natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
The main points were: European citizenship and the single currency as pillars; codecision as an ordinary legislative procedure; participation in the election of the Commission President, whose term of oce was extended from two years to five; and recognition of European political parties.
Glavne točke so bile naslednje: evropsko državljanstvo in enotna valuta kot stebra, soodločanje kot redni zakonodajni postopek, sodelovanje pri izvolitvi predsednika Komisije, čigar mandat je bil podaljšan z dveh na pet let, in priznanje evropskih političnih strank.
In addition to the intensive pace of change within the Community, the European scene witnessed a number of what can only be called political earthquakes, in which the EP too took part.
Poleg notranje razgibanosti v Skupnosti smo bili v Evropi priče pravim političnim pretresom, pri katerih je sodeloval tudi Evropski parlament.
The most dramatic of these was the tragic dismemberment of former Yugoslavia – a process which put the Community’s internal cohesion to the test. Here, I made all possible eorts on behalf of the EP to find peaceful solutions, with the presidents of the parliaments of the Yugoslav federation and its republics.
Najbolj dramatičen je bil tragični razpad Jugoslavije, ki je postavil na kocko notranjo povezanost Skupnosti, sam pa sem si v imenu Parlamenta na vse možne načine prizadeval, da bi s predsedniki zvezne in republiških skupščin našel miroljubno rešitev.
Nonetheless, the process that had the greatest impact was the implosion of the Soviet Union, which threw up moments of particular tension in the visit of Foreign Minister Shevardnadze and the subsequent meeting with Mr Gorbachev.
Proces z največjim vplivom pa je bil razpad Sovjetske zveze, med katerim sta bila obisk ministra Ševardnadzeja in kasnejše srečanje z Gorbačovom polna napetosti.
Another major concern was our support for the dicult and arduous peace process in the Middle East.
Prav tako pomembna je bila naša podpora zapletenemu in napornemu mirovnemu procesu na Bližnjem vzhodu.
On the day the peace conference opened in Madrid, I expounded our position to the Israeli Knesset, while the EP was giving a formal hearing in plenary to King Hussein of Jordan and President Mubarak.
Na isti dan, ko se je začela mirovna konferenca v Madridu, sem predstavil naše stališče v izraelskem parlamentu, jordanski kralj Husein in egiptovski predsednik Mubarak pa sta govorila na plenarnem zasedanju Evropskega parlamenta.
In other latitudes, I was enabled to express Europe’s solidarity with and support for the process of democratic transition before the plenary of the Chilean Congress in Valparaíso, and to hand over the Sakharov Prize to awardees incarnating the universal values of democracy and human rights: Nelson Mandela, Alexander Dubcek, and the husband and son of that remarkable exponent of dignity and perseverance, Aung San Suu Kyi.
Imel sem priložnost izraziti evropsko solidarnost in podpreti demokratični prehod na plenarnem zasedanju čilskega kongresa v Valparaisu ter tudi izročiti nagrade Saharova dobitnikom, ki predstavljajo univerzalne vrednote demokracije in človekovih pravic: Nelsonu Mandeli, Aleksandru Dubčku ter možu in sinu Aung San Suu Kyi, ki je občudovanja vreden primer dostojanstva in vztrajnosti.
Another key moment was the signing, following long and complex negotiations, of the deed of purchase of Parliament’s present site in Brussels.
Pomemben je bil še - po dolgih in zapletenih pogajanjih - podpis pogodbe, s katero smo pridobili zemljišče za sedanje stavbe Evropskega parlamenta v Bruslju, kar je omogočilo ne le organizacijo plenarnih zasedanj v tej prestolnici, ampak tudi pripravo na kasnejše širitve.
This has enabled us not only to hold plenaries in Brussels, but to cope with the successive enlargements.
Hkrati sem dosegel sporazum, s katerim smo pridobili naše poslopje v Strasbourgu.
I also managed to secure the agreement that made possible our present buildings in Strasbourg.
