Goal Setting and Self-Efficacy During Self-Regulated Learning

This article focuses on the self-regulated learning processes of goal setting and perceived self-efficacy. Students enter learning activities with goals and self-efficacy for goal attainment. As learners work on tasks, they observe their own performances and evaluate their own goal progress. Self-efficacy and goal setting are affected by selfobservation, self-judgment, and self-reaction. When students perceive satisfactory goal progress, they feel capable of improving their skills; goal attainment, coupled with high self-efficacy, leads students to set new challenging goals. Research is reviewed on goal properties (specificity, proximity, difficulty), self-set goals, progress feedback, contracts and conferences, and conceptions of ability. Ways of teaching students to set realistic goals and evaluate progress include establishing upper and lower goal limits and employing games, contracts, and conferences. Future research might clarify the relation of goal setting and self-efficacy to transfer, goal orientations, and affective reactions.  Self-regulated learning occurs when students activate and sustain cognitions and behaviors systematically oriented toward attainment of learning goals. Self-regulated learning processes involve goal-directed activities that students instigate, modify, and sustain (Zimmerman, 1989). These activities include attending to instruction, processing and integrating knowledge, rehearsing information to be remembered, and developing and maintaining positive beliefs about learning capabilities and anticipated outcomes of actions (Schunk, 1989). This article focuses on two self-regulated learning processes: goal setting and perceived self-efficacy. As used in this article, a goal is what an individual is consciously trying to accomplish, goal setting involves establishing a goal and modifying it as necessary, and perceived self-efficacy refers to beliefs concerning one's capabilities to attain designated levels of performance (Bandura, 1986, 1988). I initially present a theoretical overview of self-regulated learning to include the roles of goal setting and self-efficacy. I discuss research bearing on these processes, and conclude with implications for educational practice and future research suggestions. THEORETICAL OVERVIEW Subprocesses of Self-Regulated Learning Investigators working within a social cognitive learning theory framework view self-regulation as comprising three subprocesses: self-observation, self-judgment, and self-reaction (Bandura, 1986; Kanfer & Gaelick, 1986; Schunk, 1989). A model highlighting goal setting and self-efficacy is portrayed in Figure 1. Students enter learning activities with such goals as acquiring knowledge, solving problems, and finishing workbook pages. Self-efficacy for goal attainment is influenced by abilities, prior experiences, attitudes toward learning, instruction, and the social context. As students work on tasks, they observe their performances, evaluate goal progress, and continue their work or change their task approach. Self-evaluation of goal progress as satisfactory enhances feelings of efficacy; goal attainment leads students to set new challenging goals. Self-observation. Self-observation, or deliberate attention to aspects of one's behaviors, informs and motivates. Behaviors can be assessed on such dimensions as quality, rate, quantity, and originality. The information gained is used to gauge goal progress. Self-observation also can motivate behavioral change. Many students with poor study habits are surprised to learn that they waste much study time on nonacademic activities. Sustained motivation depends on students believing that if they change their behavior they will experience better outcomes, valuing those outcomes, and feeling they can change those habits (high self-efficacy). Self-observation is aided with self-recording, where behavior instances are recorded along with such features as time, place, and duration of occurrence (Mace, Belfiore, & Shea, 1989). Without recording, observations may not faithfully reflect behaviors due to selective memory. Behaviors should be observed close in time to their occurrence and on a continuous basis rather than intermittently. Self-judgment. Self-judgment involves comparing present performance with one's goal. Self-judgments are affected by the type of standards employed, goal properties (discussed in next section), importance of goal attainment, and performance attributions. Learning goals may reflect absolute or normative standards (Bandura, 1986). Absolute standards are fixed (e.g., complete six workbook pages in 30 min). Grading systems often are based on absolute standards (A = 90-100, B = 80-89). Normative standards employ performances by others. Social comparison of one's performances with those of peers helps one determine behavioral appropriateness. Standards are informative; comparing one's performance with standards informs one of