natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
However, the study also shows that at lower academic levels, boys who are least attentive in the classroom, least interested in learning tasks and least motivated towards learning tasks achieve better than predicted.
Po drugi strani pa študije kažejo, da učenci z nizko ravnjo znanja, tisti, ki so pri pouku najmanj pozorni, jih učne naloge ne zanimajo in so najmanj motivirani za učenje, dosežejo boljši uspeh od pričakovanega.
Analysis suggests that these individuals are able boys who are particularly ‘demotivated’ (Van de Gaer et al., 2006).
Analize kažejo, da so to zelo zmožni fantje, vendar popolnoma ‘demotivirani’ (Van de Gaer in sod., 2006). Na Škotskem je vedenje fantov dokazano slabše od deklet, saj je iz sekundarnih šol izključenih štirikrat toliko fantov kot deklet (SEED, 2006).
Evidence has emerged that students’ achievement levels are much influenced by the school environment and, in particular, the daily management and organisational procedures of schools which are frequently reliant on gender as a management tool. Girls and boys may be separated for
Pojavili so se dokazi, da na raven dosežkov učencev močno vpliva tudi šolsko okolje, posebno dnevna rutina in organiziranost šol, ki se kot orodje za vodenje pogosto opirata na posamezni spol.
Chapter 1: Gender and Educationin Europe: A Literature Overview classroom registers, classroom activities and team sports, for example.
Dekleta in fantje se lahko ločeno prijavijo v različne razrede, k različnim dejavnostim in skupinskim športom.
Dress codes may be different for boys and girls (trousers for boys, skirts for girls) and also for members of staff (Scott, 2007).
Pravila oblačenja se lahko za fante in dekleta razlikujejo (hlače za fante, krila za dekleta); enako velja tudi za osebje (Scott, 2007).
Such practices are criticised because they have little educational benefit save as deliberate ‘marker’ of gender difference.
Take prakse so vredne kritike, saj namerno ‘označujejo’ razlike med spoloma, izobraževalnih koristi od njih pa je zelo malo.
On the other hand, investment of time in the development of institutional policies and associated staff development (SEED, 2006) which address, for example, bullying and sexual harassment have been shown to be effective in raising pupil and staff consciousness that such behaviour is demeaning and unacceptable.
Nasprotno pa se je vlaganje v razvoj institucionalnih politik in hkrati v strokovno izpopolnjevanje osebja (SEED, 2006), npr. v zvezi z ustrahovanjem in spolnim nadlegovanjem, izkazalo kot zelo učinkovito pri ozaveščanju učencev in osebja, da je tako vedenje poniževalno in ni sprejemljivo.
Even when teachers believe that they treat their students equally, they are more likely to chastise male students and pay them more attention, while at the same time creating greater dependency in their female students (see Magno & Silova, 2007 for examples from several Eastern European countries). Hence, a variety of studies from different countries have shown that both male and female teachers tend to encourage passivity and conformity in their female students while at the same time valuing independence and individuality in their male students (see for example, Golombok & Fivush, 1994). They thus allow boys to be naughtier because they think it natural and, for the same reasons, expect girls to take up ‘domestic’ related activities such as caring for others or cleaning-up in the classroom. Girls are generally perceived to be more cooperative and malleable, and boys more confident and able. Even when girls are seen as better students, such as by science teachers in Chetcuti’s (2009) Maltese study, the reason given is behavioural rather than cognitive or intellectual, i.e. that girls are more meticulous in their work and ‘study harder’ than boys (Chetcuti 2009, p. 88). Thus teachers’ general lack of awareness of how they use gender as an important organising and categorising factor, and their tacit assumptions about gender have together had a profound effect on student behaviour (Tsouroufli, 2002).
