nntsuzu/KFTT huggingface dataset:
English: As it was 12,000 ri from Daifang Commandery to the queen's state and it was already 10,500 ri to the state of Ito, which is presumed to have been in Fukuoka Prefecture, the location of Yamatai is supposed not to have been outside Kyushu with just 1,500 ri to go.
Japanese: 帯方郡から女王國までの12,000里のうち、福岡県内に比定される伊都国までで既に10,500里使っていることから、残り1,500里では邪馬台国の位置は九州を出ないとされること。
English: If it is presumed that the Kuna state, which conflicted with Yamatai, was the group in Kumamoto Prefecture (球磨 [Kuma]), a Kuna officer, 'Kukochihiku,' who appeared in Gishiwajinden, can be thought the transliteration of Japanese name '菊池彦' (Kukuchihiko or Kikuchihiko).
Japanese: 邪馬台国と対立した狗奴国を熊本（球磨）の勢力と比定すれば、魏志倭人伝に登場する狗奴国の官「狗古知卑狗」が日本名の「菊池彦」の音訳と考えられること。
English: There is a view that the phrase "有棺無槨" in Gishiwajinden, which refers to burial methods in Yamatai, describes earthenware-jar coffins, of which many have been excavated in northern Kyushu.
Japanese: 魏志倭人伝中で邪馬台国の埋葬方法を記述した『有棺無槨』を甕棺と見なす見解に基づき、北九州地方に甕棺が多数出土していること。
English: There are two theories about the subsequent Yamatai: one that it was conquered by a group in Kinai and another that the capital was moved towards the east and the Kinai region was conquered.
Japanese: その後の邪馬台国については、畿内勢力に征服されたという説と、逆に東遷して畿内を制圧したとの両説がある。
English: It is included in some Kyushu theories that envoys usually thought to have been sent by the five kings of Wa were actually sent by a group in Kyushu, unconnected to Kinai court.
Japanese: 一部の九州説では、倭の五王の遣使なども九州勢力が独自に行ったもので、畿内王権のあずかり知らないことであるとするものがある。
English: While 'Gishiwajinden' discussed small states in northern Kyushu in detail, it didn't mention Kibi Province or Izumo Province at all, which should have existed in the west of Kinki Region at this time, so it is questionable as to whether this discussion was describing locations as far away as Kinki Region.
Japanese: 「魏志倭人伝」の記述は北九州の小国を詳細に紹介する一方で、近畿以西に存在したはずの吉備国や出雲国には全く触れられておらず、近畿圏まで含む記述とみなすのは不自然。
English: It is difficult to imagine that settlements on a scale of more than 20,000 houses in Na, more than 50,000 houses in Toma and more than 70,000 houses in Yamatai, as well as Kuna, could fit into Kyushu as these theories suggest.
Japanese: 奴国2万余戸、投馬国5万余戸、邪馬台国7万余戸、更に狗奴国といった規模の集落が九州内に記述通りの順番に収まるとは考えにくいこと。
English: There were more tumuli and settlements in the Chugoku region and the Kinki region than in Kyushu.
Japanese: 中国地方や近畿地方に、九州をはるかに上回る規模の古墳や集落が存在していること。
English: The starting date of the construction of tumuli is thought to be after the 4th century based on the old theory, but as a result of newer research results from dendrochronology and carbon dating, fewer archaeologists are supporting this theory.
Japanese: 古墳築造の開始時期を、4世紀以降とする旧説に拠っているが、年輪年代学、放射性炭素年代測定などの結果がでるにつれ、ほとんどの考古学者の支持を得られなくなっていること。
English: Gifts and ranks given by Wei to the queen and her people represented 'most favored nation' treatment, comparable to that given to Kusana in the west, and it is difficult to imagine this in the case of a small feudal ruler.
Japanese: 魏から女王たちに贈られた品々や位が、西のクシャーナ朝に匹敵する最恵国待遇であり、小領主へ贈られたものとは考えにくいこと。
English: From early on, Kaichiro YABUTA and Koichi Mori expressed their view as follows, on the basis of the general understanding at that time that the Tumulus Period began in the 4th century.
Japanese: はやくから薮田嘉一郎や森浩一は、古墳時代は4世紀から始まるとする当時の一般的な理解にしたがって、下記の見解を表明した。
English: All triangular-rimmed mirrors were unearthed from tumuli and there are no triangular-rimmed mirrors from tombs in the Yayoi Period, which was the time of Yamatai.'
