natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Medtem ko med ponovnimi pogajanji o ustavni pogodbi v Lizboni vprašanje o volilnem postopku ni bilo na dnevnem redu, pa je prišlo do precejšnje polemike okrog predloga o prerazporeditvi sedežev v na novo izvoljenem Parlamentu leta 2009.
While the matter of the electoral procedure was not raised during the Lisbon renegotiation of the constitutional treaty, an intense controversy broke out concerning the proposal to redistribute seats for the Parliament to be elected in 2009.
Parlament je izpolnil zahtevo Evropskega sveta iz junija 2007 in pripravil predlog za prerazporeditev sedežev.
Parliament fulfilled the request of the European Council of June 2007 to make a proposal for the redistribution of seats.
Z Lamassoure-Severinovim poročilom leta 2007 mu je uspelo Svet prepričati, kako naj se v praksi uporablja načelo padajoče sorazmernosti, kar je bilo opredeljeno takole: razmerje med prebivalstvom in številom sedežev vsake države članice se mora prilagoditi dejanskemu številu njenih prebivalcev tako, da vsak poslanec države članice z večjim številom prebivalstva predstavlja več državljanov kot poslanec države z manj prebivalci in obratno, a tudi nobena država članica z manj prebivalci nima več sedežev kot država z več prebivalci.
Parliament succeeded, in the Lamassoure-Severin Report (2007), in convincingly defining how the principle of degressive proportionality should be applied in practice, thus: ‘the ratio between the population and the number of seats of each Member State must vary in relation to their respective populations in such a way that each Member from a more populous Member State represents more citizens than each Member from a less populous Member State and conversely, but also that no less populous Member State has more seats than a more populous Member State’.
Iz odstavka 6 Lamassoure-Severinovega poročila, sprejetega 11. oktobra 2007 s 378 glasovi za, 154 proti in 109 vzdržanimi glasovi; A6-0351/2007 (UL C 227 E, 4.9.2008, str.
From paragraph 6 of the Lamassoure-Severin Report, adopted 11 October 2007 by 378 votes in favour to 154 against, with 109 abstentions; A6-0351/2007 (OJ C 227 E, 4.9.2008, p.
Vseeno je Italija predlogu nasprotovala, saj bi imela le 72 sedežev v primerjavi z Združenim kraljestvom (73) in Francijo (74).
However, one State, Italy, objected to the proposal, consequent on the above, to give it 72 seats compared with the UK (73) and France (74).
Čisto na koncu medvladne konference je bil dosežen dogovor, s katerim je bila velikost Parlamenta povečana na 751 (750 poslancev in predsednik), dodatni sedež pa je bil dodeljen Italiji.
In the last minutes of the IGC a compromise was reached which raised the size of the Parliament to 751 ‑ that is, 750 plus its President – and the extra seat was given to Italy.
Na žalost ta dogovor krši strogo uporabo načela padajoče sorazmernosti, kot ga je določil Parlament, saj bi italijanski evropski poslanec od leta 2009 predstavljal manj ljudi kot španski poslanec, čeprav ima Španija manj prebivalcev kot Italija.
Unfortunately, however, this arrangement breached the strict application of the principle of degressive proportionality (as defined by Parliament), because an Italian MEP represents fewer people than a Spanish colleague, despite the fact that Spain is less populous than Italy.
Politični dogovor o prerazporeditvi sedežev je Evropskem svet potrdil 14. decembra 2007 (odstavek 5 sklepov predsedstva). .
The political agreement on the redistribution of seats was confirmed by the European Council on 14 December 2007 (paragraph 5 of the Presidency Conclusions). .
Kljub temu oddaljevanju od popolnosti sta Lamassoure-Severinovo opredelitev padajoče sorazmernosti (vsaj v teoriji) Parlament in Svet sprejela.
Notwithstanding this lapse from purity, the Lamassoure-Severin definition of degressive proportionality has been accepted, at least in theory, by both Parliament and Council.