Vendar pa je bil trenutek največje čustvene napetosti nedvomno moj zadnji nagovor kot predsednika Evropskega parlamenta na Evropskem svetu v Maastrichtu.
In that speech, I called on the heads of state and government meeting there to act together to bring about the European Union, and I expressed with all firmness Parliament’s positions in favour of a more democratic and eective Union.
V tem govoru sem pozval zbrane voditelje držav in vlad, naj zberejo pogum in skupaj omogočijo Evropsko unijo, ter tudi predstavil predloge Evropskega parlamenta za njeno čim večjo demokratičnost in učinkovitost.
The outcome of the IGC allowed us to conclude that our voice had been heeded. A new stage had been opened up in the construction of Europe, which, it is to be hoped, will now, after Amsterdam, Nice and the constitution, come to fruition in the Treaty of Lisbon.
Glede na izide medvladne konference lahko rečem, da je bil naš glas uslišan in da se je začelo novo obdobje evropske izgradnje, za katero upamo, da bo po Amsterdamu, Nici in ustavi dosegla svojo izpolnitev v Lizbonski pogodbi.
JANUARY 1992 JULY 1994
JANUAR 1992JULIJ 1994
I was president of the European Parliament in the second half of the 1989-1994 term.
V drugi polovici zakonodajnega obdobja 1989–1994 sem bil predsednik Evropskega parlamenta.
I held oce at an eventful time in which Europe, having emerged from the upheavals of 1989 and the end of the cold war, was striving for a common future.
Funkcijo sem prevzel v razgibanem času, ko je Evropa po preobratih leta 1989 in ob koncu konikta med Vzhodom in Zahodom stremela k skupni prihodnosti. Evropska unija, ki jo je v osemdesetih letih zaznamovalo nezanimanje njenih državljanov, je dobila novo ključno vlogo.
Mind you, at the time when I was in oce, there was nothing left of the initial euphoria over the collapse of the Berlin Wall and the removal of the Iron Curtain.
Med mojim mandatom je prva evforija zaradi padca zidu in odprave železne zavese že minila, zdaj je bilo treba težkemu procesu vseevropskega zbliževanja dati usmeritev in obliko.
The people of central and eastern Europe, who, impelled by their urge for freedom, had dared to enter a new era, were pinning their gazes and their hopes more than ever on the EU.
Državljani srednje in vzhodne Evrope, ki so stremeč po svobodi vstopili v novo dobo, so svoj pogled in svoje upe bolj kot kdaj koli usmerjali v Evropsko unijo.
The Community of twelve, as it then was, acted like a magnet for countries wishing to join, but I was aware that the magnet in question in many ways still lacked inner strength.
Takratna dvanajsterica je na nove države članice, ki so bile pripravljene pristopiti, delovala kot magnet, vendar sem vedel, da ji je na več ravneh manjkala še notranja moč.
The momentum generated by the historic transformations had to be channelled on ordered political paths. Widening and deepening of the Community were both on the agenda.
Silo zgodovinskih preobratov je bilo treba usmeriti v urejene politične tirnice, obenem pa sta bili na dnevnem redu širitev in poglobitev Skupnosti.
These were the two reference points that served to dene the landmark European events of the years from 1992 to 1994:
Tema poloma gre pripisati velike evropske politične dosežke med letoma 1992 in 1994.
The Maastricht Treaty establishing European Union was signed on 7 February 1992.
7. februarja 1992 je bila z namenom ustanovitve Evropske unije podpisana maastrichtska pogodba.
I was there in Maastricht and on behalf of Parliament I signed this ground-breaking Treaty, which led to economic and monetary union and the advent of the euro.
Bil sem navzoč v Maastrichtu in sem v imenu Evropskega parlamenta podpisal odločilno pogodbo, ki je privedla do gospodarske in monetarne unije ter uvedbe evra.
The treaty was ratied after tempers
Ratikacija je sledila po mešanih občutkih, ki sta jih sprožila odgovora „ne“ (junija 1992) in „da“ (maja 1993) na Danskem.
