natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Basic skills in the area of literacy, for instance, letter knowledge, phonological and print awareness, basic counting strategies, number and quantity concepts, and basic school language vocabulary, may help children to benefit from initial reading, writing and math instruction in the first two grades of primary school.
To vodi v spremembo razmerja med otrokovimi in lastnimi potrebami, kar posledično negativno vpliva na vzgojo otroka.
More profound (‘deep-conceptual’) knowledge of vocabulary, complex grammar and text genre conventions may help children to benefit from instruction in reading comprehension and from instruction – also through reading text books – in geography, history, and science in later grades.
Na primer spodkoplje motivacijo za spodbujanje otroka in skrb za njegovo varnost ter blaginjo; pogosto pa vodi tudi v strogo vzgojo (Conger et al., 2002). Če staršem kljub vsem težavam uspe ohraniti pozitivna čustva do otroka, otrokov razvoj ne utrpi resnih posledic (Ackerman et al., 1999).
Socialemotional competence, including self-regulation, intrinsic learning motivation and the ability to cooperate with other students, may help children to benefit from instruction especially when the demands on self-regulated learning, problem-solving, independent work and cooperative work increase.
Toda navadno ni tako. Negativne učinke nakopičenih tveganj lahko ublaži socialna pomoč (Crnic in Acevedo, 1996; Repetti et al., 2002).
One of the major challenges of preprimary education is to develop and implement curricula that serve all these domains of skills and competences equally well.
Ponudijo jo osebe, ki so del družinske socialne mreže. Mreža učinkuje tako, da zmanjša stres in pomaga staršem ohraniti pozitivna čustva.
The purpose of this chapter is to review, from the point of view of equity, recent research into the effects of early childhood education and care for disadvantaged low income and ethnic minority children, and integrating what is currently known from this research about the relationship between (long term) effects of early childhood education for disadvantaged children and the pedagogical quality, curriculum content, structural quality and overarching systems design of preprimary education, in relation to the multiple problems faced by these children and their families.
Vendar pa je majhna ali nekakovostna socialna mreža, za katero sta značilni šibka čustvena vpletenost in šibka povezanost, ki vodi v socialno izolacijo, že sama po sebi dejavnik tveganja. Raziskave kažejo, da ima veliko priseljenskih družin, zlasti pa mater, manjše in manj podporne socialne mreže kot nepriseljenske družine z majhnim ali srednjim dohodkom.
Evaluations of early childhood education and care programmes indicate that the provision of early education is a viable strategy to improve the educational and socioeconomic position of low income and minority communities and to promote integration.
Leseman in Hermanns (2002) sta v obširni raziskavi ugotovila, da imajo turške in maroške družine na Nizozemskem manjše socialne mreže od nizozemskih. Še več, turški in maroški informatorji so označili svoje socialne mreže kot čustveno manj zadovoljive in manj podporne.
However, evaluations also show that the design, structural quality and curriculum of programmes are fundamental to their success.
Omenjeni položaj je verjetno neposredno povzročila migracija v novo družbo, pri čemer so v domovini pustili večino svoje družine in prijateljev.
This chapter first briefly discusses research into the causes of educational disadvantages among children of low income and immigrant families.
Študije, ki raziskujejo vzorce nenačrtne vzgoje v družini, kot so poučevalne strategije staršev ob vsakdanji igri in pri reševanju problemov ali »govorni slogi« staršev v pogovoru z otroki, dosledno kažejo na velike razlike med družinami v povezavi z njihovim socialno-ekonomskim in priseljenskim položajem.
The evaluation evidence – what works – is then discussed.
Pri domači vzgoji je še posebej pomembna »domača« pismenost, natančneje, skupno družinsko branje in pisanje.
Issues of pedagogical approach and curriculum, structural quality characteristics and systems design with respect to long term efficacy are the topic of the next sections.
