natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Yet interdependence cannot be taken for granted. As countries respond to the financial and economic crisis by asserting their autonomy on a range of issues, the risk of de-globalisation may become real.
Kratkoročno bi morala biti prednostna naloga v programu EU spodbujanje pobud Mednarodne organizacije dela (MOD), kot sta mednarodna mreža socialne varnosti (Global Social Floor) ali agenda za dostojno delo, pri čemer bi bilo treba zagotoviti, da se upošteva načelo odprtih trgov.
The EU must forestall this eventuality by proactively defending an ideal of responsible interdependence whereby the various actors uphold their commitment to the sustainability of the system.
Prav tako bi morala na podlagi svoje trdne zavezanosti "pravični trgovini" tudi druge dele sveta spodbujati, naj počnejo enako – kot pomemben prispevek k mednarodni solidarnosti.
In the short term, the EU agenda should prioritise the promotion of ILO initiatives, such as the Global Social Floor or the Decent Work Agenda, while ensuring that they are in line with the principle of open markets.
Za zaščito odgovorne soodvisnosti pa bo potreben svet, v katerem pomembni akterji podpirajo delo v sistemu večstranskega upravljanja in se s takšnim delom strinjajo.
It should also build on its solid commitment to “Fair
Toda ta cilj temelji na krhkem soglasju, kajti državam, ki
Nevertheless, the root of the problem remains: the gap between the EU’s capacities in the areas where it is entitled to act (economy, trade, development aid, competition policy) and its lack of real common instruments in the area where its original remit has expanded: foreign and security policy.
Obogatitev svežnja instrumentov EU konkurence), in pomanjkanjem resničnih skupnih instrumentov na področju, na katerem je bila njena izvorna pristojnost razširjena, to pa je zunanja in varnostna politika.
Compared to the panoply of economic and legal instruments at the EU’s disposal, its military and political instruments are much weaker.
EU ima na eni strani na voljo celo vrsto gospodarskih in pravnih instrumentov, na drugi strani pa so njeni vojaški in politični instrumenti veliko šibkejši.
European citizens have expressed their desire for the EU to take on more responsibility for their interests and values on the global stage.
Evropski državljani želijo, da bi EU prevzela več odgovornosti za njihove interese in vrednote na svetovnem prizorišču.
But what sources of power can the EU lean on in order to carry out this mission?
Toda na katere vire moči se lahko EU opre pri izvajanju te naloge?
Member States should increasingly understand and rely on the EU as a power multiplier, which helps them achieve goals which they otherwise could not.
Države članice bi se morale vedno bolj zavedati, da jim EU pomaga uresničevati cilje, ki jih sicer same ne bi mogle, in s tem povečuje njihovo moč, ter ji kot taki zaupati.
The EU as a continental hub: maximising the power of attraction
EU kot kontinentalno središče: čim večja moč privlačnosti
For many people around the world, the EU remains a critical reference point, an alternative model for traditional inter-state relations and a transnational community of law which has brought prosperity and cohesion to a region formerly torn apart by hot and cold wars.
Vendar zveza 27 držav članic, ki združuje njihovo suverenost z namenom doseganja skupnih odločitev, ni logična svetovna gonilna sila.
This ‘soft power’ is the EU’s greatest asset.
Dejstvo, da se v EU o zunanji politiki odloča soglasno, je v veliki meri razumljeno kot ovira.
The EU must become a continental hub through strategies of inclusiveness and engagement.
Moč vpliva EU je odvisna od naše sposobnosti, kako z oblikovanjem skupnih stališč preseči različne nacionalne interese.
These strategies were used with great success in the EU’s successive rounds of enlargement.
Zato si mora Evropska unija vztrajno prizadevati za boljšo usklajenost, da bo govorila z enim glasom ali vsaj zapela večglasno. Usklajeno.
Yet a Union of 27 Member States pooling their sovereignty in order to reach common decisions is not an obvious global powerhouse.
