natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
To increase access to high quality early childhood education and care, decreasing the fee for low income groups is obviously a first starting point (see Chapter 3, section 2 on measures taken by the European countries).
Očitno je zmanjšanje zneska za plačilo vrtca za starše z nizkimi dohodki prva odskočna deska za lažji dostop do zelo kakovostne predšolske vzgoje.
Due to their cultural and religious beliefs, parents of lowincome communities and ethnic and sociolinguistic minorities may value upbringing at home, by the mother.
Zaradi svojih kulturnih in verskih prepričanj lahko starši z nizkimi dohodki ter etnične in sociolingvistične manjšine bolj cenijo domačo vzgojo.
They may, in addition, consider children below primary school age as too young for participating in an education programme.
Za nameček lahko menijo, da so predšolski otroci premladi za udeležbo v vzgojnem programu.
Although most of these parents probably do value a successful school career for their children, they may not see the connection between this goal and using a day care centre or preprimary school.
Čeprav si večina teh staršev za svoje otroke želi uspešno šolsko pot, pa mogoče ne vidijo povezave med omenjenim ciljem in vpisom v vrtec.
Guaranteeing quality, and in particular efficacy with respect to cognitive, language and socialemotional development, seems to be a crucial next step in policy development.
Zagotavljanje kakovosti, zlasti učinkovitost pri spoznavnem, jezikovnem in socialno-čustvenem razvoju, je naslednji pomemben korak pri razvoju predšolske politike.
Immigrant and ethnic minority parents rightly observe discrepancies between socialisation practices in centres and preprimary schools, and their own socialisation goals (Rosenthal, 1999).
Starši priseljenci in starši predstavniki etničnih manjšin pravilno opažajo razlike med socializacijskimi praksami v predšolskih institucijah ter lastnimi socializacijskimi cilji (Rosenthal, 1999).
This problem could be tackled by organising preprimary education and care to match more closely to the families’ child rearing goals and values, and by employing caregivers and teachers from the same communities.
S tem problemom se lahko država spopade tako, da organizira predšolsko vzgojo, ki je bolj prilagojena vzgojnim vrednotam in ciljem družin ter zaposli vzgojitelje iz istih kulturnih ali etničnih skupnosti.
Low income and minority families have to deal with lots of additional stresses regarding family income, jobs, daily child rearing, neighbourhood.
Družine z nizkimi dohodki in družine etnične manjšine pa se morajo spopadati še z dodatnim stresom zaradi družinskih prihodkov, službe, dnevnega vzgajanja otrok in soseske, v kateri prebivajo.
Trying to meet the requirements of personal involvement in the education programme or observing the time schedule and rules of the day care centre may be an extra burden (Farran, 2000).
Tako je usklajevanje med željami po osebni vpletenosti v vzgojnem programu, spopadanje z urniki in pravili za delovanje vrtca lahko dodatna obremenitev (Farran, 2000).
This problem should be tackled by tailoring provisions to all the needs of families, as, for instance, in the Chicago Child-Parent Centres (Reynolds et al., 2004).
Tega problema se lahko vrtci lotijo z oblikovanjem predpisov, ki ustrezajo vsem družinskim potrebam, kot v čikaških otroškostarševskih centrih (Reynolds et al., 2004).
Given the evidence, there is little doubt that preprimary education for low income and ethnic minority children can contribute importantly to combating the educational disadvantages of low income and minority children, if certain conditions are met.
Prikazano nedvomno dokazuje, da lahko predšolska vzgoja za otroke staršev z nizkimi dohodki in staršev, pripadnikov etničnih manjšin, pomembno pripomore k zmanjšanju vzgojnih in izobraževalnih razlik, če so izpolnjeni določeni pogoji.
Evaluation evidence indicates that the design of programmes and the approach to pedagogy and curriculum is crucial to success.
Dognanja različnih evalvacij kažejo, da so oblikovanje programov, pedagoški prijemi in kurikulum bistveni za uspeh.
