nntsuzu/KFTT huggingface dataset:
English: It was set up in Ise-machi in Edo in July 1727 and subsequently placed in Awaji-machi in Osaka, Shinmei-cho in Sakai, Nijo Street in Kyoto and Sunpu as well.
Japanese: 享保7年（1727年）6月(旧暦)に江戸伊勢町に設置され、続いて大坂淡路町・堺神明町・京都二条通・駿府にも設置された。
English: The representatives of wholesale drug companies in those cities had been summoned to Edo beforehand, where they attended a lecture by Shohaku NIWA, a scholar of herbalism, and were required to submit their opinions on the standards and measures for controlling domestic materials of medicines.
Japanese: 設置された都市の薬種問屋の代表は事前に江戸に集められ、本草学者丹羽正伯の講習を受けるとともに和薬種取締の基準・方法について意見の提出を求められた。
English: All the domestic materials of medicines sent from various districts to the cities where the agency was set up, as well as those sent to other districts passing through the cities, were obligated to receive a seal of approval (a brand or paper tag) after being inspected at kaisho for their genuineness and quality (if the amount of the materials was large, visiting inspection was performed by officials of the kaisho.)
Japanese: 諸国から設置都市に送られてきた和薬種及び都市を通過して他の地域に向かう薬種は全て会所にて検査を受けて薬種の真偽及びその品質を検査した後に検印（焼印もしくは紙札）を得ることが義務付けられた（対象となる薬種が大量の場合は、会所役人が出張して検査した）。
English: In the case of Osaka, for which relatively many data remain, there were three main warehouse merchants serving as Todori (chiefs) of the kaisho, who took turns in supervising officials of the kaisho, and under them, there were 121 people belonging to Yakushuya nakama (the union of drug sellers), who were divided into groups by basically three people (40 groups in total) and worked at the kaisho every other day as the officials to conduct inspection and collect aratameryo.
Japanese: 比較的資料が残っている大坂の例を取ると、主たる問屋3名が会所頭取となり交替で会所役人を指揮し、その下に薬種屋仲間に属する121名が原則3名1組として1日交替（全40組）で会所に詰めて会所役人として検査及び改料徴収の任務を行った。
English: In June 1738, the kaisho was abolished because the quality of the materials improved as drug traders such as wholesale drug companies or drug sellers learnt to recognize genuine products; however, the true reason is said to be that there was a strong backlash from the traders against the possibility of the control of medicinal material distribution by Wayakushu aratame kaisho.
Japanese: 元文3年（1738年）5月(旧暦)に薬種問屋・薬種屋ら薬種業者が真物を覚えて品質が向上したことを理由に廃止されたが、実際は薬種流通の統制につながる和薬種改会所に対して業者の反感が強かったからと言われている。
English: Washu Yoshinogun Gunzanki (hereafter 'Gunzanki') is a name of the series of the natural history and topography books written by Tomoari MINAMOTO of the Kishu Domain, a scholar of herbalism and natural history in the late Edo period.
Japanese: 和州吉野郡群山記（わしゅうよしのぐんぐんざんき、以下、郡山記と略記する）は、江戸時代後期紀州藩の本草学者・博物学者、源伴存が著した博物誌・地誌。
English: Bussan (products) here does not mean artificial products but means natural products such as animals, plants and minerals in the Mt. Yoshino area; therefore, these are the books on Yoshino's natural history.
Japanese: ここで言う物産とは人工の産物のことではなく、動植物や鉱物など吉野山中の自然に産するものを指し、したがって吉野の自然の博物誌となっている。
English: The book is known with titles such as manuscripts 'Yoshinogun Meizan zushi', 'Washu Yoshinogun Meizan zushi' and 'Yoshino Gunzanki', but the title that Tomoari chose for himself was 'Washu Yoshinogun Gunzanki'.
Japanese: 写本の吉野郡名山図志、和州吉野郡名山図志、吉野郡山記といった題によっても知られるが、伴存自身が書名として採ったのは和州吉野郡群山記である。
English: These manuscripts need to be treated carefully because they contain incorrect information and bibliographic errors (manuscripts and bibliography).
Japanese: また、それら写本は内容の異同や書誌学的な誤りを含んでいるため、注意を要する（写本と書誌）。
English: Tomoari received a command of Domain and began a survey of the Tenryo (a shognal demesne) including the whole Kii Province and Yoshino.
