nc33/multispan_quoref huggingface dataset:
Kate is a bike-maintenance instructor who realized she is no longer in love with her boyfriend of five years, Ollie. Kate and Ollie have been together since high school. Kate finds out she is pregnant, which complicates the whole situation because she is not sure if she truly does want to breakup with Ollie or not. However, Kate does not want to have a baby, but does not want to wait weeks for a clinical abortion, so her herbalist friend, Chloe tells her that being on a parsley diet can make you have a natural abortion. Kate then goes on to constantly eat parsley and at one point in the film, even bathe in parsley. Ollie is "the king of contraception", where he counsels people on contraception for his job. Kate's friends see Kate and Ollie's relationship as the greatest relationship there could ever be and they envy her for it, even her lesbian friend thinks she would be crazy to leave him. Kate decides it is for the best not to tell Ollie about the pregnancy, despite her friends telling her she should. The film suggests that Kate may have had an affair with her "slow student" and may be the real reason why she wants an abortion. However, we find out that Ollie purposely poked holes in the condom, attempting to save their relationship together by having a child.
Kate ultimately decides that breaking up with Ollie and moving on is for the best. Kate and Ollie both agree to meet at the lake in ten years, which is the spot the two of them first fell in love in the first place.

Question: Who thinks a baby will save his relationship?
Answer: Ollie
Kate is a bike-maintenance instructor who realized she is no longer in love with her boyfriend of five years, Ollie. Kate and Ollie have been together since high school. Kate finds out she is pregnant, which complicates the whole situation because she is not sure if she truly does want to breakup with Ollie or not. However, Kate does not want to have a baby, but does not want to wait weeks for a clinical abortion, so her herbalist friend, Chloe tells her that being on a parsley diet can make you have a natural abortion. Kate then goes on to constantly eat parsley and at one point in the film, even bathe in parsley. Ollie is "the king of contraception", where he counsels people on contraception for his job. Kate's friends see Kate and Ollie's relationship as the greatest relationship there could ever be and they envy her for it, even her lesbian friend thinks she would be crazy to leave him. Kate decides it is for the best not to tell Ollie about the pregnancy, despite her friends telling her she should. The film suggests that Kate may have had an affair with her "slow student" and may be the real reason why she wants an abortion. However, we find out that Ollie purposely poked holes in the condom, attempting to save their relationship together by having a child.
Kate ultimately decides that breaking up with Ollie and moving on is for the best. Kate and Ollie both agree to meet at the lake in ten years, which is the spot the two of them first fell in love in the first place.

Question: What is the job of Kate's boyfriend of five years?
Answer: he counsels people on contraception
Kate is a bike-maintenance instructor who realized she is no longer in love with her boyfriend of five years, Ollie. Kate and Ollie have been together since high school. Kate finds out she is pregnant, which complicates the whole situation because she is not sure if she truly does want to breakup with Ollie or not. However, Kate does not want to have a baby, but does not want to wait weeks for a clinical abortion, so her herbalist friend, Chloe tells her that being on a parsley diet can make you have a natural abortion. Kate then goes on to constantly eat parsley and at one point in the film, even bathe in parsley. Ollie is "the king of contraception", where he counsels people on contraception for his job. Kate's friends see Kate and Ollie's relationship as the greatest relationship there could ever be and they envy her for it, even her lesbian friend thinks she would be crazy to leave him. Kate decides it is for the best not to tell Ollie about the pregnancy, despite her friends telling her she should. The film suggests that Kate may have had an affair with her "slow student" and may be the real reason why she wants an abortion. However, we find out that Ollie purposely poked holes in the condom, attempting to save their relationship together by having a child.
Kate ultimately decides that breaking up with Ollie and moving on is for the best. Kate and Ollie both agree to meet at the lake in ten years, which is the spot the two of them first fell in love in the first place.

Question: Why does Kate bathe in parsley?
Answer: have a natural abortion
Kate is a bike-maintenance instructor who realized she is no longer in love with her boyfriend of five years, Ollie. Kate and Ollie have been together since high school. Kate finds out she is pregnant, which complicates the whole situation because she is not sure if she truly does want to breakup with Ollie or not. However, Kate does not want to have a baby, but does not want to wait weeks for a clinical abortion, so her herbalist friend, Chloe tells her that being on a parsley diet can make you have a natural abortion. Kate then goes on to constantly eat parsley and at one point in the film, even bathe in parsley. Ollie is "the king of contraception", where he counsels people on contraception for his job. Kate's friends see Kate and Ollie's relationship as the greatest relationship there could ever be and they envy her for it, even her lesbian friend thinks she would be crazy to leave him. Kate decides it is for the best not to tell Ollie about the pregnancy, despite her friends telling her she should. The film suggests that Kate may have had an affair with her "slow student" and may be the real reason why she wants an abortion. However, we find out that Ollie purposely poked holes in the condom, attempting to save their relationship together by having a child.
Kate ultimately decides that breaking up with Ollie and moving on is for the best. Kate and Ollie both agree to meet at the lake in ten years, which is the spot the two of them first fell in love in the first place.

