nc33/multispan_quoref huggingface dataset:
The mountainous terrain and geographic features of El Hatillo have made it difficult to extend the Caracas Metro to southeast Caracas, so the main transportation methods in the municipality are private vehicles and road public transportation. An extension of the Metro – Line 5 – has been proposed, but construction has not been initiated as of 2007; phase 2 of Line 4 is still under construction. Urban planning in the municipality has been unorganised; news archives show that at least since 1998, neighbors have been complaining about the dense traffic caused by new residential and commercial construction, yet new or enhanced alternative roads to resolve the traffic problems have not been completed. A south beltway suggested 25 years ago has not been constructed due to its high cost.  However, as of January 2006, a new route that will connect La Lagunita with Macaracuay – a neighborhood in northeast Caracas – is under construction and is planned to be completed in 2010; according to Mayor Catalán, 23% of El Hatillo's inhabitants will eventually use this transit way. Its cost was estimated in early 2006 as US$19,572,000.Local solutions – such as the proposed Metro extension line and the road connecting La Lagunita and Macaracuay – may improve the traffic congestion around El Hatillo, but the traffic issue affects all of Caracas. It is estimated that one million vehicles transit Caracas daily, causing a collapse of the transportation network.  Automobiles travel at an average speed of 15 km/h (9 mph) on the streets and highways of Caracas.  There are numerous factors contributing to the traffic problem in Caracas. According to the Venezuelan Society of Transportation Engineers, a city should allocate 20% of its public area to transportation; in Caracas, less than 12% is allocated. In 2004, fifty thousand new vehicles were sold in Caracas. In 2005, sixty thousand more were sold, and as of November, 2006, seventy thousand more had been sold. In five years, 250 thousand more cars are circulating in Caracas on roadways that have not increased proportionally to the increase in the number of cars.  Further, public transportation is not fully reliable; an average trip in the city using mass transit takes around ninety minutes.

Question: What municipality has planning been unorganised in?
Answer: Caracas
The mountainous terrain and geographic features of El Hatillo have made it difficult to extend the Caracas Metro to southeast Caracas, so the main transportation methods in the municipality are private vehicles and road public transportation. An extension of the Metro – Line 5 – has been proposed, but construction has not been initiated as of 2007; phase 2 of Line 4 is still under construction. Urban planning in the municipality has been unorganised; news archives show that at least since 1998, neighbors have been complaining about the dense traffic caused by new residential and commercial construction, yet new or enhanced alternative roads to resolve the traffic problems have not been completed. A south beltway suggested 25 years ago has not been constructed due to its high cost.  However, as of January 2006, a new route that will connect La Lagunita with Macaracuay – a neighborhood in northeast Caracas – is under construction and is planned to be completed in 2010; according to Mayor Catalán, 23% of El Hatillo's inhabitants will eventually use this transit way. Its cost was estimated in early 2006 as US$19,572,000.Local solutions – such as the proposed Metro extension line and the road connecting La Lagunita and Macaracuay – may improve the traffic congestion around El Hatillo, but the traffic issue affects all of Caracas. It is estimated that one million vehicles transit Caracas daily, causing a collapse of the transportation network.  Automobiles travel at an average speed of 15 km/h (9 mph) on the streets and highways of Caracas.  There are numerous factors contributing to the traffic problem in Caracas. According to the Venezuelan Society of Transportation Engineers, a city should allocate 20% of its public area to transportation; in Caracas, less than 12% is allocated. In 2004, fifty thousand new vehicles were sold in Caracas. In 2005, sixty thousand more were sold, and as of November, 2006, seventy thousand more had been sold. In five years, 250 thousand more cars are circulating in Caracas on roadways that have not increased proportionally to the increase in the number of cars.  Further, public transportation is not fully reliable; an average trip in the city using mass transit takes around ninety minutes.

Question: What municipality have neighbors have been complaining in about the dense traffic?
Answer: Caracas
The mountainous terrain and geographic features of El Hatillo have made it difficult to extend the Caracas Metro to southeast Caracas, so the main transportation methods in the municipality are private vehicles and road public transportation. An extension of the Metro – Line 5 – has been proposed, but construction has not been initiated as of 2007; phase 2 of Line 4 is still under construction. Urban planning in the municipality has been unorganised; news archives show that at least since 1998, neighbors have been complaining about the dense traffic caused by new residential and commercial construction, yet new or enhanced alternative roads to resolve the traffic problems have not been completed. A south beltway suggested 25 years ago has not been constructed due to its high cost.  However, as of January 2006, a new route that will connect La Lagunita with Macaracuay – a neighborhood in northeast Caracas – is under construction and is planned to be completed in 2010; according to Mayor Catalán, 23% of El Hatillo's inhabitants will eventually use this transit way. Its cost was estimated in early 2006 as US$19,572,000.Local solutions – such as the proposed Metro extension line and the road connecting La Lagunita and Macaracuay – may improve the traffic congestion around El Hatillo, but the traffic issue affects all of Caracas. It is estimated that one million vehicles transit Caracas daily, causing a collapse of the transportation network.  Automobiles travel at an average speed of 15 km/h (9 mph) on the streets and highways of Caracas.  There are numerous factors contributing to the traffic problem in Caracas. According to the Venezuelan Society of Transportation Engineers, a city should allocate 20% of its public area to transportation; in Caracas, less than 12% is allocated. In 2004, fifty thousand new vehicles were sold in Caracas. In 2005, sixty thousand more were sold, and as of November, 2006, seventy thousand more had been sold. In five years, 250 thousand more cars are circulating in Caracas on roadways that have not increased proportionally to the increase in the number of cars.  Further, public transportation is not fully reliable; an average trip in the city using mass transit takes around ninety minutes.

