natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
However, their parliaments were, naturally enough, lacking in knowledge and a real understanding of the procedures, requirements and problems involved in the impending accession process. The European Parliament had to help them grow into their role in transposing the acquis communautaire into the national law of their countries.
Razumljivo je, da njihovi parlamenti niso dovolj dobro poznali in razumeli poteka, zahtev in težav prihajajočega pristopnega procesa, zato jim je moral Evropski parlament pomagati, da so našli svojo vlogo pri prenašanju zakonodaje Skupnosti v nacionalno pravo.
At my instigation, for the first time in the history of the European unication process all the presidents of the parliaments of the applicant States came together in the European Parliament for a free and frank exchange of views.
Na mojo pobudo so se prvič v zgodovini evropskega združevanja na izmenjavi mnenj v Evropskem parlamentu sešli vsi predsedniki parlamentov držav kandidatk.
The importance of such exchanges was demonstrated by the fact that meetings of this kind were then held regularly until the accession negotiations proper started.
Šlo je za izredno pomemben dogodek, saj so nato ta srečanja redno potekala vse do začetka konkretnih pogajanj o pristopu.
Our Parliament played a pioneering role in the work of providing parliamentary scrutiny of and safeguards for the European unication process.
Evropski parlament je imel pomembno vlogo pri vzpostavljanju parlamentarnega nadzora in zagotavljanju združevanja vse Evrope.
A few months before the European elections the Treaty of Maastricht had come into force and, for the first time, had conferred on the European Parliament genuine rights of codecision, in particular in the area of the directives and regulations dealing with the completion of the internal market.
Nekaj mesecev pred evropskimi volitvami je začela veljati maastrichtska pogodba, s katero je Evropski parlament prvič dobil pravico do soodločanja, predvsem na področju direktiv in uredb za dokončno vzpostavitev enotnega trga.
Those rights now took eect. A new era was ushered
S tem se je ta pravica začela dejansko uporabljati.
D in when I, on behalf of Parliament, signed the first EC directive which had been adopted under the new codecision procedure and was subsequently published in the Ocial Journal and brought into force as a ‘Directive of the European Parliament and of the Council’.
Ko sem v imenu Parlamenta podpisal prvo direktivo Evropske skupnosti, ki je bila sprejeta po novem postopku soodločanja ter takoj nato objavljena v Uradnem listu in začela veljati kot „direktiva Evropskega parlamenta in Sveta“, se je začelo novo obdobje.
Its new powers had turned an advisory parliament into a decisionmaking parliament, but its working methods and its public prole were still those of a parliament with a purely consultative role.
Z novimi pristojnostmi je Parlament iz posvetovalnega organa postal organ odločanja, vendar sta njegov način dela in podoba v javnosti še vedno ustrezala parlamentu s povsem posvetovalnimi pristojnostmi.
We faced the task, therefore, of reforming those working methods, for example the conduct of debates and votes in plenary and cooperation between the committees, and reorganising Parliament’s press and public relations work.
Znašli smo se torej pred nalogo, da spremenimo način dela, npr. potek razprav in glasovanj na plenarnem zasedanju, sodelovanje med odbori, organizacijo odnosov z mediji in z javnostmi.
This was quite a task.
Šlo je za težko nalogo.
Although, initially, almost all my colleagues were enthusiastic advocates of the thoroughgoing reforms, that enthusiasm shrank with every step in the process of putting our intentions into practice.
Čeprav so bili na začetku skoraj vse kolegice in kolegi navdušeni nad temeljnimi reformami, pa je njihova zavzetost z vsakim korakom od želja k dejanjem čedalje bolj plahnela.
To this day I am grateful to Pauline Green and Wilfried Martens for their determined support in pushing through the reforms in the face of the scepticism of their political groups.
Še danes sem hvaležen Paulini Green in Wilfriedu Martensu, da sta me dejavno podprla in uspela uveljaviti reforme v svojih političnih skupinah, ki z njimi nista bili preveč zadovoljni.
