natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Women’s double burdenorthe so called double shiftwas discussed from time to time, but the habit ofconnecting employment with maternal duties became naturalised.
Pojmi, kotso razlike v osebnih dohodkih ali stekleni strop, so bili povsem neznani.
“I still have clearly in mind…remembering…”
"Še vedno imam pred očmi…"
When Dr. Dorothy Crowfoot Hodgkin was in Romania, I was appointed to join her to meet Elena Ceausescu, who at that time was called: “thehighest scientist of the Romanian communistregime”.
V času obiska dr. Dorothy Crowfoot Hodgkin v Romuniji so me določili za njeno spremljevalkomed srečanjem z Eleno Ceausescu, ki je v tistemčasu imela naziv "najvišje znanstveniceromunskega komunističnega režima".
Despite the 38-year difference of agebetween us, I felt very close to Dr. Crowfoot Hodgkin.
Čeprav meje od dr. Crowfoot Hodgkin ločilo 38 let razlikevletih, sem čutila, kako zelo sva si blizu. Bila jepoštena in prijazna in izkazovala mi je velikopodporo.
I was so close to the Nobel Prize than I had everdreamed of being!
Ko sva prispeli v Elenino pisarno,sem prejela enega izmed najhujših ukazovvsvojem življenju.
But when we arrived at Elena’soffice, I received one of the hardest orders I everhad in my life: I had to stay outside, in a specialroom, with two big Labrador dogs, which werewatching at me.
Ostati sem morala zunaj,vposebni sobi, skupaj z labradorcema, ki sta mebudno pazila.
I had to wait until the end of theirmeeting, which lasted for more than 2 hours.
Počakati sem morala vse do koncanjunega srečanja, ki je trajalo več kot dve uri.
Could you imagine what Dorothy could think aboutthis situation?
Alisi lahko predstavljate, kaj si je Dorothy lahkomislila?
Could you imagine the weight of humiliation that I, as a young scientist, had toexperience?
Ali si lahko predstavljate, kakšnoponižanje je bilo to zame kot mladoznanstvenico?
Dorothy Crowfoot Hodgkin with Mioara Florica Tripsa (left) and Eugenia Kovacs (right) during her visit in 1985 at the Department of Biophysics of the Medical University in Bucharest. © Prof. Dr Mioara Florica Tripsa
Dorothy Crowfoot Hodgkin z Mioaro Tripsa (na levi) in Eugenio Kovacs (na desni) med obiskom Oddelka za biofiziko pri Univerziza medicino v Bukarešti leta 1985 © prof. dr. Mioara Florica Tripsa biografska izjava Mioare Florice Tripsa, romunske članicestrokovne skupine Enwise
Women’s role as a secondbreadwinnerwas in the vast majority of familiesan economic necessity, but it also became a cultural norm, so that womenstarted to perceive their job outside the family as their duty, as did theirhusbands and their communities.
Občasno se je sicer razpravljalo o dvojni obremenitvi žensk ali o takoimenovanem delu v dveh izmenah, počasi pa je postalo naravno, da imažensko dvojno vlogo polno zaposlene osebe, ki obenem opravlja vse dolžnostimatere.
But since they were only regarded (alsoby themselves) as secondbreadwinners, the traditional division of genderroleskept being regarded as naturalas well.
Ker pa jeveljalo, da so le drugotne hranilke družine (in so tudi ženske nase takogledale), se je obdržala tudi tradicionalna delitev spolnih vlog, ki se je vsemzdela nekaj naravnega.
Very little qualitative researchhas been done so far though it is urgently needed in order to learn aboutwomen’s subjective perception of their lives and about their everydaystrategies.
Doslej je bilo izpeljanih zelo malo nujno potrebnihkvalitativnih raziskav, ki bi pokazale, kako so ženske dojemale svoje življenjein kakšne strategije so razvile, da so se lahko soočile z zahtevami svojegavsakdana.
Transformation: new amalgam of continuities and discontinuities Gender scholars and women activists who emerged after the collapse ofcommunism started addressing the issue and looked for explanations ofthe specific kind of gender blindness.Despite lacking systematic research,there are some general hypotheses about the sources of gender blindness,as inherited from the communist time.
