nlp-thedeep/humsetbias huggingface dataset:
Lack of documentation frequently hinders their access to rights and services, including education, healthcare and livelihoods.
Immediately following this exercise, however, on 15th June 2019, the GORTT instituted visa requirements for Venezuelan nationals to enter or transit Trinidad and Tobago.
Furthermore, with the onset of COVID 19, on 23rd March the GORTT officially closed the national borders and these measures were still in place up to the time of reporting.
This includes cases of non admission, removals and deportations without granting access to asylum procedures or protection screenings in many instances.
Limited or no access of partners to immigration detention facilities also remains a concern.
The Caribbean sub region is hosting an estimated 195,800 refugees and migrants from Venezuela at the end of 2020. Of this number, 124,000 Venezuelans are in need of assistance, along with 66,100 other persons from host communities in countries of the sub region.
Partners recommend that states in the sub region adopt simplified mechanisms to regularize the temporary stay of Venezuelans , such as these successfully implemented in Guyana and other countries in Latin America, or globally  ( i.e. humanitarian admissions programs, temporary protection regime ) .
The nine countries featured in this Note concentrate the largest share of Venezuelan migrants living in the region. Colombia and Peru are the main host countries with the largest Venezuelan populations, with 1.76 and 1.04 million people, respectively  ( R4V, 2020a ) . Although the total number of Venezuelans in Ecuador, Panama, Guyana and Trinidad and Tobago is considerably lower, the number of migrants as a proportion of the local population is extremely high. Figure 1 shows the number of Venezuelans in each country, updated to October 2020, as well as its proportion in respect to the total local population, which ranges from 0.12 per cent in Brazil to 3.5 per cent in Colombia.
Refugees and migrants from Venezuela who are in an irregular migratory situation face greater protection threats and risks, and are at heightened risk of exploitation, abuse, and deportation.
The sudden increase of the Venezuelan population in the Caribbean has heightened/escalated pressure over public resources of host countries, particularly straining already vulnerable host communities. This, coupled with cultural and language barriers as well as the negative impact of the COVID 19 pandemic, have led to discrimination and xenophobic sentiments in some Caribbean countries, where Venezuelans who enter host countries via irregular channels and who are not subject to COVID 19 testing, are being blamed for spreading the virus.
Starting in September 2020, some Caribbean host countries and Venezuelan authorities facilitated return flights which included detainees for immigration reasons. The voluntariness of these returns raised concerns regarding potential cases of refoulement and forced returns. It is important to note that returning to one's home country is a human right, and often the most desirable durable solution for many refugees, hence it is commendable that governments are making efforts to facilitate the return of those wishing to return in the context of closed borders  ( in particular stranded visitors ) . However, the R4V sub regional platform advises that the current conditions in Venezuela remains to be problematic and not conducive for a dignified and safe return .
It is also worth noting there had been an increase in calls regarding GBV and Domestic Violence in Trinidad and Tobago during April, reaching 44 calls. I
As hygiene conditions are not up to standards, they are exposed to communicable diseases such as mosquito borne diseases and the COVID 19 spread.
It was also noted that approximately 98 per cent of the interviewees were Venezuelan nationals only, and of those with a second nationality, Colombian and Guyanese were most frequently mentioned.
a review of the migratory status of the interviewees indicated that approximately 19 per cent were without regular migration status, whilst about 76 per cent had either a Minister's Permit or a work permit,
Regarding the journey itself, 89 per cent of the persons did not report any difficulties during the trip. Contrastingly, of the 11 per cent who did encounter challenges, the most frequently cited difficulties were, insecurity and robbery, lack of food, water and economic resources and not having a place to sleep.
Also, a breakdown of the modes of transportation by age showed a prevalence of sea travel amongst all groupings, which differed from the 2019 observation of a preference for air travel amongst older persons.
Approximately 42 per cent of the interviewed migrants entered through unofficial entry points, which represented a 28 per cent reduction from DTM 2019, and 56 per cent of the respondents reportedly used their passports to cross borders.
Nonetheless, Trinidad and Tobago was the final destination country for 81 per cent of the persons interviewed and Canada emerged as the second most popular destination, for a significantly lower number of migrants.
. In Trinidad and Tobago, foreigners must provide student permits to attend schools which is not available for many children due to the irregular status of their parent ( s )
On 5 December, the Prime Minister announced that schools would re open virtually on 4 January 2021 and students preparing for exams would return to physical loca ( cid:415 ) ons. All students would be required to follow distancing and hygienic protocols.
By 31 December, Aruba had a total of 5,489 COVID 19 cases, 291 ac ( cid:415 ) ve cases and 49 deaths. Curaçao COVID 19 infec ( cid:415 ) ons reached a total of 4,260 cases including 1,321 ac ( cid:415 ) ve cases and the death toll moved to 14. Trinidad and Tobago reached 7,150 cases, 373 ac ( cid:415 ) ve cases with 127 deaths. Guyana reported 6,332 total cases, 348 ac ( cid:415 ) ve cases and moved to 164 deaths.
By June 2020 Aruba, Curaçao, Trinidad and Tobago and Guyana had only 3, 4, 130 and 248 confirmed cases of Covid 19 respectively but the Dominican Republic already noted a spike, reaching a total of 31,816 cases by 30 June.