Japanese: 伴存は、藩命を受けて紀伊国一円と吉野を含む天領の各地に調査に赴いた。
English: The survey covered the whole Kii Peninsula and he wrote reports in "Kumano Bussan shoshi" to cover most of the Kumano Region (Muro-gun) from Nakahechi and Ohechi to Owase City and Nagashima-cho (Mie Prefecture), "Kinan Rokugun shi" for the northwestern area from Muro-gun, "Yasan Somoku tsushi" on the vegetation of the estate of the Koyasan Temple.
Japanese: その調査はほぼ紀伊半島全域にわたり、中辺路・大辺路から尾鷲市・長島町(三重県)に至る、おおよそ熊野地方（牟婁郡）全体を対象とした『熊野物産初志』、牟婁群より西北を扱った『紀南六郡志』、高野山寺領内の植物誌『野山草木通志（やさんそうもくつうし）』といった著作にまとめられている。
English: The survey by command of Domain means a survey for resources development but these books were on regional animal and vegetation from the perspective of natural history, so Tomoari's interest was very clear.
Japanese: 藩命にもとづく調査とは、すなわち資源開発のための調査であるが、これらの著作は博物学的関心による地方動植物志であり、伴存の関心がどこにあるのかが分かる。
English: Among these books, Gunzanki is a literary work of achievement of the survey in the Mt. Yoshino area.
Japanese: 郡山記はそのなかでも、吉野山中における調査の成果が収められた著作である。
English: It is not exactly clear when Gunzanki was written, but because the latest article was about Totsukawa-mura Village in January 1847 and Tomoari mentioned the construction of the Gunzanki in the latter to his disciple Ryunosuke HOTTA dated on February 1, 1848; it is thought to be around 1848.
Japanese: 郡山記の成立年代は定かではないが、最も新しい記事が弘化3年（1847年）12月付の十津川村でのものであることや、伴存から門弟の堀田龍之介にあてた弘化4年（1847年）12月27日付の書簡で群山記の構成を伝えていることから、弘化4年頃のことであると見られる。
English: Tomoari went to Hakusan, Kaga Province in 1822 and wrote "Hakusan no ki" and "Hakusan Somoku shi" (two-volume) and because they were in a similar style in the concept and construction as Gunzanki, they were thought to be an experimental work before writing the Gunzanki.
Japanese: 伴存は、文政5年（1822年）に加賀国白山に赴き、『白山之記』および『白山草木志』（上下巻）を著しているが、これらの著作が郡山記と構想や構成を同じくすることから、いわば白山は試行であったと考えられている。
English: It is clear that the survey for Gunzanki was conducted between 1818 and 1829 due to Tomoari's statement.
Japanese: 本書執筆のための調査は文政年間（1818年～1829年）にはじまったことが伴存自身の記述から分かっている。
English: Ahead of Gunzanki, Tomoari wrote about a vegetation survey from 1835 to 1836 in a book called "Kingaku Somoku shi" but the survey in Mt. Yoshino was continued after that and until the Koka Period, it lasted for 20 years.
Japanese: 群山記に先立って、伴存は天保6年（1835年）から7年（1836年）にかけての植物調査を『金嶽草木志（きんがくそうもくし』という著作にまとめているが、その後も吉野山中への踏査は続けられ、弘化年間まで足掛け20年に及んだ。
English: The route that Tomoari took from Wakayama to Yoshino could be traced from 'Totsukawa Shoki' in the Gunzanki Volume six.
Japanese: 伴存が和歌山から吉野に向かった経路は、群山記巻六に収められた「十津川荘記」から知ることができる。
English: He explained it in detail with the distance and through the route stated below, he was based in places along Totsukawa River such as Dorogawa (Amakawa-mura, Yoshino-gun, Nara Prefecture) and used local hunters who knew about the mountain as his guides.
Japanese: いずれも里程を示しつつ詳細に説明されており、以下のようなルートを辿り、洞川（奈良県吉野郡天川村）など十津川沿いの地域を主要な拠点とし、山岳事情に通じた地元猟師などを案内人として用いた。
English: From Wakayama, he walked up Ise-Kaido Road along the Kinokawa River and moved to Koya-Kaido Road through the Tentsuji Pass from Hashimoto City.
Japanese: 和歌山からは紀ノ川沿いに伊勢街道を遡上し、橋本市から天辻峠越えで高野街道へ。
English: The survey was not easy and sometimes he had to camp and had to endure gales holding on to trees and plants ("Gunzanki" Volume four).