Kljub manjšemu dramatičnemu zapletu glede parlamentarnih sedežev je bila 13. decembra 2007 lizbonska pogodba končno podpisana, veljati pa je začela enajst mesecev kasneje, 1. decembra 2009.
In any case, after the little drama over parliamentary seats, the Treaty of Lisbon was finally signed on 13 December 2007 and entered into force, eleven months late, on 1 December 2009.
Člen 14 nove Pogodbe o Evropski uniji, kot jo spreminja lizbonska pogodba, se glasi
Article 14 of the new Treaty on European Union, as revised by Lisbon, reads as follows.
Sklicevanja na lizbonsko pogodbo so iz prečiščene različice pogodb, UL C 115, 9.5.2008. :
References to the Treaty of Lisbon are from the consolidated version of the Treaties, OJ C 115, 9.5.2008.
Evropski parlament skupaj s Svetom opravlja zakonodajno in proračunsko funkcijo.
The European Parliament shall, jointly with the Council, exercise legislative and budgetary functions.
Opravlja funkcijo političnega nadzora in posvetovanja v skladu s Pogodbama.
It shall exercise functions of political control and consultation as laid down in the Treaties.
Izvoli predsednika Komisije.
It shall elect the President of the Commission.
Njihovo število ne sme preseči sedemsto petdeset, poleg predsednika.
They shall not exceed 750 in number, plus the President.
Evropski svet na pobudo Evropskega parlamenta in z njegovo odobritvijo soglasno sprejme Sklep o sestavi Evropskega parlamenta ob upoštevanju načel iz prvega pododstavka.
The European Council shall adopt by unanimity, on the initiative of the European Parliament and with its consent, a decision establishing the composition of the European Parliament, respecting the principles referred to in the first subparagraph.
Člani Evropskega parlamenta se volijo s splošnim, neposrednim, svobodnim in tajnim glasovanjem za dobo petih let.
The members of the European Parliament shall be elected for a term of five years by direct universal suffrage in a free and secret ballot.
Evropski parlament izvoli svojega predsednika in svoje predsedstvo med svojimi člani.
The European Parliament shall elect its President and its officers from among its members.
Člen 223 Pogodbe o delovanju Evropske unije se glasi:
Article 223 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union reads as follows:
Evropski parlament pripravi predlog določb, potrebnih za volitve svojih članov s splošnim in neposrednim glasovanjem po enotnem postopku v vseh državah članicah ali v skladu z načeli, ki so skupna vsem državam članicam.
The European Parliament shall draw up a proposal to lay down the provisions necessary for the election of its members by direct universal suffrage in accordance with a uniform procedure in all Member States or in accordance with principles common to all Member States.
Svet po posebnem zakonodajnem postopku in po odobritvi Evropskega parlamenta, ki odloča z večino svojih članov, soglasno sprejme potrebne določbe.
The Council, acting unanimously in accordance with a special legislative procedure and after obtaining the consent of the European Parliament, which shall act by a majority of its component members, shall lay down the necessary provisions.
Te določbe začnejo veljati, ko jih države članice potrdijo v skladu s svojimi ustavnimi pravili.
These provisions shall enter into force following their approval by the Member States in accordance with their respective constitutional requirements.
Evropski parlament na lastno pobudo z uredbami, sprejetimi po posebnem zakonodajnem postopku, po pridobitvi mnenja Komisije in z odobritvijo Sveta, ki odloča s kvalificirano večino, določi pravila in splošne pogoje za opravljanje nalog svojih članov.
The European Parliament, acting by means of regulations on its own initiative in accordance with a special legislative procedure, after seeking an opinion from the Commission and with the approval of the Council acting by a qualified majority, shall lay down the regulations and general conditions governing the performance of the duties of its Members.
Za sprejetje vseh pravil ali pogojev, ki se nanašajo na obdavčitev članov ali nekdanjih članov, je potrebna soglasna odločitev Sveta.
All rules or conditions relating to the taxation of Members or former Members shall require unanimity within the Council.
