natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
J. ker zaključna deklaracija, ki so jo sprejeli na vrhu sveta Arabske lige v Tunisu 23. in 24. maja 2004, med drugim navaja zavezanost reformam in modernizaciji držav članic Arabske lige preko demokratične konsolidacije in politične udeležbe,
J. whereas the Final Declaration adopted by the Summit of the Arab League Council held in Tunis on 23 and 24 May 2004 reiterates amongst other things a commitment to reform and modernise its Member States through democratic consolidation and political participation,
K. ker je v skupnem interesu arabskih držav in njihovih evropskih partneric, da se izvedejo politične, gospodarske in družbene reforme, s katerimi bi dali nov zagon sodelovanju, stabilnosti, demokratizaciji in izboljšanju življenjskega standarda ter prispevali k zmanjšanju socialnih razlik v regiji,
K. whereas it is in the common interest of the Arab countries and their European partners that political, economic and social reforms should be initiated with a view to revitalising cooperation, stability and democratisation, and to raising living standards and reducing social disparities, in the region as a whole,
L. ker so nadaljnji koraki za politično in gospodarsko liberalizacijo ter spoštovanje človekovih pravic in napredek na socialnem področju ter področju vzgoje in izobraževanja pogoj za večjo stabilnost v teh državah in ker nasprotno nepripravljenost za spremembe ni garancija za resnično stabilnost;
L. whereas advances in political and economic liberalisation and progress on human rights and in the social and educational fields are the only way to contribute to greater stability in those countries, and whereas, by contrast, resistance to change is not a guarantee of real stability,
M. ker se v prispevkih OZN in zlasti priporočilih skupine na visoki ravni Zavezništva civilizacij in programa OZN za razvoj (UNDP) iz zadnjih nekaj let odražajo pretanjene razlike, ki zaznamujejo arabski svet, in so zaradi tega ti prispevki in priporočila tako kakovostni, da zadošča že njihovo preoblikovanje v konkretne in prave politike,
M. whereas the contributions made over the past few years by the UN, and in particular by the High-Level Group of the Alliance of Civilisations and by the UNDP, deriving from a close involvement with the different strands of Arab society, need to be translated into real concrete policies,
N. ker so evropski odnosi z oblastmi teh držav predolgo temeljili le na stabilnosti in strateškem partnerstvu, brez da bi si zastavljali vprašanje, ali tamkajšnje oblasti spoštujejo univerzalne človekove pravice, kar je spodkopavalo napore akterjev civilne družbe za reformo družbe od znotraj,
N. whereas Europe’s relations with the authorities of the countries concerned have for too long been based exclusively on the pursuit of stability and strategic partnership, without taking into account respect by the authorities for universal human rights, thus undermining efforts by civil society actors to reform the various societies from within,
O. ker je treba ustvariti okvir, v katerem lahko med vsemi elementi arabskih družb poteka svoboden in odprt dialog, ki bo sprožil resnični reformni proces od znotraj,
O. whereas it is important to create a framework within which the dialogue between all the various components of the Arab societies can take place freely and openly, in such a way as to bring about, from inside, a genuine reform process,
P. ker je arabska listina o človekovih pravicah, sprejeta leta 1994, izraz želje po zagotovljenem spoštovanju človekovih pravic v arabskem svetu, a so žal nekatera določila zapisana tako, da dopuščajo različne razlage;
P. whereas the Arab Charter on Human Rights adopted in 1994 is an expression of the aspiration to guarantee respect for human rights in the Arab world; regretting, however, that some of its provisions are worded in such a way as to allow differing interpretations,
2. pozdravlja prej omenjeno sporočilo Komisije o krepitvi evropske sosedske politike (ESP); meni, da je ESP ključno orodje za spodbujanje reforme pri južnih in vzhodnih sosedih EU; izraža razočaranje nad predlagano višino sredstev za pomoč pri upravljanju in meni, da je za učinkovito delovanje potrebno njihovo zvišanje;
Welcomes the above-mentioned Commission communication on strengthening the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP); regards the ENP as a crucial tool in promoting reform in the EU’s southern and eastern neighbours; expresses disappointment at the proposed amount of the Governance Facility, which it believes should be increased in size in order to ensure effectiveness;
