nntsuzu/KFTT huggingface dataset:
English: Over 400 years after the death of Sanetaka, the manuscript in his own hand was handed down in the Sanjonishi family, but after the Pacific war the manuscript was moved to The Historiographical Institute of Tokyo University and is still preserved there.
Japanese: 実隆の死後400年以上にわたって、自筆の原本は三条西家に代々伝えられてきたが、太平洋戦争後に東京大学史料編纂所に移管され、現在も同所に所蔵されている。
English: Sanetaka, who was evacuated to Kurama to avoid the Onin War, returned to Kyoto and in the following year of 1474 he started to keep the diary.
Japanese: 最初の日記が書かれた文明(日本)6年（1474年）は、実隆は応仁の乱を逃れるために鞍馬に疎開していたが、乱が治まって帰京した翌年にあたる。
English: The diary which covers a span of more than sixty years up to the year before his death in March 1536 remains, although there are some blank periods of time of several months or several years (For example, there is no record from April to August (old calender) the early period, and between 1517 and 1519, and as to the years between 1513 and 1516, around which he became a priest, only limited descriptions are existent).
Japanese: 以降、死の前年である天文(元号)5年（1536年）2月まで、60年以上にわたって日記が残っているが、数か月ないし数年にわたって空白の時期が見られる（たとえば、最初期の文明6年（1474年）には3月から7月までの記述がなく、出家の前後となる永正10年（1513年）～13年はごく一部の時期のみ記述があり、永正14年（1517年）～16年は全く記述が残っていない）。
English: Therefore the diary seems to have been written for 63 years, but he in fact kept it for 57 years.
Japanese: そのため、日記の記された期間は63年間であるが、わずかでも記載のある年は57年間になる。
English: There are many volumes without titles (cover title), but most of the diary written while he held an important position in the Imperial court have titles such as 'Miscellaneous notes' and 'Fool's notes,' and after he became a priest he often used the title of 'Katto' (miscellaneous notes of priest word).
Japanese: 表題（外題）がつけられていない巻も多いが、朝廷の要職にあった時期は多くが「雑記」「愚記」、出家後は「活套」と記すことが多くなっている。
English: The diary was written in a variant of Chinese language, in which Japanese were transformed into a kind of Chinese and the writing was done all in Chinese characters (Most of the diaries in those days were written in this style).
Japanese: 本文は変体漢文、すなわち日本語を漢文調にして記述した文章で書かれており、ほぼすべての文章が漢字のみとなっている（当時の日記の多くはこの形態であった）。
English: Most of the diaries were preserved in a shape of booklet or kansu (a scroll), and only limited parts of them were preserved taking the form of folded books and fragmentary leaves of books.
Japanese: 大半の装丁に冊子と巻子が用いられており、ごく一部が折り本と断簡で残されている。
English: A shape of the diary had been changed since the early days when the appearance of books were not fixed yet; from a booklet shape (1483-1487), through a kansu shape (1487-1512), and then to a booklet shape again (1513-1536).
Japanese: 初期の体裁が定まっていない時期から、冊子（文明(日本)15年（1483年）～長享元年（1487年））、巻子（長享元年（1487年）～永正9年（1512年））、再び冊子（永正10年（1513年）～天文(元号)5年（1536年））に変化している。
English: The booklet shape was easier to read than kansu, but letters or other documents could easily be added later to kansu.
Japanese: 冊子は巻子に比べて閲覧の便が高いが、巻子であれば後から手紙などの他の文書を貼り次ぐことが可能になる。
English: That is why while Sanetaka held an important position in the Imperial court, he chose kansu, adding important letters to the diary, and old documents which were written on the other side of a piece of used paper were left.
Japanese: このため、実隆が朝廷の要職にあったときには巻子を採用し、重要な手紙は日記に貼り次いだり、紙背文書として残したりされた。
English: The diary written on a sheet of kansu paper has folds at regular intervals, which suggests that it was treated as a folding book.
Japanese: なお、巻子本として書かれた日記には等間隔に山谷の折り目がつけられており、折り本として閲覧されていたことがわかっている。
English: The later years' entries took a form of booklet, and these years corresponded to the years when Sanetaka left politics and became a priest (in 1516), which makes us imagine that Sanetaka came to consider a diary not a family record but a memorandum.