Question: Other than Ollie, who else might be the father of Kate's baby?
Answer: her "slow student"
After a weekend's rest, the marchers proceeded to Harrogate. In this solidly Conservative, prosperous town the marchers were greeted warmly by the civic authorities and were fed by the Rotary Club. They were given sleeping quarters by the Territorial Army, a change from the school and church halls, and occasional workhouse accommodation, that was provided at most overnight stops. It was becoming evident that local Conservatives were often as likely to provide practical assistance as Labour, whose local parties were constrained  by the attitude of the party's national leadership. The marchers' claim that theirs was a unique situation, arising from specific actions (the closing of the shipyard and the blocking of the proposed steelworks) that could be remedied by immediate government action, may also have alienated local working-class communities. Cross-party support was important in maintaining the march's non-partisan ethos, a factor that led Riley to refuse a donation of £20 from a communist group, stating: "We are determined at all costs to preserve the non-political character of this Crusade".At Harrogate Wilkinson rejoined the march, as it proceeded through southern Yorkshire towards Chesterfield in Derbyshire. The march was attracting wide publicity; in London the government worried that King Edward might exceed his constitutional limits and receive the marchers. The cabinet issued a statement that emphasised the constitutional means for expressing  grievances, and condemned marches for causing "unnecessary hardship for those taking part in them"—"crocodile tears", according to Wilkinson. In reaching Chesterfield on 17 October, the marchers had travelled 70 miles (110 km) during the week, and were at the approximate half-way point in their journey. That day, the Bishop of Durham was gratified and the marchers correspondingly disappointed, when in a letter to The Times the Bishop of Jarrow denied that his blessing on the march had indicated his support for the venture. The blessing was, he said an act of Christian duty; in general he believed that such marches should be discouraged. Wilkinson was forgiving of the bishop's volte-face, knowing, she later said, "the difficulties he had to face".

Question: What were the two specific actions made the marchers' claim their situation was unique?
Answer: closing of the shipyard, blocking of the proposed steelworks
After a weekend's rest, the marchers proceeded to Harrogate. In this solidly Conservative, prosperous town the marchers were greeted warmly by the civic authorities and were fed by the Rotary Club. They were given sleeping quarters by the Territorial Army, a change from the school and church halls, and occasional workhouse accommodation, that was provided at most overnight stops. It was becoming evident that local Conservatives were often as likely to provide practical assistance as Labour, whose local parties were constrained  by the attitude of the party's national leadership. The marchers' claim that theirs was a unique situation, arising from specific actions (the closing of the shipyard and the blocking of the proposed steelworks) that could be remedied by immediate government action, may also have alienated local working-class communities. Cross-party support was important in maintaining the march's non-partisan ethos, a factor that led Riley to refuse a donation of £20 from a communist group, stating: "We are determined at all costs to preserve the non-political character of this Crusade".At Harrogate Wilkinson rejoined the march, as it proceeded through southern Yorkshire towards Chesterfield in Derbyshire. The march was attracting wide publicity; in London the government worried that King Edward might exceed his constitutional limits and receive the marchers. The cabinet issued a statement that emphasised the constitutional means for expressing  grievances, and condemned marches for causing "unnecessary hardship for those taking part in them"—"crocodile tears", according to Wilkinson. In reaching Chesterfield on 17 October, the marchers had travelled 70 miles (110 km) during the week, and were at the approximate half-way point in their journey. That day, the Bishop of Durham was gratified and the marchers correspondingly disappointed, when in a letter to The Times the Bishop of Jarrow denied that his blessing on the march had indicated his support for the venture. The blessing was, he said an act of Christian duty; in general he believed that such marches should be discouraged. Wilkinson was forgiving of the bishop's volte-face, knowing, she later said, "the difficulties he had to face".

Question: What was the name of the person who the London government worried would receive the marchers?
Answer: King Edward
After a weekend's rest, the marchers proceeded to Harrogate. In this solidly Conservative, prosperous town the marchers were greeted warmly by the civic authorities and were fed by the Rotary Club. They were given sleeping quarters by the Territorial Army, a change from the school and church halls, and occasional workhouse accommodation, that was provided at most overnight stops. It was becoming evident that local Conservatives were often as likely to provide practical assistance as Labour, whose local parties were constrained  by the attitude of the party's national leadership. The marchers' claim that theirs was a unique situation, arising from specific actions (the closing of the shipyard and the blocking of the proposed steelworks) that could be remedied by immediate government action, may also have alienated local working-class communities. Cross-party support was important in maintaining the march's non-partisan ethos, a factor that led Riley to refuse a donation of £20 from a communist group, stating: "We are determined at all costs to preserve the non-political character of this Crusade".At Harrogate Wilkinson rejoined the march, as it proceeded through southern Yorkshire towards Chesterfield in Derbyshire. The march was attracting wide publicity; in London the government worried that King Edward might exceed his constitutional limits and receive the marchers. The cabinet issued a statement that emphasised the constitutional means for expressing  grievances, and condemned marches for causing "unnecessary hardship for those taking part in them"—"crocodile tears", according to Wilkinson. In reaching Chesterfield on 17 October, the marchers had travelled 70 miles (110 km) during the week, and were at the approximate half-way point in their journey. That day, the Bishop of Durham was gratified and the marchers correspondingly disappointed, when in a letter to The Times the Bishop of Jarrow denied that his blessing on the march had indicated his support for the venture. The blessing was, he said an act of Christian duty; in general he believed that such marches should be discouraged. Wilkinson was forgiving of the bishop's volte-face, knowing, she later said, "the difficulties he had to face".

