natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
One should not forget, however, that the on-going process of the construction of Europe periodically experienced major or minor crises attributable to the permanent conict between upholding the principle of nationality and extensive supranational initiatives.
Seveda ne smemo pozabiti, da so bile med gradnjo Evrope, ki se je vseskozi nadaljevala, občasno večje ali manjše krize, ki jih je netilo nenehno trenje med obrambo načela nacionalnosti in obsežnimi nadnacionalnimi pobudami.
I will conclude my inevitably hazy recollections at that point, noting that, under my presidency, Parliament triggered the process which led, on 13 December 1979, to the budget presented by the Council of Ministers being thrown out.
Naj to svoje žal nenatančno obujanje spominov zaključim z ugotovitvijo, da je v času mojega predsedovanja Parlament dal spodbudo, zaradi katere je 13 decembra 1979 prišlo do zavrnitve proračuna, ki ga je predlagal Svet ministrov.
In doing so, it wished not only to draw attention to aspects of the budget approach which it considered unacceptable, but also fully to assert its budget authority role within the Community financial system.
Parlament s tem ni želel le razkriti nekaterih vidikov proračunskih postavk, s katerimi se ni strinjal, ampak se je želel polno uveljaviti kot proračunski organ v finančnih mehanizmih Skupnosti.
EMILIO COLOMBOWELCOMES PIERRE PFIMLIN, MAYOR OF STRASBOURG, AT THE JULY 1979 INAUGURAL SESSION, FOLLOWING THE FIRST DIRECT ELECTIONS TO THE
EMILIO COLOMBO MED SPREJEMOM ŽUPANA STRASBOURGA PIERRA PFLIMLINA NA USTANOVNI SEJI JULIJA 1979 PO PRVIH NEPOSREDNIH VOLITVAH V EVROPSKI PARLAMENT
In the spring of 1979 I was Minister for Health and Social Security when, a few months before the first elections to the European Parliament by universal surage, President Giscard d’Estaing asked me if I would be willing to head a list of candidates for this election.
Spomladi 1979 sem bila ministrica za zdravstvo in socialno varnost, ko me je predsednik Giscard d’Estaing nekaj mesecev pred prvimi neposrednimi volitvami v Evropski parlament vprašal, ali bi želela postati nosilka kandidatne liste za te volitve.
JULY 1979 JANUARY 1982
JULIJ 1979JANUAR 1982
I accepted this honour without hesitation, having been a militant supporter of European integration since the end of the war, regarding it as the only way to set the seal on reconciliation between France and Germany and avoid a recurrence of the tragedies of the past.
To čast sem sprejela brez pomislekov, saj sem bila že od konca vojne brezpogojna zagovornica izgradnje Evrope, po mojem prepričanju edinega načina za utrditev sprave med Francijo in Nemčijo in načina, da se prepreči ponovitev dram iz preteklosti.
After the excellent result achieved by my list, President Giscard d’Estaing, who was sensitive to symbols of reconciliation and hence aware of the signicance of a former deportee, suggested to the other governments that I should be made President of the new Parliament, something that I had never imagined happening.
Po zelo dobrih rezultatih moje liste je predsednik Giscard d’Estaing, tudi sam zavezan simbolom sprave in torej občutljiv za to, kar je predstavljala moja podoba nekdanje deportiranke, predlagal drugim vladam mojo izvolitev za predsednico novega parlamenta, česar si sama nisem nikoli predstavljala.
That is how, on 13 July 1979, by an absolute majority in the second round, I came to be elected President of the new assembly.
Tako sem bila 13. julija 1979 v drugem krogu in z absolutno večino izvoljena za predsednico nove skupščine.
The task that now faced me was not without its problems.
Naloga, ki je bila pred mano, je prinašala kar nekaj težav.
First of all, the nature of the new Members’ mandate had changed now that they were elected by universal surage, as opposed to the former situation in which members of the Assembly were representatives of the national parliaments.