1. Overview In the fourth year of the Venezuelan crisis, which has affected over 5.1 million refugees and migrants globally, the number of Venezuelans fleeing their country as refugees and migrants continued to grow. As of December 2019, 113,500 Venezuelans had sought protection, basic rights and essential services in the Caribbean. From this rapidly increasing figure, an estimated 17,000 settled in Aruba, 17,000 in Curaçao, 114,500 in the Dominican Republic, 23,300 in Guyana and 24,000 in Trinidad and Tobago1. Partners estimate that by the end of 2020 over 194,600 Venezuelans and people from host communities will be in need of assistance in the Caribbean.
In light of the surge of COVID 19 cases and the new presence of Venezuelan refugees and migrants living in remote impoverished shelters in Icacos, a locality in the Southern tip of Trinidad and Tobago and one of the entry points for Venezuelans, R4V partner agencies and local civil society organizations conducted three separate Needs Assessment missions1 In this remote area, some 80 indigenous Warao Venezuelan refugees and migrants, including children, live in makeshift shelters by the beach, and present needs related to access to adequate shelter, water and services for children  ( including education ) .
With the exception of the Dominican Republic, where refugee and migrant children have the right to access education and speak the local language, education is a key area of intervention in the subregion, particularly in Trinidad and Tobago, where Venezuelan children do not have access to the national school system.
In Trinidad and Tobago, authorities extended work and stay permits until December 2020 for Venezuelans who had registered in July 2019 registration exercise while authorities of the Dominican Republic1, Aruba and Curaçao scaled back on immigration controls and temporarily suspended deportations.
Additionally, during the lockdown in Trinidad and Tobago, there was a significant increase of the demand for Psychosocial services, which was provided for more than 2,700 refugees and migrants from January to June. Some refugees and migrants considered the option of returning to Venezuela and only had irregular means available to undertake their travel.
Although refugees and migrants can access primary health care in the Dominican Republic, Guyana and Trinidad and Tobago, in practice, Venezuelans face lack of resources, information, language and administrative barriers or, irregular status and consequent fear of detention or deportation. Venezuelans do not have access to the national health systems in Aruba and Curaçao. Nevertheless, thanks to R4V advocacy efforts, Aruba, Dominican Republic, Guyana and Trinidad and Tobago agreed that all persons, including refugees and migrants without a regular situation would have access to Covid 19 testing and related treatment. Since health systems in receiving countries are overstretched, subregional R4V partners generally focused on supporting and building stronger health systems, prioritizing specialized care such as sexual and reproductive health services and treatment for chronic conditions. In Curaçao, access to health is supported by one local clinic serving the unregistered Venezuelan population opened with the support of one R4V partner. Between January and June 2020, 2669 consultations were conducted for undocumented refugees and migrants, who were unable to access medical provisions through the national health insurance system. The clinic offers primary, reproductive, prenatal and maternity care, as it provides contraceptives and HIV and diabetes care. Additionally, the staff of the clinic was trained to perform Covid 19 testing. In Trinidad and Tobago, RMRP partners rolled out a mobile clinic programme providing access to sexual and reproductive health to Venezuelan refugees and migrants, particularly to remote communities.
On January, 25 Venezuelans were deported from Trinidad and Tobago and the deportations of 32 Venezuelans, rescued from their sinking vessel when attempting to enter the country, were confirmed at a media briefing in May, indicative of the strict stance of the Government vis a vis irregular entry
Compared to the DTM 2019, this data reflected a 23 per cent decrease in the number of persons with dependents only in Venezuela, whereas the reported per cent of dependents in both countries doubled in 2020.
Similarly, the reported situations of separated and unaccompanied children, were negligible, which contradicted information from the baseline interviews that referred to an increase in unaccompanied minors.
Apart from this, approximately 69% per cent of the persons, with dependents in Trinidad and Tobago, were renting houses or apartments, however, almost a quarter of the persons in this category were recorded as renting single rooms.
Incidentally, some key informants stressed that the COVID 19 pandemic spurred huge job losses amongst the migrant population, which substantially heightened their vulnerability to evictions and homelessness.
An analysis of the current work sector indicated that almost a quarter of the employed persons were engaged in the construction sector, as highlighted in Graph 16, which is 22 per cent less than the DTM 2019 figure.
Additionally, in the post migration period all students discontinued their educational pursuits and some of them were absorbed into the labour market as employees, while a little over half were recorded as unemployed.
Likewise, an assessment of salaries, either rated hourly or monthly, indicated that 36 per cent of the respondents working in the formal sector and 54 per cent of the respondents working in the informal sector were underpaid, as they allegedly received less than Trinidad and Tobago's minimum wages.
it was discovered that 47 per cent of the respondents were aware of someone in their migrant community who worked without receiving the agreed upon payment and approximately 62 per cent of these incidents were reportedly in the construction sector,
Apart from this, approximately 8 per cent of the persons interviewed were aware of someone in their migrant community who was forced to perform work, or other activities, against their will. These cases occurred in the construction sector, the tourism  hospitality entertainment sector and sex work, respectively.
Apart from this, the data showed that 59 per cent of the children living with the respondents did not have access to education in Trinidad and Tobago and over half of the interviewees identified lack of documents and costs as the main reasons for this inaccessibility. Also, there were four cases where ‘working' was indicated as the reason for no access to education and one case of ‘early marriage/ pregnancy'.
39 per cent of the interviewees that resided with children reported strong changes in the child's/children's mood since their departure from Venezuela, with detachment from family and friends being the most cited change.
Respondents were asked to prioritize their needs, and through this process income generation/ employment emerged as the first priority need, followed by legal assistance and medical care respectively. The data also showed that food needs topped the second and third priorities.
