natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
In these countries, therefore, not only do parents have incentives to place their children in ECEC settings, but the settings themselves are given the financial or human resources to ensure that their needs can be appropriately met.
V teh državah si zato za vključitev otrok v predšolsko vzgojo in varstvo ne prizadevajo le starši, ampak tudi institucije, saj imajo za ta namen na voljo dodatne finančne in človeške vire.
Countries that provide additional financial support for ECEC settings and charge fees from families usually have a standard system for redressing inequality.
Države, ki zagotavljajo dodatno finančno podporo institucijam in hkrati družinam nalagajo plačevanje prispevkov, imajo ponavadi sistemsko urejene mehanizme za odpravljanje neenakosti.
The level of fee depends on the family income, with a majority of countries granting full exemptions for the most deprived.
Plačevanje prispevkov je v tem primeru odvisno od družinskega dohodka, pri čemer večina držav najbolj ogrožene družine oprosti plačila.
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
POVZETEK IN SKLEPNE UGOTOVITVE
Young children, school and society
Majhni otroci, šola in družba
For historical reasons, free compulsory schooling generally starts between the ages of five and seven in European countries.
Iz zgodovinskih razlogov se v evropskih državah obvezno šolanje na splošno začne od petega do sedmega leta starosti.
History reveals that education systems have been constructed – at least in part – from the top down.
Zgodovina razkriva, da so bili izobraževalni sistemi – vsaj delno – ustvarjeni od zgoraj navzdol.
The first universities appeared at the end of the thirteenth century.
Prve univerze so se pojavile konec trinajstega stoletja.
Soon afterwards, colleges began to appear, at least in France (royal colleges).
Kmalu potem so se začeli pojavljati kolegiji, vsaj v Franciji (kraljeva visoka šola).
The next main development takes place only in the sixteenth century when Jesuit colleges and other secondary education institutions appear.
Naslednji pomemben razvojni premik se zgodi šele v šestnajstem stoletju, ko se pojavijo jezuitske visoke šole in druge srednje šole.
As for primary schools, their development is progressive.
Primarne šole so se razvijale postopno.
Many experiments in primary education were carried out in various parts of Europe from an early time.
V različnih predelih Evrope so bili že zelo zgodaj številni poskusi za njihovo vpeljavo.
For example, Bell and Lancaster worked in England on "mutual instruction, and other small schools operated under the Ancien Régime in France.
Tako sta se Bell in Lancaster v Angliji ukvarjala z »vzajemnim« poukom, v Franciji pa so v obdobju ancien régime delovale različne majhne šole.
In England schools for religious instruction date back as far as the twelfth century.
V Angliji šole za versko vzgojo izvirajo iz dvanajstega stoletja.
Nevertheless it is only in the eighteen and nineteenth century, for the pioneering countries, and the early part of the twentieth century for many others that primary education became compulsory in Europe.
Kljub temu so prve države uvedle obvezno primarno izobraževanje šele v 18. in 19. stoletju, druge države pa na začetku dvajsetega.
Overall, there appear to be two parallel evolutionary movements.
Na splošno se v razvoju izobraževanja kažeta dve vzporedni gibanji.
The first can be characterised as 'top down', starting with the creation of universities and then addressing the basic education of children once they reach the age of reason (usually at 6 or 7 years of age).
Prvo lahko označimo z »od zgoraj navzdol«; začne se z ustanavljanjem univerz, nato se usmeri k osnovnemu izobraževanju otrok, ko ti dosežejo obdobje razuma (ponavadi pri 6 ali 7 letih).
The second can be seen as 'bottom up' and addresses the educational needs of children from 6 to 15, responding to the concern to give everyone – whatever their situation at birth – a basic or elementary education.
Drugo pot lahko označimo z »od spodaj navzgor«; obravnava izobraževalne potrebe otrok od 6. do 15. leta starosti. Ta pot pomeni prizadevanje za to, da vsak otrok – ne glede na izvor – dobi osnovno ali elementarno izobrazbo.