Japanese: 後年は冊子形式を用いているが、これは実隆が政治の実際から離れ、出家した頃（永正13年（1516年））に符合し、実隆が日記を家記としてではなく、備忘録的なものと位置づけるようになったのではないかと推測されている。
English: Although Sanetaka koki was written during the late Muromachi period or the first half of the Sengoku period (Period of Warring States), it was more concerned with poetry parties and copying the classics rather than the movement of the disturbances of wars.
Japanese: 実隆公記の書かれた時期は室町時代の後期あるいは戦国時代(日本)の前期にあたる時代であるが、戦乱の動向よりも歌会や古典の書写に関する記述が多くを割かれている。
English: Besides, the Imperial court and bakufu (Japanese feudal government headed by a shogun) in those days were not involved in politics deeply, so people there had much time to spend, joining a gathering of waka and renga (linked verse) and being absorbed in playing go (a Japanese game played with black and white stones on a board), shogi (a Japanese board game resembling chess), and gambling like sugoroku (a Japanese backgammon), therefore there were lots of records about them in the diary.
Japanese: また、当時の朝廷や幕府は政治の実態から離れた有閑無為の生活を余儀なくされており、和歌や連歌の会に参加したり、囲碁・将棋・すごろくなどの賭け事に没頭したりする記述が多く見られる。
English: Sanetaka deepened friendships with Shohaku and Sogi, linked verse poets, and was especially a good friend of Sogi.
Japanese: 連歌師の肖柏や宗祇らとの親交を深め、とくに宗祇とは親密な交際となっていた。
English: The friendship with Sogi was first written in the diary in 1477, and when he set off to the Hokuriku district in 1488, he promised Sanetaka 'to give verbatim records and other writings if he died at the place where he was traveling.'
Japanese: 宗祇との交流は文明(日本)9年（1477年）に初めてその記述が見られ、長享2年（1488年）に宗祇が北陸に下向する際には「旅先で自分が死んだら、聞書などを実隆に譲る」と約束されるまでになる。
English: And before Sogi was going down to Echigo in 1491, he left a message that said, 'I've asked Sanetaka to take care of one set of documents of the initiation of waka interpretation, and if I can't return to Kyoto, I will give them to Sanetaka.'
Japanese: 延徳3年にも宗祇の越後下向に際し「和歌の相伝の文書一式を封をして実隆に預け、自分が帰京できないようなら実隆に譲る」と言い置かれている。
English: For Sogi, Sanetaka was a consultant and an important person who made contact with the Imperial court for him.
Japanese: 宗祇にとっても、実隆は自身と朝廷との間の連絡役や相談相手として、なくてはならぬ存在となっていた。
English: When Sogi set off to the provinces, he had Sanetaka write poems on shikishi (a square piece of fancy paper for writing a poem on), tanzaku (a strip of fancy paper for writing a poem on), or ogi (a folding fan), and when Sogi returned to Kyoto, he brought Sanetaka souvenirs or paid him remunerations.
Japanese: 宗祇が各地に下向する際、実隆に色紙・短冊・扇などに筆を染ませ、帰洛の際に礼銭や土産ものを持ってくるようになっていた。
English: In 1495, Sogi compiled a collection of renga, and Sanetaka joined the work too.
Japanese: 明応4年（1495年）には、宗祇を中心に連歌集を編纂し、そこに実隆も加わった。
English: The compiling work began in March ended in September (old calender), and the collection was given a name of "Shinsen Tsukubashu" (New Selection of Renga Poetry of Tsukuba), which was nominated by Emperor Gotsuchimikado.
Japanese: 2月から始まった編纂の作業は9月に完結し、『新撰菟玖波集』という名前となり、後土御門天皇の勅撰を得ている。
English: According to Sanetaka Koki, people got crazy about putting their poems in a collection and asked him, but he made an arrangement with Sogi to turn down such offers; When Sogi was in conflict with Kensai INAWASHIRO about the selected poems, Sanetaka made peace between them.
Japanese: 実隆公記には、入選依頼の運動が激しくなり、そうした依頼を一切受け付けないことを申し合わせたこと、選句について猪苗代兼載と宗祇が激しく対立し、実隆が間に入って解決したことなどが記されている。
English: Sanetaka, who was excellent in literature and a good calligrapher, got involved in transcribing and reading the classics such as "The Tale of Genji," "The Tale of Ise," and "Kokin Wakashu" (Collection of Ancient and Modern Japanese Poetry).
