natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
L. ker sodelovanje med EU in Natom, ki sodi v okvir dogovorov „Berlin plus“, doslej ni bilo zadovoljivo, zaradi nerešenih težav, ki so povezane z dejstvom, da so nekatere države članice Nata, ne pa tudi EU,
L. whereas EU and NATO cooperation falling within the framework of the “Berlin plus” arrangements has not been working satisfactorily up until now, because of unresolved problems connected with the fact that some countries are members of NATO but not of the EU,
M. ker bi poleg dogovorov „Berlin plus“ Nato in EU morala poskrbeti za učinkovito krizno upravljanje in tesnejše sodelovanje pri iskanju najboljšega možnega odzivanja na krize, kot v primerih Afganistana in Kosova,
M. whereas outside the “Berlin plus” arrangements, NATO and the EU should ensure efficient crisis management and should work better together in order to identify the best possible response to a crisis, such as in Afghanistan and in Kosovo,
N. ker bi morali obe organizaciji še izboljšati medsebojne odnose in bi morala EU tesneje vključiti članice Nata, ki niso članice EU, v EVOP, Nato pa bi moral države članice EU, ki niso včlanjene v Nato, vključevati v pogovore EU-Nato; ker bi bilo treba okrepiti odnose EU-ZDA,
N. whereas EU-NATO relations should be further improved by both organisations, with the EU involving the European non-EU NATO allies further in the ESDP and NATO involving the non-NATO EU Member States further in EU-NATO talks; whereas EU-US relations should be strengthened,
O. ker bi se morala procesa širitve Nata in EU, kljub temu, da se razlikujeta, medsebojno krepiti, da bi zagotavljala večjo stabilnost in blaginjo evropske celine,
O. whereas NATO and the EU enlargement processes, even though they differ, should be mutually reinforcing in order to secure stability and prosperity in the European continent,
P. ker je pomemben sestavni del odnosov med EU in Natom vzajemna krepitev podpore nacionalnim prizadevanjem za razvoj in dobavo vojaških zmogljivosti za krizno upravljanje, kar že samo krepi osnovno nalogo varovanja ozemeljskih obrambnih in varnostnih interesov držav članic,
P. whereas an important element of the EU-NATO relationship is support for national efforts to develop and deliver military capabilities for crisis management in a mutually reinforcing way, which for its part enhances the primary task of safeguarding the territorial defence and security interests of member countries,
Q. ker bi lahko sinergijo med EU in Natom pri nekaterih vojaških zmogljivostih povečali s skupnimi pilotnimi projekti,
Q. whereas synergy between the EU and NATO in certain military capabilities areas could be improved through joint pilot projects,
R. ker je evropska skupna obramba osnovana na kombinaciji konvencionalnih in jedrskih sil, ki bi morale biti bolj prilagojene spreminjajočim se razmeram,
R. whereas Europe's collective defence is based on a combination of conventional and nuclear forces which ought to have been adapted more thoroughly to the changing security situation,
S. ker tako EU kot tudi Nato trenutno opravljata ponovno oceno svojih varnostnih strategij (evropske varnostne strategije in izjave o varnosti zavezništva),
S. whereas both the EU and NATO are currently undertaking a reappraisal of their respective security strategies (the ESS and the Declaration on Alliance Security),
T. ker Lizbonska pogodba obvezuje civilne in vojaške zmogljivosti držav članic v okviru EVOP, določa trajno strukturirano sodelovanje pri obrambi med pilotno skupino držav, zavezuje države k povečanju svojih vojaških zmogljivosti, povečuje vlogo Evropske obrambne agencije, državam nalaga, da priskočijo na pomoč napadeni državi (brez poseganja v nevtralen status nekaterih držav ali članstvo v Natu drugih), nadgrajuje cilje EU (petersberške naloge), da vključujejo boj proti terorizmu, in poudarja vzajemno solidarnost v primerih terorističnih napadov ali naravnih nesreč,