Question: What location was the half-way point for the marchers?
Answer: Chesterfield
After a weekend's rest, the marchers proceeded to Harrogate. In this solidly Conservative, prosperous town the marchers were greeted warmly by the civic authorities and were fed by the Rotary Club. They were given sleeping quarters by the Territorial Army, a change from the school and church halls, and occasional workhouse accommodation, that was provided at most overnight stops. It was becoming evident that local Conservatives were often as likely to provide practical assistance as Labour, whose local parties were constrained  by the attitude of the party's national leadership. The marchers' claim that theirs was a unique situation, arising from specific actions (the closing of the shipyard and the blocking of the proposed steelworks) that could be remedied by immediate government action, may also have alienated local working-class communities. Cross-party support was important in maintaining the march's non-partisan ethos, a factor that led Riley to refuse a donation of £20 from a communist group, stating: "We are determined at all costs to preserve the non-political character of this Crusade".At Harrogate Wilkinson rejoined the march, as it proceeded through southern Yorkshire towards Chesterfield in Derbyshire. The march was attracting wide publicity; in London the government worried that King Edward might exceed his constitutional limits and receive the marchers. The cabinet issued a statement that emphasised the constitutional means for expressing  grievances, and condemned marches for causing "unnecessary hardship for those taking part in them"—"crocodile tears", according to Wilkinson. In reaching Chesterfield on 17 October, the marchers had travelled 70 miles (110 km) during the week, and were at the approximate half-way point in their journey. That day, the Bishop of Durham was gratified and the marchers correspondingly disappointed, when in a letter to The Times the Bishop of Jarrow denied that his blessing on the march had indicated his support for the venture. The blessing was, he said an act of Christian duty; in general he believed that such marches should be discouraged. Wilkinson was forgiving of the bishop's volte-face, knowing, she later said, "the difficulties he had to face".

Question: What was the full name of the person who said his blessing was and act of Christian duty?
Answer: Bishop of Jarrow
On Sunday 1 November the marchers proceeded to Hyde Park for a hastily organised public meeting. The Communist Party was holding a general rally in the park against unemployment; Wilkinson records that they "generously gave way for an hour and asked their great audience to swell our Crusade meeting". The police made a low estimate of 3,000 for the crowd, but the journalist Ritchie Calder, who was present, put the figure at 50,000.After a day's rest, the marchers' main event on Tuesday was a public meeting in the Memorial Hall, Farringdon Street. Among the guest speakers was the Rev. Canon Dick Sheppard,  founder of the Peace Pledge Union. He told the marchers: "You have so aroused the conscience of the country that things are bound to happen". Sir John Jarvis, without prior warning, then revealed plans for a steel tubes mill on the Palmers site. The impression that Jarrow's problems could be solved thus, without government action, disconcerted the listening marchers. Wilkinson commented that such plans were in the future, and were no substitute for the town's requirement for immediate government intervention.On Wednesday 4 November Wilkinson presented the Jarrow petition to the House of Commons. With over 11,000 signatures, it asked that "His Majesty's Government and this honourable House should realise the urgent need that work should be provided for the town without further delay." In the brief discussion that followed, Runciman said that "the unemployment position at Jarrow, while still far from satisfactory, has improved during recent months", to which James Chuter Ede, the Labour backbencher representing  South Shields, the neighbouring constituency to Wilkinson's, replied that "the Government's complacency is regarded throughout the country as an affront to the national conscience".Blythe summarises the marchers' anger and disillusionment: "And that was that. The result of three months' excited preparation and one month's march has led to a few minutes of flaccid argument during which the Government speakers had hardly mustered enough energy to roll to their feet". A "stay-in" strike was briefly proposed, before Wilkinson arranged a meeting with a cross-party group of MPs. The marchers' case was heard sympathetically; the meeting was warned that, given international uncertainties, they might come to regret the dismantling of an important shipbuilding facility for reasons of private profit. Such statements, according to Wilkinson, made members "distinctly uncomfortable".    The next day the marchers returned by train to Jarrow, where they received an ecstatic welcome from the town.

