natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Single-sex settings not widespread in public schools
• Vodstvene naloge v izobraževanju pa so večinoma prepuščene moškim in zdi se, da ni prav nikakršnih nacionalnih pobud, s katerimi bi položaj po spolu uravnotežili.
The reintroduction of single-sex settings does therefore not seem to be a very attractive option in European countries. Moreover, research results on the positive effects of the separation of the sexes are inconclusive.
• Politike o izobraževanju učiteljev pogledov na spol ne upoštevajo niti v začetnem izobraževanju niti pri dejavnostih za stalno strokovno izpopolnjevanje učiteljev ali ravnateljev.
Cost-effectiveness may also play a certain part in this respect insofar as providing separate schools cannot be considered an economically-viable option.
Usposabljanje za naloge, povezane s problematiko spolov, je odvisno le od posameznih učiteljev in ponudnikov izobraževanja.
Teaching is a very female occupation at lower levels of education
Politike enakosti spolov v visokem šolstvu so večinoma usmerjene v horizontalno ločevanje
Teaching in European countries is a very female occupation, in particular at the lower levels of education.
• Politike, povezane z enakostjo spolov v visokem šolstvu, si v večini držav za cilj postavljajo preprečevanje horizontalnega ločevanja in različne izbire študijskih programov pri fantih in dekletih.
Although this is considered a concern in many countries, strategies to attract more men into teaching at compulsory school level are sporadic.
Skoraj vsi projekti pa so namenjeni dekletom oziroma ženskam, le redko kateri se ukvarjajo s študijskimi izbirami fantov oziroma moških.
Education management, however, is left to a large extent to men and there seems to be a clear lack of national initiatives to encourage a more balanced situation in terms of gender.
• Delež žensk med učnim osebjem v visokošolskih institucijah se zmanjšuje z vsakim klinom na akademski poklicni lestvici.
Policies on teacher education do not particularly take into account the gender perspective either in its initial provision or in activities within the framework of continuing professional development for teachers or school heads.
Čeprav je to mogoče pojasniti z dejstvom, da so se večje skupine žensk šele nedavno začele vpisovati na univerzo in si izbirati akademski poklic, je ta 'stekleni strop' za ženske delno povezan tudi s prevladujočo moško kulturo, ki na splošno velja v akademskem svetu.
Training in gender matters largely depends on the initiative of individual teacher education and training providers.
Vendar so le redke države zaradi tega pojava zaskrbljene, še manj je takih, ki so uveljavile konkretne ukrepe za odpravo vertikalnega ločevanja.
Gaby Weiner, Centre of Educational Sociology, University of Edinburgh
Gaby Weiner, Center za sociologijo izobraževanja, Univerza v Edinburgu
This overview presents debates and research results concerning the extent and causes of sex differences in education, mainly covering the years of compulsory schooling.
Pregled prikazuje razprave in raziskovalne ugotovitve o obsegu in vzrokih za razlike med spoloma v izobraževanju; v glavnem zajema obdobje obveznega izobraževanja.
It addresses key issues in what is rapidly becoming a large literature on an expanding field, and attempts to explore shifts in ideas as well as policy and practice.
S širokega polja čedalje obsežnejše literature odbira glavna vprašanja in si prizadeva proučiti premike v idejah, politiki in praksah.
Section 1 identifies two opposing perspectives on gender: ‘conservatives’ see gender as fixed and biologically determined whereas ‘progressives’ view gender as principally an outcome of historical and cultural influences.
Prvi razdelek prikazuje dva nasprotujoča si pogleda na spol: ‘konservativni’ vidi spol kot nekaj, kar je stalno in biološko določeno, ‘progresivni’ vidi spol predvsem kot izid zgodovinskih in kulturnih vplivov.
Section 2 explores the influence of feminism on gender change, in particular, the three main feminist ‘waves’ and developments within Europe.