Question: Where were sixty thousand more were sold in 2005?
Answer: Caracas
The mountainous terrain and geographic features of El Hatillo have made it difficult to extend the Caracas Metro to southeast Caracas, so the main transportation methods in the municipality are private vehicles and road public transportation. An extension of the Metro – Line 5 – has been proposed, but construction has not been initiated as of 2007; phase 2 of Line 4 is still under construction. Urban planning in the municipality has been unorganised; news archives show that at least since 1998, neighbors have been complaining about the dense traffic caused by new residential and commercial construction, yet new or enhanced alternative roads to resolve the traffic problems have not been completed. A south beltway suggested 25 years ago has not been constructed due to its high cost.  However, as of January 2006, a new route that will connect La Lagunita with Macaracuay – a neighborhood in northeast Caracas – is under construction and is planned to be completed in 2010; according to Mayor Catalán, 23% of El Hatillo's inhabitants will eventually use this transit way. Its cost was estimated in early 2006 as US$19,572,000.Local solutions – such as the proposed Metro extension line and the road connecting La Lagunita and Macaracuay – may improve the traffic congestion around El Hatillo, but the traffic issue affects all of Caracas. It is estimated that one million vehicles transit Caracas daily, causing a collapse of the transportation network.  Automobiles travel at an average speed of 15 km/h (9 mph) on the streets and highways of Caracas.  There are numerous factors contributing to the traffic problem in Caracas. According to the Venezuelan Society of Transportation Engineers, a city should allocate 20% of its public area to transportation; in Caracas, less than 12% is allocated. In 2004, fifty thousand new vehicles were sold in Caracas. In 2005, sixty thousand more were sold, and as of November, 2006, seventy thousand more had been sold. In five years, 250 thousand more cars are circulating in Caracas on roadways that have not increased proportionally to the increase in the number of cars.  Further, public transportation is not fully reliable; an average trip in the city using mass transit takes around ninety minutes.

Question: What city does using mass transit takes around ninety minutes?
Answer: Caracas
Droopy is presented here as a manservant working for an unseen master, who is going away for a few days with the head butler, Mr. Theeves. As they are packing the master's clothes, Mr. Theeves requests that Droopy acquire someone to help him around the house while they are away, and the first person to come to Droopy's mind is his identical twin brother, Drippy. Droopy contacts Drippy at O'Brien's Gymnasium and explains the situation to him.
Drippy arrives later on and displays his superhuman strength by punching his way through the front door before greeting Droopy. Droopy introduces Drippy to Mr. Theeves, who is briefly astonished by Drippy's uncanny resemblance to Droopy, immediately startledly jumping up to the chandelier, thinking he was seeing double. However, Mr. Theeves is relieved enough to come down from the chandelier, and is also on the receiving end of Drippy's immense strength while shaking his hand. Mr. Theeves then explains Drippy's duties to him, and tells him that no matter what, no strangers are allowed on the premises.

Question: Who is hired to help around the house?
Answer: Drippy
Droopy is presented here as a manservant working for an unseen master, who is going away for a few days with the head butler, Mr. Theeves. As they are packing the master's clothes, Mr. Theeves requests that Droopy acquire someone to help him around the house while they are away, and the first person to come to Droopy's mind is his identical twin brother, Drippy. Droopy contacts Drippy at O'Brien's Gymnasium and explains the situation to him.
Drippy arrives later on and displays his superhuman strength by punching his way through the front door before greeting Droopy. Droopy introduces Drippy to Mr. Theeves, who is briefly astonished by Drippy's uncanny resemblance to Droopy, immediately startledly jumping up to the chandelier, thinking he was seeing double. However, Mr. Theeves is relieved enough to come down from the chandelier, and is also on the receiving end of Drippy's immense strength while shaking his hand. Mr. Theeves then explains Drippy's duties to him, and tells him that no matter what, no strangers are allowed on the premises.