Brooks-Gun in Markman (2005) pri pregledu raziskav o vplivu domače vzgoje na etnične in rasne primanjkljaje v vzgoji in izobrazbi navajata razlike v jeziku in pismenosti staršev kot najpomembnejše dejavnike za vrzeli v izobrazbi otrok.
Finally, the chapter addresses the issue of accessibility of good quality early childhood education and care.
Starši z manjšimi dohodki in starši, pripadniki etničnih manjšin, govorijo in berejo z otroki manj kot starši srednjega razreda.
There are four complementary explanations for early education disadvantages among low income, ethnic minority and immigrant children: accumulation of socioeconomic and psychological ‘risks’; lack of stimulation of cognitive and language development in family interactions; different cultural beliefs determining parenting styles and socialisation practices; linguistic and educational consequences of bilingualism.
Revščina, nižji družbeni razred, nizka stopnja izobraženosti, funkcionalna nepismenost staršev, nekvalicirano slabo plačano delo, marginalizirano kulturno poreklo, določene verske tradicije in nizek kulturni življenjski slog imajo močan vpliv na količino in kakovost vsakdanje domače vzgoje ter dobesedno pojasnijo vse vzgojne in izobraževalne razlike med družinami z nizkimi dohodki in družinami, pripadniki etničnih manjšin na eni strani in »večinskimi« družinami srednjega razreda na drugi (Leseman in van Tuijl, 2005), – kar na koncu kaže na to, da so otroci, ki prihajajo iz neugodnega okolja, slabše pripravljeni na formalno šolanje.
Socioeconomicrisk accumulation
Prepričanja o otrokovi vzgoji in različni modeli vzgajanja
An increased number of ‘risks’, present in the family or wider context of the family, negatively affects the development of intellectual skill, school achievement, socialemotional competence, social adjustment, and health (Ackerman et al., 2004; Bradley & Corwyn, 2002; Sameroff & Fiese, 2000, Repetti et al., 2002). Risk factors include at the level of the child: low birth weight, health problems, 18
Vrednostni sistem staršev o otrokovi vzgoji izvira iz – pogosto religioznih – idej o naravi otroka in otrokovega učenja, njegovega razvoja in razvojnih stopenj (na primer starost, v kateri starši predvidevajo, da je otrok osvojil določene spoznavne, čustvene in socialne spretnosti), o skupni vlogi staršev in učiteljev pri otrokovi vzgoji ter o bolj specičnih vrednotah, kot sta pomen pismenosti in šolski uspeh. Sodobna teorija pravi, da vrednostni sis-
Chapter 1: The Impact of High Quality Education and Care on Young Children: Review of the Literature low intelligence (IQ) and difficult temperament; at the level of the parents and the family: parents’ psychiatric problems (depression, substance abuse), marital conflict, a large number of children, single parenthood, low income, job stress, unemployment, and frequent changes of residence; and at the level of the neighbourhood and community: poor housing conditions, confrontations with crime and violence, and environmental pollution.
Predšolska vzgojain varstvo v Evropi: odpravljanjesocialneinkulturne neenakosti tem, sestavljen iz spoznavnih modelov in zasnov, omogoča interpretacije, vrednote, cilje in strategije za otroško vzgojo, zmanjšuje negotovosti starševske vzgoje in staršem omogoča, da vodijo razvoj otroka do (zamišljenega) življenjskega položaja (Harkness et al., 2000).
Furthermore, it has become increasingly clear that especially for immigrants – related to their immigrant or ethnic minority status – the experience of being marginalized, discriminated against, and treated disrespectfully by members of the majority society constitute an important risk factor in its own right, in addition to general socioeconomic risks (García Coll & Magnuson, 2000). Poverty is an overarching concept in this context, referring to constellations of risks, such as an unfavourable income-to-needs ratio (income being insufficient to satisfy basic needs), low quality housing, unsafe and polluted neighbourhoods, reduced access to good quality care and education services, and associated problems at the family level. Preschool children are especially vulnerable to poverty which, in early childhood more than in later years, often results in persistent learning problems and behavioural maladjustment. The preprimary age, thus, is an especially sensitive period in children’s development. Most of the risks referred to above are strongly related to low income, social class or ethnic minority status.