Respondents were also asked about their emotional well being and almost a quarter of them were upset ‘some of the time' during the past two weeks prior to the interview, whilst 17 per cent were upset either ‘most of the time' or ‘all of the time'.
More interestingly, 60 per cent of the persons who felt upset most of the time and 76 per cent of those of who felt upset all the time did not access counselling or psychosocial support in Trinidad and Tobago,
A closer review of the interviewees' food circumstances though, revealed that 41 per cent of them ‘skipped meals or ate less than usual' during the past seven days before the interview.
Information from the GORTT Registration Exercise, however, varied to these findings as it indicated that approximately 73% of the registrants had only secondary education and most of them did not complete this level
Aside from this, approximately 33 per cent of the respondents had completed university education, which is a 16 per cent increase from the 2019 findings, and about 32 per cent of the interviewees had completed secondary level education.
Accordingly, 80 per cent of the DTM respondents were reportedly registered during the Government registration exercise and 89 per cent of these individuals were either asylum seekers or recognized refugees, by UNHCR, as was noted in DTM 2019.
Furthermore, the survey data informed that 59 per cent of the respondents experienced discrimination that was primarily attributable to their nationality, which was an 11 per cent fall from 2019 DTM figures.
The issue of birth certificates was also considered, and it was found that 13 per cent of the respondents were aware of circumstances whereby a child was born in Trinidad and Tobago to a Venezuelan migrant and did not have a birth certificate.
DEPENDENTS In the case of economic dependents, 52 per cent of the interviewees had dependents in both Trinidad and Tobago and Venezuela, while 31 per cent had dependents only in Venezuela and 10 per cent of the persons had dependents in Trinidad and Tobago only
Having arrived in Trinidad and Tobago, 79 per cent of interviewees were uncertain of their intended period of stay, whilst 16 per cent expressed their intention to stay for more than 12 months, which is twice as many as the 2019 figure. Smaller percentages of the respondents reported that they intended to stay for ‘6 to 12 months' and ‘less than 6 months'
approximately two thirds of the respondents who did not travel alone had children in their travel group and 64 per cent of these children travelled with their mothers. The baseline interviews however, emphasized rising cases of unaccompanied migrant children entering Trinidad and Tobago from Venezuela.
Moreover, within the context of COVID 19 and the subsequent national border closure on 23rd March 2020, all irregular entrants are placed within quarantine stations, in accordance with prevailing health protocols.
It is interesting to note however, that although 52 per cent of all the respondents planned to return to Venezuela, many were undecided on when they would do so, and 48 per cent of the migrants did not intend to return.
This finding, however, conflicted with information from local authorities who noted an escalation in irregular entries amongst Venezuelan nationals, especially after the introduction of visa requirements for Venezuelan nationals in June 2019 and the closure of national borders in March 2020.
There were marginally more single persons than married, free union or cohabiting persons, as illustrated in Graph 3. It was apparent, though, that most respondents fell within these two categories, a trend that differed from the DTM 2019, where respondents were predominantly single.
In June 2019, prior to the pandemic, the Government of Trinidad and Tobago  ( GORTT )  conducted a Venezuelan Registration Exercise. This exercise registered 16,523 Venezuelan nationals and authorized successfully screened persons, in irregular circumstances, to work for a period of one year in Trinidad and Tobago.
Moreover, a disaggregation of completed education by age group highlighted that the 40 44 age group had the highest percentage of university graduates whereas the ‘less than or equal to 24' age group had the largest percentage of secondary graduates. Graph 5 refers.
A view of escalating frustration amongst the migrants was also expressed, as unemployment stymied their remittances to relatives in Venezuela, who are dependent on these transfers.
In addition, 77 per cent of the interviewees advised that they did not have any chronic medical conditions, whilst 17 per cent referred to chronic conditions such as: hypertension; asthma; sensory and motor conditions; visual deficiencies; kidney problems, mental health conditions and allergies.
Accordingly, almost two thirds of the interviewed persons experienced difficulties since the start of the COVID 19. Within this population, the most pressing issue was the worsened quality of food, which confronted 31 per cent of the persons. Not having a place to sleep/risk of eviction, discrimination and unemployment were respectively the second, third and fourth most cited concerns,
Correspondingly, the top three options for respondents to seek assistance, in situations of violence against females they knew, were the police, legal support, and a medical clinic, respectively. Yet, 28 per cent of the respondents did not know where to seek assistance
Additionally, 39 per cent of the interviewees received information about health services from their relatives and friends, however, 27 per cent did not know where to obtain this information.
Some stakeholders in the baseline interview though, observed that there were growing cases of xenophobia and domestic violence against women.
Furthermore, a few cases of child detention and instances of children involved in work that jeopardizes their health and safety were specified.
Detailed scrutiny of the actual transit routes utilized by the migrants revealed that 55 per cent began their journey in Delta Amacuro and 74 per cent of all the respondents confirmed that their mode of transport to Trinidad was via boat. Map 3 refers. These two discoveries were comparable to DTM 2019 findings and supported by the information captured during the baseline interviews.
Equally noteworthy was the cost of these journeys. It was found that 78 per cent of the interviewees incurred expenses between 100 to 499 US Dollars for their trip and most of these travelers used sea routes. Nevertheless, a few respondents faced higher costs, as 4 per cent of the persons purportedly paid more than 500 US Dollars, as shown in Graph 9. Similarly, information from the baseline interviews confirmed the costliness of the travel to Trinidad and Tobago and alleged that there were payments to border authorities.
