natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
In Belgium (Flemish Community), the ministry publishes a monthly magazine and a digital newsletter (Klasse voor ouders) for parents, , and hosts a website for parents.
V Belgiji (amski skupnosti) ministrstvo izdaja mesečno revijo in digitalno glasilo (Klasse voor ouders) za starše in je gostitelj spletne strani za starše.
These media channels frequently bring gender topics to parents’ attention.
Ta medijska pot večkrat vzbudi pozornost staršev tudi pri vprašanjih, povezanih z enakostjo spolov.
In Denmark, in 2008, the Ministry of Gender Equality published two children's books that are meant as starting points for a discussion with children about gender roles.
Na Danskem je Ministrstvo za enakost spolov leta 2008 objavilo dve otroški knjigi kot izhodišče za pogovore z otroki o vlogi spolov.
In addition, in 2009, the Minister will resend materials to pupils, teachers, parents and councillors in elder classes of Danish primary schools, which explain how they can contribute to giving pupils broader options after compulsory school and, in this way, help to break down the gender-orientated choices of education (3).
V Franciji Konvencija iz leta 2006 določa, da izogibanje spolni določenosti pri izbiri poklicne poti 'obsega usmerjanje mladih ljudi, učencev in študentov, staršev, celotne izobraževalne skupnosti in poklicnih skupin, in sicer tako, da bodo informacije o šolskih predmetih in poklicih fante in dekleta spodbujale k izbiri novih poti'.
Chapter 4: Gender Equality and the Organisation of Schools: Curriculum, Guidance and School Climate
4. poglavje: Enakost spolovin organiziranost šol: kurikulum, usmerjanjein ozračje v šolah
In Portugal, parents are involved in health education, which covers topics such as sexuality, violence in school, diet and physical activity, psychoactive substances and sexually transmitted infections.
Na Portugalskem starši sodelujejo pri zdravstveni vzgoji, kamor spadajo teme, kot so spolnost, nasilje v šolah, diete in telesna aktivnost, psihoaktivne snovi in spolno prenosljive okužbe.
In Liechtenstein, curriculum regulations require teachers to inform parents when sex education is to be provided.
V Lihtenštajnu pravila o izvedbi kurikuluma od učiteljev zahtevajo, da starše obvestijo o tem, kdaj je na urniku spolna vzgoja.
Finally, parents can be involved in improving the achievement levels of their children, in particular that of their sons (see also Chapter 5).
Starši lahko sodelujejo tudi pri izboljševanju ravni znanja svojih otrok, posebno sinov (glej tudi 5. poglavje).
In the United Kingdom (Scotland), in some primary schools, there have been efforts to raise parental awareness of, in particular, their son’s underachievement.
V Združenem kraljestvu (na Škotskem) si v nekaterih primarnih šolah prizadevajo, da bi starše ozavestili o slabem uspehu (pred- vsem) njihovih sinov.
Schools have also tried to involve fathers more in areas such as reading at home, this strategy hopefully increasing male role model possibilities for the child.
Šole so k nekaterim dejavnostim poskusile pritegniti tudi očete, npr. k branju; ta strategija pri otrocih obetavno razširi model mogočih moških vzornikov.
In 2008, the Welsh Assembly Government launched a campaign to improve literacy among boys and includes as one of its features to encourage male family members to read with boys.
Leta 2008 je vlada v Walesu začela kampanjo za izboljšanje pismenosti med fanti; ena od značilnosti je bila spodbuditi moške člane družine k branju s fanti.
To summarise, despite the important role parents could play in promoting gender equality, government projects and initiatives that aim to inform and educate them about gender equality issues are rare.
Če povzamemo: čeprav je vloga staršev pri uveljavljanju enakosti spolov pomembna, je mogoče skleniti, da so vladni projekti in pobude, ki bi jih seznanjale in za to nalogo usposabljale, redke.
Furthermore, the attempts made to involve parents more closely in promoting gender equality initiatives in schools are even more limited.
Poskusi, da bi starše privabili k tesnemu sodelovanju pri uveljavljanju enakosti spolov v šolah, pa so še redkejši.
Educational attainment plays a key role in determining life chances (see Chapter 1).
