natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Armed conflicts in a distant continent can threaten Europe’s internal stability by causing large inflows of refugees.
Oboroženi spopadi na oddaljeni celini lahko povzročijo velik pritok beguncev in tako ogrozijo notranjo stabilnost Evrope.
Likewise, weak
Podobno lahko tudi slabo sode-
The EU has long committed itself to maintaining and developing an “area of justice, freedom and security” aimed at facilitating the everyday life of its citizens.
EU se je že dolgo tega zavezala ohranjanju in oblikovanju "območja svobode, varnosti in pravice", katerega namen je olajšati vsakdanje življenje njenih državljanov.
However, the terrorist attacks in the US in September 2001, Madrid in March 2004 and London in July 2005 clearly demonstrated the need for more effective and
Vendar so teroristični napadi v ZDA septembra 2001, v Madridu marca 2004 in Londonu julija 2005 jasen dokaz, da je za spopad
Photo: European Union, 2010
Foto: Evropska unija, 2010
judicial cooperation, law-enforcement, border control and health, social and civil protection.
socialno in civilno zaščito, je potrebna nova kultura sodelovanja.
This will require increasing the powers of existing agencies and instruments, such as Europol, Eurojust, the Situation Centre, Frontex and the Counter-Terrorism Coordinator. It will also require setting up new bodies, such as a European centre of good police practices.
V ta namen bo treba povečati pooblastila že obstoječih agencij in instrumentov, kot so Europol, Eurojust, situacijski center, Frontex in koordinator za boj proti terorizmu, ter vzpostaviti nove organe, kot je Evropski center dobrih policijskih praks.
coordinated action at EU level to tackle terrorism and other cross-border security problems.
s terorizmom in drugimi čezmejnimi varnostnimi problemi potrebno učinkovitejše in bolj usklajeno ukrepanje na ravni EU.
These include human trafficking, the smuggling of persons and illegal substances, money laundering, the exploitation of women and children, natural and man-made disaster, cyber-crime, intellectual piracy and, of course, corruption.
Med te probleme sodijo trgovina z ljudmi, tihotapljenje oseb in nedovoljenih snovi, pranje denarja, izkoriščanje žensk in otrok, naravne nesreče in nesreče, ki jih povzroči človek, kibernetska kriminaliteta, intelektualno piratstvo in seveda korupcija.
– Create a European civil reserve team of specially trained units ready to be deployed at short notice, shaped along the lines of the military component.
– izboljšanje sistemov za izmenjavo informacij o financiranju omrežij, tihotapskih poteh za orožje za množično uničevanje, obnovi po terorističnih napadih in dolgoročnih preventivnih ukrepih;
We now need to take decisive action and implement a new ‘European Security Model’.
– vzpostavitev evropske civilne rezervne ekipe posebej usposobljenih enot, pripravljenih na napotitev v zelo kratkem času, ki bi bila oblikovana kot vojaška komponenta;
Drawing on the vision and objectives contained in the recently adopted ‘Internal Security Strategy’, the model must prioritise the interests of European citizens while addressing the rapidly evolving challenges of the 21st century.
Takojšnje in odločno ukrepanje mora vključevati uvedbo novega "evropskega modela varnosti", ki mora ob upoštevanju vizije in ciljev iz nedavno sprejete "strategije notranje varnosti" v ospredje postaviti interese evropskih državljanov, hkrati pa se spopasti s hitro spreminjajočimi se izzivi 21. stoletja.
It must protect individual rights and freedoms; improve cooperation and solidarity between Member States; focus on the causes of insecurity and not just the effects; prioritise prevention; engage with citizens; and recognise the interdependence between the internal and external dimensions of security in establishing a 'global security' approach with third countries.
Zavarovati mora individualne pravice in svoboščine, izboljšati sodelovanje in solidarnost med državami članicami, se osredotočiti na vzroke groženj in ne le posledice, dati prednost preprečevanju, se povezati z državljani ter prepoznati soodvisnost med notranjo in zunanjo razsežnostjo varnosti pri oblikovanju pristopa "globalne varnosti" s tretjimi državami.
– Develop a more integrated external border management system by reinforcing Frontex with a European body of specialised personnel available to support the Member States.
– razvoj bolj integriranega sistema upravljanja zunanje meje z okrepitvijo Frontexa z evropskim telesom specializiranega osebja, ki bi bilo na voljo za podporo državam članicam;
– Iron out inconsistencies in Europe’s Asylum System in particular by standardising the definition of a refugee.