Today, Parliament’s working methods are once again in need of reform.
Način dela Parlamenta je treba danes ponovno spremeniti.
As the successor to Jacques Delors, who stood down at the end of 1994 after an exceptionally successful 10-year period of oce as President of the Commission, the Heads of State and Government proposed the Prime Minister of Luxembourg, Jacques Santer.
Voditelji držav in vlad so za naslednika Jacquesa Delorsa, ki je po izredno uspešnem desetletnem mandatu konec leta 1994 odšel z mesta predsednika Komisije, predlagali luksemburškega premierja Jacquesa Santerja.
Although it was no more than a consultation, all those involved knew that any candidate who failed to secure majority support in Parliament would forfeit all credibility.
Šlo je zgolj za posvetovanje, vendar so se vsi zavedali, da je kandidat, ki nima večinske podpore v Parlamentu, obsojen na neuspeh.
It was also clear that in such an event Santer would not take up his oce.
Prav tako je bilo jasno, da Santer v takšnem primeru ne bi mogel nastopiti svojega mandata. Parlament si je izboril pravico do soodločanja o imenovanju na enega izmed ključnih položajev v Evropi.
For the first time, the appointment of the new EU Commissioners-des-ignate was dependent on a vote of condence in the European Parliament.
Prvič je bilo treba pred imenovanjem nove predlagane Evropske komisije v Evropskem parlamentu glasovati o zaupnici.
In order to prepare that vote, Parliament had to gain a clear picture of each individual nominee, the chosen method being public hearings.
Da bi se Parlament pripravil na glasovanje, si je moral ustvariti jasno sliko o vsakem posameznem kandidatu, zato se je odločil za javne predstavitve.
In the face of opposition from many governments and the reluctance of the Commission, I secured an agreement that, prior to the vote of condence in plenary, each individual nominee would be required to undergo a hearing in the Parliament committee responsible for the area covered by his or her portfolio.
Kljub nasprotovanju številnih vlad in obotavljanju Komisije mi je uspelo zagotoviti, da se mora pred glasovanjem o zaupnici na plenarnem zasedanju vsak posamezen kandidat predstaviti odboru Parlamenta, pristojnemu za področje, ki ga bo pokrival.
What was then a coup has now become an established procedure by means of which the European Parliament has already demonstrated several times that it exercises some inuence over the composition of the Commission.
Za ta postopek ni bilo podlage v Pogodbah, vendar je ta, za takratne razmere drzen podvig, medtem postal utečen postopek, s katerim je Evropski parlament že večkrat pokazal svoj vpliv na sestavo Komisije.
This success showed me that it is more important for the European Parliament to exert the inuence it does have, right down to the last detail, rather than bemoaning its lack of powers.
Na podlagi tega sem ugotovil, da je za Evropski parlament bolj pomembno, da do zadnjega izkoristi vse svoje možnosti vpliva, kot pa da tarna nad pomanjkanjem pristojnosti.
One activity gave me particular pleasure during my term of oce.
Med opravljanjem funkcije predsednika mi je bilo nekaj v prav posebno veselje.
In my inaugural speech I had promised that I would travel to the regions of the Member States and, at their request, to my colleagues’ constituencies.
V svojem nastopnem govoru sem namreč obljubil, da bom obiskal regije držav članic, na izraženo željo pa tudi volilne okraje svojih kolegic in kolegov.
I had 40 opportunities to full that promise and if I only learnt one thing, it was this: public support for European unication in the regions is often much greater than the political manoeuvring performed in some capital cities would lead one to suspect.
Svojo obljubo sem lahko izpolnil štiridesetkrat, in spoznal sem, da je podpora državljanov evropskemu združevanju v regijah precej večja, kot bi sicer lahko sklepali na podlagi nekaterih političnih manevrov v prestolnicah.