Preobrazba: nova zmes nadaljevanja in prekinjanja zgodovinskih tokov Raziskovalci odnosov med spoloma in ženske aktivistke, ki so se pojavilipo padcu komunizma, so se začeli ukvarjati z vprašanjem ravnodušnosti dovprašanj spolain z iskanjem morebitne razlage zanjo.
It can not be ignored that the character of modernisation processes, as described above, removed the pressing legal barriers, which formed the goals of the women’s mass movementsin 1970s in the West.
Čeprav ni bila izvedenanobena sistematična raziskava, obstajajo nekatere splošne domneve gledenastanka ravnodušnosti do vprašanj spola, podedovane še iz časov komunizma.Ne moremo mimo dejstva, da je opisani proces posodobitve odstranil pravneprepreke, ki so bile na Zahodu cilj množičnih ženskih gibanj v sedemdesetihletih 20. stoletja.
Though serious gender based problems were persisting during communism and new ones came into existence, theybecame more hiddenand shifted to a rather more culturallevel, which wasvirtually impossible to tackle.
Resni problemi, vezani na spol, so se ohranili tudi v časukomunizma, oblikovali so se novi, vsi pa so postali očem bolj skriti, saj sobili potisnjeni na bolj kulturnoraven, zaradi česar jih je bilo skoraj nemogočeodpraviti, še posebej zato, ker se je oblikovala nekakšna zmes modernizacijein konservatizma.
The difficulty had been especially caused bythe combination of modernisation with conservatism.
Opisali smo, kako posodobitve profesionalnega statusažensk ni spremljala posodobitev kulturnih vzorcev.
As shown above, modernisation of professional status was not accordingly accompanied withmodernisation of cultural patterns - moreover, traditional patterns wereoften even fostered by the specific role the family acquired under communism, namely the role of a refuge from the regime.
Še več, tradicionalniodnosi so se pogosto še poglobili zaradi specifične vloge zatočišča predrežimom, ki jo je v času komunizma odigrala družina.
And the specificfemale career modelas described above, in which having children wasincluded and resulted in an acceptance of limited career ambitions, hasbeen presented by many women in answering the question of whetherthey feel discriminated against (be it in sociological research or mediainterviews) as a matter of more or less free choice(meaning the acceptance that the choice of having children automatically requires certaincompromises).Women in communist countries were often characterised as superwomen.Many seemed genuinely to feel like that, strong enough to solve theirproblems on their own.
Številne ženske, kiso jih znotraj socioloških raziskav ali v intervjujih za medije vprašali, ali soobčutile kakšno obliko diskriminacije, so spregovorile o specifičnem ženskempoklicnem modelu,ki je vključeval vzgojo otrok in pristanek na posledičnozmanjšanje poklicnih ambicij, kot o bolj ali manj svobodni izbiri(z drugimibesedami, pristale so, da odločitev, da bi imele otroke, avtomatično zahtevadoločene kompromise).Pogosto so ženske v komunističnih državah opisovali kot superženske.Številne izmed njih so se tudi zares tako počutile, saj so bile prepričane, daso dovolj močne, da same rešijo vse svoje težave.
Another important level of explanation has to besought after in what was (and partly still is) regarded as a political issue.For even if interviewedwomen did admit gender inequalities, sexism andthe like, they still tended to regard it as a private problem, refusing torecognise unfair treatment as a systemic gender based problem and totreat it politically.
Razlago za to moramo iskativ nekdanjem (in delno tudi današnjem) pojmovanju političnega vprašanja.Celo tiste ženske, ki so v intervjujih priznale, da med spoloma obstajajoneenakosti, seksizem in podobno, so menile, da gre za zasebno težavo, in trdile,da nepravično ravnanje do njih ni del sistemske nepravilnosti in problematike,s katero bi se morale soočiti na politični ravni.
Surprisingly, the official propa-gandamade obscure even such an obvious fact that, through mothers, itwas actually children who were protected, not women as such.
