natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
There is, however, a general statement indicating some of the implications of violence and relating it in particular to negative impact on health, since the legal base for the programme was within the ambit of public health.
Podaja pa sploþno izjavo, ki naþteva razliｲne uｲinke in posledice nasilja, zlasti v zvezi z negativnimi posledicami nasilja za zdravje, glede na to, da je pravna podlaga za program spadala v podroｲje javnega zdravja.
The decision says:
V odloｲbi je zapisano:
`Physical, sexual and psychological violence against children, young persons and women consti-tutes a breach of their right to life, safety, freedom, dignity and physical and emotional integrity and a serious threat to the physical and mental health of the victims of such violence; the e.ectsof such violence are so widespread throughout the Community as to constitute a major health scourge.
¶Fiziｲno, spolno in psiholoþko nasilje nad otroki, mladino in ™enskami predstavlja krþitev nji-hove pravice do ™ivljenja, varnosti, svobode, dostojanstva, telesne in ｲustvene celovitosti, ter resno nevarnost za telesno in duþevno zdravje ™rtve takega nasilja; posledice tega nasilja so tako zelo razþirjene v Skupnosti, da predstavljajo resno gro™njo javnemu zdravju.
It is important to recognise the serious immediate and long-term implications for health, psycho-logical and social development, and for the equal opportunities of those concerned, that violence has for individuals, families and communities and the high social and economic costs to society as a whole.
Zelo pomembno je zavedati se hudih neposrednih in dolgoroｲnih posledic, ki jih ima nasilje na zdravstveni, psiholoþki in dru™beni razvoj posameznikov, dru™in in skupnosti, kakor tudi na enakost mo™nosti prizadetih posameznikov. Ne gre pozabiti niti visokih socialnih in material-nih stroþkov, ki jih utrpi dru™ba kot celota.
According to the World Health Organisation's de«nition,healthisastateofcompletephysical,mental and social well-being and not merely the absence of disease or in«rmity.'
Po d e « n i c i j i S v e t o v n e z d r a v s t v e n e o r g a n i z a c i j e j e z d r a v j e s t a nj ep o p o l n e g a t e l e s n e g a , d u þ e v - n e g a in socialnega blagostanja in ne samo odsotnost bolezni ali invalidnosti.ƒ
In short, violence was seen as anything that impeded `complete physical, mental and social well-being' and a breach of the right to `life, safety, freedom, dignity and physical and emo-tional integrity'.
Skratka, nasilje je vse, kar ovira ¶popolno telesno, duþevno in socialno blagostanjeƒ in posega v pravico do ¶™ivljenja, varnosti, svobode, dostojanstva ter telesne in ｲustvene celovitostiƒ.
This very broad approach to violence allowed Daphne projects to explore in detail the many faces of violence and the speci«cnational,regionalandlocalformsitpre-dominantly takes.
Ta þiroka opredelitev nasilja je projektom pod okriljem programa Daphne omogoｲila, da podro-bno preuｲijo þtevilne plati nasilja in speci«ｲnenacionalne,regionalneinlokalnepojavneob-like nasilja.
This broad contextual statement has served to allow considerable ‹exibilityinapproachestoviolence taken by projects throughout the life of the Daphne programme.
Ta precej sploþna izjava je vnesla precejþnjo pro™nost v pristope do nasilja, ki so jih izbrali no-silci projektov med ™ivljenjsko dobo programa Daphne.
Since 2000, projects have focused on areas of violence that are prevalent across the Member States of the EU (and often beyond) and therefore provide opportunities for transferring results, but that are also identi«edasbeingpriorityareasforactionintheprojectorganisations'ownlocalities/coun-tries.
Vse od leta 2000 so se projekti ukvar-jali z oblikami nasilja, ki so prevladovale v dr™avah ｲlanicah EU (pogosto pa tudi drugod), kar je ustvarilo prilo™nosti za izmenjavo rezultatov, ki pa so bile tudi doloｲene kot prednostna podroｲja delovanja v lokalnih okoljih/dr™avah nosilcev projektov.
This may well explain the continued support for Daphne from organisations working at community level and represents a signi«cantstepinbuildingabridgebetweencommunity-level priorities and issues of European importance.
To je najbr™ tudi glavni raz-log, zaradi katerega program Daphne u™iva stalno podporo organizacij na lokalni ravni in zaradi katerega je bil narejen velik korak pri usklajevanju prednostnih nalog na lokalni ravni z zadevami, pomembnimi na evropski ravni.
