natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
A preliminary glance prompts a basicquestion: how can it be explained that, despite the historical positioning ofthese countries on the margins of Europe, the historical position of women,as testified by various data, can not be regarded as backward?These questions can be properly answered on the base of gender-basedresearchwhich in all these countries has yet to be pursued.
Že na prvi pogled se nam postavi osnovno vprašanje: Kakolahko pojasnimo, da po različnih podatkih zgodovinskega položaja žensknavzlic zgodovinskemu umeščanju obravnavanih držav na samo obrobje Evrope ne moremo opisati kot nazadnjaškega?Na vsa ta vprašanja lahko odgovorimo na podlagi na spolu temelječih raziskav,te pa moramo v obravnavanih državah še začeti in jih spodbujati. Res je, da
FROM NATIONAL ICONS TO SUPERWOMEN advancement, a new approach focusing on the constructionof this history,including the construction of gender in society and science started to begradually developed only after the collapse of communism, mostly aroundthe end of 1990s (Miethe and Roth, 2003).
OD ZNAMENITIH ŽENSK DO SUPERŽENSK občasno naletimo na zgodovinske podatke in opise ženskih gibanj in zgodovinedružbenega napredka žensk, vendar pa lahko o postopnem razvoju novejšegapristopa, ki želi odkriti mehanizme oblikovanja tega vidikazgodovine, vključnoz oblikovanjem pojma spola v družbi in znanosti, začnemo govoriti šele popadcu komunizma, in sicer večinoma proti koncu devetdesetih let dvajsetegastoletja (Miethe in Roth, 2003).
Thus, if the issue women in sci-enceis to be grasped in its whole context, support of systematic researchof the history of women in higher education and science in the individual Central and Eastern European countries must be strongly advocated.The basic framework is nevertheless obvious: women’s movements in thisregion were strongly related to the processes of formation and liberation ofnations(in the19thcentury and at the beginning of the 20thcentury) and later on to the processes of establishments of new nation states.
Da bi celostno zaobjeli vprašanje ženskvznanosti, se moramo torej močno zavzemati za podporo sistematičnemuraziskovanju zgodovine žensk znotraj visokošolskega izobraževanja inznanosti v posameznih državah Srednje in Vzhodne Evrope.
In otherwords, women’s movements were in one way or another interrelated withthe national liberation movements.
Ne glede na navedeno pa zlahka prepoznamo nekatere temeljne zakonitosti,in sicer močno povezavo med ženskimi gibanji v tem delu Evrope in procesomoblikovanja in osvobajanja posameznih narodov(tako v 19. stoletju kotvzačetku 20. stoletja) oziroma procesom oblikovanja novih nacionalnih držav.
The latter had, as compared to Europe’s dominating nations, an additional agenda connected to the seeking of the place of the nation in Europe.
Z drugimi besedami, ženska gibanja lahko povežemo z nacionalnimiosvobodilnimi gibanji.
Two basic goals were followed:one being to catch up with Western Europe, which was perceived as moreadvanced, i.e. efforts to prove their development towards modernisationand democratisation; the other being to strive for cultural self-confirma-tion, i.e. defence of local cultural traditions.
Ta so si, za razliko od že uveljavljenih narodov v Evropi, zastavila dodatno nalogo: zagotoviti svojemu narodu mesto v Evropi, in sicer z dosego dveh temeljnih ciljev: dohiteti naprednejšo Zahodno Evropoter tako dokazati svoj razvoj v smeri modernizacije in demokratizacije in sekulturno uveljaviti ter tako ohraniti svojo kulturno tradicijo.
Representing progressivism,on the one hand, and conservatismon the other, the two goals were, to aconsiderable extent, contradictory.
Cilja, razprtamed naprednimiin konservativnimi težnjami,sta bila v precejšnji meriprotislovna.
As recent gender-based analyses show,it was precisely this ambiguity that undoubtedly affected gender politicsinthis period.