El 92% de las personas encuestadas reportó visitar la República Dominicana por razones económicas, el 5% por razones educativas o de formación, el 2% por acceso a servicios como salud, alimentos o agua potable y el 1% por razones familiares.
Para el caso de Dajabón, el 94% de las personas viajan por razones económicas, el 5% por educación o formación y un 1% por acceso a servicios. En Elías Piña se dibuja una tendencia similar, donde el 89% viaja por razones económicas, el 6% lo hace por acceso a mejores servicios de salud y alimentación, el 2% lo hace por oportunidades de educación y formación y el restante 2% por razones de reunificación y visitas a familiares.
La totalidad de las personas encuestadas  ( 100% )  son de nacionalidad haitiana, a su vez, todas están residiendo en Haití y el 98% nacieron en este mismo país. Respecto al departamento de residencia en Haití, el 64% reside en Nord Est, el 14% en Nord, el 8% reside en Sud, el 6% en Centre, el 6% en Artibonito y el restante 3% en Nord Ouest, Sud Est y Ouest.
En todas las localidades fronterizas se mantiene la misma tendencia sobre la totalidad de personas haitianas que residen y nacieron en su país. El departamento de residencia varía según la localidad fronteriza. En Dajabón se encuestaron más personas provenientes de Nord Est  ( 76% )  y de Nord  ( 16% )  por ser la localidad fronteriza ubicada más hacia el norte, para el caso de Elías Piña las personas provenían más de Centre  ( 74% )  y de Nord Est  ( 13% ) . Sobre las personas encuestadas en Jimaní, residen en Artibonito  ( 29% )  y Centre  ( 14% ) . Por último, en Pedernales sobresale que todas las personas provienen de Sud  ( 100% )  correspondiendo a ser la localidad ubicada más al sur de la frontera
El 36% de las personas reportó caminar para llegar a su destino, el 27% lo hace por medio de motocicletas, el 20% en autobús, el 13% en camión, el 3% en bicicleta y el 2% paga un servicio de taxi o de automóvil.
Esta dinámica comercial activa la economía transfronteriza, donde el 50% de las personas invierte entre 1.000 y 3.000 pesos dominicanos por día de visita. Incluso, el 14% de las personas haitianas invierte más de 10.000 pesos por día visitado.
En el caso de Elías Piña sobresale que el 80% camina para llegar a su destino, así como en Pedernales, donde casi la totalidad de personas  ( 98% )  también lo hace por ese medio. Es importante mencionar que para Jimaní, el 42% viaja por medio de camiones y que las localidades fronterizas de Dajabón, Elías Piña y Pedernales sí reportan movimientos de personas en bicicleta hacia sus respectivos destinos.
Respecto a la documentación, las personas habitantes transfronterizas en todas las fronteras reportaron tener la cédula de identidad haitiana  ( 78% ) , el 12% reportó contar con el acta de nacimiento de su país, el 6% portaba pasaporte haitiano y solo el 4% no poseía documentos al momento de la encuesta.
At the border level, the four main border cities: Dajabón, Jimaní, Elías Piña and Pedernales, were closed for seven days for security reasons, according to the Government of the Dominican Republic, along with the entire border between the Dominican Republic and Haiti2. Subsequently, these borders were reopened without the application of biosecurity measures. Only the necessary documentation is requested by the Dominican authorities to proceed to enter the territory.
MEANS OF TRANSPORT
Migrants entering 100% Of the movements were by foot 

Migrants departing 100% Of the movements were by foot
In general, four inflows into the Dominican Republic were identified: the first one to Dajabón from Nord Est in Haiti, two flows from Centro to Elías Piña and Jimaní, and the last one from Sud Est to Pedernales. Regarding outflows, the same were identified, but with a smaller number of people. This is due to the limited observation hours and the daily return of people through blind spots at the borders.
MEANS OF TRANSPORT
Migrants entering 100% Of the movements were by foot

Migrants departing 100% Of the movements were by foot
MEANS OF TRANSPORT
Migrants entering 
50% Of the movements were by motorcycle
50% Of the movements were by foot

Migrants departing
52% Of the movements were by motorcycle
48% Of the movements were by foot
VULNERABLE POPULATIONS

Migrants entering
<1% Pregnant women  ( 4 ) 

Migrants departing
<1%  ( 1 )  Unaccompanied minors
MEANS OF TRANSPORT
Migrants entering
100% Of the movements  were by foot

Migrants departing
100% Of the movements were by foot
VULNERABLE POPULATIONS

Migrants entering
<1%  ( 2 )  Pregnant women
4%  ( 16 )  Unaccompanied minors
<1%  ( 3 )  Elderly people

Migrants departing
<1%  ( 3 )  Unaccompanied minors
MEANS OF TRANSPORT

Migrants entering
51% Of the movements were by foot
49% Of the movements were by motorcycle

Migrants departing
58% Of the  movements were by foot
42% Of the movements were by motorcycle
VULNERABLE POPULATIONS

Migrants entering
3%  ( 16 )  Elderly people
1%  ( 6 )  Pregnant women
<1%  ( 1 )  People with physical disabilities
<1%  ( 3 )  Minors under 3 years of age

Migrants departing
1%  ( 4 )  Pregnant women
<1%  ( 2 )  People with physical disabilities
<1%  ( 2 )  Minors under 3 years of age
The cross border movement of Haitian nationals is recurrent, and this movement is represented by border inhabitants in Haitian towns. Some of these movements are irregular, even though official entry points are used. This is because there are territorial roots, and the type of movement is temporary. Despite the recent outbreak of COVID 19 cases, the borders remain open.
