮半島への出兵を4世紀半ば（神功皇后49年（249年）を干支2巡繰り上げたものと見て369年と推定する）とし、以降、当地域は倭王の直轄地であったとした。
English: In addition, Mimana Nihon-fu was thought to have been created as a mere temporary military base and eventually promoted to a permanent institution.
Japanese: また、任那日本府は当初は臨時の軍事基地に過ぎなかったが、やがて常設の機関となったとみられていた。
English: After that, Goguryeo began to invade Silla and the northern part of Baekje, so Baekje praised the great achievement of the official of Mimana Nihon-fu in order to ask Yamato for reinforcement.
Japanese: その後、高句麗や新羅が百済北部を侵すようになると、百済は執事の功績を賞賛し、大和に援軍を求めた。
English: In 554, Baekje lost to Goguryeo and King Seong was killed and the whole Mimana was seized by Silla, which meant the fall of Mimana Nihon-fu in 562.
Japanese: 554年、百済が新羅に敗れて聖明王が殺され、562年には任那全土が新羅に奪われるに至り、日本府は滅亡したとされる。
English: After the World War II, the studies strongly attempted to deny the existence of a regional office of Japan in the Korean Peninsula on the rebound because the above-mentioned theory was thought to have been born under the strong influence of Kokoku Shikan (emperor-centered historiography which is based on state Shinto).
Japanese: 前述のような学説は皇国史観の強い影響下に成ったものとする考えから、その反動として戦後の研究では、日本の出先機関が存在したことを否定しようとする姿勢が強かった。
English: Furthermore, due to the influence of nationalism which spread in the Korean Peninsula from the 1960s, researchers, especially those in the Korean Peninsula, insisted that the records in Kiki (Kojiki [A Record of Ancient Matter] and Nihonshoki), which say that Yamato Dynasty directly controlled the Mimana, were exaggerated.
Japanese: 更に1960年代頃から朝鮮半島で広がった民族主義の影響もあり、特に朝鮮半島の研究者により、記紀に記されているヤマト朝廷の直接的な任那支配は誇張されたものだとの主張がなされた。
English: After the 1970s, the excavation and research of the former Gaya region in the Nakdong River basin made a remarkable progress, and discussions free from politically-biased interpretations came to prosper at the same time as more materials were discovered for the study of Gaya history, which was little documented.
Japanese: 1970年代以降には洛東江流域の旧伽耶地域の発掘調査が飛躍的に進み、文献史料の少ない伽耶史を研究するための材料が豊富になってくるとともに、政治的欲求に基づく解釈から解放された議論が盛んとなった。
English: According to Inoue, the name of Mimana Nihon-fu can be found in "History of Baekje," which is quoted in "Nihonshoki," and although the name of 'Wa' (倭) originally meant the various districts in the southern area of the Korean Peninsula as mentioned in the account of Korea in "Records of Wei" ("Sangokushi" [Three Kingdoms Saga]), Baekje in the end of sixth century used the word as if it was related to the government of wajin (倭人, people of Wakoku) in the Japanese archipelago, trying to win their favor and support in order to compete with Goguryeo and Silla, which unintendedly gives the impression that the power of Yamato sovereignty extended to the southern area of the Korean Peninsula early on.
Japanese: 井上によると、任那日本府とは『日本書紀』が引用する『百済本紀』において見られる呼称であり、6世紀末の百済が高句麗・新羅に対抗するために倭国（ヤマト王権）を懐柔しようとして、『魏志』（『三国志(歴史書)』）韓伝において朝鮮半島南部の諸国を表していた「倭」と、日本列島の倭人の政権とを結びつけて、ヤマト王権の勢力が早くから朝鮮半島南部に及んでいたかのような印象を与えるに過ぎない。
English: And he also says that it can be read from the actual description in "History of Baekje" that Mimana Nihon-fu had nothing to do with the Yamato sovereignty (=> Inoue 2004 pp.106-107.).
Japanese: また、実際の『百済本紀』の記述では、任那日本府とヤマト王権とは直接的には何の関係も持たないことが読み取れるという（→井上2004pp.106-107.）。
English: This theory is called fiction theory, which claims that a mere combination of chiefs in the Gaya Province was named Mimana Nihon-fu by the later generations.