Za tokratno razumevanje vrednostnega sistema lahko uporabimo grobo razliko med »tradicionalnimi kolektivističnimi« in »modernimi individualističnimi« prepričanji (Palacios et al., 1992; Triandis, 1995). Za tradicionalna prepričanja tipično veljajo stališča, da so interesi otroka podrejeni interesu večje socialne enote, (razširjene) družine in lokalne skupnosti.
Studies examining patterns of informal education in the family, such as parental teaching strategies in everyday play and problem-solving situations with children or parents’ talking styles in conversations with children, have consistently revealed big differences between families that correlate with
Poudarjeni so cilji, kot so poslušnost, spoštovanje odraslih in avtoritete. Tradicionalna prepričanja se povezujejo z avtoritarnim starševskim načinom vzgoje in pričakovano relativno pozno starostno mejo, pri kateri otroci psihično dozorijo.
Early Childhood Education and Carein Europe: Tackling Social and Cultural Inequalities socioeconomic status and immigrant status.
Na drugi strani moderna prepričanja označujejo tako imenovano individualistično usmeritev. V njej so poudarjeni čustvena neodvisnost, lastna volja, tekmovalnost, intelektualna in umetniška odličnost.
Parents’ child rearing belief systems consist of – often religiously inspired – ideas about the nature of children and children’s learning and development, about developmental timetables (for example, the age parents expect children to have mastered particular cognitive, emotional or social skills), about the mutual roles of parents and teachers in child rearing and development, and about more specific values such as the importance of literacy and school achievement.
Starši imajo lahko sočasno več nasprotujočih si prepričanj, ki jih prilagodijo določenim položajem in spreminjajočim se okoliščinam. Na primer starši, ki izhajajo iz tradicionalno nešolanih kultur, pogosto združujejo kolektivistična prepričanja o vzgoji otroka z močnim individualističnim prepričanjem o njegovi uspešni šolski poti (Espin in Warner, 1982).
According to current theory, belief systems can be seen as dynamic frames of cognitions and models, providing interpretations, values, goals, and strategies in childrearing, reducing uncertainties, and gearing child development through parenting to the (perceived) conditions of life (Harkness et al., 2000).
Vendar v več državah dosledno ugotavljajo, da imajo visoko izobraženi urbani starši z višjim socialno-ekonomskim položajem moderna, individualistična prepričanja, manj izobraženi starši – »domačini« in priseljenci z nižjim socialno-ekonomskim položajem pa tradicionalna.Visoko izobraženi starši – priseljenci pa so spet tipično bolj individualistično usmerjeni.
A rough but for the present purpose convenient distinction is made between ‘traditional collectivistic’ and ‘modern individualistic’ beliefs (Palacios et al., 1992; Triandis, 1995).
Na splošno velja, da so tradicionalna kolektivistična prepričanja v korelaciji s spoznavno počasnostjo, nižjim inteligenčnim kvocientom, psihosocialnimi problemi, slabšo šolsko uspešnostjo in šibkejšo socialno integracijo (Palacios et al., 1992; Okagaki in Sternberg, 1993; Stoolmiller et al., 2000).
Traditional beliefs are typically characterised by the fact that the interests of the individual child are subordinated to the interests of the greater social unit of the (extended) family and local community.
Zanimivo je, da je nedavna študija o predšolskih institucijah pokazala podobne negativne učinke tradicionalnih prepričanj učiteljev na otrokov spoznavni ter socialni in čustveni razvoj (Burchinal in Cryer, 2003).
Goals such as obedience and respect for adults and authorities are emphasised.
