natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Taken together, it is argued, the directives provide ‘a solid and comprehensive basis to ensure that the principle of non-discrimination is respected’.
Gledano v celoti, direktive zagotavljajo ‘trden in celovit temelj za to, da se spoštuje načelo nediskriminacije’.
It is also intended that such legislation will enable individuals to take their cases to national courts (European Commission 2007a, p.1).
Poleg tega je namen take zakonodaje omogočiti posameznikom, da svoje zadeve urejajo na nacionalnih sodiščih (Evropska komisija 2007a, str. 1).
However, the impact of EU law has varied between member states depending, among other things, on the form of conventional gender relations in existence and the strength of organised feminism. As Walby notes,
Predpisi EU so v državah članicah učinkovali različno, med drugim zaradi konvencionalnih odnosov med spoloma, pa tudi glede na moč organiziranih feminističnih gibanj. Kot je zapisala S. Walby,
[t]he impact of the law is varied between member states, depending on the nature of the pre-existing gender regime, the extent to which the law is utilised, on the mobilisation and power of feminist lobbies both within and outside the labour movement and the impact of other dimensions of the EU such as the fiscal regime (Walby 1999, p. 132).
[j]e vpliv predpisov v državah članicah različen, glede na to, kakšen je bil prejšnji režim enakosti spolov, kako so se predpisi uporablja- li, pa tudi glede na mobilizacijo in moč feminističnih lobijev v delavskem gibanju ali zunaj njega ter vpliv drugih predpisov v EU, npr. fiskalnega režima (Walby 1999, str. 132).
Irish entry into the EU forced the removal of the ban on married women working in the civil service, thus reducing significantly the large gap between Irish men and women’s wages.
Vstop v EU je Irsko prisilil, da je za poročene ženske odpravila prepoved dela v javnih službah; s tem so se pomembno zmanjšale razlike v plačah za moške in ženske.
In the case of Denmark however, EU policies led to the widening of a smaller wagegap between men and women, due to the ability of the European Union as a ‘regulatory state’ to enforce free market practices on Denmark on entry into the Union.
Na Danskem pa je politika EU vodila k večanju majhnih plačnih razlik med moškimi in ženskami, in sicer s tem, ko je kot ‘država regulatorka’uveljavila prakso svobodnega trga tudi na Danskem.
Gender Differencesin Educational Outcomes
Položaj žensk in moških v EU je naslednji.
Concepts of equality and equal opportunities, and how they can be interpreted, have also developed historically and culturally.
• Ženske so najpogosteje žrtve spolnega nasilja, ženske in dekleta so manj zaščitene pred trgovanjem z ljudmi (Evropska komisija, 2009a).
Equality as an educational aim is largely a twentiethcentury phenomenon.
Enakost kot izobraževalni cilj se je v glavnem pojavil v dvajsetem stoletju.
Before then, education was seen as a means of preparing different groups for their station in life (as leaders, bureaucrats, workers and mothers).
Pred tem je bilo izobraževanje sredstvo za pripravo različnih skupin za njihove življenjske vloge (voditeljev, uradnikov, delavcev in mater).
Wood (1987) argues that in the twentieth century, four main interpretations of the concept of equal opportunities emerged:
Wood (1987) trdi, da so se v dvajsetem stoletju pojavile štiri interpretacije koncepta enakih možnosti:
Equal life chances Open competition for scarce opportunities Equal cultivation of different capacities Independence of educational attainment from social origins.
• neodvisnost izobraževalnih dosežkov od socialnega izvora.
According to Wood, viewing education as the main instrument in producing equal life chances is unwise because that would require the precondition that outside-school influences must also be equalised such as family income and cultural expectations. In a society where girls and women are viewed as unequal to boys and men, there is little possibility for schools to compensate and so equalise girls’ life chances.
