natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
This became quickly apparent as the other groups tried very hard to snuff us out by doubling the threshold of members needed to form a group! So the tone was set, and the opposition was formed.
Le politične skupine dobijo razumno količino osebja in sredstev, pisarne, možnosti za seje in zagotovljeno tolmačenje (kar je pri večnacionalnih parlamentih pomembno), pravico do glasovanja v razširjenem predsedstvu (organizacijski in politični motor Evropskega parlamenta) ter dostop do vseh vrst parlamentarnih postopkov (poimensko glasovanje, vlaganje predlogov sprememb na plenarnem zasedanju, vlaganje ustnih vprašanj Svetu in Komisiji, možnost priprave osnutkov poročil, vlaganje nujnih resolucij in podobno).
We had to ‘filibuster’, that is using parliamentary procedures in such an extreme way to make normal work impossible.
Drugače povedano, samostojni poslanec je zgolj politični izobčenec z omejenim časom za govor na plenarnem zasedanju.
To this end we introduced about 5000 amendments to their text, asking for a roll call (that is a formally counted) vote on every single one of them.
Kar pa je bil vseeno zadosten razlog za oblikovanje rahlo umetno povezane skupine, saj smo bili povezani le „tehnično“ in ne politično.
Finally corridor diplomacy prevailed and the traditional groups withdrew their proposal. We were accused of being
Z enajstimi poslanci smo bili najmanjša parlamentarna skupina, vsekakor pa smo bili trn v peti večine. To je postalo jasno takoj, ko so nas skušale druge skupine zatreti s podvojitvijo praga, ki je potreben za oblikovanje skupine! Tako je bila dana iztočnica in oblikovala se je opozicija.
1989: RAINBOW WITHOUT THE GREENS new group.
1989: MAVRICA BREZ ZELENIH
They called it the Rainbow group, a suggestion of the Danish leader Else Hammerich, who felt TCDI too technical and cold a name!
Po volitvah leta 1984 so v Evropski parlament vstopili Zeleni: Nemci in Belgijci ter nekatere nizozemske pridružene stranke, vendar ne dovolj, da bi oblikovali svojo skupino.
The Rainbow group - 20 MEP’s all together - was a firm (and sometimes loud!) opposition to the mainstream political parties: energy, environment, decentralisation, fairness and transparency, agriculture and good management were all battlefields.
Zeleni in člani Skupine za tehnično usklajevanje so oblikovali novo skupino. Na predlog danske voditeljice Else Hammerich, ki je menila, da je Skupina za tehnično usklajevanje preveč tehnično in hladno ime, so jo poimenovali Mavrica.
The political differences between the three components - Greens, regionalists and anti-marketeers - was no obstacle for a good atmosphere and cooperation!
Skupina Mavrica z vsega dvajsetimi poslanci je bila trdna (in včasih glasna!) opozicija glavnim političnim strankam: energija, okolje, decentralizacija, poštenost in preglednost, kmetijstvo in dobro upravljanje so bili naša bojna polja.
The Luxemburg Summit of 1986 launched the Single European Act, which gave some more legislative powers to the EP, and the enlargement with Spain and Portugal in that same year made clear that European Community was establishing and developing itself in a new and decisive way.
Politična razhajanja med tremi skupinami, Zelenimi, regionalisti in nasprotniki skupnega trga, niso bila ovira dobremu vzdušju in sodelovanju!
Forming a political group is not an easy thing to do.
Oblikovanje politične skupine ni lahka naloga.
1989 was dramatic: we wanted to continue the cooperation with the Greens, but they had kicked the regionalists and the Eurosceptic Danish MEP’s out, for they now had sufficient numbers to form their own group.
Leto 1989 je bilo dramatično, želeli smo še naprej sodelovati z Zelenimi, vendar so se ti znebili regionalistov in danskih evroskeptikov, saj so imeli že sami dovolj poslancev za oblikovanje skupine.
We were of the opinion that a joint opposition to the European establishment, each from his own political point of view would have been better, because the group would have been numerically stron-ger, but Greens were not to be convinced, despite the efforts of their leader Graefe zu Baringdorf himself.