Historically, the border between the Dominican Republic and Haiti has been characterized by cross border trade dynamics due to the exchange of different goods and the supply of markets with a greater flow to Haiti. No biosecurity measures are applied at these borders, only the necessary documentation is required by Dominican authorities to enter the territory.
At the border level, border cities Dajabón, Jimaní, Elías Piña and Pedernales stand out, and it should be noted that none of these four crossing points under analysis have been closed due to the COVID 19 pandemic. Finally, the flows represented in this study correspond to days when there is no exchange of goods, that is, when there is no active commercial dynamics.
Elías Piña is a municipality of the Dominican Republic located in the central western part of the country. During the flow monitoring at the border point with Belladere in Haiti, 203 people were identified entering Comendador and 415 people leaving for Centre in Haiti. This flow is a temporary transit of cross border inhabitants and economic migration
El efecto de la pandemia del COVID ‐ 19, al que se sumó el de los huracanes Eta e Iota, generó la contracción económica más grande que ha vivido la región en su historia reciente, superando la crisis de la deuda de los años ochenta y la crisis financiera internacional de 2009. El FMI 1 estimó que la región de CAPARD  ( Centroamérica, Panamá y República Dominicana )  se contrajo en 6% en 2020, ligeramente por encima del promedio regional  (  ‐ 7,4% )
La crisis del Covid ‐ 19 generó un desplome del empleo en la economía dominicana, lo que ocasionó el regreso de muchos inmigrantes haitianos. Entre diciembre 2019 y setiembre 2020, se registró un desplome la población ocupada de 410 mil personas, más del 30% en los sectores del comercio y de hoteles, bares y restaurantes. Al mismo tiempo, la tasa de desempleo subió de 5,9% a 7,1% mientras la tasa de inactividad pasó de 35 a 40%, lo que representa un aumento de más de 500 mil de desempleados e inactivos. Según la Organización Internacional para las Migraciones  ( OIM ) , más 144.000 migrantes inscritos  ( 70% del total )  en el Plan Nacional para la Regularización de los Extranjeros  ( más del 97% de los inscritos son haitianos )  habían perdido sus empleos tras estas medidas que han resultado en la reducción de las actividades económicas.
FLOW MONITORING – KEY FINDINGS A total of 108,465 movements were observed along the border between Haiti and the Dominican Republic in April 2021. Specifically, 63,355 movements from Haiti to the Dominican Republic  ( 58.4% of movements observed )  and 45,110 movements from the Dominican Republic to Haiti  ( 41.6% movements observed ) .
Most migrants have been observed crossing the border by foot – an estimated by 64,614 observed movements  ( 59.6% ) , 15,918 of observed border crossings were carried out by bus  ( 14.7% )  while 8,599 movements were caried out by motorcycle  ( 7.9% )  and 6,815 movements were carried out by taxi or car  ( 6.3% ) . Among other means of transportation, migrants have also crossed the border by truck  ( 5.4% ) , on animals such as horses and donkeys  ( 2.4% ) , by tricycle  ( 2.3% ) , boat  ( 1.4% )  and by bicycle  ( 0.01% ) .
MIGRATION FLOWS OBSERVED THIS QUARTER Most of observed movements during this quarter were daily commute – such movements include commerce between border towns, visits to the doctor, etc. – accounting for 51.4%  ( approximately 154,00 of observed movements ) . While spontaneous/voluntary returns were the second most prevalent movement in February and March, the second most common type of migratory flow observed for April were local movements of migrants mostly seeking short term employment in the Dominican Republic.
Durante décadas, personas migrantes de la República Dominicana y Puerto Rico, que es un territorio de los Estados Unidos de América, han realizado viajes marítimos cruzando el Canal de la Mona entre la República Dominicana y Puerto Rico. En años recientes, los peligros imprevisibles enfrentados en el mar en el Canal de la Mona se han agravado debido al uso de barcos conocidos como “yolas', embarcaciones precarias que a menudo van sobrecargadas, llevando a más de 100 personas. Entre 2014 y 2020 se documentaron 118 muertes ocurridas a lo largo de esta ruta migratoria, de las cuales la mayoría  ( 107 )  eran personas migrantes de nacionalidad dominicana.
Aunque resulta difícil monitorear los flujos migratorios entre Haití y la República Dominicana, ya que ambos países comparten la misma isla, las estimaciones para abril de 2021 indican que casi medio millón de inmigrantes haitianos viven en la República Dominicana como personas migrantes en condición migratoria irregular. Las personas migrantes atraviesan la frontera por mar y por tierra, con lo cual resulta más difícil documentar las muertes que ocurren durante los procesos migratorios de un país hacia el otro. En total, durante el período de 2014 a 2020 el PMD documentó 38 muertes de haitianos ocurridas a lo largo de esta ruta; algunos de ellos  ( 25 )  se ahogaron, otros perdieron la vida en cuatro incidentes mortales de violencia en la frontera y 7 fallecieron en accidentes de tránsito durante su trayecto migratorio por tierra.
