natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
However, policies which encourage access to the available services by the most disadvantaged can be observed in some countries.
Toda v nekaterih državah lahko opazimo politike spodbujanja dostopa do storitev za najbolj prikrajšane.
In Finland and Sweden, the right to daytime childcare services is guaranteed for all children: in Finland from the end of maternity leave or parental leave, and in Sweden from the child’s first birthday.
Na Finskem in Švedskem je dnevno varstvo zagotovljeno vsem otrokom: na Finskem je na voljo po koncu porodniškega ali starševskega dopusta, na Švedskem po prvem rojstnem dnevu.
In Finland, it is the responsibility of parents to apply to the municipal authority for an ECEC place.
Na Finskem morajo starši na občini zaprositi za mesto v predšolski vzgoji in varstvu.
The authority offers a place either in a daycare centre [or childcare centre] or in family day care.
Za to pristojni organ ponudi mesto v centru za dnevno varstvo (ali centru za otroško varstvo) ali v domačem varstvu.
The service may be tailored to meet the needs of parents (including rotating care in the evenings and at weekends).
Storitev se lahko prilagodi staršem (zagotavlja se tudi varstvo v večernih urah in ob vikendih).
Elsewhere, that is in most other European countries (particularly in Greece, Italy, Austria, Liechtenstein and nearly all Member States from Central and Eastern Europe), provision for 03 year olds reveals local differences since subsidised services are managed almost entirely by local authorities.
Ker je drugod, to je, v večini evropskih držav (zlasti v Grčiji, Italiji, Avstriji, Lihtenštajnu in skoraj v vseh državah članicah iz srednje in vzhodne Evrope) subvencioniranje storitev odvisno od lokalnih oblasti, se to lahko precej razlikuje.
In a few countries, public provision for under-3s is practically non-existent.
Nekatere države nimajo javnega varstva za otroke, mlajše od 3 let.
In addition to the Czech Republic, already mentioned, this is the case in Poland where the participation rate barely reaches 2 %.
Poleg Češke, ki smo jo že omenili, to velja za Poljsko, kjer številka doseže komaj 2 odstotka.
In Ireland, the situation is similar but the ministry for children and Youth Affairs has adopted a National Childcare Investment Programme (2006-2010) which aims to increase formal ECEC provision.
Podobno je na Irskem, vendar pa je ministrstvo sprejelo Nacionalni program naložb v predšolsko vzgojo (National Childcare Investment Programme, 2006–2010), s katerim želi povečati formalno ponudbo predšolske vzgoje in varstva.
In the Netherlands, although compulsory education begins at age 5 with the basisonderwijs, childcare is largely provided by the private sector.
Čeprav se na Nizozemskem začne obvezno izobraževanje pri 5 letih z vpisom v basisonderwijs, otroško varstvo v glavnem zagotavljajo zasebniki.
However, one of the objectives of central government is to ensure that disadvantaged children have access to preschool education from the age of 2.
A eden od ciljev vlade je zagotoviti, da bodo imeli dostop do predšolske vzgoje vsi prikrajšani otroci od 2. leta naprej.
To eliminate or attenuate the effects that the lack of accessible services may have on the most deprived families, nearly all European countries have implemented financial aid planning (Chapter 3, section 3.3).
Da bi odpravile ali ublažile negativne učinke, ki jih ima lahko pomanjkanje dostopnih storitev na najbolj prikrajšane družine, so skoraj vse evropske države uvedle načrte finančne pomoči (3. poglavje, razdelek 3.3).
In many countries the financial contribution from parents for ECEC services is calculated according to a scale based on parental income.
V številnih državah je osnova za izračun starševskega prispevka njihova razvrstitev v plačni razred glede na njihov dohodek.
The aim therefore is to ensure the accessibility of services to disadvantaged families.
Tako želijo zagotoviti dostop do storitev za prikrajšane družine.
In the same spirit, in many countries, tax allowances are given to families to offset the costs of ECEC services.
Z enakim namenom so v številnih državah na voljo davčne olajšave kot nadomestilo za stroške predšolske vzgoje in varstva.
Romania provides vouchers for day nurseries to families which do not receive parental leave while in the United Kingdom families with low or middle incomes receive tax credits – the Working Tax Credit Childcare Element.
Romunija družinam, ki ne izrabijo starševskega dopusta, omogoča vavčerje za dnevne predšolske institucije, v Združenem kraljestvu pa so družinam s srednjimi in nizkimi dohodki na voljo davčne olajšave (Working Tax Credit Childcare Element).
In Spain, places are reserved for children at risk under the age of 3 and reduced fees are charged.