In late 1992 and early 1993 the single European market came into being in its completed form.
Ob prehodu iz leta 1992 v 1993 smo proslavili dokončno izoblikovanje evropskega notranjega trga.
Even though its area of responsibility was still too modest, Parliament brought considerable inuence to bear in shaping this European economic powerhouse with its freedoms for persons, goods, services, and capital.
Evropski parlament je kljub še omejeni pristojnosti močno vplival na vzpostavitev središča gospodarske moči v Evropi s svobodnim pretokom ljudi, blaga, storitev in kapitala.
By capitalising on the reputation which it gained at that time it later managed to consolidate its powers.
Takrat pridobljeni ugled mu je kasneje koristil pri razširjanju obsega njegovih pristojnosti.
The decision to admit Austria, Finland, and Sweden to the EU was taken on 1 March 1994 with strong backing from Parliament.
Odločitev za sprejem Avstrije, Finske in Švedske v Evropsko unijo je bila sprejeta 1. marca 1994 s široko podporo Evropskega parlamenta.
That set the seal on the enlargement of the then Community of twelve to include those three countries.
Širitev dvanajsterice na te tri države je bila s tem zaključena zadeva.
Meanwhile there were increasingly insistent calls for the EU to be enlarged eastwards.
Obenem so postajale zahteve za širitev Evropske unije na vzhod vedno glasnejše.
The Copenhagen European Council laid down the requirements in June 1993 in the form of the ‘Copenhagen criteria’.
Evropski svet je v Köbenhavnu junija 1993 določil pogoje s köbenhavnskimi merili.
By the spring of 1994 Hungary and Poland had already applied to join.
Spomladi leta 1994 sta Madžarska in Poljska že podali prošnjo za pristop.
At the June 1994 European election Parliament was able to present itself to the voters as a body exercising the greater responsibilities that the Maastricht Treaty had conferred on it.
Na evropskih volitvah junija 1994 je Evropski parlament že stopil pred volivce z okrepljenimi pristojnostmi, ki so mu bile dodeljene z maastrichtsko pogodbo.
D failed on that occasion, as they have done at subsequent elections, to persuade voters to turn out in higher numbers.
Če pogledamo nazaj, vidimo, da nam je to uspelo, saj je predstavniško telo lahko izoblikovalo in uporabilo svoje pristojnosti.
When I assumed the presidency of Parliament expectations were high that Parliament would decisively inuence our continent’s progress towards a new future.
Maastrichtska pogodba ni prinesla le načrta za uvedbo monetarne unije in evra, ampak - česar mnogi sploh več ne vedo - tudi občutno razširitev pristojnosti Evropskega parlamenta.
In retrospect it can be said that Parliament succeeded in doing this because it managed to consolidate and utilise its powers.
Takrat je sledilo dokončno preoblikovanje iz parlamenta s pretežno posvetovalno vlogo v organ, ki soodloča o zakonodaji.
As well as providing the road map for monetary union and the euro, the Maastricht Treaty also – and this is something which quite a few people have forgotten about – greatly expanded Parliament’s sphere of responsibility.
Soodločanje je takrat veljalo le na izbranih področjih, kot so notranji trg, varstvo potrošnikov in okolje.
It was at this point that the mainly advisory role of Parliament was replaced irrevocably by legislative codecision, conned at that time to selected areas, including the single market, consumer protection, and the environment.
Kot predsednik sem na začetku želel predvsem, da bi pravica do soodločanja v praksi prinesla uspeh in bi lahko čez nekaj časa glasneje terjali razširitev teh pristojnosti.
As president I was anxious from the outset to make a practical success of codecision and hence, after a time, to encourage stronger pressure for the necessary powers to be extended.
Ko danes vidimo, da je to v evropski zakonodaji že postalo pravilo, moramo priznati, da je moj takratni strateški preudarek prinesel uspeh.
Given that codecision has now become the norm for European legislation, the only possible conclusion is that the thinking behind my strategy at that time helped to produce the desired result.