The diversity of violence in Europe
Razliｲne pojavne oblike nasilja v Evropi
Over the life of the Daphne programme, therefore, projects have been supported that have worked to protect from, and to prevent, these general areas of violence:
V ｲasu delovanja programa Daphne je bila podpora dodeljena projektom, usmerjenim v za-þｲito pred naslednjimi sploþnimi oblikami nasilja in v prepreｲevanje tovrstnega nasilja:
‡ sexual violence,
‡ spolno nasilje,
‡ emotional and verbal abuse,
‡ ｲustvena in verbalna zloraba,
‡ exclusion and quasi-structural violence,
‡ izkljuｲevanje in kvazistrukturno nasilje,
‡ coercion and exploitation,
‡ prisiljevanje in izkoriþｲanje,
A more detailed list of the forms of violence i d e n t i « e d i n E u r op e , a n d t h e g r o up s m o b i l i s e d t h r o u g h Daphne projects to combat them, can be found in Annex 1.
Podrobnejþi seznam pojavnih oblik nasilja v Evropi in skupin, ki so bile prek projektov Daphne anga™irane za boj proti njim, je na voljo v Prilogi 1.
What Europeans think about violence
Kaj si o nasilju mislijo Evropejci
Although it soon became clear that the multi-faceted nature of violence was well re‹ectedinprojects submitted to and/or funded by Daphne, it was also obvious that conducting a Euro-barometer exercise to seek more input on Europeans' perceptions of violence would not only complement project activity but also serve as a base for attempting to track some trends in perceptions of violence over time.
Peprav je kmalu postalo jasno, da so se projekti, ki so bili prijavljeni in/ali «nanciraniprekpro-grama Daphne, veｲplastne narave nasilja ustrezno lotili, se je izkazalo tudi, da bi uvedba Euro-barometra, ki naj bi zagotovil veｲ informacij o tem, kako Evropejci zaznavajo nasilje, ne le do-polnila projektne dejavnosti, temveｲ tudi slu™ila kot podlaga za redno spremljanje trendov na podroｲju nasilja.
The disaggregated nature of the data in Eurobarometer studies also allows for some general conclusions to be drawn about how di.erentcountries,age groups and socioeconomic groups might also perceive violence, and their responses to it.
Ustrezno sestavljeni sklopi vpraþanj v okviru mnenjskih raziskav Eurobarome-tra namreｲ lahko privedejo do nekaterih sploþnih sklepov o tem, kako razliｲne dr™ave, starostne skupine in socialno-ekonomske skupine zaznavajo nasilje in kako se nanj odzivajo.
In 1999, therefore, the Daphne initiative cooperated with the Commission services on infor-mation, communication, culture and audiovisual media (Public Opinion Analysis Unit) in de-veloping and commissioning a two-pronged Eurobarometer to gauge public opinion on (i) violence against children, and (ii) domestic violence against women.
Zato se je tako leta 1999 znotraj pobude Daphne zaｲelo sodelovanje s slu™bami Komisije za informiranje, obveþｲanje javnosti, kulturo in avdiovizualne medije (enota za raziskave javnega mnenja), usmerjeno v oblikovanje in uvedbo dvotirnega Eurobarometra za merjenje javnega mnenja o (i) nasilju nad otroki in (ii) nasilju nad ™enskami v dru™ini.
It was unfortunate that the survey on violence against women was limited to domestic violence only, since this meant that important subjects such as tra/ckingandextra-family(e.g.institutional)violencewerenot included.
Na ™alost se je anketa o nasilju nad ™enskami omejila zgolj na nasilje v dru™ini, kar pomeni, da ni zajela pomembnih oblik, kot sta trgovina z ljudmi in nasilje izven dru™inskega kroga (institucionalno nasilje).
The survey on violence against children covered physical punishment, psychological punish-ment, sexual abuse, physical cruelty and psychological cruelty, although it also sought to «ndout whether Europeans did, in fact, consider all these to constitute `violence' and whether there were di.erencesinthisamongagegroupsandcountries.Itaskedquestionsaboutpo-tential perpetrators: father, mother, stepfather/mother's partner, stepmother/father's partner, brother, sister, other relative, teacher, child-minder, another child, stranger.