T. whereas the Treaty of Lisbon commits civilian and military capabilities of all Member States to the ESDP, provides for permanent structured cooperation in defence between a pioneer group of states, commits states to the progressive improvement of military capabilities, expands the role of the European Defence Agency, obliges states to come to the aid of another under attack (without prejudice to the neutrality of certain states or to the NATO membership of others), upgrades EU objectives (the Petersberg tasks) to include the fight against terrorism and, finally, insists on mutual solidarity in the event of a terrorist attack or natural disaster,
Strateški pregled
Strategic overview
3. priznava, da raznolikost interesov, ki je značilna za Unijo s 27 ali več državami članicami, – povedano drugače, pisana sestava EU – daje Uniji enkraten značaj in možnost, da posreduje, nastopa kot vezni člen in pomaga v različnih delih sveta; poziva k nadaljnjemu razvoju obstoječih orodij EU za krizno upravljanje in upa, da bodo sedanje vojaške zmogljivosti držav članic EU postale bolj povezane ter stroškovno in vojaško učinkovite, saj bo le tako Unija lahko zbrala dovolj moči za izkoriščanje svojih enkratnih sposobnosti na področju preprečevanja in reševanja konfliktov ter dopolnjevanje širokega niza mehanizmov za civilno krizno upravljanje;
Recognises that the diversity of interests inherent in a Union of 27 or more Member States – in other words, the mosaic-like composition of the EU – gives it a unique character and the potential to intervene, mediate and help in different parts of the world; calls for the EU's existing crisis-management tools to be further developed and hopes that the existing military capability of EU Member States will become more integrated, cost-effective and militarily efficient, since only then will the Union be able to muster sufficient forces to exploit its unique abilities in the fields of conflict prevention and conflict resolution and to complement its broad range of civilian crisis-management mechanisms;
6. je prepričan, da so demokratične svoboščine in pravna država odgovor na pričakovanja ljudi po vsem svetu; meni, da nobeni državi ali narodu ne bi smela biti odvzeta takšna perspektiva, saj ima vsak človek pravico do življenja v demokratični državi, v kateri velja vladavina prava;
Is convinced that democratic freedoms and the rule of law are the answer to aspirations for people around the world; believes that no country or nation should be excluded from such a perspective, because every human being has the right to live in a democratic state governed by the rule of law;
9. poziva, da se hkratni reviziji varnostnih strategij EU in Nata ne bi smeli zgolj dopolnjevati, temveč tudi stekati, tako da bi vsaka dala ustrezno težo potencialom druge;
Urges that the concurrent review of the security strategies of the EU and NATO should be not only complementary but also convergent, each giving due weight to the potential of the other;
12. priznava, da sta varnost in razvoj medsebojno odvisna ter da ne obstaja jasno zaporedje dogodkov za doseganje trajnostnega razvoja na konfliktnih območjih; poudarja, da se v praksi sočasno uporabljajo vsi instrumenti; zato poziva Komisijo, naj opravi dodatne raziskave o pomenu zaporedja vojaških in civilnih posredovanj na konfliktnih območjih ter ugotovitve teh raziskav vključi v svoje varnostne in razvojne politike;
Recognises that security and development are mutually dependent and that there is no clear sequence of events to achieve sustainable development in conflict areas, points out that, in practice, all instruments are deployed in parallel; therefore calls on the Commission to carry out further research into the importance of the sequencing of military and civil interventions in conflict areas and to integrate their findings into its security and development policies;
Odnos med Natom in varnostnim ustrojem EU
The relationship between NATO and the security architecture of the EU