The first movement indirectly reflects an important reality: grosso modo, until the twentieth century, the school remained an institution serving the élite.
Prvo gibanje posredno izraža pomembno dejstvo: rečeno grobo, približno do dvajsetega stoletja je šola služila eliti.
In other words, while the school as a public organisation – under the authority of parish councils or others concerned with public welfare – already existed for several centuries, primary school as an institution legally and organically embedded in public authority, in the state, is a product of the nineteenth century.
Z drugimi besedami, šola kot javna organizacija je – pod vodstvom vaških (župnijskih) občin in drugih javnih institucij – obstajala že nekaj stoletij, primarna šola kot institucija, ki je pravno in življenjsko povezana z javno oblastjo, državo, pa je zaživela v devetnajstem stoletju.
The twentieth century could be considered as the century of education since it is characterised not only by the development of primary education but also by the extension of secondary education (1) to the masses, and, more recently, the introduction of mass higher education.
Za dvajseto stoletje lahko rečemo, da je stoletje izobraževanja, saj ga ne opredeljuje le razvoj primarnega izobraževanja, ampak tudi vpeljava množičnega sekundarnega13 in nedavno tudi množičnega visokošolske- ga izobraževanja.
The significance of early childhood education (Luc, 1997) is that it will now become the foundation stone of education, reinforcing the historical process of opening education to all, including to those from the most deprived backgrounds.
Zdaj si bo pomen pridobila predšolska vzgoja (Luc, 1997) in postala temeljni kamen izobraževanja; z njo se bo okrepil zgodovinski proces dostopnosti izobraževanja za vse, tudi za tiste iz najbolj prikrajšanih okolij.
Already developing strongly between the two world wars (the development of the American high school is perhaps the best-known example, but the phenomenon can be widely perceived elsewhere, as illustrated at the international conference of the International Bureau of Education (IBE) in 1934 whose theme was access to secondary education) the massification of teaching accelerated after the second world war.
13 Močnemu razvoju sekundarnega izobraževanja smo bila priča že med obema vojnama (razvoj ameriških high school je mogoče najboljši primer, pojav pa je mogoče opaziti tudi drugje; že leta 1934 je bila na mednarodni konferenci Mednarodnega urada za izobraževanje (MUI) glavna tema dostop do sekundarne šole), množično poučevanje pa se je razmahnilo po drugi svetovni vojni. 14 Celo Descartes je menil, da je glavna otrokova značilnost to, da se moti.
This was not the case particularly in the Middle Ages, when children naturally accompanied adults from the age of seven.
15 kulturni zgodovini, saj se vzgoja, po njegovem, začne z začetkom življenja, z rojstvom.
This is now a universally accepted truth.
Danes je to splošno priznana resnica.
It is to Rousseau that we also owe the division of childhood development into distinct stages, the first of which extended from birth to 2 years.
Rousseauju dolgujemo tudi vedenje o različnih stopnjah otrokovega razvoja; prva traja od rojstva do 2. leta.
During this period, the objective was to increase the physical resistance of the child (l’infans) so that it could survive.
V tem obdobju je treba okrepiti fizično odpornost dojenčkov (l’infans), da bodo lahko preživeli.
In particular, it was advisable to pay attention to the child’s feeding – a task which naturally fell on the mother rather than a wet-nurse.
Rousseau je pri tem namenjal pozornost zlasti dojenju – nalogi, ki skladno z naravo pripada materi in ne dojilji.
The next stage was that of childhood (puer) which according to Rousseau lasted from 2 to 12 years.
Naslednje je obdobje otroštva (puer); po Rousseauju traja od 2. do 12. leta.
During this time he considered it too early to reason with a child or even teach it to read.
V tem obdobju je še prezgodaj razpravljati z otrokom ali ga celo učiti branja.