Tudi kadar učitelji menijo, da učence obravnavajo enako, pogosto bolj cenijo fante, posvečajo jim več pozornosti, hkrati pa pri učenkah ustvarjajo večjo odvisnost (glej Magno & Silova, 2007, za primere z več vzhodnoevropskih držav). Več študij iz različnih držav je pokazalo, da učitelji in učiteljice spodbujajo pasivnost in prilagodljivost učenk, sočasno pa cenijo samostojnost in individualnost učencev (glej Golombok & Fivush, 1994). Fantom dovolijo, da so bolj nagajivi, ker menijo, da to spada k njihovi naravi, iz istega razloga pa od deklet pričakujejo, da prevzemajo ‘gospodinjska’ opravila, npr. skrb za druge in pospravljanje razreda. Dekleta se štejejo za bolj kooperativna in manj zmožna, fantje pa za bolj samozavestne in zmožnejše. Celo kadar imajo dekleta za boljše učenke, to, kot je pokazala malteška študija D. Chetcuti med učitelji naravoslovja (2009), bolj pripisujejo vedenjskim vzorcem kot kognitivnim ali intelektualnim sposobnostim; dekleta naj bi bila pri delu bolj pikolovska in naj bi se‘več učila’kot fantje (Chetcuti 2009, str. 88). To pomeni, da se učitelji na splošno premalo zavedajo, kako pri organiziranju in razvrščanju tiho pristajajo na razlike med spoloma in s tem močno vplivajo na vedenje učencev (Tsouroui, 2002).
One solution suggested to Scottish teachers is to engage in gendersensitive teaching which both addresses students’ different learning styles and preferences, and avoids the imposition of stereotypes (SEED, 2006).
Zato je bilo škotskim učiteljem predlagano, naj bodo pri poučevanju občutljivi do razlik med spoloma, upoštevajo razlike pri načinu učenja in prednostnih željah in se tako izogibajo vsiljevanju stereotipov (SEED, 2006).
Assessment procedures have frequently been found to be gendered, despite claims of neutrality and lack of bias.
Ugotovljeno je bilo, da se pri preverjanju znanja pogosto pojavlja spolno razlikovanje, in to kljub zatrjevanju o nevtralnosti in nepristranskosti.
This has become even more important in recent years with the relative greater emphasis on the achievement targets of individuals, schools and countries, and the increasing influence of cross-national studies such as PISA and TIMSS.
V zadnjih letih je zaradi večjega pomena izobraževalnih dosežkov posameznikov, šol in držav in naraščajočega vpliva mednarodnih študij, kot sta PISA in TIMSS, ta ugotovitev čedalje pomembnejša.
Similar criticisms to that of reading materials have been made of examination papers and assessment texts: predominance of male participants and settings, frivolous treatment of women, and sexist language and illustrations.
Podobno kot učna gradiva so kritiko doživele tudi izpitne naloge in besedila za preverjanje znanja: prevlada moških udeležencev in okolij, lahkomiselna obravnava žensk, seksistična raba jezika in ilustracij.
Teaching has long been considered as ‘a good job for a woman’ by feminists and non-feminists alike.
Poučevanje so tako feministke kot nefeministke dolgo imele za ‘dobro službo za ženske’.
Feminists have seen teaching as part of the long struggle of women to gain access to the professions and to the public sphere; and non-feminists, as an extension to women’s mothering and caring role in the family.
Prve so poučevanje videle kot uspešen izid prizadevanj za vstop žensk v različne poklice in javno življenje, druge pa kot širjenje ženske materinske in družinske skrbniške vloge.
Meanwhile, teaching has generally had a relatively low-status position in the hierarchy of the professions possibly due to its heavy reliance on female staff.
Potem pa se je položaj učiteljevanja v hierarhiji poklicev začel slabšati, mogoče prav zaradi močne odvisnosti od ženskega osebja.
In 2006 in all European Union countries (except Greece and Luxembourg) over 60 % of teachers in primary secondary education were women.
Leta 2006 je bilo v vseh državah Evropske unije (razen v Grčiji in Luksemburgu) v primarnem izobraževanju več kot 60 % učiteljic.
For secondary schooling, while there are still more women than men, the gender ‘gap’ is much narrower (see Chapter 7).