Mi smo bili mnenja, da bi bilo bolje imeti združeno opozicijo evropskemu ustroju, ki bi združevala različne politične poglede, saj bi bila skupina številčno močnejša, vendar kljub prizadevanjem voditelja Graefa zu Baringdorfa nismo mogli prepričati Zelenih.
This is why the Danish members made an alliance with the regionalists of Jaak Vandemeulebroucke, and continued the Rainbow group on their own.
Zato so se danski poslanci združili z regionalisti Jaaka Vandemeulebrouckeja in sami nadaljevali skupino Mavrica.
After all, we still had the company of the Green topcandidate, Mrs. Dorothée Piermont.
Navsezadnje smo še vedno imeli v svojih vrstah najboljšo kandidatko Zelenih Dorothée Piermont.
EPP and former president of the European Parliament: “we will never be stopped by 20.000 Danes”.
ustave so na Danskem zmagali, kar je imelo bolj ali manj enake posledice kot poznejši NE pogodbi iz Nice na Irskem in NE osnutku ustave v Franciji in na Nizozemskem.
As an example of democratic method, it appears this counts!
Zelo lep primer demokratične metode! V Franciji je Mitterand na javnem glasovanju dobil najmanjšo večino v zgodovini v korist maastrichtske pogodbe.
The attitude of the main political forces in Europe would from then on only become more and more aggressive.
Odnos glavnih političnih sil v Evropi je od takrat postal še agresivnejši. Kdor ni z nami, je proti nam!
1994: EUROPE OF NATIONS AS THE FIRST EUROCRITICAL GROUP christian parties (who are eurocritical and against a further centralisation of the European Union) had always refused to join a political group.
1994: EVROPA NARODOV KOT PRVA EVROKRITIČNA SKUPINA
As a matter of principle, they wanted to maintain total independence.
Načelno so želele ohraniti neodvisnost.
But only a few days before the constitutive meeting of the Parliament, they signed up and the Europe of Nations group was formed.
A le nekaj dni pred ustanovno sejo Parlamenta so se nam pridružile in ustanovili smo skupino Evropa narodov.
It was a very busy period: Europe was for once a real topic in public debate, due to the repeated referenda on the Maastricht treaty, the upcoming Treaty of Nice with all the expressed doubts such as ‘No enlargement before a reorganization of EU-structures, working procedures and institutions’.
To je bilo zelo naporno obdobje: Evropa je končno postala resnična tema javne razprave zaradi ponovitve referendumov o maastrichtski pogodbi, prihajajoče pogodbe iz Nice z vsemi izraženimi dvomi, kot je odlog širitve, dokler se ne reorganizirajo struktura EU, delovni postopki in institucije. Berlinski zid je padel in nove demokracije so trkale na vrata EU!
What kind of an EU, in order to do what?
Kakšne Evrope, zakaj?
Did we have to fight this political battle outside or inside the Parliament?
Je treba to politično bitko biti izven Parlamenta ali v njem?
Inside amongst the euro elite we would definitely lose, outside with the people themselves we could win!
Znotraj, med evroelito, bi zagotovo izgubili, zunaj, med ljudmi, bi lahko zmagali!
The 1994 election was a big disappointment, the regionalists lost many MEP’s, and we failed by 2 MEP’s to continue the Rainbow group.
Volitve leta 1994 so prinesle veliko razočaranje.
On the other hand, the radical party in France with Bernard Tapie and Cathérine Lalumière did well, and were only two members short to form a group.
Regionalisti so izgubili veliko poslanskih mest, mi pa smo imeli dva poslanca premalo, da bi lahko nadaljevali skupino Mavrica.
The Regionalists went to join them. On our side we had the big victory of the Autre Europe list of Philippe de Villiers and Sir James Goldsmith in France, but with our 4 Danish Eurosceptics, we were short of one more nationality.
