natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Obenem vse višje cene surovin koristijo državam, bogatim z naravnimi viri, a otežkočajo življenje preostalemu delu celine – cene pa tudi ne bodo vedno tako visoke.
Moreover, soaring commodity prices benefit resource-rich countries but make life harder for the rest of the continent – and prices will not remain high forever.
Glede pomoči in naložb velja omeniti, da kitajske pomoči pogosto ne bi mogli uvrstiti med pomoči po merilih Odbora za razvojno pomoč.
On aid and investment, Chinese assistance would often not qualify as aid according to DAC criteria.
Glavni cilj tako opevanega razvojnega sklada Kitajska-Afrika, vrednega 5 milijard USD, je predvsem pomoč kitajskim podjetjem in njihovim projektom na afriški celini.
The much trumpeted 5 billion USD China-Africa Development Fund is indeed mostly aimed at supporting Chinese enterprises and their projects in the continent.
Kitajska pomoč in naložbe so velikokrat vezane in navadno dajejo prednost kitajskim delavcem.
Chinese aid and investments are often tied and normally involve Chinese workers.
Kitajska posojila, ki ovirajo prizadevanja, da bi bilo dodeljevanje pomoči pogojeno s spoštovanjem človekovih pravic, demokracijo, dobrim upravljanjem, lahko afriškim vladam prav tako povzročajo težave, saj države dolgoročno vežejo sredstva in vedno manj izpolnjujejo kriterije za financiranje mednarodnih finančnih institucij.
Chinese loans, frustrating efforts to link aid to human rights, democracy, and good governance, can also create difficulties for African governments, by tying up resources in the long term and reducing eligibility for IFI financing.
Kitajske naložbe in načrti pomoči so za afriške partnerje seveda zanimivi.
China’s investments and aid plans are obviously attractive to African partners.
Prav tako je zanimiva pravica veta Kitajske v Varnostnem svetu ZN.
So is China’s veto power at the UNSC.
Toda to partnerstvo bi lahko prineslo veliko večje koristi, če bi bila Afrika zmožna postaviti pogoje: poštene pogodbe in ustrezno upravljanje ustvarjenega kapitala.
But this partnership can be much more beneficial if Africa is able to determine conditions: fair deals and proper management of the capital generated.
Afriške države lahko povečajo svojo pogajalsko moč, če pri pogajanjih stopijo skupaj, zato so organizacije, kot sta Afriška unija ali Novo partnerstvo za afriški razvoj, tako pomembne.
African countries can increase their bargaining power by negotiating jointly, hence the importance of organisations such as the AU or NEPAD.
Potrebna je večja preglednost in odgovornost glede nezakonitih dejavnosti, povezanih z izkoriščanjem naravnih virov; stanje je toliko slabše, ker afriške vlade nimajo zadostnih zmogljivosti, da bi izvajale nadzor nad ekstraktivnimi dejavnostmi.
Illegal practices in resource exploitation, aggravated by the lack of capacity of African governments to supervise extractive activities, require greater transparency and accountability.
Afrika bi morala podpreti razširitev obsega pobude EITI tako, da bi namesto politike "objavi, koliko si plačal" vodila politiko "objavi, koliko si uničil".
Africa should support the expansion of the scope of the EITI, moving from ‘publish what you pay’ to ‘publish what you damage’.
Kar zadeva vpliv na okolje, Kitajska še dalje uvaža nezakonit les in slonovino iz afriških držav, kitajski projekti, npr. jez Merowe v Sudanu, pa prav tako povzročajo veliko okoljsko škodo.
As for environmental impact, China continues to import illegal timber and ivory from African countries, and serious environmental damage is caused by Chinese projects, such as the Merowe dam in Sudan.
Na področju varnosti in miru je kitajska razširila sodelovanje na več afriških režimov.
In the field of security and peace, China has extended military cooperation to several African regimes.
Sudan in Zimbabve sta največja prejemnika kitajskega orožja.