Raziskava mnenja o nasilju nad otroki je vsebovala vpraþanja v zvezi s «ziｲnimkaznovanjem,psiholoþkim kaznovanjem, spolno zlorabo ter «ziｲniminpsiholoþkimiz™ivljanjem,ｲepravjebil njen namen tudi ugotoviti, ali Evropejci v resnici þtejejo te pojave za ¶nasiljeƒ in ali v doje-manju tega nasilja obstajajo kakþne razlike med razliｲnimi starostnimi skupinami in dr™avami. Raziskava je postavljala vpraþanja o mo™nih povzroｲiteljih nasilja: oｲetu, mami, oｲimu/oｲeto-vi novi partnerici, bratu, sestri, drugih sorodnikih, uｲiteljih, varuhih otrok, drugih otrocih, ne-znancih.
It also looked at how people heard about violence against children, what they thought were the main causes of violence against children, who they thought should intervene, what they knew about laws in their country, and thoughts they had on what could be done to reduce violence against
Vpraþani so morali tudi odgovoriti, kje so sliþali za nasilje nad otroki, kaj so po njiho-vem mnenju glavni razlogi za tako nasilje, kdo bi moral v takih primerih ukrepati, kaj vedo o zakonodaji, ki v njihovi dr™avi ureja to podroｲje, in kaj bi bilo treba storiti, da bi se nasilje nad otroki zmanjþalo.
The Eurobarometer on domestic violence against women followed essentially the same pat-tern, although it did not seek to explore what Europeans thought constituted domestic vio-lence against women but rather how serious they thought «vedi.erenttypesofalready-de-«nedviolence(psychological,physicalandsexualviolence,threatsofviolenceandrestrictedfreedom) were.
Eurobarometrova raziskava dru™inskega nasilja nad ™enskami je bila opravljena po bolj ali manj istem kopitu, s to razliko, da Evropejcev ni spraþevala o tem, kaj po njihovem mnenju naj bi bilo dru™insko nasilje nad ™enskami, temveｲ kako resne naj bi bile posledice ™e opredeljenih oblik nasilja (duþevno, telesno in spolno nasilje, gro™nje z nasiljem in omejevanje svobode).
There was an important question regarding the relationship between violence and `circumstances', in order to gauge whether violence was tolerated in certain circumstances (this question was subsumed into other questions in the children's survey).
Vkljuｲeno je bilo tudi pomembno vpraþanje o povezavi med nasiljem in ¶okoliþｲinamiƒ, s po-moｲjo katerega naj bi ugotovili, ali so v doloｲenih okoliþｲinah ljudje strpnejþi do nasilja (to vpraþanje je bilo v mnenjski raziskavi nasilja nad otroki zajeto v drugih vpraþanjih).
There was also a question that aimed to give some idea of the prevalence of domestic violence by asking respondents whether they themselves knew of someone who had been a victim or perpetra-tor of domestic violence, and where they knew this person (at work, in own family, among friends, etc.).
Raziskava je vsebovala tudi vpraþanje, ki naj bi pomagalo ustvariti pribli™no sliko o razþirjenosti nasilja v dru™ini. Udele™enci v raziskavi so bili namreｲ vpraþani, ali poznajo koga, ki je bil ™rtev ali povzroｲitelj nasilja v dru™ini, in v katerem okolju so spoznali to osebo (v slu™bi, v svoji lastni dru™ini, v prijateljskih krogih itd.).
Some interesting insights were gained through the two surveys.
Navedeni raziskavi sta dali nekaj zanimivih rezultatov:
‡ Most Europeans thought that violence against children was `very common' or `fairly com-mon' (77 % total) and only 1 % had never heard of violence against children.
‡ veｲina Evropejcev je menila, da je nasilje nad otroki ¶zelo pogostoƒ ali ¶razmeroma pogostoƒ (skupno 77 %), pri ｲemer o nasilju nad otroki ni nikoli sliþalo zgolj 1 % vpraþanih;
‡ A majority of Europeans, although slightly fewer, thought that domestic violence against women was `very common' or `fairly common' (74 % total) but 4 % had never heard of it.
‡ nekaj manj, a þe vedno veｲina Evropejcev je menilo, da je dru™insko nasilje nad ™enskami ¶zelo pogostoƒ ali ¶razmeroma pogostoƒ (skupno 74 %), pri ｲemer zgolj 4 % ni nikoli sliþalo o takþni obliki nasilja;
‡ In both cases, sexual violence topped the list of what was considered serious: more than 97 % of respondents considered sexual abuse of children to be a form of violence, and 90 % of Europeans considered sexual violence against women to be `very serious'.