Po drugi strani pa se je radikalna stranka v Franciji z Bernardom Tapiejem in Cathérine Lalumière dobro odrezala in sta jim prav tako manjkala le dva poslanca, da bi lahko oblikovali skupino.
Were we becoming victims of our own convictions?
Notranja organizacija Parlamenta je bila bolj kot kadar koli prej osredotočena na razumevanje med skupinami.
In any case 1999 delivered a very complicated political composition of the Parliament.
Usklajevalne seje, na katerih bi našli skupno stališče vseh političnih skupin, so potekale ob vsakem osnutku resolucije.
In France the souverainiste list of Charles Pasqua and Philippe de Villiers did well, but hesitated to join us and seemed to prefer to join Fianna Fail.
Evropa narodov je bila edina, ki se ni pridružila.
As such a strange move, because Fianna Fail was a great defender of the Nice Treaty, and had always been a Eurofederalist party.
V resnici ni v tem nič slabega, saj ima vsak parlament večino in opozicijo.
For us it was clear that joining this group would simply kill the eurocritical voice, a prediction proven accurate when, Philippe de Villiers and his troops left that group after only a year.
A Evropski parlament je vedno želel biti veliki parlament kompromisov, da bi dokazali, kako enotni so evropski politiki glede prihodnosti vedno bolj enotne in centralizirane Evrope.
The French rural party CPNT (Hunting, Fishing, Nature and Tradition) of Jean Saint-Josse had also done well: it was a traditional rural party with a healthy distrust of supranational bodies and a strong belief that political power should be as close to the people as possible.
Videti, kako enako besedilo podpišejo in zanj glasujejo laburisti in konservativci, Chiracovi in Mittérandovi privrženci, je bila nenavadna politična izkušnja.
The Dutch and Danish MEP’s contacted the newly elected UKIP MEP’s (United Kingdom Independence Party), a new political force in the UK.
Tako so morali Zeleni in levičarji braniti kompromis, sveto kravo, ki je ubila politično razpravo.
This party is very radical: it wants the UK to withdraw from the EU, the former attitude of the Danish
Mi smo bili edina opozicija in ne glede na majhnost skupine, smo želeli vztrajati kot protiutež večini.
Coordination meetings in order to find common positions of all the political groups were organised on all draft resolutions. The Europe of Nations group was the only one not to sign up.
V Franciji se je lista za suverenost Charlesa Pasque in Philippa de Villiersa dobro odrezala, vendar je imela zadržke glede pridružitve naši skupini in se je očitno raje pridružila stranki Fianna Fail.
In reality, there is nothing wrong about it, because in every Parliament there is a majority and an opposition.
Kar je bila dokaj čudna poteza, saj so bili v Fianna Fail veliki zagovorniki pogodbe iz Nice in so bili vedno evrofederalistična stranka.
But the European Parliament has always preferred to play the big compromise parliament, to prove to themselves how unified European politicians are about the future of a more and more unified and centralised Europe.
Nam je bilo jasno, da bi pridružitev tej skupini pomenila utišanje evrokritičnega glasu, kar se je izkazalo za resnično, ko je Philippe de Villiers s svojo četo skupino zapustil že po enem letu.
Seeing the same texts signed and voted by Labour and the Conservatives, of by Chiraciens and Mittérandistes, was a strange political experience.
Tudi francoska podeželska stranka CPNT (lov, ribolov, narava in tradicija) Jeana Saint-Josseja je imela dobre rezultate: to je bila tradicionalna podeželska stranka z zdravim dvomom v nadnacionalne organe in trdnim prepričanjem, da mora biti politična moč kar najbližje ljudem.
This is the way Greens and Left wing parties were bound to defend the holy compromise that killed every political debate.
Nizozemski in danski poslanci so vzpostavili stik s poslanci novo izvoljene Neodvisne stranke Združenega kraljestva, ki je bila nova politična sila v Veliki Britaniji.
We were the only opposition, and how small it may have been, we wanted however to keep the candle of the opposition against the mainstream flickering.