Low intensive, low dose, late starting, mono-systemic approaches are less effective overall.
Na splošno je neintenzivna, »pozna«, enosistemska in po obsegu skromna predšolska vzgoja manj učinkovita.
A didactic or academic approach in a negative socialemotional climate may do more harm than good.
Didaktični ali akademski način dela v socialno in čustveno negativnem okolju lahko otroku bolj škoduje kot koristi.
Early starting, intensive, multisystemic approaches that include centrebased education and involvement of professionals as a core activity are superior, with impressive long term results and very favourable
Najboljša je večsistemska, zgodnja in intenzivna institucionalna vzgoja z izobraženimi strokovnjaki; je dolgoročno najuspešnejša, z zelo ugodnim razmerjem med stroški in koristmi.
Investing in accessible, high quality, early starting and intensive care and education provisions for young children is socially and economically probably very profitable.
Vlaganje v dostopen, kakovosten, zgoden in intenziven predšolski sistem za majhne otroke je socialno in ekonomsko verjetno zelo donosno.
Yet, within this general model, ageappropriate services and sensitivity to differing needs and preferences is essential.
Toda v tem splošnem modelu je nujno potrebno urediti varstvo in vzgojo, ki je prilagojena letom, različnim potrebam in preferencam.
For instance, the recent results of the NICHD Early Child Care Network study (Belsky, 2006; NICHD ECCN, 2006) may be seen as a warning that very early intensive use of centrebased care and education can be hazardous for a child’s social and emotional development, even if high quality care is provided.
Nedavni rezultati študije Mreža zgodnjega varstva (NICHD Early Child Care Network study) (Belsky, 2006; NICHD ECCN, 2006) nas na primer opozarjajo, da je lahko prezgodnja intenzivna »uporaba« institucionalnega varstva zelo tvegana za otrokov socialni in čustveni razvoj, čeprav je zelo kakovostna.
Bearing this in mind, policy considerations must include parental leave measures and the right to part-time work, combined with low intensive educational centre care, for the earliest years.
S tem vedenjem morajo politike za oblikovanje predšolskega vzgojnega sistema upoštevati čas porodniškega dopusta in pravico do polovičnega delavnika v kombinaciji z neintenzivnim dnevnim varstvom za otroke v najzgodnejših letih.
Balanced bilingual development in early childhood requires balanced bilingual education.
Prav tako je za uravnotežen dvojezični razvoj v zgodnjem otroštvu potrebna uravnotežena dvojezična vzgoja.
The presence of many different first languages in one classroom and the impossibility to find and to hire staff to serve all these mother tongues equally well requires alternative strategies such as involving the parents and their sociolinguistic communities.
Številni različni prvi jeziki v enem razredu in nezmožnost najti oziroma zaposliti ljudi, ki bi jih enakovredno uporabljali, prav tako zahteva drugačne strategije, na primer sodelovanje staršev in njihovih socio-
This may be facilitated through the provision of home-based programmes, in addition to centrebased care and education in the majority language.
To je mogoče uresničiti z zagotovitvijo domačih programov kot dodatkov k institucionalnim, ki potekajo v uradnem jeziku.
Policy measures that seek to increase the participation in early education provisions should seek ways to decrease the costs for low income groups, while ensuring a common high level of quality of provisions for all children.
S političnimi ukrepi za to, da bi za čim več otrok zagotovili predšolsko vzgojo, je treba poiskati načine za znižanje plačila vrtcev za skupine z nizkimi dohodki, hkrati pa zagotoviti najkakovostnejšo raven vzgoje za vse otroke.
Some studies suggest that an indirect way of subsidising, through vouchers and tax measures (demand-side subsidy), may be the best strategy in this regard.
Nekatere študije namigujejo, da je lahko posredno subvencioniranje z vavčerji in davčnimi olajšavami najboljša strategija.
However, a distinct risk of indirect subsidising is an increasing gap in the use of high quality provisions between high and lowincome groups.