Predvsem se je z neposrednimi volitvami spremenila narava mandata novih poslancev, saj so do takrat člani skupščine na višji ravni predstavljali nacionalne parlamente. Sedaj je bila demokratična motivacija bolj neposredna.
The democratic underpinning had now become more
Poleg tega je poslovnik Parlamenta postal neprimeren za vlogo, ki je bila odtlej namenjena Parlamentu, zlasti v zvezi s proračunom.
To this was added a geographical issue.
Strasbourgu Parlament ni imel na voljo ne sejne dvorane ne pisarn, in je torej en teden v mesecu zasedal prostore Sveta Evrope, iz Luxembourga pa vozil vse potrebne dokumente.
Up to then the European Assembly had usually met in Luxembourg, where most of its ocials also lived.
Jasno je, da bi ta potovanja lahko ne bila všeč nekaterim poslancem, zato sem morala zajeziti morebitno nasprotovanje.
In Strasbourg, the Parliament had neither its own chamber nor any oces, and therefore had to squat for one week each month in the premises of the Council of Europe, bringing all the necessary documents with it from Luxembourg.
Potrebnih je bilo kar nekaj mesecev, da je novi način dela prešel v navado, vendar smo vseeno morali še nekajkrat zasedati v Luxembourgu.
One can imagine that this peripatetic existence was not to the liking of some of the parliamentarians, so that I had to contain a certain level of disgruntlement.
Z ganjenostjo se spominjam, da sem prav tam sprejela egiptovskega predsednika Anvarja el Sadata le malo pred njegovim ubojem.
It took months for this new modus operandi to become second nature.
Razumljivo je, da so poslanci želeli uveljaviti svojo novo avtoriteto pri sprejemanju proračuna.
We still had to continue to hold a few sessions in Luxembourg.
Proračun za leto 1980 je rahlo prekoračil mejo, ki so jo Evropskemu parlamentu določile pogodbe.
It was there that I remember with emotion welcoming the Egyptian President Anwar El Sadat not long before he was assassinated.
Ker je šlo pri tem za boj proti lakoti v svetu, sem brez obotavljanja potrdila sprejem tega proračuna v dani obliki.
The Members of the European Parliament, as one may imagine, wanted to assert their new authority in budgetary matters.
Francoska vlada je takoj vložila pritožbo pri Sodišču Evropskih skupnosti.
The budget that had been drawn up for 1980 turned out to have slightly exceeded the ceiling allocated by the treaties to the European Parliament.
Potrebno je bilo kar nekaj časa, da je prišlo do dogovora med Parlamentom, Svetom in nacionalnimi vladami, zlasti tisto v Parizu.
As the point at issue was combating world hunger, I unhesitatingly declared this budget to have been duly adopted.
Spominjam se, kakšno začudenje je novi Parlament v tistih davnih časih vzbujal izven Skupnosti, toliko bolj, ker je bilo njegovo predsedstvo zaupano ženski, kar je bilo takrat še lahko moteče.
The French Government immediately brought an action before the Court of Justice. It took some time
Tega sem se zavedala, ko sem šla v Lomé zaradi podpisa pogodb z afriškimi, paciškimi in karibskimi državami.
I remember that both inside and outside the Community I always received a warm welcome, including in the United States, Canada, China and Japan.
Spominjam se, da sem bila v Skupnosti in izven nje vedno zelo lepo sprejeta, zlasti v Združenih državah Amerike, Kanadi, na Kitajskem in Japonskem.
Whenever possible I involved the Commission permanent representatives in these visits.
Ko je le bilo mogoče, sem na svoje obiske povabila tudi stalne predstavnike Komisije.
Throughout a presidency that lasted two and a half years, I never had any diculty in always being seen by myself and others as standing above party divisions and representing the whole of Parliament.
Brez težav sem se v času svojega predsedovanja, ki je trajalo dve leti in pol, počutila kot predstavnica vsega Parlamenta, nadstrankarska, in tako so me sprejemali tudi drugi.