Pri tem se nisem ravnal zgolj po velikih strateških smernicah, ampak tudi po drobnih prvinah, pridobljenih iz svojih poslanskih izkušenj.
Not only did I follow general guidelines, but I also paid heed to smaller points, lessons that I had learnt from my wealth of expe-
Tako sem na plenarnih zasedanjih redno udejanjal tako imenovani trilog med vodstvom Sveta, Komisije in Parlamenta.
rience in Parliament. At part-sessions, for example, I regularly brought together senior leaders of the Council, the Commission, and Parliament in what is termed the trialogue.
Da bi se izognili časovnemu pritisku, sem pogosto vabil na skupna kosila, ki so se jih udeležili predsedniki, pa tudi vodje kabinetov in generalni sekretarji.
To elude the pressures of tight schedules, I would often invite everyone to lunch, that is to say, not just the Presidents, but also the heads of their private oces and the Secretar-ies-General.
Pri tem smo se pogovarjali in usklajevali o načelnih vprašanjih in aktualnih zadevah.
The discussions focused equally on matters of principle and current problems with the aim of reconciling the two at the practical level.
Sodelovanje je bilo v celotnem času mojega predsedovanja zelo dobro.
This cooperation worked very well throughout my presidency and also extended to other bodies, for example the Court of Justice and the Court of Auditors.
To je veljalo tudi za druge institucije, na primer za Sodišče Evropskih skupnosti in Računsko sodišče.
It sometimes happened that in budget discussions the other bodies would attempt to agree on a common approach aligned with Parliament – and this often provided a decisive counterweight to the Commission where substantive issues were concerned.
Tako je prišlo do tega, da so si pri pogovorih o proračunu druge institucije prizadevale za skupno stališče, pri katerem so se ravnale po Evropskem parlamentu in ki je v ključnih vprašanjih pogosto predstavljalo odločilno protiutež Komisiji.
Today this would be described as exerting inuence through successful networking.
Temu bi danes rekli „vpliv prek uspešnega mreženja“.
The grand design of giving Parliament a greater say in legislation and the budget had to be managed by making a number of minor changes to political practice.
Da bi dosegli razširitev parlamentarnega soodločanja v zakonodaji in proračunu, je bilo treba v politično prakso uvesti številne majhne spremembe.
Cooperation with the political groups and the committees had to be adapted to the new procedure.
Sodelovanje s poslanskimi skupinami in odbori je bilo treba prilagoditi novemu postopku.
The originally informal cooperation between the Council, the Commission, and Parliament was gradually placed on the more solid footing of interinstitutional agreement.
Sprva neuradno sodelovanje med Svetom, Komisijo in Parlamentom je postopoma dobilo trdnejšo podlago medinstitucionalnega dogovarjanja.
The practical improvements made to the budget procedure at that time seemed small in the overall scheme of things, but were nonetheless important in that they helped ultimately to make Parliament the powerful budgetary authority that it is today.
Takrat uvedene praktične izboljšave v proračunskem postopku so bile v skupnem majhni, a pomembni koraki, s katerimi je Parlament postopoma postal močan proračunski organ, kot ga poznamo danes.
Apart from the budget and legislation, Parliament acquired the right under Maastricht – and hence during my presidency – to say yes or no to the accession of new members.
Poleg proračuna in zakonodaje je Evropski parlament iz maastrichtske pogodbe - v času mojega mandata - dobil pravico, da odobri ali zavrne sprejem novih držav članic.
This right was exercised when the number of Member States rose from 12 to 15, enabling the broad mass of the public to understand what wais involved.
To pravico je uveljavil in pokazal širši javnosti pri širitvi z dvanajstih na petnajst držav članic.
A decade later, when the time came for the eastward enlargement, Parliament’s right to give its assent was turned into a historic first step in a new direction.
Desetletje zatem, pri širitvi na vzhod, je pravica Parlamenta, da poda svojo privolitev, zaznamovala zgodovinski preobrat.
When I attended EU summits as president of Parliament I was able to put Parliament’s case.