– odprava neskladnosti v evropskem azilnem sistemu, še posebej s standardizacijo opredelitve pojma "begunec";
To date joint action in this field has been hampered by Member State resistance to sharing information and coordinating policies in relation to law and order, which remains one of the most political sensitive issues in domestic politics.
Doslej je skupno ukrepanje na tem področju oviral odpor držav članic proti izmenjavi informacij in usklajevanju politik v zvezi z zakonom in redom, ki ostaja eno najbolj politično občutljivih vprašanj v notranji politiki.
However, this resistance flies against the wishes of European citizens, who want the EU to become a more relevant security actor.
Toda ta odpor je v nasprotju z željami evropskih državljanov, ki bi radi, da bi bila EU pomembnejši akter na področju varnosti, poleg tega pa ne upošteva znatnih instrumentov in sredstev, ki jih je EU sčasoma in zlasti z nedavno sprejeto Lizbonsko pogodbo pridobila na področju varnosti.
It also ignores the substantial instruments and resources that the EU has acquired over time in the field of security, not least through the recently adopted Lisbon Treaty.
oblikovanje enotne vizumske politike in vzpostavitev evropske konzularne službe v okviru Evropske službe za zunanje delovanje (ESZD).
Building a culture of cooperation: security as a transnational public good
Oblikovanje kulture sodelovanja: varnost kot nadnacionalno javno dobro
The security challenges we are facing require a genuine EU-wide approach, huge cooperation efforts, common institutions and proper funding.
Varnostni izzivi, s katerimi se soočamo, zahtevajo izviren pristop po vsej EU, ogromna prizadevanja za sodelovanje, skupne institucije in ustrezno financiranje.
A new culture of cooperation is needed in numerous fields, including
Na številnih področjih, vključno s pravosodnim sodelovanjem, kazenskim pregonom, nadzorom meja, varovanjem zdravja ter
Where to strike the balance between these two inseparable elements will vary over time, depending on circumstances, thus requiring ongoing political debate across the EU.
kom (predvidene zmogljivosti čezmorskih sil EU dosegajo le 10–15 odstotkov zmogljivosti ZDA), se izkaže, da je ta sistem očitno pomanjkljiv.
Even in cases where security risks are at stake, clear limits to accessing personal data and constraints on exchanging them should be strictly respected.
Države članice EU ne uspejo maksimirati učinka obsega in sinergij, ki so potrebni za zagotovitev najboljšega globalnega učinka.
NATO, the UN and other international organisations, have enjoyed the backing of a majority of European citizens.
Prepogosto se dogaja, da na oblikovanje politike na tem področju vplivajo dogodki, zato je treba najti ravnovesje med izboljšanjem varnosti ter varovanjem individualnih svoboščin in človekovih pravic.
However, when the total military spending of EU Member States (about 50 per cent of the US military budget) is compared to output (EU overseas force projecting capabilities amount to only 10-15 per cent of US capabilities), the system is clearly found wanting.
Odgovor na vprašanje, kje najti ravnovesje med tema neločljivima elementoma, se bo s časom – glede na okoliščine – spreminjal in tako zahteval stalno politično razpravo po vsej EU.
EU Member States fail to maximise the scale effect and synergies which are needed to ensure the best global performance.
Celo v primeru varnostnega tveganja bi bilo treba strogo upoštevati jasne meje pri dostopu do osebnih podatkov in omejitve njihove izmenjave.
Above all EU Member States need to acknowledge that internal security depends to a large extent on securing a safe external environment.
Zlasti morajo države članice EU priznati, da je notranja varnost v veliki meri odvisna od zagotovitve varnega okolja zunaj Evrope.
Cross-border security challenges do not stop at the frontiers of the EU.
Čezmejni varnostni izzivi se ne končajo na mejah EU.
Enhancing the security and freedom of European citizens will therefore require taking complementary action beyond the EU’s borders.
Za okrepitev varnosti in svobode evropskih državljanov bo zato treba sprejeti dopolnilne ukrepe zunaj meja EU.
Overall, the EU suffers from one overarching structural limitation: the fundamentally national nature of European defence systems.
V splošnem ima EU eno glavno strukturno omejitev: narava evropskih obrambnih sistemov je v osnovi nacionalna.
Without military resources of its own, the EU depends on the voluntary contributions of its Member States and these are often inadequate.
Brez lastnih vojaških sredstev je EU odvisna od prostovoljnih prispevkov držav članic, ki pa so pogosto nezadostni.
National military resources are still often based on territorial defence against a land invasion, even in Member States where such an invasion is improbable.
Nacionalna vojaška sredstva še vedno velikokrat temeljijo na ozemeljski obrambi pred kopensko invazijo, celo v državah članicah, kjer je takšna invazija malo verjetna.