Sodobne na spolu temelječe analize kažejo, da je prav opisanadvojnost nedvomno močno določala politiko do spolovv tem obdobju.Sstališča ženskih gibanj v preučevanih državah bi lahko rekli, da so ženskagibanja, ki so si v glavnem zastavila podobne cilje kot gibanja v naprednejšihdržavah, delovala v kompleksnejših razmerah, saj so se morala pogajatizvoditelji nacionalnih osvobodilnih gibanj – ti pa so v položaju žensk videlizgolj politično karto, s katero so igrali na političnem prizorišču.
To put it from the perspective of women’s movements in thesecountries: though their goals were very much the same as in more advancedcountries, they were operating in more complex conditions: they had, inaddition, to negotiate with leader’s of national liberation movements, forwhom the position of women was a special card to play within their ownpolitics.
Res je sicer,da so se morala ženska gibanja z nacionalnimi voditelji soočati v vsehdržavah, vendar so se preučevane države od drugih razlikovale po načinupogajanjao obravnavanih vprašanjih.Nedavne zgodovinske analize ženskih gibanj so pokazale, da so voditeljipoložaj žensk uporabljali kot sredstvo in politični argument v svojih sporočilihzahodnemu svetu tako za dosego naprednih kot nazadnjaških ciljev.
Though it is true that in every country women’s movements hadinvariably to cope with national leaders, here a different kind of negotia-tionwas the case.Recent feminist historical analyses show that the position of womenformed an argument instrumentally used by these leaders in their messages to the Western world, and additionally, it was being used for bothprogressive and conservative goals.
Z drugimibesedami, vse kaže, da je zaradi odrinjenosti na rob spol postal pomembnovprašanje. Družbeni in kulturni položaj žensk je potemtakem postal sredstvoza dokazovanje enakosti ali celo večvrednosti posamezne države v primerjaviz zahodnimi državami.
In other words, marginalityseems tohave made gender a more important issue.
Tako so intelektualci oblikovali ali pa iskali legendarne podobemočnih slavnih žensk, da bi dokazali, kako je določena oblika enakostimed spolomadel njihovega nacionalnega značaja.
Thus women’s social and cultural position was a means to demonstrate the nation’s equality or evensuperiority compared to Western countries in two ways: on one hand,intellectuals were construing or seeking national mythswith images ofstrong and famous women, aiming at demonstrating that a certain kind ofgender equalityhad been traditionally part of the national character.Whereas, at the same time, these constructions also needed to be somehow proved in reality, and thus efforts to improve women’s situation maynot have been as strongly opposed as might have been expected.
Obenem je bilo treba trditve potrditi v praksi, zato ni prihajalo do tako močnih nasprotovanjtežnjam po izboljšanju položaja žensk, kot bi lahko pričakovali.
Yet onthe other hand, simultaneously, another part of the intellectual elite andnational leaders was in turn putting emphasis on the moral superiority ofwomen as safeguards of conservativetraditional values in their respectivecountries as compared to those in Western countries.
Po drugi stranipa je del intelektualne elite in nacionalnih voditeljev poudarjal moralnovečvrednost žensk, ki za razliko od žensk v zahodnih državah, ohranjajokonservativnetradicionalne vrednote.
It is not by accidentthat this kind of double rhetoriccan be nowadaysfound again in argu-
Nikakršno naključje ni, da prinacionalnih političnih voditeljih (tako moških kot ženskah!) naletimo napodobno dvojnost v političnem izražanjutudi danes, ko govorimo
Despite this fact, the way towards the legal introductionof women’s voting rights was ultimately faster in the Enwise countries thanin the Western ones.
ph605336_016 8/09/06 11:10 Page 21 ouveljavljanju politike enakih možnosti med spoloma, ki jo spodbuja EU.Tako se po eni strani razglaša, da je položaj žensk v državah Enwise dovoljnapreden, po drugi strani pa se zagovarja drugačno kulturo spolov.