V Španiji imajo za ogrožene otroke, mlajše od 3 let, rezervirana mesta in znižano plačilo.
The attempts made by governments to ensure that ECEC settings take account of the specific needs of disadvantaged children may also take other forms.
Vlade si na različne načine prizadevajo upoštevati posebne potrebe prikrajšanih otrok v predšolski vzgoji in varstvu.
These are mainly pilot projects or experimental programmes and include, for example, the pilot projects Centrum voor Kinderopvang (CKO) [centres for integrated early childhood services] established in Belgium (Flemish Community).
Med njimi so pilotni projekti ali poskusni programi. Taki so na primer pilotni projekti Centrum voor Kinderopvang (CKO) (centri za integrirano predšolsko vzgojo) v Belgiji (amski skupnosti). V Franciji imajo v
Early Childhood Education and Carein Europe: Tackling Social and Cultural Inequalities to give priority to children between the ages of 2 and 5 years who are at risk of educational disadvantage.
Povzetekinsklepne ugotovitve skladu s politiko za zagotavljanje pomoči prednostnim vzgojno-izobraževalnim območjem (zones d'éducation prioritaire) vsi otroci, mlajši od 2 let, ki v njih živijo, zagotovljeno mesto v predšolski enoti.
The policy involves funding play centres (peuterspeelzalen) which provide children aged between 2 and 3 years with part-time daycare and primary schooling for 45 year olds.
Ukrep se nanaša na financiranje igralnih skupin (peuterspeelzalen); te otrokom od 2. do 3. leta omogočajo poldnevno varstvo, 4- do 5-letnim pa primarno izobraževanje.
Hungary has set parallel objectives: since 2008, children from socially, economically or educationally disadvantaged backgrounds (usually determined by parental status and level of education) must be accommodated by the playgroup in their neighbourhood and given priority in other similar settings; non-municipal playgroups must reserve up to a quarter of their places for disadvantaged children.
Madžarska je sprejela niz vzporednih ciljev: od leta 2008 naprej morajo biti otroci, ki so socialno, ekonomsko ali izobrazbeno prikrajšani (prikrajšanost je ponavadi določena s položajem staršev in njihovo stopnjo izobrazbe), vpisani v bližnjo igralno skupino in imeti prednost v drugih vzgojnih okoljih; igralne skupine, ki jih ne subvencionira občina, morajo zagotoviti četrtino mest za prikrajšane otroke.
Portugal relies on settings specifically designed for disadvantaged children – social solidarity centres – together with social/cultural facilitators whose role is to ease the integration of migrant or ethnic minority children into school and non-school environments.
Portugalska se zanaša na vzgojna okolja, oblikovana posebej za prikrajšane otroke – socialno solidarne centre –, katerih naloga je skupaj s socialnimi ali kulturnimi institucijami lajšati integracijo otrok priseljencev in pripadnikov etničnih manjšin v šolo in zunajšolska okolja.
Lastly, since July 2006 in Denmark, all types of care provision have been obliged to carry out environmental impact evaluations with the aim of ensuring that the care environment is favourable to the development of socially disadvantaged children.
Nenazadnje, na Danskem morajo od julija 2006 v vseh oblikah otroškega varstva evalvirati vplive okolja in tako zagotoviti primerno varstvo za razvoj socialno prikrajšanih otrok.
All these initiatives are encouraging.
Vse omenjene spodbude so razveseljive.
They demonstrate an awareness amongst policy makers of the importance of this age educationally, and, more specifically, its importance in countering social inequality and poor educational outcomes.
Kažejo ozaveščenost ustvarjalcev politik o tem, kako pomembno je v tej starostni skupini preprečevati socialno neenakost in slab učni uspeh.
They attest to a political will to promote the participation of children under-3 from families at risk in ECEC.
Potrjujejo politično voljo za večjo vključenost otrok, mlajših od 3 let, iz ogroženih družin v predšolsko vzgojo in varstvo.
From now on, the questions that must be raised relate to the effectiveness of initiatives, that is, which ones really work and deliver the required results?
Od zdaj naprej pa se morajo vprašanja nanašati na učinkovitost spodbud – katere od njih zares delujejo in so uspešne.
However, apart from the English-speaking countries, the Nordic countries, Spain, France and the Netherlands, very few countries mention procedures for evaluating government policies encouraging access of the youngest children or give their results (Chapter 3, section 4).
Toda, razen v angleško govorečih in skandinavskih državah, Španiji, Franciji in na Nizozemskem, redko kje omenjajo postopke za ocenjevanje uspešnosti vladnih politik pri spodbujanju vključevanja najmlajših otrok (3. poglavje, 4. razdelek).
