natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
- več zelo pomembnih odločitev v življenju Unije, ki so bile do sedaj v izključni pristojnosti Sveta, je odslej podvrženih tudi odobritvi Evropskega parlamenta: odločitev o začetku okrepljenega sodelovanja; uporaba klavzule o prožnosti, ki Uniji omogoča sprejetje ukrepov, ki niso predvideni v Ustavi, da bi dosegla cilje, ki ji jih le-ta predpisuje; odločitev o uporabi splošnih "mostov" za prehod od soglasja na kvalificirano večino ali od posebnih zakonodajnih postopkov na običajni zakonodajni postopek; nekatere določbe, ki omogočajo razširitev področja uporabe pravnih podlag, predvidenih v Ustavi, ter tiste, ki so povezane z Evropskim tožilstvom ali pravosodnim sodelovanjem v kazenskih zadevah;
- various decisions which are of great importance in the life of the Union and which hitherto have rested solely with the Council are now also subject to approval by Parliament: the decision to initiate enhanced cooperation; the use of the flexibility clause enabling the Union to take measures not provided for in the Constitution in order to attain ends for which it does provide; decisions on the use of the general ‘bridging clauses’ (‘passerelles’) substituting qualified majority voting for unanimous voting or replacing special legislative procedures with the ordinary legislative procedure; certain decisions making it possible to extend the scope of legal bases provided for in the Constitution, such as those concerning the European public prosecutor or judicial cooperation in criminal matters;
(2) Na koncu lahko rečemo, da kljub nekaterim področjem, kjer bi lahko šli dlje, Evropski parlament sedaj "soodloča" na skoraj vseh področjih politike Unije.
In conclusion it may be said that, despite certain fields where it might have been possible to go further, the European Parliament acquires powers of codecision in virtually all areas of Union policy.
V bistvu gre za uresničitev temeljnega pojma dvojne legitimnosti Unije kot zveze držav in državljanov.
Basically, this is a matter of putting into practice the fundamental idea of the twofold legitimacy of the EU as a union of States and of citizens.
Ustava tako nesporno pomeni pomembno poglobitev demokratične razsežnosti Unije
Thus the Constitution undeniably represents a significant enhancement of the democratic dimension of the EU.
Ustava ne predvideva, da sedeže razdeli država članica, temveč na pobudo Evropskega parlamenta in po njegovi odobritvi nalaga Evropskemu svetu, da pred volitvami leta 2009 odloči o tej delitvi na podlagi načela " sorazmerno padajoče " zastopanosti z najnižjim pragom 6 sedežev in najvišjim 96 sedežev na državo članico (Konvencija je predlagala 4 kot najnižji prag in nobenega najvišjega).
The Constitution does not state how the seats are to be distributed among Member States, but instructs the European Council, on the initiative of the European Parliament and with its assent, to decide, before the 2009 elections, what its composition should be, on the basis of the principle of 'degressively proportional' representation, with a minimum of 6 and a maximum of 96 seats per Member State (the Convention proposed a minimum of 4 and no maximum).
Gre za rešitev, ki omogoča lažje prilagajanje prihodnjemu razvoju Unije ob ohranitvi interesov vsake države članice.
This solution will make it possible to respond more flexibly to the future development of the EU while preserving the interests of each Member State.
Evropski svet je priznan kot samostojna institucija, ki daje politični zagon, saj Ustava izrecno omenja, da ne izvaja zakonodajnih nalog
The European Council is recognised as an autonomous institution whose role is to impart political impetus: the Constitution expressly states that it is not to perform any legislative functions
19 Čeprav lahko vloga, dodeljena Evropskemu svetu na področju "varnostne zavore" glede nekaterih sklepov o socialni varnosti in sodnem sodelovanju v kazenskih zadevah, privede do tega, da se, če že ne izvaja neposredno zakonodajnih nalog (ne sodeluje pri sprejemanju standardov), vsaj skoraj odločilno vmešava v potek zakonodajnega postopka) – glej točki 9.1.(4) in 9.2.(7) spodaj .