In general, there is insufficient investment in the type of capabilities needed to respond to new security situations (rapid deployment forces, strategic air transport, helicopters, communications, military police). .
Na splošno se premalo nalaga v vrste zmogljivosti, potrebnih za odzivanje na nove varnostne razmere (sile za hitro razmestitev, strateški zračni prevoz, helikopterji, komunikacije, vojaška policija).
With 1.8 million soldiers under arms – half a million more than the US – the EU is not capable of deploying a 60,000-strong rapid intervention force and it finds it hard to deliver a 5,000-strong force for a Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) mission.
EU ima 1,8 milijona oboroženih vojakov, kar je pol milijona več, kot jih imajo ZDA, vendar ni sposobna napotiti 60 000 pripadnikov sil za hitro posredovanje in jih le težko zbere 5 000 za misijo v okviru skupne varnostne in obrambne politike (SVOP).
In fact, 70 per cent of European land forces are unfit to operate abroad, when nowadays conflicts require deployable and sustainable expeditionary forces.
Pravzaprav kar 70 odstotkov evropskih kopenskih sil ni sposobnih za delovanje v tujini, pri čemer pa so za obvladovanje sedanjih konfliktov potrebne ekspedicijske enote, ki se lahko hitro napotijo in so vzdržljive.
For over ten years now the EU has developed important instruments under the concept of a Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP).
EU že več kot deset let razvija pomembne instrumente v sklopu skupne varnostne in obrambne politike (SVOP).
These include a Military Committee and Military Staff, performing early warning and strategy planning functions, and a European Defence Agency.
Mednje sodijo Vojaški odbor in Vojaški štab, ki opravljata naloge zgodnjega opozarjanja in strateškega načrtovanja, in Evropska obrambna agencija.
It also has access to an array of civilian personnel trained to provide assistance to local populations in conflict-torn areas of the world.
Na voljo je tudi množica civilnega osebja, usposobljenega za zagotavljanje pomoči lokalnemu prebivalstvu na tistih območjih sveta, ki jih pretresajo spopadi.
These civilian capabilities are increasingly important for addressing what is now widely known as ‘human security’ – the notion that national and global security cannot be separated from the well being of individuals and the communities where they live.
Te civilne zmogljivosti so vse pomembnejše za obravnavo tistega, kar je danes splošno znano kot "človekova varnost" – predstava, da nacionalne in globalne varnosti ni mogoče ločiti od dobrobiti posameznikov in skupnosti, v katerih živijo.
So far, the EU has launched 22 observation, peacekeeping and stabilisation missions worldwide.
EU je doslej po vsem svetu začela že 22 opazovalnih, mirovnih in stabilizacijskih misij.
These missions, frequently carried out in cooperation with
Te misije, ki jih pogosto izvaja v sodelovanju z Natom, ZN in drugimi mednarodnimi organizacijami, podpira večina evropskih državljanov.
In general, the nature and scope of CSDP missions have tended to be piecemeal and forced by exigencies rather than responding to an overarching plan or strategy. Furthermore, the EU has no common funding for its missions.
To velja tudi za civilno razsežnost misij EU, v katere je po navadi napotenega manj kot polovica civilnega osebja, za katerega so se države članice zavezale, zaradi česar misije ostajajo brez zadostnih rezervnih specializiranih ekip in izkušenj na terenu.
Among the Member States there is no fair burden-sharing, leading to disincentives against participating in military missions.
Da bi to stanje popravila, mora EU svoje države članice spodbujati k spoštovanju njihovih zavez ter vzpostavitvi resnično operativne civilne rezerve sodnikov,
EU must therefore develop a single European defence market and joint procurement.
Evropska vizija kolektivne obrambe policistov, inženirjev in drugih strokovnjakov.
The success of the EU’s Single Market can and should be extended to the defence field through the enhancement of the European Defence Agency and by lessening the barriers still protecting national markets.
Imeti bi torej morala evropski operativni štab, ki bo resnično operativen in bo imel na voljo ustrezno osebje, zadolžen pa bo za načrtovanje, napotitev in spremljanje civilno-vojaških operacij v tujini.
This is also true of the civilian dimension of EU missions, where less than half of the personnel committed by Member States tends to be deployed, leaving missions without sufficient stand-by specialised teams and experience on the ground.
Lizbonska pogodba je zagotovila številne pomembne instrumente, s katerimi si države članice pomagajo pri reševanju teh izzivov.
To remedy this, the EU must encourage its Member States to respect their commitments and create truly operative civilian rosters of judges, policemen, engineers and other experts.
