natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Odprava zakonskih ovir za prosto gibanje v praksi ni privedla do razširitve demokratične volilne pravice.
The removal of legal obstacles to free movement has not resulted in practice in an extension of the democratic franchise.
V vseh teh letih pa je bilo vloženih veliko naporov v to, da bi ljudi spodbudili k udeležbi na evropskih volitvah.
Over the years, however, considerable efforts have been made to encourage people to vote in the European elections.
Posebna pozornost je bila namenjena državljanom, ki ne živijo v lastni državi članici, saj njihovo število narašča in danes predstavlja približno 2 % celotnega števila prebivalcev v EU.
Particular attention has been paid to EU citizens living in a Member State other than their own – a growing number of people now comprising about 2 per cent of the EU’s total population.
Barrosova Komisija si je v prejšnjem mandatu prizadevala za revizijo Direktive Sveta 93/109 o podrobni ureditvi uresničevanja aktivne in pasivne volilne pravice na volitvah v Evropski parlament za državljane Unije, ki prebivajo v državi članici, niso pa njeni državljani.
The Barroso I Commission tried to revise Directive 93/109 laying down detailed arrangements for the exercise of the right to vote and stand as a candidate in elections to the European Parliament for citizens of the Union residing in a Member State of which they are not nationals.
UL L 329, 30.12.1993.
OJ L 329, 30.12.1993.
Parlament je podprl predlog Komisije za poenostavitev birokratskih postopkov, ki jih morajo opraviti države članice za registracijo volivcev ali kandidatov in za preverjanje njihove primernosti.
Parliament backed the Commission’s proposals to simplify the bureaucratic procedures involved in registering to vote or stand, and in verification by States of the eligibility of such registrations.
Vseeno pa je nasprotoval splošni prepovedi, ki je bila uvedena z zakonodajo iz leta 1993 glede kandidiranja na istih volitvah v več kot eni državi, zato je Svet zaprosil, naj veljavne omejitve ublaži.
However, Parliament took issue with the blanket ban in the 1993 legislation against candidates standing in more than one State at the same election, and asked the Council to relax the current restrictions.
Prav tako je želel zagotoviti, da država prebivanja ne bo avtomatično prisiljena preprečiti glasovanje državljanu v primeru, da je bila njegova volilna pravica odvzeta v drugi državi.
Parliament also sought to ensure that the State of residence is not automatically obliged to prevent a citizen from voting if he or she has been deprived of his or her electoral rights in another State.
Evropski poslanci so zavzeli stališče, da bi morale v obeh primerih odločati zadevne države, in sicer za vsak posamezen primer, da bi tako preprečile diskriminacijo.
MEPs are of the view that, in both cases, it should be up to the States concerned to decide on a case by case basis, in order to prevent discrimination.
Pri tem so se sklicevali na določbo, ki je bila uvedena s pogodbo iz Maastrichta, v skladu s katero ima vsak državljan pravico do glasovanja ali kandidiranja na volitvah v Evropski parlament v državi, kjer prebiva, in sicer pod istimi pogoji kot državljani te države.
They referred to the stipulation introduced by the Treaty of Maastricht whereby any citizen has the right to vote or stand in the European Parliamentary elections in the State where he or she resides, under the same conditions as nationals of that State.
Duffovo poročilo ( A6-0267/2007 ) o predlogu direktive Sveta o spremembi Direktive 93/109/ES z dne 6. decembra 1993 o podrobni ureditvi uresničevanja aktivne in pasivne volilne pravice na volitvah v Evropski parlament za državljane Unije, ki prebivajo v državi članici, niso pa njeni državljani.
Duff Report ( A6-0267/2007 ) on the Proposal for a Council Directive amending Directive 93/109/EC of 6 December 1993 as regards certain detailed arrangements for the exercise of the right to vote and stand as a candidate in elections to the European Parliament for citizens of the Union residing in a Member State of which they are not nationals.