V času komunizma ni bilo javnegaakterja, ki bi prosto spregovoril o vprašanjih enakosti spolov na pristen indrugačen način.
Moreover,women’s issues did not represent a theme for the political oppositioneither.Not only were women’s issues not popular, due to the fact that it was part
Zanimivo je, da je uradni propagandiuspelo zakriti tako
FROM NATIONAL ICONS TO SUPERWOMEN of official communist policy, but the priority was put on general (individual) civic and political rights.
OD ZNAMENITIH ŽENSK DO SUPERŽENSK očitno dejstvo, kot je to, da so prek mater dejansko zaščitili otroke in nežensk.
Though currently the public discourse ongender issues has been opened, the process of addressing gender issueswas considerably slowed down, after 1989, by combined antifeminist and anticommunist resentments.The transformation process that started in the Enwise countries after the
Poleg tega se z ženskim vprašanjem ni nikoli ukvarjala niti politična opozicija. Ne le zato, ker žensko vprašanje, delno zaradi uradne komunističnepolitike, ni bilo popularno, temveč predvsem zato, ker je dajala glavni poudarek splošnim državljanskim in političnim pravicam posameznika.Čeprav lahko rečemo, da se je v javnosti sedaj začelo razpravljati o vprašanjihenakosti spolov, pa se je reševanje vprašanja žensk občutno upočasnilo poletu 1989 zaradi protifeminističnihin protikomunističnihzamer.
Which depending on the countrieswas referred to as the fall of the ironcurtain, velvet revolution or as “die Wende” in GDR, meaning, in German,radical political change.
V posameznih državah so padeckomunizma imenovali padec železnezavese, žametna revolucija ali "die Wende»(v nekdanji Nemški demokratičnirepubliki), kar v nemščini pomeniradikalno politično spremembo.
fall of communism11has been underpinned by principles, which are entirely different to those central to communism. Individual political freedomand freedom of choice are regarded as superior to all other values.
Drugačni vzorci v novih vzhodnonemških deželah neprimerno bolje, če so moški zaposleni za polnidelovni čas, ženske pa ostanejo doma in skrbijoza otroke in gospodinjstvo".
A different pattern in the new Eastern Länderof Germany women, when surveyed, commented: “It is muchbetter for all, if men are fully employed and womenstay at home to look after household and children”.Five years later this percentage reached only 27%among East men 27% and 26% among Eastwomen, which means no chance for a revival of theconservative family model of a working man + ahousewife(whereas, in both surveyed years, 50%on average of West men and women agreed withthis conservative family pattern).
Pet let pozneje je bilotega mnenja le še 27 % vzhodnih Nemcev in26% vzhodnih Nemk, kar pomeni, da oživitevkonservativnega družinskega modela, ki sestojiizzaposlenega moža in gospodinjeni mogoča(med vprašanimi v zahodnih deželah je v obehletih 50 % moških in žensk izrazilo podporokonservativnemu družinskemu modelu).
With comparatively low general levels of householdincome, the transformation process in Eastern Germany has turned many women into the principalearners of family income.
V veliko družinah v Vzhodni Nemčiji so zaradirelativno nizkih gospodinjskih prihodkov v časupreobrazbe ženske tiste, ki v družinski proračunprispevajo največ.
On average, women in thenew Eastern Länderof Germany account for almost50 per cent of household income (compared withone third in Western Länderof Germany).The employment rate of married women withchildren under 18, in particular, is considerablyhigher in the new states of Germany (East 74%compared to West 56%).In 1991, 35% of East men and 30% of East
Povprečno zaslužijo ženskevnovih vzhodnih deželah skoraj 50 odstotkovgospodinjskih prihodkov (v zahodnih deležah patretjino le-teh).
Source: Nickel, 2003 and Schenk, 2003 cited by Burkhardt, 2003.
