natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
A different history for former Yugoslavia liberal and more open, but at certain times hadextremely fast economic development, which madeupwards mobility for women rather easy, and notdependent on Party membership; 3) differences intransitionincluding wars!; 4) differences in thedevelopment of women's movements in the 1980sand 1990s; and 5) development of knowledgeabout women, that existed in the Balkans and thatnobody had in the Enwise countries. Additionally,the issue of development and even poverty might bemore relevant for the Balkans.
2.drugačen komunizem, ki ni bil le bolj liberalenin odprt, marveč je v določenih obdobjih doživeltudi hiter gospodarski razvoj, kar je ženskamolajšalo dostop do višjih položajev, pri čemernjihovo napredovanje ni bilo vezano na članstvovpartiji; 3. razlike v tranziciji,vključno z vojnami;4. razlike v razvoju ženskih gibanj v osemdesetihin devetdesetih letih 20. stoletja in 5. razvojznanja o ženskah, ki je obstajal na Balkanuinkiga v drugih državah Enwise niso poznali.Poudariti tudi velja možnost, da sta lahkovprašanji razvoja in celo revščine relevantnejši za Balkan kot za preostale države.
In the case of former Yugoslavia, the gender contractwas not based on the idea of equality, but rather onthat of complementarity of inequality.
V nekdanji Jugoslaviji socialna pogodba medspoloma ni temeljila na prepričanju o enakostispolov, marveč o dopolnjevanju njuneneenakosti.
Women weresimply subjected to the national goals, not as equals(which might have been the case for Central Europe, but not for the Balkans), but ascomplementary to men (men warriors, women -caregivers). This different gender patterns could beexplained by 1) different precommunist cultures informer Yugoslavia, including differences likebetween Muslims and Christians or different gendercontracts existing in public and private spheres;2)different communism, which was not only more
Ženske so se preprosto moralepodrediti nacionalnim ciljem, in sicer ne kotenakopravne državljanke (kot morda velja za Srednjo Evropo, za Balkan pa ne), marveč kotnekakšno dopolnilo moškim (moški so sebojevali, ženske pa so skrbele za dom in družino).Obstaja več razlag za nastale vzorce: 1. nekdanja Jugoslavija je iz predkomunističnih časovpodedovala različne kulture, vključno z razlikamimed muslimansko in krščansko veroizpovedjo terrazlikami med različnimi socialnimi pogodbamimed spoloma v javnem in zasebnem življenju; vir: Blagojević, 2003
Polish poster:“We greet the women who workfor peace and growth of the fatherland!”Source: © Gazeta Wyborcza, 2003.
Poljski poster: "Pozdrav ženskam, ki delajo za mirinizgradnjo domovine!"vir: © Gazeta Wyborcza, 2003
Polish poster: “March on, Youth, in the struggle for happy socialist Polish countryside”Source: © Gazeta Wyborcza, 2003.
Poljski poster:"Stopaj naprej, mladina, v boju za srečnosocialistično poljsko podeželje!"vir:©Gazeta Wyborcza, 2003
Interestingly, in this context, the onlysphere free from the interventions of thestate was the family, which had atraditional structure.
Zanimivo je dejstvo, da je bila edinasfera življenja posameznika, v katerodržava ni posegla, družina. Ta pa je bilazasnovana tradicionalno.
This was oftenemphasised in criticism.
Nedelovanjedržave na tem področju je bilo pogostotarča kritik.
combine motherhood and profession life. Thus a continuousemploymentmodelcame about, specific for the communist period, meaning that, during their productive years, women combined work and family and continued to work even when they had children, or only with very short interruptions.
je bil cilj državne politike ženskam zagotoviti zaposlitev (na podlagi splošnepravice do dela) in jim omogočiti združevati materinstvo in poklicno življenje.Tako se je oblikoval model stalne zaposlitve, značilen za komunističnoobdobje.