Toda posredno subvencioniranje razločno kaže tveganje, da se bodo ponovile razlike pri izbiri zelo kakovostnega varstva med nižjimi in višjimi socialnimi skupinami.
A distinct risk of direct subsidy is a low or moderate average quality, as in largescale public preprimary schools.
Opazno tveganje pri neposrednem subvencioniranju pa je nizka ali zmerno povprečna kakovost, kar lahko vidimo pri precejšnjem številu javnih predšolskih institucij.
In all cases, subsidy strategies should be accompanied by strong measures to monitor and ensure minimum quality standards.
V vseh primerih morajo strategije subvencioniranja spremljati strogi predpisi za zagotavljanje in nadzor minimalnih standardov kakovosti.
If it is true, as Magnuson and Waldfogel (2005) contend, that only high quality preprimary education (with the possibility of targeted interventions for those who need it most) will help to narrow the early education gap, quality regulations regarding group size (for the younger children), children-to-staff ratios (lowest for the younger children, somewhat higher for older preschoolers), and teacher education and training, should set high quality standards.
Če imata prav Magnuson in Waldfogel (2005), ki trdita, da lahko le najkakovostnejša predšolska vzgoja (z možnostjo pomagati tistim, ki pomoč najbolj potrebujejo) pomaga odpravljati zgodnje razlike med otroki, potem morajo biti predpisi o velikosti skupine (za mlajše otroke), razmerju med številom otrok in zaposlenih (najmanj za mlajše otroke, malo več za predšolske otroke) in izobrazbi ter usposobljenosti vzgojiteljev naravnani na najvišjo kakovost.
Currently, there are several problems with the provision of special preprimary care and education programmes for lowincome and ethnic minority children (Farran, 2000).
Za zdaj je kar nekaj problemov, ki so povezani z ukrepi za posebne predšolske vzgojne programe za otroke staršev z nizkimi dohodki in otroke staršev pripadnikov etničnih manjšin (Farran, 2000).
First, many targeted preprimary education programmes do not meet the criteria of quality and efficacy.
Prvič, veliko predšolskih vzgojnih programov, namenjenih otrokom staršev z nizkimi dohodki in otrokom staršev pripadnikov etničnih manjšin, ne zadostuje temeljnim merilom o kakovosti in učinkovitosti.
Second, preprimary education programmes for disadvantaged children are often temporary projects and vulnerable to economic and political trends.
Drugič, predšolski vzgojni programi za prikrajšane otroke so pogosto začasni projekti in odvisni od ekonomskih in političnih gibanj.
Third, targeted special measures tend to reinforce social and ethnic segregation in the preschool care and education system, which may transfer to the primary school system as well, insofar preschools are connected to primary schools.
Tretjič, posebni predpisi težijo k spodbujanju socialne in etnične segregacije v predšolskem vzgojnem sistemu, to pa se lahko prav tako prenese na šolski sistem, če so vrtci povezani s primarno šolo.
This is in particular a problem in national systems where parents are free to choose a primary school.
To je specičen problem zlasti v nacionalnih sistemih, kjer se lahko starši sami odločijo o izbiri primarne šole.
The consequence of segregation is an increased concentration of children with disadvantages on particular preprimary schools, which may have an additional negative effect on children’s development.
Zaradi segregacije se poveča koncentracija prikrajšanih otrok v določenih vrtcih, kar dodatno negativno vpliva na razvoj otrok.
Recent evidence shows that preprimary schools with a more mixed income population have better results for disadvantaged children, probably because more able children support less able children in their development (Schechter & Bye, 2007). The policy challenge, therefore, is to (re)build (current) systems of early childhood care and education that meet crucial design features as outlined above, that provide high quality care and education for all children, that are integrated, attractive and affordable to all families regardless social 39
Nedavna dognanja pa kažejo, da vrtci, v katerih so otroci različnih nacionalnosti in različnih razredov, bolje vplivajo na razvoj prikrajšanih otrok, verjetno zato, ker manj sposobnim otrokom pri njihovem razvoju pomagajo sposobnejši (Schechter in Bye, 2007).
