natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Eden od vlagateljev je s peticijo zastavil vprašanje, zakaj dedni člani lordske zbornice Velike Britanije ne morejo nastopiti na volitvah za evropske poslance.
Another petitioner has raised the issue of why in the United Kingdom hereditary peers who sit in the House of Lords are disqualified from standing for election as MEPs.
Ironično je odgovor zato, ker je preostali aristokratski del v lordski zbornici edini del zbornice, ki je dejansko izvoljen (izvolijo ga drugi člani).
The answer is because, ironically, the residuary aristocratic element in the House of Lords is the only part of that chamber which is itself elected (by their peers).
Dosmrtni člani v lordsko zbornico niso izvoljeni in iz nje ne morejo izstopiti.
'Life peers' are not elected to and cannot resign from the House of Lords.
Peticije so se nanašale še na odvzem volilne pravice osebam (a) za glasovanje na volitvah v njihovi matični državi po določenem obdobju in (b) za glasovanje na nacionalnih parlamentarnih volitvah v državi, kjer po novem prebivajo.
Petitions have also been received about the disenfranchisement of people (a) from voting after a period of time in elections in their country of origin, and (b) from voting in their new country of residence in national parliamentary elections.
Kot smo že omenili, bi razširitev volilne pravice na nacionalne volitve zahtevala spremembo pogodbe in bi se o vprašanju morala sklicati posebna konvencija, ki bi imela nalogo, da pretehta odnos med državljanstvom EU in volilno reformo.
As discussed previously, the issue of widening the franchise to national elections would require a treaty change and should, therefore, be properly the subject of a Convention charged to consider the relationship between EU citizenship and electoral reform.
Konvenciji bi bilo treba v obravnavo predložiti še vsa druga vprašanja, ki so jih Parlamentu zastavili vlagatelji peticij in OVSE/ODIHR.
The Convention should be invited to consider all the other issues raised by the Parliament's petitioners and by the OSCE/ODIHR.
Legitimnost in volilna udeležba
Legitimacy and turnout
Evropski parlament ima prav, ko si želi pridobiti trdnejše mesto v očeh javnosti in postati središče novega evropskega političnega prostora, potrjeni forum enotnega političnega trga: forum, ki bo predpisoval zakone in sprejemal proračun ter pred katerim bo odgovorna izvršilna oblast.
The European Parliament is correct to wish to have an enhanced standing in the eye of the public so that it becomes the focus of the new European political space, the accepted forum of the single political market: making European laws and budgets, and holding the executive to account.
Danes iskanje politične legitimnosti slabi vedno slabša volilna udeležba, pičlo pokrivanje medijev, brezbrižne politične stranke in celo nekateri nacionalni parlamenti, ki so prikrito ljubosumni zaradi njegovih vse večjih pooblastil.
To date, the search for political legitimacy is being undermined by the continuing decline in turnout at elections, by scanty media reportage, by apathetic political parties and, even, by the latent jealousy of some national parliaments about its growing powers.
Kdo se ne bi zamislil nad dejstvom, da je skupna volilna udeležba na volitvah v Evropski parlament je s 63 % leta 1979 upadla na 43 % leta 2009.
It is hard not to be depressed by the fact that overall turnout in the European Parliamentary elections has fallen steadily from 63.0 per cent in 1979 to 43.1 per cent in 2009.
Glej prilogo III.
See Annex III.
Na volilno udeležbo, denimo, močno vpliva to, kako dolgo je država že članica Unije, pa obseg korupcije ali skorajšnje splošne volitve v državi.
The length of EU membership, the incidence of corruption, or the imminence of a national general election, for example, make a big difference to turnout.
V Belgiji, Luksemburgu in na Cipru je glasovanje obvezno.
In Belgium, Cyprus and Luxembourg voting is compulsory.
Leta 2009 je bila volilna udeležba v Luksemburgu nad 90 %, na Slovaškem pa pod 20 %.