Such a high rate of employment and real work involvement wasexceptional among Western European women.A situation replete with irony thus came about: women’s movement wasbeing liquidated and being denounced as a bourgeoislegacy: women werepolitically isolated from each other and from women’s movements abroad.And yet within a short time, in most communist countries, during the1950s (in the Baltic States in the 1940s), they obtained a set of possibilities, which conspicuously corresponded to the catalogue of goals the second wave women’s movement was fighting for in the 1960s and 1970s inbourgeoiscountries.
Z drugimi besedami, v času produktivnega obdobja, so lahko ženskezdruževale delo in družino ter obdržale zaposlitev tudi, ko so imele otroke,včasih z zelo kratkimi prekinitvami ali brez njih.
The other side of the irony was that the politicalopposition to the communist regime (meaning some dissent groups, for noopen oppositions was possible) tended to stick to conservative values andto idealise7the traditional gender patterns.
Podobna stopnja zaposlenostiin vključenosti v dejansko delovno okolje je bila med zahodnimi Evropejkamiizjema.
There were several reasons: theopposition was often linked to a church, which was oppressed by the communist regimes, but also the less religious parts of these societies found itdifficult to accept the way the communist regime was removing traditional culture by force.
Tako je nastala situacija, polna ironije: žensko gibanje je bilo odpravljenokot buržoazna dediščina, ženske se niso smele več politično družiti medseboj in so bile potisnjene v politično osamo od ženskih gibanj na tujem.
Thus traditional gender patterns (meaning mostly thebourgeoismodel) came to form part of those values, which merited protection.
Pavendar jim je bila v kratkem času, v petdesetih letih 20. stoletja (v baltskihrepublikah že v štiridesetih letih), v večini komunističnih držav omogočenavrsta možnosti, ki je bila na las podobna ciljem, ki se jih je v buržoaznihdržavah trudil doseči drugi val ženskega gibanja v šestdesetih in sedemdesetihletih 20. stoletja.
In addition, gender equality was part of official politics andturned to caricature in many respects, thus the issue became stigmatisedfor the opposition.
Ironično pa je tudi to, da so politični nasprotnikikomunističnega režima (pravzaprav nekatere disidentske skupine, saj odprtaopozicija ni bila možna) kazali težnjo po ohranjanju konservativnih vrednotin idealiziranju7tradicionalnih spolnih vzorcev.
Last but not least, oppositional struggles for politicalrights followed mainly (and often solely) the battle of totalitarianism versus democracy.
Razlogov za to je bilo več.Opozicija se je pogosto vezala na cerkev, zatirano s strani komunističnihrežimov, pa tudi manj verni predstavniki družbe so le stežka sprejeli način,s katerim je komunistični režim s silo odpravljal tradicionalno kulturo.Tradicionalni vzorci (pri čemer imamo v mislih predvsem buržoaznimodel)so tako postali del tistih vrednot, ki jih je bilo treba zaščititi.
In communist countries, women were, at the same time, empowered anddisempowered.
Poleg tega jebila enakost spolov del uradne politike, iz katere se je marsikdo delal norca,zato jo je opozicija označila za sporno.
There was discontinuitywith the precommunist women’sactivism and self-reflection and continuityin the opening up of the publicsphere to them.
Poleg tega so opozicijska gibanja zapolitične pravice večinoma (pogosto celo izključno) bila boj za prehod iztotalitarizma v demokracijo.V komunističnih državah je bila torej ženskam moč istočasno dana in odvzeta.Prišlo je do prekinitvepredkomunističnega ženskega aktivizma insamorefleksije, obenem pa do nadaljnjegavključevanja žensk v javno življenje.Najbolj radikalni kritiki komunističnih režimov trdijo, da so bile ženskevteh režimih zlorabljene in izkoriščane.
The most radical critiques of communist regimes say thatwomen were just misused and exploited by these regimes.
Pri tem se najpogosteje opirajo naargument, da je bil ženskam dovoljen vstop v tradicionalno moške poklicezgolj zato, da bi, še posebej v gospodarskih panogah, pridobili poceni delovnosilo.
The most frequent argument is that the traditional male professions were open towomen solely in order to get a cheap labour force, especially in industry.Yet the sociological data show a more complex picture of women’s employ-mentand testify to a real improvement of women’s social status duringcommunism.