Kot pravi Wood, pogled na izobraževanje kot na glavno sredstvo za ustvarjanje enakih življenjskih možnosti ni najboljši, saj bi morali biti izenačeni tudi zunajšolski vplivi, kot so družinski dohodek in kulturna pričakovanja.V družbi, v kateri ženske in dekleta vidijo kot neenake moškim in fantom, je le malo možnosti, da bi šola to izravnala in izenačila življenjske možnosti deklet.
Open competition for scarce opportunities privileges those who start out with benefits (e.g. high family income, cultural affinity with the school).
Odkrito tekmovanje za redke priložnosti daje prednost tistim, ki imajo boljši položaj že na začetku (npr. družinski dohodek, kulturna naklonjenost šoli).
Being a girl might be seen as one of these benefits, since girls do better in many aspects of schooling.
Biti dekle je lahko ena izmed takih ugodnosti, saj so dekleta v mnogih pogledih v šoli uspešnejša.
However, gender is not the only factor and, as we shall see in the next section, it is less influential than parents’ educational level or family income (Sammons, 1995).
Vendar, kot bo razvidno iz naslednjega razdelka, spol ni edini dejavnik; pravzaprav je manj vpliven kot izobrazba staršev ali družinski dohodek (Sammons, 1995).
Seeking to provide equal cultivation of different capacities provided the rationale for the United Kingdom 11+ selection system in the mid-twentieth century, where on the basis of test results, students were allocated to grammar, central/technical or secondary modern schools (or in Scotland, junior or senior secondary schools).
Združeno kraljestvo je poskušalo poskrbeti za enako vzgojo različno zmožnih in sredi dvajsetega stoletja utemeljevalo izbirni sistem 11+, na podlagi katerega so bili učenci razporejeni v gimnazije, tehniške ali druge sekundarne šole (na Škotskem pa v nižje ali višje srednje šole).
It was argued that this system enabled students to profit most from the type of school to which they were best suited intellectually, but in effect, selective schools had different status and therefore differential ability to guarantee good life chances for (most of) their pupils.
Po njihovem mnenju učenci največ pridobijo v šoli, ki je najprimernejša za njihove intelektualne sposobnosti; v resnici pa so imele izbirne šole različen položaj in zato različne možnosti, da bi zagotovile dobre življenjske možnosti za večino svojih učencev.
Equality of opportunity as a means of separating educational attainment from social origins, is Woods’ preferred option but also difficult to achieve.
Enake možnosti kot sredstvo za ločevanje izobraževalnih dosežkov od socialnega izvora se zdi Woodu najboljša možnost, vendar jo je težko uresničiti.
One strategy mentioned by Dore (1976) is to make inequality so visible that the introduction of a compensatory measure is seen as imperative – and indeed this was the basis of much equal opportunities policy in western countries from the 1970s onwards regarding social class.
Ena izmed strategij, omenja jo Dore (1976), je ta, da se neenakosti naredijo tako razvidne, da je vpeljava nadomestnih izravnalnih ukrepov videti nujna – ta ugotovitev je bila po letu 1970 v mnogih zahodnih državah dejansko temelj za politiko, s katero naj bi izboljšali enake možnosti, povezane z družbenim razredom.
However ‘how do we cultivate something that is yet to be, let alone cultivate it equally across all persons?’
Toda ‘kako privzgojiti nekaj, česar še ni, in kako to narediti za vse enako?’ (Wood 1987, str. 6).
For example, in the case of the 11+ examination in Britain, potential was prioritised over achievement.
Pri izpitih 11+ v Združenem kraljestvu so imele npr.
Chapter 1: Gender and Educationin Europe: A Literature Overview up.
Razlike medspoloma priizobraževalnih dosežkih potencialne zmožnosti prednost pred dosežki.
It is relatively easy, Halsey et al. argue, to judge the relative merits of group and individual fairness at a philosophical level.
Za drugi pogled na enake možnosti je značilno zavzemanje za trojno kategorizacijo: formalne možnosti, dejanske možnosti in izidi (Halsey in sod., 1980).