Poročilo je Parlament sprejel 26. septembra 2007 (UL C 219 E, 28.8.2008, str.
Adopted by the Parliament on 26 September 2007 (OJ C 219 E, 28.8.2008, p.
193), a vprašanje še vedno čaka na rešitev v Svetu.
193) the matter remains unresolved in the Council.
Radikalnejša rešitev bi bila razširitev področja uporabe prava EU, tako da bi državljani Unije dobili pravico udeležbe ne le na evropskih in občinskih, pač pa tudi na državnih in regionalnih parlamentarnih volitvah.
A more radical option would be to extend the scope of EU law more widely to allow EU citizens the right to participate not only in European and municipal elections but also in national and regional parliamentary elections.
Takšna pobuda na ravni Unije bi bila nedvomno deležna obtožb, češ da je v nasprotju z dvojnim načelom subsidiarnosti in sorazmernosti.
Such an initiative at the EU level would be sure to run into accusations of being in breach of the twin principles of subsidiarity and proportionality.
O predlogu, ki bi pomenil spremembo člena 22 PDEU, bi bilo torej treba temeljito razpravljati na posebni konvenciji, v kateri bi seveda sodelovali nacionalni parlamentarci, vlade, Komisija in evropski poslanci.
The proposal, therefore, which would necessitate a change to Article 22 TFEU would have to be well debated in a Convention which, of course, includes national parliamentarians as well as governments, the Commission and MEPs.
A vse dokler takšne spremembe v pogodbi ni, federalno usmerjenim državam ostaja možnost, da poskusijo vzpostaviti okrepljeno sodelovanje glede volilnih zakonov.
In the absence of such a treaty change, a federally minded core group of States might attempt enhanced cooperation in electoral law.
Druga možnost za razvoj političnih pravic državljanov EU brez formalnega posega Unije bi bila razširitev dvostranske vzajemne volilne pravice, kakršno poznajo v Združenem kraljestvu, na Irskem, Cipru in Malti.
An extension of bilateral reciprocal franchise rights, such as exist between the UK, Ireland, Cyprus and Malta, would be another way to develop the political rights of EU citizens without formal EU intervention.
Za nadaljnjo razpravo o tej temi glej Jo Shaw, Transformacija državljanstva Evropske unije: Volilne pravice in preoblikovanje političnega prostora, Cambridge, 2007.
For a full discussion of these issues, see Jo Shaw, The Transformation of Citizenship in the European Union: Electoral Rights and the Restructuring of Political Space , Cambridge, 2007.
Z novo določbo v lizbonski pogodbi v zvezi s pobudami državljanov bi bila možna tudi peticija o volilnih pravicah.
One might also anticipate a petition on the matter of electoral rights under the new provision of the Treaty of Lisbon for citizens’ initiatives.
Člen 25 PDEU.
Article 25 TFEU.
Narodnost in državljanstvo
Nationality and citizenship
Italijanski protest, izražen na lizbonski medvladni konferenci glede števila sedežev v Evropskem parlamentu po letu 2009 delno izvira iz zahteve, da nova pogodba kot osnovo za sestavo Parlamenta ne šteje več števila prebivalcev, pač pa število državljanov.
The Italian protest, launched in the Lisbon IGC, about the number of its seats in the Parliament after 2009 was based, in part, on the claim that the new Treaty would shift the basis on which Parliament should be composed from that of population to that of citizens.
Številki se seveda razlikujeta, zlasti v državah, ki – kot Italija – niso tako naklonjene naturalizaciji priseljencev kot nekatere druge države.
The two are different, of course, especially in those countries, such as Italy, which have been more reluctant to naturalise their immigrants than others.
Vseeno pa je po podatkih Eurostata te številke nemogoče natančno oceniti, zlasti v sedanjem času obsežnih selitev ljudi preko notranjih meja EU.
However, according to Eurostat, it is impossible to be precise about figures, especially at this time of large-scale movement of people across the internal frontiers of the EU.