Although this had little direct or immediate impact on the everydayconditions of women’s lives, the tradition of debates on women and nationwas later to be reflected in ideas about social organisation in the new nationstate.
Nekateri zgodovinarji (Evans, 1978) menijo, da so morale ženske aktivistkeiz obravnavanih držav sklepati z moškimi nacionalnimi voditelji prevelike kompromise.
In allthese countries, individual women’s organisationsemerged at the begin- ning of the 19thcentury.
Tako so na primer skupine žensk postavile zahtevo po volilnipravici žensk in to vprašanje spremenile v politično temo precej pozneje
With the exception of Poland wherethe women’s group Enthusiasts,propagating women’s participation inpublic life, was established in 1846.
Izjema je Poljska, kjer je skupina ženskzimenom Entuziastke začela širiti svojaprepričanja o potrebi po aktivnemsodelovanju žensk v javnem življenju želeta 1846.
roof organisations were formed so that from this point of view one canspeak about women’s movement in the proper sense of the word.Theseorganisations had of course their journals to propagate their ideas to thewider public.
Pogledi na družbeno mesto žensk sopostali sestavni del samodojemanja naroda in narodnega značaja in so seohranili celo v novih razmerah, ko so se nacionalne države dejanskooblikovale."
Early women’s movements in some Enwise countries in1923.
Zgodnji začetki ženskih gibanj v nekaterih državah Enwise
The Bulgarian Union of Women wasfounded in 1901, the Lithuanian Women’s Association in 1905, and the Baltic Women Unionin 1909.
Bolgarska unijažena je bila ustanovljena leta 1901, Litvanskožensko združenje leta 1905, Baltska ženska unijapa leta 1909. Poljska Zveza žena, ustanovljenaleta 1916, je štela celih 12.000 članic.
The League of Romanian Women was founded in1866 and a roof organisation, the National Councilof Romanian Women, in 1921.
Zveza romunskih žena je bila ustanovljena leta1866, njena krovna organizacija Nacionalni svetromunskih žena pa leta 1921.
The Association forwomen’s education, Zˇivena, was founded in Slovakia in 1869, the Central Association of Czech Women was set up in 1897, and the National Women’s Council of Czechoslovakia was established
Leta 1869 je bilo na Slovaškem ustanovljeno Združenje zaizobraževanje žensk Živena, medtem ko je Osrednje združenje čeških žena ugledalo lučsveta leta 1897, Nacionalni ženski svet vir: razne članice strokovne skupine Enwise
Striving for higher educationformed a crucial goal of this movement.
Med najpomembnejšimi cilji gibanja je bila zagotovitev visokošolskegaizobraževanja.
Inmost cases it was an objective which was not contradicted by the policiesof national leaders and thus formed a priority, for it was regarded as a wayto fostering the nation, when women were regarded as important references points for the educators of children in the national language andpatriotic spirit.
Politika nacionalnih voditeljev večinoma ni nasprotovalatemu cilju, zato je to postala prednostna naloga, saj je predstavljala načinspodbujanja napredka naroda, znotraj katerega so ženske kot vzgojiteljiceotrok v nacionalnem jeziku in domovinskem duhu veljale za pomembnereferenčne točke.
The first women university graduates from this region studied in Zurich in the 1870s - but themost relevant event in our context, i.e. the official institutionalisation ofwomen’s enrolment in universities at the state level took place from 1883in Romania and from 1922 in Lithuania.After the creation of independent states, women’s higher education andscientific careers kept being supported by political representatives, withcertain limitations differing from country to country (typically enough,concerning the access to faculties of law).
Prve diplomantke iz regije so se šolale v Zürichu v sedemdesetihletih devetnajstega stoletja. Najpomembnejši tozadevni dosežek pa je zagotovosplošna uvedba vpisa žensk na univerze, in sicer od leta 1883 naprej v Romuniji in od leta 1922 naprej v Litvi.Po ustanovitvi neodvisnih državso politični predstavniki – z določenimiomejitvami, ki so se razlikovale od države do države (in jih lahko označimoza dovolj učinkovite, vsaj pri vpisu na pravne fakultete) – podpirali višješolskoizobraževanje žensk in poklicne poti žensk v znanosti.