Japanese: 文学に優れ能筆家でもあった実隆は、『源氏物語』『伊勢物語』『古今和歌集』をはじめとする古典の書写や講読にも多く関わっていた。
English: As far as Kokin Wakashu was concerned, Sanetaka was in a main line of teaching Kokin, which had been told to Sanetaka by Sogi.
Japanese: 古今和歌集に関しては実隆が古今伝授の正系になるのであるが、これは宗祇から伝授されたものである。
English: According to the diary, he devoted himself to preparations for delivering a lecture on Kokin in May and June 1487, and he finished learning in October and November, 1501.
Japanese: 文明19年（1487年）4月に古今伝授に備えて精進生活に入ったのが最初と見られ、文亀元年（1501年）9月には伝授を受け終わったとの記述がある。
English: Other genres of literature which appear in the diary are histories of temples and shrines, narratives, and war tales, and moreover some works were already dispersed and lost, so you can know them only through "Sanetaka Koki."
Japanese: その他、日記に現れる作品のジャンルは寺社縁起や説話、軍記物などを含めて幅広く、すでに散逸して『実隆公記』でしか知ることのできない作品も存在する。
English: The cultural standard in the countryside was raised, and Sanetaka was asked to transcribe many classics.
Japanese: 地方にも文化意識が高まり、実隆も求められてたくさんの古典を書写している。
English: The Sanjonishi family, who were in financial straits, managed to make a living by making these copies of the classics. (See also financial situation of the Sanjonishi family.)
Japanese: これらの書写が経済的に不安定だった三条西家の糊口をしのぐ手段でもあった（三条西家の経済状態も参照）。
English: He had been transcribing Zhou Yi (I Ching (Book of Changes)) from 1508 to the following year.
Japanese: 永正5年（1508年）から翌年にかけては、『周易』（易経）の書写に着手している。
English: In those days, Zhou Yi was a text book which people were not allowed to study until 50, so Sanetaka would have made up his mind to study it when he was turned 54.
Japanese: 当時、周易は50歳までは学ばないようにされていた書物であり、54歳となって実隆は決意したのであろう。
English: Sanetaka was taken into the Shogun family's confidence too, being summoned when the eighth Shogun Yoshimasa ASHIKAGA visited the Imperial court in 1474, which is the first year of the diary, and Sanetaka received directions at a drinking party as to regaining the Sanjonishi family's fiefs.
Japanese: また、実隆は将軍家からも重用され、日記の最初の年である文明6年（1474年）には8代将軍足利義政が参内するときに実隆を是非呼ぶように言いつけ、実隆は酒宴の席にて三条西家の領地の回復について沙汰を受けている。
English: The ninth Shogun Yoshihisa ASHIKAGA liked waka poems, planning to compile a contemporary collection of poems called 'Uchigikishu,' and Sanetaka was asked to join the work.
Japanese: 9代足利義尚は和歌を好み、当代の歌集である「打聞集」の編纂を企て、その担当に実隆も加えられた。
English: Of course Sanetaka was appointed to a position at the Imperial court, and Emperor Gotsuchimikado warned Yoshihisa not to occupy Sanetaka in 1483.
Japanese: もちろん実隆は朝廷にも登用されており、文明15年（1483年）には、後土御門天皇から義尚に対し、実隆を独占しないようにと注意されている。
English: The tenth Shogun Yoshitane (Yoshiki, Yoshitada) ASHIKAGA also made much of Sanetaka, paying respect to the Imperial family and presenting money in 1509, and Sanetaka also felt goodwill toward him.
Japanese: また10代足利義稙（義材・義尹）にも重用されており、永正6年（1509年）には義尹から皇室に対する尊敬の念と献上金があり、実隆も好意を抱いている。
English: In Sanetaka's time, court nobles kept out of politics, so only a few official ceremonies were conducted by the Imperial court including New Year's Day.
Japanese: 実隆の時代には公家は政治の実際から外れ、朝儀として正式に行われた儀式は元日を含め、年に数回あるかどうかであった。
English: Every year on the New Year's Day, Sanetaka wrote in "Sanetaka Koki" about these ceremonies in detail and his hope of the restoration of imperial rule.
Japanese: 例年、『実隆公記』の元日は、これらの儀式について詳しく書かれているほか、朝廷の復興を望む記述が毎年のようになされている。
English: On the every ninth day of the ninth month, the day of the Chrysanthemum Festival, he wrote that he was 'extremely happy.'