‡ v obeh primerih se je spolno nasilje uvrstilo na vrh seznama pojavov, za katere so Evropej-ci menili, da imajo resne posledice: veｲ kot 97 % vpraþanih je spolno zlorabo otrok opre-delilo kot obliko nasilja, 90 % pa jih je menilo, da je spolno nasilje nad ™enskami ¶zelo resnaƒ oblika nasilja;
‡ There was a serious misconception about perpetrators of violence against children: Euro-peans mistakenly believed that it is strangers who are most likely to in‹ictviolenceonchildren (74 %) although in fact most violence is in‹ictedonchildrenbyfamily,friendsorpeople they know.
‡ rezultati raziskave so pokazali, da imajo Evropejci zelo napaｲno predstavo o najpogostejþih povzroｲiteljih nasilja nad otroki: veｲina jih je namreｲ napaｲno menila, da so nad otroki na-silni najpogosteje neznanci (74 %), ｲeprav so najpogostejþi povzroｲitelji tovrstnega nasilja dru™inski ｲlani, prijatelji in nasploh posamezniki, ki jih otroci poznajo;
‡ Europeans consider that physical or psychological violence in‹ictedonchildrenbyteach-ers is a form of violence (75 %), and 59 % regard physical punishment by parents as an act of violence.
‡ tudi telesno in duþevno nasilje, ki ga nad otroci izvajajo uｲitelji, so Evropejci opredelili kot obliko nasilja (75 %), 59 % pa je med oblike nasilja uvrstilo tudi «ziｲnokaznovanjeotroksstrani starþev.
‡ Europeans in general believe that physical or psychological cruelty in‹ictedbyotherchil-dren is also a form of violence (88 % and 85 % respectively), although interestingly this response is highly disaggregated by age, with young people being more accepting of peer violence than older people.
‡ sploþno mnenje Evropejcev je bilo, da sta tudi «ziｲno(88%)inpsiholoþko(85%)iz™ivljanjeotrok nad drugimi otroci obliki nasilja, ｲeprav je bil ta odgovor presenetljivo zelo razliｲen med razliｲnimi starostnimi skupinami › mladi so strpnejþi od starejþih do nasilja med vrst-niki;
`Young people have normalised and grown accustomed to violence and the values associated with it.
¶Mladi so se privadili tako na nasilje kot na vrednote, ki ga spremljajo.
Violence is present on an habitual, daily and generalised basis.
Nasilje je prisotno vse-povsod v njihovem vsakdanjem ™ivljenju.
It is assumed to be in-evitable and, generally speaking, we are not aware of the problems it causes.
Nasilje je postalo nekaj samoumevnega in javnost se v sploþnem ne zaveda te™av, ki jih povzroｲa.
From the groups' analysis, a certain permissiveness and social acceptance is inferred and they do not seem to be very informed about the negative consequences of acts of violence, although they are identi«edas problematic„ Violence serves as a mechanism for dialogue between equals. Adolescents form their own code with a di.erentlanguage,aslangthatispartoftheritesofpassage,offorms of behaviour and attitudes that lead them to the adult stage.
Iz analize lahko sklepamo, da obstaja neke vrste dru™bena strpnost do nasilja, pri ｲemer se je zdelo, da posamezniki v analizirani skupini niso bili dobro seznanjeni z negativnimi posledicami nasilnih dejanj, ｲeprav so slednja oznaｲili za pro-blematiｲna „ Nasilje je prevzelo vlogo mehanizma, ki omogoｲa dialog s sebi enakimi posa-mezniki.
Violence thus becomes an irrational process that builds identity by operating within a circle of recognition between the members of the group.'
Mladostniki oblikujejo svoja lastna pravila in drugaｲen jezik oziroma sleng, ki je sestav-ni del rituala, obnaþanja in vedenja na prehodu v odraslo ™ivljenje.
[Project 99/055/C]
Nasilje torej postane iracio-nalen proces oziroma krog, znotraj katerega se gradi identiteta na podlagi priznanja, ki ga drug drugemu namenjajo ｲlani skupine.ƒ [Projekt 99/055/C]
‡ Europeans «nditdi/cultto imaginethatchildrenmightbe violenttowardstheirsiblings,but recognise violence by `another child' as frequently occurring.
