natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
A. ker sedanji trgovinski odnos EU z državami AKP, ki jim omogoča prednostni dostop na trge EU na nevzajemni podlagi, ne ustreza pravilom Svetovne trgovinske organizacije (STO),
A. whereas the EU’s existing trade relationship with the ACP countries – which gives them preferential access to EU markets on a non-reciprocal basis – does not comply with the rules of the World Trade Organization (WTO),
B. ker sporazum iz Cotonouja navaja, da so se pogodbenice dogovorile za sklenitev nove trgovinske ureditve, skladne z STO, ob postopnem odpravljanju trgovinskih ovir med njimi in spodbujanju sodelovanja na vseh področjih, ki zadevajo trgovino in razvoj,
B. whereas the Cotonou Agreement sets out the Parties’ agreement to conclude new WTO-compatible trading arrangements, progressively removing barriers to trade between them and enhancing cooperation in all areas relevant to trade and development,
C. ker pogajanja v šestih regijah ne napredujejo enako hitro, kar vzbuja pomisleke, da v vseh regijah ne bodo končana pred koncem leta 2007,
C. whereas negotiations are not progressing at the same pace in the six regions, leading to concerns that they will not be completed in all regions before the end of 2007,
D. ker obstajajo splošni pomisleki, da pogajanja ne napredujejo tako, kot bi morala na tej stopnji pogajalskega procesa,
D. whereas there is widespread concern that the negotiations have not advanced as far as they should have done at this stage of the negotiation process,
E. ker obe strani nista pravočasno predstavili predlogov in se odzvali nanje, kar je glavni razlog za zamudo,
E. whereas failure on both sides to put forward and respond to proposals in a timely fashion has been a major reason for delay,
F. ker bi imela še ena formalna oprostitev s strani STO visoko politično ceno in bi jo bilo težko doseči,
F. whereas another formal WTO waiver would be politically costly and difficult to achieve,
H. ker pomanjkanje napredka pri pogajanjih o razvojni agendi iz Dohe pri STO dodatno otežuje pogajanja o sporazumu o gospodarskem partnerstvu,
H. whereas the lack of progress made in the negotiations of the DDA at the WTO renders the EPA negotiations more difficult,
I. ker se obe strani strinjata, da je "dimenzija razvoja" osrednjega pomena za sporazume o gospodarskem partnerstvu, vendar se pogajalcem zaenkrat še ni uspelo dogovoriti o skupni opredelitvi tega koncepta,
I. whereas both parties agree on the centrality of the "development dimension" to EPAs, but negotiators have thus far failed to reach agreement on a common definition of the concept,
J. ker je bistvenega pomena, da sporazumi o gospodarskem partnerstvu prispevajo k trajnostnemu socialnemu in gospodarskemu razvoju ter zmanjšanju revščine v državah AKP,
J. whereas it is essential that EPAs should contribute to sustainable social and economic development and to the alleviation of poverty in ACP countries ,
K. ker se je v čedalje bolj globaliziranem svetu nemogoče izogniti odpravljanju preferencialov,
K. whereas, in an increasingly globalised world, preference erosion is inevitable,
L. ker doslej s pobudo Vse razen orožja ni uspelo bistveno povečati izvoza najmanj razvitih držav v EU, ker to kaže na to, da zgolj liberalizacija carin in kvot ni dovolj za dvig konkurenčnosti revnih držav,
L. whereas Everything but Arms (EBA) has so far failed to give rise to a significant increase in Least Developed Countries (LDCs) exports to the EU; whereas that suggests that tariff and quota liberalisation alone do not make poor countries more competitive ,
M. ker bi morala povečana vzajemnost med EU in državami AKP spodbuditi konkurenčnost držav AKP, vendar bo najverjetneje prizadela nekonkurenčno industrijo in krhka gospodarstva,
M. whereas increased reciprocity between the EU and the ACP countries should spur the competitiveness of ACP countries but it is likely to harm uncompetitive industries and fragile economies,
N. ker struktura sporazumov o gospodarskem partnerstvu ni vedno usklajena z obstoječo regionalno ureditvijo gospodarskega povezovanja,
