The spread of alcohol consumption behavior in a large social network.

A person's alcohol use might mirror that of his or her social contacts.  Using the same group of Framingham Heart Study participants who helped to define the associations between social networks and other health behaviors, the researchers found that alcohol use was similar among individuals in a social cluster. Furthermore, changes in a person's alcohol intake over time followed changes in the alcohol intake of their social contacts.  Alcohol use was self-reported, and the researchers did not have access to social contacts who were not participating in the study.  Changing alcohol use may require intervening with social groups as well as with individuals. The Editors Alcohol use is common in the United States. In 2002, 55% of adults reported having had at least 1 drink in the previous month, and the prevalence of past-month alcohol consumption was somewhat higher for men (62%) than for women (48%) (1). The lifetime prevalence of alcohol use disorders has been measured at 14.6% (1). Excessive alcohol use, either in the form of heavy drinking or binge drinking, increases the risk for numerous health and social problems (2, 3), and approximately 75000 deaths in 2001 were attributable to excessive alcohol use, which makes it the third-leading lifestyle-related cause of death (3). Alcohol consumption behavior has many determinants. Previous studies (3, 4) suggest that biological factors have a significant effect on the progression from experimentation to regular use and that social and cultural factors play a critical role in experimentation with alcohol and the development of drinking patterns over time. Given the social nature of this behavior, it is not surprising that previous work has identified interactions with friends and family members as key factors (48). Although this literature primarily focused on cross-sectional panels, some studies (68) have attempted to test whether social influences act over time. These studies, which focused on peer influence among college students, showed inconsistent results and tended to focus just on pairs of connected persons. The study of social influences on behavior has expanded in recent years to the study of networks of linked individuals over time (9). Recent work in this area has shown that various health-related phenomena, ranging from sexually transmitted diseases to obesity, smoking, and even suicide, may travel along and within social networks (1015). Using a longitudinal, dynamic network of 12067 persons, we analyzed the role of social networks in alcohol use, focusing on 1) whether clusters of heavy drinkers and abstainers existed within the network; 2) whether a person's alcohol consumption behavior was associated with that of his or her social contacts; 3) the extent to which such associations depended on the nature and direction of the social ties (for example, friends of different kinds, siblings, spouses, coworkers, or neighbors); and 4) whether gender affected the spread of alcohol consumption across social ties.  Data We used data from participants in the Framingham Heart Study (FHS). The FHS is a population-based, longitudinal, observational cohort study that was initiated in 1948 to prospectively investigate risk factors for cardiovascular disease. Four cohorts, who mostly represent different generations linked to an original cohort, are included in the entire FHS. Participant data, collected every 2 to 4 years, includes physical examinations, laboratory tests, noninvasive cardiac and vascular testing, battery testing (such as the Mini-Mental State Examination), questionnaire results, and basic demographic information. For our analyses, we aligned the examination waves for the original cohort with those of the second-generation offspring cohort, which allowed us to treat all participants as having been examined in 7 waves. The offspring cohort, initiated in 1971, is the source of our study's principals, or focal individuals in the network (16). However, we included other FHS participants whom the principals listed as social contacts and refer to them here as contacts. Therefore, even though principals come only from the offspring cohort, contacts are drawn from the entire set of both the original and offspring cohorts. To ascertain social network ties, we created a separate data set that linked individuals through self-described social ties, collected in each of the 7 waves of the study. We could then detect relationships between participants (for example, spouse, sibling, friend, coworker, or neighbor) and observe changes in these ties across time. Either party to a link between 2 people might identify his or her link to the other. This is most relevant to the friend link, which could exist if A nominated B or B nominated A as a friend. We also used complete records of participants' and their contacts' address in each wave since 1971 in our analyses, although we have no information about relationships that participants did not report. For each wave, we could determine who is whose neighbor and the geographic distance between persons (10, 17). Table 1 provides descriptive statistics for the 5124 principals in our sample. Table 1.  Alcohol consumption was self-reported in all studied waves, with participants reporting their average number of drinks per week over the past year as well as the number of days within the past week during which they consumed alcohol (beer, wine, and liquor). Self-reported data are generally considered a valid and reliable source when assessing alcohol consumption, although recall measures, such as those used in this study, can be subject to recall bias from participants (18). We treated alcohol consumption as a continuous variable in some analyses (for example, number of drinks per day, calculated from participant responses) but conducted others with dichotomous cut-points, defining heavy drinkers as those who averaged more than 1 (for women) or 2 (for men) drinks per day; moderate drinkers as those whose alcohol consumption was less than the cutoff values for heavy drinkers; and abstainers as those who reported no alcohol consumption. We did not use self-reported number of days drinking in the past week as a measure in and of itself but rather as a means to calculate average number of drinks in a day. (These labels do not reflect clinical definitions of alcohol abuse or dependence.) Table 2 shows averages for the study population across time, including age, alcohol consumption, and percentages of abstainers and drinkers. Although the differences in how we measured heavy drinking made it difficult to compare our results with those for other population samples, the other averages for the mean-age groups in each year of the given waves are roughly similar to national averages of alcohol consumption behavior (1, 19, 20). Table 2. Average Age and Alcohol Consumption Behavior, by Examination Statistical Analysis Our first goal was to evaluate whether a person's alcohol consumption behavior was associated with that of his or her social network ties at various degrees of separation. To test this hypothesis, we took an observed clustering of persons (and their alcohol consumption behavior) within the whole network and compared them with 1000 simulated networks with the same topology and overall prevalence of drinking as the observed network, but with the incidence of drinking (for example, at least 1 drink per day) randomly distributed across the nodes (random drinking networks). If clustering occurs in drinking behavior, then the probability that a contact is a drinker given that a principal is a drinker should be higher in the observed network than in the random drinking networks (21). We used the KamadaKawai algorithm, which iteratively repositions nodes to reduce the number of ties that cross each other, to draw the networks (22). Our second goal was to examine the possible determinants of any clustering in alcohol consumption behavior. We considered 3 explanations for nonrandom clustering of alcohol consumption behavior in the network: principals might choose to associate with like contacts (homophily) (23, 24); principals and contacts might share attributes or jointly experience unobserved contemporaneous events that cause their alcohol consumption behavior to covary (omitted variables or confounding); and contacts might exert social influence or peer effects on principals (induction). The availability of dynamic, longitudinal data on both network connections and drinking behavior allowed us to distinguish between interpersonal induction of drinking and homophily (25). Our basic statistical approach involved specifying longitudinal logistic regression models in which a principal's drinking status at time t + 1 is a function of his or her various attributes, such as age, sex, and education; his or her drinking status at time t; and the drinking status of his or her contacts at times t and t + 1 (25). We used generalized estimating equation procedures to account for multiple observations of the same principal across both waves and principalcontact pairings (26). We assumed an independent working correlation structure for the clusters (27). By using a time-lagged dependent variable (lagged to the previous examination) for alcohol consumption, we eliminated serial correlation in the errors (28) (evaluated with a Lagrange multiplier test) and substantially controlled for the principal's genetic endowment and any intrinsic, stable predilection to drink. In addition, the lagged independent variable for a contact's drinking status substantially controlled for homophily (25, 29). The key variable of interest is a contact's alcohol consumption behavior at time t + 1. A significant coefficient on this variable would suggest either that a contact's drinking affects a principal's drinking or that a principal and a contact experience contemporaneous