However, the problem lies in any system’s ability to guarantee equality between groups.
S formalnimi možnostmi je mišljeno, ali sistem res omogoča vpis v šolo in izobraževanje oziroma ali imajo vsi učenci pri tem enake pravice.
A third (and most recent) perspective on gender equality emphasises three main pillars (Booth & Bennett, 2002). First, equal treatment focuses on non-discriminatory practices, though ensures neither a shared starting point nor equal outcomes. Second, positive action involves initiatives and developments aimed at addressing disadvantages experienced by women, which will enable them to catch up with men. Finally, gender sensitive policy analysis or 'gender mainstreaming' refers to the consciously systematic attempt to embed gender equality in institutional governance and culture (Newbigging, 2002). The strategy of gender mainstreaming is strongly promoted by the European Union. It is interpreted by the EU as ranging from removing restrictions from efforts to promote equality to the implementation of specific measures to help women (and men). It includes: mobilising all general policies and measures specifically for the purpose of achieving equality by actively and openly taking into account at the planning stage their possible effects on the respective situation of men and women (gender perspective). This means systematically examining measures and policies and taking into account such possible effects when defining and implementing them (European Commission 2007b, p. 5). Thus, goals to be achieved through gender mainstreaming in education include gender equality in enrolment and completion rates, structural equality within the teaching profession and the addressing of gender stereotypes in school curricula and teacher education (Neimanis, 2001).
Tretji (najnovejši) pogled na enakost spolov poudarja tri glavne stebre (Booth & Bennett, 2002). Prvič, enaka obravnava namenja pozornost nediskriminatorni praksi, čeprav ne zagotavlja niti skupnega začetnega položaja niti enakih izidov. Drugič, med pozitivnimi dejavnostmi so pobude in posegi za odpravo prikrajšanosti žensk, ki naj bi jim omogočili, da dohitijo moške. Končno, analize za enakost spolov občutljive politike ali ‘integracija načela enakosti spolov’ se nanaša na zavestna sistematična prizadevanja, s katerimi naj bi enakost spolov vnesli v institucionalno upravljanje in kulturo (Newbigging, 2002). Evropska unija strategijo za integracijo načela enakosti spolov zelo spodbuja. Pojmuje jo kot premik od odstranjevanja ovir k uveljavljanju posebnih ukrepov za pomoč ženskam (in moškim). Vsebuje: vzpostavitev splošne politike in ukrepov za doseganje enakosti, tako da že ob načrtovanju dejavno in odkrito obravnava mogoče učin- ke na položaj moških in žensk (vidik spola). To pomeni, da je treba sistematično proučevati ukrepe in politiko ter upoštevati mogoče učinke pri določanju ukrepov in njihovem uveljavljanju (Evropska komisija 2007b, str. 5). Med cilji, ki naj bi jih z integracijo načela enakosti spolov dosegli v izobraževanju, je enakost spolov pri vpisnih deležih in deležih diplomantov, strukturna enakost v učiteljskem poklicu ter obravnavanje spolnih stereotipov v šolskih kurikulumih in pri izobraževanju učiteljev (Neimanis, 2001).
Notions of equality are culturally determined however as we have already seen.
Pojem enakosti je, kot je bilo že prikazano, kulturno določen.