In short, this sometimes dicult, always fascinating presidency has remained the most rewarding period of my life.
Skratka, to predsedovanje, včasih naporno, vedno pa privlačno, je bil najplodnejši del mojega življenja.
I look back on it with nostalgia, as I do on the subsequent years I spent at the European Parliament before returning to the French Government in 1993.
Spominjam se ga z nostalgijo, kot tudi vseh let, ki sem jih preživela v Parlamentu, do svoje vrnitve v francosko vlado leta 1993.
JANUARY 1987 JULY 1989
JANUAR 1987JULIJ 1989
On reecting on the key moments of my presidency of the EP, my mind immediately went back to the election which preceded it, simply because it was an exciting, close-run thing.
Oba s tekmecem Enriquejem Baronom Crespom, ki me je kasneje nasledil na položaju, sva vodila energično kampanjo brez kakršnekoli osebne zamere ali žaljivke.
After my victory, by the slim margin of five votes, we could remain friends, holding diering views on the details of ‘Europe‘, but with a common commitment to making its institutions work in the service of the peoples of our continent.
Po moji zmagi - za vsega pet glasov - sva ostala prijatelja kljub različnim pogledom o podrobnostih „projekta Evrope”, vendar s skupno predanostjo temu, da bi njene institucije delovale v dobro prebivalcev naše celine.
I believe that is the way our politics, at whatever level, should always function, and regret that they seldom do.
Menim, da bi morala naša politika na vseh ravneh vedno delovati na ta način, in obžalujem, da je redko tako.
Every President of the EP since 1979 can say that their period in oce coincided with a time of important change.
Vsak predsednik Evropskega parlamenta od leta 1979 lahko reče, da je njegov mandat sovpadal s pomembnimi spremembami.
That is a reection of the fact that our institution, and indeed political Europe as a whole, has been constantly evolving.
To dokazuje, da se naša institucija, pa tudi politična Evropa kot celota, nenehno razvija.
Critics may argue over the ideal balance between the deepening and widening aspects of that process, but what is undeniable is that both have taken place and, however imperfect each stage has been, great progress has been achieved.
Kritiki lahko razpravljajo o idealnem ravnovesju med poglabljanjem in širitvijo evropske integracije, ni pa mogoče zanikati, da oba procesa potekata in da je bil dosežen napredek, čeprav na nekaterih stopnjah ni bil ravno popoln.
My key moments as President were linked to one of those crucially important evolutionary stages in the history of the Parliament and of the Union, namely the Single European Act (SEA).
Moji ključni trenutki na predsedniškem položaju so bili povezani z eno najpomembnejših razvojnih stopenj v zgodovini Parlamenta in Unije, in sicer z Enotnim evropskim aktom.
After a period of comparative stagnation in the early 1980s, the ‘Big Idea’ which pulled Europe forward was the development, via the Single European Act (SEA) from a common market towards an integrated economy, which in turn led in the direction of the Union and the subsequent evolutionary stages.
Po obdobju relativne stagnacije na začetku osemdesetih let je sprejetje Enotnega evropskega akta pomenilo novo spodbudo, ki je Evropo potegnila naprej in omogočila preobrazbo iz skupnega trga v integrirano gospodarstvo, kar je nato privedlo do Unije in nadaljnjih razvojnih stopenj.
I am proud that the Parliament had played a signicant role in making the case for the single market and when the SEA came into force, just six months after I became President, I knew that a new era had begun in Parliament.
Ponosen sem, da je imel Parlament pomembno vlogo pri zagovarjanju enotnega trga in ko je Enotni evropski akt začel veljati, komaj šest mesecev potem, ko sem postal predsednik, sem vedel, da je v instituciji napočilo novo obdobje.
Within a very short time, draft legislation under the new two-readings dispensation would begin to arrive and would have to be dealt with expeditiously and eciently, if our institution was not to lose the opportunity of demonstrating our growing maturity.