Question: What is the full name of the group that "generously gave way for an hour and asked their great audience to swell our Crusade meeting"?
Answer: The Communist Party
On Sunday 1 November the marchers proceeded to Hyde Park for a hastily organised public meeting. The Communist Party was holding a general rally in the park against unemployment; Wilkinson records that they "generously gave way for an hour and asked their great audience to swell our Crusade meeting". The police made a low estimate of 3,000 for the crowd, but the journalist Ritchie Calder, who was present, put the figure at 50,000.After a day's rest, the marchers' main event on Tuesday was a public meeting in the Memorial Hall, Farringdon Street. Among the guest speakers was the Rev. Canon Dick Sheppard,  founder of the Peace Pledge Union. He told the marchers: "You have so aroused the conscience of the country that things are bound to happen". Sir John Jarvis, without prior warning, then revealed plans for a steel tubes mill on the Palmers site. The impression that Jarrow's problems could be solved thus, without government action, disconcerted the listening marchers. Wilkinson commented that such plans were in the future, and were no substitute for the town's requirement for immediate government intervention.On Wednesday 4 November Wilkinson presented the Jarrow petition to the House of Commons. With over 11,000 signatures, it asked that "His Majesty's Government and this honourable House should realise the urgent need that work should be provided for the town without further delay." In the brief discussion that followed, Runciman said that "the unemployment position at Jarrow, while still far from satisfactory, has improved during recent months", to which James Chuter Ede, the Labour backbencher representing  South Shields, the neighbouring constituency to Wilkinson's, replied that "the Government's complacency is regarded throughout the country as an affront to the national conscience".Blythe summarises the marchers' anger and disillusionment: "And that was that. The result of three months' excited preparation and one month's march has led to a few minutes of flaccid argument during which the Government speakers had hardly mustered enough energy to roll to their feet". A "stay-in" strike was briefly proposed, before Wilkinson arranged a meeting with a cross-party group of MPs. The marchers' case was heard sympathetically; the meeting was warned that, given international uncertainties, they might come to regret the dismantling of an important shipbuilding facility for reasons of private profit. Such statements, according to Wilkinson, made members "distinctly uncomfortable".    The next day the marchers returned by train to Jarrow, where they received an ecstatic welcome from the town.

Question: What is the last name of the person who told the marchers that they "have so aroused the conscience of the country that things are bound to happen"?
Answer: Sheppard
On Sunday 1 November the marchers proceeded to Hyde Park for a hastily organised public meeting. The Communist Party was holding a general rally in the park against unemployment; Wilkinson records that they "generously gave way for an hour and asked their great audience to swell our Crusade meeting". The police made a low estimate of 3,000 for the crowd, but the journalist Ritchie Calder, who was present, put the figure at 50,000.After a day's rest, the marchers' main event on Tuesday was a public meeting in the Memorial Hall, Farringdon Street. Among the guest speakers was the Rev. Canon Dick Sheppard,  founder of the Peace Pledge Union. He told the marchers: "You have so aroused the conscience of the country that things are bound to happen". Sir John Jarvis, without prior warning, then revealed plans for a steel tubes mill on the Palmers site. The impression that Jarrow's problems could be solved thus, without government action, disconcerted the listening marchers. Wilkinson commented that such plans were in the future, and were no substitute for the town's requirement for immediate government intervention.On Wednesday 4 November Wilkinson presented the Jarrow petition to the House of Commons. With over 11,000 signatures, it asked that "His Majesty's Government and this honourable House should realise the urgent need that work should be provided for the town without further delay." In the brief discussion that followed, Runciman said that "the unemployment position at Jarrow, while still far from satisfactory, has improved during recent months", to which James Chuter Ede, the Labour backbencher representing  South Shields, the neighbouring constituency to Wilkinson's, replied that "the Government's complacency is regarded throughout the country as an affront to the national conscience".Blythe summarises the marchers' anger and disillusionment: "And that was that. The result of three months' excited preparation and one month's march has led to a few minutes of flaccid argument during which the Government speakers had hardly mustered enough energy to roll to their feet". A "stay-in" strike was briefly proposed, before Wilkinson arranged a meeting with a cross-party group of MPs. The marchers' case was heard sympathetically; the meeting was warned that, given international uncertainties, they might come to regret the dismantling of an important shipbuilding facility for reasons of private profit. Such statements, according to Wilkinson, made members "distinctly uncomfortable".    The next day the marchers returned by train to Jarrow, where they received an ecstatic welcome from the town.