Drugi razdelek proučuje vpliv feminizma na spremembe v pogledih na spol; prikazuje tri glavne feministične ‘valove’ in z njimi povezan razvoj v Evropi.
Section 3 considers the changing nature of conceptions of equality in education and how they relate to gender.
Tretji razdelek se ukvarja s spremenjeno naravo konceptov enakosti v izobraževanju in s tem, kako so povezani z enakostjo spolov.
Section 4 focuses on the strengths and weaknesses of sex differences research which focuses primarily on cognitive and behavioural aspects.
Četrti razdelek namenja pozornost raziskavam o prednostih in slabostih razlik med spoloma, predvsem kognitivnim in vedenjskim vidikom.
Section 5 considers various cross-national studies on differences in academic performance between girls and boys and what these can tell us about the relationship between gender and cross national factors.
Peti razdelek se ukvarja z različnimi mednarodnimi študijami o razlikah med fanti in dekleti pri akademski uspešnosti in s tem, kaj nam to lahko pove o odnosih med spoloma in drugih, čeznacionalnih dejavnikih.
Section 6 explores how social factors, including gender, interweave and interact with each other to impact on educational performance in different ways.
Šesti razdelek proučuje, kako se družbeni dejavniki, med njimi tudi spol, prepletajo, vplivajo drug na drugega in na različne načine učinkujejo na izobraževalno uspešnost.
Sections 7 examines how gender has developed in the practice of education, and
Sedmi razdelek proučuje, kako se enakost spolov v izobraževanju razvija, v osmem pa so sklepne ugotovitve iz tega poglavja.
Section 8 provides a short conclusion for this chapter.
1.1 Nasprotujoči pogledi na spol in razlike med spoloma
Many researchers have sought to identify and differentiate the meanings of ‘sex’ and ‘gender’ in order to understand the impact of biology and other factors on human behaviour.
Mnogi raziskovalci so se trudili prepoznati in razlikovati pomen izrazov ‘spol’ (sex) in ‘spol’ (gender), zato da bi razumeli biološke vplive in druge dejavnike v človekovem vedenju.
This is exemplified by the two attempts at definition below.
To je ponazorjeno z naslednjima poskusoma denicij.
[The term Sex refers to] the biological and physiological characteristics that define men and women (WHO, 2009).
[Izraz spol (sex) pomeni] biološke in fiziološke značilnosti, ki določajo moške ali ženske (WHO, 2009).
The term gender refers to the economic, social, political and cultural attributes and opportunities, associated with being male and female.
Izraz spol (gender) se nanaša na ekonomske, družbene, politične in kulturne lastnosti in možnosti, povezane s tem, da je posame- znik moški ali ženska.
In most societies, men and women differ in the activities they undertake, in access to and control of resources, and in participation in decision-making.
V večini družb se moški in ženske razlikujejo po tem, s katerimi dejavnostmi se ukvarjajo, po dostopu do virov in njihovem nadzoru ter po sodelovanju pri odločanju.
And in most societies, women as a group have less access than men to resources, opportunities and decision-making (Desprez-Bouanchaud et al. 1987, p. 20-21).
In v večini družb imajo ženske slabši dostop do virov, možnosti in odločanja kot moški (Desprez-Bouanchaud in sod. 1987, str. 20 - 21).
Historically, there have been two main approaches to educational gender or sex differences in western cultures.
V dvajsetem stoletju se ta pogled razvije v mnenje, da razlike med spoloma izvirajo iz prirojenih bioloških razlik med dekleti in fanti.
The first is conservative in the sense that social and cultural difference between men and women is seen as biological, natural and therefore unchanging.
Skladno s tem so moški fizično močnejši, manj prilagodljivi, imajo boljše prostorske, numerične in tehniške zmožnosti in so nagnjeni k temu, da svet vidijo na ravni predmetov, idej in teorij.
In many cultures and at many periods in history, this perspective went unchallenged, underpinned by a large literature focusing on women’s inferiority.