Tudi v sekundarnih šolah je bilo več žensk kot moških, odstotna razlika med obema skupinama pa precej manjša (glej 7. poglavje).
School leadership however contains proportionally more men (see Chapter 7), as do teacher education inspectorate and assessment organisations, civil servants concerned with education etc., and this seems as pronounced in postcommunist countries (Magno & Silova, 2007; see also Dweck & Sorich, 1999). Explanations for this hierarchy both within the teaching profession and in relation to other professions have been many and varied. Some suggest that the key factor is the association of teaching with domesticity, care and the emotions (Fischman, 2000; Drudy, 2008) which makes teaching more appropriate for women while others focus on its work characteristics and that women are more accepting of teaching’s low status and low salaries because it is a form of work that is compatible with women’s domestic responsibilities (Weiner, 2002). 1.7.9.
V vodstvih šol pa je več moških (glej 7. poglavje), prav tako v šolskih inšpektoratih, organizacijah za preverjanje znanja, med javnimi uslužbenci, ki se ukvarjajo z izobraževanjem, itd.; zgleda, da to še bolj velja za pokomunistične države (Magno & Silova, 2007; glej tudi Dweck & Sorich, 1999). Razlag za tako hierarhijo – tako v učiteljskem poklicu kot glede razmerja do drugih poklicev – je veliko in so zelo različne. Nekateri menijo, da je najpomembnejša povezanost z družinskim življenjem, skrbjo in čustvi (Fischman, 2000; Drudy, 2008); zaradi naštetega je poučevanje primernejše za ženske. Drugi poudarjajo, da gre za značilnosti učiteljskega dela ter za to, da ženske laže sprejemajo slab položaj poklica in nizke plače – oboje naj bi bilo primerljivo z ženskimi družinskimi odgovornostmi (Weiner, 2002). 1.7.9 Skupno izobraževanje ter dekliške in fantovske šole
Co-education has different meanings in different countries.
Skupno izobraževanje ima v različnih državah različne pomene.
On the one hand, the label is used descriptively to refer to the fact that the school takes in girls and boys, but otherwise is no different from other schools.
Po eni strani oznaka pomeni, da se v šolo sprejemajo dekleta in fantje, drugače pa se od drugih šol ne razlikujejo.
On the other hand, co-education can be interpreted as more ideologically laden, and associated with policies of gender equality, as suggested by Crosato et al. (2005).
Po drugi strani se skupno izobraževanje interpretira bolj ideološko in v povezavi s politikami enakosti spolov, kot meni Crosato s sod. (2005).
Co-education accepts the biological difference between men and women, but rejects the assumption of male and female stereotypes, therefore automatically rejecting the existing hierarchical structure which favours men over women and thus enabling other barriers of hierarchy to be broken down.
Skupno izobraževanje sprejema biološke razlike med moškimi in ženskami, zavrača pa stereotipne domneve o moškem in ženskem spolu; zato zavrača samodejno hierarhično strukturo, v kateri imajo moški boljši položaj kot ženske, zato pa je onemogočeno tudi odpravljanje drugih, s hierarhijo povezanih ovir.
Co-education consists of education girls and boys alike in a context over and above those gender roles which society prescribes for each sex (Crosato et al. 2005, p. 65).
Pomeni izobraževanje, ki je enako za dekleta in fante, in sicer v razmerah, ki presegajo vloge, kakršne se v družbi pripisujejo posameznemu spolu (Crosato in sod. 2005, str. 65).
Studies of mixed-sex classrooms have consistently shown that boys receive more teacher attention and that teachers place more importance on boys’ learning and boys’ presence generally (Epstein et al., 1998).
Študije o (po spolu) mešanih razredih dosledno kažejo, da učitelji več pozornosti namenjajo fantom, njihovemu učenju in njihovi navzočnosti na splošno (Epstein in sod., 1998).
Co-education is contrasted with single-sex schooling which draws advocates from both conservatives and progressives on the gender spectrum.