Question: What is the name of that which asked "His Majesty's Government and this honourable House should realise the urgent need that work should be provided for the town without further delay"?
Answer: the Jarrow petition
On Sunday 1 November the marchers proceeded to Hyde Park for a hastily organised public meeting. The Communist Party was holding a general rally in the park against unemployment; Wilkinson records that they "generously gave way for an hour and asked their great audience to swell our Crusade meeting". The police made a low estimate of 3,000 for the crowd, but the journalist Ritchie Calder, who was present, put the figure at 50,000.After a day's rest, the marchers' main event on Tuesday was a public meeting in the Memorial Hall, Farringdon Street. Among the guest speakers was the Rev. Canon Dick Sheppard,  founder of the Peace Pledge Union. He told the marchers: "You have so aroused the conscience of the country that things are bound to happen". Sir John Jarvis, without prior warning, then revealed plans for a steel tubes mill on the Palmers site. The impression that Jarrow's problems could be solved thus, without government action, disconcerted the listening marchers. Wilkinson commented that such plans were in the future, and were no substitute for the town's requirement for immediate government intervention.On Wednesday 4 November Wilkinson presented the Jarrow petition to the House of Commons. With over 11,000 signatures, it asked that "His Majesty's Government and this honourable House should realise the urgent need that work should be provided for the town without further delay." In the brief discussion that followed, Runciman said that "the unemployment position at Jarrow, while still far from satisfactory, has improved during recent months", to which James Chuter Ede, the Labour backbencher representing  South Shields, the neighbouring constituency to Wilkinson's, replied that "the Government's complacency is regarded throughout the country as an affront to the national conscience".Blythe summarises the marchers' anger and disillusionment: "And that was that. The result of three months' excited preparation and one month's march has led to a few minutes of flaccid argument during which the Government speakers had hardly mustered enough energy to roll to their feet". A "stay-in" strike was briefly proposed, before Wilkinson arranged a meeting with a cross-party group of MPs. The marchers' case was heard sympathetically; the meeting was warned that, given international uncertainties, they might come to regret the dismantling of an important shipbuilding facility for reasons of private profit. Such statements, according to Wilkinson, made members "distinctly uncomfortable".    The next day the marchers returned by train to Jarrow, where they received an ecstatic welcome from the town.

Question: What is the precise name of the honourable house asked to "realise the urgent need that work should be provided for the town without further delay"?
Answer: House of Commons
Before the start of the Second World War, and the establishment of war-based industries, Jarvis's initiatives brought modest relief to Jarrow. By 1939, about 100 men were employed in a small furniture factory and up to a further 500 in various metal-based industries set up on the Palmer's site. Jarvis had acquired the obsolete liners Olympic and Berengaria, to be broken up at the yard. However, after their triumphant homecoming many of the marchers felt that their endeavour had failed. Con Whalen, who at his death in 2003 was the last survivor of those who marched the full distance, said that the march was "a waste of time", but added that he had enjoyed every step. His fellow marcher Guy Waller, on the 40th anniversary of the march in 1976, said that "[t]he march produced no immediate startling upsurge in employment in the town. It took the war to do that". These views are shared by most commentators and historians. The Daily Mirror columnist Kevin Maguire calls the march "a heroic failure", while Matt Dobson, in The Socialist, writes that "out of all the hunger marches its aims were the most diluted and it made the most modest gains". The historians Malcolm Pearce and Geoffrey Stewart provide a positive perspective, arguing that the Jarrow March "helped to shape [post-Second World War] perceptions of the 1930s", and thus paved the way to social reform.Perry observes that "the passage of time has transformed the Jarrow Crusade ... into a potent talisman with which many apparently seek association". Thus the Labour Party, which in 1936 shunned the march, later adopted it as "a badge of credibility". In 1950 the party featured the Jarrow banners on its election posters; the march then disappeared from view in an era of high employment, only to be invoked again when unemployment again became a political issue in the 1980s. In the late 20th century and beyond, Labour leaders—Michael Foot, Neil Kinnock, Tony Blair—have all associated themselves with the march. In October 1986, on the 50th anniversary, a group from Jarrow and other towns along the way retraced the route to London. At that time of industrial recession, Jarrow once again had the highest level of unemployment in the country. The 75th anniversary in 2011 was marked by a "March for Jobs", that drew the ire of a Conservative MP, Robert Goodwill, who noted the high level of withdrawals in its early stages and dismissed it as "an insult to the memory of the Jarrow marchers ... They are not fit to walk in [their] footsteps".