Japanese: 9月9日の重陽の節句にも、毎年のように「幸甚」であるとの記述がなされている。
English: And there were 'himachi' and 'tsukimachi,' which were customs to wait for the sun and the moon to rise and greet them.
Japanese: また、「日待」や「月待」として日の出や月の出を待って太陽や月を拝む風習もあった。
English: According to the diary, Sanetaka was absorbed in playing shogi while he was waiting for the sunrise.
Japanese: 日待の間、実隆が熱中していた将棋を何番も指していたという記述もある。
English: Although the Sanjonishi family's shoen were scattered mainly in Kinai District (the five capital provinces surrounding the ancient capitals of Nara and Kyoto) and Mino and Owari Provinces as well, income from the distant provinces was mostly far behind the standard, which caused a serious unstable income.
Japanese: 三条西家の荘園は畿内を中心に美濃・尾張にも散在していたが、遠隔地からの収入は基準に大きく及ばないことが多く、経済的に不安定となる大きな要因となった。
English: Also because of the repeated wars and the change of the times, they often lost their source of income.
Japanese: また、度重なる戦争のため、時代の変化とともに収入が滞ることが多くなっていく。
English: The family had an income from commercial guild as another financial resource, which came to be the basis of an economy.
Japanese: 別の主要財源として、座からの収入も得ており、こちらが経済的基盤となりつつあった。
English: The Sanjonishi family gained incomes from the Tonomori ferry, the Yodo fish market, and main house of the commercial guild of aoso (fiber materials for clothing), which were scattered in all regions, and especially the commercial guild of aoso was mentioned several times in the diary.
Japanese: 三条西家では、塔の森の渡場、淀の魚市のほか、各地に点在する青苧座（あおそざ）の本所としての収入があり、とくに青苧座については幾度か記述されている。
English: His fame as a person of culture spread throughout the country, being asked to correct or put a rating mark beside waka poems and renga, transcribe the classics, and make calligraphy writings on shikishi and tanzaku.
Japanese: また、実隆の文化人としての名声は地方にも広まり、各地から和歌・連歌の添削・合点や古典の書写、色紙・短冊の染筆を依頼されるようになった。
English: Besides that, some people visited the Sanjonishi residence to listen to lectures on the classics, and Sanetaka made a comfortable income from them.
Japanese: さらに三条西家を訪れて古典の講釈を求めるものもおり、彼らから得た収入も大きな財源となっていた。
English: While other court nobles couldn't help moving to the local areas, Sanetaka could stay in Kyoto probably because he had a comfortable income from such cultural activities.
Japanese: 他の公家が経済的困窮のために地方に下る例が後を絶たない中、実隆が京都にとどまることができた大きな理由は、文化人としての収入が大きかったこともあると考えられている。
English: However it is true that he was in straitened circumstances, and the word 'hikei' (a secret plan), which suggested debts, often appeared in his diary.
Japanese: とはいえ経済的に苦しい状態が続いていたのは間違いなく、日記の全時期にわたって借金を意味する「秘計」の表現が見られる。
English: He started to write about his incomes in detail around 1488, and in the latter half of the diary accounts concerning incomes often appeared, which suggests that he had been badly off.
Japanese: 収入について詳しく書かれるのは長享2年（1488年）頃からであるが、ことに後半では収入に関する記述が頻繁に見られ、金銭的に厳しい状態が続いていることが見られる。
English: In fact, his income had decreased year by year, and you can see the process of the Sanjonishi family's economical collapse in the diary.
Japanese: 実際に収入は年を追うごとに減少しており、三条西家の経済が崩壊していく動きを見て取ることができる。
English: In particular, after 1520 when he became a priest, he came to write about incomes from shoen in detail.
Japanese: とくに出家後の永正17年（1520年）以降は、荘園からの収入が詳細に記されるようになった。
English: In his later years he got acquainted with Shingoro TAKENO, a rich merchant in Sakai, and while Sanetaka taught TAKENO the study of poetry and waka poems, TAKENO gave him a lot of financial support.
Japanese: 晩年には堺の富商である武野新五郎と知己となり、実隆が武野に歌学や和歌を指導する一方、武野からは少なからず経済的援助を受けていた。
English: Three portraits of Sanetaka have survived, and of these, the one drawn in 1501 when Sanetaka was 47, was mentioned in "Sanetaka Koki."