Sudan and Zimbabwe are major recipients of Chinese arms.
Z vidika odgovornosti, ki jih ima kot stalna članica Varnostnega sveta ZN, je Kitajsko potrebno pozvati, naj si, namesto da si prizadeva za državno varnost, začne prizadevati za varnost ljudi.
In view of its responsibilities as a permanent member of the UN Security Council, China must be urged to move from favouring state-centred security to supporting “human security”.
Ob večji prisotnosti vojske bo morda Kitajska bolje razumela, zakaj mora prevzeti odgovornost za zaščito.
With more troops on the ground, China may better understand why it is necessary to assume the "responsibility to protect".
Številne kritike glede Kitajske kažejo so do neke mere tudi odraz preteklih in sedanjih napak Zahoda: pravila trgovanja ter zaščitniške subvencije, oskrba z orožjem, dvojna merila ipd.
Many of the criticisms made against China mirror, to a certain extent, Western mistakes, past and present: trade rules and protective subsidies, supplying weapons, double standards, etc.
Poleg tega je apetit Zahoda po poceni proizvodih "izdelano na Kitajskem" prav tako kriv, da mora Kitajska – dandanes svetovna tovarna – potešiti svoje hude potrebe po naravnih virih.
Moreover, the Western appetite for cheap “made in China” products also contributes to China’s - today’s world factory - bulimia for natural resources.
Evropejci se ne bi smeli pretvarjati, da so "dober igralec" v tem trikotniku odnosov, saj imajo afriške države razlog, da menijo, da jih tako Evropejci kot Kitajska ovirajo, in so do njih sumničave.
Europeans should not pretend to be the “good player” in this triangular relationship, for African countries have reasons to be frustrated and suspicious of them, as much as of China.
Afriški vodje se sklicujejo na pravico, da dohitijo industrializacijo, ne glede na ceno, ki jo bo zaradi onesnaževanja plačalo okolje.
African leaders invoke the right to catch up with industrialisation, with the inherent pollution costs.
Afričani prav tako menijo, da je pomoč Afriki stvar pravice in ne miloščine.
Africans also argue that assisting Africa is a matter of justice, not charity.
Namesto, da EU, Afrika in Kitajska s prstom kažejo ena na drugo, bi se morale zavzeti in sodelovati v korist trajnostnega razvoja v Afriki.
Instead of entering the blame game, the EU, Africa and China should engage and cooperate for the sustainable development of Africa.
Izkazalo se je, da je Kitajska pripravljena ugoditi mednarodnim pričakovanjem.
China has shown itself to be sensitive to international expectations.
Kitajska zunanja politika: od politike "posel je posel" do "tihe revolucije"
China ’s foreign policy: From ‘business is business’ to ‘quiet revolution’
Kitajska se zavzema za "neodvisno zunanjo politiko", ki temelji na načelih "suverenosti in ne-vmešavanja" ter predstavlja svoje poseganje v Afriko izključno kot posel.
China proclaims an “independent foreign policy”, based on the principles of “sovereignty and non-interference ” and presents its involvement in Africa as strictly business.
To pomeni, da se afriškim vladam pomoč in posojila dodeljujejo predvidoma "brez obvez" – toda vedno je seveda prisotna "klavzula o Tajvanu" ter pritisk, da se dalajlamo izolira.
This means that aid and loans are provided to African governments on a supposedly "no-strings attached" basis - but, of course, there is always a “Taiwan clause” and pressure to shun the Dalai Lama.
Kitajska navzočnost v Afriki ima politične posledice.
In fact, China’s presence in Africa does have political impact.
S svojim pristopom "le trgovina, ne politika" , namesto z zagotavljanjem nevtralnosti, nudi nekaterim afriškim diktatorjem politično in finančno podporo, da ostajajo na oblasti.
Its ‘trade only, no politics’ approach, rather than ensuring neutrality, provides some African dictators with political and financial support to stay in power.
