natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Podobna usoda je doletela Reinholda Bockleta, ki je bil imenovan za poročevalca v naslednjem mandatu, 1984–89.
A similar fate awaited Reinhold Bocklet, appointed rapporteur on the matter in the next mandate, 1984-89.
Njegovi napori so obtičali na britanskih ovirah.
His efforts foundered on the obstacle of the British.
Navkljub bistroumnosti mu iz proporcionalnega in neproporcionalnega volilnega sistema ni uspelo oblikovati sistema, ki bi ga resnično lahko imenovali enotnega in ki bi lahko privedel do soglasja v Parlamentu ali Svetu.
Ingenuity was not able to marry proportional and non-proportional electoral systems within a framework which could credibly be called ‘uniform’ and which, at the same time, would induce a consensus within either Parliament or Council.
Po padcu berlinskega zidu in vključitvi Vzhodne Nemčije v Skupnost je bilo treba ponovno doreči število nemških poslancev v Evropskem parlamentu.
The fall of the Berlin Wall and the integration of East Germany into the Community necessitated a review of the number of German deputies in the European Parliament.
Po volitvah leta 1989 (v tedaj 12 državah) je bil kot poročevalec za to vprašanje imenovan Karel De Gucht.
After the 1989 elections (in the then 12 states), Karel De Gucht was appointed rapporteur on the dossier.
Uspešno je pripravil dve „vmesni poročili“, ki sta stvari spravili v tek.
He successfully produced two ‘interim reports’ which pushed things along.
V prvem je De Gucht ponovil prejšnji predlog Parlamenta o uporabi D'Hondtove metode,
In the first, De Gucht repeated Parliament’s earlier proposal for the use of D’Hondt.
V drugem poročilu je predlagal, da se število poslanskih sedežev združene Nemčije dvigne na 99, medtem ko jih Francija, Italija in Združeno kraljestvo ohranijo po 87.
In his second report, De Gucht proposed that the unified Germany’s number of seats should rise to 99, leaving France, Italy and the UK with 87 each.
Poročilo De Gucht, sprejeto 10. marca 1993 z 207 glasovi za, 79 glasovi proti in 19 vzdržanimi glasovi, UL C 115, 26.4.1993.
De Gucht Report, adopted 10 March 1993 by 207 to 79 with 19 abstentions; OJ C 115, 26.4.1993.
Predlagal je še mešan sistem, po katerem bi dve tretjini britanskih poslancev izvolili z navadno večino v volilnih enotah z enim izvoljenim poslancem, preostalo tretjino pa bi razdelili v sorazmerju z dobljenim številom glasov vsake stranke.
Finally, De Gucht proposed a top-up system whereby two-thirds of the British seats could be elected by simple majority in single member constituencies, but the remaining third would be distributed proportionately to the total vote of each party.
A ne glede na prizadevanja Parlamenta se je vprašanje volilnega sistema z mrtve točke premaknilo šele potem, ko je bila maja 1997 v Veliki Britaniji oblikovana laburistična vlada, ki so ji pri tem pomagali liberalni demokrati.
Nevertheless, despite the efforts of Parliament, it was the election of a Labour government in the UK in May 1997, assisted on this matter by the Liberal Democrats, which finally broke the logjam over the electoral system.
Za volitve leta 1999 je bil v tej državi uveden sistem zaprtih list kandidatov za regionalno proporcionalno zastopstvo.
For the 1999 elections a closed list system of regional proportional representation was introduced to Great Britain.
Na Severnem Irskem se je zaradi velikanske potrebe po zastopanosti manjšinskega mnenja v pokrajini že od leta 1979 uporabljal sistem enega prenosljivega glasu.
Northern Ireland had enjoyed STV since 1979 because of the overwhelming need to reflect minority opinion in the province.
Leta 1999 je bilo v Parlament kot dokaz tega, kako je za legitimnost Evropskega parlamenta pomembno proporcionalno zastopstvo, izvoljenih 10 liberalnih demokratov, 2 zelena, 2 predstavnika valižanske stranke Plaid Cymru in 3 predstavniki britanske neodvisne stranke.