JANUARY 1997 JULY 1999
JANUAR 1997JULIJ 1999
It is not easy to sum up a presidency full of events and anecdotes.
Ni enostavno povzeti predsedovanja, polnega dogodkov in anekdot.
Some of my memories still stir strong emotions, such as the visit to Parliament by the King and Queen of Spain, or the visit by Rafael Caldera, an old friend from the dicult times of opposition to Franco, or the presence of members of my family and close friends on the day when I was elected.
Nekateri spomini v meni še zdaj zbujajo veliko čustev, med njimi je obisk španskega kraljevega para v Parlamentu ali obisk Rafaela Caldere, starega prijatelja iz težkih časov upora proti Francu, pa tudi navzočnost ljubih družinskih članov in prijateljev na dan, ko sem bil izvoljen.
However, it is not my own feelings that count here but the outstanding events for the future of Europe and the European Parliament.
Pomembna pa niso moja čustva, ampak izjemni dogodki za prihodnost Evrope in Evropskega parlamenta.
The Treaty of Amsterdam: From this point of view, I would start by highlighting the negotiations for the Treaty of Amsterdam: in the first five months of my presidency I set myself the task of continuing the work of my predecessor, Klaus Hänsch, visiting 14 Member State Heads of Government.
Amsterdamska pogodba: s tega vidika bi najprej rad izpostavil pogajanja za sklenitev amsterdamske pogodbe. V prvih petih mesecih predsedovanja sem si zadal nalogo, da nadaljujem delo svojega predhodnika Klausa Hänscha in obiščem štirinajst voditeljev vlad držav članic.
This was physically exhausting, but it enabled me to go to the informal summit in Noordwijk with a European Parliament position that was favourably received by the Heads of State and Government and that provided a way out of the impasse that was blocking the negotiations.
Bilo je fizično naporno, vendar sem tako na neuradnem vrhu v Noordwijku uspel predstaviti stališče Parlamenta, ki so ga voditelji držav in vlad odobravali, s čimer je bilo mogoče preseči zastoj v pogajanjih.
I must stress that I acted in close cooperation with the Dutch Presidency throughout and that, as a result of this cooperation and determination, the European Parliament and democracy were strengthened in Amsterdam.
Poudariti je treba, da sem ves čas tesno sodeloval z nizozemskim predsedstvom, to sodelovanje in prizadevanje pa sta obrodila še močnejši Evropski parlament in demokracijo.
The adoption of the euro: The second key moment I should like to recall is the European Parliament’s approval of the first eleven Member States to launch the euro.
Uvedba evra: drugi ključni trenutek, na katerega želim spomniti, je priložnost, ko je Evropski parlament potrdil prvih enajst držav članic, ki so uvedle evro.
This took place at a formal sitting that was widely covered in the media.
Imeli smo slavnostno sejo, o kateri so mediji obširno poročali.
That same day, 2 May 1998, the European Council appointed the first President of the European Central Bank following tense and interminable negotiations.
Na isti dan, 2. maja 1998, je Evropski svet po napetih in neskončnih pogajanjih imenoval prvega predsednika Evropske centralne banke.
It was Parliament’s task to question the President designate, and it took advantage of Duisenberg’s weakened position (owing to the diculties surrounding his nomination) to ensure that its support was duly valued and to obtain in exchange an undertaking from the recently appointed President to appear regularly before Parliament to report on the bank’s progress.
Imenovani predsednik je nastopil pred Parlamentom, ki je izkoristil oslabljeni položaj g. Duisenberga (posledica težav z njegovim imenovanjem) in zagotovil pravo vrednost svoje podpore, v zameno pa je pridobil njegov pristanek, da bo redno nastopal pred poslanci in jih obveščal o delovanju banke.
Both Wim Duisenberg and his successor Jean-Claude Trichet scrupulously complied with this commitment, thus enabling Parliament to exercise scrutiny over the European Central Bank whilst fully respecting its independence.