Thus, in Sweden which has been a pioneer in terms of policymaking on gender, the word jämställdhet approximating to ‘of equal standing’ in English has become an important concept (Weiner & Berge, 2001). It first appeared in the 1970s and signified, according to Hirdman (1988), agreement to a new ‘gender contract’ concerning a more equal relationship between men and women. It was acceptable to the wider populace mainly because it seemed visionary rather than threatening (Florin & Nilsson, 1998). In policy terms, jämställdhet’s principal goal was to ensure that women and men should have equal rights, duties and possibilities to share power and responsibility. From the 1970s onwards, it was applied to paid and unpaid work, trade union activity and other social structures and activities, 1 including education (), and in the 1990s, it was extended to include violence against women. Thus rape and other forms of sexual abuse were seen as evidence of structural sex-inequality or
Tako je bil izraz jämställdhet v pomenu‘enak položaj’na Švedskem, tam se je politika spolov začela, v angleščini sprejet kot pomemben koncept (Weiner & Berge, 2001). Najprej se je pojavil v sedemdesetih letih in je, kot pravi Y. Hirdman (1988), pomenil sporazum o novi‘pogodbi med spoloma’, ki se nanaša na bolj izenačen odnos med moškimi in ženskami. Za širšo populacijo je bil sprejemljiv predvsem zato, ker je bil bolj vizionarski kot ogrožajoč (Florin & Nilsson, 1998). Rečeno s političnim izrazjem, glavno načelo cilja jämställdhet je bilo moškim in ženskam zagotoviti enake pravice, dolžnosti in možnosti pri delitvi moči in odgovornosti. Po letu 1970 se je uporabljalo pri plačanem in neplačanem delu, sindikalni dejavnosti in v drugih družbenih dejavnostih, tudi v izobraževanju (1); v devetdesetih letih se je razširilo na nasilje nad ženskami. Posilstvo in druge oblike spolnih zlorab so bile razumljene kot sistemska neenakost spolov ali ojämställdhet (2). Glede na navedeno je mogoče trditi, da je bilo (in je) na Švedskem jämställdhet močno orodje za zagotavljanje formalnih možnosti, spodbujanje družbenih in kulturnih sprememb in integriranje načela enakosti spolov v upravljanje. Izrazje, povezano z‘enakostjo’, je bilo večkrat tudi sporno, npr. pri interpretaciji enakosti spolov v primerjavi s pravičnostjo med spoloma.
Proposition 1990/91:113 om en ny jämställdhetslag, m.m. [about the new gender equality legislation] of the Swedish Parliament.
) Predlog švedskega parlamenta 1990/91:113 om en ny jämställdhetslag, m.m. [za novo zakonodajo o enakosti spolov].
Gender Differencesin Educational Outcomes
1. poglavje: Spolinizobraževanje v Evropi: pregledliterature
Gender equality, equality between men and women, entails the concept that all human beings, both men and women, are free to develop their personal abilities and make choices without the limitations set by stereotypes, rigid gender roles and prejudices ...
Enakost spolov, enakost moških in žensk, se razume tako, da so vsi ljudje, moški in ženske, pri razvijanju svojih zmožnosti in pri izbiri svobodni in nanje ne vplivajo omejitve, pogojene s stereotipi, togimi vlogami posameznega spola in predsodki ...
Gender equity means fairness of treatment for women and men, according to their respective needs. This may include equal treatment or treatment that is different but which is considered equivalent in terms of rights, benefits, obligations and opportunities (UNESCO 2000, p. 5).
Pravičnost do spolov pomeni poštenost pri obravnavanju žensk in moških glede na njihove potrebe.To pomeni bodisi enako obravnavo ali tako, ki se po spolu razlikuje, je pa enakovredna, če imamo v mislih pravice, koristi, obveznosti in možnosti (UNESCO 2000, str. 5).
649) argue that there is a difference: ‘gender equality’ for them means the same, i.e. ‘the assumption that all students should receive the same interventions, at the same time, in the same way’ while their preferred option ‘gender equity’ implies the ‘guarantee of fair educational outcomes, regardless of sex differences’.
649) trdita, da je razlika: ‘enakost spolov’ zanju pomeni ‘enako obravnavo’ oziroma ‘domnevo, da morajo vsi učenci dobiti enako pomoč, ob istem času in na enak način’, ‘pravičnost do spolov’ – in zanjo se zavzemata – pa pomeni ‘jamstvo za poštene izobraževalne dosežke, ne glede ne razlike med spoloma’.