In 2009 the turnout in Luxembourg was over 90 percent, while in Slovakia it was under 20 per cent.
Pomemben dejavnik je razlika med nacionalnimi in evropskimi volilnimi navadami: leta 2009 je povprečna razlika v EU znašala 25 %, kar pomeni, da sta od treh volivcev, ki so se udeležili nacionalnih volitev, na volitve v Evropski parlament prišla le dva.
The important factor is the gap between national and European voting habits: the EU mean gap in 2009 was 25 per cent, meaning that of every three voters in national elections, only two turned out for the European Parliament.
Na Nizozemskem je bilo razmerje dva proti ena.
In the Netherlands the ratio was two to one.
Glej študijo, ki sta jo opravila Richard Rose in Gabriela Borz, Variabilnost pri volilni udeležbi na volitvah v Evropski parlament: politični vzroki in posledice, Javnopolitične študije št. 466, Center za javnopolitične študije, Univerza Aberdeen, 2010.
See the study by Richard Rose and Gabriela Borz, Variability in European Parliament Turnout: political causes and implications , Studies in Public Policy Number 466, Centre for the Study of Public policy, University of Aberdeen, 2010.
Ali formalna reforma volilnega postopka lahko reši problem volilne udeležbe?
Can a formal reform of the electoral procedure rectify the turnout problem?
Naša merila pri oblikovanju novih reformnih potez bi morala biti opredeljena previdno.
Our criteria for initiating a new bout of reform should be carefully defined.
Nočemo poenotenosti zaradi poenotenosti same.
We are not seeking uniformity for uniformity’s sake.
Pri odpravljanju ugotovljenih težav na nacionalni ravni bi moral biti naš pristop realističen.
In catering for perceived problems at the national level, our approach should be realistic.
Z vztrajnim postopnim delovanjem smo z leti izpolnili številne cilje, ki so jih pred dobrimi petdeset leti zastavili ustanovitelji Unije.
Gradualism, perforce, has worked over the years to bring forth many of the objectives first articulated by the founding fathers of the Union in the 1950s.
Reforma zelo verjetno ne bo zadnja v vrsti.
This reform is unlikely to be the last: strong parliaments adapt readily to changing societal and political circumstances.
Energični parlamentarci se brez težav prilagodijo spreminjajočemu se družbenemu in političnemu položaju.
In the case of the EU, the pace and scale of future enlargement is a big unknown.
A velika neznanka EU je hitrost in obseg prihodnje širitve in brez poznavanja prihodnje velikosti in oblike Unije je povsem nepremišljeno poskušati in že danes določiti končno usodo post-nacionalne parlamentarne demokracije v Evropi.
Without knowing the future size and shape of the Union, it would be foolhardy to try to settle today the final destiny of post-national parliamentary democracy in Europe.
Nasprotno pa vsaj dovolj dobro poznamo alternativne scenarije za prihodnost Evrope, ki nas utrjujejo v prepričanju, da bi moral biti – in tudi bo – močan, vitalen, neposredno izvoljen parlament središče njenega sistema upravljanja.
But we know at least enough about the alternative scenarios for Europe’s future for us to be certain that a strong, vital, directly elected Parliament should be ‑ and will be ‑ at the heart of its system of governance.
Nedokončano ostaja pomembno delo v zvezi s Protokolom o privilegijih in imunitetah.
There is important unfinished business concerning the Protocol on Privileges and Immunities.
Instrument je star skoraj 50 let in sega v čas, ko so bili poslanci Evropskega parlamenta hkrati poslanci nacionalnih parlamentov in je bilo brez dvoma prav, da so bile nacionalne oblasti odgovorne za odločitev o tem, kdaj in kako naj se za evropske poslance ne uporablja nacionalno pravo.
This instrument dates back almost fifty years to a time when Members of the European Parliament were also Members of their national parliaments, and when it was no doubt appropriate that national authorities were responsible for deciding when and how MEPs should be exempted from national law.