Zelo kmalu smo začeli dobivati zakonodajne predloge, ki jih je bilo treba hitro in učinkovito obravnavati po novem sistemu z dvema obravnavama, saj bi drugače Parlament izgubil priložnost, da pokaže svojo vedno večjo zrelost.
This required swift re-organisation at both political and administrative levels. A much more sophisticated legislative programme had to be put in place and the sectoral parliamentary committees, suitably staed, focused on the new, tight timetables.
To je zahtevalo hitro reorganizacijo na politični in upravni ravni: treba je bilo vzpostaviti veliko bolj zapleten zakonodajni program in področne parlamentarne odbore, ki bi imeli dovolj osebja in bili pripravljeni na nove, kratke roke.
All this was terra incognita for all concerned, members and ocials alike, and the fact that Parliament managed successfully to adapt to the new arrangements with only a very few roughnesses I consider a real achievement.
Za vse sodelujoče, poslance in uslužbence, je bila to „terra incognita”, dejstvo, da se je Parlament z le manjšimi težavami uspešno prilagodil novemu sistemu, pa štejem za velik dosežek.
I recall three moments thereafter which I believe demonstrate that the world outside had taken notice of the progress achieved and had begun to take on board the fact that ‘Europe’ was no longer a collection of countries, but a more-than-embryonic entity, which had to be taken seriously.
Spomnim se treh trenutkov, ki po mojem mnenju dokazujejo, da je zunanji svet opazil doseženi napredek in začel dojemati, da Evropa ni le skupek držav, ampak entiteta, ki je prerasla začetno obdobje in jo je treba jemati resno.
Perhaps the most important of these was a presidential visit to the Soviet Union, whose leadership had decided to recognise the Community as such and to develop relations between the Supreme Soviet and the EP.
Morda je bil najpomembnejši med njimi predsedniški obisk v Sovjetski zvezi, kjer je vodstvo v Moskvi priznalo Skupnost kot tako in razvilo odnose med vrhovnim sovjetom in Evropskim parlamentom.
We were not to know at the time that the end of the Communist empire was but a few years away, but it was obvious from my discussions with President Augusts Voss of the Supreme Soviet and with the State President, Andrei Gromyko, that part of the changes that were already underway in Moscow involved a new policy which accorded greater importance to the European Community and to the EP.
Takrat še nismo vedeli, da bo komunističnega imperija konec že čez nekaj let, vendar je bilo iz mojih pogovorov s predsednikom vrhovnega sovjeta Augustsom Vossom in predsednikom države Andrejem Gromikom razvidno, da je bila v spremembe, ki so se že pripravljale v Moskvi, vključena nova politika, ki je Evropski skupnosti in Evropskemu parlamentu pripisovala večjo pomembnost.
They were striving, much as the European ‘Founding Fathers’ had done some thirty years before, to create institutions through which common objectives could be achieved.
evropski „ustanovni očetje” so se trudili oblikovati institucije, skozi katere bi lahko dosegli skupne cilje.
(The Andean Parliament and Mercosur were two of the fruits of these eorts.)
(Ta prizadevanja so obrodila sadove v obliki andskega parlamenta in Mercosura.)
What struck me most was the admiration which those leaders had for the European enterprise and their appreciation of the degree of success we had already secured.
Pri tem me je najbolj presenetilo občudovanje, ki so ga ti voditelji pokazali do evropskega projekta in njihovo spoštovanje uspehov, ki smo jih že dosegli.
Our adventure had been unique in political history and we had become a role model for others.
Naš podvig je bil edinstven v politični zgodovini - drugim smo postali zgled.
It became famous for the dramatic confrontation between the visitor and the Rev. Ian Paisley.
Na plenarnem zasedanju Evropskega parlamenta je imel govor, ki je znan po dramatičnem spopadu med njim in Ianom Paisleyjem.
This was a duel which was a gift to the tabloid press, even though it lasted but a few seconds, and, since I had anticipated it, the incident was always under control.