14. ugotavlja, da varnostna tveganja v sodobnem svetu vedno bolj zaznamujejo pojavi, kot so mednarodni terorizem, širjenje orožja za množično uničevanje, propadle države, zapleteni konflikti, organizirani kriminal, računalniške grožnje, propadanje okolja in s tem povezana varnostna tveganja, naravne in druge nesreče, ter da ti zahtevajo še tesnejše partnerstvo in osredotočanje na krepitev osrednjih zmogljivosti EU in Nata, pa tudi tesnejše sodelovanje na področjih načrtovanja, tehnologije, opreme in usposabljanja;
Notes that security risks in the modern world are increasingly characterised by phenomena such as international terrorism, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, failed states, intractable conflicts, organised crime, cyber threats, environmental deterioration and associated security risks, natural disasters and other disasters, and that these require still closer partnership and concentration on strengthening the core capabilities of the EU and NATO, and closer coordination in the areas of planning, technology, equipment and training ;
17. meni, da mora EU razviti svoje varnostne in obrambne zmogljivosti, ki ji bodo omogočale boljšo porazdelitev bremena z neevropskimi zavezniki in ustrezno odzivanje na tiste varnostne izzive in grožnje, ki zadevajo le države članice EU;
Is of the view that the EU must develop its own security and defence capabilities, which will allow improved burden-sharing with the non-European allies and an appropriate response to those security challenges and threats which concern the EU Member States only;
Sodelovanje med Natom in EU pri varnostnih in obrambnih vprašanjih
Cooperation between NATO and the EU in security and defence issues
23. poziva države članice obeh organizacij k večji prožnosti, ciljni usmerjenosti in pragmatičnosti pri izvajanju partnerstva EU-Nato; zato podpira predlog francoske vlade o vzpostavitvi sistematičnih stikov med generalnima sekretarjema Nata in Sveta EU, zlasti, da se prepreči nejasnosti o tem, kje EU in Nato nastopata skupaj v različnih misijah za dosego istega cilja na istem bojišču, na primer na Kosovu ali v Afganistanu;
Urges the member states of both organisations to be more flexible, goal-oriented and pragmatic in the implementation of the EU-NATO partnership; supports, therefore, the French Government's proposal for the establishment of systematic contacts between the Secretaries-General of NATO and the EU Council, in particular so as to avoid confusion where the EU and NATO operate side by side in different missions towards the same common purpose in the same theatre, as in Kosovo and Afghanistan;
27. ugotavlja, da bi se morala Nato in Evropska unija za utrditev njunega sodelovanja osredotočiti na krepitev svojih osnovnih zmogljivosti, izboljšanje interoperabilnosti ter usklajevanje njunih doktrin, načrtovanja, tehnologije, opreme in metod usposabljanja;
Notes that, in order to consolidate their cooperation, both NATO and the European Union should concentrate on strengthening their basic capabilities, improving interoperability and coordinating their doctrines, planning, technologies, equipment and training methods;
Operativni štab EU
EU Operational Headquarters
29. poudarja, da so dosedanje operacije EU opozorile na dejstvo, da bi stalno načrtovanje in poveljniške zmogljivosti pri operacijah EU povečali njihovo učinkovitost in verodostojnost; poudarja, da predlog o operativnem štabu EU ponuja rešitev za ta problem; opozarja, da so misije EU v prvi vrsti civilno-vojaškega značaja, zato takšna struktura ne bi pomenila podvajanja že obstoječih struktur; opozarja še, da je glavno poveljstvo Nata prvenstveno namenjeno vojaškemu načrtovanju, medtem ko ima EU strokovno znanje za načrtovanje in vodenje civilnih, vojaških in civilno-vojaških operacij, ki jih trenutno ne more uspešno izpeljati nobena druga svetovna sila;
Underlines that the experience of EU operations demonstrates that a permanent planning and command capability for EU operations would increase the effectiveness and credibility of EU operations; emphasises that the proposed EU Operational Headquarters provides the solution to this problem; recalls that, given the civilian-military focus of the EU, such a structure would not duplicate anything that exists elsewhere; further recalls that the NATO Headquarters is primarily intended for military planning whereas the EU possesses expertise in planning and conducting civilian, military and civilian-military operations which no other global actor is currently able to conduct successfully;