Toda vzorci povezav med prepričanji in razvojem so vseeno zapletenejši.
Traditional beliefs are associated with authoritarian parenting styles and relatively late expectations about the age at which children are psychologically mature. Modern beliefs on the other hand are characterised by a so-called individualistic orientation.
Okagaki in French (1998) sta na primer ugotovila, da so v azijskoameriških (delno tudi latinskoameriških, ne pa tudi afroameriških) skupnostih v Združenih državah tradicionalna prepričanja in avtoritarna vzgoja povezana z boljšim učnim uspehom.
Goals such as emotional independence, self-will, competitiveness, intellectual and artistic excellence are emphasized.
Ena od mogočih razlag je, da v omenjenih skupnostih tradicionalna prepričanja delujejo v okolju s povezanimi, razširjenimi družinami, ki imajo močan občutek kulturne identitete in so ekonomsko relativno uspešne.
Modern beliefs are associated with both authoritative and permissive parenting styles, and relatively early expectations about the age at which children can be taken seriously as persons.
Torej je mogoče, da je vzrok za negativne rezultate, povezane s tradicionalnimi prepričanji, v kombinaciji s preostalimi dejavniki tveganja, kot sta socialno-ekonomski položaj in šibka družinska povezanost.
Experimental evidence shows that in favourable social circumstances bilingualism is not a detrimental condition (Bialystok, 2005).
Rezultati poskusa kažejo, da dvojezičnost v ugodnih socialnih okoliščinah ni škodljiva (Bialystok, 2005).
On the contrary, being a ‘balanced’ bilingual is associated with cognitive and linguistic advantages in areas such as attention control and linguistic awareness.
Nasprotno, »uravnotežena« dvojezičnost je povezana s spoznavnimi in jezikovnimi prednostmi na področjih, kot sta koncentracija pozornosti in jezikovna ozaveščenost. Pojem »uravnotežena« dvojezičnost potrebuje nadaljnje pojasnilo.
It means that the child’s proficiency in L1 (mother tongue) and L2 (second language, usually the school language) has reached the same mature, ageappropriate level.
Pomeni, da je otrokovo znanje J1 (maternega jezika) in J2 (drugega jezika, ponavadi jezika v šoli) na isti, to je otrokovim letom primerni ravni.
This, in turn, implies that L1 and L2 inputs have been balanced in the course of development, both quantitatively (e.g., exposure, instruction time) and qualitatively (e.g., social prestige, level of complexity, function and use).
Hkrati to pomeni, da se je otrok med svojim razvojem kvantitativno (čas izpostavljenosti, čas učenja) in kvalitativno (prestiž v družbi, raven kompleksnosti, vloga in uporaba) enakovredno učil J1 in J2.
Bilingual development tends to occur in two ways: simultaneously or successively.
Dvojezičnost nastaja na dva načina: sočasno ali zaporedno.
Simultaneous bilingual development means that the child starts acquiring L1 and L2 at the same time, in his or her first year of life.
Sočasni dvojezični razvoj pomeni, da otrok sočasno pridobiva znanje J1 in J2 v prvem letu svojega življenja.
This situation is typical for most bilingual (immigrant) families in Europe today.
Ta položaj je značilen za družine, v katerih starša tekoče
Early Childhood Education and Carein Europe: Tackling Social and Cultural Inequalities and L2 therefore does not occur for the majority of bilingual speakers.
Dosti pogostejša pa je zaporedna dvojezičnost, kar pomeni, da otrok najprej do določene stopnje osvoji znanje J1, potem se začne učiti J2.
(2004) studied the impact of the knowledge of Standard (School) English (SE) on learning to read in first and second grade of primary school in a sample of 217 5-year-olds who spoke non-standard African-American Vernacular English (AAVE) as their mother tongue.