Question: Whose house is the chandelier in?
Answer: an unseen master
Droopy is presented here as a manservant working for an unseen master, who is going away for a few days with the head butler, Mr. Theeves. As they are packing the master's clothes, Mr. Theeves requests that Droopy acquire someone to help him around the house while they are away, and the first person to come to Droopy's mind is his identical twin brother, Drippy. Droopy contacts Drippy at O'Brien's Gymnasium and explains the situation to him.
Drippy arrives later on and displays his superhuman strength by punching his way through the front door before greeting Droopy. Droopy introduces Drippy to Mr. Theeves, who is briefly astonished by Drippy's uncanny resemblance to Droopy, immediately startledly jumping up to the chandelier, thinking he was seeing double. However, Mr. Theeves is relieved enough to come down from the chandelier, and is also on the receiving end of Drippy's immense strength while shaking his hand. Mr. Theeves then explains Drippy's duties to him, and tells him that no matter what, no strangers are allowed on the premises.

Question: What is the profession of Drippy's new boss?
Answer: head butler
The film centres on schoolboy Benjamin Stanfield and his unpopular, bespectacled friend, Arthur Dyson, who wears a leg brace; their form master, Father Goddard, and a travelling motorcyclist named Blakey. The opening scenes feature Connolly's character, Blakey, arriving at the school on his motorbike. He asks Father Goddard whether there are any odd jobs he can do but Goddard tells him that there are none available and that he should try in the town.

Question: What is the first name of the person that asks Father Goodard about a job?
Answer: Blakey
Prior to the Willie Company departing Florence, the company met to debate the wisdom of such a late departure. Because the emigrants were unfamiliar with the trail and the climate, they deferred to the returning missionaries and church agents. One of the returning missionaries, Levi Savage, urged them to spend the winter in Nebraska. He argued that such a late departure with a company consisting of the elderly, women, and young children would lead to suffering, sickness, and even death. All of the other church elders argued that the trip should go forward, expressing optimism that the company would be protected by divine intervention. Some members of the company, perhaps as many as 100, decided to spend the winter in Florence or in Iowa, but the majority, about 404 in number (including Savage) continued the journey west. The Willie Company left Florence on August 17 and the Martin Company on August 27. Two ox-wagon trains, led by captains W.B. Hodgett and John A. Hunt, followed the Martin Company.Near Wood River, Nebraska, a herd of bison caused the Willie Company's cattle to stampede, and nearly 30 cattle were lost. Left without enough cattle to pull all of the wagons, each handcart was required to take on an additional 100 pounds (45 kg) of flour.In early September, Franklin D. Richards, returning from Europe where he had served as the church's mission president, passed the emigrant companies. Richards and the 12 returning missionaries who accompanied him, traveling in carriages and light wagons pulled by horses and mules, pressed on to Utah to obtain assistance for the emigrants.

Question: What is the name of the company that departed Florence second?
Answer: Martin Company
Prior to the Willie Company departing Florence, the company met to debate the wisdom of such a late departure. Because the emigrants were unfamiliar with the trail and the climate, they deferred to the returning missionaries and church agents. One of the returning missionaries, Levi Savage, urged them to spend the winter in Nebraska. He argued that such a late departure with a company consisting of the elderly, women, and young children would lead to suffering, sickness, and even death. All of the other church elders argued that the trip should go forward, expressing optimism that the company would be protected by divine intervention. Some members of the company, perhaps as many as 100, decided to spend the winter in Florence or in Iowa, but the majority, about 404 in number (including Savage) continued the journey west. The Willie Company left Florence on August 17 and the Martin Company on August 27. Two ox-wagon trains, led by captains W.B. Hodgett and John A. Hunt, followed the Martin Company.Near Wood River, Nebraska, a herd of bison caused the Willie Company's cattle to stampede, and nearly 30 cattle were lost. Left without enough cattle to pull all of the wagons, each handcart was required to take on an additional 100 pounds (45 kg) of flour.In early September, Franklin D. Richards, returning from Europe where he had served as the church's mission president, passed the emigrant companies. Richards and the 12 returning missionaries who accompanied him, traveling in carriages and light wagons pulled by horses and mules, pressed on to Utah to obtain assistance for the emigrants.