N. whereas EPA configurations are not always in line with existing regional economic integration arrangements,
O. ker je kmetijstvo gonilna sila razvoja večine držav AKP in če naj sporazumi o gospodarskem partnerstvu postanejo orodje razvoja, potem morajo obravnavati izzive, s katerimi se sooča kmetijstvo držav AKP,
O. whereas agriculture is the engine of development in most ACP countries and in order for EPAs to become a development tool, they must address the challenges faced by the ACP agricultural sector,
P. ker je vzpostavitev pravega regionalnega trga nujna podlaga za uspešno izvajanje sporazumov o gospodarskem partnerstvu, ker je pravo regionalno povezovanje pomembna osnova za družbeni in gospodarski razvoj držav AKP, kot je zapisano v sporazumu iz Cotonouja,
P. whereas establishing a genuine regional market represents an essential basis for successfully implementing EPAs; whereas genuine regional integration represents an important basis for the social and economic development of the ACP countries, as is stated in the Cotonou agreement,
Q. ker povečanje medregionalne trgovine, predvideno v sporazumih o gospodarskem partnerstvu, zavira slaba medregionalna infrastruktura in številne necarinske trgovinske ovire,
Q. whereas an increase in intra-regional trade, as is intended by the EPAs, is hindered by weak intraregional infrastructure and a wide range of non-tariff barriers to trade,
R. ker regionalnim pripravljalnim delovnim skupinam ni uspelo opraviti njihove predvidene funkcije, kar je zavrlo pogajanja in sprožilo vprašanja o učinkovitosti nadzornih mehanizmov, povezanih s sporazumi o gospodarskem partnerstvu, v prihodnje,
R. whereas the failure of the Regional Preparatory Task Forces to carry out their intended function has hindered negotiations and raised questions about the future efficacy of EPA-related monitoring mechanisms,
S. ker pomanjkanje podatkov pri analizi gospodarstev držav AKP močno otežuje izvajanje popolnih presoj vplivov sporazumov o gospodarskem partnerstvu,
S. whereas a lack of data in analysing ACP economies has made full EPA impact assessments very difficult to carry out,
T. ker mora izboljšana pravila trgovanja spremljati večja podpora za pomoč v zvezi s trgovino,
T. whereas improved trade rules must be accompanied by an increase in support for trade-related assistance,
U. ker je cilj pomoči za trgovino podpreti zmogljivosti držav v razvoju, da bi izkoristile nove možnosti za trgovanje,
U. whereas the objective of Aid for Trade is to support developing countries' capacities to take advantage of new trade opportunities,
V. ker je treba poiskati rešitev za stroške prilagajanja, povezane s pripravami na liberalizacijo in njeno izvajanje, kar se zahteva kot del sporazumov o gospodarskem partnerstvu,
V. whereas a solution to the issue of adjustment costs relating to preparations and implementation of liberalisation required as part of the EPAs, must be found,
W. ker člen 37(4) sporazuma iz Cotonouja zahteva formalno in obsežno revizijo predpisov, predvidenih za vse države, da se zagotovi, da dodatni čas za priprave ali pogajanja ne bo potreben, ker mora revizija voditi do kritične ocene pogajanj o sporazumih o gospodarskem partnerstvu v teku,
W. whereas, pursuant to Article 37(4) of the Cotonou Agreement, a formal and comprehensive review of the arrangements planned for all countries must be undertaken in order to ensure that no further time is needed for preparations or negotiations; whereas that review must lead to a critical assessment of the EPA negotiations in progress,
3. poziva Komisijo in države članice, naj zagotovijo skladnost politike za razvoj; poudarja, da daje evropsko soglasje o razvoju (deklaracija o razvojni politiki), zlasti odstavek 36, smernice pogajalcem pri sporazumih o gospodarskem partnerstvu; v tem pogledu poziva, naj Komisija spoštuje načela asimetrije in fleksibilnosti;
Calls on the Commission and the Member States to ensure policy coherence for development; stresses that the "European Consensus on Development" (Development Policy Statement, DSP), in particular paragraph 36, provides the EPA negotiators with guidance; urges, in this respect, the Commission to adhere to the principles of asymmetry and flexibility;