Sociološki podatki pa kažejo kompleksnejšo sliko zaposlovanja ženskin pričajo, da se je status žensk v komunizmu dejansko izboljšal.
In fact, the majority of women, especially in agriculturalcountries, always worked hard, as farmers, factory workers, servants,before communism.
Večinažensk je namreč, še posebej v kmetijskih državah, vselej trdo delala – predkomunizmom v glavnem na kmetijah, kot delavke ali služkinje.
It is true that the number of women in factoriesincreased after the communist takeover, and as a sign of women’s modernisation, they were depicted with machines and as strong, which created the typical stereotype of a woman under communism.
Res je, daje po komunističnem prevzemu oblasti število delavk v tovarnah naraslo inda so bile upodabljane s stroji kot močne ženske, kar je privedlo do nastankatipičnega stereotipa ženske, živeče v komunizmu.
Yet the statisticsshow that, at the same time, the young generation of women was rapidlycatching up with men at the level of education (an open university systemmade it possible also for the older generation), so that by the end of 1970s,they achieved parity with male students on the secondary and in themajority of the Enwise countries also on the tertiary levels.
Statistični podatki pakažejo tudi, da je istočasno mlajša generacija žensk pospešeno dohajalamoške na vseh ravneh izobraževanja (s sistemom delavskih univerz jeizobraževanje postalo resničnost tudi za starejšo generacijo), tako da so dokonca sedemdesetih let 20. stoletja dosegle popolno enakost na srednješolski,v večini držav Enwise pa tudi na visokošolski ravni.
With it, thestructureof female occupation was gradually changing and a sizeable num-
To je vplivalo tudi napostopno spremembo strukturezaposlenih žensk, saj je precejšnje število žensk
FROM NATIONAL ICONS TO SUPERWOMEN
OD ZNAMENITIH ŽENSK DO SUPERŽENSK prešlo na bolje kvalificirana delovna mesta.
Among universitygraduates, the number of female doctors, teachers and also lawyers grewconsiderably, often exceeding that of their male counterparts.
Med univerzitetnimi diplomantije znatno naraslo število zdravnic, učiteljic in pravnic in pogosto celo presegloštevilo diplomantov moškega spola.
Numbers ofwomen scientists were also growing gradually.
Tudi število znanstvenic je postopnonaraščalo.
And yet, despite all the propaganda on gender equality and the growingprofessional skills in women, and despite attempts of a non-sexist education, the horizontal and vertical segregationbetween the two sexes were notlessening, but rather deepening.
Pa vendar se navzlic vsej propagandi o enakosti spolov in vedno višji poklicniusposobljenosti žensk ter poskusov uveljavljanja neseksističnegaizobraževanja horizontalna in vertikalna segregacijamed spoloma ni le obdržala,temveč se je celo poglabljala.
The labour market was segregated intobetter paid male and worse paid female areas and despite the fact thatmore and more women were entering highly qualified professions, it wasnot mirrored in leading positions.
Trg delovne sile je ločeval med bolje plačanimiizključno moškimi in slabše plačanimi ženskimi področji, in čeprav v temčasu lahko najdemo ženske med bolje kvalificiranimi poklici, se to ni odražalona zastopanosti žensk na vodilnih mestih.
Though this phenomenon has beennoticed by Western sociologists in Western countries as well, there was animportant difference: in communist countries, the existing glass ceilingwas not reflected on, named or criticised by women.
Čeprav so ta pojav opazili tudizahodni sociologi v zahodnih državah, velja poudariti naslednjo pomembnorazliko: v komunističnih državah obstoječega steklenega stropa ženske nisone poimenovale ne kritizirale niti niso o njem razmišljale.
Neither was it atheme in the social sciences.
Steklenega stropaniso obravnavale niti družbene vede.
As was repeatedly stated by the members ofthe Enwise Expert Group, namely the up to now persisting lackof genderawarenessin the majority of women themselves, including women in science, has turned out to become the major breaking factor to women’scareer advancement: in terms of career limits being accepted as a naturalconsequence of their dual role, and in terms of very low sensitivity tounequal treatment. How can such a self-limitation be explained?