goal progress. Standards also can motivate when they show that goal progress is being made. Self-judgments can be affected by the importance of goal attainment. When individuals care little about how they perform, they may not assess their performance or expend effort to improve (Bandura, 1986). Judgments of goal progress are more likely to be made for goals one personally values. Attributions, or perceived causes of outcomes (successes, failures), influence achievement beliefs and behaviors (Weiner, 1985). Achievement outcomes often are attributed to such causes as ability, effort, task difficulty, and luck (Frieze, 1980; Weiner, 1979). Children view effort as the prime cause of outcomes (Nicholls, 1984). With development, ability attributions become increasingly important. Whether goal progress is judged as acceptable depends on its attribution. Students who attribute successes to teacher assistance may hold low self-efficacy for good performance if they believe they cannot succeed on their own. If they believe they lack ability, they may judge learning progress as deficient and be unmotivated to work harder. Self-reaction. Self-reactions to goal progress motivate behavior (Bandura, 1986). The belief that one's progress is acceptable, along with anticipated satisfaction of goal accomplishment, enhances self-efficacy and motivation. Negative evaluations will not decrease motivation if individuals believe they are capable of improving (Schunk, 1989). Motivation will not improve if students believe they lack the ability to succeed and increased effort will not help. Individuals routinely make such rewards as work breaks, new clothes, and nights on the town contingent on task progress or goal attainment. Anticipation of rewards enhances motivation and self-efficacy. Compensations raise efficacy when they are tied to accomplishments. If students are told that they will earn rewards based on what they accomplish, they become instilled with a sense of efficacy for learning. Self-efficacy is validated as students work at a task and note their own progress; receipt of the reward then becomes a symbol of the progress made. Goal  The effects of goals on behavior depend on their properties: specificity, proximity, and difficulty level (Bandura, 1988; Locke, Shaw, Saari, & Latham, 1981). Goals incorporating specific performance standards are more likely to enhance learning and activate self-evaluations than general goals (i.e., "Do your best"). Specific goals boost performance by greater specification of the amount of effort required for success and the selfsatisfaction anticipated. Specific goals promote self-efficacy because progress is easy to gauge. Proximal goals result in greater motivation than distant goals. It is easier to gauge progress toward a proximal goal, and the perception of progress raises self-efficacy. Proximal goals are especially influential with young children, who do not represent distant outcomes in thought. Goal difficulty, or the level of task proficiency required as assessed against a standard, influences the effort learners expend to attain a goal. Assuming requisite skills, individuals expend greater effort to attain difficult goals than when standards are lower. Learners initially may doubt whether they can attain difficult goals, but working toward them builds self-efficacy. Efficacy Self-efficacy is hypothesized to influence choice of activities, effort expended, and persistence (Bandura, 1986). Students who hold low self-efficacy for learning may avoid tasks; those who judge themselves efficacious are more likely to participate. When facing difficulties, self-efficacious learners expend greater effort and persist longer than students who doubt their capabilities. Students acquire information about their self-efficacy in a given domain from their performances, observations of models (i.e., vicarious experiences), forms of social persuasion, and physiological indexes (e.g., heart rate, sweating). Information acquired from these sources does not influence efficacy automatically but is cognitively appraised. Efficacy appraisal is an inferential process; persons weigh and combine the contributions of personal and situational factors. In assessing self-efficacy, students take into account such factors as perceived ability, expended effort, task difficulty, teacher assistance, other situational factors, and patterns of successes and failures. The notion that personal expectations influence behavior is not unique to self-efficacy theory. Self-efficacy is conceptually similar to such other constructs as perceived competence, expectations of success, and selfconfidence. One means of distinguishing constructs involves the generality of the constructs. Some constructs (e.g., self-concept, self-esteem) are hypothesized to affect diverse areas of human functioning. Though perceptions of efficacy can generalize, they offer the best prediction of behavior within specific domains (e.g., selfefficacy for acquiring fraction