Japanese: 実隆の肖像は3枚現存しているが、そのうち文亀元年（1501年）、実隆47歳のときに描かれた肖像画についての記述が『実隆公記』に残されている。
English: When Mitsunobu TOSA created "Picture scroll of the origin of Kitano Tenjin Shrine," to which Sanetaka wrote a legend to explain what it depicts, Mitsunobu also made rough sketches of Sanetaka, and Sanetaka commented that 'it doesn't bear resemblance to me very much, and is dull to see.'
Japanese: 土佐光信が『北野天神縁起絵巻』を作る際に実隆が詞書を書く縁で、光信が描いた実隆の肖像画の下絵が残されているが、これを見た実隆は「十分に似ず、比興なり」と評している。
English: A nude figure was drawn on a margin of a page of the diary dated October and November 1480, an early period of his diary.
Japanese: また、初期の文明(日本)12年（1480年）9月の日記には、余白に裸婦像が描かれている。
English: It is conjectured that Sanetaka drew the picture, and some people pointed out that the woman in the nude could be his wife, who gave birth to the first daughter in November of the same year (old calendar).
Japanese: 実隆の筆によるものと推測され、この年11月に長女を出産した妻の妊婦像である可能性が指摘されている。
English: In the diary written between February and April in 1485, Sanetaka often mentioned the game of go.
Japanese: 文明(日本)17年（1485年）2～3月には囲碁の記述が多く、しばしば盤を囲んでいる。
English: There are descriptions like 'I won using two handicap stones,' which means that a game of go played with a handicap was already common in those days.
Japanese: その中には「置石二で勝つ」などの記述もあり、すでに置き碁によるハンデの考え方が定着していたことがわかる。
English: As to shogi, he referred it throughout almost the entire diary, and was more enthusiastic in playing shogi than playing go.
Japanese: 将棋については、日記のほぼ全期間にわたって言及があり、囲碁以上の愛好家であった。
English: "Sanetaka Koki" contains about 250 descriptions about playing shogi.
Japanese: 『実隆公記』中には、将棋の対局を行ったとする記述が約250か所にのぼっている。
English: He was so absorbed in shogi that he cautioned himself writing 'I am crazy and should be mocked' in 1504 (July 6).
Japanese: あまりにも熱中しすぎていたため、永正元年（1504年）には「すこぶる狂事なり、咲（わら）ふべし咲ふべし」（5月14日）と、自らを戒める記述がある。
English: The records of games of shogi were not left, and it seems not to have been common to leave such records in those days.
Japanese: なお、棋譜は全く残っておらず、当時は棋譜を残す慣習もなかったとされる。
English: In the diary the words 'Medium shogi' and 'Small shogi' appear, but it is not certain whether the Small shogi was equivalent to the present shogi (with 40 pieces), or two more pieces (42 pieces) were used in the Small shogi.
Japanese: 日記中には「中将棋」と「小将棋」の記述があり、小将棋が現在の将棋と同じもの（駒数40枚）か、現在より駒数が2枚多い（42枚）ものであったかも不明である。
English: Some people pointed out that the word 'shogi' (it was written with the Chinese characters "象戯" or "将棊"), to which either "Small" or "Medium" was not added, could have referred to the Medium shogi.
Japanese: 単に「将棋」（日記中では「象戯」あるいは「将棊」と記されている）という記述もあるが、これは中将棋を示している可能性も指摘されている。
English: Most of them were court nobles and renga poets, and especially the names of Toshimichi and Sukenao TOMINOKOJI, father and son, were mentioned in the diary much more than others.
Japanese: 公家や連歌師の名前が多いが、その中でも群を抜いて対局が多いのが富小路俊通・富小路資直の親子である。
English: Notably, he had the chance to play shogi with Sukenao, and the diary contains the records over 34 years between 1498 and 1531.
Japanese: とくに資直とは対局が多く、明応7年（1498年）から享禄4年（1531年）まで、34年に渡って資直との対局の記述がある。
English: During this time Sukenao was promoted from Rokui (Sixth Rank) to Jusani (Junior Third Rank), and other court nobles raised an objection to him about his promotion, although the reason is unknown.
Japanese: この間に資直は六位から従三位に昇進しているが、この昇進に対し、理由は不明であるが他の公卿から激しい反対にあっている。
English: Koichi MASUKAWA supposed that Sanetaka gave Sukenao a promotion without asking permission, which aroused strong opposition.