7. poziva pogajalce, naj okrepijo svoja prizadevanja za zaključek pogajanj pred koncem leta 2007; poziva Komisija, naj pri vprašanjih AKP pokaže več prožnosti;
Urges negotiators to increase their efforts to complete negotiations before the end of 2007; urges the Commission to show more flexibility towards ACP concerns;
12. priznava, da prednostni dostop do trga sam po sebi ni zadostno orodje, ki bi prineslo razvoj držav AKP, ter vztraja, da je treba za dosego tega cilja uvesti spremljevalne ukrepe, da se spodbudi konkurenčnost držav AKP;
Recognises that preferential market access has not been a sufficient tool in itself to bring about the development of the ACP countries and maintains that, in order to achieve that goal, flanking measures need to be put in place to boost their competitiveness;
14. poziva, naj bodo potek, časovni okvir in obseg liberalizacije postopni in fleksibilni, da se izboljša regionalno povezovanje in konkurenčnost držav AKP, ter zagotovi, da imajo prednost razvojni cilji, kot so preprečevanje škodljivih socialnih učinkov, zlasti pri ženskah;
Calls for the pacing, timing and scope of liberalisation to be gradual and flexible in order to improve ACP regional integration and competitiveness, and to ensure that development objectives, such as the avoidance of adverse social impacts, particularly towards women, are given priority;
34. izraža razočaranje, da doslej ni bilo dovolj izkoriščena priložnost, ki jo je pregled nudil poslancem in zainteresiranim stranem; meni, da bi proces z vključitvijo ključnih zainteresiranih strani in predstavnikov civilne družbe dobil bistveno praktično in pragmatično razsežnost;
Expresses disappointment that so far insufficient advantage has been taken of the opportunity provided by the review to involve parliamentarians and other stakeholders; believes that the inclusion of key stakeholders and civil society representatives would add a crucial practical and pragmatic dimension to this process;
38. zahteva, naj Komisija v skladu s členom 37(6) sporazuma iz Cotonouja za države AKP, ki ne sodijo med najmanj razvite in ne morejo skleniti sporazumov o gospodarskem partnerstvu, preuči možne načine, da se tem državam ponudi alternativen trgovinski okvir, ki bo enakovreden njihovemu trenutnemu položaju in združljiv s pravili STO;
Asks the Commission, in accordance with Article 37(6) of the Cotonou Agreement, where non-least developed ACP countries are not in a position to enter into EPAs, to examine possible ways of offering those countries an alternative framework for trade, which is equivalent to the existing situation and which is in conformity with WTO rules;
49. poziva Komisijo, naj prevzame pobudo ter pridobi mednarodno podporo za spremembo ali razjasnitev člena XXIV sporazuma GATT glede sporazumov o prosti trgovini med različno razvitimi pogodbenicami;
Calls on the Commission to take the initiative and to mobilise international support for a revision or clarification of Article XXIV of the GATT Agreement with regard to the Free Trade Agreements between parties with different levels of development;
Poročilo si prizadeva biti konstruktivno, stvarno in uravnoteženo.
The aim of this report has been to be constructive, realistic and balanced.
Poročevalec se je skušal osredotočiti na stvarnost: sporazumi o gospodarskem partnerstvu med EU in državami AKP bodo sklenjeni, skladnost s STO je pomembna, zmanjšanje revščine, trajnostni razvoj ter postopno vključevanje držav AKP v svetovno gospodarstvo
Your rapporteur has tried to focus on the reality that Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) between the EU and the ACP countries are going to be concluded, WTO-compatibility is important and "poverty reduction, sustainable development and the gradual integration of ACP countries into the world economy”
Člen 1(2) Sporazuma iz Cotonouja. pa morajo biti cilj katerega koli sporazuma o gospodarskem partnerstvu.
Article 1 (2) of the Cotonou Agreement. must be the goal of any EPA.