Although the role assigned to the European Council in operating an 'emergency brake' in connection with certain decisions concerning social security and judicial cooperation in criminal matters may mean that, even if it does not directly perform legislative functions (it does not participate in the adoption of legally binding rules) it may at least interfere in a virtually decisive manner in a legislative procedure - cf. below, points 9.1.4 and 9.2.7. .
Skrbel bo za pripravo in vodenje dela Evropskega sveta in tudi za zunanje zastopanje Unije, da bi izboljšali prepoznavnost, kontinuiteto in skladnost zastopanja Unije na notranji in zunanji ravni.
The President's duties will be to prepare and direct the work of the European Council and represent the Union externally in order to raise the Union's profile and improve the continuity and consistency of its representation, both internal and external.
Namen določb je, da se zagotovi, da predsednik Evropskega sveta ne izvaja izvršilnih nalog, in da se preprečijo morebitni spori s predsednikom Komisije ali ministrom za zunanje zadeve.
Provisions are included to prevent the President from exercising executive powers and to avoid any conflicts with the President of the Commission or the Minister for Foreign Affairs.
Samo praksa bo pokazala, ali te določbe zadostujejo.
Only practice will show whether these provisions are adequate.
Neuspeh vrha v Bruslju decembra 2003 so deloma povzročila razhajanja med državami članicami glede tega vprašanja.
The failure of the Brussels summit in December 2003 was partly due to differences of opinion between Member States on this subject.
Para uno de los ponentes, la introducción del criterio de población en la distribución de escanos al Parlamento Europeo y en las votaciones en el Consejo de Ministros no garantizaba un sistema equilibrado, y se mostraba partidario del sistema de ponderación de votos para el Consejo.
In the view of one of the rapporteurs, the introduction of population as a criterion for both the distribution of seats in the European Parliament and votes in the Council did not guarantee a balanced system, and he expressed himself in favour of the weighted votes system for the Council.
Pero desde el informe Dimitrakopoulos-Leinen, el Parlamento Europeo había optado, con una gran mayoría, por el sistema de doble mayoría.
However, since the Dimitrakopoulos-Leinen report, the European Parliament had opted by a large majority for the double majority system.
Evropski parlament je od začetka medvladne konference vztrajal, da je zanj sprejemljiva rešitev, da se ohrani načelo dvojne večine držav članic in prebivalstva, da bi jasno prišla do izraza dvojna legitimnost, ki izraža zgradbo Unije kot zvezo držav in državljanov, in da nov postopek bolj olajšuje sprejemanje odločitev kot sistem, sprejet v Pogodbi iz Nice.
This is why, since the beginning of the Intergovernmental Conference, the European Parliament had insisted that a solution could only be acceptable to it if it adhered to the principle of a double majority (of Member States and the population), in order to draw attention to the twofold legitimacy underlying the development of the EU as a union of states and a union of citizens, and that the new procedure must make decision-making easier than the system provided for in the Nice Treaty.