Japanese: 調査行は容易ではなく、露営を重ね、ときには草木につかまって疾風に耐えるようなこともあった（『郡山記』第4巻）。
English: Kotaro SHIRAI heard about Tomoari from an old priest of Zenki (Shimokitayama-mura, Yoshino-gun, Nara Prefecture) when he visited Yoshino in 1895.
Japanese: また、1895年（明治28年）に吉野を訪れた白井光太郎は、前鬼（奈良県吉野郡下北山村）の老僧から伴存のことを伝え聞いている。
English: The old priest described Tomoari as 'a big man with swords on both sides', so we can image the scholar of natural history with a healthy body and strong mind who carried out his study vigorously.
Japanese: 老僧は伴存を「体躯肥大の人にて、両刀を帯び居たり」と述べており、これらから、頑健な身体と強靭な精神を以って研究に邁進した博物学者の姿が今日に伝わってくる。
English: However, no other scholars tried to understand the characteristics of the nature of a region, not only about plants but also animals and minerals, by localizing the area and it is characteristic of his work in which detailed topography of the target area was also included.
Japanese: しかしながら、一つの地域を特定し、その地域内の植物だけでなく動物、さらには鉱物まで含めて、地域の自然の全体的な特色の把握を試みた例は、伴存の他に見られず、調査対象地の詳細な地誌まで著しているのは伴存の特色である。
English: Tomoari's achievement was deeply connected to the line of development from herbalism to natural history, via Ranzan ONO to Tomoari's teacher Todo OBARA.
Japanese: こうした伴存の業績は、小野蘭山から伴存の師の小原桃洞を介してつながる本草学から博物学への展開の系譜と深く結びついている。
English: The illustrations of animals and plants have scientific value with the detailed characteristics of them and they are also great as fine art which increases the value of the book.
Japanese: 動植物図は、動植物の特徴をよくつかんだ科学的にも優れたもので、絵画としての趣もそなえており、本書の価値を高めている。
English: To replicate the grand image of the mountains on the limited space of paper, the pictures of them are worthy of mention because not only so many different styles of drawing were used but they are also of a scientific nature, unlike any other books.
Japanese: 山岳図は、限られた紙の上に雄大な山容を再現するために、様々な画法を用いて工夫がなされているだけでなく、科学性をも兼ね備えている点で、他に類例のないものとして特筆すべきものである。
English: Among the methods, there were birds-eye views, views of the mountains and hills compressed, important parts emphasized, red grid lines drawn to show directions, etc., to increase the effect.
Japanese: その技法の中には、鳥瞰図や、山並みを圧縮する、重要部分を強調する、縦横に赤線で方眼を記入し方位距離を示すといったものがあり、高い効果を挙げている。
English: Tomoari was not totally relying on his own survey results but he also referred to other literature to give it objectivity.
Japanese: さらに、伴存はただ自らの調査結果に頼るのではなく、多くの文献を参照して客観性を与えている。
English: The books he cited in the first six volumes add up to 80 and the main ones were "Gokinai shi" (Book on the Gokinai Capital Region), "Washu Junran ki" (Journey of Yamato) and "Washu Kyuseki ki" (Historic Scenes of Yamato).
Japanese: 最初の6巻で引用された文献のみでも80種をかぞえ、主なものには『五畿内志』、『和州巡覧記』、『和州旧蹟記』がある。
English: At the time of writing Gunzanki, Tomoari was almost 50 years old and was not just working on Gunzanki alone.
Japanese: 郡山記の執筆年代と推定される時期には、伴存は50歳代に達そうとしており、しかも郡山記のみに専念していたわけでもなかった。
English: However, it is clear that Tomoari's learning reached its maturity then, comparing "Hakuzanki" and Gunzanki.
Japanese: しかし、『白山記』と郡山記を比較してみるとき、伴存の学問が円熟期を迎えていたことをうかがい知ることができる。
English: As Tomoari called it Fudo-shi (Book on Climate and Culture) in a letter, from Volume one to six, it is topography of Yoshino Mountains.
Japanese: 群山記の巻一から巻六までは、伴存自身が書簡の中で風土志と呼んでいるように、吉野群山の地誌である。
English: The contents were not just about the topography of the mountains but also they had an aspect of cultural anthropology with description of endemic folkways.