Stopnja zaposlenosti medporočenimi ženskami z otroki, mlajšimi od 18 let,je v novih nemških deželah še posebej visoka(navzhodu 74 %, na zahodu pa 56%).Leta 1991 je 35 % vprašanih vzhodnih Nemcevin30 % vzhodnih Nemk izjavilo: "Za vse je vir: Nickel, 2003 in Schenk, 2003 citiran v Burkhardt, 2003
Gender pay gap in unadjusted form in 2001
Razlike v osebnih dohodkih v neprilagojeni obliki leta 2001
In the Enwise countries, like in the EU Member states and other regions of the world, women’s income is onaverage lower than that of men.
V državah Enwise so osebni dohodki žensk, tako kot v državah članicah EU in drugje po svetu,povprečno nižji od osebnih dohodkov moških.
Hungary
Madžarsk
Slovak Republic
Slovaškarepublika
Czech Republic
Češka republika kar se sveti").
Chapter 3, “All that Glitters is not Gold”).
Izraz "v neprilagojeni obliki" pomeni, da niso biliupoštevani dejavniki, kot sta poklicna in vertikalna segregacija terstopnja izobrazbe.
This measure is referred toas unadjusted because it does not take into account factors such asoccupational and vertical segregation and level of qualification.Since hourly wages are considered in this measure, the fulltime /part-time dimension is partly accounted for, but there is no adjustment made for the fact that part-time salaries are generally lowerpro ratathan fulltime salaries.
Ker je upoštevano plačilo na uro, lahkosklepamo o prejemkih, vezanih na polno ali polovično zaposlitev,pri čemer ni upoštevano dejstvo, da so izplačila za polovičnozaposlitev običajno proporcionalno nižja od izplačil za polnozaposlitev.
Source: Eurostat, 2003.Note: The gender pay gap in unadjusted form refers to the difference between women’s and men’s gross hourly earnings as a percentage of men’s average gross hourly earnings.
vir: Statistični urad Evropskih skupnosti, 2003 Opomba: Razlike v osebnih dogodkih v neprilagojeni obliki senanašajo na razlike med bruto zaslužkom moških in žensk na uro,obračunane v odstotkih glede na povprečni moški bruto zaslužekna uro.
For example, theunadjusted pay gap at 26% in the Czech Republic, which is thewidest gap of all Enwise countries, means that on average, womenearn 74% of men’s earnings for every working hour (see also
Če vzamemo na primer 26-odstotno razliko v Češkirepubliki, ki predstavlja največjo vrzel v državah Enwise, topomeni, da ženske v povprečju vsako delovno uro zaslužijo 74 %moškega prihodka (Glej tretje poglavje z naslovom "Ni vse zlato,
Differences between the individual countries as to new gender ideologyarequite substantial and can be attributed to different religious and politicalhistories - but the real outcome has been the same: women’s return to fulltime work in the family home was not only nothappening, but was evenhardly possible for economicreasons.
Daneslahko opazimo precejšnje razlike med posameznimi državami glede njihove nove ideologije spolov, kar lahko pripišemo različnim veroizpovedim inrazlikam v politični zgodovini. Ne glede na razlike pa je dejanski učinek enak povsod: ženske nisoprevzele nekdanje vloge izključnih gospodinj tudi zato,ker je bilo to iz ekonomskih razlogovskorajda nemogoče.
Still more surprising is that neitherthe percentage of part time jobs increased significantly: the majority ofwomen of productive age work full time and spend on average only slightly less time at work than men.
Še bolj presenetljivoje dejstvo, da ni zaslediti večjega porasta zaposlitev s polovičnim delovnimčasom. Večina aktivnega ženskega prebivalstva dela polni delovni čas in nadelovnem mestu preživi skorajda toliko časa kot moški.
There are also structuralreasons.
Za to obstajajo tudistrukturnirazlogi.
The postcommunist legacy of strong horizontal gender segregation of the labourmarket has made women irreplaceable in the labour force.
Postkomunistična dediščina močne horizontalne spolnesegregacije trga delovne sile je žensko delovno silo naredila zanenadomestljivo.
Women usually comprise from about half the labour force up to 80% thereof or moreamong the employees in the services and health care sectors, in the banking and insurance industries, and in commerce.