Japanese: 「三角縁神獣鏡は古墳ばかりから出土しており、邪馬台国の時代である弥生時代の墳墓からは1枚も出土しない。」
English: Therefore, triangular-rimmed mirrors do not belong to the time of Yamatai, and the later Yamato rulers forged them in an attempt to demonstrate a relationship with Yamatai.'
Japanese: 「よって、三角縁神獣鏡は邪馬台国の時代のものではなく、後のヤマト王権が邪馬台国との関係を顕示するために偽作したのものだ。」
English: From our present perspective, it seems that Tumulus construction had already started at the time of Yamatai, and so the assumption that triangular-rimmed mirrors were forged falls down.
Japanese: 現在の知見からは邪馬台国時代にすでに古墳築造が始まっていると見るべきであり、偽作と考えるべき前提が成り立たない。
English: Because some date-inscribed mirrors such as '青龍3年' (235), which carries the name of the Wei dynasty era (Three Kingdoms Period) and '赤烏元年' (238) and '赤烏7年' (244), carrying the name of the Wu dynasty era (Three Kingdoms Period), have been found, the proposition that they were merely forged in relation to Yamatai is questionable, and hasn't been accepted in academia.
Japanese: 魏(三国)の年号である「青龍3年」、呉(三国)の年号である「赤烏元年」「赤烏7年」などの紀年鏡も見つかっており、単に邪馬台国にちなんだ偽作というのでは説明がつかないなどの疑問があり、学界では受け入れるところとなっていない。
English: Also, although there is a theory that triangular-rimmed mirrors were made during the Wu dynasty (Three Kingdoms) or were made by Wu craftsmen after the Wu dynasty was conquered by the Western Jin in 280, theories of style would suggest that these works may not have any connection with the Wu dynasty (Three Kingdoms) at all.
Japanese: また三角縁神獣鏡を、呉(三国)の鏡または呉(三国)の工人の作であり、呉(三国)の地が西晋に征服された280年以降のものとする説もあるが、様式論からはかならずしも呉(三国)の作であるといいきれるものでない。
English: If it is argued that these mirrors were produced after 280, it is difficult to understand why the era inscribed in them was between 235 and 244 during the Three Kingdom Period (China).
Japanese: これらを280年以降の製造と考えると、紀年鏡に記される年号が何ゆえに三国時代(中国)の235年から244年に集中しているのか、整合的な理解が難しい。
English: Also, the so-called 'Himiko's mirrors' come from the Later Han Dynasty, from the perspective of the supporters of the Kyushu theory.
Japanese: また、九州説論者の見解では、いわゆる「卑弥呼の鏡」は後漢鏡であるとする。
English: But, it is another difficulty of that theory that mirrors during the Later Han Dynasty unearthed at a Yayoi Period site in northern Kyushu are dated mainly from the 1st century according to both the circumstances of the archaeological dig and written records in China - not as late as Himiko's era.
Japanese: しかし、弥生時代の北九州遺跡から集中して出土する後漢鏡は、中国での文字資料を伴う発掘状況により、主として1世紀に編年され、卑弥呼の時代には届かないのも難点のひとつである。
English: As the mirrors from the 2nd century are small in number and a good number have been excavated in the Kinai region too, this can't be seen to indicate the predominance of northern Kyushu.
Japanese: 2世紀のものは量も少ない上、畿内でもかなり出土しており、北九州の優位性は伺えない。
English: Since the predominance of northern Kyushu is generally vanishing in the 2nd century in remains during the Yayoi Period, this is one of the reasons why many archeologists can't agree with the Kyushu theory.
Japanese: 一般的に弥生時代の遺跡では、2世紀にはいると北九州の優位性は失われるため、多くの考古学者が九州説に与し得ない理由の一つとなっている。
English: Where accounts of the route and journey towards Yamatai are concerned, there are the following drawbacks, even if you take the radial journey reading rather than the usual contiguous journey reading (the journey can't be finished within Kyushu if you take the contiguous journey reading).
Japanese: 旅程記事について、通常の連続読みでは九州内に収まりきらないので、放射線式の読み方に従うにしても、次のような難点がある。
English: In order to make the radial journey reading defensible, there must have been Chinese rules at that time that '到' and '至' (literal main meaning: reach [the destination]) should be read distinctly when they are used differently.