In 1999 10 Liberal Democrats, 2 Greens, 2 Plaid Cymru and 3 UKIP MEPs were elected to the Parliament, witness to the importance of proportional representation to the legitimation of the European Parliament.
Podobne reforme so pred volitvami leta 2004 sprejeli v Franciji.
Similar reforms were made in France in time for the 2004 elections.
Koristna sprememba pogodbe
Helpful Treaty change
Maastrichtska pogodba leta 1992 je naredila nekaj pogumnih korakov na področju državljanstva Evropske unije.
Meanwhile, the Treaty of Maastricht (1992) made some bold advances in the area of European Union citizenship.
S členom 8b(2) je bilo določeno naslednje:
Article 8b(2) laid down that:
... ima vsak državljan Unije, ki prebiva v neki državi članici, nima pa njenega državljanstva, pravico, da v tej državi voli in je voljen na volitvah v Evropski parlament pod enakimi pogoji kakor državljani te države.
… [E]very citizen of the Union residing in a Member State of which he is not a national shall have the right to vote and to stand as a candidate in elections to the European Parliament in the Member State in which he resides, under the same conditions as nationals of that State.
Ta pravica se uresničuje v skladu s podrobno ureditvijo, ki jo Svet na predlog Komisije in po posvetovanju z Evropskim parlamentom soglasno sprejme; ta ureditev lahko predvideva odstopanja, kadar so utemeljena s težavami, značilnimi za neko državo članico.
This right shall be exercised subject to detailed arrangements adopted by the Council, acting unanimously on a proposal from the Commission and after consulting the European Parliament; these arrangements may provide for derogations where warranted by problems specific to a Member State.
Kasneje člen 19(2) Pogodbe o ustanovitvi Evropske skupnosti (PEU).
Later Article 19(2) of the Treaty establishing the European Community (TEC).
Po maastrichtski pogodbi je bilo treba opraviti revizijo akta iz leta 1976 s sklepom Sveta 93/81, UL L 33, 9.2.1993.
The Treaty of Maastricht necessitated a revision of the 1976 Act, in Council Decision 93/81; OJ L 33, 9.2.1993.
S tem je bila dana pravna podlaga za ukrepe v spodbudo nadnacionalnim volilnim ukrepom in večji državljanski udeležbi.
Helpfully, this provided a legal base for measures to stimulate transnational electoral politics and increase civic participation.
Prav tako je bil z maastrichtsko pogodbo spremenjen člen 138, s čimer je Parlament dobil pravico do privolitve k predlogu Sveta o enotnem volilnem postopku.
At the same time, the Treaty of Maastricht amended Article 138 to give to the Parliament the right of assent to the Council’s proposal for a uniform electoral procedure.
Pogodba je uvedla tudi nov člen 138a, ki določa naslednje:
It also introduced a new Article 138a which establishes that:
Politične stranke na evropski ravni so pomemben povezovalni dejavnik v okviru Unije.
Political parties at European level are important as a factor for integration within the Union .
Prispevajo k oblikovanju evropske zavesti in izražanju politične volje državljanov Unije.
They contribute to forming a European awareness and to expressing the political will of the citizens of the Union .
Zmaga Tonyja Blaira maja 1997 je ugodno vplivala na zaključek dela medvladne konference, ki je privedla do podpisa amsterdamske pogodbe.
Tony Blair’s victory in May 1997 had a beneficial effect on the closing stages of the Intergovernmental Conference which led up to the signing of the Treaty of Amsterdam.
Kot prvo se je s pogodbo povečalo število sedežev v Parlamentu na 700 (99 za Nemčijo, po 87 za Francijo, Italijo in Veliko Britanijo).
First, the new Treaty capped the size of the Parliament at 700 – with 99 for Germany and 87 each for France, Italy and the United Kingdom.
Člen 138(2), kasneje člen 190(2).
Article 138(2), subsequently Article 190(2).
A vnesena je bila tudi nova, nejasna klavzula:
It then added a new, cryptic clause, as follows:
Če se ta odstavek spremeni, mora število predstavnikov, izvoljenih v vsaki od držav članic, zagotoviti ustrezno zastopanost narodov držav, združenih v Skupnosti.