(2004) je raziskoval vpliv znanja knjižne (šolske) angleščine (KA) na učenje branja v prvem in drugem razredu primarne šole, in sicer na vzorcu 217 petletnikov, ki so kot materni jezik govorili nestandardno afroameriško narečno angleščino (AANA).
AAVE is considered a dialect of Standard English, marked by different phonological and morphosyntactic rules (e.g., omission of the final consonant, reduction of final consonant clusters of spoken words, and omission of the morphological plural marker -s and the past tense marker -ed in sentences).
AANA obravnavamo kot narečje knjižne angleščine, za katerega so značilna različna glasoslovna in oblikoslov-no-skladenjska pravila (npr. izpuščanje zadnjega soglasnika, redukcija celega niza zadnjih soglasnikov izgovorjenih besed, izpuščanje oblikoslovnega označevalca množine -s in označevalca preteklosti -ed v stavkih).
Using word and sentence repetition tasks the accuracy of children’s phonological and morphosyntactic perception and memory of SE was determined.
V raziskavi so s ponavljajočo uporabo določene besede in stavka določili pravilnost otrokove glasoslovne ter oblikoslovne in skladenjske predstave in pomnjenje KA.
Correlation analyses revealed significant and strong relationships with reading.
Analiza korelacije je razkrila pomembno in trdno povezavo z branjem.
Phonological accuracy in kindergarten was specifically related to children’s first and second grade word decoding and recognition, whereas as morphosyntactic accuracy was specifically related to second grade reading comprehension and story recall.
Glasoslovna pravilnost v vrtcu je bila specično povezana z besednim »dešifriranjem« in prepoznavanjem v prvem in drugem razredu, oblikoslovna in skladenjska pravilnost pa je bila specično povezana z razumevanjem prebranega in obnavljanjem zgodbe v drugem razredu.
There are three major models for early education provision.
Za predšolsko vzgojo so trije glavni modeli.
The first and most important model, which accounts for the vast majority of preprimary education provision, adopts a childfocused, centrebased, professional delivery strategy.
Prvi in najpomembnejši model, ki velja za večinskega, je predšolska vzgoja, ki v središče postavlja otroka ter je strokovna in institucionalno organizirana.
This provision includes centrebased child care in the care tradition, targeted preprimary educational intervention programmes, and early general preschooling in public preprimary schools, kindergartens or reception classes of primary schools.
Zagotavlja institucionalno (center-based) varstvo v skladu s tradicijo otroškega varstva, določene intervencijske programe predšolske vzgoje in splošno pripravo na šolo v javnih predšolskih institucijah, vrtcih ali sprejemnih razredih v primarnih šolah.
The actual provision and programmes differ hugely on such characteristics as when they start, their intensity and duration (the so-called ‘intervention dose’), the pedagogical approach and curriculum, the child-to-staff ratio, and teachers’ education (see Chapters 3, 4 and 5 for a detailed comparison).
Dejanska oskrba in programi se med seboj zelo razlikujejo po tem, kdaj se začnejo, po intenzivnosti in trajanju (t. i. odmerku intervencije), pedagoških prijemih in kurikulumu, izobraževanju vzgojiteljev in razmerju med številom otrok in vzgojiteljev (za natančnejše primerjave glej 3. 4. in 5. poglavje).
The centrebased model can be expanded by incorporating strategies to work with parents, families, and communities, in order to support and empower them, leading to a combination model.
Institucionalni model se lahko razširi v sodelovanje s starši, družinami in različnimi skupnostmi – zato da bi jih krepil in jim pomagal – ter vodi v kombinirani model.
The second major model consists of various childfocused, home-based care services and education programmes, typically using relatively untrained non-professionals – for example parents and ‘grass root’ paraprofessional workers – as delivery agents.
Drugi glavni model je na otroka usmerjeno varstvo na domu z vzgojnimi programi, ki jih navadno vodijo relativno neizšolani posamezniki, na primer starši ali parastrokovnjaki.