Vseeno je Parlament ob sporazumu o statutu poslancev leta 2005 zavzel stališče, da je treba protokol popraviti in ga uskladiti s sedanjim statusom Parlamenta kot neodvisne, neposredno izvoljene in polno odgovorne skupščine.
At the time of the agreement on the Members' Statute in 2005, however, Parliament took the view that the Protocol should be revamped to accord with the Parliament's contemporary status as an independent, directly elected and fully responsible assembly.
Poznamo že kar nekaj primerov konfliktov med režimi, ki veljajo v državah, in tistim, ki se rabi v Uniji, za preverjanje mandatov evropskih poslancev in zapolnjevanje prostih poslanskih mest, ki so izpostavili resnične nedoslednosti v pravnem položaju evropskih poslancev v 27 matičnih državah.
There have been a number of instances of conflict between the national and EU regimes concerning the verification of the credentials of MEPs and for the filling of vacancies which have exposed real discrepancies over the legal position of MEPs in their 27 different home states.
Parlamentu bi moralo zdaj biti omogočeno, da ukrepa proti odvzemu mandata, ki ga izvede država članica, kadar in če je to v nasprotju z Aktom ali predpisi Evropske unije.
Parliament should now be enabled to take action against the withdrawal of a mandate of an MEP by a State where and in so far as national law is in conflict with the Act or the law of the European Union;
Kot sestavni del s pogajanji doseženega dogovora o statutu poslancev se je Svet strinjal, da bo pregledal posledice, ki bi jih statut lahko imel za primarno pravo.
As an integral part of the negotiated agreement on the Members' Statute, Council agreed to review any consequences the Statute might have in terms of primary law.
Parlament je zaprosil, naj se pri pregledu kot osnova uporabi resolucija iz junija 2003 s predlogom o novih določbah glede privilegijev in imunitet evropskih poslancev.
Parliament has asked that its resolution of June 2003 which proposed new provisions on the privileges and immunities of MEPs should be used as a basis for that review.
Glej UL C 068E, 18.3.2004, str.
See OJ C 068E, 18-03-2004, pp. 115-126 and OJ C 303E, 13-12-2006, pp. 830-831.
Neravnotežje po spolu in narodnosti
Gender and ethnic imbalance
Število žensk evropskih poslank se je od prvih volitev leta 1979 več kot podvojilo in zdaj predstavlja 35,5 %.
The number of women MEPs has more than doubled since the first elections in 1979, and now stands at 35.5 per cent of the total.
Tudi tu pa beležimo opazne razlike med državami.
Here again, there are marked variances among States.
Naš predlog ni, da določimo kvote za uravnoteženje zastopstva po spolu.
We do not propose to impose quotas to redress the gender imbalance.
Vseeno pa bi bilo treba politične stranke pozvati, naj si kot cilj zastavijo vsaj 40 % žensk v letu 2014, kot je to priporočila parlamentarna skupščina Sveta Evrope.
However, political parties should be urged to aim for a target of there being at least 40 per cent of women in 2014, as recommended by the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe.
Opozoriti velja, da je v skoraj vseh državah žensko zastopstvo večje v Evropskem parlamentu kot v domačih parlamentih.
It should be noted that in almost all States, women’s representation is better in the European Parliament than it is in the national parliaments.
Položaj narodnostnih manjšin je bistveno slabši.
The position with regard to ethnic minorities is much worse.
Zelo malo je azijskih ali afro-karibskih evropskih poslancev.
There are very few Asian or Afro-Caribbean MEPs.
Če naj državljanstvo EU postane stvarnost za priseljenske skupnosti in njihove potomce, potem morajo politične stranke poskrbeti in med svoje prednostne kandidate uvrstiti različne narodnosti.
If EU citizenship is to be made a reality for immigrant communities and their descendants, the political parties must ensure a decent mix of ethnicity among their top candidates.