Finally, the concept of gender gap has been introduced in recent years as examination performance has become equated with school and pupil success.
Koncept razlik med spoloma pa se je pojavil nedavno tega, ko so se rezultati pri preizkusih znanja začeli enačiti z uspešnostjo šole in učencev.
The gender gap indicates the ratio of girls and boys studying and passing examinations in particular subjects, where the size and nature of the gender gap differs according to subject.
Nakazuje se kot razmerje med deleži deklet in fantov pri preizkusih znanja iz določenih predmetov, pri katerih so po vrsti in obsegu očitne razlike med spoloma.
Gender policy is aimed at reducing gender gaps overall and gaps have thus narrowed in some subjects in some countries (see Wiliam, 2000 below).
Politika enakosti spolov ima za cilj te razlike zmanjšati in v nekaterih državah so se temu cilju pri posameznih predmetih že približali (glej Wiliam, 2000).
However, certain subjects continue to show a gap in favour of boys e.g. Science, Technology, and others, a gap in favour of girls, e.g. Languages, Humanities subjects, as we shall see in some detail in section 5 on cross-national studies.
Vendar se razlike pri nekaterih predmetih še kažejo in so, kot bo razvidno iz mednarodne primerjave v petem razdelku, v prid fantom, npr. pri naravoslovju in tehnologiji, ali v prid dekletom, npr. pri jezikih in humanističnih predmetih.
They concluded that whilst some patterns persist, for example, female superiority in verbal skills and male superiority in mathematical skills, it is difficult to untangle the influence of stereotyping on individuals’ perceptions of and behaviour towards, events and objects, and also to separate out if, and to what extent, innate or learned behaviours underpin the development of behavioural or cognitive sex differences.
Njuna sklepna ugotovitev je, da je kljub nekaterim vzorcem, npr. boljšemu uspehu žensk pri verbalnih spretnostih ali boljšim rezultatom moških pri matematičnih spretnostih, težko razplesti in se izogniti vplivu stereotipov na dojemanje dogodkov in stvari in z njim povezano vedenje; prav tako je težko ločiti, koliko k razvoju vedenjskih ali kognitivnih razlik med spoloma pripomore prirojeno ali priučeno vedenje.
An overview in the mid 1990s of the literature on sex differences research found similar patterns to Maccoby and Jacklin (Gipps & Murphy, 1994). It was noted that though much research is sound, ‘there remain studies whose quality is questionable’ (Gipps & Murphy 1994, p. 55). Gipps and Murphy argued that the value of this research thus lies not so much in identifying and working with sex differences, but in understanding responses from people when confronted by test situations. The validity of tests and other forms of assessment has been particularly important in the literature.
Jacklin (Gipps & Murphy, 1994) sta sredi devetdesetih let pri pregledu raziskovalne literature o razlikah med spoloma našli podobne vzorce. Ugotovljeno je bilo, da je velik del raziskave prepričljiv, v njej pa so ‘tudi študije vprašljive kakovosti’ (Gipps & Murphy 1994, str. 55). Zato sta C. Gipps in P. Murphy trdili, da vrednost te raziskave ni v prepoznavanju razlik med spoloma, pač pa v razumevanju, kako se ljudje odzivajo v okoliščinah pri preizkusih znanja. V literaturi se velik pomen pripisuje veljavnosti preizkusov in drugih oblik preverjanja znanja.
Gipps and Murphy showed that tests which indicate sex differences may not necessarily be accurate in predicting performance or future capacity to learn.
Gipps in Murphy sta pokazala, da preizkusi, ki merijo razlike med spoloma, niso nujno točni pri napovedih o prihodnjih delovnih in učnih zmožnosti.
The sex differences produced might be due to a particular test itself or the differential responses to it from males and females, i.e. its gender bias.