Kljub dvigu pragov, ki jih je predlagala Konvencija (55 % držav namesto 50 % in 65 % prebivalstva namesto 60 %), lahko upoštevamo tudi, da novi sistem olajšuje sprejemanje odločitev, ker je sistem ponderiranja v veliko kombinacijah zahteval dosti višje pragove prebivalstva za sprejem odločitve in ker je zahteva po najmanj štirih državah članicah za obstoj manjšine, ki lahko prepreči sprejetje odločitve, velikokrat opazno znižala prag 65 %
It may reasonably be considered that, although the thresholds have been set higher than proposed by the Convention (the Constitution now requiring 55% of States rather than 50%, and 65% of the population rather than 60%), the new system will make decision-making easier, as, in many combinations, the weighting system required far higher population thresholds for the adoption of a decision, and because, in many cases, the fact that at least four Member States will be required to form a blocking minority will have the effect of considerably reducing the 65% population threshold
20 Dejstvo, da je medvladna konferenca uvedla zahtevo po negativnem glasovanju najmanj 4 držav članic za sestavo manjšine, ki lahko prepreči sprejetje odločitve, dejansko pomeni, da se lahko v določenih okoliščinah sprejme odločitev z veliko manj kot 62 % prebivalstva, kar je bil prag, določen v Nici za merilo o prebivalstvu: tako bo odločitev, ki bi ji nasprotovale Nemčija, Francija in Italija, kljub temu sprejeta, čeprav bi predstavljala samo okrog 55 % prebivalstva, kajti te 3 države ne morejo sestavljati manjšine, ki lahko prepreči sprejetje odločitve, čeprav same predstavljajo malo manj kot 45 % prebivalstva Unije (na podlagi sedanjih 25-ih držav članic).
The fact that the IGC introduced the requirement that at least four Member States should vote against a proposal in order to form a blocking minority means that in some circumstances a decision could be adopted with the support of far less than 62% of the population, which is the threshold set for the population criterion in the Nice Treaty: thus a decision opposed, for example, by Germany, France and Italy would nonetheless be adopted, even though its proponents represented only about 55% of the population, as these three Member States cannot by themselves form a blocking minority even though between them they represent almost 45% of the population of the EU (in its current 25-member form).
Poleg tega je treba upoštevati, da različne možne kombinacije, da bi dosegli prag ponderiranih glasov, potrebnih za kvalificirano večino, pomenijo, da je bil v veliko primerih zahtevani odstotek prebivalstva dosti večji od teh vrednosti.
It is necessary to bear in mind that at present the vagaries of the various possible combinations whereby it is possible to attain the minimum number of weighted votes required for a qualified majority has the effect that in many cases the required percentage of the population is substantially greater.
Po drugi strani lahko upamo, da dvig pragov držav članic v praksi ne bo imel zelo velikega negativnega učinka.
On the other hand, it may be hoped that raising the threshold for the number of Member States will not, in practice, have a very significant negative impact.
V praksi morebitno povečano tveganje preprečitve sprejetja odločitve zaradi tega povečanja gotovo ni zelo veliko.
In practice, the possible increase in the risks of blockage due to this increase is certainly not very great.
Dejansko se predpostavka o odločitvi, ki se sprejme, ko so države članice razdeljene v dva nasprotna, skoraj enaka bloka, v praksi nikoli ne uresniči.
In reality, decisions are never taken with the Member States divided into two antagonistic blocs of virtually identical proportions.
Seveda je veliko lažje razumeti logiko dvojne večine kot vsako ponderiranje glasov; vendar tvegamo, da bi državljani razumeli pragove kot zelo poljubne; in predvsem dodajanje dopolnilnih meril močno zmanjšuje koristi poenostavljanja in razumevanja sistema
Certainly, the logic of the double majority is far easier to understand than any weighting of votes, but there is a risk that the public may regard the thresholds which have been adopted as rather arbitrary, and above all, the combination of different, complementary criteria greatly impairs the gains in terms of simplification and comprehension of the system
21 Opozoriti moramo tudi, da se je medvladna konferenca poleg dveh korektivnih meril, omenjenih v dokumentu (najmanj 4 države za oblikovanje manjšine, ki lahko prepreči sprejetje odločitve, in najmanj 15 držav za sprejetje odločitve), sporazumela tudi o vrsti kompromisa iz Ioannine, revidiranem za prehodno obdobje: če člani Sveta, ki zastopajo najmanj 3 države članice ali 3 države na ravni prebivalstva, potrebne za preprečitev sprejetja odločitve, nasprotujejo, da Svet sprejme akt s kvalificirano večino, Svet nadaljuje razpravo o tej temi, da bi v razumnem roku dosegel širše soglasje.