Končne misli
Drawing conclusions
Iz vsega opisanega je razvidno, da je pred nami kar nekaj pomembnih vprašanj o volilnem postopku, s katerimi – če bomo nanje poiskali učinkovite odgovore – bi bile lahko volitve v Parlament v prihodnje bolj poenotene in bi koristile koheziji, legitimnosti, učinkovitosti in pluralizmu.
It is clear from this discussion that there remain a significant number of important questions of electoral procedure which, if addressed effectively, would make the elections to the Parliament more uniform in the future than they have been in the past and should bring benefits in terms of cohesion, legitimacy, efficiency and pluralism.
Poročevalec je hvaležen za spodbudo, ki so jo nudili udeleženci delavnice na temo Državljanstvo in volilni postopek, ki se je odvijala v Bruslju 25. in 26. marca 2008.
The rapporteur is grateful for the stimulus provided by the participants in a workshop on Citizenship and Electoral Procedure , held in Brussels on 25-26 March 2008.
S prispevki so nastopili Betty de Hart, Dieter Gosewinkel, Sara Hagemann in Simon Hix, Eva Østergaard-Nielsen, Ken Ritchie in Jo Shaw.
Papers were contributed by Betty de Hart, Dieter Gosewinkel, Sara Hagemann & Simon Hix, Eva Østergaard-Nielsen, Ken Ritchie and Jo Shaw.
Prispevke in povzetek razprave si je mogoče ogledati na:
These papers and a summary of the discussion can be found at:
Že smo opozorili na stališče, da je sklic konvencije o volilni reformi hkrati nujen in zaželen, da bi demokratično in celostno obdelali kompleksna, medsebojno povezana vprašanja volilne pravice, volilne udeležbe, sestave, privilegijev in volilnega sistema.
We have already signalled our view that a Convention on electoral reform is both necessary and desirable to consider in a democratic and comprehensive manner the complex set of interrelated issues of franchise, turnout, composition, privileges and voting system.
Če že nič drugega, bi bilo vsekakor koristno pregledati različne veljavne nacionalne volilne sisteme in razmisliti o tem, kako odpraviti najočitnejše razlike in posebnosti.
It would be useful in any case ‑ and if nothing else ‑ to review the different national electoral systems in use with a view to ironing out the more obvious dissimilarities and anomalies.
Glej prilogo V.
See Annex V.
Seveda mora biti eden glavnih ciljev volilne reforme ta, da spodbudimo volilno udeležbo, a predlagane bodo tudi točke, denimo znižanje starostnega praga, ki mogoče ne bodo neposredno vodile k temu cilju, a bodo vseeno pomenile pomemben doprinos.
While it must be a major objective of electoral reform to encourage increased turnout, there will be some proposals ‑ for example, reducing the voting age ‑ which may not be conducive to achieving that goal but which, nevertheless, have some intrinsic merit.
Odločilno je, da spodbudimo evropsko razsežnost teh volitev ter javno mnenje in medije pritegnemo k političnim odločitvam o prihodnosti Evropske unije.
The critical goal is to enhance the European dimension to these elections so that public opinion and the media engage in making political choices about the future of the European Union.
Pri tem bo vloga Evropskega parlamenta odločilna.
Here the role of the European political parties will be critical.
Brez resničnih političnih strank na federalni ravni ostajamo brez bistvene demokratične sile.
Without viable political parties at the federal level, an essential sinew of democracy is missing.
Zato predlagamo, da se v naslednjem Parlamentu leta 2014 751 evropskim poslancem, tradicionalno izvoljenim v nacionalnih in regionalnih volilnih enotah, doda še 25 poslancev, ki bodo izvoljeni v enotni vseunijski volilni enoti.
That is why it is proposed that, in addition to the 751 MEPs elected in the traditional way from national and regional constituencies, a supplement of 25 MEPs is added to the next Parliament in 2014 to be elected from a single, pan-EU constituency.
Kandidate bi izbrale, jih uvrstile na seznam in se medsebojno potegovale za glasove evropske politične stranke.