Šolski uspeh ima pri določanju življenjskih možnosti najpomembnejšo vlogo (glej 1. poglavje).
Equal enrolment and completion rates have long been seen as important indicators of gender equality in education, which, in turn, should contribute to gender equality in society.
Enaka deleža vpisanih in tistih, ki šolo končajo, sta že dolgo pomembna kazalnika enakosti spolov v izobraževanju, pripomoreta pa tudi k enakosti spolov v družbi.
This chapter discusses attainment in terms of participation and results obtained.
To poglavje obravnava uspeh po deležih in doseženem uspehu.
Firstly, it looks at proportions of females and males graduating/completing education.
Najprej prikazuje deleže žensk in moških, ki so izobraževanje uspešno končali.
The earliest differences in attainment between boys and girls are manifested in falling behind in school and grade repetition, where these phenomena exist.
Zgodnje razlike med fanti in dekleti se kažejo pri zaostajanju fantov in ponavljanju razredov, kjer ti pojavi obstajajo. Oboje je bolj značilno za fante.
Boys also predominate among the pupils who leave school early while, in contrast, more girls than boys receive an upper secondary school diploma.
Fantje prevladujejo tudi med tistimi, ki šolo zgodaj zapustijo, nasprotno pa si več deklet kot fantov pridobi spričevalo o končanem višjem sekundarnem izobraževanju.
An overview of gender patterns in attainment in terms of acquired abilities and skills was provided in Chapter 2. This chapter complements the previously discussed international survey findings with an overview of national test results.
Pregled vzorcev po spolu pri pridobivanju zmožnosti in spretnosti je v 2. poglavju, to poglavje dopolnjuje tam obravnavane ugotovitve iz mednarodnih raziskav s pregledom rezultatov pri nacionalnih preizkusih znanja.
This data reveals that girls usually perform somewhat better at school-leaving examinations and obtain higher grades.
Podatki razkrivajo, da so dekleta nekoliko uspešnejša pri zaključnih izpitih in dobivajo boljše ocene.
All of the data outlined below suggests that, in general, boys are underachieving compared to girls.
Vsi v nadaljevanju prikazani podatki nakazujejo, da so, gledano na splošno, fantje v primerjavi z dekleti manj uspešni.
However, special disadvantaged groups with low attainment do exist within the general population of boys and girls.
Posebno prikrajšane skupine s slabim uspehom pa so v populaciji fantov in deklet.
In order to fully consider them, a special section presents the relevant country-specific data.
Zato da bi jih lahko natančno proučili, so v posebnem razdelku prikazani ustrezni podatki po državah.
Finally, the chapter covers current policy responses to close gender gaps in attainment.
V poglavju so zajeti tudi politični odzivi na razlike med spoloma pri izobraževalnih dosežkih.
In many countries boys tend to fall behind in school compared to girls.
Zdi se, da v mnogih državah fantje v primerjavi z dekleti bolj zaostajajo.
The trend is quite pronounced when pupils progress to upper secondary school, but less visible in lower secondary.
Trend je zelo izrazit pri napredovanju učencev v višje sekundarne šole, manj opazen pa v nižjih sekundarnih šolah.
Figure 5.1 shows the percentage of males and females who are still in ISCED 1 at the age when at least 80 % of their age group is already attending ISCED 2.
Preglednica 5.1 prikazuje odstotne deleže fantov in deklet, ki so še vedno na ravni ISCED 1 pri starosti, ko najmanj 80 % starostne skupine že obiskuje šolo na ravni ISCED 2.
In more than half of European countries there is almost no difference (i.e. less than 2 %) between boys and girls that have not advanced to ISCED 2.
V več kot polovici držav skoraj ni razlike (je le 2-odstotna) med fanti in dekleti, ki niso napredovali na raven ISCED 2.
Yet, even when the difference is small, it is always in favour of girls.
Toda, čeprav je razlika majhna, je zmeraj v prid deklet.
The difference is pronounced (i.e. 58 %) in Denmark, Estonia, Spain, Latvia and Portugal.
Razlika je izrazita (to je 5- do 8-odstotna) na Danskem, v Estoniji, Španiji, Latviji in na Portugalskem.