Ta stranka je zelo radikalna, zavzema se za umik VB iz EU,
People’s Movement had before the adoption of the Maastricht Treaty (after a second referendum with the well known Danish ‘optouts’), which they had changed because they were of the opinion that, at least in Denmark, it would be more realistic to continue the political fight on the basis of the refusal of further centralisation.
kot so razmišljali pri Danskem ljudskem gibanju pred sprejetjem maastrichtske pogodbe (po drugem referendumu z dobro znano dansko možnostjo zavrnitve) in kasneje spremenili stališče, ker so bili mnenja, da bi bilo, vsaj na Danskem, bolj realistično nadaljevati politični boj na podlagi zavračanja nadaljnje centralizacije.
A strong common program was set up, and the new group adopted the name Europe of Democracies and Differences.
Oblikovali smo skupni program in nova skupina se je poimenovala Evropa demokracij in različnosti (EDD).
(EDD) was withdrawn from the election list because he was too friendly with MEP’s of other groups and didn’t always follow the group’s discipline!
bil v dobrih odnosih s poslanci iz drugih skupin in ni vedno upošteval navodil skupine!
Despite these problems we managed to set up an informal group of MEP’s that still meets every month in Strasbourg in order to discuss common strategy on EU-institutional affairs (read: support the NO-campaigns in different countries, try to elaborate a common strategy to fight further centralisation).
Kljub tem težavam smo uspeli vzpostaviti neformalno skupino poslancev, ki se še vedno vsak mesec srečuje v Strasbourgu in razpravlja o skupni strategiji o institucionalnih zadevah EU (podpora kampanjam proti ustavi v različnih državah, oblikovanje skupne strategije za boj proti nadaljnji centralizaciji).
The support of MEP’s from the centre -right to the left allowed the EDD group to maintain opposition, and to organise contacts with political parties in the newly democratic countries of eastern and central Europe.
Podpora poslancev od desne sredine do levice je skupini EDD omogočila ohranjanje opozicije in vzpostavljanje stikov s političnimi strankami v novih demokratičnih državah vzhodne in srednje Evrope. Veliko dela smo vložili v konvencijo o prihodnosti Evrope.
A lot of work was invested in the Convention on the future of Europe.
Konvencija bi prinesla osnutek ustave za Evropo in združiti smo morali vse politične sile k temu cilju.
The Convention would launch a draft Constitution for Europe, and we would need all the political forces to unite against this ultimate challenge.
2004: ZDRUŽENI V BOJU PROTI EVROPSKI USTAVI V SKUPINI NEODVISNOSTI IN DEMOKRACIJE
As such, the fact that we succeed again in forming a political group, was a triumph, but we were very well aware of the strategic weakness of it.
Že samo dejstvo, da smo ponovno uspeli oblikovati politično skupino, je bilo uspeh, a smo se dobro zavedali svojih strateških pomanjkljivosti.
We had maintained our freedom of speech, but had to face a big unified majority that was in favour of a more united, uniform and centralised Europe.
Ohranili smo svobodo govora, a smo se morali soočiti z veliko enotno večino, ki se je zavzemala za bolj povezano, enotno in centralizirano Evropo.
Political life was becoming so complicated that the real decisions were taken behind closed doors by civil servants.
Politično življenje je postajalo tako zapleteno, da so resnične odločitve sprejemali uradniki za zaprtimi vrati.
Single MEP’s had become voting machines who had to follow the voting lists that were delivered to them by their civil servants, which made it increasingly difficult to establish contacts with MEP’s in other groups.
Samostojni poslanci so postali glasovalni stroji, prisiljeni upoštevati glasovalne liste, ki so jim jih priskrbeli njihovi uradniki, zaradi česar je bilo vedno težje vzpostaviti stike s poslanci iz drugih skupin.
We had already experienced this when in 1984 the Dutch socialist Johan van Minnen
To smo doživeli že leta 1984, ko so nizozemskega nacionalista Johana van Minnena črtali z volilnega seznama, ker je
2004: UNITE FOR THE FIGHT AGAINST EUROCONSTITUTION IN THE IND/DEM GROUP the EU - an even more hostile attitude towards our group in the Parliament.