‡ Evropejci si zelo te™ko predstavljajo, da so otroci lahko nasilni do svojih bratov in sester, po drugi strani pa menijo, da je nasilje, ki ga povzroｲijo ¶drugi otrociƒ, pogosto;
‡ In relation to both violence against children and domestic violence against women, there were some Europeans, albeit a small percentage (5.8 % and 2.7 % respectively) who con-sidered that violence was acceptable in some or all circumstances.
‡ doloｲeno, ｲetudi majhno þtevilo Evropejcev (5,8 % oziroma 2,7 %) meni, da je nasilje nad otroki in nasilje nad ™enskami v dru™ini v doloｲenih ali celo v vseh okoliþｲinah sprejemlji-vo;
‡ This may be linked to the responses which indicated that almost half of all Europeans think that violence against children may be related to the behaviour of the child her/himself (45 %), and that the `provocative behaviour' of women is also a cause of domestic violence against them (46 %).
‡ prejþnji odgovor bi lahko povezali z odgovori skoraj polovice Evropejcev, ki verjame, da je nasilje nad otroki lahko posledica obnaþanja otroka samega (45 %) in da je nasilje nad ™en-skami lahko posledica njihovega ¶izzivalnega obnaþanjaƒ (46 %);
A hostile environ-ment exists within Irish society to explore violence within the home and in young peoples' lives. At present there is a group of men's groups who organise together to destruct the work of many groups in Ireland who work in the area of violence.
Za irsko dru™bo je znaｲilna sovra™na nastrojenost do preuｲevanja nasilja tako v domaｲem okolju kot v vsakdanjem ™ivljenju mladine; trenutno je na delu vrsta moþkih skupin, ki se organizirano bojujejo proti þte-vilnim skupinam, ki na Irskem delajo na podroｲju nasilja.
Their agenda also attacks women's freedom of choice.
Njihov program dela vkljuｲuje tudi napade na pravice ™ensk do svobodne izbire.
The media gives considerable coverage to this group who, as well as attacking wom-en's groups and their supporters, have also challenged the government by taking a court case against them in relation to the one programme that the government has introduced in schools for boys called `'Exploring masculinities''.
Mediji posveｲajo precejþnjo pozornost tej skupini, ki je poleg tega, da se spopada z ™enskimi skupinami in njihovimi privr™enci, vlo™ila tudi to™bo proti vladi glede programa, ki ga je vlada uvedla v þolah za preuｲevanje vedenja deｲkov, pod imenom ,Preuｲevanje vzorcev moþkosti`.
The project operated within this environment.' [Project 99/044/WC]
Projekt je torej bil prisiljen delovati znotraj tega sovra™-nega okolja.ƒ [Projekt 99/044/WC]
‡ There were strong feelings that perpetrators of violence against children and domestic violence against women should be punished (94 % and 95 %) but little knowledge of exist-ing laws.
‡ med ljudmi je bilo zaznati trdno prepriｲanje, da je treba kaznovati posameznike, ki izvaja-jo nasilje nad otroki in dru™insko nasilje nad ™enskami (94 % in 95 %), po drugi strani pa jih je bilo le malo seznanjenih z zakonodajo, ki ureja to podroｲje;
‡ The majority of Europeans believed that laws should be more stringently enforced (91 % in both surveys) and there was strong support for the notion that the EU itself should be involved in combating violence against children (72 % `de«nitely')andagainstwomen(67 %).
‡ veｲina Evropejcev je menila, da bi bilo treba zakone stro™je izvajati (91 % v obeh mnenjskih raziskavah), hkrati pa izrazila moｲno podporo zamisli, da bi se morala tudi EU vkljuｲiti v boj proti nasilju nad otroki (72 % ¶zagotovoƒ) in ™enskami (67 %).
What was clear from the Eurobarometer is that there is a high level of general awareness about violence in Europe and a strong feeling that it is a social phenomenon that is not acceptable.
Eurobarometer je jasno pokazal, da v Evropi obstaja visoka raven sploþne javne zavesti o ob-stoju nasilja ter trdno prepriｲanje, da je to nesprejemljiv dru™beni pojav. Potrdil je tudi pred-postavko, da je nasilje veｲplasten pojav, ki se pojavlja v razliｲnih oblikah, iz razliｲnih razlogov in ima razliｲne povzroｲitelje iz najrazliｲnejþih okolij.