It is the European political parties which would be responsible for selecting the candidates, ordering their list, and competing with each other for votes.
Takšna novost bi preoblikovala volitve v Evropski parlament in povečala njegovo sposobnost zastopanja, v tem pa bi se odražala sprememba iz lizbonske pogodbe, ki določa, da so evropski poslanci zdaj „predstavniki državljanov Unije“, ne več „predstavniki narodov držav“.
Such an innovation would transform the elections to the European Parliament and increase its representative capability – reflecting the Lisbon treaty change that lays down that MEPs are now to be ‘representatives of the Union’s citizens’ rather than ‘representatives of the peoples of the States’.
Člen 14(2) oziroma člen 189 PES.
Article 14(2) TEU and Article 189 TEC, respectively.
Glasovanje za vseunijsko volilno listo bo seveda neobvezno: vsak volivec bo na volišču prejel še eno glasovnico.
Voting for the EU-wide list will, of course, be optional, with a second ballot paper being offered to each voter in the polling stations.
Lahko bi si mislili, da bi se ta možnost čez čas razrasla, saj so se volivci navadili na novo razsežnost politike in so politične stranke tudi že vešče volilnih kampanj na ravni vse Unije.
One might expect the take-up of this option to grow over time as the electorate became accustomed to the new dimension to politics and the political parties became skilled at campaigning on an EU-wide basis.
Kot opozarja vztrajni Eurobarometer in druge javnomnenjske raziskave so volivci slabo obveščeni o sistemu upravljanja Unije.
As persistent Eurobarometer and other opinion polls suggest, the electorate is scarcely well informed about the EU’s system of governance.
Lažje se istovetijo z manjšimi volilnimi enotami.
Voters tend to identify best with smaller electoral districts.
Pozitivno se odzivajo tudi, če lahko izbirajo med glasovanjem za vnaprej določeno strankarsko listo na eni strani, na drugi pa lahko preferenčni glas dajo za posameznega kandidata na strankarski listi.
They also respond positively to being able to exercise a choice between voting merely en bloc for a preordained party list, on the one hand, and, on the other, being able to indicate a preference for an individual candidate from the party list.
Na eno ali drugo možnost se lahko ustrezno odzovemo.
Action can be taken to address both of those issues.
Zato v poročilu predlagamo, prvič, obvezno ustanovitev regionalnih, ozemeljsko zamejenih volilnih enot v večjih državah in, drugič, obvezno preferenčno glasovanje po sistemu polodprte liste.
That is why the Report proposes, first, the mandatory creation of regional, territorial constituencies within the larger States and, second, the compulsory use of the preferential semi-open list system.
To so ključni predlogi v poročilu.
These are the key proposals in the Report.
Z njimi želimo razširiti demokratično legitimnost Evropskega parlamenta in okrepiti idejo o evropskem državljanstvu.
They are designed to broaden the democratic legitimacy of the European Parliament by strengthening the idea of European citizenship.
Tako bodo evropske politične stranke dobile svoj raison d'être, ki ga zdaj nimajo.
They will give the European political parties a raison d'être that they do not have at the moment.
Predlogi bodo koristno dopolnili reforme, ki jih je v zvezi s predstavniško in participativno demokracijo že uvedla lizbonska pogodba.
They will usefully complement the reforms introduced already by the Lisbon treaty with respect to representative and participatory democracy.
Naj povzamemo predloge v tem poročilu:
In summary, therefore, the proposals raised in this Report include reforms to:
Reformni postopek
The process of reform
Za predlagani paket reform bo treba določeno število instrumentov primarnega prava EU pripraviti po različnih postopkih.
The package of reforms proposed here requires a number of instruments of EU primary law to be made according to different procedures.
(a) Za novo listo EU z dodatnimi 25 evropskimi poslanci bo treba člen 14(2) PEU spremeniti s postopki, ki veljajo za redni postopek revizije pogodbe, to pomeni sklic konvencije, ki ji sledi ta medvladna konferenca in ratifikacija v vseh državah.