Za številne ljudi po svetu EU ostaja ključna referenčna točka, alternativni model tradicionalnih meddržavnih odnosov in nadnacionalne skupnosti prava, ki je v regijo, nekoč razdejano od vročih in hladnih vojn, prinesla blaginjo in kohezijo.
The fact that EU decisions on foreign policy are taken by consensus is widely seen as a handicap.
Ta "mehka moč" je največji adut EU.
The European Union must therefore persist in our efforts to achieve greater coordination in order to speak with one voice, or at least orchestrate our polyphony. In a coherent way.
EU mora s strategijami vključevanja in sodelovanja, ki so jih zelo uspešno uporabljali v zaporednih širitvah EU, postati kontinentalno središče.
This process will take time, but must start by improving the linkage between national and EU policies and by Member States increasing their participation in collective actions.
To bo dolgotrajen proces, v katerem bo treba najprej bolje povezati nacionalne politike s politikami EU, države članice pa bodo morale začeti poglabljati svoje sodelovanje v skupnih ukrepih.
Through the sharing of national perspectives and experiences, these exchanges should make diversity a strength for EU foreign policy, not a weakness.
Z izmenjavo nacionalnih perspektiv in izkušenj bi morala raznolikost namesto slabosti postati prednost zunanje politike EU.
The EU must stay open to potential new members from Europe, assessing every candidacy on its own merits and compliance with the membership criteria.
EU mora ostati odprta za morebitne nove članice iz Evrope, pri tem pa vsako kandidaturo posebej ocenjevati glede na to, ali izpolnjuje merila za članstvo.
These are in fact the “true limits of Europe”.
To so pravzaprav resnične meje Evrope.
In line with this policy of engagement and inclusiveness, the Union must honour its commitments with regard to the current official candidates, including Turkey, and carry on with the negotiation process.
EU se mora skladno s to politiko vključevanja in sodelovanja držati lastnih zavez do sedanjih uradnih kandidatk, tudi Turčije, in nadaljevati pogajalski proces, hkrati pa bi morala možnim prihodnjim kandidatkam ponuditi daljnosežne dogovore kot vmesno fazo pred začetkom pogajanj o pristopu.
At the same time, it should offer far-reaching agreements to potential future candidates as an intermediate stage prior to the launch of accession negociations.
Kadar ostajajo razhajanja pri pomembnih vprašanjih, lahko na primer postopek okrepljenega sodelovanja, če se koristi v zmernem obsegu, deluje blažilno.
The Lisbon Treaty has helped in a number of ways to strengthen the EU’s foreign policy toolbox.
Moč privlačnosti EU mora poleg tega ostati v središču njene razvijajoče se sosedske politike.
For instance, the enhanced cooperation procedure, if used in moderation, can work as a palliative where divergences remain on important issues.
Ta partnerstva bi bilo treba uporabiti za oblikovanje regionalnega prostora demokracije, človekovih pravic, razvoja in proste trgovine.
The new European External Action Service (EEAS) should be fully developed and staffed with a view to helping the EU iden-
Prav tako bi morali nuditi pravičen dostop do trga EU in posledično prostor za prosto gibanje ljudi v dobro EU in njenih partne-
The EU’s power of attraction must also remain the centre-piece of its evolving neighbourhood policy.
Kljub temu pa srž problema ostaja: razkorak med zmožnostmi EU na področjih, na katerih ima pravico ukrepati (gospodarstvo, trgovina, razvojna pomoč, politika
Visit by Catherine Ashton (right), High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice President of the EC, to Moscow, where she takes part in the Middle East Quartet meeting from left to right: Tony Blair, Middle East Quartet Representative, Hillary Rodham Clinton, US Secretary of State, Sergueï Lavrov, Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs and Ban Ki-Moon, UN Secretary General.