Relevant was also the introduc-
Svoje je doprineslatudi uvedba mešanih razredovv praktično vseh vrstah šol. V državah Enwise
The first Hungarian female universityprofessor: Valéria Dienes (1879-1978)
Slovaška botaničarka Isabela Textorisová (1866 – 1949)
She got her PhD degree at the University Péter Pázmány in philosophy in 1905.She was the first Hungarian female universityprofessor.
Leta1905 je pridobila doktorski naziv iz filozofije priUniverzi Péter Pázmány. Postala je prvamadžarska univerzitetna profesorica.
She wrote articles and essays inphilosophy and psychology for many scientificjournals.
Filozofskein psihološke članke in eseje je objavljalavštevilnih znanstvenih publikacijah.
She published essays in mathematics,some of them together with her husband.
Objavila jetudi več esejev o matematiki, nekatere vsoavtorstvu ssoprogom. V dvajsetih in tridesetihletih 20. stoletja se je ukvarjala z evritmiko insemiotiko.
She married Pál Dienesin 1905 and they had 2 sons, Gedeon and Zoltán.She died in 1978.
Leta 1905 se je omožila s Pálom Diensom, skaterim je imela sinova Gedeona and Zoltána. Umrla je leta 1978.
After leaving elementary school, Isabela Textorisováprivately prepared herself for a teaching career.
Po končani osnovni šoli se je Isabela Textorisovázasebno izobraževala za učiteljski poklic.
Upto l 1886, she first taught at primary school, thenbecame a supply clerk at the post office, and from1886 she was the head of the Post office in Slovakcity Blatnica, where she lived until the end of herlife.
Vse doleta 1886 je učila na osnovni šoli, potem pa se jezaposlila pri poštnem uradu kot nabavnica. Leta1886 je prevzela vodenje poštnega urada vslovaški Blatnici, kjer je živela do konca življenja.V času svojega bivanja v Blatnici se je posvetilabotaniki.
Here she started to devote herself to botany,and she did her botanical research in the Vel’ká Fatra mountain region, in Blatnica Valley and Gader Valley where she discovered some rare endemicplants (Daphne cneorum L., Cyclamen fatrense,Leontopodium alpinum Cass. Et al.).
Veliko je raziskovala na območjupogorja Veľká Fatra in dolin Blatnice in Gader,kjer je odkrila tudi nekaj redkih endemičnih rastlin (Daphne cneorum L., Cyclamen fatrense,Leontopodium alpinum Cass.in druge).
She was incontact with significant Slovak and Hungarianbotanists.
Imela jestike s pomembnimi slovaškimi in madžarskimibotaniki.
She elaborated and published herbotanical experience in the professional periodical Botanikai Közlemények(1903).
Svoje botanične izkušnje je opisalavstrokovni publikaciji Botanikai Közlemények(1903).
Of greatimportance is her manuscript work, On Flora of the Turiec Region, which she submitted to thecompetition held by the Slovak national educationalnon-governmental public association Matica Slovenská in 1930.
Velikega pomena je tudi njen rokopis Flora v turiecki pokrajini, ki ga je leta 1930vsklopu natečaja predložila slovaškemunevladnemu javnemu izobraževalnemu društvu Matica Slovenská.
She published her literary workin the women’s magazines Women’s Letters (1886)and Girl’s World (1893).
Književna dela je objavljalavženskih revijah Ženska pisma(1886) in Dekliškisvet(1893). Zbirala je dialektološki material zapotrebe prof. E.
This explains why different informationcan be obtained as to when womenentered the national parliaments.4.