Kot predsednik sem lahko na vrhunskih srečanjih EU predstavil stališče Parlamenta.
Even apparently trivial gestures are signicant to the extent that, in protocol terms, they denote enhanced status.
Pri tem so imele pomembno vlogo tudi navidez nepomembne geste kot simbol večje protokolarne vrednosti.
As a result of a custom introduced during my presidency, the President of Parliament is not only allowed to speak at the start of a summit, but also photographed with the Heads of State or Government and the Commission President.
Tako je bila med mojim mandatom uvedena navada, da predsednik Parlamenta ne govori le na začetku vrhunskega srečanja, ampak se pojavi tudi na sliki voditeljev držav in vlad ter predsednika Komisije.
Since the autumn 1992 Birmingham Summit the President of Parliament has appeared in every ocial photograph of the participants or ‘family portrait’.
Od vrhunskega srečanja v Birminghamu jeseni leta 1998 je predsednik Evropskega parlamenta vedno prisoten na uradni fotograji udeležencev, znani tudi kot „družinska slika“.
What really mattered, of course, was not gestures of this kind, but the policy directions charted at the summits held during that period.
Pomembnejše od teh protokolarnih gest so seveda politične smernice, ki so bile v tem času sprejete na vrhunskih srečanjih.
An opportunity to set a new course arose two months after Birmingham, at the Edinburgh Summit, at which I put forward a new scheme to the assembled Heads of State or Government laying down how seats were to be allocated in Parliament.
V zvezi s tem se je dva meseca po Birminghamu ponudila priložnost v Edinburgu, kjer sem zbranim voditeljem držav in vlad predstavil nov sistem za razdelitev sedežev v Evropskem parlamentu.
based more accurately on the size of the Member States – as democracy demands.
Po ponovni združitvi je tako imela Nemčija 99 sedežev.
The proposal was accepted and implemented.
Predlog je bil sprejet in uveljavljen v praksi.
One event that stands out is the 1993 summit in Denmark, which opened up a genuine prospect of accession to the central and eastern European countries in the process of reform.
Omeniti je treba tudi vrhunsko srečanje na Danskem leta 1993, s katerim se je državam srednje in vzhodne Evrope, ki so začele izvajati reforme, odprla zanesljiva možnost pristopa.
The firm promise was, however, made subject to binding conditions known as the ‘Copenhagen criteria’. The stages to be completed on the way to the EU were thus clearly marked out: formerly Communist regimes had to be transformed along democratic lines, in accordance with the rule of law; erstwhile command economies had to be converted into socially tempered market economies; and candidates had to take over Community law.
Dokončna obljuba pa je bila vendarle povezana z zavezujočimi pogoji, t. i. köbenhavnskimi merili, s katerimi jim je bila pot v Evropsko unijo jasno začrtana: preoblikovanje nekdanjih komunističnih režimov v demokracijo in pravno državo, pretvorba nekdanjega planskega gospodarstva v socialno tržno gospodarstvo ter prevzem pravnega reda Skupnosti.
When I represented Parliament at the Copenhagen Summit I maintained that the point to bear in mind was not just the ability of the candidates to join, but the ability of the Union to absorb them.
Kot predstavnik Evropskega parlamenta sem imel na vrhunskem srečanju v Köbenhavnu posebno željo, da ne bi bili pozorni le na pripravljenost držav kandidatk za pristop, ampak tudi na zmožnost Unije za širitev.
Whether the then Community of twelve could accept new Members while keeping up the momentum of European integration was a question that had to be taken into account.
Pomembno je bilo, da je bila takratna dvanajsterica zmožna sprejeti nove članice in ob tem ohraniti dinamiko evropskega povezovanja.
The seed of Copenhagen sprouted up in the years after, and the fruits were reaped a decade later when the biggest single enlargement was achieved in 2004.
Kar je bilo zasejano v Köbenhavnu, je v naslednjih letih vzklilo in bilo požeto desetletje kasneje z velikim krogom širitve leta 2004.