Visoka predstavnica Unije za zunanje zadeve in varnostno politiko ter podpredsednica Evropske komisije Catherine Ashton (na desni) na srečanju bližnjevzhodne četverice v Moskvi: (od leve proti desni) predstavnik bližnjevzhodne četverice Tony Blair, državna sekretarka ZDA Hillary Rodham Clinton, ruski minister za zunanje zadeve Sergej Lavrov in generalni sekretar ZN Ban Ki-Moon.
Photo: European Union, 2010
Foto: Evropska unija, 2010 ric.
It must develop an enhanced role in stabilising its immediate surroundings by building on the existing ‘European Neighbourhood Policy’, ‘Eastern Partnership’ and ‘Union for the Mediterranean’.
Ta koncept bi moral združiti diplomatsko, vojaško, trgovinsko in razvojno politiko EU z zunanjo razsežnostjo njenih skupnih gospodarskih politik (EMU, energetika, promet itn.).
These partnerships should be used to create a regional space of democracy, human rights, development and free trade.
Unija bo lahko le z združitvijo vseh svojih razpoložljivih instrumentov delovala kot preobrazbena sila, ki bo prispevala k preoblikovanju pravil globalnega upravljanja.
They should also offer fair access to the EU market and ultimately a space for the free movement of people to the benefit of the EU and its partners.
Ta strateški koncept bi v obliki bele knjige, ki bi se redno posodabljala, pomagal določiti dolgoročne naloge Unije, postati pa bi moral tudi referenčni okvir za vsakodnevno zunanje delovanje.
Moreover, the EU should manage a strategic co-existence, modernisation and region-building policy with Russia.
Odprt in vključujoč pristop je treba razširiti tudi na čezmejno sodelovanje EU z drugimi regijami, vključno z ASEAN, MERCOSUR in SADC.
The impact of the EU’s external action will in large measure depend on its ability to adapt to the many challenges it will face in the run up to 2030.
V teh in drugih povezavah morajo EU in njene države članice upoštevati videnja, pričakovanja in skrbi ostalega dela sveta.
Securing the EU’s economic strength and internal cohesion will therefore be an indispensable condition for the EU to be able to project its power externally.
Čeprav EU na splošno velja za zanimiv primer regionalnega povezovanja, ta potencial pogosto zapravi z uporabo pokroviteljskega tona.
But when devising its external position, the process of policy formulation must not only be driven by events.
Svoj ugled moramo uporabljati preudarno in povečati svojo verodostojnost kot pogajalska sila.
There is an urgent need for a common European strategic concept.
Pretvarjanje strategij v dejanja
An open and inclusive approach must also be extended to the EU’s cross-border cooperation with other regions, including ASEAN, MERCOSUR or SADC.
To bi bilo mogoče doseči z vzpostavitvijo evropske enote za napovedi in analize, ki bi bila del Evropske službe za zunanje delovanje in bi tesno sodelovala z nacionalnimi centri po načelu izmenjave podatkov.
In these and other relationships, the EU and its Member States must take into account the perceptions, expectations and concerns of the rest of the world.
Učinek zunanjega delovanja EU bo v veliki meri odvisen od njene sposobnosti prilagajanja številnim izzivom, s katerimi se bo soočala v obdobju do leta 2030.
While the EU is widely seen as an attractive example of regional integration, it often squanders this potential by adopting a patronising tone.
Zagotavljanje gospodarske moči in notranje kohezije EU bo zato nujen pogoj za njeno sposobnost projiciranja svoje moči navzven.
We must use our reputation wisely and bolster our credibility as a negotiating power.
Nujno je treba oblikovati skupen evropski strateški koncept.
This concept should pull the EU’s diplomatic, military, trade, and development policies together with the external dimensions of its common economic policies (EMU, energy, transport, etc).
EU bo lahko le z razvojem takšnega strateškega pristopa k zunanjim zadevam svoj ogromen finančni vložek (daleč največjina svetu) učinkoviteje pretvorila v politični vpliv.