Skupno izobraževanje se primerja z izobraževanjem v razredih, ločenih po spolu, in ima zagovornike med konservativnimi in progresivnimi strokovnjaki.
The conservative argument for single-sex schools is that they enable the boys and girls to be inducted into the prescribed roles demanded by society (and also frequently religion).
Prvi menijo, da šole za posamezni spol omogočajo vpeljevanje deklet oziroma fantov v vloge, kakršne jim je namenila družba (pogosto tudi religija).
Feminist advocates of single-sex schools argue the contrary; that single-sex schools allow girls and boys greater freedom to choose subjects not associated with their gender and to flourish in a wider range of school subjects than conventionally acceptable in mixed sex schools.
Feministične zagovornice menijo nasprotno; po spolu ločene šole dekletom in fantom dajejo več svobode pri odločanju o izbiri predmetov, ki se navadno ne povezujejo z njihovim spolom, in jim omogočajo, da so uspešnejši pri več predmetih, kot je konvencionalno sprejemljivo v mešanih šolah. Čeprav je mogoče, da je v šolah za posamezni spol več priložnosti
Single-sex groups enable, for example, girls to feel freer to answer questions and to participate more in lessons, and boys to work harder without worrying about their own ‘image’ as a learner (Younger & Warrington, 2007). Single-sex classes could thus, it is argued, improve motivation, behaviour and achievement (SEED, 2006). 1.7.10.The problem of boys
1. poglavje: Spolinizobraževanje v Evropi: pregledliterature za izbiro, pa nekateri menijo, da tako okolje ne more izničiti vplivov širše družbe (Skelton & Francis, 2009). Fantovski in dekliški razredi so bili na Danskem vpeljani v osemdesetih letih kot sredstvo za izboljšanje samozaupanja pri dekletih (Kruse, 1992). Zdaj so včasih organizirani v sicer mešanih šolah, v glavnem zato, da učiteljem omogočajo strategije, primernejše za posamezni spol. Taki razredi npr. omogočajo dekletom, da se počutijo svobodnejše pri odgovarjanju na vprašanja in pri sodelovanju v razredu, fantom pa, da se več učijo, ne da bi jih skrbela lastna ‘podoba’(Younger & Warrington, 2007). Torej, fantovski ali dekliški razredi lahko izboljšajo motivacijo, vedenje in uspeh (SEED, 2006). 1.7.10 Problemi fantov
As we have seen, from the late 1970s onwards gender issues in education were associated principally with a focus on the achievements and aspirations of girls, in order, as it was argued, to redress the power imbalance in favour of boys and men.
Kot smo videli, so bila od leta 1970 naprej vprašanja razlik med spoloma v izobraževanju v glavnem povezana z uspehom in cilji deklet, in sicer zato, da bi se spopadli z neravnotežjem moči, ki je bilo v prid fantom oziroma moškim.
However, because of the increased emphasis on examination achievement in recent years and the narrowing of the gender gap in favour of female students, much interest in gender has reverted to concern about the perceived ‘underachievement of males' (OECD 2001, p. 122).
Zaradi naraščajočega poudarjanja izpitnih dosežkov v zadnjih letih in čedalje manjših razlik med spoloma (v prid dekletom) pa se je pozornost spet preusmerila k‘slabšemu uspehu fantov’ (OECD 2001, str. 122).
Thus in recent years and in many countries, gender issues in education have come to be equated with boys’ relative underperformance in examinations, and a so-called crisis of masculinity. Thus in 2006, researchers claimed the following for Sweden:
Tako so se v zadnjih letih vprašanja enakosti spolov začela enačiti s sorazmerno slabšimi izpitnimi dosežki fantov in t.i. krizo moškosti.Tako so leta 2006 strokovnjaki na Švedskem postavili naslednjo trditev.
Boys attain approximately 90 per cent of the girls’ grade results in compulsory as well as upper compulsory school.
V obveznih in višjih obveznih šolah fantje v primerjavi z dekleti dosežejo približno 90-odstoten uspeh.