Question: What was the first name of the person who was accompanied by 12 missionaries?
Answer: Franklin
One of the most persistent and popular stories regarding the Mormon pioneers was about three of the rescuers who helped the pioneers cross Sweetwater River.  The most popular telling, by Solomon Kimball, states:
Three eighteen-year-old boys belonging to the relief party came to the rescue; and to the astonishment of all who saw, carried nearly every member of that ill-fated handcart company across the snow-bound stream. The strain was so terrible, and the exposure so great, that in later years all the boys died from the effects of it. When President Brigham Young heard of this heroic act, he wept like a child, and later declared publicly, "That act alone will ensure C. Allen Huntington, George W. Grant, and David P. Kimball an everlasting salvation in the Celestial Kingdom of God, worlds without end.
This version was quoted by Gordon B. Hinckley, James E. Faust and was previously taught in Sunday School in the LDS Church for both adults and children.Chad Orton notes it would be physically impossible for three boys to carry five hundred people across the river in two hours.  In actuality, the rescue party had several rescuers instead of three, eighteen of which have been positively identified as being at the Sweetwater crossing.  The rescuers brought ten rescue wagons in addition to the wagons the Martin Company had with them. Many survivors wrote about riding the wagons across.  However, because of time constraints, not everyone could ride the wagons. Some were carried, but other survivors wrote that they crossed the river themselves or with the help of people other than the three boys.  The boys mentioned in the story did help some people across, but not "nearly every member" as reported in the mythologized version of the story. While the three boys were among those that helped several across, the ages were wrong. C. Allen Huntington was 24, David P. Kimball was 17, and George W. Grant was 16.  There is no medical evidence that they died from effects of the crossing, and most lived active and relatively long lives.  Outside of Kimball's account, there is no other account of Brigham Young promising everlasting salvation to the rescuers based on a single act. Orton notes that such a promise is inconsistent with church doctrine.  John Thomas notes that Solomon Kimball did not witness the crossing, but relied heavily on other sources, particularly Orson F. Whitney's 1888 account, who also claimed that all of the boys died from the event, even though Huntington was still alive in 1888.

Question: What are the names of the three eighteen-year-olds who helped the pioneers cross Sweetwater River?
Answer: C. Allen Huntington, George W. Grant, David P. Kimball
One of the most persistent and popular stories regarding the Mormon pioneers was about three of the rescuers who helped the pioneers cross Sweetwater River.  The most popular telling, by Solomon Kimball, states:
Three eighteen-year-old boys belonging to the relief party came to the rescue; and to the astonishment of all who saw, carried nearly every member of that ill-fated handcart company across the snow-bound stream. The strain was so terrible, and the exposure so great, that in later years all the boys died from the effects of it. When President Brigham Young heard of this heroic act, he wept like a child, and later declared publicly, "That act alone will ensure C. Allen Huntington, George W. Grant, and David P. Kimball an everlasting salvation in the Celestial Kingdom of God, worlds without end.
This version was quoted by Gordon B. Hinckley, James E. Faust and was previously taught in Sunday School in the LDS Church for both adults and children.Chad Orton notes it would be physically impossible for three boys to carry five hundred people across the river in two hours.  In actuality, the rescue party had several rescuers instead of three, eighteen of which have been positively identified as being at the Sweetwater crossing.  The rescuers brought ten rescue wagons in addition to the wagons the Martin Company had with them. Many survivors wrote about riding the wagons across.  However, because of time constraints, not everyone could ride the wagons. Some were carried, but other survivors wrote that they crossed the river themselves or with the help of people other than the three boys.  The boys mentioned in the story did help some people across, but not "nearly every member" as reported in the mythologized version of the story. While the three boys were among those that helped several across, the ages were wrong. C. Allen Huntington was 24, David P. Kimball was 17, and George W. Grant was 16.  There is no medical evidence that they died from effects of the crossing, and most lived active and relatively long lives.  Outside of Kimball's account, there is no other account of Brigham Young promising everlasting salvation to the rescuers based on a single act. Orton notes that such a promise is inconsistent with church doctrine.  John Thomas notes that Solomon Kimball did not witness the crossing, but relied heavily on other sources, particularly Orson F. Whitney's 1888 account, who also claimed that all of the boys died from the event, even though Huntington was still alive in 1888.

Question: Whose version of the story was taught in Sunday School in the LDS church?
Answer: Solomon Kimball
Another common myth is that none of the survivors of the Willie or Martin handcart companies ever complained and they never apostatized from the church.  The most popular source came from William Palmer, who paraphrased a comment Francis Webster had made in a Sunday School class in Cedar City. He writes:
... did you ever hear a survivor of that company utter a word of criticism? Not one of that company ever apostatized or left the church because everyone of us came through with the absolute knowledge that God lives for we became acquainted with him in our extremities.
This was later quoted by David O. McKay in 1948, and later by Gordon B. Hinckley, James E. Faust and was taught to children.  However, several people in the Willie or Martin handcart companies did leave the church, including John Chislett, John Ahmanson, Elizabeth Sermon, Henry Augustus Squires, Henry Kemp and Deborah Jane Chapman. Many of the survivors complained.Palmer gave the quote during a radio series of Men You Should Know describing the life of Webster about forty years after Webster died. Palmer said that he was paraphrasing Webster, and given the lapse of time and the casual nature of a Sunday School class, Orton believes it unlikely to be an exact quote. Orton believes Palmer was trying to emphasize Webster's character, rather than give a definitive statement on the faithfulness of all the members of the Willie Martin handcart company, and finds it unlikely that it was an exact quote. Orton also finds it unlikely that Webster knew all of the survivors, given that they spread throughout Utah after they arrived and didn't have a reunion until after Webster's death. Orton believes Webster was only referring to the pioneers in Cedar City, where the quote was given.