In the event of amendments to this paragraph, the number of representatives elected in each Member State must ensure appropriate representation of the peoples of the States brought together in the Community.
Dodan je bil nov pododstavek, po katerem je postal mandat Parlamenta petletni,
This, which became Article 190(3), simply codified the 1976 Act.
Določilo je postalo člen 190(3) in je preprosto kodificiralo akt iz leta 1976. z novo pogodbo pa je bil spremenjen tudi člen 190(4) (prej člen 138(3)), ki se glasi:
Fourth, the new Treaty amended Article 190(4) (formerly Article 138(3)), as follows:
Evropski parlament pripravi predlog za splošne neposredne volitve po enotnem postopku v vseh državah članicah ali v skladu z načeli, ki so skupna vsem državam članicam.
The European Parliament shall draw up a proposal for elections by direct universal suffrage in accordance with a uniform electoral procedure in all Member States or in accordance with principles common to all Member States .
Poudarek poročevalca.
Rapporteur's emphasis.
Vse te spremembe so bile v primerjavi s poročilom De Gucht odsev bolj pragmatičnega pristopa Parlamenta.
This revision reflected the more pragmatic approach of the Parliament as articulated in the De Gucht Report.
Še posebej je sprememba omogočala Irski, da namesto sistema po seznamu najvišjega povprečja še naprej uporablja sistem enega prenosljivega glasu.
In particular, the change would allow the Irish to continue to use the Single Transferable Vote (STV) instead of a largest average list system.
Poleg tega je bil amsterdamski pogodbi koristno dodan novi člen 190(5):
Lastly, a new Article 190(5) was usefully added by the Treaty of Amsterdam:
Evropski parlament po pridobitvi mnenja Komisije in z odobritvijo Sveta, ki odloča soglasno, določi pravila in splošne pogoje za opravljanje nalog svojih članov.
The European Parliament shall, after seeking an opinion from the Commission and with the approval of the Council acting unanimously, lay down the regulations and general conditions governing the performance of the duties of its Members.
Poročilo Anastasopulos
The Anastassopoulos Report
Takoj po podpisu amsterdamske pogodbe leta 1997 je Odbor za ustavne zadeve podpredsednika Parlamenta Georgiosa Anastasopulosa imenoval za poročevalca o volilnem postopku.
Immediately after the signing of the Treaty of Amsterdam in 1997, the Committee on Institutional Affairs appointed Parliamentary Vice-President Georgios Anastassopoulos as its rapporteur on the electoral procedure.
Njegova naloga je bila preveriti, ali bi bil na podlagi spremenjenega člena 190(4) lahko sklenjen nov predlog oziroma ali je opredelitev „v skladu z načeli, ki so skupna vsem državam članicam“ ponudila boljšo podlago za enotnost kot „po enotnem volilnem postopku v vseh državah članicah“.
His task was to see whether a new proposal could be agreed on the basis of the revised Article 190(4), that is, whether ‘ principles common to all Member States ’ offered a better basis for uniformity than ‘ a uniform electoral procedure in all Member States’.
Georgios Anastasopulos je med državami dosegel zelo široko soglasje glede številnih skupnih načel, celo glede proporcionalnega zastopstva.
Anastassopoulos found a ‘very broad consensus’ among States on a number of common principles, including, not least, proportional representation.
Opustil je zamisel o enotnem oblikovanju ozemeljskih meja volilnih enot, a vztrajal pri njihovi vzpostavitvi v državah z več kot 20 milijoni prebivalcev.
He dropped the idea of trying to craft territorial constituencies in a uniform manner, but insisted on their creation in States with more than 20 million inhabitants.
Predlagal je predvsem, da bi bil lahko od volitev leta 2009 dalje določen delež sedežev (sam je predlagal 10 %) sorazmerno porazdeljen na podlagi nadnacionalnih seznamov (z enakomerno zastopanostjo moških in žensk), nacionalni volilni pragi pa naj bi ostali neobvezni.
Notably, he raised the question of whether a portion of seats – he proposed ten per cent ‑ could be distributed proportionately from transnational (gender balanced) lists as from the 2009 elections.