5 childminding centres (). In many European countries, services for this age group still have an economic role – by assuming most often responsibility for looking after children both parents can work, this also has the effect of promoting greater equality between men and women in employment.
V mnogih državah je pri institucijah za otroke do 3. leta še naprej opazna njihova prejšnja, le varstvena vloga.17 V številnih evropskih državah imajo storitve za to starostno skupino še vedno ekonomsko vlogo – s prepuščanjem skrbi za otroke vzgojiteljem lahko oba starša delata, s tem pa se spodbuja tudi večja enakost med moškim in žensko pri zaposlovanju.
It must be remembered in this regard that in some countries, putting the youngest (between 0 and 2 years) in an educational setting depends on whether the mother works.
V zvezi s tem se spomnimo, da je v nekaterih državah vključitev najmlajših otrok (do 2. leta) v varstvo odvisna od tega, ali je mati zaposlena.
While the role of looking after children remains apparent in the provision for the youngest children, there has been a welcome development in most European countries.
V institucijah za najmlajše otroke je še vedno očitna varstvena vloga, vendar se v večini evropskih držav spreminja.
An analysis of the regulations relating to provision for this age group (Chapter 4) reveals an increasing concern for education and social welfare.
Analiza predpisov za to starostno skupino (4. poglavje) razkriva povečano skrb za vzgojo in socialno blaginjo.
More precisely, objectives relating to the wellbeing of children – their emotional, physical and social development have been assigned to ECEC settings.
Natančneje, nakazujejo se cilji, povezani z blaginjo otrok – okolja za predšolsko vzgojo in varstvo morajo namreč skrbeti za njihov čustveni, fizični in socialni razvoj.
The training of staff responsible for the care of under-3s is usually within the tradition of health and social welfare (Chapter 5).
Usposabljanje osebja za varstvo otrok, mlajših od 3 let, večinoma spada na področje zdravstva in socialnega varstva (5. poglavje).
Staff work under the direction of a range of professionals from the fields of psychology, medicine and social work.
Osebje dela pod vodstvom različnih strokovnjakov iz psihologije, medicine in socialnega dela.
In some countries, other professionals (physiotherapists, speech therapists and psychologists) are called in to provide treatment on an ad hoc basis.
V nekaterih državah v določenih primerih poiščejo tudi pomoč drugih strokovnjakov (zioterapevtov, govornih terapevtov in psihologov).
The role of educational counsellor is often assumed by a psychologist.
Vlogo vzgojnega svetovalca pogosto prevzame psiholog.
Remember that, in effect, when day nurseries were established in the nineteenth century, they were given the role of childminding and safekeeping working class children.
17 Spomnimo se, da so imele dnevne predšolske institucije (day nurseries) ob svoji ustanovitvi v devetnajstem stoletju nalogo varstva in varovanja otrok delavcev.
Freeing mothers from their responsibility to educate their children and enabling them to join the workforce, day nurseries were destined to perform a prophylactic role: to preserve young children from illnesses due to poor hygiene which, at the time, resulted in a high mortality rate.
Matere so pri vzgoji otrok razbremenile in jim omogočile zaposlovanje. Predšolske institucije so dobile tudi preventivno vlogo: varovati majhne otroke pred boleznimi zaradi slabe higiene, ki je v tistem času povzročala visoko stopnjo umrljivosti otrok.
The problem is more widespread and affects all countries with the exception of the Nordic countries.
Predšolska vzgojain varstvo v Evropi: odpravljanjesocialneinkulturne neenakosti
The lack of provision affects parents’ choice in deciding whether or not to look after their children at home and, consequently, affects the career development of mothers.
Pomanjkanje ponudbe predšolske vzgoje in varstva vpliva na odločitev staršev, ali bodo skrbeli za svoje otroke doma ali ne; odločitev posledično vpliva na poklicni razvoj mater.
This second issue will be examined later.
Tega se bomo dotaknili pozneje.
It is appropriate, therefore, to examine the obstacles to participation and factors which may prevent children from attending ECEC settings.
Na tem mestu je primerno raziskati ovire in dejavnike, ki preprečujejo vključitev otrok v predšolsko vzgojo in varstvo.
These factors are varied.
Dejavniki so različni.
In the first instance there is the scarcity of provision and the fees charged.
Na prvem mestu sta pomanjkanje ponudbe in višina prispevkov.
The opening hours of centres and how compatible these are with the working hours of mothers is another contentious point.
Ujemanje odpiralnega časa centrov z delovnim časom mater je naslednja sporna točka.
Other factors operate in a more subtle way.
Preostali dejavniki so bolj subtilne narave.