Eurostat v skladu s konvencijami OZN še vedno vztraja, da je skupno prebivalstvo s stalnim prebivališčem najzanesljivejše demografsko orodje za primerjavo.
Eurostat continues to argue, in accordance with UN conventions, that total resident population is the most reliable demographic comparator.
Ocena Eurostata je, da 94 % prebivalstva EU prebiva v svoji matični državi, 4 % niso državljani EU in le 2 % so državljani EU, ki živijo v drugi državi članici.
Eurostat's estimate is that 94 per cent of the EU population is resident in their home state, 4 per cent are non-EU citizens, and that only 2 per cent are EU citizens living in another Member State.
Spomnimo naj, da je državljan EU po definiciji lahko samo človek, ki si je pridobil državljanstvo ene od držav članic.
One recalls that the definition of EU citizen depends entirely on the acquisition of nationality of a Member State.
Nihče ne more postati državljan EU, če ni že državljan ene izmed držav članic.
There is no way of becoming an EU citizen without being a national of a Member State.
Lahko obžalujemo, da postaja v skoraj vseh državah postopek naturalizacije in zagotavljanja dvojnega državljanstva bolj zapleten, kot je nekoč bil.
It may be regretted that in almost all States the process of naturalisation and the granting of dual citizenship is becoming more complicated than it used to be.
Države ukrepajo posamično in ne upoštevajo, kakšen učinek bodo imela njihova dejanja na širino ali kakovost državljanstva EU.
And States are acting individually without regard for the effect of their actions on the breadth or quality of EU citizenship.
Take enostranske težnje niso v skladu s prizadevanji za revidiranje pogodb EU na državljanu prijazen način.
Such unilateral tendencies are somewhat discordant with the efforts to revise the EU Treaties in a citizen-friendly way.
Pogodba o Evropski uniji, kakor jo spreminja lizbonska pogodba, je denimo o tem, kaj pomeni državljanstvo EU, odločna:
The Treaty on European Union as amended by the Treaty of Lisbon, for example, is robust about what EU citizenship means, as follows:
Unija pri vseh svojih dejavnostih upošteva načelo enakosti svojih državljanov, ki so deležni enake obravnave s strani njenih institucij, organov, uradov in agencij.
In all its activities, the Union shall observe the principle of equality of its citizens, who shall receive equal attention from its institutions, bodies, offices and agencies.
Vsi državljani držav članic so državljani Unije.
Every national of a Member State shall be a citizen of the Union .
Državljanstvo Unije se pridruži nacionalnemu državljanstvu in ga ne nadomešča.
Citizenship of the Union shall be additional to national citizenship and shall not replace it.
Delovanje Unije temelji na predstavniški demokraciji.
The functioning of the Union shall be founded on representative democracy.
Državljani so na ravni Unije neposredno zastopani v Evropskem parlamentu.
Citizens are directly represented at Union level in the European Parliament.
Države članice v Evropskem svetu predstavljajo voditelji držav ali vlad in v Svetu njihove vlade, ki so demokratično odgovorni bodisi svojemu nacionalnemu parlamentu bodisi svojim državljanom.
Member States are represented in the European Council by their Heads of State or Government and in the Council by their governments, themselves democratically accountable either to their national Parliaments, or to their citizens.
Vsak državljan ima pravico sodelovati v demokratičnem življenju Unije.
Every citizen shall have the right to participate in the democratic life of the Union .
Odločitve se sprejemajo kar najbolj odprto in v kar najtesnejši povezavi z državljani.
Decisions shall be taken as openly and as closely as possible to the citizen.
Politične stranke na evropski ravni prispevajo k oblikovanju evropske politične zavesti in k izražanju volje državljanov Unije.
Political parties at European level contribute to forming European political awareness and to expressing the will of citizens of the Union .
Unija torej nima enotne opredelitve svojega državljanstva, pač pa ima sedemindvajset nacionalnih različic.