Vzporedno z dolgimi pogajanji o reviziji pogodbe pa je Unija kljub temu, da nima enotnega volilnega zakona, dosegla precejšnji napredek pri vzpostavitvi temeljnih pogojev za enotno izvolitev Evropskega parlamenta.
In parallel with the long negotiations on treaty revision, the EU made substantial progress in establishing the basic conditions for the uniform election of the European Parliament in spite of the absence of a single electoral law.
Med težavami, na katere so naleteli prejšnji poročevalci, jih je bilo nekaj rešenih zadovoljivo, in sicer:
Of the problems encountered by previous rapporteurs on this dossier, several have already been dispensed with satisfactorily, notably:
· v vseh državah je tako ali drugače vzpostavljeno proporcionalno zastopstvo,
· a form of proportional representation has been established in all States;
· odpravljen je dvojni mandat,
· the dual mandate is abolished;
· oblikovale so se evropske politične stranke in ustanove z urejenim financiranjem,
· European political parties and foundations have been established and financed;
· sklajeni so pogoji za poslance Evropskega parlamenta.
· terms and conditions of MEPs are harmonised.
Ob uvedbi neposrednih volitev je kazalo, da bo težavnih področij še več, a izkušnje so pokazale nasprotno.
There is another category of issues that might have seemed problematical at the outset of the exercise to introduce direct elections but, with the benefit of experience, no longer do so ‑ such as the eligibility of independent candidates and control of election expenses.
Težave bi denimo lahko bile pri izvolitvi neodvisnih kandidatov in nadzoru nad volilnimi izdatki, Težave bi denimo lahko bile pri izvolitvi neodvisnih kandidatov in nadzoru nad volilnimi izdatki, a temu ni bilo tako, čeprav so države članice delovale po svoji presoji in volilni praksi.
Here no problems seem to have arisen by the mere application of national discretion and electoral practice.
Ne glede na dosežen napredek bo to poročilo obravnavalo revizijo akta o splošnih neposrednih volitvah iz leta 1976.
Notwithstanding the progress made so far, this Report is asked to address the revision of the 1976 Act on direct elections to the European Parliament.
Dvanajst let potem, ko je Parlament zadevo zadnjič obravnaval s poročilom Anastasopulos in dobra štirih leta preden bo reformo volilnega postopka dejansko možno izvesti (leta 2014), se zdi, da je napočil čas za dodatne reforme.
And twelve years after Parliament last visited the dossier with the Anastassopoulos Report, and a good four years before any practicable reform of the electoral procedure would be brought into force (in 2014), this indeed seems a good time to initiate further reforms.
Pomen in pristojnosti Parlamenta so se od leta 1979 znatno povečali.
Parliament's importance and powers have grown substantially since 1979.
To pa se do danes še ni odrazilo v nobeni od dokaj omejenih revizij akta iz leta 1976.
This has not been mirrored by the rather limited revisions to the 1976 Act since then.
Zdaj, ko je lizbonska pogodba končno v veljavi, imajo poslanci veliko večjo moč.
Now the Treaty of Lisbon has at last entered into force, MEPs have become much more powerful.
Parlament potrebuje in si zasluži volilni sistem in notranjo organizacijo, ki bosta dorasla novim nalogam.
Parliament both needs and deserves an electoral system and an internal organisation which is commensurate with its new duties.
Kako do padajoče sorazmernosti
The quest for degressive proportionality
Ker lizbonska pogodba še ni bila v veljavi, so volitve leta 2009 potekale na podlagi pogodbe iz Nice (736 sedežev v razponu od 5 do 99 sedežev na državo članico).
Because the Treaty of Lisbon was not yet in force, the 2009 elections were fought on the basis of the Treaty of Nice (736 seats within a range of 5 to 99 seats per Member State).
To pomeni, da bo treba v vsakem primeru sedeže pred volitvami 2014 prerazporediti povsem na novo in s tem upoštevati določbe Lizbonske pogodbe, demografske spremembe in možen pristop novih držav k Uniji.