(a) The introduction of an EU-wide list for 25 additional MEPs requires a change to Article 14(2) TEU via the procedures laid down for the ordinary revision of the treaty, namely a Convention followed by an IGC, with ratification by all the states.
Člen 48(2), (3) in (4) PEU.
Article 48(2), (3) and (4) TEU.
(b) Revizija Protokola o privilegijih in imunitetah zahteva isti postopek.
(b) Revision of the Protocol on Privileges and Immunities necessitates the same procedure.
(c) Za razdelitev 751 sedežev pravočasno pred naslednjimi volitvami bo potreben soglasen sklep Evropskega sveta o predlogu, ki ga bo moral Parlament odobriti.
(c) The redistribution of the 751 seats in time for the next elections requires a unanimous decision of the European Council on a proposal and with the consent of the Parliament.
(d) Pri drugih predlogih, ki se nanašajo na volilni postopek, bo potreben poseben zakon Sveta, kateri bo odločal soglasno, o predlogu in z odobritvijo Parlamenta, ki bo odločal z absolutno večino svojih članov, temu pa bo sledila potrditev vseh nacionalnih parlamentov.
(d) Other elements concerning the electoral procedure require a special law of the Council, acting unanimously, on a proposal and with the consent of Parliament, acting by an absolute majority of its Members, followed by the endorsement by all national parliaments.
Člen 223(1) PDEU.
Article 223(1) TFEU.
Ta posebni zakonodajni postopek lahko dobi obliko spremembe Akta iz leta 1976, kot to predlagamo v tem poročilu.
That special legislative procedure may take the form of an amendment to the 1976 Act, as is proposed in this Report.
Druga možnost, mogoče primernejša zaradi preglednosti, pa bi bila ta, da se k Pogodbam doda nov protokol o volilnem postopku, ki bi nadomestil prvotne predpise, vključeval pa bi vse različne sestavine primarne zakonodaje, ki jih obravnavamo v tem poročilu.
Alternatively, it may, however, be thought more suitable for reasons of transparency to introduce a new protocol to the Treaties on the electoral procedure which would replace the original legislation and incorporate all the different elements of primary law discussed here.
Po opravljenih osnovnih reformah, ki jih predlagamo, bo treba zakonodajo izvesti v ustreznem času, denimo za oblikovanje novega volilnega organa EU.
Once the basic reforms proposed here are carried, implementing legislation will be required in due course, for example, to establish the new EU electoral authority.
Posledica teh reform bodo tudi proračunske narave, tako za Unijo kot za države.
There will be budgetary consequences both for the EU and States as a result of these reforms.
Ne glede na to, da bodo potrebni različni instrumenti in postopki, pa reforme predstavljajo skladen sveženj ukrepov, ki bi jih bilo treba obravnavati kot celoto.
While different instruments and procedures are required, the reforms constitute a coherent package of measures which should be considered in their entirety.
K sreči ponuja forum konvencije odličen mehanizem za celovit premislek o nizu vprašanj, ki so precej kompleksna in bodo imela velik vpliv na nacionalno zakonodajo, spremljale pa jih bodo pomembne ustavne posledice.
Fortunately, the forum of the Convention provides the perfect mechanism for a comprehensive deliberation on a set of issues which are fairly complex, will have a big impact on national law, and carry important constitutional implications.
Konvencija bo v ugodnem položaju ne le za to, da bo lahko Evropski svet, Komisijo in nacionalne parlamente pritegnila k bistveni razpravi o parlamentarni reformi, ampak bo lahko tudi spodbudila širše posvetovanje s predstavniki političnih strank, akademskega sveta, člani volilnih komisij, nevladnih organizacij itd.
A Convention will be in a good position not only to engage the European Council, Commission and national parliaments in a substantive debate on parliamentary reform, but also to stimulate wider consultation with representatives of political parties, academia, electoral officers, non-governmental organisations etc.