En Centroamérica, México y la República Dominicana algunas personas migrantes han sido víctimas de prácticas discriminatorias por su nacionalidad, situación migratoria, edad, género, orientación sexual, identidad de género, condición de discapacidad, situación de pobreza, entre otros  ( Jiménez y Alarcón, 2020 ) . Asimismo, la criminalización de la migración irregular representa un riesgo para las personas migrantes, que no solo impide su protección, sino que limita la gestión de estos movimientos.
En la República Dominicana los esfuerzos de regularización migratoria son recientes; todos los procesos identificados fueron creados en la última década. Además, los procesos de regularización en el país han sido temporales con una duración menor a dos años. En el 2013 se estableció el Plan nacional de regularización de extranjeros en situación migratoria irregular en la República Dominicana  ( PNRE ) , el primer programa de regularización realizado en el país. Ese mismo año, la Sentencia 168 13 del Tribunal Constitucional interpretó la normativa vigente en materia de nacionalidad y migración entre 1929 2010, dictando que los hijos e hijas de personas extranjeras en condición irregular no tenían derecho a nacionalidad dominicana  ( Ibid. ) . Lo anterior ocasionó revocaciones de nacionalidad e irregularidad migratoria.
En este contexto, en el 2014 se adoptó la Ley 169 14 y su reglamento, en los que se estableció un régimen especial para las personas nacidas en el país que fueron inscritas irregularmente en el Registro Civil para la naturalización. Este régimen especial permitió la regularización de 59 quienes se habían encontrado en condición irregular después de la sentencia, y fue implementado simultáneamente al Plan Nacional para la Regularización de extranjeros en situación migratoria irregular en la República Dominicana.
Además de programas para la regularización general de personas en la República Dominicana, en el 2021 se adapta un plan de normalización específico para personas venezolanas que se encontraran en condición irregular en el país.
Garantizar prehospitalario que brinda Cruz Roja Dominicana. la continuidad y calidad del servicio de transporte sanitario terrestre
Metas Específicas:  10.000 familias afectadas por las consecuencias del aislamiento  ( cese de empleos, cese de actividades económicas informales, entre otros. )  reciben ayuda alimentaria, no alimentaria, o de efectivo.  1000 Pequeños negocios e 10 provincias son apoyados en su reactivación.  Apoyar el retorno a la actividad agrícola de cultivos de ciclo corto de pequeños productores
The Government of Dominican Republic implemented labor/social security measures, including a “Stay at Home' program, whereby informal workers and poor and vulnerable families will receive financial support. However, the vast majority of Venezuelan refugees and migrants will not benefit from these programs, as an estimated 87% of them have irregular migratory status, and as such are not registered in governmental social security programmes. Venezuelans have the right to access primary and emergency healthcare, including COVID 19 tests, for free. The main humanitarian needs of Venezuelan in the DR are access to food and non food items  ( NFIs ) ; healthcare and psycho social support; support for rent, legal counselling to avoid evictions; reliable and accessible information; SGBV prevention & response interventions; and livelihoods interventions to bridge gaps in earnings.
Según las encuestas realizadas a la población haitiana transfronteriza que ingresaba por los cuatros puntos fronterizos, el 66% son de sexo masculino y el 30% son de sexo femenino. Respecto a la edad, el 67% de las personas tienen entre 26 y 45 años, se destaca también que un 19% tienen entre 18 y 25 años. El 46% están en casados ( as ) , el 26% reportaron estar soltero ( as )  al momento de la entrevista, mientras que el 26% informaron estar bajo una unión consensual o con una pareja de hecho y el 2% restante informó estar separado ( a )  o ser viudo ( a ) .
En tres de las localidades fronterizas se mantuvo la misma tendencia respecto al sexo de las personas, teniendo un porcentaje mayor de personas de sexo masculino que de sexo femenino: en Dajabón el 70% son hombres, en Elías Piña el 53% y en Jimaní el 56%; en el caso de Pedernales se encuestaron más personas de sexo femenino, representando el 59% del total encuestado. Respecto a la edad, en todas las localidades se encuestó en su mayoría a personas entre los 18 y 45 años, en Dajabón corresponden con el 86% del total de población, en Elías Piña con el 79%, en Jimaní con el 82% y en Pedernales con el 89%.
Sobre el nivel educativo de las personas habitantes transfronterizas, el 43% han completado la secundaria, el 42% la primaria, el 9% cuentan con un diploma terciario o técnico, y el 3% cuentan con un posgrado universitario. El 4% de la población no sabía o no respondió la consulta. Este perfil es recurrente en los cuatro puntos de monitoreo: Dajabón, Elías Piña, Jimaní y Pedernales, donde más del 80% de las personas cuenta con educación primaria o secundaria completada.
La totalidad personas  ( 100% )  indicó tener como país destino la República Dominicana, el 67% reportó dirigirse a la región Cibao Noroeste, el 14% a Enriquillo y el 10% a Cibao Norte. Otras regiones de destino  ( 10% )  son: Ozama, El Valle, Cibao Sur y Cibao Nordeste.