Tako si lahko razložimo, zakajsepodatki o začetku delovanja ženskvnacionalnih parlamentih razlikujejo medseboj. 4.
That were later implemented in the Constitutions under great pressure fromthe first women parliamentarians.5.
Da se je volilna pravica žensk uveljavilatudi v poznejših ustavah, gre zasluganepopustljivosti prvih poslank. 5.
tion of co-educationin virtually all types of schools.
je v obdobju med obema vojnama delež žensk, ki so študirale na univerzi,dosegel 25 odstotkov vseh vpisanih.
In the interwar period, the share of women studying at universities in the Enwise countriesreached up to 25% of the student body.It has been said that the suffragequestion had not been prioritised.
Kot že omenjeno, ni bilo vprašanje volilne pravicenikoli v ospredju. Kljubtemu pa so v nekaterih državah Enwise ženske pridobile volilno pravicorelativno zgodaj, ponavadi po ustanovitvi neodvisne države.
Nevertheless, in part of the Enwise countries women’s suffrage became a reality relatively early, usually after the foundation of independent states.
V teh primerihje bil sicer potreben določen čas za pripravo ustave, vendar so ženskesodelovale v državnih zborih na podlagi začasnih sporazumov, katerih namenje bil ženskam omogočiti čim prejšnjo izvolitev v parlament3, še preden jebila enakost spolov vključena v nove ustave.
In other countries, the suffrage rights were introduced later on: Bulgaria 1937, Slovenia 1945 and Romania 1946.
V drugih državah je bila volilna pravica uvedena pozneje: v Bolgariji leta 1937, v Sloveniji leta 1945 in v Romuniji leta 1946.
Besides basic constitutionallaws, specific laws aiming at gender equality in society were relativelyquickly adopted.
V vsehdržavah so relativno kmalu sprejeli posebne zakone, ki so poleg temeljnihustavnih zakonov želeli zagotoviti enakost spolov.
Year 1906 1915 1917 1918
Ženska volilna pravica v državah Enwise in v državah članicah EU leto 1906 1915 1917 1918
Country Romania* Portugal*, Spain Portugal* Bulgaria (to vote)*Bulgaria**, France Slovenia Italy, Romania**Belgium**Greece Portugal**
1920 1921 1928 leto 1929 1931 1934 1937 1944 1945 1946 1948 1952 1976 država Romunija* Portugalska*, Španija Portugalska* Bolgarija (volilna pravica)*Bolgarija**, Francija Slovenija Italija, Romunija**Belgija**Grčija Portugalska** država Finska Danska Nizozemska (pravica do izvolitve)Avstrija, Estonija, Nemčija, Madžarska, Irska*,Latvija, Litva, Poljska, Združeno kraljestvo*Belgija (volilna pravica)*, Luksemburg,Nizozemska (volilna pravica), Švedska* Češkoslovaška Belgija (pravica do izvolitve)*, Švedska**Irska**, Združeno kraljestvo** vir: www.ipu.org Opombe: * pravica z omejitvami ali ob upoštevanju določenih pogojev** odprava pogojev ali omejitev
The ambivalent gender contract under communism If the precommunist gender constellation was a mixture of modernisationand conservatism, the communist can be called a modernisation without liberation.
Protislovna pogodba med spoloma v času komunizma Če lahko odnose med spoloma v času pred nastopom komunizma opišemokot mešanico sodobnega in konservativnega, lahko odnose med spolomavčasu komunizma označimo kot posodobitev brez osvoboditve.Osnovnivodili politike vladajočih elit do žensk sta bili namreč protislovni.
For two basic lines of the power elites’ policies towards womenwere self-contradictory: on the one hand, women were deprived of theirown voice and possibility to act independently, on the other hand, state policy was clearly aiming at further modernisation of women’s public status.The former step was easily achieved by laws prohibiting assembly and by eliminating all civic organisations, including women’s grass root organisa-
Ženska je, po eni strani, izgubila svoj glas in možnost, da bi delovala neodvisno, podrugi strani pa je uradna državna politika jasno težila k nadaljnji posodobitvijavnega položaja žensk. Z zakoni, ki so prepovedovali druženje in so odpravilivse državljanske organizacije, vključno z društvi žensk in njihovimi mrežami6,
In the Baltic States however, newlyestablished women’s organisations existedduring the Soviet times, but under strongcontrol of the Communist Party.