There will in any case, therefore, have to be a complete redistribution of seats before the 2014 elections to take into account the provisions of the Lisbon treaty as well as demographic change and the possible accession of new States to the Union.
Če se bo Hrvaška pridružila Evropski uniji med parlamentarnim mandatom 2009–2014, bodo njeni sedeži začasno dodani številki 751, kot v primeru Bolgarije in Romunije.
In the event that Croatia joins the EU during the term of the 2009-14 Parliament, its seats will be added temporarily to the 751, as per the precedent of Bulgaria and Romania.
Podobno velja za Islandijo.
Likewise with Iceland.
Načelo padajoče sorazmernosti je eleganten federalističen koncept, po katerem so interesi manjših manjšinskih skupin zaščiteni s tem, da ne tako gosto poseljene države dobijo številnejše zastopstvo od gosteje posoljenih.
The principle of degressive proportionality is an elegant federalist concept according to which the interests of smaller minorities are protected by awarding the less populous States relatively higher representation than the more populous States.
Kljub strinjanju Evropskega sveta decembra 2007, da sprejme predlog Evropskega parlamenta, pa se načelo padajoče sorazmernosti v praksi še vedno ne izvaja.
Despite the agreement of the European Council in December 2007 to accept the European Parliament’s proposal, the principle of degressive proportionality has yet to be applied in practice.
V Parlamentu iz leta 2004 je bilo deset držav, ki so imele bodisi preveč bodisi premalo poslancev.
In the 2004 Parliament, there were ten states which had too many or too few MEPs.
V Parlamentu, izvoljenem junija 2009, je takih držav devet.
In the present Parliament, elected in June 2009, there are nine.
Tudi potem, ko bo sprejetih 18 dodatnih „lizbonskih“ poslancev, bo še vedno pet „prestopnic“, kar ponazarjata tabela in graf v prilogi II.
Even after the admission of the 18 extra ‘Lisbon’ MEPs, there will remain five 'transgressions', as the chart and graph in Annex II illustrates.
Pomembno je, da priznamo, da je sedanji „sistem“ porazdelitve sedežev nič več in nič manj le politična zagata, ki se povrhu stalno spreminja.
It is important to recognise that the present ‘system’ for the distribution of seats is really no more than a political fix – and one that is constantly unstable.
Eden od očitnih oteževalnih dejavnikov je, da število prebivalcev v Nemčiji hitro upada in se bo razlika med to državo na eni strani in na drugi Francijo, Združenim kraljestvom in Italijo, kjer prebivalstvo narašča, v prihodnjih nekaj deset letih zmanjšala.
One obvious destabilising factor is that Germany has a rapidly declining population and that the gap between it, on the one hand, and France, the UK and Italy, on the other, with rising populations, will narrow over the coming decades.
Če bo Nemčija kljub upadanju prebivalstva ohranila najvišje število sedežev (96), bodo morale druge močno poseljene države dobiti precej večje število sedežev, kot jih imajo zdaj.
If Germany remains with the maximum number of seats (96) despite its falling population, the next most populous states will have to be given a much larger number of seats than at present.
Takšno dogajanje pa bo zelo slabo vplivalo na interese srednje velikih držav, vse skupaj pa bo ogrozilo padajočo sorazmernost.
Such an outcome will severely prejudice the interests of the medium sized states, thus jeopardising degressive proportionality.
Demografske spremembe tako predstavljajo mogočen izziv za nadaljnje izvajanje sedanjih dogovorov, da ne govorimo o političnem barantanju, ki neizogibno spremlja prerazporeditev sedežev.
So demographic change presents a formidable challenge to the continuation of the present arrangements, to say nothing of the political bartering which inevitably accompanies a redistribution of seats.
Pogodba vsaj določa, da nobena država nima več kot 96 sedežev, s čimer se odpira možnost postopnega zniževanja števila nemških sedežev kot odraz upadanja prebivalstva te države.