Japanese: 放射線式読み方が正当化されるには、「到」「至」の使い分けがされているときは、そのように読むべきであるという当時の中国語の決まりがなければならない。
English: However, different uses of '到' and '至' do not appear in "Liang Shu" (History of the Liang), which virtually copied the contents of Gishiwajinden, and so it can't be supposed that there is a special meaning to the differential use of the two characters.
Japanese: しかし、魏志倭人伝の内容をほぼ引き写している梁書では、そのような使い分けはされておらず、使い分けに特別な意味があったとは思えない。
English: If you accept the radial journey reading, Yamatai should be 10 days by sea and a month on land south of the state of Ito.
Japanese: 仮に放射線式の読み方を受け入れると、邪馬台国は伊都国の南水行十日陸行一月の行程にある。
English: However, even if this can be understood as going southward on the sea rounding Kyushu, it leads to the location of Yamatai in south-central Kyushu, which means that Yamatai would have been located in the same place as Kumaso in a later era.
Japanese: しかし、これを九州を大回りして水行し南下する意味に捉えたとしても、邪馬台国の位置は中南部九州内陸に求めることとなり、後の熊襲の地に邪馬台国があることになる。
English: The following are theories upon which emphasis is no longer placed, but which used to be aspects of the Kyushu theory.
Japanese: かつて、九州説の根拠とされていたが、今は重要視されていないものは以下のものである。
English: There is a theory that the bronze spearhead civilization, which used the so-called Three Imperial Regalia in its rituals - a sword, a mirror and a curved jewel, described in 'Gishiwajinden' and also in "Chronicles of Japan"- destroyed the bronze bell civilization, whose solemn rituals used bronze bells and which had spread from Kinki region to Tokai region.
Japanese: 近畿地方から東海地方にかけて広まっていた、銅鐸による祭祀を行っていた銅鐸文明を、「魏志倭人伝」に記載された道具であり、『日本書紀』にも著される矛（剣）、鏡、勾玉の、いわゆる三種の神器を祭祀に用いる「銅矛文明」が滅ぼしたとされる説。
English: However, with an expansion of excavation this theory is now viewed in a negative light because of more bronze spearheads and bronze swords being found in the region of the 'bronze bell cultural area' and, on the other hand, more bronze bells and their molds being found within the 'bronze spearheads cultural area' such as Yoshinogari Ruins.
Japanese: しかし、発掘される遺跡の増加に伴い、「銅鐸文化圏」の地域で銅矛や銅剣が、吉野ヶ里遺跡のような「銅矛文化圏」内で銅鐸や銅鐸の鋳型が出土するといったことが増えたことから、今では否定的に見られている。
English: Also, the fact that the 'Gishiwajinden' does not mention rituals, and the fact that not merely three kinds but various ritual utensils were used in each place before the 6th century, can be used to suggest that the above theory is not essential to the Kyushu theory.
Japanese: また、「魏志倭人伝」の記載は、祭祀について触れられたものではないこと、6世紀以前は3種ではなく、多種多様な祭器が土地それぞれで使用されていたことも九州説では重要視されない理由として挙げられる。
English: In addition to the two main theories, some people believe that various places in Japan would be a candidate site for Yamatai, such as Kibi Province, Izumo Province, Shikoku region, Owari Province, Chiba Prefecture, Koshinetsu Region and Iwate Prefecture.
Japanese: 上記の二大説に加えて、吉備国、出雲国、四国、尾張国、千葉県、甲信越地方、岩手県など、日本各地を邪馬台国の候補地とする説がある。
English: On the other hand, for various views looking for the candidate site based on the accounts of "Wei chih," it has been suggested that 'it makes no sense to look for the site of Yamatai based on these accounts because there are biases in the descriptions.'
Japanese: 一方、『魏志』の記述を元に候補地を探す諸説に対し、「そもそも記述に作為があるため、それをもとに邪馬台国の位置を探るのはナンセンスである」という指摘もある。
English: The presumed locations of each theory are featured in 'Yamataikoku Hiteichi Ichiran' (A complete list of the presumed locations for Yamatai) (* Beware of sound volume).