Ženske na drugi strani fizično in psihološko prej dozorijo, so bolj odvisne in vzgojljive, imajo boljše in zgodaj razvite verbalne spretnosti, njihov pogled na svet se izraža s tem, kar je osebno, estetsko in moralno.
For example, in nineteenth-century Britain, males and females were expected to take up separate roles in society: men were associated with the public sphere and women with the private (Vicinus, 1972).
V zelo vplivni knjigi Moški in ženske (Males and Females) je C. Hutt npr. trdila, da se moški in ženske dejansko razlikujejo, zato se njihove značilnosti ne morejo spreminjati (Hutt, 1972).
From this point of view, women have occupied different (and usually subordinate) positions historically because Western and other societies are patriarchal, that is that men have power over women and therefore are in a position to interpret so-called biological differences in stereotyped ways (De Beauvoir, 1953; Harding, 1986; Riley, 1988; Scott, 1988; Hill-Collins, 1990).The emphasis of this perspective is to understand gender or sex difference as a cultural phenomenon, arising out of the dominant ideas of a particular era or culture.
Gledano s tega stališča, so ženske zgodovinsko zasedale različne (navadno podrejene) položaje zato, ker so zahodne in druge družbe patriarhalne; moški imajo moč nad ženskami in položaj, ki se stereotipno interpretira z biološkimi razlikami (De Beauvoir, 1953; Harding, 1986; Riley, 1988; Scott, 1988; Hill-Collins, 1990). Ta pogled poudarja, da je treba razlike med spoloma razumeti kot kulturni pojav, ki izvira iz prevladujočih idej v posameznih obdobjih in kulturah.
Education is here regarded as an instrument for creating awareness of why particular sex differences are seen as important at particular times and for encouraging greater equality between the sexes, as well as for challenging dualistic and stereotyped assumptions.
Zato je treba izobraževanje videti kot sredstvo za ustvarjanje zavesti o tem, zakaj so bile razlike med spoloma v posameznih obdobjih tako pomembne, za spodbujanje večje enakosti med spoloma, pa tudi za spodbijanje dualističnih in stereotipnih predpostavk.
Western feminists in particular have been interested in shaping a progressive position on gender issues in education.
Posebno zahodne feministke so bile zainteresirane za oblikovanje progresivnega pogleda na vprašanja spolov v izobraževanju.
Feminism here is defined as the commitment to the political, social, and economic equality of women, which draws on and has instigated a variety of movements, theories, philosophies and campaigns.
Feminizem je tu opredeljen kot zavzemanje za politično, družbeno in ekonomsko enakost žensk, ki je sproščalo in sprožalo množico gibanj, teorij, lozoj in kampanj.
Conventionally we have come to understand Western feminist history in three stages or waves.
V zahodni feministični zgodovini dogovorno poznamo tri stopnje oziroma valove.
Nineteenth- and early twentiethcentury first-wave feminism concentrated on opening up access of woman as a category to political, economic and social aspects of public life from which they had been hitherto excluded.
Boj je bil v glavnem, a ne izključno, buržoazen; v mnogih državah se je zavzemal tudi za druge skupine, npr. za volilno pravico in dostop do blaginje in izobraževanja (v šolah in na univerzah).
The fight was mainly though not exclusively a bourgeois one, although it led in a
V izobraževanju so se utemeljevali trije različni feministični elementi: politični, kritični in praktično naravnani.
Chapter 1: Gender and Educationin Europe: A Literature Overview number of countries to important gains for other groups, for example, in terms of voting rights and access to welfare and education (schools and universities).
1. poglavje: Spolinizobraževanje v Evropi: pregledliterature in možnosti žensk.
Third-wave feminism emerged from the 1990s onwards, drawing in a new generation of gender scholars (mainly women but also some men) who, having benefited from the efforts of their mothers and grandmothers, now identified their own viewpoints and struggles.