Japanese: 増川宏一は、実隆が強引な人事を推し進め、資直を昇進させようとしたのが反発の原因ではないかと推測している。
English: According to the diary, Sanetaka, who was a good calligrapher, wrote characters on shogi pieces, and he first wrote them at the behest of Jakkei SUGIMOTO of the Kurama-dera Temple (where Sanetaka stayed to evacuate in his childhood) in 1481.
Japanese: 能筆家であった実隆は、将棋の駒(将棋)の文字を書いたとする記述も多く、文明(日本)13年（1481年）に鞍馬寺（実隆が幼少を過ごした疎開先でもあった）の杉本寂慶が所望したため駒書きを行っているのが最初である。
English: After that, records of writing characters on shogi pieces didn't appear until 1496, when he began writing again being requested twice after he turned down the first offer saying, 'I've never written them.'
Japanese: その後駒書きに関する記述は明応5年（1496年）まで現れず、このときには「書いたことがない」との理由で一度断っているが、後に再度依頼されて駒書きを再開している。
English: In Sanetaka Koki, he often used the expressions '不可説' (which was written in Chinese characters as '不可説々々々') and '言語道断.'
Japanese: 実隆公記には、「不可説」（「不可説々々々」と重ねて表現することが多い）と「言語道断」という表現が頻繁に見られる。
English: Koshiro HAGA considered that these expressions were derived from the fact that Sanetaka's values came to be at variance with reality.
Japanese: 芳賀幸四郎は、これらの表現を、実隆の価値観が現実にそぐわないものになってきたことに由来するとしている。
English: 不可説' means 'you shouldn't talk about it' or 'it is unspeakable,' while '言語道断' was not used to refer to strong criticism as it is today, so it should be taken as an expression meaning something like 'it is beyond description'.
Japanese: 「不可説」は「説くべからず」であって「言い表すことができない」という意味であり、「言語道断」も現在用いられる強い非難の意味ではなく「言うに耐えない」という程度に捉えるべきである。
English: According to Haga, Sanetaka, who was brought up in a society of court nobles and distinguished families, got affected by the idea of seeing a class system as more important than anything else, and couldn't understand revolts of vassals against their lords at all.
Japanese: 芳賀によると、公家社会、門閥社会の中で生まれ育った実隆は、身分制度を絶対視する思想に染まっており、下克上の現象をとうてい理解しうるものではなかった。
English: That is why he was always uncomfortable with the actual incidents taking place every day, and using the expressions '不可説' and '言語道断' repeatedly was a confession of his unsuitableness for the time.
Japanese: そのため、日々起こり来る現実が不愉快の連続であり、「不可説」と「言語道断」の連発は自らの価値観が時代にそぐわないことを告白するものであったとしている。
English: Kyo he, Tsukushi ni, Banto sa' was a common saying in the Muromachi period, and was recorded in Arte da Lingoa de Iapam (1604-1608) by Joao Rodriguez, a Portuguese missionary.
Japanese: 「京へ、筑紫に、坂東さ」とは室町時代のことわざであり、ポルトガル人宣教師ジョアン・ロドリゲスの『日本大文典』（1604～1608年）にも記載されている。
English: It showed regional variation of using a case particle when they said 'I go somewhere,' and the saying meant that in Kyoto 'he' was used, in Tsukushi (Kyushu) 'ni' was used, and in Banto (Kanto and Tohoku) 'sa' was used.
Japanese: 地域によって「どこそこへ行く」という場合にどんな格助詞を用いるかの違いを示しており、京都では「へ」、筑紫（九州）では「に」、坂東（関東や東北）では「さ」を使うという意味である。
English: A similar record to this can be seen in the entry dated February 1, 1496 in "Sanetaka Koki" and it was about 110 years ahead of "Arte da Lingoa de Iapam."
Japanese: これとよく似た記載が『実隆公記』の明応5年（1496年）正月8日にあり、『日本大文典』よりも110年ほど早い。
English: However the record in "Sanetaka Koki" about it was different from that in "Arte da Lingoa de Iapam," and the order of case particles were as follows: 'Kyo ni, Tsukushi he, Banto sa.'
Japanese: 『実隆公記』の記述は『日本大文典』の記載とは助詞の順序が異なり、「京ニ、ツクシへ、坂東サ」となっている。
English: "Shin Shoku Kokin Wakashu" is an anthology compiled by imperial command in the Muromachi period.