Figure 5.1: Percentage of males and females still at ISCED 1 at the age when at least 80 % of their age group is at ISCED 2, 2007
Preglednica 5.1: Odstotni delež fantov in deklet, ki so še vedno na ravni ISCED 1 pri starosti, ko je najmanj 80 % starostne skupine na ravni ISCED 2, 2007
Females in ISCED 1 Males in ISCED 1 Total % in ISCED 2 Age when min.
Skupni odstotni delež na ravni ISCED 2
80 % at ISCED 2
Starost, ko je najmanj 80 % na ravni ISCED 2
Source: Eurydice calculations based on Eurostat.
Vir: zračunano v Eurydice na podlagi Eurostatovih podatkov.
The calculations are based on Eurostat data on 'students by ISCED level, age and sex'.
Izračuni temeljijo na Eurostatovih podatkih o 'učencih po ravneh ISCED, starosti in spolu'.
For each country, the age at which a minimum of 80 % of students had reached ISCED 2 was determined.
Za vsako državo je bila določena starost, pri kateri je najmanj 80 % učencev na ravni ISCED 2.
For the age that was set, the % of girls that were still attending ISCED 1 was calculated from total number of girls of that age in the respective country.
Pri tako opredeljeni starosti je bil odstotek deklet, ki so bila še vedno na ravni ISCED 1, za vsako državo zračunan iz skupnega števila deklet te starosti.
The same calculations were made for boys.
Enak izračun je bil narejen za fante.
Public and private schools counted together, special education excluded. Turkey: There is no distinction between ISCED 1 and 2.
Švedska in Norveška: podatki manjkajo, ker je starostna razporeditev v Eurostatu prikazana po šolskih letih;Združeno kraljestvo: podatki z Ministrstva za otroke, šole in družine; upoštevane so javne in zasebne šole, posebno izobraževanje pa je izključeno;Turčija: ni razlike med ravnema ISCED 1 in 2.
The difference in the proportions of boys and girls falling behind in some instances is due to boys starting school later than girls.
Razlike v deležih fantov in deklet, ki zaostajajo, se v nekaterih primerih pojavijo zato, ker fantje začnejo šolanje pozneje kot dekleta.
In the Czech Republic in 2008/09, boys constituted 64 % of pupils entering compulsory education later than the school starting age (ÚIV, 2009).
Na Češkem je bilo v letu 2008/09 med učenci, ki so v obvezno šolanje vstopili pozneje, kot je za začetek šolanja predpisano, 64 % fantov (ÚIV, 2009).
The start of compulsory schooling (i.e. at six years) may be postponed by one year at the request of the legal guardian if the child is not physically or mentally ready for school attendance.
Začetek obveznega šolanja (pri šestih letih) se lahko za eno leto odloži na zahtevo zakonitih skrbnikov, če otrok fizično ali psihično še ni pripravljen na obiskovanje šole.
This readiness for school is judged on the basis of an examination by an educational and psychological service or special educational centre.
O pripravljenosti se presoja na podlagi testiranja v izobraževalnih in psiholoških službah ali posebnih izobraževalnih centrih.
Studies in Germany indicate two factors related to boys starting school later.
Študije v Nemčiji za poznejši začetek šolanja navajajo dva dejavnika.
Firstly, parents doubt their boys' ability to concentrate.
Prvič, starši pri fantih dvomijo o njihovi zmožnosti koncentra- cije.
Secondly, boys of school starting age show less interest in reading and have lower social competence (Haug, 2006; Wienholz, 2008).
Drugič, fantje pri starosti za začetek šolanja kažejo manj zanimanja za branje, prav tako so slabše njihove socialne kompetence (Haug, 2006; Wienholz, 2008).
Chapter 5: Gender Patternsin Educational Attainment
5. poglavje: Vzorciizobraževalnih dosežkov po spolu
A Polish study on the 'readiness for school' level of six year-olds has revealed significant differences in favour of girls.
Poljska študija o ravni 'pripravljenosti šestletnikov na šolo' je razkrila pomembne razlike v prid deklet.
Generally, girls ranked higher than boys in reading, writing, numeracy and reasoning.
Gledano na splošno, so bila dekleta uvrščena dosti višje pri branju, pisanju, računanju in sklepanju.
In addition, girls also displayed higher levels of social and emotional maturity (Kopik, 2007).