Benefits provided for parents in the form of parental leave and/or allowances (Chapter 3, section 1) may impede participation even though sufficient services are available.
Podpora staršem – starševski dopust oziroma dodatki (3. poglavje, 1. razdelek) – lahko ovira vključitev otroka, čeprav so storitve na voljo.
In countries such as Estonia, Lithuania, Austria and even Romania, it appears as though the generous system of parental leave and allowances encourages parents to choose to look after children at home rather than use ECEC settings.
Zdi se, da v državah, kot so Estonija, Litva, Avstrija in celo Romunija, velikodušni sistem porodniškega dopusta in olajšav starše celo spodbuja, da skrbijo za otroke doma, namesto da bi jih vpisali v vrtec.
This phenomenon can be reinforced when legislation requires a reduction in parental leave and allowances if the child attends an education/care setting, even if attendance is only parttime.
Ta pojav krepi dejstvo, da zakonodaja predvideva skrajšanje starševskega dopusta in znižanje dodatkov, če otrok obiskuje vzgojno-varstvene dejavnosti, čeprav le za kratek čas.
In other countries such measures are more flexible in that parental rights are adjusted in relation to the number of hours a child attends a setting.
V drugih državah so takšni predpisi prožnejši, tako da so pravice staršev usklajene s številom ur, ki jih otroci preživijo v varstvu.
However, in either case it would appear that these measures have a dissuasive effect on parents.
Toda v obeh primerih se zdi, da imajo omenjeni predpisi nasprotne učinke od želenih.
There is therefore a choice to be made with respect to children’s policies.
Zato se je treba odločiti med politikami o ravnanju z otroki.
Norway’s position highlights the issues faced.
Problem osvetljuje položaj na Norveškem.
Families in Norway (as in Sweden and Finland) can choose to look after their 13 year-old in the home and receive cash payments rather than place their child in an education/care centre.
Družine na Norveškem (tudi na Švedskem in Finskem) se raje odločijo, da bodo za otroke do 3. leta skrbele doma in za to prejele gotovinsko plačilo, kot da bi jih vpisale v vrtec.
In spite of this generous offer, it appears that fewer families take advantage of it when the number of ECEC places increases; in other words, when given the opportunity, the majority of parents resort to an education/care setting for their child.
Kljub tako velikodušni ponudbi pa se zdi, da se zanjo odloča manj družin, če je v vzgojnih okoljih na voljo več mest; z drugimi besedami, če imajo starši možnost izbire, se večinoma odločijo za vključitev svojega otroka v vzgojno-varstveno okolje.
Furthermore, a national survey in 2002 revealed a negative correlation between the level of education and parental income and the take-up of these services.
Nacionalna anketa iz leta 2002 pa je razkrila negativno korelacijo med stopnjo izobrazbe, dohodki staršev in odločitvijo za vrtec.
Lowincome families use the education/care settings less and prefer to take advantage of the financial benefits of looking after their children at home.
Družine z nizkimi dohodki so se zanj odločile manjkrat; raje so izrabile finančne ugodnosti in vzgajale otroka doma.
The study carried out in the Flemish Community of Belgium also reveals the influences of the socioeconomic and cultural status of families with respect to choices made in the education of young children.
Študija, ki so jo izvedli v flamski skupnosti v Belgiji, prav tako razkriva vpliv socialnega, ekonomskega in kulturnega položaja družine na odločitve o vzgoji majhnih otrok.
The survey conducted in 2004 shows that participation rates are lower among children from deprived ethnic minority backgrounds and those from single parent families.
Anketa, ki so jo izvedli leta 2004, kaže manjši delež vključenosti otrok prikrajšanih staršev etničnih manjšin in enostarševskih družin.
However, these groups benefit from a legal right to priority access. Such socially vulnerable families reject ECEC services due to formal and informal obstacles.
Čeprav imajo te skupine zakonsko pravico do prednostnega dostopa, predšolsko vzgojo in varstvo zaradi formalnih in neformalnih ovir pogosto zavračajo.
Formal obstacles include waiting lists, the requirement for regular attendance and the obligation to respect the rules of the setting.
Med formalne ovire spadajo čakalne vrste, zahteve za redno prisotnost in dolžnost spoštovanja pravil okolja.
The informal obstacles include the ‘first come first served’ system, the ways in which information about services is disseminated, the
Za neformalne ovire pa se štejejo: sistem »kdor prej pride, prej melje«, način, na katerega so posredovane informacije o storitvah, jezik, ki se uporablja, in odnos zaposlenih.18
There is a political choice between promoting the care of the youngest children at home or encouraging participation in ECEC.