Razprava o trgovini in razvoju se je večinoma polarizirala.
Much of the debate concerning trade and development is polarised.
Dolgoletna nesoglasja glede prednosti liberalizacije in proste trgovine napredovanju pogajanj niso bila v pomoč.
Years of argument about the merits of liberalisation and free trade have not helped negotiations advance.
Čeprav gre za zanimive razprave, se je treba osredotočiti na to, kako se bo lepo besedilo iz Cotonouja izvajalo v sporazumih o gospodarskem partnerstvu.
While these debates are interesting it is important to focus attention on how the fine words of Cotonou will be implemented in EPAs.
Pri trgovini in razvoju je treba paziti na podrobnosti.
In trade and development the devil is in the detail.
Pogajanja o sporazumih o gospodarskem partnerstvu je zaznamovalo nezaupanje in nesoglasje o tem, kako naj bi trgovino spremenili v „orodje razvoja“.
Negotiations of EPAs have been characterised by mistrust and disagreement about how trade should be made a "development tool".
Tistim, ki jih bodo sporazumi o gospodarskem partnerstvu prizadeli, se ni vedno dovolj prisluhnilo, prav tako ni bil v celoti ocenjen vpliv sporazumov o gospodarskem partnerstvu na države AKP.
The voices of those who will be affected by EPAs have not always been adequately heard nor the impacts of EPAs on ACP countries fully quantified.
Težave pri pogajanjih o „partnerskih“ sporazumih med tako neenakovrednimi partnerji ter o tako spornih in zapletenih vprašanjih so očitne.
The difficulties in negotiating a "partnership" agreement between such unequal partners, on controversial and complex issues, are obvious.
Premalo podrobnih gospodarskih informacij in omejene zmogljivosti držav AKP, skupaj z institucionalno togostjo EU (pri Evropski komisiji GD Razvoj upravlja s sredstvi, GD Trgovina pa vodi pogajanja), je pripomoglo do čisto drugačnega pogajalskega okolja, kot je pri običajnih sporazumih o prosti trgovini.
The paucity of detailed economic information and capacity constraints in the ACP, combined with EU institutional rigidity - where in the European Commission DG Development is in charge of the funds but DG Trade is in charge of negotiations - have contributed to a negotiating environment very different from that of a conventional Free Trade Agreement.
Nezmožnost Komisije, da bi v pogajanjih o sporazumih o gospodarskem partnerstvu namenila dovolj osrednje mesto „dimenziji razvoja“, precej ovira njihovo napredovanje.
The inability of the Commission to make the "development dimension" sufficiently central to EPA negotiations has been a significant barrier to progress in EPA talks.
Zaradi nezmožnosti držav AKP, da bi natančno opredelile, kaj hočejo v „dimenziji razvoja“ razen neocenjenih zahtev za dodatno finančno podporo, zainteresirane strani težko zahtevajo odgovornost Komisije ob pozivih k „razvoju naklonjenim sporazumom o gospodarskem partnerstvu“.
The inability of the ACP to be detailed in what exactly it wants in the "development dimension" beyond uncosted requests for additional financial support has made it difficult for interested stakeholders to hold the Commission to account when calling for "pro-development EPAs".
Zlasti ker instrumenti, vzpostavljeni, da bi bila pogajanja o sporazumih o gospodarskem partnerstvu „razvoju naklonjena“, niso delovali ali pa niso bili dovolj verodostojni.
Particularly as the instruments set up to ensure that EPA negotiations are "pro-development" have either not worked or lacked credibility.
Že zdaj EU veliko vlaga v razvojno pomoč državam AKP, zneski pa se še povečujejo, vendar nihče ne verjame retoriki Komisije o sporazumih o gospodarskem partnerstvu, naklonjenih razvoju.
The EU already spends a great deal on development assistance in the ACP and the amounts are increasing but the Commission's development friendly rhetoric on EPAs has not been believed.
Ostaja vtis, da EU vsiljuje sporazume o prosti trgovini, ki bodo državam AKP škodili, tako da v javnosti govori eno, zasebno pa zahteva nekaj drugega.