El principal destino de viaje de las personas encuestadas en Dajabón es esta misma localidad  ( 72% ) ; sin embargo, también se mencionaron otros destinos como Santiago  ( 9% ) , Valverde, Santo Domingo y Monte Cristi. El destino de viaje de las personas que cruzan por el puesto fronterizo en Elías Piña es esta misma localidad fronteriza  ( 73% ) ; no obstante, hubo personas que reportaron como destino Dajabón y Pedernales. Para el caso de Jimaní, el 90% de las personas reportaron viajar hacia Independencia, otras localidades de destino son: Baoruco y Barahona. Por último, en el caso de Pedernales casi la totalidad de personas viaja a esta misma localidad  ( 98% )  y también a Independencia, en el sur de la República Dominicana
Del total de personas encuestadas, el 20% reportó que estará al menos entre 4 y 5 horas en territorio de la República Dominicana, el 18% reportó estar más de 6 y menos de 24 horas, el 14% manifestó que estará entre 1 y 3 horas, y el 18% al menos un día. Esta tendencia se repite para las cuatro localidades fronterizas analizadas donde el 53% de las personas reportó estar menos de 24 horas de visita en la República Dominicana.
Destaca en Jimaní que el 18% de las personas encuestadas en esta localidad fronteriza no cuenta con documentos de identidad, sobresale el mismo hecho en Elías Piña, donde el 6% presenta la misma situación. Destaca en Pedernales que solo el 1% de la población reportó contar con pasaporte haitiano. No obstante, en todas las fronteras el común denominador es contar con cédula de identidad haitiana o acta de nacimiento.
Respecto al historial de movilidad, se da la misma dinámica en los cuatro puntos fronterizos: el 11% de la población encuestada empezó su ruta migratoria hace dos semanas, mientras que el 88% reportó haber iniciado su viaje el mismo día que se aplicó la encuesta. Solo un 1% reportó haber iniciado su viaje hace más de tres semanas.
El 54% de las personas que viaja a la República Dominicana lo hace para comercializar, vender o compras bienes o servicios, es decir, viaja para hacer servicios comerciales, el 29% lo hace para buscar un trabajo o alguna oportunidad de sustento, y el 9% para trabajar o hacer compras diariamente.
El 37% de las personas habitantes transfronterizas emprende su viaja por accesos a servicios básicos lo hace por la atención primaria en salud y en educación, el 29% por el acceso a alimentos y a agua potable, y el 34% lo hace por ambas razones de forma conjunta.
The cross border movement of Haitian nationals is recurrent, and this movement is represented by border inhabitants in Haitian towns. Part of these movements are irregular even though official entry points are used. This is due to the fact that there are territorial roots, and the type of movement is temporary, as well as the fact that in the General Migration Law 285 04 there is a migration category of border inhabitant, although this has not yet been implemented.
In general, four incoming flows into the Dominican Republic were identified: the first to Dajabón from NordEst in Haiti, two flows from Centro to Elías Piña and Jimaní, and the last from Sud Est to Pedernales. Regarding outgoing flows, the same four were identified, but in smaller numbers. This is due to the limited observation hours and the daily return of people through blind spots at the borders.
In general, four incoming flows into the Dominican Republic were identified: the first to Dajabón from NordEst in Haiti, two flows from Centro to Elías Piña and Jimaní, and the last from Sud Est to Pedernales. Regarding outgoing flows, the same four were identified, but in smaller numbers. This is due to the limited observation hours and the daily return of people through blind spots at the borders
The cross border movement of Haitian nationals is recurrent, and this movement is represented by border inhabitants in Haitian towns. Part of these movements are irregular even though official entry points are used. This is due to the fact that there are territorial roots, and this movement is temporary, as well as the fact that in the General Migration Law 285 04 there is a migration category of border inhabitant, although this has not yet been implemented. 

However, given this inconsistency, Haitians migrating under this method represent an irregular migrant population in Dominican territory, putting them in a position of vulnerability and a propensity to non voluntary returns.
En República Dominicana, los migrantes haitianos son muy vulnerables a la crisis económica y sanitaria debido a su informalidad laboral, su falta de calificación, así como su falta de seguro de salud. Según OIM, más de 205.000 migrantes haitianos que viven en República Dominicana están registrados como trabajadores en el Plan Nacional de Regularización de Extranjeros.
Los haitianos, con menor calificación y dominio del español, trabajan en los sectores que requieren mano de obra no cualificada, como la agricultura, la construcción y el comercio, donde predomina la informalidad. El resto de los inmigrantes se inserta en los servicios, especialmente el turismo, en condición de formalidad. Adicionalmente, solo una minoría de l os inmigrantes haitianos  ( menos de 15% )  tiene un seguro de salud, lo que acentúa la vulnerabilidad de esa población frente al Covid ‐ 19.
La pérdida de trabajo y/o la falta de acceso a seguros de protección social  ( Quédate en Casa, PA'TI, FASE )  para muchos inmigrantes provocó el regreso masivo de muchos inmigrantes a Haití. Entre marzo y noviembre 2020, la OIM registró más de 740.000 movimientos fronterizos de personas entre República Dominicana y Haití, de los cuales casi el 60% fueron en dirección a Haití. Se contabilizaron un poco más de 185.000 regresos voluntarios de haitianos a su país
El regreso masivo de haitianos  ( más de 200.00 regresos voluntarios 16  )  que perdieron su trabajo en República Dominicana  ( 144.000 según la OIM en República Dominicana )  generó mucha preocupación dada la falta de control sanitario y la porosidad de las fronteras entre República Dominicana y Haití.