This distinctive preliminary phase of development which lasts until age 2 or 3 seems to have deep roots in our cultural history.
Zdi se, da ima prvo razvojno obdobje do 2. ali 3. leta globoke korenine v naši kulturni zgodovini.
From an analysis of texts written in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries by various protestant authors and, above all, from an education textbook, ‘The New England Primer’ which is estimated to have sold six million copies between 1687 and the first half of the eighteenth century in a relatively sparsely populated America, Thomas and Michel (1994) point out that it was standard practice to distinguish infancy (birth to 18 months or 2 years) from childhood (aged 2 to 57 years).
Thomas in Mitchel (1994) opozarjata, da analiza besedil iz sedemnajstega in osemnajstega stoletja različnih protestantskih avtorjev in šolskega učbenika The New England Primer – katerega prodajo od 1687. leta do prve polovice osemnajstega stoletja v relativno redko poseljeni Ameriki ocenjujejo na šest milijonov izvodov – razkriva standardno prakso razlikovanja med zgodnjim otroštvom (od rojstva do 18 mesecev ali 2 let) in otroštvom (od 2. do 5. oziroma 7. leta).
During infancy, which was considered to last until the infant could walk and say a few words, the child depended entirely on adults to meet its physical needs.
Menili so, da zgodnje otroško obdobje traja, dokler dojenček ne shodi in izgovori prvih besed.
From age 2 to 57 years, it was believed that the faculty of reason had not yet developed and that instruction should be mainly religious and rest on
Zato da izpolni svoje fizične potrebe je popolnoma odvisen od odraslih.
A third factor – the economic factor – must be highlighted in order to understand the growth of interest in the education of young children from the beginning of the twentieth century.
Da bi lahko razumeli povečano zanimanje za vzgojo majhnih otrok v začetku dvajsetega stoletja, je treba omeniti še tretji dejavnik – ta je ekonomski.
Diderot (1713-1784) had clearly understood the economic importance of caring for infants.
Diderot (1713–1784) se je povsem zavedal ekonomske vloge pri skrbi za dojenčke.
In his ‘Instructions for Midwives’, he explained that a nation was more prosperous the more hands it had for manufacturing goods and for bearing weapons in its defence.
V svojem delu Navodila za babice je razlagal, da je narod toliko uspešen, kolikor rok ima za proizvodnjo dobrin in nošnjo orožja za svojo obrambo.
Even in the eighteenth century, Descartes considered that the main characteristic of the child was to err.
Za udejanjanje tega je predlagal dvoje: zmanjšanje stopnje umrljivosti dojenčkov in učinkovitejše delovanje sirotišnic za zapuščene otroke.
In short, until the eighteenth century, young children did not count for much; the lack of interest shown in them by the medical field was symptomatic of this fact.
Omenjena teorija je doživela svoj drugi val v dvajsetem stoletju z ekonomskimi teorijami o človeškem kapitalu in zalogami talentov (Van Haecht, 1992).
Paediatrics did not emerge until the end of the nineteenth century.
Po prvi teoriji ima ekonomski sistem koristi, če vlaganje v izobraževalni sistem poveča človeški kapital.
Similarly, children’s place in literature was insignificant until the seventeenth century.
Teorija zaloge talentov pa trdi, da je mogoče in zaželeno, da vsaka država do skrajnosti poveča svoj potencial talentov z optimizacijo in upravljanjem svojih izobraževalnih virov.
In the preliminary pages of Emile (Paris, Garnier Flammarion, 1966), he writes: 'Early education is the most important' (p. 35).
Ta kratek zgodovinski ovinek nam pomaga razumeti povečano zanimanje za vzgojo majhnih otrok od začetka dvajsetega stoletja naprej.
Summary and Conclusions make more effective use of orphanages for abandoned children.
Povzetekinsklepne ugotovitve matere.
Historical changes in education systems – as explained above – which were constructed from the top (university level) but have gradually spread downwards to embrace younger age groups.