Question: What was the full name of what the Labour Party shunned in 1936?
Answer: Jarrow March
Before the start of the Second World War, and the establishment of war-based industries, Jarvis's initiatives brought modest relief to Jarrow. By 1939, about 100 men were employed in a small furniture factory and up to a further 500 in various metal-based industries set up on the Palmer's site. Jarvis had acquired the obsolete liners Olympic and Berengaria, to be broken up at the yard. However, after their triumphant homecoming many of the marchers felt that their endeavour had failed. Con Whalen, who at his death in 2003 was the last survivor of those who marched the full distance, said that the march was "a waste of time", but added that he had enjoyed every step. His fellow marcher Guy Waller, on the 40th anniversary of the march in 1976, said that "[t]he march produced no immediate startling upsurge in employment in the town. It took the war to do that". These views are shared by most commentators and historians. The Daily Mirror columnist Kevin Maguire calls the march "a heroic failure", while Matt Dobson, in The Socialist, writes that "out of all the hunger marches its aims were the most diluted and it made the most modest gains". The historians Malcolm Pearce and Geoffrey Stewart provide a positive perspective, arguing that the Jarrow March "helped to shape [post-Second World War] perceptions of the 1930s", and thus paved the way to social reform.Perry observes that "the passage of time has transformed the Jarrow Crusade ... into a potent talisman with which many apparently seek association". Thus the Labour Party, which in 1936 shunned the march, later adopted it as "a badge of credibility". In 1950 the party featured the Jarrow banners on its election posters; the march then disappeared from view in an era of high employment, only to be invoked again when unemployment again became a political issue in the 1980s. In the late 20th century and beyond, Labour leaders—Michael Foot, Neil Kinnock, Tony Blair—have all associated themselves with the march. In October 1986, on the 50th anniversary, a group from Jarrow and other towns along the way retraced the route to London. At that time of industrial recession, Jarrow once again had the highest level of unemployment in the country. The 75th anniversary in 2011 was marked by a "March for Jobs", that drew the ire of a Conservative MP, Robert Goodwill, who noted the high level of withdrawals in its early stages and dismissed it as "an insult to the memory of the Jarrow marchers ... They are not fit to walk in [their] footsteps".

Question: What was the full name of the event that disappeared from view in an era of high employment?
Answer: Jarrow March
Before the start of the Second World War, and the establishment of war-based industries, Jarvis's initiatives brought modest relief to Jarrow. By 1939, about 100 men were employed in a small furniture factory and up to a further 500 in various metal-based industries set up on the Palmer's site. Jarvis had acquired the obsolete liners Olympic and Berengaria, to be broken up at the yard. However, after their triumphant homecoming many of the marchers felt that their endeavour had failed. Con Whalen, who at his death in 2003 was the last survivor of those who marched the full distance, said that the march was "a waste of time", but added that he had enjoyed every step. His fellow marcher Guy Waller, on the 40th anniversary of the march in 1976, said that "[t]he march produced no immediate startling upsurge in employment in the town. It took the war to do that". These views are shared by most commentators and historians. The Daily Mirror columnist Kevin Maguire calls the march "a heroic failure", while Matt Dobson, in The Socialist, writes that "out of all the hunger marches its aims were the most diluted and it made the most modest gains". The historians Malcolm Pearce and Geoffrey Stewart provide a positive perspective, arguing that the Jarrow March "helped to shape [post-Second World War] perceptions of the 1930s", and thus paved the way to social reform.Perry observes that "the passage of time has transformed the Jarrow Crusade ... into a potent talisman with which many apparently seek association". Thus the Labour Party, which in 1936 shunned the march, later adopted it as "a badge of credibility". In 1950 the party featured the Jarrow banners on its election posters; the march then disappeared from view in an era of high employment, only to be invoked again when unemployment again became a political issue in the 1980s. In the late 20th century and beyond, Labour leaders—Michael Foot, Neil Kinnock, Tony Blair—have all associated themselves with the march. In October 1986, on the 50th anniversary, a group from Jarrow and other towns along the way retraced the route to London. At that time of industrial recession, Jarrow once again had the highest level of unemployment in the country. The 75th anniversary in 2011 was marked by a "March for Jobs", that drew the ire of a Conservative MP, Robert Goodwill, who noted the high level of withdrawals in its early stages and dismissed it as "an insult to the memory of the Jarrow marchers ... They are not fit to walk in [their] footsteps".

Question: What was the name of the event that in the late 20th century and beyond, Labour leaders—Michael Foot, Neil Kinnock, Tony Blair—have all associated themselves with?
Answer: Jarrow March
Before the start of the Second World War, and the establishment of war-based industries, Jarvis's initiatives brought modest relief to Jarrow. By 1939, about 100 men were employed in a small furniture factory and up to a further 500 in various metal-based industries set up on the Palmer's site. Jarvis had acquired the obsolete liners Olympic and Berengaria, to be broken up at the yard. However, after their triumphant homecoming many of the marchers felt that their endeavour had failed. Con Whalen, who at his death in 2003 was the last survivor of those who marched the full distance, said that the march was "a waste of time", but added that he had enjoyed every step. His fellow marcher Guy Waller, on the 40th anniversary of the march in 1976, said that "[t]he march produced no immediate startling upsurge in employment in the town. It took the war to do that". These views are shared by most commentators and historians. The Daily Mirror columnist Kevin Maguire calls the march "a heroic failure", while Matt Dobson, in The Socialist, writes that "out of all the hunger marches its aims were the most diluted and it made the most modest gains". The historians Malcolm Pearce and Geoffrey Stewart provide a positive perspective, arguing that the Jarrow March "helped to shape [post-Second World War] perceptions of the 1930s", and thus paved the way to social reform.Perry observes that "the passage of time has transformed the Jarrow Crusade ... into a potent talisman with which many apparently seek association". Thus the Labour Party, which in 1936 shunned the march, later adopted it as "a badge of credibility". In 1950 the party featured the Jarrow banners on its election posters; the march then disappeared from view in an era of high employment, only to be invoked again when unemployment again became a political issue in the 1980s. In the late 20th century and beyond, Labour leaders—Michael Foot, Neil Kinnock, Tony Blair—have all associated themselves with the march. In October 1986, on the 50th anniversary, a group from Jarrow and other towns along the way retraced the route to London. At that time of industrial recession, Jarrow once again had the highest level of unemployment in the country. The 75th anniversary in 2011 was marked by a "March for Jobs", that drew the ire of a Conservative MP, Robert Goodwill, who noted the high level of withdrawals in its early stages and dismissed it as "an insult to the memory of the Jarrow marchers ... They are not fit to walk in [their] footsteps".