Only by merging all its available tools will the Union be able to act as a transformative power and contribute to reshaping the rules of global governance.
Za vodenje pametne razvojne in trgovinske politike bi morala uporabiti svojo strukturno prednost. Prizadevati bi
The EU is the greatest donor of foreign aid.
EU je največja darovalka pomoči tujini.
Photo: European Union, 2010
Foto: Evropska unija, 2010 si morala, na primer, za podporo blažitvi podnebnih sprememb v najrevnejših regijah, ki so najhuje prizadete zaradi podnebnih sprememb, čeprav najmanj prispevajo h globalnemu segrevanju.
Such a unit would help focus attention on the need to continuously revisit current policies.
Še naprej bi si morala prizadevati za "premagovanje revščine s trgovino", zlasti z uvozom kmetijskih izdelkov.
In addition, a European diplomatic academy would contribute to a sense of common diplomatic culture.
To bo zahtevalo politično težke odločitve evropskih voditeljev, tudi sklenitev kroga pogajanj iz Dohe.
A policy of conditionality that empowers democratic actors and discourages the abuse of power by authoritarian regimes must be used more wisely.
legitimnosti in odprtosti za deljeno odgovornost, hkrati pa uveljavljati lastne interese v procesu.
This will require holding discussions with civil society partners, including associations of women and minorities, and not only government interlocutors; bottom-up interventions to bolster the rule of law around the world; and a more consistent approach to election monitoring.
To bi moralo vključevati poenostavitev in združevanje njenega zastopanja, zlasti v mednarodnih gospodarskih forumih.
In the next two decades, this governance agenda must become multilateral to the greatest extent possible.
Dokler ne dosežemo enotnega zastopanja EU, bi morale članice EU, zastopane v mednarodnih organizacijah, predhodno uskladiti svoja stališča in jih soglasno zagovarjati.
Only by developing such a strategic approach to its external affairs will the EU be able to translate its huge financial effort (the world’s largest by far) more effectively into political leverage.
Strateška uporaba raznolikega svežnja instrumentov bi morala EU omogočiti tudi, da postane učinkovitejši zagovornik demokracije, pravne države in človekovih pravic.
It should use its structural advantage to pursue smart development and trade policies.
Politiko pogojevanja, ki daje moč demokratičnim akterjem, avtoritarnim režimom pa preprečuje zlorabo moči, je treba uporabljati bolj preudarno.
For instance, the EU should pursue climate change mitigation support in the poorest regions, which climate change hits the hardest and which have contributed the least to global warming. It should also continue its effort to “trade away poverty”, especially through agricultural imports.
Za to bodo potrebni razgovori s partnerji civilne družbe, tudi združenji žensk in manjšinami, in ne le z vladnimi sogovorniki, posegi od spodaj navzgor za krepitev pravne države po svetu ter bolj usklajen pristop k spremljanju volitev.
This will require politically difficult decisions by European leaders, including bringing the Doha round to a conclusion.
V prihodnjih dveh desetletjih mora ta program upravljanja postati kar najbolj multilateralen.
Last but not least, it will be necessary to develop an EU approach to global governance reform.
In ne nazadnje, treba bo razviti pristop EU k reformi globalnega upravljanja.
The strategic use of the EU’s varied tool-kit should also allow it to become a more effective promoter of
EU bi morala imeti vodilno vlogo pri prizadevanjih za reformo mednarodnih institucij v smeri večje
Throughout the history of European integration, the relationship between the Union and its citizens was mostly characterised by a “passive consensus”.
EU poskuša ta načela upoštevati s sistemom "upravljanja na več ravneh", v katerem so pristojnosti deljene – ne ločene – med različnimi ravnmi oblasti.
However, in recent years this relationship has begun to change.
V zadnjih letih pa se je začel ta odnos spreminjati.