The EU has no single definition of its citizenship, therefore, but twenty-seven national varieties.
A ob množici zakonov o državljanstvu vseh sedemindvajsetih držav Unije je človek naravnost osupel.
The array of nationality laws among the twenty-seven States of the EU is bewildering.
Glej Rainer Bauböck, Eva Ersbøll, Kees Groenendijk in Harald Waldrauch (ur.), Pridobitev in izguba državljanstva: politike in trendi v 15 evropskih državah, Inštitut za proučevanje evropskega združevanja, Avstrijska akademija znanosti, Dunaj, januar 2006.
See Rainer Bauböck, Eva Ersbøll, Kees Groenendijk and Harald Waldrauch (eds), Acquisition and Loss of Nationality: policies and trends in 15 European states , Institute for European Integration Research, Austrian Academy of Sciences, Vienna, January 2006.
Nekatere države priznavajo posebne podedovane pravice državljanom tretjih držav, spet druge temu izrazito nasprotujejo.
Some States grant special privileges to third country nationals of ancestral affinity; others most emphatically do not.
Ponekod posebne pravice za prebivanje veljajo za podanike nekdanjih kolonij, drugje ne.
Some have residential rights for ex-colonial subjects; others do not.
Države članice tudi zelo različno obravnavajo državljanske pravice njihovih prekomorskih ozemelj ali pridruženih območij.
Member States treat the civic rights of their overseas territories or dependencies in many different ways.
Unija ni še nikoli poskusila vse te zakone uskladiti, čeprav je med državami kar nekaj primerov posnemanja.
There has been no attempt by the EU to harmonise these laws, although there are many instances of imitation among States.
Evropsko sodišče je odločilo, da se pravica držav članic do oblikovanja lastnih pravil glede pridobitve ali izgube državljanstva izvršuje v mejah spoštovanja prava Unije.
The European Court of Justice has asserted that the right of Member States to set their own rules about the acquisition or loss of nationality is constrained by the necessity to respect EU law.
Glej, naprimer, zadevo C-369/90 Micheletti [1992], zadevo C-145/04 Španija proti Združenemu kraljestvu [2006] (Gibraltar) in zadevo C-300/04 Eman in Sevinger proti College van burgemeester en wethouders van Den Haag [2006] (Aruba)..
See, for example, Cases C-369/90 Micheletti[1992], C-145/04 Spain v. United Kingdom [2006] (Gibraltar) and C-300/04 Eman and Sevinger v. College van burgemeester en wethouders van Den Haag [2006] (Aruba).
Ob tem velja spomniti, da je bila odločitev Španije, da brez posvetovanja s partnerji naturalizira kar 700.000 priseljencev, deležna velike pozornosti.
In this context, the 2005 decision by Spain to legalise as many as 700.000 immigrants without consulting its partners received a lot of attention.
A ne glede na to, do kolikšne mere bomo uspeli zbližati volilno pravo, bo še vedno ostajalo pereče vprašanje razdelitve sedežev v Evropskem parlamentu.
Whatever approximation may be achieved in electoral law, however, there will still be the outstanding problem of how to distribute seats in the European Parliament.
Ali so pri tem spremembe, ki jih lizbonska pogodba vnaša v člen 14 pogodbe o Evropski uniji glede državljanstva EU, res pomembne?
Do the changes made by the Treaty of Lisbon to Article 14 of the Treaty on European Union on the status of EU citizenship really matter in this context?
Bi res morali šteti državljane EU in ne prebivalce posameznih držav?
Should we be counting EU citizens rather than national inhabitants?
Če že, kdo je pravzaprav državljan Evropske unije?
If so, who precisely is the European Union citizen?
Ali se pridružimo prepričanju Jamesa Madisona, da parlamentarno zastopstvo v republiki ni državljanski privilegij, pač pa pravica, ki vsakomur pripada z rojstvom?
Or do we follow James Madison’s belief that, in the republic, parliamentary representation is more of a birthright than a civic privilege?