The impression remains that the EU is forcing through free trade agreements which will harm ACP countries by saying one thing in public and demanding another in private.
Zaradi preteklih izkušenj številne države AKP dvomijo, da se bo revščina zmanjšala, če bodo ravnale, kot hočejo države donatorice
Past experience in many ACP countries has led to scepticism that doing what donor countries want will reduce poverty.
Za številne države AKP programi za liberalizacijo trgovine iz osemdesetih in devetdesetih letih prejšnjega stoletja niso pomenili velikega uspeha, v katerega so jih predhodno prepričevale mednarodne organizacije in vlade držav donatoric.
Trade liberalisation programmes in the 1980s and 1990s in many ACP countries were not perceived by those countries to be the roaring successes international organisations and donor Governments had led them to believe they would be.
Ob dejstvu, da je delež držav AKP v svetovni trgovini padel iz 8 % leta 1980 na 3 % leta 2005, postanejo omenjeni dvomi razumljivi, čeprav je težko natančno opredeliti, koliko je bila za ta upad odgovorna trgovinska politika. .
The fact that ACP share of world trade has dropped from 8% in 1980 to 3% in 2005 make this scepticism understandable although it is difficult to pinpoint to what extent trade policy has been responsible for this decline.
Vsak sporazum o gospodarskem partnerstvu, ki ga podpiše regionalna skupina, mora biti kratkoročno in dolgoročno politično zaželen.
Any EPA signed by a regional group must be politically desirable in both the short and long term..
Obljube o gospodarskih koristih v daljni prihodnosti ne bodo dovolj, če ostaja razumevanje, da sporazumi o gospodarskem partnerstvu zahtevajo liberalizacijo, ki najmanj razvitim državam ne bo prinesla koristi, ki bi presegale tiste že na voljo s pobudo Vse razen orožja.
The promise of economic benefits in the distant future will not be enough if the perception remains that an EPA requires liberalisation with no benefits that are not already available to LDCs under EBA.
Pozitivni predlogi
Positive Suggestions
Poenostavljena, liberalizirana in prožnejša pravila o poreklu; uporabni sistemi zaščite, reševanja sporov in nadzora, ki imajo pregledne določbe in dajejo dejanske pristojnosti v primeru sprememb zaradi sporazumov o gospodarskem partnerstvu, ki bi škodljivo učinkovale na gospodarske sektorje v državah AKP ‑ to so pozitivni vidiki, ki jih je treba pravilno vključiti v pogajanja.
Simplified, liberalised and more flexible rules of origin; workable safeguard, dispute settlement and monitoring mechanisms with transparent provisions and real power to act in the event of changes caused by EPAs having a harmful effect on sectors of ACP economies: these are the positive aspects that need to be correctly framed in negotiations.
Trgovinska pogajanja običajno počasi napredujejo, tik pred rokom pa se stvari kar naenkrat premaknejo.
Trade talks generally move slowly until just before the deadline when things suddenly move.
V tem primeru taka taktika ne bo v pomoč, saj morajo biti koristi jasne pred sklenitvijo sporazumov o gospodarskem partnerstvu, da bi pregnali strahove držav AKP, da bodo izigrane v zameno za zajeten ček recikliranega denarja.
In this instance such tactics will not be helpful as benefits need to be clear before EPAs are signed to dispel fears that ACP countries are being out-manoeuvred in exchange for a big cheque of recycled money.
Države AKP upravičeno dvomijo, da bodo predlogi Komisije njihovemu razvoju pomagali tako, kot same želijo, in da gre pri obljubah o dodatni finančni pomoči res za dodatno pomoč.
The ACP is right to question whether the Commission's proposals will contribute to their development in the manner that they want it to and whether promises of additional financial assistance really are additional.
Za uspešno sklenitev sporazumov o gospodarskem partnerstvu bodo zavzetost in prizadevanja za rezultate pogajanj o teh sporazumih morali preseči prizadevanja med njihovim potekom.
However, if EPAs are to be successfully concluded there must be more engagement and ownership of the result of EPA negotiations than there has been of the process.