During my term of oce from January 1992 to the 1994 European election Parliament advanced quite a long way towards the goal of becoming a Europe-wide democratic representative body adopting laws and the budget on an equal footing with the Council and hence controlling the destiny of some 500 million people.
Med mojim mandatom od januarja 1992 do evropskih volitev leta 1994 je Evropski parlament močno napredoval na poti do institucije, ki demokratično zastopa državljane v Evropi in s Svetom enakopravno sprejema zakonodajo in proračun ter s tem vpliva na življenje približno 500 milijonov ljudi.
At that time my attention was often focused on the gradual progress of European unication in parliamentary work.
Takrat je bila moja pozornost pogosto usmerjena na počasno napredovanje evropskega združevanja v parlamentarnem delu.
But the memory of the ‘daily grind’ is eclipsed by Parliament’s ‘moments of glory’. Two examples which, to my mind, belong to the latter category are the splendid European speeches by Queen Elizabeth II and Vaclav Havel in the Strasbourg Chamber, testimonies to pan-European unication that are still worth reading!
Ko se tako spominjam, vse težko garanje zbledi ob svetlih trenutkih Evropskega parlamenta, med katere zame sodijo veliki evropski govori kraljice Elizabete II. in Vaclava Havla v strasbourški polkrožni dvorani, ki so še danes vredni branja kot pomembni dokazi vseevropskega združevanja.
PARLIAMENT AT THE BEGINNING OF A NEW ERA IN EUROPE
PARLAMENT NA ZAČETKU NOVEGA OBDOBJA V EVROPI
JULY 1994 JANUARY 1997
JULIJ 1994JANUAR 1997
The European Parliament elected in June 1994 met for the first time in a new Europe.
Junija 1994 izvoljeni Evropski parlament se je zbral v novi Evropi. Padel je berlinski zid, srednje in vzhodnoevropski narodi so se osvobodili komunistične diktature in sovjetske nadvlade, s padcem železne zavese, ki je štirideset let delila Evropo, pa se je v Evropi končala hladna vojna med blokoma.
Never before in its history had the European Parliament been required to adjust to such a fundamentally changed political environment.
Evropski parlament se je moral prvič v svoji zgodovini prilagoditi tako bistveno spremenjenemu političnemu okolju.
The 1994 European elections had been the first in which the citizens of the former GDR had taken part.
Leta 1994 so se evropskih volitev prvič udeležili državljani nekdanje Nemške demokratične republike.
It was particularly moving for me to be able, in my inaugural speech, to welcome colleagues from East Germany as freely elected Members.
Posebej se me je dotaknilo to, da sem lahko v svojem nastopnem govoru kolegice in kolege iz vzhodne Nemčije pozdravil kot poslance, izvoljene na svobodnih volitvah.
A few months later, in January 1995, Parliament also welcomed MEPs from three new Member States, Finland, Sweden and Austria.
Nekaj mesecev kasneje, januarja 1995, smo lahko v Parlamentu pozdravili tudi poslance iz novih držav članic: Finske, Švedske in Avstrije.
This was the first step towards the unication of Europe as a continent.
To je bil prvi korak k združitvi vse Evrope.
The European Parliament had grown in size from 567 to 626 Members.
Število poslancev Evropskega parlamenta se je s 567 povečalo na 626.
It was not only bigger, but also richer in terms of its political culture, experience, tradition.
Parlament s tem ni postal le večji, ampak tudi bogatejši, kar zadeva politično kulturo, izkušnje in tradicijo.
The new Members and staff were quickly integrated,
Novim kolegom in sodelavcem se je uspelo hitro vključiti v novo okolje, kar je velik dosežek tako poli-
D a great achievement not only for the political groups and committees, but also for Parliament’s Secretariat.
D tičnih skupin in odborov kot tudi generalnega sekretariata Evropskega parlamenta.
The European Community had set out along the road to negotiations on the accession of the States of Central and Eastern Europe.
Evropska skupnost se je podala na pot pogajanj o pristopu srednje- in vzhodnoevropskih držav.