Japanese: この説は、単なる伽耶地方の首長連合を後世に日本府と称したとするものであり架空説といわれる。
English: In contrast, Akira YOSHIDA claimed that the true status of Mimana Nihon-fu was a committee established to gain access to the advanced culture of the Peninsula and consisted of Kyo (lords) dispatched from Wa, local kings, powerful families and government officials, including Han gie who was the monarch of the countries of Mimana, paramount chiefs of Dae Gaya, sub Han gie of Alla and Tara.
Japanese: これに対して吉田晶は、日本府の実体を半島の先進的な文物を入手するため設置された会議で、倭から派遣された卿、任那数ヶ国の君主を意味する旱岐層、大伽耶の大首長、安羅、多羅の次旱岐など現地の王や豪族、官人層により構成されたとした。
English: There is also a theory proposed by Yoshitane SAKAMOTO, Yukihisa YAMAO and others, which treated Nihon Mimana-fu as a military institution, because King Bu of Wakoku in the fifth century was awarded by the Chinese dynasty the title of King of Wa, as well as a military rank and position for six countries including Silla, Mimana and Kara, which meant that he was not recognized as a monarch but as a mere military official outside his home, the Japanese archipelago.
Japanese: なお、5世紀の倭王武が倭王と新羅・任那・加羅をはじめとする六ヶ国諸軍事の封号官職爵位を得ており、中華王朝から本拠のある日本列島の外部では君主としてではなく武官の地位のみ認められていたことから、日本府の役割を将軍府即ち軍事機関と捉えた坂元義種、山尾幸久等の説もある。
English: Other major theories in the 1970s and 80s regarded Mimana Nihon-fu as just an envoy from Wakoku (Masayuki UKEDA), or as a diplomatic institution for Wakoku established by the combination of chiefs of Gaya region (Hisashi OKUDA), or as a governing institution for Gaya region set up by Baekje, which employed Japanese officials and troops there (Kim Hyun-koo).
Japanese: 他に70年代から80年代の主な説に、倭国からの単なる使者とした説（請田正幸）、伽耶地方の首長連合による対倭国外交機関とする説（奥田尚）、百済による伽耶地方統治のための機関で倭系百済官人・倭系傭兵がいたとする説（金鉉球）などがある。
English: From the 1990s, the study of Gaya targeted not only the relationship between Wa and Geumgwan Gaya or Mimana Gaya (in Gimhae District) as in the past, but also the history of Gaya itself, which centered Dae Gaya in Goryeong region, inspired by the concept of Dae Gaya confederacy proposed by Toshiaki TANAKA (Korean history) who supported Inoue's theory.
Japanese: 1990年代になると伽耶研究の対象が従来の金官伽耶・任那加羅（いずれも金海地区）の倭との関係だけではなく、井上説を支持する田中俊明(朝鮮史)の提唱になる大伽耶連盟の概念により、高霊地域の大伽耶を中心とする伽耶そのものの歴史研究に移行していった。
English: And, from the late 1990s, studies of Tokujun (卓淳, in Changwon), Alla (in Haman) and other regions were promoted mainly from the archeological aspect and since the Songhakdong No. 1 tomb in Gyeongsangnam-do (66 meters in length) was announced as a large keyhole-shaped tomb mound in 1983, the same type of tombs have been unearthed one after another in the southwest part of the Korean Peninsula, totaling eleven in South Jeolla Province and two in North Jeolla Province so far.
Japanese: また、1990年代後半からは主に考古学的側面から、卓淳（昌原）・安羅（咸安）などの諸地域の研究が推進される一方で、1983年に慶尚南道の松鶴洞一号墳（墳丘長66メートル）が前方後円墳であるとして紹介されて以来相次いだ朝鮮半島南西部での前方後円墳の発見これまでのところ全羅南道に11基、全羅北道に2基の前方後円墳が確認されている。
English: All the large keyhole-shaped tomb mounds found in the Korean Peninsula were built in a very limited period of time between the late fifth century and mid sixth century, only in the area that used to be the westernmost part of Gaya's sphere of influence before Baekje moved to the south, and they are known for containing Japanese relics, such as ento haniwa (cylindrical haniwa), shell products made in south islands, and an rock chamber painted with bengara (iron oxide red pigment).