There are serious questions unanswered about why this is so (in more speci«careas,forexamplesexualabuseofchildren,thereareindicationsthatmasspublic awareness campaigns may in fact contribute to such `normalisation' and provide a context for the self-justi«cationprocessthatabusersgothrough).Whateverthereasons,thisclearly remains a major challenge for Europe.
Obstaja ™e veliko resnih vpraþanj, zakaj je temu tako, na katera bo treba poiskati ustrezne odgovore (na bolj konkretnih podroｲjih, kot denimo na podroｲju spolne zlorabe otrok, se je pokazalo, da mno™iｲne akcije za ozaveþｲanje javnosti lahko pravzaprav prispevajo k tej ¶normalizacijiƒ in ustvarjanju po-gojev za proces samo-opraviｲevanja, skozi katerega gredo povzroｲitelji nasilja).
Daphne projects have been extensively and regularly evaluated.
Projekti Daphne so vrednoteni redno in obþirno.
In 2003, a comprehensive
V letu 2003 so bili izｲrpno analizirani dose™-
1 1 study analysed the outputs and outcomes of the 303 (
1 1 ki 303 projektov
) projects funded between 1997 and
, «nanciranihodleta1997do2003,kipredstavljajoveｲkot1500partnerjev.
2003, representing more than 1 500 partners. This enabled the Commission to have a precise idea of individual results and impacts, but also to con«rmthee.ectivenessandthee/ciencyof the programme.
To je Komisiji omogoｲilo, da je dobila natanｲno predstavo o posameznih dose™kih in vplivih, obenem pa je potrdilo uｲinkovitost in uspeþnost programa.
This continuous evaluation work shows that Daphne is e.ective,i.e.itsresultsandtheirim-pacts contribute to achieving its objectives.
Nepretrgano vrednotenje ka™e, da je program Daphne uspeþen, ali z drugimi besedami, da dose™ki in uｲinki programa prispevajo k uresniｲevanju njegovih ciljev.
The e/ciencyoftheprogrammeisevidencedbythe impressive number of outputs and outcomes, compared with the resources allocated.
Uspeþnost programa je oｲitna tudi v prepriｲljivem þtevilu dose™enih rezultatov, ｲe jih primerjamo z dodeljenimi sredstvi.
Once the project is completed, insuf-«cientdisseminationandpost-projectfundingareimplemented.
Ko je projekt enkrat konｲan, sta njegovo nadaljnje razþirjanje in poprojektno « n a n c i r a nj e n e z a d o s t n a .
Project typology between 1997 and 2003
Tipologija projektov od leta 1997 do 2003
The « n a l e v a l u a t i o nffo f t h e D a p h n e p r o g r a m mffe p r o v i d e d p l e n tffy o f d a t a cffo n c e r n i n g t h e p r o j e c t s , their outputs and outcomes.
Konｲno vrednotenje programa Daphne je dalo veliko podatkov o projektih, njihovih uｲinkih in rezultatih. Slednji so obravnavani v 4. poglavju.
(a) There is a balance between projects dedicated to children/young people and to women or to combined targets:
a) Projekti, namenjeni otrokom/mladostnikom in ™enskam, so uravnote™eni ali imajo skupne cilje:
W o mffe n
Otroci in mladina
Children and women
Otroci in ™enske
Some 39 % of the projects speci«callyaddressedonetypeofend-bene«ciary(children,young people or women).
Pribli™no 39 % projektov je zlasti obravnavalo en tip konｲnih prejemnikov (otroke, mlado-stnike ali ™enske).
Grouping the types of end-bene«ciaryshowsthat`children'wereaddressed by 48 % of the projects, young people by 52 % and women by 61 %.
Razvrþｲanje konｲnih prejemnikov v skupine ka™e, da je ¶otrokeƒ obravna-valo 48 %, mladostnike 52 % in ™enske 61 % projektov.
) Of these 303 funded projects, 218 were analysed in detail, representing 1 212 partners.
Od teh 303 #nanciranihprogramov jih je bilo podrobno preu┘enih 218, kar skupaj predstavlja 1212 partnerjev.
Other projects could not be contacted for various reasons: bankruptcy, move of the key person, documentation no longer available, etc.
Z drugimi projekti ni bilo mogo┘e priti v stik iz razli┘nih vzrokov: bankrot, odhod klju┘ne osebe, dokumentacija ni bila ve┘ dostopna itd.