Iz tega lahko kvečjemu sklepamo, da je vzgojna vloga predšolskih institucij čedalje bolj priznana – vsaj, kar zadeva 3- do 6-letne otroke –, saj jim svoje otroke zaupajo tudi nezaposlene matere.
Changes in our view of childhood and, due to the development of child psychology, an increasing understanding of the importance of the first years of life.
Predšolska vzgoja in varstvo za 3- do 6-letne otroke – prva stopnica na izobraževalni lestvici
From this, it can be assumed that the truly educational role of preprimary institutions is increasingly recognized – at least with respect to 3 to 6 year-olds – since mothers entrust them with their offspring even when they are not in employment.
Širitev vzgojnega sistema navzdol je zlasti očitna, ko gre za otroke iz starostne skupine od 3 do 6 let.
Settings for 36 year-olds, the first rung on the educational ladder
Večina evropskih držav soglaša, da različni tipi vzgoje za to starostno skupino pomenijo prvo stopnico na izobraževalni lestvici.
The movement to extend the education system downwards is particularly evident with respect to the 36 age group.
To lahko sklepamo zlasti iz ugotovitev v 3. poglavju.
There are several distinct trends.
O tem pričajo tudi nekatere očitne težnje.
ECEC programmes for 36 year-olds exist in all European countries and at this level (ISCED 0), the mission to educate is clear and overrides the childminding function related to parental employment.
Programe predšolske vzgoje in varstva za 3- do 6-letne otroke imajo v vseh evropskih državah. Njihovo poslanstvo na tej ravni (ISCED 0) je vzgajati; vzgoja je prevladala varstveno vlogo, povezano z zaposlitvijo staršev.
The aim everywhere is to stimulate cognitive, social and cultural development and to prepare children for early learning activities in reading writing and maths.
Cilj programov je spodbujanje otrokovega kognitivnega, socialnega in kulturnega razvoja ter priprava na zgodnje učne dejavnosti – branje, pisanje in matematiko.
Furthermore, staff working at this level of education have a pedagogy-related training which combines practical work experience with theoretical classes intended to produce qualified teachers or general educators.
Še več, strokovni delavci imajo pedagoško izobrazbo, ki združuje praktične delovne izkušnje s teoretičnimi predmeti, potrebnimi za učitelje ali vzgojitelje.
To sum up, the preprimary level (ISCED 0) is characterised by a consistency in staffing – across most of Europe it involves teachers working in educationally-oriented teams and leading the majority of activities for children.
Značilno je, da imajo povsod po Evropi v programih predšolske vzgoje (ISCED 0) strokovne delavce – vzgojitelje. Delajo v vzgojo naravnanih skupinah in izvajajo večino dejavnosti za otroke.
This does not stop other assistants or professionals from contributing (physiotherapists, speech therapists or occupational therapists) or specialist teachers from providing recovery programmes or supporting children at risk and those with learning difficulties.
To pa ne preprečuje sodelovanja drugih pomočnikov ali strokovnjakov (zioterapevtov, govornih ali delovnih terapevtov), vzgojiteljev specialistov v programih za odpravljanje škode in za pomoč ogroženim otrokom ter otrokom s posebnimi vzgojnimi težavami.
Another indication that services for 36 year-olds are considered to be the first rung on the educational ladder is the way in which these services are financed.
Način financiranja storitev za 3- do 6-letne otroke je drugi pokazatelj, da so te prva stopnica na izobraževalni lestvici.
In most European countries this phase is funded by central authorities.
V večini evropskih držav se finančna sredstva za to obdobje namenjajo iz centralnega proračuna.
As shown in Chapter 6, it is rare (Austria only) that local funding is the sole source.
Kot lahko vidimo v 6. poglavju, je izključno lokalni vir financiranja zelo redek (le Avstrija).
Apart from ten countries, financial support comes mainly from the central level.