Japanese: 記述内容は山岳地誌のみにとどまらず、当地の習俗にまで及び文化人類学的な側面も備えている。
English: The Bussan in the title means something naturally produced, not artificial products.
Japanese: 題の物産とは、天然に産するものの意で、人工の生産物を指すものではない。
English: The subjects were animals and plants such as medical herbs, fungi, vegetation, insects, fish, beasts and birds as well as some minerals.
Japanese: 記載対象は、薬草、菌類、草木、昆虫、魚、鳥獣など動植物のほかに鉱物も一部含んでいる。
English: As mentioned above, Tomoari described not only the characteristics of each animal and plant in detail drew some illustrations.
Japanese: 伴存は物産志において、個々の動植物の特徴を記述するだけでなく、前述のように挿絵をも描いている。
English: He also wrote about the place of their origins and together with the topography from Volume one to six, it is a series of local reports of animals and plants of ecology and ecological geography.
Japanese: さらに、その産地についても詳細に記述しており、巻一から六までの地誌と併せて生態学的・生態地理学的な地方動植物誌となっている。
English: Considering that most books on nature by scholars of herbalism in the Edo period were just a description of each animal and plant and did not go beyond descriptive taxonomy by listing them up in the order of the 'Compendium of Materia Medica', it is clear that Tomoari was different due to these features of his Gunzanki.
Japanese: 江戸時代の本草学者による自然誌が、個々の動植物を記載し、本草綱目に従って排列する記載分類学の域を出なかったことと比べると、こうした群山記の特色から伴存の稀有さが判明する。
English: Within these, the one estimated to be written by Tomoari is "Washu Yoshinogun Gunzanki" held by his disciple Ryunosuke HOTTA and other manuscripts were alternative versions copied from the original book.
Japanese: このうち、伴存自筆と推定されるのは、伴存門弟の堀田龍之介の所蔵していた『和州吉野郡群山記』1本のみで、他の写本は自筆稿からの異本である。
English: However, those alternative versions have problems not only bibliographical mistakes such as using the new title of 'Meizan zushi', a word the author never used, and misspelling '志' with '誌', but also the title was changed for a tourist information book when the original was an academic book on natural history.
Japanese: しかし、それら異本は、著者自身が一度も用いなかった「名山図志」なる語を書名としたり、正しくは「志」とすべきところを「誌」と書き誤るといった書誌学的な過誤だけでなく、学術的な博物誌であるにもかかわらず名所案内として解題するなど問題の多いものである。
English: From the style of the handwriting, it is said to be the manuscript in Tomoari's own hand and is thought to be given to Hotta by Tomoari's family after Tomoari's death.
Japanese: 筆跡などから伴存自筆本と見られ、伴存の遺族から譲り受けたものと考えられている。
English: From the index of the whole book, it is said that there are seven volumes but the seventh 'Washu Yoshinogun Bussan-shi' is in two Volumes, so it is actually an eight-Volume book.
Japanese: 全巻の目録によれば7巻となっているが、7巻目の和州吉野郡物産志は上下2巻のため、実際には8巻である。
English: Bussan-shi is just a list of the names of places as the places of origin and from Volume one to Volume six need to be referred to.
Japanese: 物産志では産地としてただ地名を注記するのみであり、第1巻から6巻を参照するようにできている。
English: Because Kotaro SHIRAI ordered to make it from the book Saburo KAGA of Tokyo had in 1916, it is called 'Shirai-bon' (Shirai's Book).
Japanese: 東京の加賀豊三郎所蔵本から、白井光太郎が1916年（大正5年）に写本を作らせたものであることから白井本とも呼ばれる。
English: The construction of the books is different from the Hotta-bon and some illustrations, which did not exist in the original, were added; and the part of the title 'Meizan Zushi' was not chosen by Tomoari.
Japanese: 堀田本と構成が異なり、原本にない図を加えたところもあり、「名山図志」という書名も伴存自身が採った物ではない。
English: They might have tried to make it more suitable to the title of 'Meizan Zushi' (Book of famous mountains), it has a sentence 'Daiyama reki ryakki' written by Kyuichiro NORO, a Chinese Nanga style artist of Kishu Domain; but the drawing of Chinese Nanga style mountains is somewhat ill-fitted.