At compulsory school girls have better grades in all subjects except physical education and health (Skolverket 2006a, p. 97).
V obveznem šolanju imajo dekleta boljše ocene kot fantje pri vseh predmetih, razen pri športni in zdravstveni vzgoji (Skolverket 2006a, str. 97).
This interest in boys’ relative failure is due to a number of factors: policy interest in examination patterns as the main indicators of the effectiveness (of education systems, local governance, schools); concern about youth violence and social disorder; concern about family break-down and male irresponsibility, a perceived crisis in masculinity and so on.
Zanimanje za sorazmerno slabši uspeh fantov se povezuje s številnimi dejavniki: interesom politike glede vzorcev izpitov kot glavnih pokazateljev učinkovitosti (izobraževalnega sistema, lokalnega upravljanja in šol); skrbjo zaradi nasilja mladih in socialnih nemirov; skrbjo zaradi številnih ločitev in moške neodgovornosti, opazno krizo moškosti itd.
However, as pointed out in the Swedish study, ‘this does not mean that all boys fail with their education or that all girls achieve good educational results’ (Skolverket 2006a, p. 97).
Vendar, kot je pokazala švedska študija, ‘to ne pomeni, da so v izobraževanju vsi fantje neuspešni ali da vsa dekleta dosežejo dober rezultat’(Skolverket 2006a, str. 97).
Overconcentration on male under/achievement, in fact, masks a number of issues; for example, that certain (social) groups of boys do very well in examinations, that certain groups of girls do not, and that sexism, racism, bullying and sexual abuse all inhibit achievement in examinations as well as damaging personal relations.
Pravzaprav preveč ukvarjanja s slabšo uspešnostjo fantov zamegli številna druga vprašanja; npr. to, da so fantje iz nekaterih (socialnih) skupin pri izpitih zelo uspešni, da posamezne skupine deklet niso in da seksizem, rasizem, nadlegovanje in spolne zlorabe ovirajo uspešnost in škodijo medsebojnim odnosom.
Such an emphasis on boys also fails to link schooling with the labour market and to acknowledge that even though girls may get higher grades overall and may invest more heavily in higher education, they remain more likely to go into low-paid and insecure jobs, and to live in poverty.
Taki poudarki ne povezujejo šolanja s trgom dela in ne priznavajo, da dekleta kljub boljšim ocenam in trdemu delu pri visokošolskem izobraževanju verjetneje sprejmejo slabše plačane in manj varne službe ali celo živijo v revščini.
The focus on masculinity (or masculinities as there are many routes to becoming an adult male) in crisis is potentially fruitful however in the sense that it shifts emphasis away from structural factors in post-industrial societies which position (some) boys as inevitable ‘losers’.
Osredinjanje na moškost (oziroma moškosti, saj je mnogo poti do odrasle osebe moškega spola) ima v krizi lahko tudi pozitivno plat, saj v poindustrijskih družbah preusmerja pozornost s strukturnih dejavnikov, ki (nekatere) fante neizogibno postavlja v položaj ‘izgubljencev’.
Instead, the aim is to explore the characteristics of masculinity (or masculinities) that inhibit boys as learners and citizens, and how these might be challenged (Epstein et al., 1998; Pickering, 1997).
Namesto tega se proučujejo značilnosti moškosti, ki fante kot učence in državljane ovirajo, in iščejo možnosti za odpravljanje teh težav (Epstein in sod., 1998; Pickering, 1997).
Clearly, education cannot be viewed as the main instrument for producing equal opportunities, because society as a whole does not provide equal opportunities in terms of gender related income differences and gender stereotyping, for example.
To poglavje poskuša prikazati pregled glavnih vprašanj, povezanih z raziskavami razlik med spoloma, kot se pojavljajo v izobraževanju, ter idejami in pobudami za spremembe.
However, education provides an important socialising context, such that students’ informal interactions in schools are an influential (and largely unrecognised) aspect of their socialisation into restricted gender roles.