Japanese: 『新続古今和歌集』（しんしょくこきんわかしゅう）は、室町時代の勅撰集。
English: Because the sixth seii taishogun (literally, "great general who subdues the barbarians") Yoshinori ASHIKAGA in the Muromachi bakufu (Japanese feudal government headed by a shogun) suggested to the Emperor Gohanazono to compile a new anthology, the Emperor ordered Chunagon (vice-councilor of state) Masayo ASUKAI (first named Masakiyo) to select poems, and Gyoko helped him as Deputy Chief of the office to compile the imperial poetic anthology.
Japanese: 室町幕府第6代征夷大将軍足利義教の執奏により、後花園天皇の勅宣を以って中納言飛鳥井雅世（初名雅清）が撰進、和歌所開闔として堯孝が編纂に助力した。
English: On October 17, 1433, the order was issued; on September 21, 1438, the four seasons' part was submitted to the Emperor for inspection; on August 15 of the following year the anthology was completed.
Japanese: 永享五年（1433）八月二十五日下命、同十年（1438）八月二十三日四季部奏覧、翌十一年六月二十七日成立。
English: In order to present poems to the Emperor, Oseihyakushu (100 poems on set themes, also known as Eikyo hyakushu) were composed, and some Hundred-Poem collections were also used for the anthology such as Hoji (hosted by Emperor Gosaga), Koan (hosted by Emperor Kameyama), Kagen (hosted by Emperor Gouda), Bunpo (hosted by Emperor Gouda), and Jowa (hosted by Cloistered Imperial Prince priest Sonen).
Japanese: 撰進のために応製百首（永享百首）が召され、宝治（後嵯峨天皇）・弘安（亀山天皇）・嘉元（後宇多天皇）・文保（同）・貞和（尊円法親王）度の百首歌も選考資料となった。
English: When Gohanazono in ordered to compile the anthology, he was only 15, but had a profound knowledge of poetry and music, being known as a wise Emperor who made many poems.
Japanese: 下命時の後花園院は十五歳の若年ながら詩歌管弦の造詣深く、御製も多く伝わる好文の賢主。
English: Masayo ASUKAI was a sixth generation descendant of Masatsune ASUKAI, who was one of the compilers of Shin Kokin Waka Shu (New Collection of Ancient and Modern Japanese Poetry), and he had the honor to be chosen as compiler thanks to Yoshinori ASHIKAGA, who was his supporter.
Japanese: 飛鳥井雅世は新古今和歌集選者の一人飛鳥井雅経の六世孫であり、庇護を受けた足利義教の推輓で選者の栄誉に浴した。
English: There is no doubt that the anthology was compiled following the categorization used in Shoku Kokin Wakashu, although replacing poems on gods with ones on celebrating longevity, and putting the poems on gods at the end of the book modeled after Senzai Wakashu (Collection of Japanese Poems of a Thousand Years).
Japanese: 名義を継いだ続古今和歌集の部立から、神祇と賀歌を入れ替え、千載和歌集に倣い神祇を末に置いた他に相違はない。
English: The Nijo group's poems represented by Tona (19 poems), Tamesada NIJO (14 poems), and Keiun (13 poems) were considered important, while almost no poems of the Kyogoku group and Reizei group were collected, revealing the selectors and patron's intentions.
Japanese: 頓阿（19首）・二条為定（14首）・慶運（13首）に代表される二条派の重視に対し、京極派・冷泉派の入集は皆無に近く、選者とその庇護者の態度が知れよう。
English: Although the poems were mainly selected from the ones composed after Shin Kokin, they range widely over every era.
Japanese: 選歌範囲は広く、新古今以後に重心を置きながら各時代より入集している。
English: Compilers respected the period of Shin Kokin, and especially poems by Yoshitsune KUJO, FUJIWARA no Shunzei, FUJIWARA no Teika, FUJIWARA no Ietaka, Emperor Gotoba, and Emperor Juntoku which were selected more than others.
Japanese: なかでも新古今時代を尊重し、九条良経・藤原俊成・藤原定家・藤原家隆および後鳥羽天皇・順徳天皇両院が入集数の上位を占める。
English: As to the contemporary poets, poems by Emperor Gokomatsu takes third place (26 poems), and the man who proposed the compilation of Sin Shoku Kokin Yoshinori ASHIKAGA (18 poems) and commander Gohanazono in (12 poems) were taken seriously.
Japanese: 当代からは、後小松天皇（26首）が入集数第三位、新続古今の発意者足利義教（18首）、そして下命者後花園院（12首）が重んじられている。