Poleg tega so dekleta izkazala višjo raven socialne in čustvene zrelosti (Kopik, 2007).
There are greater gender differences with respect to progression to upper secondary school (Figure 5.2).
Večje razlike med spoloma so opazne pri napredovanju v višje sekundarne šole (preglednica 5.2).
The difference between males and females who are still in ISCED 2 at the age when at least 80 % of their age group is already attending ISCED 3 is less than 2 % in only five countries (Czech Republic, France, Cyprus, the United Kingdom and Iceland).
Razlika med fanti in dekleti, ki so še na ravni ISCED 2 pri starosti, ko najmanj 80 % starostne skupine že obiskuje šolo na ravni ISCED 3, je manj kot 2-odstotna le v petih državah (na Češkem, v Franciji, na Cipru, v Združenem kraljestvu in na Islandiji).
In many Southern and Eastern European countries, as well as the Netherlands, there are considerably more boys than girls falling behind (i.e. more than 5 %).
V mnogih južno- in vzhodnoevropskih državah, pa tudi na Nizozemskem, zaostaja dosti več fantov kot deklet (to je več kot 5 %).
In the Baltic countries, the tendency is especially pronounced and the difference reaches 8 to 11 %.
V baltskih državah je pojav še posebno izrazit, saj so razlike 8- do 10-odstotne.
Figure 5.2: Percentage of males and females still at ISCED 2 at the age when at least 80 % of their age group is at ISCED 3, 2007
Preglednica 5.2: Odstotni delež fantov in deklet, ki so še vedno na ravni ISCED 2 pri starosti, ko je najmanj 80 % starostne skupine na ravni ISCED 3, 2007
Females in ISCED 2 Males in ISCED 2 Total % in ISCED 3 Age when min.
Skupni odstotni delež na ravni ISCED 3
80 % at ISCED 3
Starost, ko je najmanj 80 % na ravni ISCED 3
Norway: Marked as missing, since age distributions provided for Eurostat are estimated by school year. Turkey: ISCED 2 is not separated from ISCED 1.
Norveška: podatki manjkajo, ker je starostna razporeditev v Eurostatu prikazana po šolskih letih;Turčija: ni razlike med ravnema ISCED 1 in 2.
For each country, the age at which a minimum of 80 % of students had reached ISCED 3 was determined.
Za vsako državo je bila določena starost, pri kateri je najmanj 80 % učencev na ravni ISCED 3.
For the age that was set, the % of girls that were still attending ISCED 2 was calculated from total number of girls of that age in the respective country.
Pri tako opredeljeni starosti je bil odstotek deklet, ki so bila še vedno na ravni ISCED 2, za vsako državo zračunan iz skupnega števila deklet te starosti.
The gendered patterns in falling behind might be reinforced by the fact that there are more boys than girls who are repeating a year (or more) of schooling.
Vzorci razlik med spoloma pri zaostajanju so verjetno še opaznejši zato, ker več fantov kot deklet med šolanjem ponavlja razred (enega ali več).
The repetition of a school year can be considered as a form of support for low achievers as it seeks to adapt the curriculum to pupil performance.
Ponavljanje razreda je mogoče imeti za pomoč učencem s slabim uspehom, saj se zanje kurikulum prilagaja.
The requirement for a particular student to repeat a year usually follows a formal assessment or informal decision by the teachers when student has poor results in crucial subjects.
O ponavljanju razreda se navadno odloči na podlagi formalnega preverjanja znanja ali neformalnega mnenja učiteljev, kadar učenec pri najpomembnejših predmetih ni uspešen.
Although the benefits of repeating a year are debatable (OECD, 2005, 2007a), only about one third of European countries have automatic progression to the next year during primary education (see EACEA/Eurydice 2009a, p. 231-233).
Čeprav se o koristih ponavljanja še naprej veliko razpravlja (OECD, 2005, 2007a), le v tretjini evropskih držav v primarnem izobraževanju poznajo brezpogojno napredovanje v naslednji letnik (glej EACEA/Eurydice 2009a, str. 231-233).
Data on pupils who repeat a school year are not systematically collected at European level, thus we rely on national statistics.