D in na Nizozemskem!), majhno skupino, ki je v Parlamentu mirno demonstrirala, pa so varnostne službe nemudoma pregnale.
More than ever, the majority wanted to promote a unified European Parliament in favour of the Constitution, despite the fact that 179 (a full fifth) of the MEP’s did NOT vote in favour of it on January 12th 2005.
Skupina neodvisnosti in demokracije, kot vseh njenih pet predhodnic, ni nasilna skupina in je preprosto izraz demokratične opozicije.
Again this compromise Parliament showed that it is not used to living with an opposition!
Ne razumemo prav dobro težav, ki jih ima Parlament z opozicijo!
Flags and balloons with the YES were spread all over the Parliament, inside and outside (the huge YES -banners in 20 languages were only removed a year after the NO vote in France and Holland!) but a small and peaceful demonstration of our group inside the Parliament was knocked down by the security forces.
Bi morali biti škotski nacionalisti izobčeni iz britanskega spodnjega doma, zato ker se zavzemajo za neodvisno Škotsko?
As all five previous groups, the Independence/Democracy group is not a violent group, but is simply the expression of a democratic opposition.
Parlament je kraj, kjer se srečujejo različna mnenja in sklepajo večinske odločitve.
We don’t understand too well the establishment’s problem with an opposition in a Parliament!
Nikjer pa ne piše, da večinska odločitev pomeni, da mora manjšina molčati!
Should Scottish Nationalists be outlawed in the Commons because they are in favour of Scottish Independence?
Jasno je, da je do te skoraj nenaravne koalicije med skoraj vsemi političnimi skupinami prišlo, ker v Parlamentu ni večinske vlade (Komisija je navsezadnje skupina uradnikov, ki jih imenujejo njihove vlade in zato pripadajo skoraj vsem tradicionalnim političnim družinam).
A Parliament is the meeting place of different opinions, but takes majority decisions.
To pa zmanjšuje kakovost politične razprave, saj ponavadi skrije politične razlike.
With members from Sweden, Ireland, the Netherlands, the Czech Republic, Italy and Greece, the group of eurocritical grew to 37 MEP’s with 10 nationalities.
S poslanci iz Švedske, Irske, Nizozemske, Češke, Italije in Grčije je skupina štela že 37 poslancev desetih različnih narodnosti.
A delicate political balance though, not easy because of the wildly different political styles, attitudes and programs.
Vseeno je bilo to občutljivo politično ravnovesje zaradi močno različnih političnih stilov, drže in programov.
Needless to say that it was predictable that the group would have difficulties with the sometimes uncontrollable radicalism of the Italian Lega Nord, and with the big differences within the League of Polish Families.
Ni treba posebej poudarjati, da smo predvidevali težave z nenadzorovanim radikalizmom italijanske stranke Severna liga in z velikimi razlikami znotraj Lige poljskih družin.
But after long hesitation, we unified due to the coming ratification process of the European Constitution, the group was set up under the name Independence/Democracy group.
A po dolgem oklevanju smo se združili zaradi prihajajočega postopka ratifikacije evropske ustave in si nadeli ime Skupina neodvisnosti in demokracije.
In 2005 we won the NO campaign in both France and the Netherlands, which provoked - besides a deep crisis within
Leta 2005 smo dobili kampanjo proti ustavi v Franciji in na Nizozemskem, kar je poleg globoke krize v EU povzročilo še bolj sovražen odnos do naše skupine v Parlamentu.
COMPOSITION OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT ON 14 NOVEMBER 2008
SESTAVA EVROPSKEGA PARLAMENTA 14. NOVEMBRA 2008
COMPOSITION OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT ON 20 JULY 2004
SESTAVA EVROPSKEGA PARLAMENTA 20. JULIJA 2004
The European Parliament’s political groups
Pričanja predsednikov političnih skupin Evropskega parlamenta
Publisher: European Parliament – Directorate-General for Communication
Odgovorni založnik: Evropski parlament - Generalni direktorat za komuniciranje
Photograph credits: European Parliament
Viri za slikovni material: Evropski parlament
Europe Direct is a service to help you nd answers to your questions about the European Union
Europe Direct je služba za pomoč pri iskanju odgovorov na vprašanja v zvezi z Evropsko unijo.