Dvoboj je naredil veliko veselje rumenemu tisku, čeprav je trajal le nekaj sekund.
But the underlying importance of the visit was a further recognition, from outside the Community, that political and institutional Europe was a reality which had now to be taken account of in international relations.
Ker sem bil pripravljen na incident, nisem niti za trenutek izgubil nadzora. Obisk pa je bil pomemben zaradi dodatnega priznanja zunaj Skupnosti, da je politična in institucionalna Evropa resničnost, ki jo je v mednarodnih odnosih treba upoštevati.
These three memories of my presidency lead me, in conclusion, to draw attention to the paradox that the successes of the EU and its institutions are frequently more apparent to those looking at the Union from the outside.
Izhajajoč iz teh treh spominov na predsedovanje bi želel na koncu omeniti paradoks, da je uspeh Evropske unije in njenih institucij pogosto bolj jasen tistim, ki na Unijo gledajo od zunaj.
The challenge remains to make those successes more obvious to the citizens of Europe.
Zato izziv, da bi te uspehe jasneje pokazali tudi državljanom Evrope, ostaja.
LORD PLUMB SIGNS THE 1989 BUDGET WITH THE PRESIDENTINOFFICE OF THE COUNCIL, FRANCISCO FERNANDEZ ORDOÑEZ
LORD HENRY PLUMBPODPISUJE PRORAČUN ZA LETO 1989 S PREDSEDUJOČIM SVETU FRANCISCOM FERNANDEZOM ORDOÑEZOM
JULY 1989 JANUARY 1992
JULIJ 1989JANUAR 1992
The period during which I was President of the European Parliament was a time marked by a historic leap for Europe.
V času mojega predsedovanja Evropskemu parlamentu je Evropo zaznamovalo obdobje velikih zgodovinskih premikov.
I began my presidency in July 1989 as President of the Parliament of the Community, and I concluded it proposing, on behalf of the EP, the birth of the European Union at the Maastricht European Council.
Začel sem julija 1989, ko sem postal predsednik Evropskega parlamenta Skupnosti, končal pa na Evropskem svetu v Maastrichtu, kjer sem v imenu Evropskega parlamenta predlagal rojstvo Evropske unije.
The first key moment was the fall, on 9 November 1989, of the Berlin wall, symbolising the disappearance of the iron curtain which had divided Europe into two and presaging the end of the cold war.
Prva prelomnica v tem obdobju je bil padec berlinskega zidu 9 novembra 1989: tako je simbolično izginila železna zavesa, ki je delila celino, padec pa je tudi naznanil konec hladne vojne.
My first reaction after welcoming the event was to invite President Mitterrand and Chancellor Kohl to appear together before the plenary of Parliament that very same month, in order to give an active impetus to the German unication process, for which a temporary EP committee was created.
Povabilo je bilo odraz naše trdne podpore nemškemu procesu združevanja, za kar je bil tudi ustanovljen začasni parlamentarni odbor.
From then on, event followed event at a dizzying speed.
Odtlej so si dogodki sledili z veliko naglico.
In my initial speech to the European Council in Strasbourg in December 1989, I expressed Parliament’s strong desire to see all the Member States work together in order to open the door to the accession of the countries of central and eastern Europe.
Decembra 1989 sem v svojem uvodnem govoru na Evropskem svetu v Strasbourgu izrazil močno
On that occasion, I put forward, on behalf of Parliament, a ten-point plan in which it was proposed to expand the existing IGC for the establishment of economic and monetary union (EMU) and to set up another one for political union.
Ob tej priložnosti sem v imenu Evropskega parlamenta predstavil deset predlogov, med katerimi sta bila tudi razširitev mandata medvladne konference o ustanovitvi ekonomske in monetarne unije ter sklic še ene, o politični uniji.
To ensure that this reform did not rest in the governments’ hands alone, I proposed that the EP should also be involved, in order to reinforce the reform’s democratic nature and eciency.