Japanese: それぞれの説の比定地は、「邪馬台国比定地一覧（※音量注意）」」にまとめられている。
English: Fu-Rin-Ka-Zan is a common name for the phrase of 'as fast as the wind, as quiet as the forest, as daring as fire, and as immovable as the mountain,' written on the hatasashi-mono (battle flags) of Shingen TAKEDA, a daimyo (Japanese territorial lord) in the Sengoku period in the Kai Province (Yamanashi Prefecture).
Japanese: 風林火山（ふうりんかざん）は、甲斐国（山梨県）の戦国大名・武田信玄の旗指物（軍旗）に記された「疾如風、徐如林、侵掠如火、不動如山/疾（はや）きこと風の如く、徐（しず）かなること林の如く、侵(おか)し掠(かす)めること火の如く、動かざること山の如し」の通称。
English: It is often used in war chronicles after the Edo period as something to remind of the Takeda army.
Japanese: 江戸時代以降の軍記物などで武田軍をイメージするものとして盛んに取り上げられる。
English: The phrase was quoted from a part written about the attack/withdrawal of an army in the battle section in "Sonshi" (Chinese books about tactics) which says ''as fast as the wind, as quiet as the forest, as daring as fire, as hard to know as dark, as immovable as the mountain, and the movement is like pealing thunder.'
Japanese: 「疾如風、徐如林、侵掠如火、不動如山」の句は『孫子(書物)』・軍争篇で軍隊の進退について書いた部分にある「其疾如風、其徐如林、侵掠如火、難知如陰、不動如山、動如雷霆。/其の疾きこと風の如く、其の徐（しず）かなること林の如く、侵し掠めること火の如く、知りがたきこと陰の如く、動かざること山の如し、動くこと雷霆（らいてい）の如し」からの引用。
English: This means, 'when you move, you do so fast like wind; when you stop, you do so quietly like forest; when you attack, you do so like fire; when you hide, you do so like darkness; when you defend, you do so like a mountain; when you appear, you do so suddenly like a thunder.'
Japanese: これは「移動するときは風のように速く、静止するのは林のように静かに、攻撃するのは火のように。隠れるには陰のように、防御は山のように、出現は雷のように突然に」と言う意味である。
English: Sometimes 'as hard to know as dark' and 'as immovable as the mountain' are written in a different order depending on the version of the book, and it is thought that 'Fu-Rin-Ka-Zan' were taken from the first four phrases in one of those books.
Japanese: 各版本によっては「難知如陰」と「不動如山」が逆に記されている場合もあり、「風林火山」はそうした版の前四句を採用したものと思われる。
English: In fact, 200 years before Shingen, Akiie KITABATAKE, who was a young court noble and busho (Japanese military commander) as well as Chinju-fu shogun (Commander-in-Chief of the Defense of the North) in the period of the Northern and Southern Courts (Japan), used the emblem of Fu-Rin-Ka-Zan on a flag when he raised an army at Mutsu Taga-jo Province (present Tagajo City, Miyagi Prefecture) in order to defeat Takauji ASHIKAGA, who took control of Kyoto.
Japanese: 実際は風林火山の旗印は信玄よりも200年早く、南北朝時代(日本)の若き公卿武将で鎮守府将軍であった北畠顕家が、京を制圧した足利尊氏を打倒するために陸奥多賀城（現在の宮城県多賀城市）で兵を挙げた時から使用していた陣旗であった。
English: Akiie KITABATAKE's ancestor was the Murakami-Genji clan, who were active from the late Heian period through the late Kamakura period.
Japanese: 北畠顕家は平安時代後期から鎌倉時代後期まで活躍した村上源氏を始祖としている。
English: Akiie KITABATAKE used this emblem on his flag and fought against Takauji ASHIKAGA until Takauji at one time was driven to take his own life in an instant.
Japanese: 北畠顕家はこの風林火山の旗印を立てて奮戦し、一度は足利尊氏をあわや自害のところまで追い込んだのである。
English: After the period of the Northern and Southern Courts and during the Sengoku period, Akiie KITABATAKE came to be known as a great commander through books such as 'Taiheiki' (The Record of the Great Peace), 'Baishoron' as well as 'Jinno shotoki' (Chronicle of the direct descent of gods and sovereigns), which was written Akiie's father, Chikafusa KITABATAKE.