Sudan in Zimbabve sta se na primer zatekla h Kitajski, ko so se mednarodne kritike njunih režimov pomnožile.
For instance, Sudan and Zimbabwe turned to China when international criticism increased on the regimes.
Leta 2004 je Angola prekinila pogajanja z Mednarodnim denarnim skladom, ko ji je Kitajska ponudila posojilo v višini 2 milijard USD, ki ni vključevalo pogojev glede korupcije ali preglednosti: dotok denarja, ki je finančno okrepil vladajočo stranko v sklepnem delu predvolilne kampanje.
In 2004, Angola broke off negotiations with the IMF, when China offered a 2 billion USD loan, without conditions on corruption or transparency: a cash flow which represents a financial boost to the ruling party in the run up to forthcoming elections.
Kritike na račun kitajskega "vmešavanja" v Afriki postajajo tako vedno močnejše.
Criticism of Chinese ‘intervention’ in Africa is thus becoming stronger.
Kitajske državljane so napadli v Nigeriji, Etiopiji in Nigru.
Chinese agents have been attacked in Nigeria, Ethiopia and Niger.
V najhujšem primeru vse do danes, aprila 2007, ko so gverilci Ogaden napadli naftni objekt v vzhodni Etiopiji, je bilo ubitih devet kitajskih in vsaj 65 etiopijskih delavcev; tuja podjetja se je odvračalo od sodelovanja z etiopijsko vlado pri izkoriščanju naravnih virov v tej regiji.
In the worst case to date, nine Chinese workers and at least 65 Ethiopians were killed in April 2007, when Ogaden guerrillas attacked an oil installation in Eastern Ethiopia; foreign companies were warned against working with the Ethiopian government to exploit the region's natural resources.
Zaradi številnih drugih incidentov se Kitajska počasi zaveda, da " nepolitični" dogovori o nafti ali rudninah ne obstajajo.
Various other incidents are making China realise that there is no such thing as “politics-free” oil or mineral contracts.
V Afriki je prišlo tudi do nekaj protikitajskih izgredov.
A number of anti-Chinese riots have also occurred in Africa.
Zaradi porasta težav, Kitajska postopoma spoznava, da se mora prilagoditi.
Due to such mounting problems, China is understanding that it must adapt.
Najboljši primer je Sudan: Kitajska je zagrozila z vetom na resolucije Varnostnega sveta ZN o Darfurju, da bi zaščitila svoje gospodarske interese v Kartumu; toda ko je mednarodna skupnost zagrozila z bojkotom olimpijskih iger, je Peking aprila 2007 imenoval posebnega predstavnika, tako da je Kartum zaradi pritiska Kitajske navsezadnje sprejel Annanov načrt.
The best example is Sudan: China threatened to veto UNSC resolutions on Darfur, in order to protect its economic interests in Khartoum; but, when international threats to boycott the Olympic Games were heard, Beijing named a special representative (April 2007) and Chinese pressure led to Khartoum's acceptance of the Annan plan.
Peking prav tako zmanjšuje stike z Zimbabvejem: leta 2007 Harare ni bil vključen na afriško turnejo predsednika Huja, v tem obdobju pa je Peking oznanil tudi, da umika vso pomoč, razen humanitarne.
Beijing is also scaling down relations with Zimbabwe: in 2007, Harare was not included in the African tour of President Hu and, in the meantime, Beijing announced withdrawal of all assistance except humanitarian aid.
Kitajska morda zaradi mednarodnih odzivov na krizo v Darfurju in nedavne okrutne represije v Burmi spoznava, da brezpogojna podpora zatiralskim režimom in mednarodna osamitev nista v njenem največjem interesu.
International reactions to the Darfur crisis and the recent brutal repression in Burma may be making China realise that unconditional support to oppressive regimes and international isolation are not in its best interest.
Pekingu postaja tudi vedno bolj jasno, kako tvegane so naložbe v propadajoča gospodarstva in šibke države: naftna polja v Sudanu na konfliktnih območjih služijo kot dokaz, da se naložbe v cevovode splačajo in so vzdržne le, če se zagotovi varnost.