Early Childhood Education and Carein Europe: Tackling Social and Cultural Inequalities class or minority status, yet that is sensitive to differing educational needs and able to compensate early educational disadvantages.
Izziv, s katerimi se mora spoprijeti vzgojna politika, je prenova sedanjih vzgojnovarstvenih in predšolskih sistemov, tako da bodo izpolnjeni prej opisani pogoji za zagotavljanje najkakovostnejšega varstva in vzgoje za vse otroke.
The ideal early education system is both integrated and differentiated, ensures both common developmental and educational goals, yet is adaptive to individual needs and preferences, and works in both a child- and family-centred way. The system joins up the different types of care, education and support that are provided, and is marked by equivalent quality regulations for all subsystems.
Idealen zgodnji vzgojni sistem je zato integriran in hkrati diferenciran, sočasno zagotavlja razvojne in vzgojno-izobra-ževalne cilje, se prilagaja individualnim potrebam in preferencam ter je dvosmeren – usmerjen na otroka in družino; združuje različne tipe vzgoje in varstva, za vse njegove podsisteme pa veljajo isti predpisi o kakovosti.
An interesting model is provided by so-called ‘educare’ systems and age-integrated services.
Zanimiv model ponujajo tako imenovani »vzgojno-varstveni« sistemi in starostno integrirane storitve.
These systems and service are intended to combine several education and care functions in one local preprimary centre, including full day care, playgroups, preprimary education programmes, leisure time activities for young children, and parent-support programmes.
Ti sistemi in storitve želijo združiti različne vzgojne in varstvene vloge v en sam lokalni predšolski center, ki obsega celodnevno varstvo, igralne skupine, predšolske programe, dejavnosti za preživljanje prostega časa za majhne otroke in programe za podporo staršem.
A second model is provided by the so called ‘broad-based schools’ or ‘community schools’ or ‘fullservice schools’, as they are called (cf.
Drugi model so tako imenovane »široko zasnovane šole« ali »skupnostne šole« ali »šole z vsemi storitvami« (cf. Children’s Aid Society, 1997).
Broad-based schools combine, in one building, and under one management and administration, several services for (young) children, their parents and wider community.
Široko zasnovane šole v eni stavbi, s skupnim vodstvom in skupno upravo združujejo različne storitve za (majhne) otroke, njihove starše in širšo skupnost.
At the same time they have – as a core function – the teaching of reading, writing and maths.
Hkrati je poučevanje branja, pisanja in matematike njihova glavna dejavnost.
Services that are aligned with elementary schools include compensatory preprimary education and language programmes (for 3-6-years-olds), full-day educationally-oriented care (‘educare’, for 06 years olds), and extended school day programmes and after-school care (for 6-12-years-old).
Dejavnosti, povezane s šolo, so predšolska vzgoja in jezikovni programi (za tri do šestletnike), celodnevno vzgojno naravnano varstvo z usmeritvijo v izobraževanje (»vzgojno varstvo« za otroke od rojstva do šestega leta), razširjeni dnevni šolski programi in dopolnilno varstvo (za otroke od šestega do dvanajstega leta).
Coherence and inter-service cooperation is ensured by periodic inter-service staff meetings, joint case-management, and occasional staff exchange.
Skladnost in sodelovanje med različnimi servisnimi službami zagotavljajo redni sestanki vseh zaposlenih, skupno vodstvo in občasno menjavanje zaposlenih med oddelki.
If broad-based schools succeed in keeping to the educational goals, linking early-starting intensive preprimary programmes – or educational day care – and family support activities to the school’s educational mission, the model has much in common with the combination programmes that have showed such impressive long term effects.
Če bodo široko zasnovane šole uspešne pri uresničevanju vzgojnih ciljev, če bodo povezale zgodnje intenzivne predšolske programe – ali celodnevno vzgojo in varstvo ter dejavnosti za podporo družinam pri uresničevanju šolskega izobraževalnega poslanstva, potem ima model veliko skupnega s kombiniranimi programi, ki prinašajo tako prepričljive dolgoročne učinke.