Japanese: 北畠顕家は南北朝を経て戦国時代(日本)には、「太平記」や「梅松論」、父の北畠親房が記した「神皇正統記」などの書物によって名将として親しまれた。
English: Thus, it is considered that Shingen made his battle flag by making reference to the Fu-Rin-Ka-Zan battle flags of Akiie KITABATAKE.
Japanese: したがって信玄も北畠顕家の風林火山の陣旗を参考に陣旗を作ったと考えられるのである。
English: Further, Shingen believed in the divine protection from the Suwa-taisha Shrine which he had faith in, and used the emblem of 'Namusuwananguhosshokamishimodaimyojin' on his battle flag for the headquarters.
Japanese: また、信玄は信仰する諏訪大社の加護を信じて「南無諏方南宮法性上下大明神（なむすわなんぐうほっしょうかみしもだいみょうじん）」を本陣旗としている。
English: This episode is a famous anecdote of Shingen TAKEDA, and for this reason or another, there are many works that makes Fu-Rin-Ka-Zan as its subject, or those that quote its names.
Japanese: この話は武田信玄の逸話として有名なものであり、そのためか風林火山を題材とした作品や、名前を引用したものが多く存在する。
English: Innochocho is an order document in a form of cho (a kind of document formats) issued by In no cho of Daijo Tenno (the Retired Emperor) to officials and Sogo (Office of Monastic Affairs) that were not under its jurisdiction.
Japanese: 院庁牒（いんのちょうちょう）は、太上天皇の院庁より、被管関係にない官司や僧綱などに対して出した牒形式の命令文書。
English: It was not much different from innocho kudashibumi, which was issued by In no cho to specific individuals, except that Inshi (official of the In no cho, or Retired Emperor's Office) equal to or below the rank of Betto (superintendent) set their signature and that it took a form of cho in accordance with Kushiki-ryo (law on state documentary forms in the Yoro Code) or Ritsuryo law.
Japanese: 別当以下院司が署名を行われ、公式令(律令法)に則った牒の書式を取っていることを除けば、院庁より特定の個人に向けて出された院庁下文との大きな違いは無い。
English: Later it was replaced by innocho kudashibumi, and disappeared after the Kamakura period.
Japanese: 後に院庁下文にとって代わられて鎌倉時代以後にはほとんど見られなくなった。
English: Zi is monjo (written material) used by lower-ranking government officials equal to or below the rank of Zonin or by the common people or hakucho (inferior servants) when they reported to their superiors, under the ritsuryo system (a system of centralized government based on the ritsuryo code).
Japanese: 辞（じ）とは、律令制において雑任以下の下級官人及び一般庶民（白丁）が、官司に上申する際に用いたとされる文書。
English: According to Kushiki-ryo (law on state documentary forms in the Yoro Code) (Ritsuryo law), there was a prescribed format of zi, 'the date, the name of the reporter, the main text and kinji (a closing sentence).'
Japanese: 公式令(律令法)によれば、「年月日　氏名辞、其事云々（本文）、謹辞」と書式が規定されている。
English: However, probably because this prescription was difficult to understand, mostly other forms such as ge (a form of an official document) were used in issuing an official document which ought to have been made as zi, and thus zi does not remain today.
Japanese: だが、この規定が難解で分かりにくかったためか、現存の辞は残されておらず、辞が適切と思われる内容に関する公文書でも解(公文書)などの他の形式が用いられているのがほとんどである。
English: But it is believed that zi was actually made, because phrases such as "kinji," which are thought to be influenced by zi, are used in letters of sohaku used for exchange of territories.
Japanese: ただし、土地の交換などに用いられた相博状などに「謹辞」などの辞の影響を受けたと考えられる語句が用いられているものがあり、辞が全く作成されていなかった訳ではないとみられている。
English: The term "daimyogashi" refers to a loan for a daimyo (Japanese feudal lords) or a domain in financial droughts arranged by influential merchants in Osaka, Kyoto, Edo, and so on.
Japanese: 大名貸（だいみょうがし）とは、大坂・京都・江戸などの有力商人によって財政窮乏に苦しむ大名（藩）に対して行われる金融のこと。
English: Meanwhile, financing from merchants in their own domain was not categorized as Daimyogashi, as it was done under the name of goyokin (the money the Edo bakufu charged temporarily on farmers and merchants).