Also the risks of investing in failing economies and fragile states may be becoming clearer to Beijing: oil fields in Sudan coinciding with conflict zones show that investing in pipelines is only profitable and sustainable if security is ensured.
Varnost pa ni dolgotrajna, kjer je spor povezan bodisi s kršenjem človekovih pravic ali s slabim upravljanjem.
And security is not long-lasting where there is conflict associated either with human rights violations or bad governance.
Kljub "tihi revoluciji" kitajske zunanje politike, kot so jo nekateri poimenovali, pa se pričakuje, da obstaja neka meja, do katere se bo Peking pripravljen prilagoditi: to mejo določajo nizka raven spoštovanja temeljnih pravic in svoboščin ter odgovornosti v lastni državi.
Despite what some already call a “quiet revolution” in China’s foreign policy, limits are to be expected on how much Beijing will be willing to adapt: limits determined by the poor level of basic rights, freedoms and accountability enacted at home.
Zato EU ne bi smela razmišljati le o tem, kako spodbuditi Kitajsko, da prevzame bolj odgovorno vlogo v Afriki, ampak tudi, kaj storiti v primeru, da se Kitajska ne odzove na mednarodne zahteve.
The EU should, therefore, not only consider how to encourage China to assume a more responsible engagement in Africa, but also what to do in case China does not respond to international demands.
Konkurenčnost ali partnerstvo, ki bi koristilo vsem stranem?
Competition or win-win partnership?
Izzivi za EU
Challenges for the EU
EU mora glede Kitajske pripraviti skupen pristop, premagati mora nesoglasja, ki so posledica nacionalnih interesov in spodkopavajo zmožnost Evrope, da vpliva na kitajsko zunanjo politiko.
The EU needs to develop a common approach towards China, overcoming divergences caused by national interests, which undermine Europe's ability to influence Chinese foreign policy.
Tak pristop EU mora temeljiti na dejanjih.
A common EU approach should be based on engagement.
EU bi morala Kitajsko spodbuditi, da prevzame večjo vlogo pri reševanju sporov, ohranjanju miru in pri okroglih mizah donatorjev.
The EU should encourage China to play a bigger role in conflict mediation, peace-keeping and donor roundtables.
Če delovanje nima učinka, EU ne bi smela podcenjevati vpliva zasebnih in javnih kritik na račun Kitajske.
When engagement does not work, the EU should not underestimate the power of privately and publicly criticising China.
Države članice EU in članice Varnostnega sveta ZN prav tako ne bi smele – če bi bilo potrebno – pomišljati, ali Kitajski pustiti, da sama uveljavlja veto na resolucije VS ZN; na ta način bi lahko izpostavile njeno osamitev.
EU Member States and UNSC members should also not hesitate, if necessary, to let China veto UNSC resolutions alone, putting in evidence its isolation.
EU bi prav tako morala prenehati idealizirati odnose z Afriko, ki temeljijo na zgodovinskih ter kulturnih povezavah in skupnih jezikih.
The EU should also stop romanticising its relationship with Africa, based on historic or cultural links and common languages.
Evropa mora svojemu ogromnemu potencialnemu vplivu na Afriko dati resnično politično in diplomatsko težo, ki bi delovala v korist trajnostnega razvoja v Afriki.
Europe needs to turn its huge potential of influence in Africa into real political and diplomatic clout working for sustainable development in Africa.
Ključno je, da EU vztraja pri politiki pogojnega poseganja, ter da obenem širi "pozitivno pogojevanje", in sicer s podporo vladam, institucijam, civilni družbi, organizacijam, medijem, ki pospešujejo spoštovanje človekovih pravic, demokracijo in odgovorno upravljanje v afriških državah.
It is vital that the EU sticks to its policy of conditional engagement, while also expanding "positive conditionality" by increasing support to governments, institutions, civil society organisations and media that promote human rights, democracy and accountable governance in African countries.