Preizkusi mogoče ne izražajo ali ne napovedujejo učnih zmožnosti, ki jih zahteva šolski kurikulum, pač pa zmožnosti, za katere raziskovalci menijo, da so pomembne za učenje.
In summary, such tests may not be at all helpful in predicting which students are likely to achieve particularly well (or badly) in the school
Wiliam (2000) prav tako meni, da so razlike med spoloma pri zaznavanju majhne in so se v zadnjih letih še zmanjšale.
Very few of the tests show a standard mean difference in favour of either males or females of more than 0.4 which means that less than 4 % of the variation in individuals’ test scores is related to sex differences (Wiliam 2000, p. 661).
Razlike medspoloma priizobraževalnih dosežkih standardno razliko v prid moškim ali ženskam, ki bi bila večja od 0,4, kar pomeni, da je manj kot 4 % variacije pri posameznikovem testnem rezultatu povezane z razlikami med spoloma (Wiliam 2000, str. 661).
She advances what she terms a ‘gender similarities hypothesis’ as follows:
Navaja, kako sama pojmuje ‘hipotezo o podobnostih med spoloma’.
The gender similarities hypothesis stands in stark contrast to the differences model, which holds that men and women, girls and boys, are vastly different psychologically.
Hipoteza o podobnostih med spoloma nasprotuje in nadomešča togi razlikovalni model, ki vztraja pri tem, da se moški in ženske, dekleta in fantje psihološko močno razlikujejo.
The gender similarities hypothesis states, instead, that males and females are alike on most-but not all-psychological variables...
Hipoteza o podobnostih med spoloma namesto tega trdi, da so si moški in ženske podobni po večini spremenljivk, ne pa čisto po vseh...
A few notable exceptions are some motor behaviours (e.g. throwing distance) and some aspects of sexuality, which show large gender differences.
Nekaj pomembnih izjem, ki kažejo večje razlike med spoloma, je pri motoričnih sposobnostih (npr. pri dolžini lučaja) in nekaterih vidikih spolnosti.
Aggression shows a gender difference that is moderate in magnitude (Hyde 2005, p. 590).
Pri nasilnosti se med spoloma kaže zmeren obseg razlik (Hyde 2005, str. 590).
It is therefore difficult to account for educational differences between the sexes as based on biology because ‘the pattern of sex differences is often unstable across cultures, across time within cultures, and also through time in the development of children’ (Arnot et al. 1999, p. 57).
Torej je izobraževalne razlike med spoloma težko prikazovati kot biološko utemeljene, saj ‘se vzorci razlik med spoloma pogosto spreminjajo skozi kulture, obdobja v posameznih kulturah, pa tudi skozi obdobja v otrokovem razvoju’ (Arnot s sod. 1999, str. 57).
To summarise the issues raised in this section, research on sex differences needs to be treated with caution despite its widespread application because the studies may themselves be stereotyped or biased towards one sex or the other, they may not test the most relevant skills and knowledge, and/or they may not be predictive of future (academic) performance.
Če povzamemo vprašanja, postavljena v tem razdelku: raziskave o razlikah med spoloma je treba kljub razširjeni uporabi obravnavati previdno, saj so lahko stereotipne ali pristranske do enega ali drugega spola ali ne merijo najpomembnejših spretnosti in znanja oziroma nimajo nujno napovedne vrednosti glede prihodnjih (akademskih) zmožnosti.
Cross-national studies have utilised sex-differences research approaches (i.e. comparing girls’ performance in relation to boys) both to assess different countries’ examination scores in relation to each other, and also to ascertain to what extent educational performance is attributable to social as opposed to biological factors.
V mednarodnih študijah je bil način raziskovanja o razlikah med spoloma (to je primerjanje uspešnosti deklet in fantov) izrabljen za ocenjevanje in primerjanje izpitnih rezultatov med državami, pa tudi za ugotavljanje, koliko je mogoče izobraževalne dosežke pripisati družbenim dejavnikom in koliko biološkim.