Zmogljivosti in vojaški izdatki
Capabilities and military spending
34. priznava, da utegne evropska obrambna agencija, ki se okrepi z lizbonsko pogodbo, pomembno prispevati v smeri stroškovno učinkovitega javnega naročanja in večje medobratovalnosti oborožitve;
Recognises the important potential contribution of the European Defence Agency, strengthened by the Treaty of Lisbon, towards cost-effective procurement and enhanced interoperability of armaments;
Združljivost članstva v Natu in Evropski uniji
Compatibility between NATO and EU m embership
37. ugotavlja, da je bistvenega pomena, da se ustrezno obravnava problem združljivosti med nečlanstvom v EU in članstvom v Natu oziroma nečlanstvom v Natu in članstvom v EU, da se prepreči negativni vpliv na konkretno sodelovanje med EU in Natom;
Notes that it is essential that the problem of the compatibility between non-membership of the EU and membership of NATO, as well as non-membership of NATO and membership of the EU, be addressed and tackled so as not to harm the functioning of EU-NATO cooperation;
41. meni, da bi bilo treba, kar zadeva prihodnje širitve Nata, o vsakem primeru presojati posebej; bi vseeno, zaradi evropskih varnostnih interesov, nasprotoval širitvi organizacije na katero koli državo, v kateri prebivalstvo ne podpira članstva, ali ima ta država resne nerešene ozemeljske spore s svojimi sosedami;
Is of the view that, as regards future enlargements of NATO, each case should be judged on its own merits; nevertheless, on the grounds of European security interests, would be opposed to enlarging the organisation to include any country where membership does not have the support of the population or where there are serious unresolved territorial disputes with its neighbours;
44. z veseljem pričakuje priložnosti, ki jih bo ponudil prihajajoče vrhunsko srečanje ob 60. obletnici Nata v Strasbourgu in Kehlu, in sicer za pomladitev zavezništva in okrepitev njegovih odnosov z Evropsko unijo;
Looks forward to the opportunities afforded by NATO's forthcoming 60th anniversary Summit in Strasbourg and Kehl for the rejuvenation of the Alliance and the strengthening of its relations with the European Union;
Bolečina žrtve je še večja, ko se čuti pozabljeno.
whose pain is magnified when he or she feels forgotten.
Politični zapornik v celici, lačni otroci,
The political prisoner in his cell, the hungry children,
begunci brez doma – ne odzvati se na njihovo žalost,
the homeless refugees – not to respond to their plight,
pustiti jih v njihovi osamljenosti brez iskrice upanja
not to relieve their solitude by offering them a spark of hope
je izgnati jih iz človeškega spomina.
is to exile them from human memory.
In ko zanikamo njihovo človečnost, izdamo našo lastno.“
And in denying their humanity we betray our own."
Elie Wiesel, preživeli holokavsta
Elie Wiesel, Holocaust survivor.
Dan preden so nacisti pred 70 leti okupirali Sudete je angleški ministrski predsednik Chamberlain ob vrnitvi v Združeno kraljestvo po srečanju s Hitlerjem v Münchnu mahal z münchenskim sporazumom: „Dosegli smo mir za naš čas“.
The day before the Nazi occupied Sudeten Land 70 years ago, Prime Minister Chamberlain came back to the United Kingdom after having met Hitler and was waving the Munich Agreement: 'I believe it's peace for our time'.
Iluzije so lahko smrtonosne.
Wishful thinking can be deadly.
Ob premišljevanju o ključnih vprašanjih naše varnosti in še posebej pri oblikovanju smernic zanje moramo biti vizionarski in tako samostojni, da se lahko odluščimo od pridobljenih interesov.
When thinking about crucial questions about our security, and especially when drafting guidelines for them, we should be visionaries and independent enough to break free from vested interests.