Japanese: しかし、名山図志の題にふさわしいものにしようとしたためか、紀州藩の南画家の野呂九一郎の筆による「台山踄歴略記」なる文章が付されているが、南画調の山岳絵は違和感が否めない。
English: Also because the person who copied the illustrations might have tried to show his skills, there were some which give an impression of the distortion of the original; especially in the drawing of the mountains from Misen to Shakagadake, this is quite obvious.
Japanese: また、挿絵の模写も、模写者の技術を誇示しようとしたためか原画の歪曲との感を与えるものが混じっており、特に弥山から釈迦ヶ岳にかけての図ではそのことが明瞭である。
English: It is included with the title of "Yoshinogun Meizan Zushi" from pages 432 to 523 of "Nihon Meisho Guzoku Zue, Nara Section" (Customs of Historical Places of Japan, Nara Prefecture Section) of Volume nine of 'Nihon Meisho Fuzoku zue' by Yoshitomo HIRAI, 1984, published by Kadokawa Group Publishing Co., Ltd.
Japanese: 平井良朋編、1984、『日本名所風俗図会奈良の巻』、角川書店（日本名所風俗図会第9巻）pp.432-523.-『吉野郡名山図志』の題で所収。
English: The original text for the book was "Yoshinogun Meizan Zushi" (from the National Diet Library) and "Washu Yoshinogun Meizan zushi" (from the Tenri library attached to Tenri University).
Japanese: 翻刻底本は『吉野郡名山図志』（国立国会図書館本）および『和州吉野郡名山図志』（天理大学本）である。
English: "Washu Yoshinogun Gunzanki - the Survey Routes and its Biota" by Kyuemon GOSE, 1998, published by Tokai University Press ISBN 4486014200 - is a book based on Shirai-bon and compiled with Hotta-bon (Tomoari's original).
Japanese: 御勢久右衛門、1998、『和州吉野郡群山記-その踏査路と生物相』、東海大学出版会ISBN4486014200-白井本を基礎とし、堀田本（伴存自筆本）と校合したもの。
English: Kuikaeshi is an act in which, after a property's ownership was shifted to someone else by compromise or donation, its previous owner or his descendants recover the ownership by disaffirming the previous decision.
Japanese: 悔返（くいかえし）とは、中世日本において、和与・寄進などの財産処分を行って所有権の移動が行われた後に元の所有者あるいはその子孫らがその行為を否定して取り戻す行為。
English: The common theory is that, under the Kugeho (laws issued by the imperial court) in the Heian period, Kuikaeshi was not allowed at any time; but another theory (by Takao NAGAMATA, etc) insists that when a crime corresponding to disinheritance of Ritsuryoho (Ritsuryo law), such as disobeying rules and being undutiful, was found in the descendants, Kuikaeshi was allowed by 'Kojo Yuko setsu' (current status has a priority to the past).
Japanese: 平安時代の公家法においてはいかなる場合でも悔返は認められていなかったとするのが通説とされているが、教令違反や不孝など律令法における廃嫡に相応するような罪の事実が子孫にあれば、「後状有効説」によって悔返は認められたとする異説（長又高夫ら）もある。
English: In the Kamakura period, although Kuikaeshi against the descendants were allowed in some cases even in the Kugeho, there were some severe restrictions such as no Kuikaeshi was allowed against properties handed to married women who were not under their parents' protection; and especially when the previous owner or the descendants who received it by compromise gave it to a third person (compromise to a non-blood relative), no Kuikaeshi was allowed.
Japanese: 鎌倉時代に入ると、公家法においても子孫に対する悔返が場合によっては認められるようになっていたが、その場合においても親の保護下にない既婚女子への譲与分の悔返の禁止などの厳しい制約が設けられ、特に本人もしくは和与を受けた子孫が第三者に譲った場合（他人和与）にはいかなる場合でも悔返は認められなかった。
English: However, in the Bukeho (the law system for the samurai society and the military government), from the view of attaching some additional weight to the heirs' parental power, Kuikaeshi was widely allowed unless it was donated to a temple and shrine.
Japanese: これに対して武家法においては惣領の親権をより重要視する立場から、寺社への寄進を除いて広く認められた。
English: According to Goseibai-shikimoku (code of conduct for samurai), there was nothing to stop Kuikaeshi against properties given to their children from parents and this was the same when it was given to daughters; and even if it was a property guaranteed with an Andokudashibumi from the Kamakura Shogunate, they were not to be an exception.