Pri sodelovanju s Kitajsko pri vprašanju Afrike, EU ne bi smela prezreti odnosov z drugimi velikimi in vedno bolj vidnimi akterji, in sicer z ZDA, Brazilijo ter Indijo.
While engaging with China on Africa, the EU should not overlook relations with other major and emerging players, namely the USA, Brazil and India.
Kitajsko posredovanje v Afriki je že imelo pozitiven učinek ter ustvarilo vnovično zanimanje za Afriko, zaradi česar se zdaj na Afriko gleda drugače: ni več dežela revščine in cilj dobrodelnih akcij, vse večje je priznanje afriškim zgodbam o uspehu, obenem pa se Evropa vedno bolj zaveda, da bi afriški naravni viri lahko ublažili odvisnost od negotove naftne oskrbe z Bližnjega vzhoda ter da se v Afriki skriva velik podjetniški potencial.
China’s involvement in Africa has already had the positive effect of creating a renewed interest in Africa, contributing to a shift in perceptions: from a land of poverty and a destination for charity, Africa’s success stories are being recognised and there is increasing realisation in Europe that Africa’s resources could reduce the West’s dependence on risky Middle Eastern oil supplies and that Africa offers great potential for business.
Nikakor pa se ne sme pozabiti, da je najboljši afriški naravni vir afriško ljudstvo.
It is absolutely crucial to bear in mind that the best African resource is the African people.
Krepitev vloge žensk, organizacij civilne družbe, svobodnih in pluralnih medijev mora biti prednostna naloga EU in drugih partnerjev, ki si prizadevajo za razvoj Afrike.
Empowering women, civil society organisations, free and plural media must be priorities of the EU and other partners working for the development of Africa.
Prednostna naloga Evropskega parlamenta pa bi morala biti pomoč pri vzpostavitvi zmogljivosti za nadzor vseafriškega parlamenta in afriških nacionalnih parlamentov; obenem bi moral sodelovati s kitajskim nacionalnim ljudskim kongresom pri vprašanju vpliva politike EU in Kitajske na Afriko.
Helping to build scrutinising capacities of the Pan African Parliament and African national parliaments should be a priority for the European Parliament, as well as in engaging with China’s NPC on the impact of the EU’s and China’s policies in Africa.
2. ugotavlja, da je Afrika z vidika političnega, socialnega in gospodarskega razvoja zelo raznolika regija s številnimi regionalnimi organizacijami, zato meni, da mora biti tudi pristop Kitajske do te regije raznolik;
Notes that Africa is a very heterogeneous region in terms of political, social and economic development, and is home to countless regional organisations; therefore considers that a differentiated approach to the region on the part of China is necessary;
7. meni, da je zaželeno, da Kitajska v Afriki ne bi bila prisotna le v državah, zanimivih z energetskopolitičnega vidika, ampak da bi preučila možnost sodelovanja z vsemi afriškimi državami;
Considers it desirable for China's engagement in Africa to include not only nations that are of interest from the point of view of energy policy but for consideration to be given to cooperation with all the African states;
10. predlaga Komisiji, naj s kitajskimi organi vzpostavi poseben dialog za: a) usklajevanje pritiskov Evropske unije in Kitajske na Afriko, da bi ta dosledneje spoštovala mednarodne konvencije, sporazume in pogodbe o prodaji orožja, človekovih pravicah, dobrem upravljanju in spoštovanju okolja, ki jih je podpisala; in b) preučevanje izvedljivosti tristranskega partnerstva med Kitajsko, Evropsko unijo in afriškimi državami za krepitev razvojne pomoči, povečanje števila financiranih projektov in njihovo boljše povezovanje z razvojnimi cilji tisočletja ter spoštovanje pravil in konvencij Združenih narodov;
Suggests that the Commission launch a specific dialogue with the Chinese authorities with the aim of: (a) harmonising the pressures exerted on Africa by the European Union and China for it to better respect the international conventions, agreements and treaties that it has signed on arms sales, human rights, good governance and respect for the environment; and (b) studying the feasibility of a three-way partnership between China, the European Union and the countries of Africa in order to intensify development aid, increase the number of projects supported and better integrate them with the Millennium Development Goals and compliance with United Nations rules and conventions;
16. ob upoštevanju nedavne kitajske ustavne reforme, ki vrhovnemu sodišču podeljuje izključno pristojnost izrekanja smrtne kazni (prej so jo lahko izrekali lokalni sodniki), upa, da bo nova razsežnost kitajskega delovanja v Afriki na splošno pozitivno vplivala na krepitev standardov na področju človekovih pravic v Afriki.