Pogodba z inovativnim sistemom stalnega strukturnega sodelovanja omogoča državam članicam, da pri doseganju specifičnih ciljev napredujejo sočasno ali različno hitro, odvisno od njihove pripravljenosti in zmožnosti.
This would imply a truly operational and well-staffed European Operations Headquarters tasked with planning, deploying and monitoring civilian/military operations abroad.
Pionirske skupine držav bodo sedaj lahko povečale svoje cilje glede zmogljivosti razmeščanja, interoperabilnosti in vzdržljivosti svojih sil, kar jim bo omogočilo, da dajo na voljo več zmogljivosti za misije v okviru SVOP, Nata, ZN in druge.
The EU also has an economy of scale problem in relation to its industrial and technological arms market: it costs Europe much more to produce far fewer products than other arms suppliers like the US. The
EU ima v zvezi s svojim trgom za industrijo in tehnologijo, povezano z orožjem, problem ekonomije obsega: v primerjavi z drugimi dobavitelji orožja, kot so ZDA, namreč Evropo stane veliko več, da proizvede veliko manj proizvodov.
The Lisbon Treaty has provided a number of important tools to help Member States resolve these challenges.
EU mora zato razviti enotni evropski obrambni trg in skupna javna naročila.
Through its innovative system of permanent structured cooperation, the Treaty allows Member States to advance in parallel and at different speeds in order to achieve specific aims, depending on their willingness and capacity. Pioneer groups of states will now be able
Z okrepitvijo Evropske obrambne agencije in zmanjšanjem ovir, ki še vedno ščitijo nacionalne trge, je mogoče in bi bilo treba uspeh enotnega trga EU razširiti tudi na področje obrambe.
Soldier of the Kosovo Force (KFOR) talking to Albanian construction workers in Kosovo.
Vojak KFOR-ja v pogovoru z albanskimi gradbenimi delavci na Kosovu.
outlooks which exist among and between Member States. There is still no consensus in European capitals about the overall purpose of increasing EU defence capabilities..
Lizbonska pogodba bi morala državam članicam omogočiti tudi odpravo pomanjkljivosti v zvezi s financiranjem SVOP s pozivom k uporabi "osnovnega kapitala" za podporo skupnih misij, ki bi ga nato podprli s plačilom "nujnih sredstev" med načrtovanjem operacij.
The EU needs to agree on a longterm vision of EU defence, which could be laid out in a White Paper with clearly defined priorities in terms of threats, engagement criteria and earmarked resources.
EU se mora dogovoriti o dolgoročni viziji svoje obrambe, ki bi jo lahko formulirali v beli knjigi, ki bi vsebovala jasno opredeljene prednostne naloge glede tveganj, meril za posredovanje in zagotovljenih sredstev.
This vision must spell out a coherent division of responsibilities between NATO and the EU, based on an objective assessment of the comparative advantages of each.
V tej viziji mora biti podrobno pojasnjena usklajena delitev odgovornosti med Natom in EU, ki temelji na objektivni oceni primerjalnih prednosti enega in drugega.
Unless EU Member States are able to agree on a workable strategic concept for the EU, the latter will be unable to fill the existing gap between the expectations of CSDP and its operational capabilities and resources.
Če se države članice EU ne bodo mogle dogovoriti o izvedljivem strateškem konceptu za EU, slednja ne bo mogla zapolniti trenutne vrzeli med pričakovanji glede SVOP ter svojimi operativnimi zmogljivostmi in sredstvi.
However, whether one talks about increasing common funding for CSDP missions, encouraging Member States to volunteer more troops or fill the vacuum in EU strategic planning, the main shortcoming facing the EU in the defence field is the divergent strategic
Toda ne glede na to, ali govorimo o povečanju skupnih sredstev za misije v okviru SVOP, spodbujanju držav članic, da ponudijo več vojakov ali odpravijo vrzeli v strateškem načrtovanju EU, so glavna pomanjkljivost, s katero se sooča EU na področju obrambe, različne strateške vizije, ki obstajajo v državah članicah in med njimi.
If the EU is to deliver on its ambitious agenda, it will need to become a much more assertive player on the international scene.
Če naj EU uresniči svoj ambiciozni program, bo morala postati veliko odločnejši akter na mednarodnem prizorišču.
From increasing Europe’s economic competitiveness to racing ahead in the knowledge economy and providing its citizens with freedom and security, the challenges at stake are global in nature and only international strategies will be able to address them.