Chapter 1: The Impact of High Quality Education and Care on Young Children: Review of the Literature
1. poglavje: Vpliv najkakovostnejše predšolske vzgojein varstva na majhne otroke: pregled...
EU-27: Estimates based on the countries for which data is available.
V Evropi skoraj vsako osmo gospodinjstvo (12 odstotkov) vzdržuje otroka, mlajšega od 6 let (preglednica 2.1).
Distribution of the number of children (under 15 years) in families with at least one child under 6.
V Španiji, na Cipru in Portugalskem je omenjenih gospodinjstev več kot 15 odstotkov.
Of the total number of households estimated with at least one child under 6, the estimated number of households with 1, 2, 3 or more children under 15 is reported as a percentage.
Manj kot 10-odstotni delež vseh gospodinjstev z najmanj enim otrokom, mlajšim od 6 let, imajo Bolgarija, Nemčija in Finska.
However, these estimates have been incorporated into the EU-27 figure.
5 Vir vseh podatkov je Eurostat, statistični urad Evropske unije.
Data is termly (spring) for all countries, except Denmark, Luxembourg and Finland (annual data).
Podatki so iz treh različnih podatkovnih zbirk: večina tukaj predstavljenih dejavnikov tveganja je iz ADS (Anketa o delovni sili) (Labour Force Survey ali LFS), podatki o stopnji revščine so iz EU-SDŽP (statistika EU o dohodku in življenjskih razmerah (EU-SILC, EU Statistics on Income and Living Conditions), podatke o vzgoji in izobraževanju za raven ISCED 0 pa iz UOE (UNESCO-UIS/OECD/EUROSTAT).
Figure 2.3: Percentage of single parent households with at least one child of 02 years or more, 35 years or more, and 05 years or more, 2005
Preglednica 2.1: Število gospodinjstev z najmanj enim otrokom, starim od 0 do 2 let, od 3 do 5 let in od 0 do 5 let kot odstotek vseh gospodinjstev, 2005
02 years or more
0–2 leti
For these countries, single parenthood arrives early in children’s lives.
Opomba EU-27: ocene so za države, za katere so na voljo podatki.
Belonging to a particular culture and/or ethnic minority may in some cases constitute an important risk factor with respect to adjusting to school and then experiencing a successful socio-professional life (see Chapter 1).
Ocena števila gospodinjstev z najmanj enim vzdrževanim otrokom, starim od 0 do 2 let, od 3 do 5 let in od 0 do 5 let, je merjena kot odstotek od celotnega števila gospodinjstev v državi.
2 the preoccupations of decision makers in Europe ().
Podatki so za vse države za četrtletje (pomlad), razen za Dansko, Luksemburg in Finsko (letni podatki).
More specifically, nationality as it is considered here (Figure 2.4) is defined by the country which issues the passport.
V EU-27 je gospodinjstev z zelo majhnimi otroki (od rojstva do 2 let) okoli 7 odstotkov ali ena petnajstina vseh.
Moreover, the criterion of nationality does not always identify the individuals subject to a cultural risk factor: in some countries, individuals are considered as nationals (notably intra-national migrants such as Roma and Irish Travellers) even though they belong to different ethnic groups, distinctive in culture and even language.
V Bolgariji, Nemčiji in Grčiji je ta stopnja manj kot 6-odstotna, na Danskem, Cipru, Portugalskem, v Španiji in Franciji pa je večja od 8 odstotkov.
On the other hand, being non-national does not necessarily imply being at educational risk. Such a criterion by itself does not indicate differences in spoken language and/or culture.
Ti podatki prav tako kažejo, da ima večina evropskih družin z majhnimi otroki otroka, mlajšega od 3 let ali starega 3 do 5 let, redko pa oba.