Predlagal je, naj se volitve prestavijo z junija na maj, s čimer bi se izognili poletnim počitnicam v severnih državah, in naj se skrajša čas za glasovanje na največ dva dni.
He proposed bringing the elections forward from June to May (in order to avoid summer holidays in Northern states), and to truncate the time for polling itself to two days maximum.
Parlament je to daljnosežno poročilo sprejel 15. julija 1998 s 355 glasovi za, 146 proti in 39 vzdržanimi glasovi.
The far-reaching Anastassopoulos Report was adopted by Parliament on 15 July 1998 by 355 votes to 146 with 39 abstentions.
UL C 292, 21.9.1998; Resolucija Parlamenta je ponatisnjena v prilogi I.
OJ C 292, 21.9.1998; Parliament’s resolution is reproduced in Annex I.
Leta 2002 je Svet spremenil akt iz leta 1976 in kodificiral splošno uvedbo proporcionalnega zastopstva: dovoli se le sistem enega prenosljivega glasu ter preferenčno glasovanje, vzpostavljene so ozemeljske meje volilnih enot, določen je najvišji volilni prag 5 %, postopno se odpravi dvojni mandat, za odpravo mandatov in zapolnitev prostih poslanskih mest pa naj se uporabijo nacionalni zakoni.
In 2002 the Council modified the 1976 Act in order to codify the introduction everywhere of proportional representation, to allow explicitly STV and preferential voting, to cater for territorial constituencies, to fix a maximum threshold of 5 per cent, to phase out the dual mandate, and to let national law apply to the withdrawal of mandates and the filling of vacancies.
Sklep Sveta z dne 25. junija 2002 in 23. septembra 2002, ki spreminja akt o volitvah poslancev Evropskega parlamenta s splošnimi neposrednimi volitvami; UL L 283, 21.10.2002.
Council Decision of 25 June 2002 and 23 September 2002 amending the Act concerning the election of the representatives of the European Parliament by direct universal suffrage; OJ L 283, 21.10.2002.
Drznejših predlogov Anastasopulosovega parlamentarnega poročila Svet ni sprejel.
The bolder proposals of the Parliament's Anastassopoulos Report were not adopted by the Council.
Cacosa, Atene in Bruselj, 2002.
Tsatsos MEP, Athens & Brussels, 2002.
Nica, Laeken in konvencija
Nice, Laeken and the Convention
Parlamentu na medvladni konferenci v Nici ni uspelo sprožiti vprašanja postopka volitev vanj.
Parliament was unsuccessful in raising the matter of its electoral procedure at the Nice Intergovernmental Conference.
Namesto tega je zaključne trenutke medvladne konference decembra 2000 zaznamoval glasen prepir o porazdelitvi sedežev v Parlamentu.
Instead, the closing stages of the IGC in December 2000 were marked by the bruising row over the redistribution of seats in the Parliament.
Pogodba iz Nice je člen 190(5) spremenila takole:
The Treaty of Nice modified Article 190(5), as follows:
Evropski parlament po pridobitvi mnenja Komisije in z odobritvijo Sveta, ki odloča s kvalificirano večino , določi pravila in splošne pogoje za opravljanje nalog svojih članov.
The European Parliament shall, after seeking an opinion from the Commission and with the approval of the Council acting by a qualified majority , lay down the regulations and general conditions governing the performance of the duties of its Members.
Za sprejetje vseh pravil ali pogojev, ki se nanašajo na obdavčitev članov ali nekdanjih članov, je potrebna soglasna odločitev Sveta .
All rules or conditions relating to the taxation of Members or former Members shall require unanimity within the Council.
Člen 191 je bil spremenjen, da bi tako ustvarili pravno podlago za uvedbo statuta evropskih političnih strank.
An amendment was made to Article 191 to create a legal base for the creation of a statute for European political parties.
Svet je bil pooblaščen, da v soodločanju s Parlamentom določi pravila za delovanje evropskih strank, zlasti za njihovo financiranje.
The Council was empowered to lay down regulations governing European parties and particularly their financing, in co-decision with the Parliament.