Finančna sredstva se večinoma zagotavljajo neposredno iz centralnega proračuna, le v desetih državah je drugače.
However, it cannot be said yet that education is free in the same way as it is at primary level, except in about fifteen countries.
Kljub temu ne moremo reči, da je vzgoja brezplačna tako kot primarno izobraževanje; to velja le za približno petnajst držav.
Although families of 36 year-olds contribute less than families of the younger age group, about 16 countries still seek some form of parental contribution.
Čeprav družine s 3- do 6-letnimi otroki plačujejo manj kot tiste z otroki iz mlajše starostne skupine, pa okoli 16 držav še vedno zahteva različne oblike starševskih prispevkov.
If attendance becomes compulsory at preprimary level, even part-time (as it is now in some countries), then it would seem inevitable that provision will become free.
Če naj bi udeležba otroka v predšolski vzgoji postala obvezna – lahko le poldnevna (zdaj je tako le v nekaterih državah) –, potem mora neizogibno postati brezplačna.
The provision of free education is a key issue particularly with respect to children at risk.
Brezplačna vzgoja je zelo pomembna zlasti za ogrožene otroke.
There is an inherent contradiction in relying on ECEC provision to combat social inequality and school failure whilst, at the same time, seeking financial contributions from parents.
Protislovno je, da se pri spoprijemanju z neenakimi izhodiščnimi možnostmi in šolskim neuspehom zanašamo na predšolsko vzgojo in varstvo, obenem pa zahtevamo plačevanje prispevkov staršev.
Certainly, in many countries, assistance is provided to households with children in various forms, from reduced taxes to family allowances, reduced fees or even fees exemption for access to ECEC settings (see Figure 3.2).
Res pa je, da so v mnogih državah na voljo različne oblike pomoči za gospodinjstva z otroki: od znižanih davčnih dajatev do družinskih dodatkov, zmanjšanih prispevkov ali celo oprostitve plačevanja prispevkov za predšolsko vzgojo (glej preglednico 3.2).
It is important, however, to assess in each case whether such financial help has the desired effect, namely to encourage the participation of children at risk in ECEC provision.
Toda pomembno je, da učinkovitost vsake oblike finančne pomoči ocenimo v povezavi z zadanim ciljem – spodbuditi vključevanje ogroženih otrok v predšolsko vzgojo in varstvo.
Whilst the participation of 4 and 5 year-olds in preprimary provision is high in Europe, it is not maximised; 87 % for 4 year-olds and 93 % for 5 year-olds (see Figure 2.9).
Čeprav je v Evropi vključenost 4- in 5-letnih otrok v predšolsko vzgojo visoka, pa ni maksimalna; vključenih je 87 odstotkov 4-letnih in 93 odstotkov 5-letnih otrok (glej preglednico 2.9).
It would seem to be a positive sign that these rates are so high when there is almost no obligation for children to attend these settings before 5 or 6 years, but the question remains on the profile of children who do not attend and why.
Zdi se, da so tako visoke številke pozitiven znak, saj vpis v vrtec pred 5 ali 6 letom ni obvezen; ostaja pa vprašanje, kateri otroci se ne vpišejo v vrtec in zakaj.
There is a strong possibility that these are often children from families at risk and, if this is the case, educational provision for this age group is not yet sufficient throughout the whole of Europe.
Zelo verjetno je, da gre prav za otroke iz ogroženih družin, in če je to res, potem vzgojna ponudba za to starostno skupino v Evropi še vedno ni zadovoljiva.
The budget allocated to this level of education (ISCED 0) provides an indication of the effort made by European countries to develop educational provision for this age group.
Proračunska sredstva, namenjena za to stopnjo izobraževanja (ISCED 0), izražajo napor evropskih držav, da bi razvile primerno vzgojno ponudbo za to starostno skupino. Preglednica 2.12 prikazuje proračunska sredstva glede na BDP.
The general trend is that spending on preprimary education has evolved in a way which mirrors changes in the GDP; for most European countries spending was stable between 2001 and 2004.