Tako Duisenberg kot njegov naslednik Trichet sta dosledno spoštovala to zavezo, kar je omogočilo parlamentarni nadzor ob popolnem spoštovanju neodvisnosti Evropske centralne banke.
Looking back on these events ten years later, it becomes clear that once again the prophecies were mistaken.
Ko se po desetih letih spominjamo teh dogodkov, lahko ugotovimo, da se zle napovedi spet niso uresničile.
Compromise is never a brilliant solution but at that point, as at other times when European integration
Kompromis ni nikdar idealna rešitev, vendar je takrat, tako kot tudi v drugih obdobjih blokade evropskega združevanja, omogočil pot naprej.
The results are there for all to see: the European Central Bank has had two outstanding presidents who have successfully defended its independence and eectiveness.
Rezultati so vidni: Evropska centralna banka je imela dva odlična predsednika, ki sta uspešno branila svojo neodvisnost in učinkovitost.
And the euro has become a leading currency that Europeans see as their own, indeed as their only one.
Evro pa je postal vodilna valuta, ki so jo Evropejci vzeli za svojo, v bistvu za edino valuto.
The resignation of the Commission: The third key moment that must be highlighted is Parliament’s decision to exercise its right of control over the Commission’s activities, a decision which eventually led to the latter’s resignation.
Odstop Komisije: tretji ključni trenutek, ki ga je treba izpostaviti, je odločitev Parlamenta, da uveljavi svojo pravico nadzora nad delovanjem Komisije. Ta odločitev je privedla od njenega odstopa.
This was a tense process that was particularly painful for me, given my friendship and ideological anity with Jacques Santer and other members of the Commission, especially Marcelino Oreja.
Proces je bil napet, zaradi prijateljstva in ideološke sorodnosti z Jacquesom Santerjem in drugimi člani Komisije, zlasti Marcelinom Orejo, je bil zame še posebej boleč.
But it was a decisive moment for the future of the European Parliament.
Za prihodnost Evropskega parlamenta pa je bil to odločilen trenutek.
Since Maastricht, the Commission has had to obtain Parliament’s con-dence.
Od Maastrichta dalje mora Komisija imeti zaupanje Parlamenta.
Jacques Santer himself recognised this in the speech he made on taking oce.
V svojem govoru ob imenovanju je to sprejel tudi Santer.
But the conviction then held by the Commission that it should be independent in relation not only to national interests but also to Parliament prevailed.
A prevladalo je že prej prisotno prepričanje Komisije, da bi morala biti neodvisna ne samo v odnosu do nacionalnih interesov, ampak tudi v odnosu do Parlamenta.
Romano Prodi saw this clearly and reached an agreement with Parliament that would enable it to demand the resignation of any Commissioner who had lost this condence.
Prodi je to jasno razumel in s poslanci dosegel sporazum, ki mu je omogočil, da je lahko zahteval odstop katerega koli komisarja, ki bi izgubil to zaupanje.
José Manuel Barroso also followed the same course in the Rocco Buttiglione episode.
Barroso je ob incidentu z Buttiglionejem prav tako sledil tem smernicam.
It can thus be seen as a decisive stage in the evolution towards a parliamentary system.
Vsekakor je bil to odločilen korak pri oblikovanju parlamentarnega sistema.
The second consequence is that the Commission has carried out an in-depth internal reform to strengthen control mechanisms, as called for by the Committee of Independent Experts.
Druga posledica je, da je Komisija izvedla poglobljeno notranjo reformo za okrepitev nadzornih mehanizmov, kot je zahteval odbor neodvisnih strokovnjakov. Vse to pa je prineslo koristi evropskim državljanom.
The third and less well-known consequence is in my view equally clear: it concerns the goal of transforming the Commission into a technical secretariat of the Council – a recurrent goal set by those who would like to reduce the European Union to an intergovernmental organisation.