Country wide sanitary confinement and COVID 19 mandated shutdown orders in the Dominican Republic following the onset of the pandemic in the country resulted in the disruption and/or interruption of services provided by the main industries  ( tourism, construction, commerce, etc. )  where Haitian migrants are usually employed. Because of these measures, 144,000 Haitian migrants employed in the Dominican Republic lost their jobs. Subsequently, a significant increase in voluntary  ( or spontaneous )  returns has been observed from March 2020 to February 2021 on the border crossing points monitored by the Border Monitoring Network. Indeed, the BMN's enumerators observed that a total of 279,689 Haitian migrants voluntarily returned to Haiti from 17 March 2020 to 30 April 2021
La República Dominicana es principalmente un país de emigración, cuyo destino suele ser Estados Unidos de América. Sin embargo, también es un país de destino para migrantes de 109 nacionalidades distintas, principalmente la haitiana, seguida de la estadounidense y la española  ( OIM, 2017 ) . Para el 2019, la República Dominicana registraba 567.648 personas inmigrantes en su territorio, cifra que representaba cerca de un 5% de la población total  ( DAES, 2019 ) . A pesar de restricciones de movilidad en el contexto de la pandemia de la COVID 19, esta cifra aumentó en el 2021, donde se registró 603.794 personas inmigrantes en el país  ( DAES, 2020 ) .
En los últimos años se ha presentado un aumento de personas venezolanas en la República Dominicana, pues ha pasado de 3.434 en 2012 a 25.872 en 2017, es decir, un incremento del 635%  ( Ibid. ) . Las personas migrantes venezolanas ingresan a la República Dominicana principalmente por aeropuertos, por lo que en general cuentan con pasaportes; no obstante, la mayoría permanece en el país en condición migratoria irregular  ( OIM, 2018 ) .
• Plan Nacional de Regularización de extranjeros en situación migratoria irregular en la República Dominicana En 2013 se firma el Decreto 327 13 para el establecimiento del Plan Nacional de Regularización de extranjeros en situación migratoria irregular en la República Dominicana  ( PNRE ) , el cual buscaba regularizar a personas migrantes de cualquier nacionalidad que ingresaron previo al 19 de octubre de 2011 y que cumplieran con al menos dos de las cuatro categorías establecidas para regularizarse: a )  Tiempo de radicación de la persona extranjera en el país b )  Vínculos con la sociedad dominicana c )  Condiciones laborales y socioeconómicas d )  La regularización de personas de manera individual o por familia
• Ley No. 169 14 que establece un régimen especial para personas nacidas en el territorio nacional inscritas irregularmente en el registro civil dominicano y sobre naturalización Se identificó que, a partir de la Sentencia 168 13 del Tribunal Constitucional emitida en el 2013, muchas personas con nacionalidad dominicana se encontraron en situaciones de limbo jurídico en cuanto a su estatus de nacionalidad. Como respuesta a dicha sentencia, el congreso emitió en el 2014 la Ley 169 14 que estableció los requisitos y medios para la regularización de personas hijas de padres extranjeros, que habían nacido en la República Dominicana, pero habían sido inscritas irregularmente en el registro civil dominicano, o que no habían sido inscritas antes del 2007. Algunas personas entrevistadas reportaron que en ocasiones se les otorgó otras categorías migratorias a estas; no obstante, también se reportó que en algunos casos se restituyó el estatus de nacionalidad.
Resolución que normaliza dentro de la categoría de no residente la situación migratoria irregular de los nacionales venezolanos en territorio dominicano En enero del 2021 se firmó esta Resolución, que surge a partir del reconocimiento de la situación particular de las personas venezolanas, así como que estas personas suelen tener sus documentos vencidos debido a diversas dificultades que deben enfrentar antes de iniciar su viaje. Dicho programa se encuentra en implementación, por lo que aún no existen datos públicos oficiales sobre la cantidad de personas solicitantes. Sin embargo, informantes clave que se encontraban trabajando en la implementación reportaron que aproximadamente 25.000 personas venezolanas fueron registradas en la primera semana de vigencia del programa, hasta llegar a 43.000 para el mes de mayo 202127.
Estos datos demuestran que el venezolano/a tendría facilidad de inserción en el mercado laboral productivo. Sin embargo se está vinculando en labores de baja calificación. La economía dominicana pierde parte del capital humano que esta población inmigrante oferta
La población venezolana ha ingresado a República Dominicana principalmente por dos aeropuertos: Punta Cana  ( La Altagracia )  y Las Américas  ( Santo Domingo ) . Desde allí se han distribuido por el país, con la mayor concentración, 49%, en el Gran Santo Domingo, seguido de la zona norte del país, 25%, con un énfasis en tres ciudades; Santiago, Puerto Plata y Las Terrenas, mientras que un 17% se ubica en la región turística de oriente conocida principalmente por La Romana y Punta Cana.
La población venezolana encuestada identifica como su mayor necesidad tener una condición migratoria regular que le permita la integración social y económica. La condición migratoria después de vencidos los permisos de turismo, genera una condición de irregularidad y de mayor vulnerabilidad para acceder a derechos laborales. En empleos formales la gran mayoría solo dura el periodo de prueba de dos meses pues no pueden ser contratados formalmente por ser irregulares. Esta vulnerabilidad se aumenta con la ausencia de procedimientos eficientes de validación de experiencia y títulos. El gobierno dominicano aún no ha creado, como en buena parte de los países del Caribe y Centroamérica, un proceso de acceso especial para la población venezolana a documentación de estadía regular en el país.
Por su parte la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos publicó en febrero de 2018 el informe “Institucionalidad Democrática, Estado de Derecho y Derechos Humanos en Venezuela', presentado igualmente a las Naciones Unidas en Ginebra; en el informe queda evidenciado la grave crisis política, económica y social que vive Venezuela durante los últimos años.