Question: What is the first name of the person who gave a quote during a radio series of Men You Should Know?
Answer: William
Another common myth is that none of the survivors of the Willie or Martin handcart companies ever complained and they never apostatized from the church.  The most popular source came from William Palmer, who paraphrased a comment Francis Webster had made in a Sunday School class in Cedar City. He writes:
... did you ever hear a survivor of that company utter a word of criticism? Not one of that company ever apostatized or left the church because everyone of us came through with the absolute knowledge that God lives for we became acquainted with him in our extremities.
This was later quoted by David O. McKay in 1948, and later by Gordon B. Hinckley, James E. Faust and was taught to children.  However, several people in the Willie or Martin handcart companies did leave the church, including John Chislett, John Ahmanson, Elizabeth Sermon, Henry Augustus Squires, Henry Kemp and Deborah Jane Chapman. Many of the survivors complained.Palmer gave the quote during a radio series of Men You Should Know describing the life of Webster about forty years after Webster died. Palmer said that he was paraphrasing Webster, and given the lapse of time and the casual nature of a Sunday School class, Orton believes it unlikely to be an exact quote. Orton believes Palmer was trying to emphasize Webster's character, rather than give a definitive statement on the faithfulness of all the members of the Willie Martin handcart company, and finds it unlikely that it was an exact quote. Orton also finds it unlikely that Webster knew all of the survivors, given that they spread throughout Utah after they arrived and didn't have a reunion until after Webster's death. Orton believes Webster was only referring to the pioneers in Cedar City, where the quote was given.

Question: What is the first name of the person who said that he was paraphrasing Webster?
Answer: William
Another common myth is that none of the survivors of the Willie or Martin handcart companies ever complained and they never apostatized from the church.  The most popular source came from William Palmer, who paraphrased a comment Francis Webster had made in a Sunday School class in Cedar City. He writes:
... did you ever hear a survivor of that company utter a word of criticism? Not one of that company ever apostatized or left the church because everyone of us came through with the absolute knowledge that God lives for we became acquainted with him in our extremities.
This was later quoted by David O. McKay in 1948, and later by Gordon B. Hinckley, James E. Faust and was taught to children.  However, several people in the Willie or Martin handcart companies did leave the church, including John Chislett, John Ahmanson, Elizabeth Sermon, Henry Augustus Squires, Henry Kemp and Deborah Jane Chapman. Many of the survivors complained.Palmer gave the quote during a radio series of Men You Should Know describing the life of Webster about forty years after Webster died. Palmer said that he was paraphrasing Webster, and given the lapse of time and the casual nature of a Sunday School class, Orton believes it unlikely to be an exact quote. Orton believes Palmer was trying to emphasize Webster's character, rather than give a definitive statement on the faithfulness of all the members of the Willie Martin handcart company, and finds it unlikely that it was an exact quote. Orton also finds it unlikely that Webster knew all of the survivors, given that they spread throughout Utah after they arrived and didn't have a reunion until after Webster's death. Orton believes Webster was only referring to the pioneers in Cedar City, where the quote was given.

Question: What is the first name of the person Palmer said he was paraphrasing?
Answer: Francis
Another common myth is that none of the survivors of the Willie or Martin handcart companies ever complained and they never apostatized from the church.  The most popular source came from William Palmer, who paraphrased a comment Francis Webster had made in a Sunday School class in Cedar City. He writes:
... did you ever hear a survivor of that company utter a word of criticism? Not one of that company ever apostatized or left the church because everyone of us came through with the absolute knowledge that God lives for we became acquainted with him in our extremities.
This was later quoted by David O. McKay in 1948, and later by Gordon B. Hinckley, James E. Faust and was taught to children.  However, several people in the Willie or Martin handcart companies did leave the church, including John Chislett, John Ahmanson, Elizabeth Sermon, Henry Augustus Squires, Henry Kemp and Deborah Jane Chapman. Many of the survivors complained.Palmer gave the quote during a radio series of Men You Should Know describing the life of Webster about forty years after Webster died. Palmer said that he was paraphrasing Webster, and given the lapse of time and the casual nature of a Sunday School class, Orton believes it unlikely to be an exact quote. Orton believes Palmer was trying to emphasize Webster's character, rather than give a definitive statement on the faithfulness of all the members of the Willie Martin handcart company, and finds it unlikely that it was an exact quote. Orton also finds it unlikely that Webster knew all of the survivors, given that they spread throughout Utah after they arrived and didn't have a reunion until after Webster's death. Orton believes Webster was only referring to the pioneers in Cedar City, where the quote was given.

Question: What is the first name of the person Orton believes did not know all the survivors?
Answer: Francis
The birds lived in forests at both montane and lowland elevations – they are thought to have moved seasonally, living at higher elevation in summer and descending to lower elevation in winter. Huia were omnivorous and ate adult insects, grubs and spiders, as well as the fruits of a small number of native plants. Males and females used their beaks to feed in different ways: the male used his bill to chisel away at rotting wood, while the female's longer, more flexible bill was able to probe deeper areas. Even though the huia is frequently mentioned in biology and ornithology textbooks because of this striking dimorphism, not much is known about its biology; it was little studied before it was driven to extinction.
The huia is one of New Zealand's best-known extinct birds because of its bill shape, its sheer beauty and special place in Māori culture and oral tradition. The bird was regarded by Māori as tapu (sacred), and the wearing of its skin or feathers was reserved for people of high status.