Članice strokovne skupine Enwise sonenehno ugotavljale, da je bila prav pomanjkljiva ozaveščenostžensk,vključno z znanstvenicami, o spolnih vprašanjihključni dejavnik zaviranjapoklicne uveljavitve žensk, ki so poklicna omejevanja pojmovale kot naravnoposledico svoje dvojne vloge in so razvile zelo nizko občutljivost za neenakoobravnavo spolov.Kako lahko razložimo takšno samoomejevanje?
The wider context must betaken into account.
Zagotovo moramo upoštevatiširši kontekst.
One of the preconditions for most scientific careers from the PhD degree upwards was party membership8.
Pod komunizmom je bil že sam pojem poklicne kariere izkrivljenzaradi posebnih razmer, ki so vladale v totalitarnih državah. Eden izmed
Women at Slovenian universities (1945/46 to 1995/96)
Ženske na slovenskih univerzah (od 1945/46 do 1995/96)
Proportion of women at Slovenian universities (%)
Delež žensk na slovenskih univerzah (ženske (%)
Source: Slovenian Statistical Office in Mladenicˇ, 2003.
1995/96 akademsko leto vir: Statistični urad Republike Slovenije v Mladenič, 2003
kg407785_016 13/07/04 10:50 Page 27 ences (which was a typical female choice), but not so much in natural sciences.
ph605336_016 8/09/06 11:10 Page 27 predpogojev za kariero v znanosti, vse od doktorskega naziva naprej, je biločlanstvo v partiji8.
Many potential career men and women preferred consciously toavoid party membership, even when it meant a breaking factor to theirfurther career.
Številni moški in ženske z obetavnopoklicno kariero so se poskušali izogniti včlanitvi v partijo, čeprav je topomenilo morebitno upočasnitev nadaljnje kariere.
Women’s role in family eased their reconciliation with thischoice more than for men.
Zaradi svoje družinskevloge so se ženske s svojo odločitvijo laže sprijaznile kot moški.
Another important factor that could not be found in non-communistcountries and that did affect the specific concept of female career was thepolicy of social up levelling.
Drugi pomembni dejavnik – ki ga nekomunistične države niso poznale –,ki je vplival na pojmovanje poklicne kariere pri ženskah, je bila politika socialne uravnilovke.
In a communist country, where the generalsocial equality issue was regarded as the basic one, the state policy had avarying impacton women’s lives.
V komunističnih državah, v katerih je bila splošnadružbena enakost obravnavana kot temeljno vprašanje, je državna politikarazlično vplivalana življenje žensk.
Because the category of domestic servantceased to exist (being classified as typical exploitation), many formercareer women found life more difficult under communism.
Ker je prenehala obstajati kategorijagospodinjske pomočnice(označene kot tipično izkoriščanje), je postaloživljenje številnih žensk, ki so nekdaj imele kariero in poklic, podkomunizmom težje.
Former, precommunist career women9, being part of the intelligentsia class, who wereregarded as a natural enemy of the socialist revolution, were often persecuted, sent to a factory or to prison.
Ženske, ki so v času pred komunizmom, ubrale poklicnopot9in so izhajale iz intelektualnih krogov, so bile obravnavane kot naravni
The pre-com- munist female elites, which often had a strong cultural capital from theirintellectual or wealthy families, with self-esteem developed on the basis of
Priznati pa moramo, da jevštevilnih primerih akademikov, ki so seodprto ukvarjali z disidentskimidejavnostmi, prišlo do zavlačevanjanjihovega akademskega napredovanja alicelo do izključitve iz akademskega sveta. 9.
In Poland, this affected only womenwho, during World War II, fought in the Home Army.
Na Poljskem se je to zgodilo samo tistimženskam, ki so se med 2. svetovno vojnoborile na strani domovinske vojske.
their achievement within a competitive milieu, and often in contact withwomen’s activism, were devastated.
sovražnik socialistične revolucije. Pogosto so bile preganjane, poslane nadelo v tovarno ali v zapor.