Europeans have become more demanding of the EU and also more critical of its performance, casting doubts on the legitimacy of the European project.
Evropejci od EU zahtevajo več in so tudi bolj kritični do njenega delovanja, kar meče senco dvoma na legitimnost evropskega projekta.
This was illustrated with a bang in the negative referenda which took place in France and the Netherlands, and subsequently in Ireland.
To je postalo več kot očitno ob negativnem izidu referendumov v Franciji in na Nizozemskem ter nato še na Irskem.
Public ownership of the EU will only return when our populations are confident that their values and interests are better served by the Union.
Javnost bo odgovornost za EU ponovno prevzela šele, ko bo prepričana, da je Unija boljša za njene vrednote in interese.
Strengthening this sense of ownership must become the driving force of all our collective action.
Krepitev tega občutka odgovornosti mora postati gonilna sila našega skupnega delovanja.
notion that decisions should be taken at the most effective level and as close as possible to the citizen.
Dobremu upravljanju se je treba ustrezno posvetiti: ga razširjati, razlagati in izvajati
The EU endeavours to deliver on these principles through a system of ‘multi-level governance’, where competences are shared – rather than split – between various levels of authority.
V sistemu upravljanja na več ravneh vsaka raven oblasti – evropska, državna, regionalna in lokalna – izvaja svoje pristojnosti v skladu s svojimi zakonskimi odgovornostmi.
In practice, multi-level governance is a system of agreed, binding and crosscutting networks that operate between localities, regions, national authorities and EU institutions, as well as between labour and business associations and other non-governmental organisations.
Sistem je torej zasnovan tako, da zagotavlja pogoje, ki omogočajo povezovanje držav članic – ne glede na njihovo velikost, prebivalstvo ali gospodarsko moč – ob hkratnem spoštovanju njihovih narodnih kultur, jezikov, veroizpovedi ter lokalnih in krajevnih posebnosti.
Taking good governance seriously: sharing, explaining and delivering
Sistem istočasno spoštuje tudi suvereno pravico držav članic, da določijo način prenosa pristojnosti znotraj svojih meja.
Delivering “good governance” is by far the EU’s most powerful means of ensuring the continuous commitment and engagement of its citizens.
"Dobro upravljanje" je daleč najmočnejše sredstvo, s katerim lahko EU zagotovi stalno zavezanost in udejstvovanje svojih državljanov.
Underpinned by the principles of openness, participation, power sharing, accountability, partnership and effectiveness, good governance must also conform to the principle of “subsidiarity” – the
Dobro upravljanje, ki temelji na načelih odprtosti, sodelovanja, delitve oblasti, odgovornosti, partnerstva in učinkovitosti, mora upoštevati tudi načelo "subsidiarnosti", ki pomeni, da je treba odločati na najučinkovitejši ravni in čim bliže državljanom.
In a multi-level governance system, each level of authority – the European, national, regional and local – exercises its powers according to its respective statutory responsibility.
Dejstvo, da imajo državljani na voljo več vstopnih točk, prek katerih lahko sodelujejo v zakonodajnem procesu, bi moralo EU zagotoviti potrebno legitimnost in prožnost za
As such, the system is designed to create the conditions in which Member States – irrespective of their size, population or economic weight - can grow together, while respecting their national cultures, languages, religions and regional and local characteristics.
"Bi rekli, da ste zelo optimistični, precej optimistični, precej pesimistični ali zelopesimistični glede prihodnosti Evropske unije?"
modalities for the devolution of power within their own borders.
Pred tem izzivom si ne moremo več zatiskati oči.
Using Lisbon’s new tools: political citizenship in practice
Izkoristiti moramo celotno paleto orodij, ki jih ponuja Lizbonska pogodba za spodbujanje javne podpore in udejstvovanja, ter obnoviti pakt med EU in njenimi državljani.