Question: What are thought to have moved seasonally, living at higher elevations in summer?
Answer: Huia
The birds lived in forests at both montane and lowland elevations – they are thought to have moved seasonally, living at higher elevation in summer and descending to lower elevation in winter. Huia were omnivorous and ate adult insects, grubs and spiders, as well as the fruits of a small number of native plants. Males and females used their beaks to feed in different ways: the male used his bill to chisel away at rotting wood, while the female's longer, more flexible bill was able to probe deeper areas. Even though the huia is frequently mentioned in biology and ornithology textbooks because of this striking dimorphism, not much is known about its biology; it was little studied before it was driven to extinction.
The huia is one of New Zealand's best-known extinct birds because of its bill shape, its sheer beauty and special place in Māori culture and oral tradition. The bird was regarded by Māori as tapu (sacred), and the wearing of its skin or feathers was reserved for people of high status.

Question: What was not studied much before it became extinct?
Answer: Huia
The birds lived in forests at both montane and lowland elevations – they are thought to have moved seasonally, living at higher elevation in summer and descending to lower elevation in winter. Huia were omnivorous and ate adult insects, grubs and spiders, as well as the fruits of a small number of native plants. Males and females used their beaks to feed in different ways: the male used his bill to chisel away at rotting wood, while the female's longer, more flexible bill was able to probe deeper areas. Even though the huia is frequently mentioned in biology and ornithology textbooks because of this striking dimorphism, not much is known about its biology; it was little studied before it was driven to extinction.
The huia is one of New Zealand's best-known extinct birds because of its bill shape, its sheer beauty and special place in Māori culture and oral tradition. The bird was regarded by Māori as tapu (sacred), and the wearing of its skin or feathers was reserved for people of high status.

Question: What lives in forests at montane and lowland elevations?
Answer: Huia
The birds lived in forests at both montane and lowland elevations – they are thought to have moved seasonally, living at higher elevation in summer and descending to lower elevation in winter. Huia were omnivorous and ate adult insects, grubs and spiders, as well as the fruits of a small number of native plants. Males and females used their beaks to feed in different ways: the male used his bill to chisel away at rotting wood, while the female's longer, more flexible bill was able to probe deeper areas. Even though the huia is frequently mentioned in biology and ornithology textbooks because of this striking dimorphism, not much is known about its biology; it was little studied before it was driven to extinction.
The huia is one of New Zealand's best-known extinct birds because of its bill shape, its sheer beauty and special place in Māori culture and oral tradition. The bird was regarded by Māori as tapu (sacred), and the wearing of its skin or feathers was reserved for people of high status.

Question: What makes up the diet of the birds?
Answer: fruits of a small number of native plants, adult insects, grubs, spiders
Operation Kugown was the name given to the psychological warfare operation that had played an important part in the overthrow of Árbenz. During the coup, its primary targets had been the Árbenz government. After the conclusion of the coup, Kugown continued, targeting the rest of Guatemala, and the wider international audience. The aim of the operation was to disseminate derogatory information about Árbenz, and to convince Guatemalans—and the rest of the world—that Árbenz's regime had been communist-dominated. The use of documents from PBHistory for Operation Kugown began in August 1954. The standard method employed by the CIA was to select a document that could be portrayed as incriminating and write an explanation covering it. This would then be released to the press by the Comité, so that the local agency could receive some credit. The Comité also released a short documentary film, titled Despues Descubrimos La Verdad ("Later We Discover the Truth"). Through these avenues news media in Guatemala and elsewhere in Central America were saturated with stories of how the Árbenz government had been controlled by communists.While the press releases had a substantial impact within Guatemala, the CIA was unable to staunch the continued criticism of the US role in the coup, which came from virtually all countries except for West Germany and the US itself. Very few news agencies chose to run the press releases from the Comité, even though a number of them were put out. Information was sent to press agencies worldwide describing infiltration by the PGT and links among Communists elsewhere; nonetheless, their impact remained minimal. The lack of attention frustrated the PBHistory agents to the point where they planned to stage a false flag attack on their own headquarters, which would later be described as the work of Guatemala's remaining communists. However, the CIA decided that such an attack would need the cooperation of too many "indigenous" people, and the plan was scrapped as being too risky. Operation Kugown also released a large quantity of communist propaganda material that had entered Guatemala from countries within the Soviet sphere of influence; these convinced American journalists such as Donald Grant, of the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, that there must have been a connection between Árbenz and the Soviet government. Ultimately, these operations were unsuccessful in convincing Latin America that the 1954 coup was justified.