Simultaneously, new groupsof womenwho were enjoying rapid intergenerational social mobility towards careers,
Ženske elite iz predkomunističnih časov,ki so si v svojih intelektualnih ali premožnih družinah nabrale močan kulturnikapital in so si okrepile samozavest z dosežki znotraj tekmovalnega okolja
A Czech case of discrimination
Primer diskriminacije na Češkem
In 1976, the Institute for Philosophical Research ofthe Bulgarian Academy of Sciences announced acompetition for a grant for doctoral study in Philosophy of Science at the Institute.
Leta 1976 je Institut za filozofske raziskave pri Bolgarski akademiji znanosti objavil natečaj zadoktorsko štipendijo za področje filozofijeznanosti.
I entered thecompetition together with 4 other graduates.
Prijavila sem se skupaj s štirimi drugimidiplomanti.
At thiscompetition, a male physicist and I scored highestwith equal marks.
Na natečaju sva bila najboljeocenjena neki fizik in jaz; oba sva prejela enakeocene.
The man was preferred.
Odločili so se za moškega.
Then,I asked the head of the Philosophy of Sciencedepartment: “Why did you prefer the other person?”having in mind that both of us were physicists andboth of us had scored equal marks.
Ko sempredstojnika Oddelka za filozofijo znanostivprašala: "Zakaj ste se odločili za drugo osebo?",pri čemer sem imela v mislih dejstvo, da sva bilaoba fizika in sva bila ocenjena z enakim številomtočk, sem dobila kratek, preprost in logičenodgovor: "Ker je moški.
The answer wasshort, simple and natural: “Because he is a man,but do not worry!
A brez skrbi!
Next year will be a newcompetition for a doctoral grant at my departmentand you are welcome to try again”.
Naslednjeleto bo moj oddelek razpisal doktorsko štipendijo,tako da lahko znova poskusite".
I was notpleased by this reply, but I was not angry either,because I found it natural– the things are as theywere, fixed and unchangeable and I could not doanything.
Zodgovoromsicer nisem bila zadovoljna, nisem pa serazjezila, ker se mi je zdel logičen in povsem"naraven".
At that time I lacked sensitivity fordiscrimination.
Tako je pač bilo, ničesar se ni dalospremeniti.
Only later (1990), after myparticipation in an international project on “Gender Gap in Higher Education”, I realised for the firsttime that in 1976 I had been in fact discriminatedagainst, but that at that time I was not aware of it.
Takrat še nisem razvila občutljivostiza diskriminacijo. Šele leta pozneje (1990), kosem sodelovala pri mednarodnem projektu"Prepad med spoloma v visokem šolstvu", se mije posvetilo, da sem leta 1976 izkusiladiskriminacijo, pa se tega še zavedala nisem.
For the first time, I experienceddiscrimination (evidence of which was for instancethat my salary stopped increasing).
Ko sem se po porodniškem dopustu vrnila nadelovno mesto, sem prvič občutila, da me neobravnavajo več kot druge zaposlene, pa ne zato,ker bi bila ženska, marveč zato, ker sem bila mati,pa čeprav nisem delala nič manj kot sodelavci.Takrat sem prvič občutila, kaj je diskriminacija(dokaz zanjo je na primer dejstvo, da se je mojosebni dohodek prenehal višati).
But of course,I was first of all discriminated, because of myrefusal to join the party, so I was not fired, buttreated as kind of a second classemployee.
V resnici semprvič doživela diskriminacijo, ko sem zavrnilačlanstvo v partiji.
Despitethis position of mine, I still enjoyed my academiclife as a kind of luxury, I felt still privileged.
Niso me sicer odpustili, vendarso z mano ravnali kot z drugorazrednouslužbenko.
Biographical statement by Nikolina Sretenova, Bulgarian member ofthe Enwise Expert Group.
Kljub vsemu pa sem se še vednopočutila privilegirano in sem na svoje akademskoživljenje gledala kot na nekakšen luksuz.