Tretji val feminizma se je pojavil po letu 1990, zaznamovala pa ga je nova generacija poznavalcev spola (v glavnem žensk, pa tudi nekaj moških); ta se je učila že iz prizadevanj svojih mater in babic, izoblikovala pa tudi svoje poglede in boje.
It claimed primarily to be the feminism of a new generation 'that responds to the political, economic, technological and cultural circumstances that are unique to the current era' (Kinser 2004, p. 124).
Trdila je, da gre za feminizem nove generacije, ‘ki ustreza političnim, ekonomskim, tehnološkim in kulturnim okoliščinam sedanjega časa’ (Kinser 2004, str. 124).
There was a rejection of earlier conceptions of feminism as embodying a more or less coherent set of values and ideas, in favour of a more emphasis on agency, in acknowledgment that women can act autonomously and politically despite often crippling social sanctions (McNay, 2000).
Zavrnila je zgodnje koncepte feminizma, ki vsebujejo bolj ali manj skladen niz vrednot in idej, in posvetila več pozornosti zastopanju in potrjevanju, da ženske, kljub pogosto izkrivljenim družbenim sankcijam, lahko delajo avtonomno in politično (McNay, 2000).
Individual sexuality was also a concept that received considerable attention.
Določena pozornost je bila namenjena tudi spolnosti. Weeks (2000) je npr. zavrnil idejo, da obstaja pravo bistvo spolnosti; prepoznavne lastnosti spola so zgodovinsko in družbeno oblikovane.
Thus, it is deemed simplistic to reduce what is often a complex pattern of sexual relations, to mere biology.
Zato se zdi preveč preprosto, da bi vse, kar navadno spada v zelo zapleten vzorec odnosov med spoloma, skrčili le na biologijo.
It is argued that the study of the history of sexuality is particularly important in order to understand the range of possible sexual identities available to young people, whether based on class, ethnicity, gender or sexual preference or a combination of these.
Dokazoval je, da je proučevanje zgodovine spolnosti zelo pomembno za razumevanje razpona mogočih spolnih identitet, ki so na voljo mladim ljudem, pa naj temeljijo na razredni ali etnični pripadnosti, spolni izbiri ali na kombinaciji naštetega.
Third-wave feminism seemed more attached to theory and the academy than previous waves.
Tretji val feminizma je bil bolj povezan s teorijo in akademskim svetom kot prejšnja dva.
This is primarily due to greater access to university education (and teaching) for Western women, the relatively safe and privileged space of the university which makes theorising possible, and the presence of a (female) student audience interested in new ideas and theories.
V glavnem zato, ker se je na zahodu v univerzitetno izobraževanje (in poučevanje) vpisovalo več žensk, ker je bila univerza sorazmerno varen in privilegiran prostor, ki je omogočal teoretsko delo, pa tudi zaradi študentk, ki so jih zanimale nove ideje in teorije.
In terms of education, this meant that there was less interest shown in the differential achievements and attitudes of girls and boys and the roles given to them by society, and more in the ways in which pupils, students and teachers actively engage in shaping their own gender ‘performances’ and masculinities and femininities in relation to each other (Butler, 1990).
V izobraževanju je to pomenilo manj zanimanja za različne dosežke in nagnjenja deklet in fantov in vloge, ki jim jih namenja družba, več pozornosti pa je bilo namenjene temu, kako lahko učenci, študentje in učitelji dejavno oblikujejo svojemu spolu primerno‘uspešnost’, ter moškosti in ženskosti v medsebojnih odnosih (Butler, 1990).
In other words, instead of looking at macropolicies, scholars of this wave focused on the diversity of particular micro-perspectives and the contextual embeddedness of gender in power relations (Miroiu, 2003).
Z drugimi besedami, namesto s pogledom na makro politike so se teoretičarke tega vala ukvarjale z različnostjo posebnih mikro pričakovanj in vključenostjo spolov glede na okoliščine in razmerja moči (Miroiu, 2003). Ob upoštevanju navedenega sta C. Skelton in B.