Question: Who did very few news agency choose to run press releases from?
Answer: he Comité
Operation Kugown was the name given to the psychological warfare operation that had played an important part in the overthrow of Árbenz. During the coup, its primary targets had been the Árbenz government. After the conclusion of the coup, Kugown continued, targeting the rest of Guatemala, and the wider international audience. The aim of the operation was to disseminate derogatory information about Árbenz, and to convince Guatemalans—and the rest of the world—that Árbenz's regime had been communist-dominated. The use of documents from PBHistory for Operation Kugown began in August 1954. The standard method employed by the CIA was to select a document that could be portrayed as incriminating and write an explanation covering it. This would then be released to the press by the Comité, so that the local agency could receive some credit. The Comité also released a short documentary film, titled Despues Descubrimos La Verdad ("Later We Discover the Truth"). Through these avenues news media in Guatemala and elsewhere in Central America were saturated with stories of how the Árbenz government had been controlled by communists.While the press releases had a substantial impact within Guatemala, the CIA was unable to staunch the continued criticism of the US role in the coup, which came from virtually all countries except for West Germany and the US itself. Very few news agencies chose to run the press releases from the Comité, even though a number of them were put out. Information was sent to press agencies worldwide describing infiltration by the PGT and links among Communists elsewhere; nonetheless, their impact remained minimal. The lack of attention frustrated the PBHistory agents to the point where they planned to stage a false flag attack on their own headquarters, which would later be described as the work of Guatemala's remaining communists. However, the CIA decided that such an attack would need the cooperation of too many "indigenous" people, and the plan was scrapped as being too risky. Operation Kugown also released a large quantity of communist propaganda material that had entered Guatemala from countries within the Soviet sphere of influence; these convinced American journalists such as Donald Grant, of the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, that there must have been a connection between Árbenz and the Soviet government. Ultimately, these operations were unsuccessful in convincing Latin America that the 1954 coup was justified.

Question: What was the full name of the person who was convinced that there must have been a connection between Árbenz and the Soviet government?
Answer: Donald Grant,
Operation Kugown was the name given to the psychological warfare operation that had played an important part in the overthrow of Árbenz. During the coup, its primary targets had been the Árbenz government. After the conclusion of the coup, Kugown continued, targeting the rest of Guatemala, and the wider international audience. The aim of the operation was to disseminate derogatory information about Árbenz, and to convince Guatemalans—and the rest of the world—that Árbenz's regime had been communist-dominated. The use of documents from PBHistory for Operation Kugown began in August 1954. The standard method employed by the CIA was to select a document that could be portrayed as incriminating and write an explanation covering it. This would then be released to the press by the Comité, so that the local agency could receive some credit. The Comité also released a short documentary film, titled Despues Descubrimos La Verdad ("Later We Discover the Truth"). Through these avenues news media in Guatemala and elsewhere in Central America were saturated with stories of how the Árbenz government had been controlled by communists.While the press releases had a substantial impact within Guatemala, the CIA was unable to staunch the continued criticism of the US role in the coup, which came from virtually all countries except for West Germany and the US itself. Very few news agencies chose to run the press releases from the Comité, even though a number of them were put out. Information was sent to press agencies worldwide describing infiltration by the PGT and links among Communists elsewhere; nonetheless, their impact remained minimal. The lack of attention frustrated the PBHistory agents to the point where they planned to stage a false flag attack on their own headquarters, which would later be described as the work of Guatemala's remaining communists. However, the CIA decided that such an attack would need the cooperation of too many "indigenous" people, and the plan was scrapped as being too risky. Operation Kugown also released a large quantity of communist propaganda material that had entered Guatemala from countries within the Soviet sphere of influence; these convinced American journalists such as Donald Grant, of the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, that there must have been a connection between Árbenz and the Soviet government. Ultimately, these operations were unsuccessful in convincing Latin America that the 1954 coup was justified.

Question: What territory was the operation not successful in convincing that the coup was justified?
Answer: Latin America
The Andean condor (Vultur gryphus) is a South American bird in the New World vulture family Cathartidae and is the only member of the genus Vultur. Found in the Andes mountains and adjacent Pacific coasts of western South America, the Andean condor is the largest flying bird in the world by combined measurement of weight and wingspan. It has a maximum wingspan of 3.3 m (10 ft 10 in) exceeded only by the wingspans of four seabirds and water birds—the roughly 3.5 m (11 ft 6 in) maximum of the wandering albatross, southern royal albatross, great white pelican and Dalmatian pelican.It is a large black vulture with a ruff of white feathers surrounding the base of the neck and, especially in the male, large white patches on the wings. The head and neck are nearly featherless, and are a dull red color, which may flush and therefore change color in response to the bird's emotional state. In the male, there is a wattle on the neck and a large, dark red comb or caruncle on the crown of the head. Unlike most birds of prey, the male is larger than the female.
The condor is primarily a scavenger, feeding on carrion. It prefers large carcasses, such as those of deer or cattle. It reaches sexual maturity at five or six years of age and nests at elevations of up to 5,000 m (16,000 ft), generally on inaccessible rock ledges. One or two eggs are usually laid. It is one of the world's longest-living birds, with a lifespan of over 70 years in some cases.
The Andean condor is a national symbol of Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru and plays an important role in the folklore and mythology of the Andean regions. The Andean condor is considered near threatened by the IUCN. It is threatened by habitat loss and by secondary poisoning from carcasses killed by hunters. Captive breeding programs have been instituted in several countries.