Ženske ponavadi predstavljajo med petdeset pa vse tja doosemdeset odstotkov zaposlenih (ali celo več) v storitvenem in zdravstvenemsektorju, bančništvu, zavarovalništvu in trgovini.
Moreover, due to theiracceptance of lower remuneration, they made it possible to keep wholesegments of work still functional (nurses, teachers and others).
Poleg tega so ženskessvojim pristankom na nižje osebne dohodke omogočile, da še danes delujejoceli družbeni segmenti (medicinske sestre, učiteljice in ostale).
Psycholog-icalreasons are important as well: research indicates that women valuehaving work for the financial independence it entails as well as the possibility of social contacts.The question whether women can be seen as the losers of the transformation processes is not simple to answer.
Pomembnipa so tudi psihološkirazlogi. Raziskave kažejo, da ženske vrednotijo svojedelo, ker jim zagotavlja finančno neodvisnost in jim omogoča vzpostavljatisocialne stike.
Unemploymentrates vary throughout the Enwise countries and have also been permanently changing intime up to now.
Na vprašanje, ali so ženske v procesu preobrazbe izgubile, ni enostavnegaodgovora.
But even in cases when the difference between male andfemale unemployment rates is not very dramatic, another gender phenomenon has been noticed, namely women’s greater flexibilityin thelabour market.
V državah Enwise se stopnja brezposelnostirazlikuje od državedo države in se do dandanašnjega nenehno spreminja.Tudi v primerih, komed stopnjo brezposelnosti moških in žensk ni večjih razlik, lahko opazimorazlike med spoloma, saj pri ženskah zaznamo večjo fleksibilnostna trgudelovne sile.
It means for instance, a greater willingness to requalify andchange jobs (horizontally), but also to accept a position below their qualifications, and first of all, in general, to work for less. This is true for lessqualified professions where women work for pitiful salaries, but suchinadequate remuneration is also an issue at managerial level for women.
Tako so se ženske bolj pripravljene prekvalificirati in zamenjatislužbo (horizontalno) ter sprejeti nižji položaj, kot bi si ga zaslužile s svojimikvalifikacijami in doseženo izobrazbo, predvsem pa so na splošno pripravljene
Employees breakdown by salary group in Romania (October 1998)
Razčlemba zaposlenih glede na osebni dohodek v Romuniji (oktober 1998)
Source:NCS survey in Tripsa, 2003.Note:1 K= 38080.0 Leu - Financial Times - Sept. 15, 2003
8001 000 over7 000 under 350 tisoé lejev vir: študija NCS v Tripsa, 2003opomba: 1 euro = 38080,00 romunskih leuev – podatki iz dnevnika Financial Times – 15. 9. 2003
FROM NATIONAL ICONS TO SUPERWOMEN
OD ZNAMENITIH ŽENSK DO SUPERŽENSK delati za manj denarja.
The traditional practice that men automatically expect and are offeredbetter salaries, and that women are offered and accept lower salaries stillpersists.
Slednje velja za slabše kvalificirane poklice, v katerihženske delajo za mizerne plače, pa tudi za neprimerne osebne dohodke menedžerk.
Last, but not least, horizontal segregationof whole segments of thelabour market has been reproduced in the transition period for new reasons: the segments, which were feminisedunder communism, nowremained part of the economically poorer state sector (schools of all levels, health care etc.).
Moški še vedno pričakujejo, da jim bodo avtomatično ponujeneboljše plače, ženske pa nižje.
And again, this means that women keep theiremployment (competition is not very intense in these sectors, for men hadleft for financially more attractive areas), but under conditions that can becharacterised as exploitative and under-evaluatingtheir capacities andskills.
V prehodnem obdobju se je obdržala tudihorizontalna segregacijacelih segmentov trga delovne sile, in sicer zato, kerso sektorji, ki so bili v času komunizma feminizirani, danes del ekonomskorevnejšega državnega sektorja (šolstvo, zdravstvo itn.).
Needless to add that, though women keep working hard in the professional sphere, they are nonetheless, due to their position of being thesecondbreadwinner in most partnerships, expected to accomplish theduties of parenthood not usually expected of their male colleagues.In terms of everyday life, the process of transformation during the 1990shas been gendered from the very beginning.