4. poudarja, da je reformni proces v arabskem svetu šibak tudi zaradi težav in sporov med nekaterimi arabskimi državami; meni, da bi morala Evropska unija storiti vse, kar je v njeni moči, da bi olajšala politično in gospodarsko integracijo teh držav; opozarja, da bo lahko EU imela resnični vpliv le, če ne bo zbujala vtisa, češ da je večvredna ali da že bolje ve, kako in kaj, in bo raje iz evropsko-arabskega dialoga ustvarila resničen, enakopraven dialog;
Stresses that the weakness of the reform process in the Arab world is also due to the difficulties and the controversies between some of the Arab countries; takes the view that the EU should make every effort to facilitate the political and economic integration of the Arab countries; notes that, in order to be really influential, the EU should not demonstrate any feeling of superiority or the impression of giving lessons, but should rather make the Euro-Arab dialogue a true dialogue between equals;
7. pozdravlja obstoječe oblike dialoga med Evropsko unijo in arabskim svetom kot tudi številne projekte in pobude za sodelovanje, ki potekajo v okviru barcelonskega procesa, strateškega partnerstva za Sredozemlje in Bližnji Vzhod in sodelovanja s svetom za sodelovanje arabskih zalivskih držav;
Welcomes the existence of forums for dialogue between the European Union and the Arab world and the numerous cooperation projects and initiatives set up via the Barcelona Process, the Strategic Partnership for the Mediterranean and the Middle East and cooperation with the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf (CCASG);
10. poziva EU, njene države članice in celotno mednarodno skupnost, naj razvijejo uravnotežene odnose z državami v regiji; poudarja, da bi enostransko in neenako podpiranje oziroma obsojanje določenih držav lahko privedlo do polarizacije in zaostrilo že tako zapletene razmere v arabskem svetu;
Calls on the EU and its Member States, as well the entire international community, to develop balanced relations with the countries in the region; points out that unilaterally supporting and condemning certain states more than others can result in polarisation and risks further complicating the already very complicated situation in the Arab world;
13. razume, da je ena izmed šibkih točk evropsko-arabskega dialoga pomanjkanje verodostojnosti, ki zaradi nezadovoljivega delovanja demokracije, gospodarstva in družbe včasih zaznamuje arabske politične sogovornike, celo v njihovih lastnih državah;
Understands that one of the inherent weaknesses in the Euro-Arab dialogue derives from the lack of legitimacy which sometimes characterises the Arab political interlocutors within their own countries, particularly as a result of their poor democratic, economic and social performance;
15. zato izraža trdno prepričanje, da mora Evropska unija vzpostaviti širok kulturni dialog in z njim pri arabskih sogovornikih spodbujati vrednote, na katerih je zgrajena Unija (pravna država, človekove pravice, demokracija itd.), seveda ob upoštevanju razlik v kulturnem in političnem dojemanju;
Resolutely endorses, therefore, the need for the European Union to engage in a wide-ranging cultural dialogue to encourage its Arab interlocutors to embrace the Union’s fundamental values (the rule of law, human rights, democracy, etc) while taking differing cultural and political perceptions into account;
17. z oziroma na politične reforme in demokratični napredek ugotavlja, da so razmere v arabskem svetu zelo raznolike in da bi zaradi tega ne bilo prav, da se vzpostavijo enotni modeli;
Notes that, with regard to political reforms and the progress of democracy, the situations in the Arab world are very diverse and that it is therefore not appropriate to establish uniform models;
26. poziva Komisijo, Svet in države članice, da med EU in arabskimi državami spodbudijo izmenjavo študentov, profesorjev, znanstvenikov in raziskovalcev, k čemur naj prispevajo tudi z vzpostavitvijo prožnejšega vizumskega režima;
Calls on the Commission, the Council and the Member States to encourage exchanges of students, teachers, academics and researchers between the EU and Arab countries and to facilitate those exchanges through an adapted and more flexible visa regime;
Arabski svet in reforme, vloga Evropske unije: spodbujati, investirati, spremljati
While the Arab world confronts reforms, the role of the European Union is to encourage, engage and assist
Libanonski intelektualec in politični novinar Samir Kasir je, tik preden so ga junija 2005 umorili, objavil spodbudno, pronicljivo in nepopustljivo besedilo z naslovom „Razmišljanja o nesreči arabskega sveta”.