Po razočaranju zaradi pogodbe iz Nice so bila decembra 2001 z laekensko deklaracijo postavlljena številna bistvena vprašanja o prihodnji vlogi Evropskega parlamenta.
On the road to recovery from the disappointment of the Nice Treaty, the Laeken Declaration, in December 2001, posed various pertinent questions about the future role of the European Parliament.
Je treba okrepiti vlogo Evropskega parlamenta?
‘Should the role of the European Parliament be strengthened?
Naj razširimo pravico do soodločanja?
Should we extend the right of codecision or not?
Bi morali spremeniti način, kako volimo poslance v Evropski parlament?
Should the way in which we elect the members of the European Parliament be reviewed?
Ali naj ustanovimo evropsko volilno enoto ali naj bodo te še naprej določene na nacionalni ravni?
Should a European electoral constituency be created, or should constituencies continue to be determined nationally?
Lahko hkrati uporabljamo oba sistema?
Can the two systems be combined?’
Ko so bila ta vprašanja obravnavana na konvenciji o ustavi, pa je treba priznati, da so imela pred vprašanjem volilnega sistema prednost tista o pristojnostih Parlamenta in o njegovem mestu v medinstitucionalnem ravnotežju.
When the constitutional Convention discussed these questions, however, it must be admitted that the electoral system was of a lower order of priority to those of the powers of the Parliament and its place in the inter-institutional balance.
Poročevalec je bil član konvencije o prihodnosti Evrope (2002–2003) in eden izmed treh predstavnikov Parlamenta na medvladni konferenci leta 2007.
The rapporteur was a member of the Convention on the Future of Europe (2002-03) and was one of Parliament’s three representatives to the 2007 IGC.
Konvencija je smiselno predlagala, da bi moral biti volilni sistem urejen z zakonom ali okvirnim zakonom Sveta, ki odloča soglasno na osnovi predloga Parlamenta in z njegovo odobritvijo.
The Convention proposed, sensibly enough, that the electoral system should be subject to a law or framework law of the Council, acting unanimously on a proposal from and with the consent of the Parliament.
Člen III-232 osnutka pogodbe o ustavi za Evropo (2003).
Article III-232 of the Draft Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe (2003).
Glede oblike Parlamenta pa je konvencija predlagala, naj Evropski svet soglasno sprejme sklep o predlogu Parlamenta z njegovo odobritvijo.
As far as the shape of the Parliament was concerned, the Convention proposed that the European Council should take a decision, by unanimity, on a proposal from and with the consent of Parliament.
Člen I-19(2) osnutka pogodbe o ustavi za Evropo (2003).
Article I-19(2) of the Draft Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe (2003).
Poleg tega naj bi Listina o temeljnih pravicah postala zavezujoča, njen člen 39 pa določa pravico vsakega državljana, da v državi članici, v kateri prebiva, pod enakimi pogoji kakor državljani te države voli ali je voljen na volitvah v Evropski parlament.
Furthermore, the Charter of Fundamental Rights was to become mandatory, Article 39 of which set out the right of every citizen to vote or stand in the European Parliamentary elections in the Member State in which he or she resided, under the same conditions as nationals of that State.
Medvladna konferenca iz leta 2003 in 2004, ki je nadaljevala delo konvencije, ni spreminjala postopkov, temveč je o tem sprejela klavzulo (člen I-20(2)), ki se glasi:
The IGC of 2003-04 which followed up the work of the Convention made no change in the procedures but adapted the relevant clause (Article I-20(2)) to read as follows:
Evropski parlament je sestavljen iz predstavnikov državljanov Unije.
The European Parliament shall be composed of representatives of the Union ’s citizens.
Njihovo število ne sme preseči sedemsto petdeset.
They shall not exceed 750 in number.
Državljani so v Evropskem parlamentu zastopani proporcionalno upadajoče, z najnižjim pragom šestih poslancev na državo članico.
Representation of citizens shall be degressively proportional, with a minimum threshold of six members per Member State .
Nobena država članica nima več kot šestindevetdeset sedežev.
No Member State shall be allocated more than 96 seats.
To besedilo je bilo podobno predlogu, ki ga je Nemčija predstavila v obdobju Maastrichta, a je bil takrat zavrnjen.