Japanese: 御成敗式目によれば、親が子息に譲渡した所領の悔返には何ら妨げは無く、娘の場合でも同様であること、たとえ鎌倉幕府から安堵下文を下されて子息に保障された所領でも例外ではないことが定められた。
English: (For Kuikaeshi against Sotomago [grandchild from a daughter married into another family], although it says that Kuikaeshi was allowed according as daughters, in reality, if there was an issue raised, it had to be judged by checking the deed and the shoryo [territory] to avoid confrontation against the family of the Sotomago.)
Japanese: （ただし、外孫（娘の子）に対する悔返は本来は娘に準拠して悔返が認められるとしつつも、実際に問題が生じた場合には証文や所領の実態を見て判断することされ、外孫の実家との対立を抑制する方針が採られている）。
English: In 1267, compromise to a third person (compromise to a non-blood relative) which could not be the subject of Kuikaeshi was banned and before this Kuikaeshi against an ex-wife who a husband gave property to then divorced was not allowed unless she was a criminal, but it was changed to allow Kuikaeshi against ex-wife who married again.
Japanese: 文永4年（1267年）には悔返の対象となり得ない他人和与（第三者への譲渡）そのものを禁止し、また従来夫が所領を譲与した後に離別しても妻に罪が無ければ悔返が出来なかったが、ここで改嫁した前妻への悔返が認められた。
English: Also, when Goseibai-shikimoku was established, the Kuikaeshi against brothers and cousins were not allowed as well as the cases of a compromise with a third person (same as in Kugeho), but in 1240, when the person who received the property from the previous owner for treating the owner's parents well or from patronage became hostile against the owner, it was to be the subject for Kuikaeshi; and in 1290, all Kuikaeshi against brothers and cousins became legal.
Japanese: また、御成敗式目制定時には兄弟甥姪に対する悔返は他人和与の例に準じて認められていなかった（これは公家法と同様であった）が、仁治元年（1240年）に本主（元の所有者）に父母の礼をなすか恩顧によって分与を得たものが本主に敵対する行動をとった場合には悔返の対象とされ、正応3年（1290年）には兄弟甥姪に対する悔返が全面的に認められた。
English: However, when people were planning to carry out a Kuikaeshi against brothers and cousins, not their own children and grandchildren, they needed permission from the Shogunate to use the right.
Japanese: もっとも、兄弟甥姪など自己の子孫以外の者に対して悔返権を行使する場合には事前に幕府の許可を必要とした。
English: In 1243, when Nagayori SAGARA conducted a Kuikaeshi against the property which was given to his brother's son but had permission from his brother to get it back before his brother's death, he lost a part of the property because he did it without the shogunal permission.
Japanese: 寛元元年（1243年）には、肥後国の相良長頼が前の惣領であった兄の許しを生前に得ていたことを理由に兄の実子に分与されていた所領に対する悔返をしたところ、幕府の許しを得ずに勝手に悔返をしたとして所領の一部を奪われている。
English: Although Kuikaeshi by parents did not have any restrictions, to prevent complications afterward, there were cases to include the conditions for Kuikaeshi in the letter of transfer or disposition which was created when the share of the property was decided.
Japanese: また、親による悔返は自由であったとは言え、後日の紛糾を避けるために予め所領の分与を定めた際に作成する譲状や処分状に悔返の要件を定めて自ら制約しようとした例もある。
English: It is thought that even when parents used their right of Kuikaeshi, they were obliged to report to the Shogunate afterward.
Japanese: また、親が悔返権を行使した場合でも事後における幕府への報告義務はあったと考えられている。
English: These rules were set because, for Gokeninyaku (the posts of retainers), the task the Shogunate set to Gokenin (vassals), to be carried out smoothly, the strong connection of the family toward the heir and assurance of financial base were necessary; and for this, the Shogunate needed to minimize the Gokenin's impoverishment from property dispersion by strengthening the power of the heirs.
Japanese: こうした規定は鎌倉幕府が御家人に対して課していた御家人役が円滑に行われるためには、惣領に対する族的結合と財政基盤の確保が必要であり、そのために惣領の権限強化を図って御家人の所領分散による窮乏化を最低限に留めるためのものであったとされている。
English: When the period of the Northern and Southern Courts began, Kuikaeshi was widely allowed in Kugeho as in Bukeho.