Shortly before he was murdered in June 2005, the Lebanese intellectual and political journalist Samir Kassir published a short work which was stimulating, incisive and made no concessions, entitled “Considérations sur le malheur arabe” [Thoughts on the Arab malaise
Očitno zares lahko govorimo o arabski nesreči.
Translator’s note: The book has been translated under the title “Being Arab”. ].
Pri reševanju problema je najprej treba preučiti trenutni položaj arabskega sveta v odnosu do mednarodne skupnosti in do Evropske unije.
Our first task is to take stock of the current situation of the Arab world in relation to the international community and the European Union.
Nato si je treba zastaviti vprašanje, ali arabska skupnost resnično obstaja, in če je temu tako, natančneje določiti njene meje in njeno delovanje.
Next we will consider whether there is really such a thing as an Arab community, and if so how best to define it and how it works.
Le tako bo smiselno govoriti o možni evropski strategiji podpore arabskemu svetu in njegovim družbam.
Only then can we start to consider a possible European support strategy for the Arab world and Arab societies.
Arabski svet v odnosu do mednarodne skupnosti in Evropske unije
The Arab world in relation to the international community and the European Union
Arabci sami o sebi in o svoji skupnosti govorijo precej dvoumno.
There is a degree of ambiguity in the way in which Arabs speak of themselves and of their community.
Pogosto se omenja arabsko enotnost, vendar do nadaljnjega arabske države ostajajo vsaka svoj gospodar v diplomaciji in zunanjih odnosih.
Verbal references to Arab unity are frequent, but for the present each of the Arab states remain in sole charge of its own diplomacy and external actions.
Pravzaprav je za nekatere sklicevanje na arabsko enotnost predvsem kulturno pogojeno.
For some of them the reference to Arab unity mainly expresses a cultural aspiration.
Vendarle pa lahko govorimo o nezanemarljivi navzočnosti in vplivu arabskega sveta na mednarodni ravni.
Nevertheless the Arab world does have a considerable international presence and influence.
Očitno je, da se je predvsem preko skupnih medijev oblikovalo arabsko javno mnenje.
It is clear that there is now such a thing as Arab public opinion, largely formed by shared mass media.
In prav ob upoštevanju tega dejstva si je treba zastaviti vprašanje, kako Evropska unija dojema arabski svet.
It is in the light of this situation that we must place the issue of how the Arab world is perceived by the European Union.
Arabsko ligo je leta 1945 ustanovilo šest držav, ki se jim je po treh mesecih pridružil še Jemen.
The League of Arab States was founded in 1945 by six states, which were joined by Yemen three months later.
Danes šteje 22 držav, vključno s palestinsko oblastjo.
Now there are 22, including the Palestinian Authority.
Je najstarejša regionalna organizacija, ustanovljena po nastanku Združenih narodov.
It is the oldest of the regional organisations set up after the creation of the UN.
V okviru Lige se enkrat na leto zberejo voditelji držav članic, dvakrat na leto pa njen ministrski svet.
Meetings of the heads of the Arab states are held annually, and a Council of Ministers meets twice a year.