Question: What was the full name of the event that the Labour Party would later adopt as a "badge of credibility"?
Answer: Jarrow March
Before the start of the Second World War, and the establishment of war-based industries, Jarvis's initiatives brought modest relief to Jarrow. By 1939, about 100 men were employed in a small furniture factory and up to a further 500 in various metal-based industries set up on the Palmer's site. Jarvis had acquired the obsolete liners Olympic and Berengaria, to be broken up at the yard. However, after their triumphant homecoming many of the marchers felt that their endeavour had failed. Con Whalen, who at his death in 2003 was the last survivor of those who marched the full distance, said that the march was "a waste of time", but added that he had enjoyed every step. His fellow marcher Guy Waller, on the 40th anniversary of the march in 1976, said that "[t]he march produced no immediate startling upsurge in employment in the town. It took the war to do that". These views are shared by most commentators and historians. The Daily Mirror columnist Kevin Maguire calls the march "a heroic failure", while Matt Dobson, in The Socialist, writes that "out of all the hunger marches its aims were the most diluted and it made the most modest gains". The historians Malcolm Pearce and Geoffrey Stewart provide a positive perspective, arguing that the Jarrow March "helped to shape [post-Second World War] perceptions of the 1930s", and thus paved the way to social reform.Perry observes that "the passage of time has transformed the Jarrow Crusade ... into a potent talisman with which many apparently seek association". Thus the Labour Party, which in 1936 shunned the march, later adopted it as "a badge of credibility". In 1950 the party featured the Jarrow banners on its election posters; the march then disappeared from view in an era of high employment, only to be invoked again when unemployment again became a political issue in the 1980s. In the late 20th century and beyond, Labour leaders—Michael Foot, Neil Kinnock, Tony Blair—have all associated themselves with the march. In October 1986, on the 50th anniversary, a group from Jarrow and other towns along the way retraced the route to London. At that time of industrial recession, Jarrow once again had the highest level of unemployment in the country. The 75th anniversary in 2011 was marked by a "March for Jobs", that drew the ire of a Conservative MP, Robert Goodwill, who noted the high level of withdrawals in its early stages and dismissed it as "an insult to the memory of the Jarrow marchers ... They are not fit to walk in [their] footsteps".

Question: What is the full name of the march that Con Whalen said was "a waste of time" though he enjoyed every step?
Answer: Jarrow March
Before the start of the Second World War, and the establishment of war-based industries, Jarvis's initiatives brought modest relief to Jarrow. By 1939, about 100 men were employed in a small furniture factory and up to a further 500 in various metal-based industries set up on the Palmer's site. Jarvis had acquired the obsolete liners Olympic and Berengaria, to be broken up at the yard. However, after their triumphant homecoming many of the marchers felt that their endeavour had failed. Con Whalen, who at his death in 2003 was the last survivor of those who marched the full distance, said that the march was "a waste of time", but added that he had enjoyed every step. His fellow marcher Guy Waller, on the 40th anniversary of the march in 1976, said that "[t]he march produced no immediate startling upsurge in employment in the town. It took the war to do that". These views are shared by most commentators and historians. The Daily Mirror columnist Kevin Maguire calls the march "a heroic failure", while Matt Dobson, in The Socialist, writes that "out of all the hunger marches its aims were the most diluted and it made the most modest gains". The historians Malcolm Pearce and Geoffrey Stewart provide a positive perspective, arguing that the Jarrow March "helped to shape [post-Second World War] perceptions of the 1930s", and thus paved the way to social reform.Perry observes that "the passage of time has transformed the Jarrow Crusade ... into a potent talisman with which many apparently seek association". Thus the Labour Party, which in 1936 shunned the march, later adopted it as "a badge of credibility". In 1950 the party featured the Jarrow banners on its election posters; the march then disappeared from view in an era of high employment, only to be invoked again when unemployment again became a political issue in the 1980s. In the late 20th century and beyond, Labour leaders—Michael Foot, Neil Kinnock, Tony Blair—have all associated themselves with the march. In October 1986, on the 50th anniversary, a group from Jarrow and other towns along the way retraced the route to London. At that time of industrial recession, Jarrow once again had the highest level of unemployment in the country. The 75th anniversary in 2011 was marked by a "March for Jobs", that drew the ire of a Conservative MP, Robert Goodwill, who noted the high level of withdrawals in its early stages and dismissed it as "an insult to the memory of the Jarrow marchers ... They are not fit to walk in [their] footsteps".