Europeanfeminist movements
1.2.2 Evropska feministična gibanja
European feminism provides a good example of the situated specificity of feminism in terms of geography, history and culture.
Evropski feminizem je dober primer z geograjo, zgodovino in kulturo pogojenih posebnosti feminizma.
Second-wave feminism emerged in Europe in the post-World War II settlement and its concretisation and expansion in the European Union (EU).
Drugi val feminizma se je v Evropi pojavil med poravnavanjem računov po 2. svetovni vojni, njihovim konkretiziranjem in širjenjem. G.
Kaplan (1992) notes that when feminists regrouped after the war, picking up the threads of previous feminist activity was more difficult for those in countries which had been closely associated with fascist regimes and ideologies such as Germany and Italy, than for those with a less fractured history of democratic development such as the United Kingdom, USA and Sweden.
Kaplan (1992) je opazila, da je bilo vnovično zbiranje feminističnih skupin po vojni težje v državah, ki so bile tesneje povezane s fašističnimi režimi in ideologijami, npr. v Nemčiji in Italiji, kot v tistih, kjer so bile zgodovinske razpoke pri razvijanju demokracije manjše, npr. v Združenem kraljestvu, ZDA in na Švedskem.
Moreover, different national histories generated distinctive preoccupations.
Še več, različne nacionalne zgodovine so ustvarjale različne skrbi.
For example, Italian feminists were particularly hostile to feminist calls for separatism because under fascism, women were ‘allowed’ a separate if narrow and confined space in public life.
V Italiji so feministke močno nasprotovale separatističnim pozivom, saj je bilo ženskam pod fašizmom‘dovoljeno’ ločeno javno življenje, čeprav ozko in tesno.
Feminist movements were generally associated in Europe with politically progressive ideas, in particular arising from the student political movements of the 1960s.
V Evropi so bila feministična gibanja večinoma povezana z naprednimi političnimi idejami, posebno tistimi, ki so izhajale iz študentskih gibanj v šestdesetih letih.
Yet feminists swiftly created their own spaces signalling ‘an interest in a cause which was to take them far from the socialist mainstream into new modes of thought and action’ (Lovenduski 1986, p. 72).
Vendar so si feministke hitro ustvarile svoj prostor, ki je označeval ‘zanimanje za razloge, ki bi jih oddaljili od glavnega socialističnega toka k novim načinom razmišljanja in delovanja’(Lovenduski 1986, str. 72).
Although many national feminist movements were influenced by North American feminism, stronger and weaker forms emerged, due to specific cultures and politics of the countries in which they were located.
Čeprav je na mnoga feministična gibanja vplival severnoameriški feminizem, so se v posameznih državah zaradi posebnih kulturnih in političnih vzrokov pojavile močnejše in šibkejše nove oblike.
Meanwhile, in countries within the Eastern European communist bloc (until 1989), there was little evidence of autonomous feminist movements.
V državah znotraj vzhodnoevropskega komunističnega bloka pa je (do leta 1989) malo dokazov za avtonomna feministična gibanja.
The political party structure which controlled avenues to political power and which set the conditions in which political activism could take place discouraged such a possibility.
Politična strankarska struktura, ki je nadzorovala poti do politične moči in določala pogoje za politično delovanje, je možnosti zanje preprečevala.
Thus while sex-equality was a founding principle in communist states with women having access to education and paid employment, women were not as prominent or influential in the public sphere as might have been expected (Lovenduski, 1986).
Čeprav je bila enakost spolov temeljno načelo komunističnih držav in so ženske imele dostop do izobraževanja in plačane zaposlitve, ženske niso bile tako vidne in vplivne, kot bi lahko pričakovali. (Lovenduski, 1986).
After 1989, the conditions for feminism and women changed dramatically, providing opportunities for women’s greater political engagement but differing also according to national context and values (Corrin, 1999).