Odločitve so sprejete soglasno.
Decisions are taken by unanimity.
Poleg sveta voditeljev držav imata pomembno vlogo tudi obrambni in ekonomski svet.
In addition to the Council of Heads of State, the Defence Council and the Economic Council have taken on an important role.
Generalni sekretar, ki se ga izvoli za obdobje petih let z možnostjo podaljšanja, upravlja delovanje Lige in njenih stalnih odborov in skrbi za njen diplomatski vpliv.
The Secretary-General, elected for a renewable 5-year term, manages the functioning of the League and its standing committees, and his diplomacy is exercised in terms of influence.
Arabska liga je mednarodno priznana.
The League of Arab States is internationally recognised.
Predstavniki Evropske unije in njenih držav članic sprejmejo na obisk generalnega sekretarja oziroma ga obiščejo.
The European Union and its Member States receive visits from the Secretary-General and visit him in return.
Na tem mestu velja omeniti, da je generalni sekretar Lige Amr Musa februarja 2006 v Bruslju obiskal evropske institucije, tudi Evropski parlament.
Of particular note was the visit in February 2006 by H.E. Amr Moussa to the European institutions in Brussels, including the European Parliament.
Čeprav se Ligo včasih dojema kot ostanek hladne vojne, je vendarle treba priznati, da so njeni sedanji voditelji uspeli spremeniti njeno podobo in okrepiti njeno verodostojnost ter zakonitost v zvezi s pomembnimi vprašanji, s katerimi se sooča in ukvarja arabski svet, in sicer v prvi vrsti s spori in nestabilnostjo na Bližnjem vzhodu.
Though it is sometimes seen as a relic of the Cold War, in fact its current leaders have succeeded in modifying the League’s image, thus boosting its credibility and indeed its legitimacy on the major questions which concern and preoccupy the Arab world, chief among which are the conflicts and instability in the Middle East.
Veliki dogodki v skupnem življenju arabskega sveta so konference voditeljev držav.
The other high points in the common life of the Arab world are the conferences of Heads of State.
Liga jih sicer organizira, vendar pa ne da pobud zanje.
The League organises these meetings, but does not inspire their content.
Na konferencah se pogosto pokažejo izredno velika nesoglasja, ki ločujejo skupnost.
The conferences often reveal the very deep rifts within this community.
Med najbolj očitnimi nesoglasji velja omeniti leto 1964, ko je bila ustanovljena Palestinska osvobodilna organizacija (PLO), leto 1976, ko je PLO postala polnopravna članica Lige, ter leto 1978, ko je bila sprejeta odločitev o izključitvi Egipta zaradi sporazuma iz Camp Davida in o preselitvi sedeža Lige iz Kaira.
The most important of these conferences were that of 1964 which created the Palestine Liberation Organisation, that of 1974 which made the PLO a full member of the League, and that of 1978 which decided to expel Egypt following the Camp David agreements and move the seat of the League from Cairo.
Leta 1982 je v maroškem Fezu potekal prvi arabski vrh, ki je izraelsko-palestinsko vprašanje obravnaval s političnega vidika in nakazal možnost, da bi nekega dne začeli pogajanja.
In 1982, in Fez (Morocco) the first Arab summit was held to consider the Israel-Palestine problem from a political point of view with the possibility of opening negotiations at some time in the future.
Egipt se je Ligi ponovno pridružil leta 1990, ko se je tudi njen sedež preselil nazaj v Kairo.
In 1990, Egypt was reinstated and the seat of the League returned to Cairo.
Januarja 2004 je v Sani potekal prvi arabski vrh, posvečen demokraciji in človekovim pravicam.
In Sana’a in January 2004 the first Arab summit was held devoted to democracy and human rights.
Marca istega leta je generalni sekretar Lige sprožil pobudo za objavo dokumenta z naslovom: „Vzroki za arabsko reformo, njena vizija in izvedba”.