Podatki o učencih, ki ponavljajo razred, se na evropski ravni ne zbirajo sistematično, zato so bili za oporo nacionalni statistični podatki.
In those countries which do not have automatic progression, the proportions of pupils who repeat a year can vary between countries from almost none to a significant figure. For example, in the French Community of Belgium nearly one in two pupils repeats a year at secondary school.
V državah, v katerih ne poznajo brezpogojnega napredovanja v naslednji razred, se deleži učencev, ki razred ponavljajo, lahko razlikujejo od skoraj nič do pomembnega števila.V francoski skupnosti v Belgiji, npr., v sekundarni šoli razred ponavlja skoraj eden od dveh učencev.
In Ireland, Lithuania and Finland, the phenomenon is marginal, only approximately 2 % or less of an age group repeats a class.
Na Irskem, v Litvi in na Finskem je pojav obroben, saj razred ponavlja le približno 2 % učencev ali manj.
In all countries where data by gender is available, the male repetition rate is higher than the female.
V vseh državah z dostopnimi podatki o ponavljanju po spolu je delež fantov, ki ponavljajo, večji kot za dekleta.
In the French Community of Belgium in 2006/07, 20 % of boys and 16 % of girls at primary school had had to repeat at least one year; at secondary level, 51 % of boys and 43 % of girls had had to repeat at least one year (MCF/ETNIC 2008, p. 33).
V francoski skupnosti v Belgiji je moralo v šolskem letu 2006/07 v primarnih šolah vsaj en razred ponavljati 20 % fantov in 16 % deklet, v sekundarnih šolah pa 51 % fantov in 43 % deklet, prav tako vsaj en razred (MCF/ETNIC 2008, str. 33).
In the Flemish Community of Belgium in 2007/08, 16 % of boys and 15 % of girls repeated (one or more) years in primary school.
V flamski skupnosti v Belgiji je v šolskem letu 2007/08 v primarnih šolah 16 % fantov in 15 % deklet ponavljalo (vsaj en) razred.
In Portugal, repetition rates are gradually increasing with each cycle of education, with approximately 6 % higher rates for 10-17 year old boys than girls.
Na Portugalskem se stopnja ponavljanja povečuje z vsakim izobraževalnim obdobjem in je za fante, stare od 10 do 17 let, za 6 % višja kot za dekleta.
In 2006/07, the rates reached 28 % for boys and 22 % for girls at upper secondary school (GEPE-ME & INE, 2009). In Romania, the repetition rates are much lower, yet the gender gap is evident: in 2007/08 in primary education, 3 % of boys and 2 % of girls repeated a year (INS, 2008a); in lower secondary school, the rates reached 5 % for boys and 3 % for girls (INS, 2008b), and in upper secondary education 4 % for boys and 2 % for girls respectively (INS, 2008c).
V šolskem letu 2006/07 je bila stopnja za fante v višjih sekundarnih šolah 28-odstotna, za dekleta pa 22-odstotna (GEPE-ME & INE, 2009). V Romuniji je delež ponavljalcev precej manjši, razlike med spoloma pa so očitne: v šolskem letu 2007/08 je v primarnem izobra- ževanju razred ponavljalo 3 % fantov in 2 % deklet (INS, 2008a); v nižjih sekundarnih šolah je bila stopnja 5-odstotna za fante in 3-odstotna za dekleta (INS, 2008b), v višjem sekundarnem izobraževanju pa 4-odstotna za fante oziroma 2-odstotna za dekleta (INS, 2008c).
Some countries only have data on the proportion of boys among pupils who repeat a year which in most cases is approximately 60 %.
Nekatere države imajo le podatke o deležu fantov med učenci, ki ponavljajo razred; v večini primerov jih je približno 60 %.
In the Czech Republic in 2008/09, boys in primary and lower secondary constituted 63 % of pupils who repeated a year (ÚIV, 2009).
Na Češkem je bilo v šolskem letu 2008/09 v primarnem in sekundarnem izobraževanju med učenci, ki so razred ponavljali, 63 % fantov (ÚIV, 2009).
In Estonia, boys predominate among pupils who repeat a year in full-time studies (62 % in 2008).
V Estoniji fantje prevladujejo med učenci, ki ponavljajo razred v rednem šolanju (leta 2008 62 %).