This was rather similar to a proposal made by Germany at the time of Maastricht, but at that stage rejected.
Omenjeno je bilo, da je šel pomen spremembe zgodovinskega besedila (s „predstavnikov narodov držav, združenih v Skupnosti“ na „predstavnikov državljanov Unije“) mimo nekaterih opazovalcev neopažen.
It has been suggested that the significance of the change of the historic wording – from ‘ representatives … of the peoples of the States brought together in the Community ’ to ‘ representatives of the Union ’s citizens ’ ‑ was lost on some observers.
Čeprav prevladuje mnenje, da izraz „narod“ v veljavni pogodbi nima natančnega pravnega pomena, sprememba v „državljan“ ni bila naključna: koncept državljana Unije je bil namreč poudarjen drugje v ustavni pogodbi.
Although the term 'peoples' is not thought to have any precise legal meaning in the current Treaty, the change to 'citizens' was not accidental: indeed, the elevation of the EU citizen was accentuated elsewhere in the constitutional treaty.
Predvsem člen I-46(2), ki se glasi „Državljani so na ravni Unije neposredno zastopani v Evropskem parlamentu“, (kasneje tudi v Lizbonski pogodbi v členu 8a(2) Pogodbe o Evropski uniji).
Notably, Article I-45(2) which said that ‘Citizens are directly represented at Union level in the European Parliament', (later replicated by the Treaty of Lisbon in Article 10(2) of the Treaty on European Union).
Predstavniki Parlamenta na konvenciji in na kasnejši medvladni konferenci pa so upali, da bo sprememba spodbudila nadaljnji razvoj nadnacionalnih politik, ki bi pripeljale do večje potrditve post-nacionalnega političnega prostora.
And representatives of the Parliament in the Convention and at the subsequent IGCs were hopeful that the change would encourage the further development of transnational politics, leading to a more popular recognition of the post-national political space.
Nedavna zgodba o „obdobju za razmislek“ in o pogajanju za lizbonsko pogodbo je bolj znana.
The recent story of the ‘period of reflection’ and the negotiation of the Treaty of Lisbon is more familiar.
Na medvladni konferenci se je Parlament odločil, da ne bo vztrajal pri enotnem volilnem postopku ali – kot se je v nekem trenutku razpravljalo – pri reformi režima posebnih pravic in imunitet.
At the Intergovernmental Conference, Parliament chose neither to press the case for a uniform electoral procedure nor, as had at one time been mooted, for a reform of the privileges and immunities regime.
Če pustimo ustavna pogajanja ob strani, pa je bil na drugih področjih dosežen precejšen napredek.
Away from the constitutional negotiations, there was significant progress.
Prvi statut evropskih političnih strank je bil objavljen leta 2003, leta 2007 pa razširjen na politične temelje strank.
The first statute for European political parties was delivered in 2003, extended to party political foundations in 2007.
Uredba (ES) št. 2004/2003 Evropskega parlamenta in Sveta z dne 4. novembra 2003 o predpisih, ki urejajo delovanje političnih strank na evropski ravni, in pravilih glede njihovega financiranja; UL L 297, 15.11.2003, in Uredba Sveta (ES) št. 1524/2007 z dne 18. decembra 2007, UL L 343, 27.11.2007.
Respectively, Regulation (EC) No 2004/2003 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 4 November 2003 on the regulations governing political parties at European level and the rules regarding their funding; OJ L 297, 15-11-2003; and Regulation (EC) No 1524/2007 of 18 December 2007; OJ L 343, 27-12-2007.
Prav tako je bil leta 2005 končno sprejet statut poslancev Evropskega parlamenta.
Likewise, the Statute for Members of the European Parliament was at last agreed in 2005.
Sklep Evropskega parlamenta z dne 28. septembra 2005 o sprejetju statuta poslancev Evropskega parlamenta (2005/684/ES, Euratom), UL L 262, 7.10.2005.
Decision of the European Parliament of 28 September 2005 adopting the Statute for Members of the European Parliament (2005/684/EC, Euratom), OJ L 262, 07-10-2005.