Če je temu tako in vse ostalo ostane enako, potem ee tradicionalna metoda razdelitve sedežev v Parlamentu na podlagi celotnega števila prebivalcev še vedno zdi pravilna in je ne bi smeli spreminjati, vsaj ne brez temeljitega razmisleka (da štetja glasov v Svetu ne omenjamo).
That being the case, and all other things being equal, the traditional method of distributing seats in the Parliament on the basis of total population – to say nothing of counting votes in the Council – still seems to be the right one and should not be amended at least without deeper reflection.
Potreba po nadaljnji reformi
The need for further reform
Evropskemu parlamentu ne sme biti vseeno, po kakšnih volilnih metodah je izvoljen.
The European Parliament should not be complacent about its own electoral methods.
Če želi tudi v prihodnje drugim državam kar naprej pridigati o vrlinah pluralistične liberalne demokracije, mora biti bolj samokritičen.
If it is to continue to regularly preach the virtues of pluralist liberal democracy to other countries it needs also to be more self-critical.
OVSE/ODIHR je na evropske parlamentarne volitve leta 2009 poslal opazovalno misijo s polnimi pooblastili.
The OSCE/ODIHR conducted its first fully-fledged observer mission to the European Parliamentary elections in 2009.
Poročile strokovne skupine OSCE/ODIHR, Volitve v Evropski parlament, 4.–7. junij 2009, Varšava, 22. september 2009.
First, the OSCE team was struck by how different the elections were in each State, noting variances in the methods of distributing seats, the possibility to cast preferential votes, the allocation of vacant seats, electoral systems, franchise, candidature, nomination of candidates, constituencies and polling days.
Mednarodnim opozovalcem se je zdelo čudno tudi to, da evropskim političnim strankam dejansko sploh ni dovoljeno sodelovati v volilni kampanji.
The international observers also found it odd that the European political parties are effectively forbidden from electoral campaigning.
Uredba ES št. 2004/2003, kot je bila spremenjena leta 2007.
Regulation EC 2004/2003, as amended in 2007.
OVSE/ODIHR je bil zlasti kritičen do:
The OSCE/ODIHR criticised in particular:
· neusklajenih zahtev glede kandidature po Uniji;
· a lack of harmonization of candidacy requirements throughout the EU;
· dejstva, da v nekaterih državah ni urejena možnost, da bi posamezni kandidati na volitvah nastopali v skladu z zavezami OVSE;
· a lack of provisions in some States allowing individual candidates to run in the elections in line with OSCE commitments;
· dejstva, da v nekaterih državah ni urejena volilna pravica, zlasti za zapornike in ljudi, ki bivajo v EU, nimajo pa državljanstva nobene od njenih držav;
· a lack of provisions in some States on voting rights, particularly for prisoners and for EU residents who do not hold citizenship of any State;
· dejstva, da v nekaterih državah ni možna pritožba na odločitev sodišča o volilnih izidih;
· a lack of possibility to appeal to a court decision regarding election results in some States;
· dejstva, da v nekaterih državah ni urejena možnost ustreznega dostopa in sodelovanja domačih in mednarodnih opazovalcev, pač v skladu z zavezami OVSE;
· a lack of provisions in some States to ensure adequate access and cooperation for domestic and international observers, in line with OSCE commitments.