Again in 2004, in March, the Secretary-General of the League took the initiative of publishing a document entitled "Arab reform: its cause, visions and implementation".
Ob tem velja poudariti, da še nikoli doslej, ne med sueško krizo in ne med izraelsko-arabskimi vojnami , ni bil uveljavljen pakt o skupni obrambi, ki je sicer zapisan v pravilih Lige.
It should be noted that the collective defence pact, included in the rules of the League, has never been applied, either during the Suez crisis or during any of the Arab-Israeli wars.
Arabske države si tudi prizadevajo za usklajeno glasovanje v Združenih narodih, a so še daleč od tega.
Finally, while the Arab countries seek to converge in their voting in the UN, they by no means always succeed in doing so.
Evropska unija z Arabsko ligo in njenim generalnim sekretarjem vzdržuje zgolj protokolarne in precej ohlapne odnose, ki nikoli ne preidejo v karkoli konkretnega.
In fact, we have purely formal and very distant relations with the League of Arab State and its Secretary-General, which have never been reflected in any kind of concrete action.
Iz tega izhaja, da so dejanski odnosi EU z arabski svetom stvar neposrednega sodelovanja s posameznimi državami članicami.
Consequently, in terms of practical politics, the EU’s contacts take the form of direct relations with each of the Arab states.
Arabski svet je za nas nekaj popolnoma razdrobljenega.
For us, the Arab world is completely fragmented.
Poznamo Magreb, vendar je zaradi praktično popolne prekinitve delovanja Zveze arabskega Magreba vse usmerjeno v dvostranske odnose.
We are aware of the Maghreb, but since the “Union of the Arab Maghreb" has totally faded from the scene, bilateral relations are entirely predominant in this area.
Enako ločeno obravnavamo tudi Irak, Sirijo, Libanon in arabski polotok.
In the same way, we deal separately with Iraq, Syria, Lebanon and the Arab peninsula.
Hkrati je, vsaj če sodimo po nizu strateških dokumentov iz zadnjih let, mogoče v dejavnosti EU opaziti stalno in naraščajočo željo po spodbujanju procesa regijskega in podregijskega povezovanja v arabskem svetu.
Nevertheless, there has been in the EU a constant and increasing desire – at least as reflected in successive strategy documents in recent years – to encourage the processes of regional and sub-regional integration within the Arab world.
Žal z omejenim uspehom, a vendarle, si EU preko mehanizmov barcelonskega procesa, programa MEDA oziroma novega finančnega instrumenta sosedske politike prizadeva za spodbujanje prečnih in nadnacionalni projektov jug-jug.
This has been manifested, for example, in the mechanisms of the Barcelona process, or via the MEDA programme; and now, through the new financial instrument of the neighbourhood policy, the EU is endeavouring – admittedly with limited success at present – to promote transversal and trans-national South-South projects.
Enako velja za prizadevanja po poglobitvi predvsem gospodarskih odnosov s Svetom za sodelovanje zalivskih držav.
The same is true of the deepening of relations, particularly economic relations, with the Gulf Cooperation Council.
A glavni problem še naprej ostaja kulturno zaznamovani in pogosto etnocentristični pristop, s katerim poskuša EU sprožiti spremembe.
The main problem, however, lies in the culture-based and often ethnocentric approach with which the EU tries to promote change.
Bistvo takega posredovanja je sicer hvale vredno in v glavnem nesporno: razvoj demokracije in dobrega javnega upravljanja, krepitev in spoštovanje človekovih pravic in temeljnih svoboščin ter politična stabilnost na nacionalni in regionalni ravni, ki bi privedla do uspešnega sodelovanja, vodenega gospodarskega razvoja in blaginje za vse.
The underlying objectives of this approach are praiseworthy and generally unimpeachable: the development of democracy and proper public administration, the promotion of and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, national and regional political stability aimed at fruitful cooperation, controlled economic development and shared prosperity.