The Treaty, at least, says that no state shall be allocated more than 96 seats, opening up the option of gradually reducing Germany's tally to reflect its declining population.
Člen 14(2) PEU.
Article 14(2) TEU.
Vseeno pa ugotavljamo, da zdaj odvečni okvirni sklep Evropskega sveta o sestavi Parlamenta 2009–2014 določa, da mora biti „najmanjše in največje število ... v celoti izpolnjeno, da se število sedežev Evropskega parlamenta v največji možni meri približa spektru prebivalcev“.
However, one notes that the now redundant draft decision of the European Council on the composition of the 2009-14 Parliament requires that ‘the minimum and maximum numbers … must be fully utilised to ensure that the allocation of seats … reflects as closely as possible the range of populations’.
To pa je, iskreno rečeno, čudno.
This is, frankly, bizarre.
Za to, kako po načelu padajoče sorazmernosti stlačiti vse precej pod zgornjo mejo 751, je sedaj odgovoren Parlament, ki je z lizbonsko pogodbo dobil pravico (in dolžnost), da predlaga spremembe sestave zbora med vsakim mandatom.
The problem of fitting everyone in fairly beneath the ceiling of 751 according to the principle of degressive proportionality lies directly at the door of Parliament which, under Lisbon, acquires the right (and the duty) to initiate changes in the composition of the House during each mandate.
Parlament bo odgovoren tudi za predlaganje začasnih novih poslancev iz držav, ki bodo v posameznem petletnem mandatu pristopile k Uniji.
Parliament will also be responsible for proposing the temporary addition of MEPs from accession states during a five-year mandate.
Prav nesorazmerno premajhna zastopanost Nemcev v Evropskem parlamentu je med drugim spodbudila tožnike, ki so pred nemškim zveznim ustavnim sodiščem vložili tožbo proti lizbonski pogodbi.
The fact that Germans are disproportionately under-represented in the European Parliament formed part of the motivation of the plaintiffs who brought a case against the Lisbon treaty to the German Federal Constitutional Court.
V sodbi junija 2009 je to sodišče po zabavni razpravi o prednostih padajoče sorazmernosti ugotovilo, da je sistem, predlagan v pogodbi, sprejemljiv, ker Unija ne izpolnjuje pogojev federalne države.
In its judgment of June 2009, the Court concluded, after a diverting discussion of the merits of degressive proportionality, that the system as proposed in the Treaty is acceptable because the EU falls short of being a federal state.
Sodišče je ugotovilo, da je Evropski parlament kljub umišljeni težnji Unije po evropskem državljanstvu, v resnici sestavljen iz nacionalnih kontingentov.
The Court found that, in spite of the Union’s pretensions to European citizenship, the European Parliament is in fact made up of national contingents.
V nasprotju z nemškim bundestagom Evropski parlament ni zbor enakih.
Unlike the Bundestag, the European Parliament is not an assembly of equals.
Prav tako ni vrhovna oblast suverenega evropskega ljudstva.
Nor is it the supreme authority of the European sovereign people.
Nemško zastopstvo drugje v vladnem sistemu Unije odtehta za to, kar bi lahko v drugačnih okoliščinah razumeli kot krivično obravnavo v Parlamentu.
Germany’s representation elsewhere in the government system of the Union compensates for what might in other circumstances be considered its unfair treatment in the Parliament.
Poleg tega Pogodba vsebuje opcijske instrumente nadnacionalne participativne demokracije, kot je državljanska pobuda, ki koristno dopolnjujejo vlogo evropskih poslancev.
Moreover, the Treaty contains optional instruments of transnational participatory democracy, such as the citizens’ initiative, which usefully complement the role of MEPs.
Sodba zveznega ustavnega sodišča z dne 30. junija 2009, zlasti odstavki 279–297;
Federal Constitutional Court Judgment of 30 June 2009, especially paragraphs 279-297;
Sodba sodišča iz Karlsruheja o lizbonski pogodbi ostaja polemična.