Freephone number (*):00 800 6 7 8 9 10 11
Brezplačna telefonska številka*:00 800 6 7 8 9 10 11
(*) Certain mobile telephone operators do not allow access to 00 800 numbers or these calls may be billed.
* Nekateri operaterji mobilne telefonije ne dovoljujejo vzpostavitve zveze s številkami 00 800 ali pa te klice zaračunavajo.
More information on the European Union is available on the Internet (http://europa.eu).
Veliko dodatnih informacij o Evropski uniji je na voljo na internetu. Dostop je mogoč na strežniku Europa(http://europa.eu).
Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 2009ISBN 978-92-823-2507-0 n u l l
Luxembourg: Urad za uradne publikacije Evropskih skupnosti, 2009
ar lia m en t instrument to finance such activities, the European Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights.
rednih srečanjih s člani parlamentov iz partnerskih držav pogosto razpravljajo o posameznih primerih, kar je že prineslo pozitivne rezultate.
o pe an P r u holding hearings with civil society representatives from non-member countries, sending ad hoc delegations to assess the human rights situation on the ground and last but not least through parliamentary political dialogue, which primarily involves the inter-parliamentary delegations of the EP.
e m parlament u ps k o r v ev Ev ic a koniktov, podpiranje pravic žensk in otrokovih pravic, zaščita borcev za človekove pravice, pravic domorodnih ljudstev in invalidov.
At their regular meetings with parliamentarians from partner countries, the EP delegates frequently have discussions on individual cases, which have on occasions produced positive results.
Evropski parlament dejavno podpira prizadevanje za uvedbo moratorija Združenih narodov na izvrševanje smrtne kazni in svetovni kongres nacionalnih in mednarodnih parlamentov proti smrtni kazni, ustanovitev Mednarodnega kazenskega sodišča za vojne zločine in Evropskega centra za opazovanje rasizma in ksenofobije, ki ga je 1. marca 2007 nadomestila Agencija za temeljne pravice, ter kampanjo EU za boj proti nasilju nad ženskami.
Human rights in the E set up in June 2006.The European Parliament has played a decisive role in putting human rights issues on the European agenda.
Spodbujanje gospodarskih in socialnih državljanskih pravic v Uniji, ukrepi proti rasizmu, verski nestrpnosti in ksenofobiji ter obravnava prosilcev za azil in sezonskih delavcev tudi spadajo k osrednjim zadevam Evropskega parlamenta.
It takes specic initiatives in a range of areas such as preventing torture, the protection of minorities, conict prevention, promoting women’s and children’s rights, the protection of human rights activists, the rights of indigenous peoples and people with disabilities.
Stanje temeljnih pravic v Evropski uniji obravnava Odbor za državljanske svoboščine, pravosodje in notranje zadeve.
The European Parliament has actively supported the campaign for a UN moratorium on the death penalty and the World Congress of national and international parliaments on the abolition of the death penalty, the establishment of the International War Crimes Tribunal, the setting-up of the European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia, replaced by the Fundamental Rights Agency inaugurated on 1 March 2007, and the EU campaign to combat violence against women.
Državljani, ki menijo, da so bile kršene njihove temeljne pravice, se lahko obrnejo na Evropskega varuha človekovih pravic in na Odbor Evropskega parlamenta za peticije.
By participating in election observation missions, the European Parliament makes a further contribution to strengthening democracy in third countries.
Varuh človekovih pravic se ukvarja s pritožbami na delovanje organov EU, Odbor za peticije pa s peticijami v zvezi s kršitvami pogodb med državami članicami, ki so morale pogosto zaradi postopka kršenja pogodbe spremeniti svoje zakone, da bi jih prilagodile pravu Skupnosti.