Biographical statement by Hana Havelková, Czech member of the Enwise Expert Group.
biografska izjava Hane Havelkové, češke predstavnice strokovneskupine Enwise
Using here a current and favourite Western feminist term for reconstructionof forgotten and hidden women’s history...
Gre za namensko uporabo trenutnopriljubljenega zahodnega feminističnegaizraza, ki se nanaša na rekonstrukcijopozabljene in prikrite zgodovine žensk.
were formed gradually, yet this was happening in political conditions ofdrastically limited personal self-determination and of dubious character inthat career advancement required moral compromises with the regime,and was subject to permanent ideological censorship, without cultural(familial) capital, reflection by and support from the feminist scene, andwithout public discussionon the necessity of the renegotiation of domesticroles, on glass ceilings, prejudices against women etc.
ter so pogosto imele stike z ženskim aktivizmom, so bile povožene. Istočasnoso se počasi oblikovale nove skupinežensk, ki jim je bila omogočena hitramedgeneracijska družbena mobilnost k oblikovanju poklicne kariere, vendarpa se je to odvijalo v političnih razmerah, ki jih je določala močno omejenamožnost samoodločanja in ki so veljale za dvomljive, saj je morebitnopoklicno napredovanje pomenilo sprejemanje moralnih kompromisovzrežimom in nenehno ideološko cenzuro brez kulturnega (družinskega)kapitala, brez presoje ali podpore s strani feminističnega dogajanja in brezjavne razpraveo potrebni ponovni opredelitvi družinskih vlog, steklenihstropov, predsodkov do žensk itn.
Thus not only wasthe first wave of female intellectual elites suppressed, but also availablepatterns and models of female career were removed, and a different careermodelstarted developing ex nihilo.
Tako v teh državah ni bil zatrt le prvi valintelektualnih ženskih elit, temveč so bili odpravljeni tudi možni vzorci inmodeli ženske poklicne kariere, tako da je bilo treba razviti drugačen modelpoklicne kariereiz nič.
Although most of this was true also formen, the relationship between men and career was of course more auto-matic.Nevertheless, given almost fifty years of full female employment and thepermanent growth of women’s professional skills, added to the availability of a childcare infrastructure that made fulltime employment possible,the low representation of women in leading positions or top positions inscience is surprising.
Čeprav je opisano večinoma veljalo tudi za moške,pa se je poklicna kariera moških odvijala bolj samodejno. Ne glede na opisano pa lahko trdimo, da je nizka zastopanost žensk navodilnih položajih v gospodarstvu, politiki in znanosti presenetljiva, sajvteh državah poznamo polno zaposlitev žensk, njihovo nenehno pridobivanjepoklicnih spretnosti in veščin ter strokovnega znanja, zagotovljenoinfrastrukturo otroškega varstva, ki omogoča zaposlovanje s polnim delovnimčasom že skoraj petdeset let.
A special kind of feminist archaeology10must be performed, namely the researchon what exactly has happened to the genderconstellation under communism.
Treba bi se bilo podati na posebno odpravofeministične arheologije10in raziskati, kaj se je zares zgodilo z odnosi medspoloma v času komunizma.
Basic statistical data of that time, brokendown by gender, can usually be found in archives, such as demographicdata or the rough overviews of the employment structure.
V arhivih ponavadi lahko najdemo takratneosnovne spolno ločene statistične podatke, na primer demografske podatkeali grobe preglede strukture zaposlenih.
Remunerationdata had been usually monitored by economists, so that the basic development of women’s social status can be reconstructed.
Ekonomisti so ponavadi spremljalipodatke o osebnih dohodkih, tako da lahko obnovimo temeljni potek razvojasocialnega statusa žensk.
Yet, since neithercitizens nor social scientists were allowed to point at social problemsopenly, the data were rarely analysed, theorised and interpreted. Conceptssuch as pay gapor glass ceilingwere unknown.
Ker pa ne državljanom ne sociologom doslej ni bilodovoljeno, da bi odkrito opozarjali na socialne probleme, je le redko prišlodo analize in tolmačenja teh podatkov ter do oblikovanja teorij.