Vseeno pa je treba paziti, da se sicer povsem zakonitih tehničnih in političnih pogojev, ki spremljajo politiko spodbujanja reform, ne spremeni v slepo pogojevanje delovanja mehanizmov oblasti in preziranje kultur in legitimnosti, ki se razlikujejo od naših, kar bi na dolgi rok privedlo do nasprotnega učinka.
However, we should take care not to transform the technical and political conditions, which are legitimate in themselves and which go hand in hand with policies to promote reform, unthinkingly into conditions which affect the mechanisms of power and disregard concepts of legitimacy which differ from our own, conditions which may in the long term prove to be counter-productive.
Ali obstaja resnična arabska skupnost?
Is there really such a thing as the Arab community?
Zgodovina, poskusi reform in ukoreninjenje nacionalnih avtonomij
History, attempts at reform and entrenchment of national autonomy
Kot je zapisal Samir Kasir, je arabska zgodovina kopičenje kulturnih raznolikosti.
According to Samir Kassir, Arab history reads like an accumulation of cultural diversities.
Ta dediščina še danes prispeva k poimenovanjem in uzakonjanju popolnoma različnih idejnih sistemov.
Consequently, this heritage sometimes provides reference points and legitimacy, even today, for the most contradictory systems of ideas.
Vemo, kakšna razdrobljenost je bila vedno značilna za arabski svet, in to navkljub utopičnim ali uresničljivim željam in poskusom, in to tudi iz nedavne preteklosti, da bi dosegli popolno ali vsaj delno enotnost: sirsko-egiptovska enotnost, Zveza arabskega Magreba, odbor za arabsko gospodarsko enotnost iz leta 1957, načrti stranke Baas, sanje Libije.
It is well known to what extent the Arab world is marked by recurrent fragmentation in spite of the desires and attempts – whether utopian or realistic, even in very recent history – to achieve total or partial unity: Syrian-Egyptian unity, the AMU, the 1957 commission on Arab economic unity, the ambitions of the Baath party, the dreams of Libya.
Dolgo časa je kot edina in resnična luč vsakega reformatorskega poskusa uspeval nacionalizem in to na škodo medarabskih odnosov ali „arabskosti“, ki se jo je dojemalo kot zavoro.
For a long time nationalism was striding forward, and was seen as the only true guiding light of any reform project, at the expense of inter-Arab relations or Arabism, which were seen as more of a hindrance.
Vseeno se zdi, da se ta arabskost, čeprav različnih oblik v različnih realnostih, kot pojem skupne identitete lastnih parametrov, pojavlja kot skupna značilnost arabskih narodov in prebivalstva vzdolž celotnega geografskega območja, ki se razteza od Magreba do Iraka.
Nevertheless it would seem that, although it manifests itself differently in different real-life situations, a certain Arab identity, understood as a unifying factor and governed by its own parameters, is perceived as a common characteristic by the Arab peoples of the whole geographical area from the Maghreb to Iraq.
Na ta splošno gledano kulturološki pojem se na novo nastajajoče civilne družbe vedno bolj sklicujejo kot na politični instrument, kot kaže primer oblikovanja modernih medijev, ki dejavno prispevajo k rojstvu vsearabske javne sfere, ali primer odličnih letnih poročil UNDP o arabskem razvoju, ki so rezultat kritičnega in konstruktivnega introspektivnega znanstvenega dela predstavnikov arabskih družb.
This Arab identity, which is generally seen as a chiefly cultural factor, is claimed more and more as a political instrument by emerging civil societies, as witness for example the creation of modern mass media which are actively contributing to the development of a pan-Arab public sphere, or the excellent UNDP reports on Arab development, which result from a critical and constructive self-analysis carried out by Arab societies themselves.
Menjava, medsebojni vplivi in univerzalizacija
Exchanges, interactions and universalisation