Japanese: なお、自領内の商人からの融資については御用金の名目で行われていたため、大名貸の範疇には含まれないとされている。
English: Even though the economy of a domain during the Edo period was ostensibly operated by subsistence economy system (the Han Autarkies) which was based on the principle of heinobunri (separation of the warrior class from the soil) and the Kokudaka system (tax system based on rice), it was impossible for any domains to be self-sufficient in all supplies.
Japanese: 江戸時代における藩の経済は表向きは兵農分離と石高制の原則に基づいた自給自足的な体制（藩アウタルキー）によって運営されていたが、実際の幕藩体制において、全ての物資を自給自足可能な藩は存在しなかった。
English: In addition, it was essential to procure national currency issued by the Edo bakufu (feudal government headed by a shogun) and to depend on the central market, in order to accomplish projects ordered by the bakufu such as Sankinkotai (a system under which daimyo were required to spend every other year in residence in Edo) and Goyofushin (civil engineering works ordered by the bakufu).
Japanese: 加えて参勤交代や御用普請などの公儀（江戸幕府）の命令に基づく事業を遂行するためには、全国的な貨幣である幕府発行正貨の調達と中央市場への依存が不可欠であった。
English: Therefore, a domain sold their annual rice tax and their local special products in Edo and Osaka to earn national currency issued by the bakufu, or they sometimes purchased necessary goods with the earned money, and they sent such money or those goods to their hometown or their residence in Edo to set aside for their expenses.
Japanese: そこで、藩は年貢米や特産品を江戸や大坂にて売却してその代金（幕府発行正貨）あるいはそれをもって購入した必要物資を国許あるいは江戸屋敷に送金して経費にあてた。
English: As the timing of inflow and outflow of specie money did not always match although this business was done every year cyclically and continuously, when expense was needed before attaining the current money, it was unavoidable to borrow gold and silver from powerful merchants (especially kuramoto [sake brewer] or kakeya [merchants dealing in finance]), putting up their annual rice tax or local special products which were to be sold later as security, and they paid back when such rice tax or products were actually delivered.
Japanese: こうした取引は循環的かつ継続的に毎年繰り返されるが、正貨獲得時期と正貨支出時期が一致するとは限らず、正貨獲得以前に支出を要する場合には、販売予定の年貢米や特産品を担保として有力商人（特に蔵屋敷に出入りする蔵元や掛屋）から金銀を借りて、実際に入ってきた年貢米や特産品をもって返済することになる。
English: Daimyogashi can be explained as a system which complemented discrepancy between the annual revenue system that was based on the system of Kokudaka (tax system based on rice) and Confucian physiocracy, and annual expenditure system that was even experiencing occurrence of credit economy as a result of the development of commodity economy and monetary economy.
Japanese: 大名貸は言うなれば、石高制・儒教的農本主義に基づく米納年貢制による歳入制度と商品経済・貨幣経済の発展によって信用経済の発生までみていた貨幣制度による歳出制度の矛盾を補完する制度であった。
English: Many loans were arranged by merchants in Kyoto as there were traditionally a large number of powerful merchants there in the early Edo period, but the connection of Daimyo and Kyoto became weaker as the position of Kyoto in economy declined.
Japanese: 江戸時代初期には伝統的に有力商人が多かった京都の商人からの借り入れも多かったが、京都自体の経済的地位の低下によって大名貸との関係が薄くなった。
English: As a result, domains sought for financial sources in Osaka, where most domains held their kurayashiki (warehouse-residence) and there were fewer restrictions from the bakufu than Edo, and therefore, kuramoto, kakeya, and ryogaeshou (merchants in banking business) in Osaka became powerful in the Daimyogashi business.
Japanese: 結果的にほとんどの藩が蔵屋敷を設置し、江戸よりも幕府による制約が少ない大坂に資金調達先が求められ、大坂の蔵元・掛屋・両替商などが大名貸の有力な担い手となっていった。
English: Also, money outflow from Osaka to Edo due to daimyogashi and Edo merchants buying goods from Osaka became remote causes of creating a sophisticated system of currency exchange between Edo, a consumer city of samurai and people in trade and manufacture who supported lives of samurai, and Osaka, a city called "the kitchen of Japan."
Japanese: また、大名貸に伴う大坂から江戸への貨幣の流出は、江戸商人による大坂からの物資買付とともに、武士とその生活を支える商工業者による消費都市江戸と「天下の台所」と呼ばれた大坂との間に高度な為替の仕組を生み出す間接的な要因にもなった。
English: It was not unusual that daimyogashi was arranged without interests because the finance of a domain was secure as its economy was in relatively small scale.