Tretja posledica, ki ni tako razvpita, a po mojem mnenju prav tako jasna: gre za vprašanje nekaterih teženj, da bi Komisija postala tehnični sekretariat Sveta, kar je pogosto izražena želja tistih, ki bi radi videli, da bi bila Evropska unija zgolj medvladna organizacija.
This goal was finally cast aside.
Takšna prizadevanja so bila ustavljena.
An institution whose power is based on the condence of Parliament is not and cannot be a technical body.
Organ, katerega moč temelji na zaupanju Parlamenta, nima in ne more imeti zgolj tehničnih pristojnosti.
It is a political body which is given tremendous potential force by this majority … provided, of course, that it is willing to use it.
Izvršilni organ, ki ima zaupanje Parlamenta, je lahko močno orodje s političnim vodstvom ali pa lutka, odvisno od volje in odločitev tistih, ki ga sestavljajo.
An executive based on the condence of Parliament can be an instrument of political leadership or it can be a puppet ; it depends on the resolve and decisiveness of its members.
Četrta posledica, ki ne izhaja neposredno iz odstopa, vendar ima velik pomen za prihodnost, pa je, da potrebna večina dveh tretjin glasov za izglasovanje nezaupnice ni dovolj, da bi Komisijo ohranila pri življenju, če ji ne zaupa navadna večina poslancev.
And the fourth consequence, which is an underlying consequence of the resignation but one that is of great importance for the future, is that the two-thirds majority required for a motion of censure to succeed is not sucient to keep the Commission alive against a simple parliamentary majority that has no condence in it.
Dvotretjinska večina je zastarel koncept, ostanek iz obdobja, ko so Komisijo imenovale zgolj vlade držav članic.
The two-thirds majority is an anachronism, a relic from the time when the Commission was appointed by the Member State governments alone.
Od trenutka, ko je za potrditev Komisije potrebna parlamentarna večina, mora izražena nezaupnica pomeniti njen konec, četudi je bila izglasovana z navadno večino in ne dvema tretjinama glasov.
Once the Commission’s appointment requires the approval of the parliamentary majority, the withdrawal of that condence must mean the end of the Commission, even if it is expressed by a simple majority rather than a two-thirds majority.
Ostale razsežnosti predsedovanja: moje predsedovanje se seveda ne omejuje zgolj na omenjene ključne trenutke. Bilo je še mnogo drugih dogodkov:
• Parliamentary relations with the twelve countries that would subsequently join the Union;
Parlamentarni stiki z dvanajstimi državami članicami, ki so se kasneje pridružile Evropski uniji;
• The launching of the Mediterranean Interparliamentary Assembly;
Ustanovitev sredozemske medparlamentarne skupščine;
• Visits to the EU Member States, Russia, Venezuela, Chile, Argentina, Uruguay, Mexico, Guatemala and Honduras;
Obiski držav članic Unije, Rusije, Venezuele, Čila, Argentine, Urugvaja, Mehike, Gvatemale in Hondurasa;
• As regards the internal dimension of Parliament: the completion and inauguration of the buildings in Brussels, the completion of the building in Strasbourg and the renewal of the highest levels of Parliament’s administration.
Kar zadeva notranje razsežnosti Parlamenta: izgradnja in otvoritev stavb v Bruslju, izgradnja stavbe v Strasbourgu in obnovitev administracije Parlamenta na njenih najvišjih ravneh.
I might also mention the negotiations on the 1999-2006 financial perspective, which were particularly complex, the launching of OLAF (the Anti-Fraud Oce), and the start of the negotiations on the Statute for Members (whose inclusion in the Treaty of Amsterdam was a personal commitment of mine).
Naj omenim še pogajanja o finančni perspektivi za obdobje 1999–2006, ki so bila še zlasti zapletena, ustanovitev evropskega urada za boj proti goljujam, pričetek pogajanj za statut poslancev (osebno sem si prizadeval za njegovo vključitev v amsterdamsko pogodbo).