Po letu 1989 so se razmere za feministična gibanja in ženske dramatično spremenile in dale ženskam več možnosti za politično udejstvovanje, seveda različno glede na nacionalne okoliščine in vrednote (Corrin, 1999).
Significantly, the rhetorical commitment of communist regimes to gender equality, though perhaps not realised in actuality, arguably provided a fertile ideological context for gender change in the postcommunist era as have been the conditionality requirements required for entry into the EU.
Pomenljivo je, da je retorično zavzemanje komunističnih režimov za enakost spolov, čeprav se ni zares uresničilo, zagotovilo ugodne ideološke okoliščine za spremembe v pokomunističnem obdobju; enakost spolov je bila namreč pogoj za vstop v EU.
Thus, studies are now emerging in these countries making recommendations for gender change as well as offering a critique of education reform efforts post-1989 for ignoring gender as an issue (e.g. Magno & Silova, 2007). 1.2.3.
Magno & Silova, 2007). 1.2.3 Spol v zakonodaji EU
European feminism as a whole gradually shifted towards international networks and in particular to investigating what benefits the new Europe might bring.
Evropski feminizem se je postopoma preusmeril k mednarodnim mrežam, predvsem pa v proučevanje tega, kakšne koristi lahko prinese nova Evropa.
The EU itself legitimated gender action: for example, Article 119 of the Treaty of Rome (1957) laid down that there must be equal pay and benefits for men and women in employment; the 1975 Equal Pay Directive incorporated the concept of equal pay for equal value; and the 1976 Equal Treatment Directive extended equal treatment into many employment areas including training and working conditions.
Evropa je enakost spolov uzakonila: 119. člen Rimske pogodbe (1957) je za moške in ženske določil enake zaposlitvene pravice in enako plačilo; v Direktivo o enakem plačilu iz leta 1975 je bil vnesen koncept enakega plačila za enakovredno delo; Direktiva o enakem obravnavanju iz leta 1976 je enako obravnavo razširila na mnoga zaposlitvena področja, usposabljanje in delovne razmere.
Directives in 1986 laid down equal treatment in occupational pension schemes and for male and female self-employed and also created
Z direktivami iz leta 1986 je bilo določeno enako obravnavanje pri poklicnih pokojninskih shemah ter samozaposlitvi moških in žensk, sestavljena so bila pravila o varstvu samozaposlenih mater.
Chapter 1: Gender and Educationin Europe: A Literature Overview regulations for the protection of self-employed mothers. The 1990s saw directives for the protection of health at work of pregnant women and recent mothers, and regarding the burden of proof in cases of sex discrimination, with the Social Chapter agreed at Maastricht in 1992 further developing ‘the core idea of article 119’ (Walby 1999, p. 131).
Leta 1990 so bile preurejene direktive o varovanju zdravja pri delu za nosečnice in ženske, ki so nedavno tega rodile, pa tudi tiste, povezane z dokaznim bremenom v primerih spolne diskriminacije; v poglavju o socialnih pravicah, dogovorjenih Maastrichtu leta 1992, pa je bila izpopolnjena‘temeljna ideja iz 119. člena’ (Walby 1999, str. 131).
Since 2000, directives – most notably the Employment Framework Directive (2000/78/EC) and Directive 2002/73/EC amending the 1976 Equal Treatment Directive – have been passed extending the principle of equal opportunities and equal treatment in employment (European Commission, 2007a).
V direktivah, sprejetih po letu 2000 – najpomembnejši sta Direktiva o splošnih okvirih enakega obravnavanja pri zaposlovanju (2000/78/EC) in Direktiva 2002/73/EC o spremembi direktive iz leta 1976 o izvajanju načela enakega obravnavanja – so bila izpopolnjena načela o enakih možnostih in enakem obravnavanju pri zaposlovanju (Evropska komisija, 2007a).