Med drugim je misija priporočila naslednje:
Their recommendations included:
· pregleda naj se sedanja praksa glede kampanj ozaveščanja za večjo učinkovitost in odpravo očitnega izkazovanja strankarske pripadnosti;
· reviewing some of the current practices for awareness-raising campaigns with a view to increasing effectiveness and avoiding possible perceptions of partisanship;
· zagotoviti je treba, da se v nacionalnih predpisih o volilni kampanji ustrezno mesto nameni dejavnostim političnih strank na evropski ravni;
· ensuring that national campaign legislation adequately addresses the activities of European-level political parties;
· poenotiti je treba datume volitev, da bo objava rezultatov hkrati ustrezala potrebi po preglednosti in ne bo vplivala na izide v drugih državah;
· unifying the dates of the elections in order to ensure that the publication of results respects both the need for transparency and the need to avoid potential influence on the results in other States;
· izboljšati je treba proces izmenjave informacij o registriranih volivcih, da se zaščiti enakost glasov in se onemogoči možno večkratno glasovanje;
· improving the process of exchange of information on registered voters so as to protect the equality of the vote and avoid possible multiple voting;
· po potrebi je treba spremeniti predpise in določiti neodvisen mehanizem za spremljanje medijev, s katerim se bo ocenilo, ali so bili med volilno kampanjo upoštevani predpisi glede medijev.
· amending legislation where necessary to provide for an independent media monitoring mechanism to assess whether media provisions are respected during the campaign period.
V dragocenem poročilu, ki si zasluži natančno pozornost, je OVSE/ODIHR obelodanil številne pritožbe državljanov EU, ki naj bi bili brez volilne pravice, ker prebivajo v državi, ki ni njihova matična država.
In their valuable report, which deserves close attention, the OSCE/ODIHR unearthed numerous complaints from EU citizens allegedly deprived of the franchise when resident in States other than their own.
Strokovnjaki podpirajo poskus Komisije za izboljšanje položaja glede glasovanja in kandidiranja.
The experts back the Commission's attempt to improve the situation with regard to voting and standing as a candidate.
Odbor Evropskega parlamenta za peticije je prejel številne resne pritožbe o tem ali onem vidiku evropskih volitev.
The Petitions Committee of the European Parliament has received a number of serious complaints about one or another aspect of the European elections.
Kar nekaj peticij so poslali državljani EU, ki prebivajo v Španiji ali na Malti in ki se ne strinjajo s tem, da so jim lokalni volilni organi s svojim delovanjem (ali, običajnejše, z nedelovanjem) onemogočili glasovanje na evropskih volitvah.
Several of those stem from EU citizens now resident in Spain or Malta who object to being disallowed from voting in the European elections by the action (or, more usually, non-action) of the local electoral authorities.
Druge pritožbe se nanašajo na nedržavljane, ki se niso smeli pridružiti politični stranki v njihovi novi državi prebivanja.
Other complaints have been received about non-nationals being barred from joining a political party in their new State of residence.
Na primere, ki najbolj bijejo v oči, so vlagatelji opozorili s peticijami o domnevni diskriminaciji v Latviji in Estoniji, kjer kar 20 % oziroma 12 % prebivalcev ruske narodnosti za namene evropskih in drugih volitev velja za „nedržavljane“.
The most glaring cases raised by petitioners of alleged discrimination are found in Latvia and Estonia where as much as 20 per cent and 12 per cent, respectively, of the population which is Russian are regarded as 'non-citizens' for the purposes of the European and other elections.
Več vlagateljev peticij iz Italije je izrazilo željo, da se kandidatura za poslanca Evropskega parlamenta ne dovoli obsojenim osebam.
Several petitioners from Italy wish to exclude all convicted criminals from standing as a candidate to the European Parliament.
Splošno pravilo po Uniji sicer je, da po prestani ali plačani kazni ni nobene ovire za ponovno uživanje vseh pravic, kamor sodi tudi udeležba na volitvah.
The general rule across the EU, however, is that once a sentence has been served or a penalty paid there is no further bar to rehabilitation, including electoral participation.
Večina držav prepušča političnim strankam – in v končni fazi volivcem –, da prosto presodijo o tem, kdo naj bi bil izvoljen v parlament.
Most States leave it to political parties ‑ and ultimately, the voters ‑ to exercise their discretion as to who should be elected to parliament.
To bi bilo še zlasti prikladno v primeru hude zlorabe javnih sredstev.
This would be particularly appropriate in a case of gross misuse of public funds.