Na predvečer enaindvajsetega stoletja stoji svet pred številnimi varnostnimi izzivi, starimi, pa tudi novimi, ki ogrožajo življenja številnih ljudi in povzročajo človeško trpljenje.
At the eve of the twenty first century, the world faces many security challenges, old and new, who threaten the lives of many people and cause much human suffering.
Evropska unija ima enkraten potencial in dolžnost, da prispeva k svetovni stabilnosti.
The European Union has a unique potential and duty to contribute to world stability.
V zadnjih desetih letih je z razvojem evropske varnostne in obrambne politike pridobila kar nekaj civilnih in vojaških zmogljivosti za izpolnitev tega cilja in je v številne dele sveta napotila svoje misije.
In the last decade, through the development of the ESDP, the EU has acquired a substantial array of civilian and military tools to fulfil this aim and has now started to conduct missions in many different parts of the world.
Čeprav je z misijami EVOP Unija dokazala, da je z njo treba računati na svetovni ravni, so bile njene misije pretežno civilnega značaja z osrednjo pozornostjo namenjeno preprečevanju konfliktov in pokriznem upravljanju.
While the EU has demonstrated to be a global player through the development of ESDP missions, these are largely civilian in nature, concentrating on conflict prevention and post-conflict management.
Zaradi tega je sodelovanje in iskanje sinergije med EU in Natom bistvenega pomena pri zasledovanju skupnega cilja prispevati k miru in stabilnosti na mednarodnem prizorišču.
This is why EU-NATO cooperation and synergy are essential to pursue the common goal of promoting peace and stability in the international area.
Omeniti velja, da je 94 % prebivalstva EU včlanjenega v Nato in da je večina držav članic EU tudi članic Nata, zaradi česar Severnoatlantska zveza ostaja glavni okvir kolektivne obrambe v Evropi.
It is worth reminding that 94 percent of the EU population being a member of NATO and that a majority of EU member-states being members of NATO, the Alliance remains the principal framework for collective defence in Europe.
Prav zaradi tega je v odnosih med EU in Natom še resnično veliko prostora za dopolnjevanje.
There is thus necessarily much room for complementarity in the relationship between the EU and NATO.
Žal to dopolnjevanje pogosto slabijo tehnične, pa tudi politične ovire.
A complementarity which is, however, often undermined by both technical and political obstacles.
Namen poročila torej je predlagati iskanje novih rešitev za ponovno oživitev odnosov med EU in Natom, ki bi omogočali učinkovito spopadanje aktualnih varnostnih izzivov.
The aim of this report is thus to propose forward looking solutions for a revived EU-NATO relationship that would be able to effectively tackle current security challenges.
Prva težava, ki se pri tem kaže, so omejitve pri oblikovanju misij za krizno upravljanje.
The first problem to be addressed is the limitations of the EU in terms of setting up a crisis management mission.
Unija namreč nima stalne strukture za načrtovanje in poveljevanje (operativnega štaba).
Currently, the EU is lacking a permanent planning and command structure (OHQ).
Pri izbiri operativnega štaba za misije za krizno upravljanje ima tri možnosti.
There are three options for the EU to choose an operational headquarters for its crisis management missions.
Prva je ta, da izbere med petimi nacionalnimi štabi, ki so ji dani na razpolago, s čimer pa so povezane precejšnje zamude in manjša učinkovitost Unije pri posredovanju v izrednih razmerah.
The first is to choose amongst the five national headquarters made available for the EU which implies considerable delay and losses in efficiency in the EU's ability to react to an emergency situation.
Druga možnost je, da uporabi SHAPE iz dogovorov Berlin plus, čeprav so za to potrebna pogajanja med EU in Natom ter vzpostavitev ad hoc poveljniške verige (v primeru operacije Althea so pogajanja EU-Nato trajala več kot osem mesecev).