The third model consists of a wide array of parent or family focused support programmes.
Tretji model je množica starševskih ali družinsko usmerjenih programov pomoči.
Usually, systems and programmes of family support offer a diversity of services and activities tailored to the multiple needs of families.
Sistemi in programi za pomoč družinam ponavadi ponujajo različne storitve in dejavnosti, prilagojene številnim potrebam družine.
In the following, research on the efficacy of these different models will be reviewed, starting with the model that seems most promising for closing the ethnic education gap: the centrebased model that adopts a multisystemic approach by combining quality education for children with a focus on parents and family support.
V nadaljevanju bomo pregledali raziskavo o učinkovitosti omenjenih modelov. Začeli bomo z modelom, ki največ obeta pri odpravljanju etničnih vzgojnih vrzeli: institucionalnim modelom, v katerem
Centre-based‘model’ education programmes combined with parent support
Institucionalni model programov predšolske vzgoje v kombinaciji s pomočjo staršem
Early Childhood Education and Carein Europe: Tackling Social and Cultural Inequalities
Splošno razširjeni programi predšolske vzgoje v javnih institucijah: kakovost in »količina«
Largescale programmes and public preprimary schools
Redke študije o učinkovitosti javnih predšolskih sistemov v
Large scale centrebased programmes, including nation wide public preprimary schools, are reported to be (slightly) less effective – although the evidence for this is complicated.
evropskih državah kažejo na njihovo srednje močno učinkovitost.
There are a few studies on the efficacy of public preprimary systems in European countries that show medium sized effects. van Tuijl and Leseman (2007) studied the effects of the Dutch preprimary kindergarten (part of the primary school system) on about 300 Turkish-Dutch and Moroccan-Dutch 4-6-year-old children’s verbal and fluid cognitive abilities.
Van Tuijl in Leseman (2007) sta preučevala učinkovitost nizozemske predšolske vzgoje (ta je del primarnega šolskega sistema), tako da sta preverjala ui-dnost spoznavnih in verbalnih sposobnosti 300 turškonizozemskih in maroško-nizozemskih otrok, starih od 4 do 6 let.
Preprimary Kindergarten in the Netherlands starts at age 4 and is compulsory from age 5.
Priprava na šolo se na Nizozemskem začne s četrtim letom, od petega leta naprej pa je obvezna.
Participations rates are quite high: over 95 % of all 4-year-olds and 100 % of all 5 to 6-year-olds.
Udeleženost je precej visoka: več kot 95 odstotkov vseh štiriletnikov in 100 odstotkov vseh pet- in šestletnikov.
Due to this, a (quasi)experimental approach was not feasible. Therefore, van Tuijl and Leseman used a well-researched, cultural fair, age-norm referenced intelligence test to determine increases in full-scale intelligence, and in verbal as well as non-verbal fluid intelligence.
Ker zaradi tega (kvazi) eksperimentalna obravnava ni bila mogoča, sta van Tuijl in Leseman za merjenje vsesplošne inteligence, še posebej pa verbalne in neverbalne fluidne inteligence, uporabila dobro preverjen, kulturno pravičen in letom primeren inteligenčni test.
Turkish-Dutch and Moroccan-Dutch children’s intelligence was upon introduction to kindergarten on average about 18 points below the age mean (1.2 standard deviation).
Turško-nizozemski in maroško-nizozemski otroci so imeli ob vstopu v vrtec za 18 točk slabši uspeh od povprečja (standardni odklon 1,2).
Two years of participating in kindergarten during 22 hours per week led to an average increase relative to the age norm with almost 9 points (standard effect size 0.6), thus halving the gap.
Po dveh letih obiskovanja vrtca 22 ur na teden se je njihov uspeh, glede na starostno predpisano normo, v povprečju izboljšal za skoraj 9 točk (standardna velikost učinka 0,6) in tako prepolovil njihov prejšnji intelektualni primanjkljaj.