Prav tako poskuša pojasniti razločevalne značilnosti izobraževalnega dela ter prikazati, kako se povezujejo z drugimi družbenimi vidiki.
In the 1970s and 1980s, it was Western countries that were leading the way in pointing out gender inequality and western feminism still has much to offer to educational policymakers and practitioners, particularly in recent exploration of how young people themselves construct and perform specific versions of masculinity and femininity.
Iz analizirane literature je razvidno, da so se s spoloma in izobraževanjem povezana vprašanja, ki so se ukvarjala s krivičnim zgodovinskim, kulturnim in izobraževalnim obravnavanjem deklet in žensk, preusmerila k politiki, na katero so vplivale mednarodne študije o preizkusih znanja in slabši uspeh fantov. Razlike
These three subject areas are the foundation of the basic skills required by modern labour markets. Understanding the gender patterns in these subject fields is vital for achieving equality of opportunity in employment.
Razlike medspoloma priizobraževalnih dosežkih med spoloma v izobraževanju še vedno spadajo med najbolj razširjena raziskovalna vprašanja; posebno izrazito se obravnavajo v mednarodnih študijah o izobraževalnih dosežkih.
In the first section of this chapter, the gender differences in mean scores for average student performance are discussed in detail.
Jasno je, da izobraževanje ne more biti glavno sredstvo za ustvarjanje enakih možnosti, če jih ne zagotavlja družba kot celota in so v njej s spolom povezane plačne razlike in spolni stereotipi.
Some interesting gender divergent tendencies in attitudes and practices are also presented. Furthermore, possible explanations or factors influencing the gender gap are discussed in greater detail.
Vendar šola zagotavlja pomembno socializacijsko okolje; neformalno vzajemno sodelovanje med učenci je vpliven (in večinoma nepriznan) vidik njihove socializacije v omejene vloge posameznega spola.
Only the data of European countries that participate in the Eurydice network are analysed.
Prispodoba z ‘valovi’, uporabljena za feministična gibanja, je primerna za opis uveljavljanja enakosti med fanti in dekleti oziroma moškimi in ženskami v izobraževanju.
Before starting the discussion on gender patterns in student achievement it is important to highlight some general issues.
V večini evropskih držav, pa tudi drugje, so se ukvarjali s feminizmom in različnimi vplivi na izobraževalno politiko in prakso.
When analysing country differences, it is important to remember that variation in student performance within countries is many times larger than the variation between countries.
Zajeta vprašanja in praktični ukrepi so bili večinoma podobni: prepoznati obseg neenakosti med spoloma in vlogo izobraževanja pri podpori, argumentih in prepričevanju, da so potrebne spremembe, in določiti praktične strategije za spreminjanje dogajanja v šolah (glej 3. poglavje).
The presented results of studies from various years cannot be straightforwardly interpreted as trends.
Politika EU o enakosti spolov je nedvomno zelo vplivna, posebno v državah, ki so se ji nedavno pridružile ali se ji še nameravajo.
Direct comparisons of results of different surveys that use different assessment methodologies, target population, test contents, etc. should be avoided.
Razviden je tudi nov val zanimanja držav iz nekdanjega komunističnega bloka, kjer se je dolgotrajna retorika, povezana s pomenom družbene enakosti, združila s feminizmom, idejami o demokraciji in večji svobodi pri ustvarjanju možnosti v prihodnje.
Even within the same survey, an analysis of trends over time comparing different rounds might be problematic.
Zanimivo bo videti, kateri feministični valovi bodo prevladali v prihodnje; evropske družbe se namreč spreminjajo, pojavile so se težnje po družbi, pravični za oba spola.
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POGLAVJE
Average gender gaps in achievement
POGLAVJE: VZORCI DOSEŽKOV PO SPOLU V MEDNARODNIH PREGLEDIH
All recent international assessment studies agree that girls tend to have a higher reading achievement than boys.
Razumevanje vzorcev po spolu na teh področjih so za uresničevanje enakih možnosti pri zaposlovanju bistvenega pomena.