To seveda spetpomeni, da so ženske obdržale delovna mesta (ker so se moški preusmerilina finančno zanimivejša področja dela, so to sektorji, znotraj katerih nevlada močna konkurenca), vendar so to naredile pod pogoji, ki bi jih lahkoopisali kot izkoriščevalske in podcenjevalnes stališča njihovih zmožnosti,sposobnosti in strokovnega znanja.
Men eagerly returned to theirtraditional public and professional positions and were becoming economically and socially stronger than women. For women the situation has beenmore complex.
Pri tem je povsem nepotrebno poudariti,da se od žensk, ki, čeprav trdo delajo na profesionalnem področju, ostajajozaradi položaja drugegahranilca v večini partnerskih skupnosti, pričakuje,da bodo izpolnjevale starševske dolžnosti, kar za moške ne velja.
On one hand, the burdens facing women became evengreater after the collapse of communism. Social transformation meantincreased demandsboth on women’s nurturing roles (to cope with the
Preobrazba, ki je potekala v devetdesetih letih 20. stoletja, je že od samegazačetka prinašala – kar zadeva vsakdanje življenje– razlike med spoloma.Moški so zgrabili priložnost in se povzpeli na tradicionalne javne in poklicne
Turning private struggles into a public issue
Ko zasebnabitkapostane vprašanjejavnosti
YES, I think women do enjoy equal opportunities.Of course, there are always some situations, wheremen and women are dealt with differently, but theseare totally dependent on the particular peopleinvolved, not on society as a whole.
Da, mislim, da imajo ženske enake možnosti.Seveda ostajajo situacije, v katerih so ženskedrugače obravnavane kot moški, vendar je topovsem odvisno od vpletenih in ne od družbe.
We still assume gender problems to be more private(personal or woman’s own) than social.
Še vedno predpostavljamo, da so težave, vezanena spol, zasebna (osebna, ženska) in nedružbena stvar.
But, it is theproblem of society as a whole, how to supportresearch and sustainable development, it is not onlyits legal right, but also its duty, to utilise all humanpotential and to benefit from the scientificachievements of the whole of human kind.
Kako podpirati raziskave intrajnostni razvoj je problem celotne družbe, zatoizkoriščanje vsega človeškega potenciala inznanstvenih dosežkov v korist vsega človeštva nisamo zakonska pravica, marveč dolžnost.
Estonian young female scientist (age: 36, medical sciences) at the Enwise workshop on Young scientists, Prague, April 2003.
mlajša estonska znanstvenica (starost: 36 let, medicinske vede)na delavnici Enwise o mladih znanstvenikih, Praga, april 2003 mlajša slovaška znanstvenica (starost: 35 let, naravne znanosti)na delavnici Enwise o mladih znanstvenikih, Praga, april 2003
Slovak young female scientist (age: 35, natural science) at the Enwise workshop on Young scientists, Prague, April 2003.
Feministična gibanja v Jugoslaviji objavljene raziskave o ženskah iz vse Jugoslavije.
Feminist movements in Yugoslavia women were published from all over Yugoslavia.Moreover, the Yugoslav Sociological Associationestablished a section devoted to Women and Society.
Jugoslovansko sociološko združenjeje v istem obdobju ustanovilo sekcijo z nazivom Ženske in družba.
The issue of women and science was alsodebated.
Začelo se je razpravljati tudioženskah in znanosti.
In the same period, the Interuniversity Centre in Dubrovnik was organising internationalconferences and courses dealing with gender issuesdirectly or indirectly. These seminars were theoccasion for women scientists coming from thesocialist countries to travel abroad and to meetforeigner colleagues.
V teh letih je Meduniverzitetni centerv Dubrovniku organiziralmednarodne konference in tečaje, na katerih sobile posredno ali neposredno obravnavanetematike, vezane na odnose med spoloma.Dubrovniški seminarji so znanstvenicam izsocialističnih držav omogočili, da so potovale inse tu srečale s kolegicami iz tujine.