Finally, eorts to bring about European Union intervention to prevent the genocide in Kosovo (eorts which did not meet with success), etc.
Vendar zdaj ni čas, da bi se spuščal v podrobnosti, pač pa bi se rad zahvalil za pomoč in sodelovanje kolegom poslancev in vsem uslužbencem Parlamenta, vključno z mojim kabinetom.
I could have done nothing without them.
Brez njih ne bi dosegel ničesar.
JULY 1999 JANUARY 2002
JULIJ 1999JANUAR 2002
Each President of the European Parliament is customarily elected for a brief two-and-a-half year term of oce. On taking up their duties, Presidents therefore realise that their term is merely one stage in an on-going process, that when they leave oce they will pass on to their successors incomplete business which they have initiated, and that their own personality, national or political sensitivity and personal beliefs should not take precedence over the need for pluralism and diversity in all areas which characterise this unique parliamentary institution.
Ve tudi, da njegovi osebni nagibi, nacionalna ali politična pripadnost in njegova globoka prepričanja ne smejo prevladati nad zahtevami, ki jih nalagata pluralizem in raznolikost, značilna za to parlamentarno ustanovo, katere model je v svetu edinstven.
I congratulate Mr Hans-Gert Pöttering, our current President, on his excellent idea of producing this book to illustrate the continuity of the process.
Sedanjemu predsedniku Hans-Gertu Pötteringu čestitam za odlično pobudo o knjigi, ki bo ilustrirala to nepretrganost.
Our main concerns in that period were to restore harmonious relations with the Commission, following the traumatic resignation of Mr Santer’s team, preparations for the major enlargement in 2004 which would be made possible by the Treaty of Nice, albeit in a less than ideal manner, the successful introduction of the Euro, which a majority of Member States had adopted, the growing awareness of the values uniting a continent of 500 million Europeans, thanks to the adoption of the Charter of Fundamental Rights, and the seismic international impact of the 11 September terrorist attacks.
To obdobje je zaznamovalo nekaj ključnih dogodkov: obnovitev harmoničnih odnosov s Komisijo po pretresu, ki ga je povzročil odstop Santerjeve ekipe, priprava velike širitve leta 2004, ki jo je omogočila kompromisna pogodba iz Nice, uspešen prehod na evro, ki ga je sprejela večina držav članic, sprejetje listine o temeljnih pravicah in z njo povezan dvig zavesti o vrednotah, ki združujejo celino s 500 milijoni Evropejcev, svetovni pretres po atentatih 11. septembra.
I have, of course, not forgotten the importance of the substantial legislative work done over this period.
Seveda ne smem pozabiti pomembnega zakonodajnega dela, opravljenega v tem času.
However, we owe this essentially to Parliament as a whole, which had reached its democratic maturity through the increasing excellence of its Members, the practical organisation of its parliamentary business and the new powers conferred on it by the recent treaties, particularly on codecision matters.
Zasluga zanj pripada celotnemu zboru tega parlamenta, ki je demokratično dozorel, zahvaljujoč vse večji usposobljenosti njegovih članov, funkcionalni organiziranosti parlamentarnega dela in novimi pristojnostmi, ki jih je pridobil z novimi pogodbami, zlasti na področju soodločanja.
More specically, as regards the ocials of the European Parliament, and by extension the Members’ assistants, I know of no other similar large institution in which courtesy, respect for other people and their dierences, willingness to cooperate and devotion to the common cause beyond national or political allegiances, are as strong, tangible or as enduring.
Kar se tiče uradnikov Evropskega parlamenta in vseh parlamentarnih pomočnikov, bi rada poudarila, da ne poznam nobene tovrstne politične ustanove, v kateri bi bili vljudnost, spoštovanje drugačnih, pripravljenost na delo, predanost skupni stvari ne glede na nacionalno ali politično pripadnost ves čas tako močni, otipljivi in stanovitni.