Japanese: 南北朝時代(日本)に入ると、公家法でも武家法と同じように悔返を広く認める方向に転換していった。
English: This was mainly because of the change of the nature of inheritance for Kuge (Court Nobles) families, as in Samurai families, to avoid property dispersion and limit the inheritance only to the legitimate children.
Japanese: これは公家の間でも所領の分散化を避けて嫡子のみに相続させるという武士と同じような相続形態に変化したことに伴う側面が大きい。
English: As for donations to temples and shrines, there was a strong insistence that there was no base for taking back the gifts to the Shinto and Buddhist deities from the temples and shrines; and it was established, as a Daiho (great traditions of Esoteric practices) of the Medieval Period of Japan, that these donation were not to be subject to Kuikaeshi.
Japanese: なお、寺社に対する寄進については、寺社側から神仏への寄進物を悔返す謂れはないとする主張が強く唱えられ、こうした寄進は悔返の対象にはならないことが中世の1つの大法として確立することとなった。
English: The Osamebarai Meisaicho (tribute register) was a register document that was sent each year by regional magistrate offices to the settlements department of the Edo shogunate.
Japanese: 納払明細帳（おさめばらいめいさいちょう）は、江戸時代に代官所から江戸幕府勘定所に対して毎年進達する帳簿の1つ。
English: The register was a means of settling and confirming prepayment of tributes in rice or payment of money to the rice granary at Asakusa or the Treasury coffers.
Japanese: 浅草米蔵や御金蔵に納入する予定米金額を確定させるために作成する勘定仕上げ（決算）の元払となる帳簿である。
English: Together with taxes recorded in other registers, these documents formed the basis for clucking increases/decreases in tax burden each year, transfers of payment in money or kind and additional tax payments required of villages etc as well as receipts and expenditure for that year and other sums not recorded as part of these tabulations were recorded as sundry items.
Japanese: 取箇帳・郷帳に掲載された租税に加えて、年々増減のある運上・分一類や高掛物・付加税・諸物払代・拝借返納金などの各納物や村々に渡すべき金品など、当年の出納に関わる全てを記載し、地方勘定帳に記載しないものに関しては外記に記す。
English: "The history of Nanki Tokugawa clan" refers to a history book of the Kishu Domain, completed in Meiji period.
Japanese: 『南紀徳川史』（なんきとくがわし）とは、明治に完成した紀州藩の歴史書。
English: In 1888 Mochitsugu TOKUGAWA, the family head of Kishu Tokugawa family, started to compile and completed it in 1901.
Japanese: 明治21年（1888年）に紀州徳川家当主・徳川茂承によって編纂が開始され、明治34年（1901年）に完成した。
English: It describes the period of time from 1602 when Yorinobu TOKUGAWA was born, to 1871 when Haihan-chiken (abolition of feudal domains and establishment of prefectures) was done and Mochitsugu moved to Tokyo Prefecture.
Japanese: 徳川頼宣が生まれた慶長7年（1602年）から廃藩置県が行われて茂承が東京府に移住する明治4年（1871年）までの期間を扱う。
English: The compilation started by the order of Mochitsugu TOKUGAWA, the family head of Kishu Tokugawa family (the fourteenth lord of Kishu Domain), and an old feudal retainer of Kishu Domain Makoto HORIUCHI was responsible for the compilation from 1888 to 1901.
Japanese: 紀州徳川家当主・徳川茂承（第14代紀州藩主）の命によって編纂が開始され、旧紀州藩士・堀内信が明治21年（1888年）から明治34年（1901年）にかけて編纂を行った。
English: In April 1899, two clean copies of the former 70 volumes were completed, and one copy was dedicated to Kishu Tokugawa family while the other was dedicated to Kishu Tosho-gu Shrine.
Japanese: 明治32年（1899年）4月に前集70巻の浄書2部が完成し、1部が紀州徳川家へ納められ、別の1部が紀州東照宮へ奉納された。
English: In 1901 the latter 100 volumes were completed and dedicated to Kishu Tokugawa family.
Japanese: 明治34年（1901年）には後集100巻が完成し、紀州徳川家へ納められた。
English: From 1930 to 1933 Nanki Tokugawa History Publishing Association published them, and from 1970 to 1972, they were reprinted by Meicho Publication.
Japanese: 昭和5年（1930年）から昭和8年（1933年）にかけて南紀徳川史刊行会が刊行し、昭和45年（1970年）から昭和47年（1972年）にかけて名著出版より復刻刊行された。