The Lisbon judgment of the Karlsruhe Court remains controversial.
A tudi če se z ugotovitvami sodišča ne strinjamo, vidimo, kako kočljivo je vprašanje prihodnje sestave Parlamenta.
One does not have to accept its findings, however, to take note of the sensitivity of the issue of how the Parliament is to be composed in the future.
Konec koncev bo zdaj, ko je lizbonska pogodba v veljavi, za odločitev o prihodnji sestavi Parlamenta izredno pomembno, da se načelo padajoče sorazmernosti uporabi z vso natančnostjo, če nočemo pravdanja pred Evropskim sodiščem.
At the very least, now that the Lisbon is in force, it will be essential for the decision on the future composition of the Parliament to apply scrupulously the principle of degressive proportionality if litigation in the European Court of Justice is to be avoided.
Mogoče pa je le napočil čas, da se resneje zamislimo nad tem, ali bi za razdeljevanje sedežev poiskali matematično formulo, ki bo trajna, pregledna in politično nepristranska.
It may well be that the time has come to look more seriously at arriving at a mathematical formula for the distribution of seats which will be durable, transparent and impartial to politics.
Glej, naprimer, Victoriano Ramirez in drugi, „Padajoče sorazmerne metode za dodeljevanje sedežev Evropskega parlamenta med države članice EU“ v Matematika in demokracija, Springer, Berlin, 2006.
See, for example, Victoriano Ramirez et al, 'Degressively Proportional Methods for the Allotment of the European Parliament Seats Amongst the EU Member States' in Mathematics and Democracy , Springer, Berlin 2006.
Širitev volilne pravice
Extending the franchise
Očitno je, da se zaradi zelo velikih razlik v nacionalnih zakonih uveljavljanje pravice iz državljanstva EU razlikuje od ene države članice do druge.
It is clear that, because nationality laws are highly variable, there is unequal access to the rights of EU citizenship between one Member State and another.
Zelo se razlikuje tudi položaj državljanov določene države, ki dalj časa živijo v drugi.
Moreover, the position of nationals of one State who live for a prolonged period in another is also far from uniform.
To je še zlasti vidno, ko pride do izgube volilne pravice doma in možnosti za njeno pridobitev – ali tudi ne – v državi bivanja.
This is particularly relevant when it comes to the loss of franchise at home and the ability to acquire it, or not as the case may be, in the receiving State.
Državljani Združenega kraljestva, naprimer, ne smejo več glasovati na volitvah v Združenem kraljestvu, če v tujini živijo več kot 15 let.
UK citizens, for example, lose the right to vote in UK elections after 15 years abroad.
Če sedemindvajsetim zakonom o državljanstvu dodamo še sedemindvajset kompleksnih volilnih zakonov, lahko hitro uvidimo, zakaj še vedno velja, da je nepraktično, pa tudi politično neprimerno, da bi Unija sprožila program masovnega usklajevanja.
Add the layer of twenty-seven complex electoral laws on top of twenty-seven nationality laws and one can quickly see why it has hitherto been considered to be impractical as well as impolitic for the Union to launch a programme of wholesale harmonisation.
Zaenkrat se je Unija zadeve delno že lotila: glej Direktivo 2004/38/ES Evropskega parlamenta in Sveta z dne 29. aprila 2004 o pravici državljanov Unije in njihovih družinskih članov do prostega gibanja in prebivanja na ozemlju držav članic, UL L 158, 30.4.2004.
The EU’s approach to date has been rightly tentative: see Directive 2004/38/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 29 April 2004 on the right of citizens of the Union and their family members to move and reside freely within the territory of the Member States; OJ L 158, 30-04-2004.
Zato še vedno ostaja resna težava odvzema volilne pravice državljanom EU, ki želijo uveljavljati pravico, ki jo podeljuje Unija, da živijo v drugi državi članici.
There still remains, therefore, a serious problem of disenfranchisement of EU citizens who choose to exercise their EU-given right to live in another Member State.