Question: What has a maximum wingspan fo 3.5m?
Answer: four seabirds and water birds
The Andean condor (Vultur gryphus) is a South American bird in the New World vulture family Cathartidae and is the only member of the genus Vultur. Found in the Andes mountains and adjacent Pacific coasts of western South America, the Andean condor is the largest flying bird in the world by combined measurement of weight and wingspan. It has a maximum wingspan of 3.3 m (10 ft 10 in) exceeded only by the wingspans of four seabirds and water birds—the roughly 3.5 m (11 ft 6 in) maximum of the wandering albatross, southern royal albatross, great white pelican and Dalmatian pelican.It is a large black vulture with a ruff of white feathers surrounding the base of the neck and, especially in the male, large white patches on the wings. The head and neck are nearly featherless, and are a dull red color, which may flush and therefore change color in response to the bird's emotional state. In the male, there is a wattle on the neck and a large, dark red comb or caruncle on the crown of the head. Unlike most birds of prey, the male is larger than the female.
The condor is primarily a scavenger, feeding on carrion. It prefers large carcasses, such as those of deer or cattle. It reaches sexual maturity at five or six years of age and nests at elevations of up to 5,000 m (16,000 ft), generally on inaccessible rock ledges. One or two eggs are usually laid. It is one of the world's longest-living birds, with a lifespan of over 70 years in some cases.
The Andean condor is a national symbol of Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru and plays an important role in the folklore and mythology of the Andean regions. The Andean condor is considered near threatened by the IUCN. It is threatened by habitat loss and by secondary poisoning from carcasses killed by hunters. Captive breeding programs have been instituted in several countries.

Question: What Andean condor gender is larger?
Answer: male
In 1906 San Francisco, Frisco Jenny Sandoval, a denizen of the notorious Tenderloin district, wants to marry piano player Dan McAllister, but her saloonkeeper father Jim is adamantly opposed to it. An earthquake kills both men and devastates the city. In the aftermath, Jenny gives birth to a son, whom she names Dan.
With financial help from crooked lawyer Steve Dutton, who himself came from the Tenderloin, she sets herself up in the vice trade, providing women on demand. Jenny has one loyal friend, the Chinese woman Amah, who helps take care of the baby.
At a party in Steve's honor, he catches gambler Ed Harris (an uncredited J. Carrol Naish) cheating him in a back room. In the ensuing struggle, Steve kills him, with Jenny the only eyewitness. The pair are unable to dispose of the body before it is found and are questioned by the police. However, neither is charged. The scandal forces Jenny to temporarily give up her baby to a very respectable couple who owe Steve a favor to keep the child from being taken away from her.
After three years, she tries to take her son back, but the boy clings to the only mother he can remember, so she leaves him where he is. He grows up and goes to Stanford University, where he becomes a football star, graduates with honors, and becomes first a lawyer, then an assistant district attorney. Jenny lovingly follows his progress. Meanwhile, she takes over the vice and bootlegging in the city.

Question: What is the full name of the person that has a saloonkeeper for a father?
Answer: Frisco Jenny Sandoval
In 1906 San Francisco, Frisco Jenny Sandoval, a denizen of the notorious Tenderloin district, wants to marry piano player Dan McAllister, but her saloonkeeper father Jim is adamantly opposed to it. An earthquake kills both men and devastates the city. In the aftermath, Jenny gives birth to a son, whom she names Dan.
With financial help from crooked lawyer Steve Dutton, who himself came from the Tenderloin, she sets herself up in the vice trade, providing women on demand. Jenny has one loyal friend, the Chinese woman Amah, who helps take care of the baby.
At a party in Steve's honor, he catches gambler Ed Harris (an uncredited J. Carrol Naish) cheating him in a back room. In the ensuing struggle, Steve kills him, with Jenny the only eyewitness. The pair are unable to dispose of the body before it is found and are questioned by the police. However, neither is charged. The scandal forces Jenny to temporarily give up her baby to a very respectable couple who owe Steve a favor to keep the child from being taken away from her.
After three years, she tries to take her son back, but the boy clings to the only mother he can remember, so she leaves him where he is. He grows up and goes to Stanford University, where he becomes a football star, graduates with honors, and becomes first a lawyer, then an assistant district attorney. Jenny lovingly follows his progress. Meanwhile, she takes over the vice and bootlegging in the city.

Question: What are the first names of the people killed in the earthquake?
Answer: Dan, Jim