However, the numbers of those who repeat and the share of boys among them have been declining recently (Statistics Estonia, 2009).
Vendar pa sta se število tistih, ki ponavljajo, in delež fantov med njimi v zadnjih letih zmanjšala (Statistics Estonia, 2009).
In Spain in public schools in 2007/08, the percentage of boys among those who repeated a year varied from 53 % among 14-16 year-olds to 61 % among 12-14 year-olds (Ministerio de Educación, 2009).
V Španiji se je v šolskem letu 2007/08 v javnih šolah odstotni delež fantov med tistimi, ki ponavljajo razred, razlikoval in je bil 53-od- stoten med učenci, starimi od 14 do 16 let, in 61-odstoten med starimi 12 do 14 let (Ministerio de Educación, 2009).
In Italy in 2006/07, males constituted 69 % of pupils who repeated a year in lower secondary schools and 65 % in upper secondary schools (ISTAT, 2009).
V Italiji je bilo v šolskem letu 2006/07 v nižjih sekundarnih šolah med učenci, ki so ponavljali razred, 69 % fantov, v višjih sekundar- nih šolah pa 65 % (ISTAT, 2009).
In Latvia in 2006/07, boys constituted 67 % of those who were repeating a year due to unsatisfactory performance (IZM, 2009).
V Latviji je bilo v šolskem letu 2006/07 med ponavljalci zaradi nezadostnega uspeha 67 % fantov (IZM, 2009).
In Lithuania in 2007, 70 % of pupils who repeated a year were boys (ŠVIS, 2009).
V Litvi je bilo leta 2007 med ponavljalci 70 % fantov (ŠVIS, 2009).
In Poland in 2007/08, boys constituted 66 % of pupils who repeated a year in primary school, 71 % in lower secondary school and 54.7 % in general upper secondary school (Eurydice calculations based on GUS (2008)).
Na Poljskem je bilo v šolskem letu 2007/08 v primarnih šolah med ponavljalci 66 % fantov, v nižjih sekundarnih šolah 71 %, v splošnih višjih sekundarnih šolah pa 54,7 % (zračunano v Eurydice na podlagi podatkov GUS (2008)).
In Slovenia in 2008 in the 9-year basic school, 68 % of pupils who repeated a year were boys (SORS, 2009).
V Sloveniji je bilo leta 2008 v devetletni osnovni šoli med ponavljalci 68 % fantov (SURS, 2009).
There are few noteworthy gender distinctions with respect to participation rates in primary and lower
Pri vključenosti v primarno in nižje sekundarno izobraževanje (ISCED 1 in 2) je nekaj omembe vrednih raz-
The differences emerge at the end of compulsory education (): male participation rates decline faster in most countries as young women stay in education longer than young men (EACEA/Eurydice 2009a, p. 93).
): delež vpisanih fantov se v večini držav zmanjšuje hitreje, saj dekleta ostanejo v šoli dlje kot fantje (EACEA/Eurydice 2009a, str. 93).
Boys are more likely to drop out of school without an upper secondary education diploma than girls (see Figure 5.3).
Fantje večkrat nehajo hoditi v šolo, preden si pridobijo zaključno spričevalo višjega sekundarnega izobraževanja, kot dekleta (glej preglednico 5.3).
On average in the EU-27, 17 % of the male population aged 18-24 have at most lower secondary education and are not in further education or training.
V povprečju ima v državah EU-27 17 % moške populacije, stare od 18 do 24 let, največ nižjo sekundarno izobrazbo in jih ni v nadaljnjem izobraževanju ali usposabljanju.
The corresponding figure for the female population is 13 %.
Ustrezen podatek za žensko populacijo je 13 %.
There are large discrepancies between European countries, but the gender gap essentially remains very similar.
Med evropskimi državami so velike razlike, razlike med spoloma pa so zelo podobne.
Only in a few countries (Bulgaria, Romania and the Czech Republic) there are approximately the same proportions of boys and girls leaving school early (i.e. the difference is less than 1 %).
Le v nekaj državah (Bolgariji, Romuniji in na Češkem) šolanje zgodaj opustita približno enaka deleža fantov in deklet (razlika je manj kot 1-odstotna).