Od povečanja konkurenčnosti evropskega gospodarstva do hitenja v gospodarstvo, temelječe na znanju, ter zagotavljanja svobode in varnosti svojim državljanom – izzivi, ki so v igri, so globalnih razsežnosti in z njimi se bomo lahko spopadli le z mednarodnimi strategijami.
But this objective is based on a fragile consensus, for the benefits of multilateralism are not always apparent to states that did not play a role in shaping the institutional architecture set up after the Second World War.
niso sodelovale pri oblikovanju institucionalne strukture, vzpostavljene po drugi svetovni vojni, koristi multilateralizma niso vedno očitne.
A new grand bargain therefore needs to be struck that takes into account the concerns of emerging and existing powers about the existing rules, while insisting on the importance of multilateralism, inclusiveness, equity, sustainable development, collective security, respect for human rights and the rule of law and fair trade practices.
Zato je treba skleniti nov veliki dogovor, ki upošteva skrbi sedanjih in hitro razvijajočih se sil glede trenutnih pravil, hkrati pa vztrajati pri pomembnosti multilateralizma, vključevanja, enakosti, trajnostnega razvoja, kolektivne varnosti, spoštovanja človekovih pravic in pravne države ter praks pravične trgovine.
Furthermore, as power shifts away from Europe and the United States, the rules of international engagement are themselves being redefined.
Še več, medtem ko Evropa in Združene države izgubljata status centrov moči, se na novo opredeljujejo sama pravila mednarodnega sodelovanja.
In this turbulent landscape, the EU can no longer afford to muddle through.
V tem nemirnem prostoru si EU ne more več privoščiti zapravljanja časa.
It needs to become a driving force in shaping the new rules of global governance, or risk being left behind.
Postati mora gonilna sila pri oblikovanju novih pravil globalnega upravljanja ali pa tvegati, da ostane zadaj.
To advance purposively, it will also need to champion an international environment that will enable the EU to promote its agenda.
Da pa bi se približala temu cilju, si bo morala tudi prizadevati za mednarodno okolje, ki ji bo omogočalo uveljavljanje lastnega programa.
Defending European interests in a changing world order
Zaščita evropskih interesov v spreminjajočem se svetovnem redu
Finally, Europe will only thrive in a competitive world if it promotes the key elements of a renewed European growth model, based on competitiveness, inclusion, social responsibility and environmental sustainability.
V tem okviru mora EU oblikovati globalno gospodarsko strategijo, v kateri je evro upoštevan kot druga najpomembnejša rezervna valuta na svetu in se obravnavajo negativne posledice svetovnih gospodarskih neravnovesij za evropsko konkurenčnost.
Other global players, in particular emerging economies, will follow their own trajectories, making it all the more important for the EU to identify shared interests and common modes of operation through multilateral and bilateral discussions.
EU bi si morala skupaj s svojimi partnerji prizadevati za bolj uravnotežene in prožne monetarne odnose ter razmisliti o možnosti globalnega partnerstva, v okviru katerega bi države, ki to želijo, svojo valuto vezale na košarico tujih valut in ne le na dolar.
Over the last two decades, European countries have made important gains from increasing global interdependence.
Evropske države so v preteklih dveh desetletjih z vse večjo globalno soodvisnostjo veliko pridobile.
However, the financial crisis and instability affecting food and energy prices have highlighted the dangers of asymmetric dependence, particularly in relation to suppliers of scarce resources.
Vendar sta finančna kriza in nestabilnost, ki vplivata na cene hrane in energije, razkrili nevarnosti asimetrične odvisnosti, še posebej v odnosu do dobaviteljev redkih surovin.
Interdependence is not just a fact, but our chosen way of life in a EU dedicated to facilitate exchanges of all sorts.
Soodvisnost ni le dejstvo, temveč naš izbrani način življenja v EU, posvečeni lajšanju izmenjav vseh vrst.
In this context, the EU must build a global economic strategy that takes into account the euro as the world’s second reserve currency and deals with the negative impact of global economic imbalances on Europe’s competitiveness.
Toda soodvisnosti ne gre jemati za samoumevno. Medtem ko se države odzivajo na finančno in gospodarsko krizo z uveljavljanjem svoje avtonomije v zvezi s celo vrsto vprašanj, lahko nevarnost deglobalizacije postane resničnost.
The EU should work with its partners towards more balanced and flexible monetary relations and consider the possibility of a global partnership in which countries wishing to peg their currency would do so against a basket of currencies rather than the dollar alone.
EU mora to možnost preprečiti s proaktivno zaščito ideala odgovorne soodvisnosti, v kateri različni akterji ohranjajo svojo zavezanost vzdržnosti sistema.