Splošna ugotovitev je, da se proračunska sredstva za predšolsko vzgojo spreminjajo v skladu s spremembami BDP; večina evropskih držav je imela med letoma 2001 in 2004 stabilno financiranje. Demograf-
However, demographic changes can confuse the issue – if staffing increases or reduces while spending remains stable, it can result in a reduction or an increase in resources per capita.
Predšolska vzgojain varstvo v Evropi: odpravljanjesocialneinkulturne neenakosti ske spremembe lahko to sliko spremenijo – če se poveča ali zmanjša število osebja, sredstva pa ostajajo enaka, potem se lahko sredstva na prebivalca povečajo ali zmanjšajo.
For this reason, the data in Figure 2.13 (expenditure per capita) is particularly useful.
Zato so še posebej uporabni podatki iz preglednice 2.13 (izdatki na prebivalca).
Except for Greece, the trend is for an increase between 2001 and 2004.
Med letoma 2001 in 2004 opažamo povečanje v vseh državah, razen v Grčiji.
In general, the countries of the EU are devoting more and more resources to this level of the education system.
Evropske države za to stopnjo izobraževalnega sistema na splošno namenjajo vedno več proračunskih sredstev (glej preglednico 2.14).
Altogether, these trends are rather encouraging. In the majority of European countries, educational provision for 45 year-olds is increasingly becoming the first rung on the educational ladder.
Zato so, gledano v celoti, ti trendi precej spodbudni.V večini evropskih držav predšolska vzgoja za 4- do 5-letne otroke vedno bolj postaja prva stopnica na izobraževalni lestvici.
Provision for under-3s – still not fully recognized as a level of education
Vzgoja za otroke, mlajše od 3 let, še vedno ni v celoti priznana kot stopnja izobraževanja
Provision for under-3s still varies a good deal from one country to the next and has still not been recognised by society as a fully-fledged level of education.
Vzgoja za otroke, mlajše od 3 let, se še vedno precej razlikuje od države do države in v družbi še vedno ni popolnoma priznana kot stopnja izobraževanja.
There is one telling indicator – data on various aspects of this phase is either lacking or unreliable because it is not standardised.
Dokaz za to so podatki o tem obdobju; ker niso standardizirani, manjkajo ali niso zanesljivi.
Eurostat does not therefore supply harmonised data on provision for 03 year-olds as regards participation in settings and, consequently, national data must be relied upon.
Zato Eurostat nima usklajenih podatkov o tem, koliko otrok, starih do 3 let, je v vrtcih; zanašati se je treba na nacionalne podatke.
Fortunately, such data is available for many countries and indicates that there are wide differences in provision between countries. At one
Ti so na srečo na voljo v številnih državah in kažejo, da so med državami velike razlike.
Summary and Conclusions extreme, the Czech Republic has only 0.5 % of youngest children enrolled in an ECEC setting whilst, at the other extreme, the Nordic countries have participation rates above 50 %, reaching 83 % in Denmark.
Na enem koncu je na Češkem v predšolsko vzgojo in varstvo vpisanih le 0,5 odstotka majhnih otrok, v skandinavskih državah na drugem koncu je vpis več kot 50-odstoten, na Danskem pa kar 83-odstoten.
A further indication of governments’ lesser involvement in the care of the youngest children is the way in which this sector is financed (Chapter 6).
Drugi pokazatelj, da je zanimanje vlad za vzgojo in varstvo najmlajših otrok manjše, je način financiranja (6. poglavje).
In all countries, except in Hungary, parents are required to make a contribution to the costs of provision and, in most cases, public funding comes from local sources.
V vseh državah, razen na Madžarskem, morajo starši za varstvo plačati, in v večini primerov se javna sredstva zagotavljajo iz lokalnih virov.
Free provision is clearly a long way off.
Jasno je, da je brezplačno varstvo še daleč.