The second is to use SHAPE under the Berlin plus arrangements, which implies an EU-NATO negotiation and the organization of an ad hoc chain of command (in the case of operation Althea, EU-NATO negotiations took over 8 months).
Ta izbira torej ni primerna za hitro posredovanje.
This option thus makes rapid reaction impossible.
Tretja možnost je, da se uporabi operativni center EU v Bruslju, a samo pod pogojem, da drugi dve nista razpoložljivi za operacijo.
Finally the third is to use the EU Operational Centre in Brussels but only on the condition that the two others are not available for the operation.
Operativni center EU ni stalen.
The EU Operational Centre is not a permanent structure.
Aktivira se lahko v petih dneh in doseže polno zmogljivost v 20 dneh za operacije z do 2000 vojaki.
It can be activated within 5 days achieving full capability within 20 days for operations up to 2000 soldiers.
Težava pri tem je, da aktiviranje operativnega centra zahteva delo vojaškega štaba Evropske unije, ki se zaradi tega ne more posvetiti pomembnim kadrovskim nalogam, kot je strateško načrtovanje kriznega odzivanja, načrtovanje vojaško-strateških izrednih ukrepov ipd.
The problem is that the process of activating the Operational Centre requires the work of the EUMS which is therefore unavailable for important staff work such as crisis response strategic planning, military strategic contingency planning etc.
Te pomanjkljivosti resno prizadenejo in zmanjšajo učinkovitost in verodostojnost operacij EU.
These shortcomings seriously affect and limit the effectiveness and the credibility of EU operations.
Da bi odpravili te omejitve, ki so posledica različni možnosti, s katerimi pri operativnem poveljevanju odziva na krizne razmere razpolaga Unija, poročilo predlaga ustanovitev operativnega štaba EU.
In order to remedy to the present limitations provided by the different options that the EU has at its disposal to respond to a crisis situation in terms of operational command, this report suggests the creation of an EU operation headquarters.
Za čim večjo učinkovitost in dobro usklajevanje bi bilo prav, da je štab v Bruslju pod pristojnostjo generalnega sekretarja Sveta/visokega predstavnika za skupno zunanjo in varnostno politiko.
In view of maximising the effectiveness and coordination, this headquarter should be based in Brussels, under the authority of the Secretary General of the Council/High Representative of the Common Foreign and Security Policy.
To bi omogočalo učinkovit prenos in obveščanje političnih voditeljev o vojaških implikacijah političnih možnosti in odločitev.
This will allow for effective translation and communication of military implications of political options and decisions to political leaders.
Ob tem velja opozoriti še, da se glavno poveljstvo Nata prvenstveno ukvarja z vojaškim načrtovanem, medtem ko se EU osredotoča predvsem na civilne in civilno-vojaške operacije.
But it should be stressed that, whereas the NATO Headquarters are primarily for military planning, the focus of the EU lies mainly in the civilian and joint civilian-military operations.
EU je edina sila na svetovni ravni, ki lahko uspešno izvaja operacije na tem področju.
The EU is the only global actor able to conduct successful operations in this domain.
Neučinkovita uporaba vojaških zmogljivosti negativno vpliva na izvajanje operacij EVOP in Nata.
Secondly, the inefficient use of military capabilities is something that affects the functioning of both the ESDP operations and NATO.
27 držav članic skupaj za obrambo potroši 200 milijard EUR, a kljub tako pomembnim vojaškim virom Evropejci še zdaleč ne premoremo dovolj ustrezno usposobljenih vojakov.
The 27 member-states collectively spend EUR 200 billion on defence but despite such military resources, Europeans do not have nearly enough soldiers with the necessary skills.
Države članice imajo v oboroženih silah skoraj 2 milijona ljudi, Unija pa praktično ne more razviti in vzdrževati 60 000 vojakov po svetu.
The member-states have close to 2 million personnel in their armed forces, but the EU can barely deploy and sustain 60,000 soldiers around the globe.