The availability of multiple entry points through which citizens can engage with the legislative process should provide the EU with the legitimacy and flexibility it needs to address the challenges arising from globalisation in a digital, interdependent, network-oriented and open society.
obravnavanje izzivov, ki so posledica globalizacije digitalne, soodvisne, omrežno usmerjene in odprte družbe.
However, multi-level governance will not provide the public with a sense of ownership automatically.
Vendar pa upravljanje na več ravneh javnosti ne bo samodejno dalo občutka odgovornosti.
It is a complex system, which needs to be harnessed, nurtured and above all communicated to the public.
Gre za kompleksen sistem, ki ga je treba izkoriščati, negovati, predvsem pa je z njim treba seznanjati javnost.
Good governance and a stronger focus on output are sine qua non for citizens to support the EU. Yet on their own they might not suffice.
V Lizbonski pogodbi je okrepljen pojem "političnega državljanstva", saj je predvidena možnost državljanske pobude v zakonodajnih zadevah in povečana vloga nacionalnih parlamentov.
In spite of all the EU’s past achievements there is a worrying indifference, if not disenchantment, towards the European project.
Čas bo pokazal, v kolikšni meri bodo te novosti prispevale k nastanku evropskega javnega prostora, okrepile politično zavest in povečale legitimnost Unije.
We can no longer ignore this challenge.
Danes ni prave evropske politične arene in politika bo verjetno še naprej ostala v državni domeni.
We need to refresh the pact between the EU and its citizens by making use of the entire range of tools provided by the Lisbon Treaty to galvanise the public’s support and participation.
Toda Unija mora storiti vse, da bi okrepila evropsko politično državljanstvo, če hoče povečati svojo legitimnost. EU bi morala zato:
There is consequently a strong need for more transparency and accuracy in the way we communicate EU policy-making.
Zato je izredno pomembno, da postane obveščanje o oblikovanju politik na ravni EU preglednejše in natančnejše.
The image of the EU which is conveyed to the public must be balanced, reflecting both strengths and weaknesses, rather than an idealised or overly pessimistic account.
Namesto idealizirane ali preveč pesimistične podobe EU, je treba javnosti EU predstaviti uravnoteženo, z vsemi dobrimi in slabimi stranmi.
Instead of focusing on a communication policy which sometimes verges on propaganda, it would be preferable to communicate on policies, explaining frankly what is at stake and the different options available.
Ne smemo se osredotočati na politiko obveščanja, ki včasih meji na propagando; bolje bi bilo obveščati o politikah in odkrito pojasniti, za kaj gre in kakšne možnosti so na voljo.
Not least, Member States must be accountable for what they do in Brussels and for what they do to implement EU decisions.
Nenazadnje morajo biti države članice odgovorne za to, kar počnejo v Bruslju in kar storijo za uresničevanje evropskih odločitev.
The Treaty of Lisbon reinforces the concept of ‘political citizenship’ by opening up the possibility of a popular initiative on legislative matters and increasing the role of national parliaments.
– razviti politične pravice. Sedanje določbe Lizbonske pogodbe bi bilo treba razširiti, prvič s spodbujanjem držav članic, naj dajo volilno pravico v državnih volitvah tudi državljanom drugih držav članic, ki določen čas že prebivajo v njih in plačujejo davke; drugič, z uvedbo čezmejnih volilnih list in posledično "evropeizacijo" volitev v Evropski parlament ter tretjič, z uporabo nacionalnih parlamentov kot kanalov, ki javnosti omogočajo, da sodeluje v evropskih političnih razpravah;
Time will show the extent to which these innovations contribute to the emergence of a European public space, increase political awareness and strengthen the legitimacy of the Union.
EU že na veliko načinov koristi življenju svojih državljanov – na primer z evrom, kohezijsko politiko, skupno kmetijsko politiko, schengnom –, pa čeprav se zasluge za vse te dosežke ne pripisujejo vedno njej.