Question: What are the full names of the two individual marchers whose views are shared by most commentators and historians?
Answer: Con Whalen, Guy Waller
Before the start of the Second World War, and the establishment of war-based industries, Jarvis's initiatives brought modest relief to Jarrow. By 1939, about 100 men were employed in a small furniture factory and up to a further 500 in various metal-based industries set up on the Palmer's site. Jarvis had acquired the obsolete liners Olympic and Berengaria, to be broken up at the yard. However, after their triumphant homecoming many of the marchers felt that their endeavour had failed. Con Whalen, who at his death in 2003 was the last survivor of those who marched the full distance, said that the march was "a waste of time", but added that he had enjoyed every step. His fellow marcher Guy Waller, on the 40th anniversary of the march in 1976, said that "[t]he march produced no immediate startling upsurge in employment in the town. It took the war to do that". These views are shared by most commentators and historians. The Daily Mirror columnist Kevin Maguire calls the march "a heroic failure", while Matt Dobson, in The Socialist, writes that "out of all the hunger marches its aims were the most diluted and it made the most modest gains". The historians Malcolm Pearce and Geoffrey Stewart provide a positive perspective, arguing that the Jarrow March "helped to shape [post-Second World War] perceptions of the 1930s", and thus paved the way to social reform.Perry observes that "the passage of time has transformed the Jarrow Crusade ... into a potent talisman with which many apparently seek association". Thus the Labour Party, which in 1936 shunned the march, later adopted it as "a badge of credibility". In 1950 the party featured the Jarrow banners on its election posters; the march then disappeared from view in an era of high employment, only to be invoked again when unemployment again became a political issue in the 1980s. In the late 20th century and beyond, Labour leaders—Michael Foot, Neil Kinnock, Tony Blair—have all associated themselves with the march. In October 1986, on the 50th anniversary, a group from Jarrow and other towns along the way retraced the route to London. At that time of industrial recession, Jarrow once again had the highest level of unemployment in the country. The 75th anniversary in 2011 was marked by a "March for Jobs", that drew the ire of a Conservative MP, Robert Goodwill, who noted the high level of withdrawals in its early stages and dismissed it as "an insult to the memory of the Jarrow marchers ... They are not fit to walk in [their] footsteps".

Question: What is the full name of the march that Kevin Maguire calls, "a heroic failure"?
Answer: Jarrow March
Before the start of the Second World War, and the establishment of war-based industries, Jarvis's initiatives brought modest relief to Jarrow. By 1939, about 100 men were employed in a small furniture factory and up to a further 500 in various metal-based industries set up on the Palmer's site. Jarvis had acquired the obsolete liners Olympic and Berengaria, to be broken up at the yard. However, after their triumphant homecoming many of the marchers felt that their endeavour had failed. Con Whalen, who at his death in 2003 was the last survivor of those who marched the full distance, said that the march was "a waste of time", but added that he had enjoyed every step. His fellow marcher Guy Waller, on the 40th anniversary of the march in 1976, said that "[t]he march produced no immediate startling upsurge in employment in the town. It took the war to do that". These views are shared by most commentators and historians. The Daily Mirror columnist Kevin Maguire calls the march "a heroic failure", while Matt Dobson, in The Socialist, writes that "out of all the hunger marches its aims were the most diluted and it made the most modest gains". The historians Malcolm Pearce and Geoffrey Stewart provide a positive perspective, arguing that the Jarrow March "helped to shape [post-Second World War] perceptions of the 1930s", and thus paved the way to social reform.Perry observes that "the passage of time has transformed the Jarrow Crusade ... into a potent talisman with which many apparently seek association". Thus the Labour Party, which in 1936 shunned the march, later adopted it as "a badge of credibility". In 1950 the party featured the Jarrow banners on its election posters; the march then disappeared from view in an era of high employment, only to be invoked again when unemployment again became a political issue in the 1980s. In the late 20th century and beyond, Labour leaders—Michael Foot, Neil Kinnock, Tony Blair—have all associated themselves with the march. In October 1986, on the 50th anniversary, a group from Jarrow and other towns along the way retraced the route to London. At that time of industrial recession, Jarrow once again had the highest level of unemployment in the country. The 75th anniversary in 2011 was marked by a "March for Jobs", that drew the ire of a Conservative MP, Robert Goodwill, who noted the high level of withdrawals in its early stages and dismissed it as "an insult to the memory of the Jarrow marchers ... They are not fit to walk in [their] footsteps".

Question: What is the full name of the march that was shunned by the Labour Party in 1936, though they later adopted it as a "badge of credibility"?
Answer: Jarrow March