Poročevalec meni, da bi parlamentarni odbor za spremljanje sporazumov o gospodarskem partnerstvu pomagal uresničiti ta cilj in da je skupna parlamentarna skupščina EU-AKP ustrezno prizorišče za tako spremljanje.
Your rapporteur believes a Parliamentary Oversight Committee on EPAs would help with this goal and the EU-ACP Joint Parliamentary Assembly (JPA) is the appropriate setting for such oversight.
Ta forum potrebuje namen, sporazumi o gospodarskem partnerstvu pa so partnerstvo s težavami z demokratično odgovornostjo in verodostojnostjo.
It is a forum in need of a purpose while EPAs are a partnership with a democratic accountability and credibility problem.
Dejstvo, da je skupna parlamentarna skupščina vezana na Sporazum iz Cotonouja, ki se bo iztekel leta 2020 (parlamentarno spremljanje sporazumov o gospodarskem partnerstvu pa se ne bi) napeljuje na misel, da je potrebno ustvariti dodatno institucijo.
The fact that the JPA is linked to Cotonou which will expire in 2020 - but parliamentary oversight of EPAs would not be - might suggest that an additional institution should be created.
Vendar to ne bi bila učinkovita uporaba sredstev.
This would not be an effective use of resources.
Poročevalec bo Parlament zaprosil za podporo posebnemu besedilu o parlamentarnem spremljanju v sporazumih o gospodarskem partnerstvu, ki bo zagotovilo njegovo uresničitev, vendar bo upošteval, da se morajo o podrobnostih, kako uskladiti spremljanje sporazumov o gospodarskem partnerstvu s skupno parlamentarno skupščino, dogovoriti uradniki EU in AKP skupaj s predstavniki skupne parlamentarne skupščine.
Your rapporteur will ask for the Parliament's backing for specific language on Parliamentary Oversight in EPA texts to ensure that it actually happens but consider that details of how to coordinate EPA oversight with the JPA are for EU and ACP officials to establish with JPA representatives.
Z večjim prispevkom nedržavnih akterjev in drugih zainteresiranih strani ter z bolj sistematično analizo družbenih vplivov sporazumov o gospodarskem partnerstvu bo možno zgraditi resnično partnerstvo, potrebno za spremljanje teh sporazumov, ki ga do sedaj ni bilo.
Greater input from non-state actors and other concerned stakeholders, as well as more systematic analysis of the social effects of EPAs, will help build the genuine partnership that is needed in monitoring of EPAs, and has been lacking hitherto.
Dodatna sredstva
Additional Resources
Jasno je, da bodo potrebna dodatna sredstva za soočenje s posledicami zaradi sprememb, ki jih bodo prinesli sporazumi o gospodarskem partnerstvu.
It is clear that additional resources will be needed to cope with the effects of changes ushered in by EPAs.
Trgovinske olajšave, tehnično pomoč in podporo proizvajalcem držav AKP pri doseganju standardov EU je treba povečati tako, da bodo izravnale izgube iz carinskih prihodkov in bodo državam AKP pomagale izkoristiti dostop na trg.
Scaling up of trade facilitation, technical assistance and support to help ACP producers meet EU standards must be sufficiently extensive to off-set losses from tariff revenues and help ACP countries take advantage of market access.
Najprej bo potrebno vložiti več napora v zagotavljanje, da bodo že obljubljena sredstva pravočasno in učinkovito porabljena.
In the first instance this requires greater efforts to ensure that funds already promised are spent in a timely and effective manner.
Poleg zahtev za dodaten denar je treba prednost posvetiti izboljšavam v postopkih Evropskega razvojnega sklada (ERS).
Improvements to European Development Fund (EDF) procedures should be prioritised along with requests for additional money.
EU mora biti odgovorna za svojo razvojno pomoč v celoti in ne sme obljubljati neutemeljenih zneskov v nedoločenih rokih brez jasnih ciljev.
The EU must be accountable for all of its development assistance and cannot promise unsubstantiated amounts over unspecified time periods without clear goals.