Torej je pomembna politična odločitev: ali bomo spodbujali varstvo najmlajših otrok na domu ali vključevanje otrok v predšolsko vzgojo in varstvo.
If the choice is that children should be encouraged into education/care settings then the measures to be implemented are different from those needed for the alternative choice.
Če se odločimo, da bomo spodbujali vključevanje otrok v vzgojno-var-stvena okolja, moramo ukrepati drugače, kot če se odločimo za varstvo na domu.
In the first case, there is a need for more investment so that provision can be increased, access made easier, opening hours extended and improvements made in quality - particularly in the training requirements for personnel.
Ob odločitvi za prvo je treba povečati naložbe v razširitev ponudbe, omogočati lažji dostop, podaljšati odpiralni čas in izboljšati kakovost – zlasti izobrazbeno raven strokovnih delavcev.
If the alternative choice is made, parental longterm leave would need to be promoted and financial incentives given to encourage take-up.
Če se odločimo za varstvo na domu, je treba podaljšati starševski dopust in ga finančno spodbuditi.
This political choice principally concerns children at-risk as research suggests that they get the greatest benefit from attendance at an ECEC quality setting.
Politična odločitev je še posebej pomembna za ogrožene otroke, saj raziskave kažejo, da z vpisom v kakovostno predšolsko vzgojo in varstvo največ pridobijo prav ti.
Home-based education, even when providing parental support, is usually not enough to close the educational gap.
Domača vzgoja, celo s programi za podporo družini, ponavadi ne zadošča za zmanjšanje vrzeli v zgodnjem izobraževanju.
The data presented in Chapter 2 are illuminating with respect to the inequalities between men and women at work particularly in households with at least one child.
Podatki iz 2. poglavja ponujajo vpogled v enakost zaposlenih moških in žensk, zlasti v gospodinjstvih z enim otrokom.
In these households, the female activity rate is significantly lower than the male’s.
V teh gospodinjstvih je stopnja delovne aktivnosti žensk malo nižja od moških.
It is not surprising that the differential is related to the age of the children in the household: when the youngest child in the family is under 2 years of age, less than 60 % of women state that they are in work or looking for work.
Ne preseneča, da je razlika povezana s starostjo otrok: kadar je najmlajši otrok v družini star manj kot 2 leti, je zaposlenih žensk ali iskalk zaposlitve manj kot 60 odstotkov.
This rate increases to 75 % when the youngest child reaches the age of 12.
Delež se poveča na 75 odstotkov, ko najmlajši otrok dopolni 12 let.
More precisely, the female activity rate shows a marked reduction when at least one child is under the age of 2.
Natančneje, stopnja aktivnosti žensk se najbolj zmanjša, ko je najmanj en otrok star manj kot 2 leti.
When the youngest child reaches the age of 3 the rate increases significantly.
Ko je najmlajši otrok star 3 leta, se delež pomembno poveča.
This pattern can be observed, with some variations, throughout the majority of EU member states but particularly in the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia.
Ta vzorec lahko z rahlimi razlikami opazimo v večini držav, članic EU, zlasti pa na Češkem, Slovaškem in Madžarskem.
The political decisions and measures taken with respect to the education of children under 3 years will determine whether the inequalities between men and women in employment persist or are reduced.
Politične odločitve in ukrepi o vzgoji otrok, mlajših od 3 let, bodo odločili, ali se bo neenakost pri zaposlenosti moških in žensk ohranjala ali pa se bo zmanjšala.
If the separation between 03 and 36 year-olds is viewed in the light of our cultural history, it must be recognized that it is not founded on any scientific basis.
Ločitev otrok na tiste do 3. leta in tiste, stare 3 do 6 let, je torej kulturnozgodovinsko pogojena, priznati pa moramo, da nima prav nobenega znanstvenega temelja.
Therefore it would seem a legitimate question to ask why the system for the education and care of young children remains divided into separate settings for those under, and those over, the age of 3.
Zato si lahko upravičeno postavimo vprašanje, zakaj je predšolski sistem vzgoje in varstva še vedno ločen na mlajše in starejše od 3 let.
All European countries, without exception, have implemented accredited and subsidised ECEC services and yet, in most of them, this division persists.
Vse evropske države brez izjeme izvajajo subvencionirano in akreditirano predšolsko vzgojo in varstvo, vendar v večini držav ta ločitev ostaja.
In contrast, in Latvia, Slovenia, Finland, Sweden, Iceland and Norway, education/care settings are organised only in a unitary structure.
V nasprotju s tem so vzgojno-varstvene institucije v Latviji, Sloveniji, na Finskem, Švedskem, Islandiji in Norveškem organizirane enovito.