Japanese: 当初は藩財政も比較的規模が小さく財政も安定していたために、素貸にて行われることも珍しくは無かった。
English: However, in the middle of the Edo period, financial spending of domains expanded because there were more formal and special expenses required (for example, receptions of imperial messengers and envoys from Korea, or attendance on the shogun's visit to Nikko to recognize their great ancestor), and their financial difficulty was accelerated because of the declining of rice price in and after 1718.
Japanese: だが、江戸時代中期に入ると形状的・臨時的（例勅使・朝鮮通信使の接待や征夷大将軍の日光社参参詣の供奉など）の両面における財政支出の拡大に加えて享保3年（1718年）以後の米価の低落傾向によって財政難に拍車がかかり、恒常的な借り入れ関係が生じ、更に領内の凶作によって蔵屋敷への年貢米（蔵米）や特産品（蔵物）搬入が減少するなどで売却代金によって返済しきれなくなる事態も生じた。
English: Finally domains started to borrow money constantly, and sometimes their debt could not be paid back when enough sales money was not earned from annual rice tax and local products because of poor harvest in the domain.
Japanese: 結果として、恒常的な借り入れ関係が生じ、更に領内の凶作によって蔵屋敷への年貢米（蔵米）や特産品（蔵物）搬入が減少するなどで売却代金によって返済しきれなくなる事態も生じた。
English: Even so, it was thought that the debt was more or less repaid when calling the balance due "Shomongashi" (a bond loan) and its principal and interests were paid by installments in multi-year.
Japanese: それでも不足額を「証文貸」と称して元利金を複数年にわたる売却代金からの分割返済によって行われれば、一応はきちんと返済したものとみなされた。
English: However, every domain's financial difficulty got worse and worse and some domains started to repudiate their debt by dismissing their kuramoto or kakeya or abandoning their bonds, which made merchants bankrupt.
Japanese: だが、どの藩も財政難は深刻化する一方であり、藩側による蔵元・掛屋の解任や証文の破棄などによる一方的な債務破棄（踏み倒し）やこれに伴う商人の破産が起きた。
English: In addition, in 1761, the Edo bakufu started loaning bakufu goyokin (special tax imposed on merchants for the bakufu) to domains and ordering merchants to arrange loaning to domains that were related to the Tokugawa clan in order to save Daimyo and control merchants.
Japanese: 更に江戸幕府も大名救済と商業抑制のために宝暦11年（1761年）以後、幕府御用金の藩への実質的な貸付や幕命から商人に対して親藩への強制的な貸付命令を行うようになった。
English: The risk of daimyogashi became higher and higher although its profit rate became lower.
Japanese: そのため、大名貸の危険（リスク）は高くなる一方で、利潤率は低下するようになった。
English: However, it was very difficult for merchants to walk away from daimyogashi because they already arranged large amount of loans, and it was also hard for domains who were suffering from chronic financial difficulty.
Japanese: だが、慢性的な財政難に苦しむ借手側の藩も勿論のこと、既に多額の貸付を抱えてしまった貸手側の商人も全ての大名貸から手を引けるような状況ではなくなりつつあった。
English: Therefore, domains, the borrower, gave merchants special treatments, such as paying Fuchimai (salary rice) and giving the same treatment as hanshi (the feudal retainers of a domain) to avoid dissociation with merchants, and merchants, the lender, also tried to scatter the risk by setting limit of credit or issuing sprit bills and raising investors.
Japanese: このため、借手側の藩は商人に対して扶持米を与えて藩士と同様の待遇を与えるなどの厚遇策によって商人の関係断絶を回避し、貸手側の商人は締貸し・分貸しなどの融資額の制約を設定したり枝手形を発行して投資者を募ることで危険の分散を図った。
English: There were merchants such as Naokata KUSAMA and Takaoki ISHITA (Shoemon ONEYA) tried to avoid their bonds repudiated by cooperating for reconstruction of the finance of domains by advising for the reformation of a domain's governance.
Japanese: また、草間直方や石田敬起（大根屋小右衛門）のように藩政改革に助言を行って藩財政の再建に協力することで、自らの持つ債権の踏み倒しを回避しようとする商人も存在した。