In the light of the recent constitutional reform by the Chinese authorities, which confers on the Supreme Court exclusive jurisdiction to impose the death penalty (previously any local judge could impose such a sentence), hopes that the new dimension of the Chinese presence in Africa will exert a generally positively influence on the reinforcement of human rights standards in Africa.
1. ob upoštevanju strateškega partnerstva med EU in Afriko, skupne strategije Afrike in EU in njenega akcijskega načrta (2007) ter partnerstva med Afriko in EU na področju trgovine in regionalnega povezovanja, pa tudi na področju znanosti, informacijske družbe in vesolja,
A. having regard to the Africa-EU Strategic Partnership, and the Joint Africa-EU Strategy and Action Plan (2007) and to the Africa-EU Partnership on Trade and Regional Integration as well as on Science, Information Society and Space,
B. ob upoštevanju začetka partnerstva med EU in Afriko za infrastrukturo (2007), ki odraža potrebo po naložbah v infrastrukturne povezave (transport, energija, voda ter informacijske in komunikacijske tehnologije), da bi olajšali trajnostni razvoj,
B. having regard to the launch of the EU-Africa Partnership on Infrastructure (2007), which reflects the need to invest in infrastructure connections (transport, energy, water and ICT) to facilitate sustainable development,
C. ob upoštevanju izjave Evro-afriškega poslovnega foruma na drugem vrhu EU-Afrika (2007),
C. having regard to the statement of the EU-Africa Business Forum on the occasion of the Second EU-Africa Summit (2007),
8. poudarja, da agresivna trgovinska politika Kitajske občutno vpliva na evropske interese na afriški celini, pa tudi na dostop EU do dobrin, ter da EU, čeprav ostaja največja donatorica v Afriki, v preteklih desetletjih ni uspela povezati dodeljene pomoči z znatno širitvijo svojih trgovinskih odnosov z afriškimi državami;
Points out that China’s aggressive trading policy is having a considerable impact on European interests on the African continent, as well as on the EU’s access to commodities, and that the EU, while remaining Africa’s biggest donor, has not managed in the past decade to combine the aid granted with a substantial expansion in its trading relations with African countries;
13. poudarja, da zanimanje, s katerim se Kitajska osredinja na afriško celino, in uspeh njenih politik kaže, da ima Afrika potencial, zlasti kot dobaviteljica dobrin in virov energije; meni, da je še veliko možnosti za razširitev odnosov med EU in Afriko, prednosti od tega pa bi nedvomno imeli obe partnerici;
Points out that the keen attention which China is focusing on the African continent and the success of its policy show that Africa has potential, especially as a supplier of commodities and energy sources; believes that there is ample scope to expand trading relations between the EU and Africa, with unquestionable advantages for both partners;
16. poudarja, da je diverzifikacija trgovine na splošno odločilna za vzpostavitev zanesljive gospodarske rasti v vseh afriških državah; poudarja dejstvo, da kitajski izvoz izdelkov v Afriko ne bi smel ovirati razvoja afriških panog ali uničiti konkurenčnosti na tem področju;
Points out that a diversification of trade in general is a key factor for Africa to bring about reliable economic growth in all African States; underlines the fact that Chinese exports of products towards Africa should not hinder the development of African industries or destroy the competitiveness of such industries;