Da ta reforma ne bi ostala le v rokah vlad, sem predlagal sodelovanje Evropskega parlamenta, s čimer bi se okrepila demokratična narava in učinkovitost reform.
Thus began the process leading to the proposal and subsequent creation of the Preparatory Interinstitutional Conference (PIC). That led, in March 1990, to the first-ever invitation in the history of the Community to a president of the European Parliament to address the Council, and, specically, to introduce our proposal for a PIC.
Tako je bila predlagana in kasneje tudi ustanovljena pripravljalna medinstitucionalna konferenca, marca 1990 pa je Svet ministrov prvič v zgodovini Skupnosti povabil predsednika Evropskega parlamenta k predstavitvi predloga.
From that moment on, the agenda was dominated by the swiftly increasing pace of history, as one event followed on another’s heels.
Od tega trenutka je dnevni red našega dela narekoval tok zgodovine, ki se je odvijal z veliko hitrostjo in dogodki so si sledili kot po tekočem traku.
The signicant events of 1990 included an invitation in February from the Polish Diet to explain the EP’s view of matters, and, later, similar invitations from the Hungarian and Czechoslovak Parliaments; and, on 3 October, German Unity Day, with a ceremony in the Bundestag with President von Weiszäcker, in the company of the Commission President, Jacques Delors, and myself as President of the European Parliament, followed that very day by a speech which I gave in the Paulskirche in Frankfurt, a building symbolising Germany’s constitutional values.
Države, ki so se osvobajale totalitarnih režimov, so želele sprejeti predsednika Evropskega parlamenta, skupščine, ki je bila simbol demokracije in svobode, ki so ju toliko let težko čakali.
In that time of democratic eervescence and reform, relations with the national parliaments came to take on their full signicance.
Med pomembnimi dogodki leta 1990 so bili februarsko povabilo poljskega sejma, da bi predstavil poglede Evropskega parlamenta na nove razmere ter kasnejši podobni povabili madžarskega in češkoslovaškega parlamenta.
On 29 November 1990, in Montecitorio (Rome), we held the joint ‘Assizes’, i.e. the first-ever conference bringing together the European Parliament and the parliaments of the Member States, which adopted a joint resolution endorsing the concept of the European Union.
Jeseni, 3 oktobra, na dan nemške enotnosti, pa sem se ob predsedniku Komisije Jacquesu Delorsu udeležil proslave s predsednikom von Weizsäckerjem v nemškem Bundestagu, ter kasneje istega dne tudi nagovoril zbrane v cerkvi sv. Pavla v Frankfurtu, ki je simbol nemške ustavnosti.
In December, I had the privilege of submitting that resolution to the Rome European Council, which decided in favour of holding two parallel IGCs, one on EMU and the other on political union.
Med tem razcvetom demokracije in reform so odnosi z nacionalnimi parlamenti dobili svoj pravi smisel - 29. novembra 1990 smo v palači Montecitorio v Rimu organizirali prvo skupno konferenco Evropskega parlamenta in parlamentov držav članic, kjer je bila sprejeta skupna resolucija v podporo konceptu Evropske unije.
Over the length of 1991, the meetings of the Preparatory Interinstitutional Conference made it possible, for the first time, for twelve representatives of the EP to engage in dialogue with the twelve governments, the Council and the Commission.
Decembra sem imel čast, da sem resolucijo predstavil Evropskemu svetu, ki se je strinjal s pripravo vzporednih medvladnih konferenc, ene o ekonomski in monetarni uniji ter druge o politični uniji.
Parliament’s representation was able to draw up a ‘shortlist’ of proposals which proved of major use in introducing a number of key subjects, for the most part deriving from the draft treaty text adopted in 1984 and enriched by experience.
Predstavniki Evropskega parlamenta so uspeli pripraviti ožji seznam lastnih predlogov, kjer so bile zajete številne ključne teme, ki so večinoma izvirale iz osnutka pogodbe, sprejetega leta 1984, a so bile zdaj obogatene z izkušnjami.