V baltskih državah so na novoustanovljenja ženska združenja delovalatudi v Sovjetski zvezi, vendar pod strogimnadzorom Komunistične partije.
tions6and their networks, and by total censorship of public speech, whichprevented any free reflections of what was going on in society (except informer Yugoslavia).
ter uvedli cenzuro javnega govora, s čimer so (z izjemo nekdanje Jugoslavije)onemogočili sleherno svobodno izražanje mnenj o dogajanju v družbi, jevladajoča elita zlahka dosegla prvi cilj.
The latter policies were designed in the programmedocuments of the central committees of the Communist Party and indeedgradually implemented in the following areas: ideological advocacy of gender equality, access to all professions for both sexes, affirmative action inthe sphere of political representation at both top and local levels, supportof educational advancement of women, coeducation as an automatic rulein all schools (moreover, non-sexist education was practised in primaryschools, for instance in practical subjects: boys and girls were trainedtogether in woodwork, sawing, cooking… but this varied from country tocountry and also from decade to decade), a well organised infrastructureof nurseries, kindergartens and after-school care of pupils, which made itpossible for women to be both mothers and fulltime workers.
Politike, ki so težile k drugemu cilju,so bile določene v programskih dokumentih centralnih komitejev Komunistične partije in so se postopno uvajale na naslednjih področjih:ideološko zagovarjanje enakosti spolov, dostop do vseh poklicev za obaspola, podpiranje političnega zastopanja tako na vrhovni kot krajevni ravni,podpora vse večjega izobraževanja žensk, uvedba mešanih razredov kotavtomatično pravilo v vseh šolah (izobraževanje, ki je presegalo spolnestereotipe, je poseglo tudi v osnovne šole, kjer so se na primer dečki indeklice pri praktičnih predmetih skupaj učili delati z lesom, šivati, kuhati inpodobno, pri čemer je treba poudariti, da se je to razlikovalo od države v državein od desetletja do desetletja), dobro organizirana infrastruktura jasli, vrtcev,šolskega varstva, zaradi česar so bile ženske lahko istočasno matere inzaposlene osebe s polnim delovnim časom.
Workingmothers were further legally protected during maternity leave (which hadbeen gradually prolonged) and during care of their children when ill.
Zaposlene matere so bile v celotipravno zaščitene v času porodniškega dopusta (ki se je postopno podaljševal)in v času negovanja obolelih otrok.
Single mothers were relatively well protected by state benefits ensuring minimum standards of living , fathers of their children were easily made to payalimony, for virtually every man and woman was a state employee and thusalso intervention into the salaries by the court via the employer was easyand often occurred.
Tudi samske matere so bile dokaj dobrozaščitene, saj so prejemale državne podpore, s katerimi so si lahko zagotovileminimalni življenjski standard, pa tudi očete se je dalo relativno preprostoprisiliti v plačilo preživnine, saj je bil praktično vsak zaposleni državniuslužbenec, tako da je sodišče zlahka ter pogosto prek delodajalca zaseglodel osebnega dohodka.
Last but not least, abortion laws became more or lessliberal, in most cases they were adopted in the 1950s (in Romania itbecame restrictive again later on).
Tudi zakonodaja na področju splava, večinomasprejeta v petdesetih letih 20. stoletja (v Romuniji je ta zakonodaja poznejepostala spet strožja), je postajala vse bolj liberalna.
In all the Enwise countries, the statepolicy towards women was aimed at ensuring their employment (on thebasis of the general right to work) and at making it possible for them to
V vseh državah Enwise