Japanese: また朝鮮半島の前方後円墳はいずれも5世紀後半から6世紀中葉という極めて限られた時期に成立したもので、百済が南遷する前は伽耶の勢力圏の最西部であった地域のみに存在し、円筒埴輪や南島産貝製品、内部をベンガラで塗った石室といった倭系遺物を伴うことが知られている。
English: A series of arguments and considerations admitting the collective habitation of Wajin in certain areas within the spheres of influence of Silla, Baekje and Mimana appeared in light of the Korean media reports and the fact that the massive jade magadama found in the area (rare in the former territory of Goguryeo) had been identified as the products of the neighboring area of Itoi-gawa River.
Japanese: 韓国報道などや新羅・百済・任那の勢力圏内で大量に出土（高句麗の旧領では稀）しているヒスイ製勾玉の原産地が糸魚川周辺に比定されている事などを踏まえ、一部地域への倭人の集住を認める論考が相次いで提出された。
English: Takashi YOSHIDA claims that 'Mimana' was a combination of small countries led by Mimana Gaya (Geumgwan Gaya) which cooperated with Baekje and Wa to counter Goguryeo and Silla, and thus a political concept which does not necessarily corresponds to Gaya region, and Mimana, trying to use Wakoku's military power to expand its territory, led Wakoku into establishing a diplomatic institution mainly in charge of military affairs, which was later called 'Mimana Nihon-fu'; the four prefectures of Mimana that Wakoku ceded to Baekje were the area where Wajin had immigrated.
Japanese: 吉田孝によると、「任那」とは、高句麗・新羅に対抗するために百済・倭国と結んだ任那加羅（金官加羅）を盟主とする小国連合であり、いわゆる地名である伽耶地域とは必ずしも一致しない政治上の概念であり、任那が倭国の軍事力を勢力拡大に利用するために倭国に設置させた軍事を主とする外交機関を後世「任那日本府」と呼んだと主張し、百済に割譲した四県は倭人が移住した地域であったという。
English: According to Yoshida, the military institution was transferred to Alla after the fall of Mimana Gaya (Geumgwan Gaya) in 532, but it lost its base when Dae Gaya collapsed in 562 (=>Yoshida 1997 pp.74-78.).
Japanese: また、532年の任那加羅（金官加羅）滅亡後は安羅に軍事機関を移したが、562年の大加羅の滅亡で拠点を失ったとしている（→吉田1997pp.74-78.）。
English: Yoshida acknowledges that Mimana Nihon-fu in the fourth century was a military diplomatic institution though the leadership was held by Geumgwan Gaya, and by admitting this theory once denied, he draws a sharp contrast with other researchers.
Japanese: 吉田は一時期否定された4世紀の日本府について金官加羅の主導性を認めつつ倭国の軍事的外交機関として認めており、他の研究者と一線を画している。
English: Kiyoaki KITO says in "Kaya wa naze horonda ka" (Why Gaya Collapsed) that a ruling family of Alla called itself Wafu and engaged itself considerably in the political decision making of Gaya region and Baekje, but denies its role as an institution to collect contributions or to directly rule the area.
Japanese: 鬼頭清明は『加耶はなぜほろんだか』の中で、安羅の豪族が倭府と称し、伽耶地方や百済の政治決定に重要な関与をしていたことは認めたうえで、貢調徴取の機関でも直接支配の機関でもないとしている。
English: Kimiyuki MORI points out that the followings can be said as far as carefully reading "Nihonshoki" (refer to Mori 1998 pp.66-68.).
Japanese: 森公章によると、『日本書紀』を丁寧に読む限り言える点として、次のようなことが言えるとしている（森1998pp.66-68.参照）。
English: It consisted of the powerful families from the capital of Wa, the families from rural areas of Wa, including Kibi no omi, and Gaya people who handled the actual management.
Japanese: 倭中央豪族、吉備臣などの倭地方豪族、伽耶系により構成され、実務は伽耶系が担っていたこと
English: As above mentioned, the subject of recent discussion on Mimana Nihon-fu is shifting from the presence or absence of the military clout and economic interest of Wajin, to its period of existence and the actual status of the organization.
Japanese: 以上のように近年の任那日本府に関する言説は、倭人等の軍事的影響力や経済的利権の有無にではなく、その時期と組織の実体に移ってきている。