For example, in a small country such as Luxembourg the exceptionally high numbers of nonnationals under 6 years (49 %) largely indicate high numbers of children from neighbouring countries, who share the same language and a similar culture.
Pravzaprav je v EU delež družin z otroki, mlajšimi od šestih let (12 odstotkov) skoraj tolikšen, kot je seštevek preostalih dveh skupin (7 odstotkov z najmanj enim otrokom, mlajšim od 3 let; 7 odstotkov z otrokom, starim 3 do 5 let).
Therefore, the Figure 2.4 is presented here only for illustrating the diversity across European countries. Due to high levels of missing data regarding the proportion of non-national children under 6 years, the rate of nonnationals in the total population is also presented.
To je splošni vzorec v večini držav, izjemi sta le dve: na Danskem in Nizozemskem je skoraj 3 odstotke družin z najmanj enim otrokom, starim 3 do 5 let, in najmanj enim otrokom mlajšim od 3 let.
In the EU, nearly 5 % of residents are estimated to be nonnationals. Among under 6-years-olds, nonnationals comprise about 3 % (this may be biased due to the high rate of non-responses and missing data).
Podatki v preglednici 2.2. dopolnijo sliko s prikazom števila otrok, mlajših od 15 let, v gospodinjstvih, ki imajo prav tako otroka, mlajšega od 6 let.
Yet, there is a huge variation across European countries.
To kaže obremenitev staršev omenjenih družin.
In Luxembourg nonnationals comprise nearly half of the population of children under 6.
2. poglavje: Socialno-ekonomskikazalniki
Apart from Belgium, Germany, Greece, Cyprus and Austria, all other countries register fewer than 4 % of children under the age of 6 as nonnationals.
Preglednica 2.2: Razporeditev gospodinjstev z najmanj enim otrokom, mlajšim od 6 let, glede na število otrok, mlajših od 15 let, 2005
EU-27: Estimates based on countries for which data are available.
Opomba EU-27: ocene so za države, za katere so na voljo podatki.
Nationality refers to the country which issues the passport.
Razporeditev števila otrok (mlajših od 15 let) v družinah z najmanj enim otrokom, mlajšim od 6 let.
The data in brackets shows estimates which are not fully reliable due to the sample size.
Podatki v oklepajih kažejo ocene, ki zaradi velikosti vzorca niso popolnoma zanesljivi.
However these estimates have been incorporated into the EU-27 figure.
Nezanesljivi podatki niso prikazani, čeprav so upoštevani v podatkih o EU-27.
Data is termly (spring) for all countries, except Denmark, Luxembourg and Finland (annual data).
Podatki so za vse države za četrtletje (pomlad), razen za Dansko, Luksemburg in Finsko (letni podatki).
Regarding upbringing of young children the level of family income is an essential parameter defining risk groups.
V državah članicah EU–27 ima 43 odstotkov gospodinjstev z majhnim otrokom (od 0 do 6 let) le enega vzdrževanega otroka.
Poverty is an important risk factor with regard to success at school; according to some authors, it is more significant than all other risk factors (see Chapter 1).
Družine z enim otrokom pomenijo več kot polovico takšnih gospodinjstev v Bolgariji, Latviji, Romuniji in na Portugalskem.
Figure 2.5 uses the notion of an at-risk-of-poverty threshold.
Velikih družin (s tremi otroki ali več) z otrokom, mlajšim od 6 let, je 16 odstotkov.
This is based on the total net revenue of households (income from work as well as unemployment benefits and other social security benefits such as family allowances etc.).
Podobno obremenitev staršev zaznamo v preostalih osmih državah (v Belgiji, na Danskem, Cipru, v Luksemburgu, na Madžarskem, Nizozemskem, Slovaškem in v Združenem kraljestvu), kjer ima vsaka peta družina tri otroke ali več.
This income is then re-calculated using a mathematical formula based on the number and age of the members of the household (see explanatory note).
Breme vzgajanja otroka je večje, kadar zanj skrbi samohranilec/ka ali skrbnik/ica (preglednica 2.3).