It should also be recalled that, besides the two corrective criteria mentioned in the text (the minimum number of States required for a blocking minority (4) and the minimum number of States required for the adoption of a decision (15)), the IGC also reached agreement on a kind of revised Ioannina compromise for a transitional period (Declaration No 5 to the Final Act of the IGC): if members of the Council representing at least 3/4 of the number of Member States or of the population required to block a decision indicated their opposition to the adoption of a Council act by a qualified majority, the Council would continue to debate the subject with a view to reaching wider agreement within a reasonable period.
Ta sporazum je formaliziran v osnutku odločitve, ki ga je Evropski svet potrdil.
This agreement was formalised in a draft decision which the European Council approved.
Ta odločitev bo ostala veljavna najmanj do leta 2014, ko jo bo Evropski svet lahko razveljavil.
This decision will remain in force at least until 2014, when the Council could revoke it.
Poleg tega je treba tudi opozoriti, da Ustava predvideva, da se, kadar se ne zahteva pobuda Komisije ali kadar se odločitev ne sprejme na pobudo ministra za zunanje zadeve, zahtevana kvalificirana večina okrepi: 72 % držav članic (namesto 2/3, kot je predlagala Konvencija), ki združujejo najmanj 65 % prebivalstva (namesto 60 %, kot je predlagala Konvencija).
It should also be recalled that the Constitution provides that when an initiative from the Commission is not required, or when a decision is not adopted at the initiative of the Minister for Foreign Affairs, the required qualified majority is to be bigger: 72% of Member States (as against the 2/3 proposed by the Convention), representing 65% of the population (as against the 60% proposed by the Convention). .
(4) Čeprav obžalujemo opustitev kompromisa, ki ga je pripravila Konvencija, je treba opozoriti, da je bila zadnja rešitev dobljena po ogorčenem boju med državami članicami, katerega predmet je včasih povzročil nekaj osuplosti: prištevanje ali odštevanje odstotnih točk v relativni teži vsake države članice v sistemu glasovanja je zasenčilo dejstvo, da se razpravlja o političnih stvarnostih in da so koalicije med državami članicami spremenljive in popolnoma naključne – kolikokrat je odločitev pokazala razdor med vsemi "velikimi" državami na eni strani in vsemi "majhnimi" državami na drugi strani?
While regretting the abandonment of the compromise arrived at by the Convention, it should be borne in mind that the solution ultimately adopted was chosen after a hard-fought battle among the Member States, the purpose of which was not always entirely clear: the impact of a few percentage points more or less on the relative degree of influence of each Member State in the voting system obscured the fact that in reality, coalitions between Member States are subject to change and are quite contingent - how many times has a decision been marked by a division between all the 'large' Member States on the one hand and all the 'small' Member States on the other?
Ker je politična stvarnost takšna, kakršna je, lahko Evropski parlament vendarle sprejme sporazum, ki so ga dosegli voditelji držav in vlad, ne da bi skrival svoje obžalovanje.
Political realities being what they are, however, Parliament can accept the agreement reached between the Heads of State and of Government, albeit without concealing its regrets.
Od tod pomembnost vprašanja področja uporabe glasovanja s kvalificirano večino.
Hence the importance of the question of the field of application of qualified majority voting.
Ustava dosega pomemben napredek na tem področju: našteli smo okrog 45 novih primerov glasovanja s kvalificirano večino na različnih področjih.
The Constitution makes significant progress in this regard: there are approximately 45 new cases in which qualified majority is to apply in various fields (cf.
(6) Drugo pomembno izboljšanje, ki ga je Ustava uvedla glede preglednosti, je določba, da morajo biti seje različnih sestav Sveta razdeljene na dva dela glede na to, ali gre za zakonodajno funkcijo ali za druge funkcije, pri čemer mora biti zasedanje Sveta javno, kadar razpravlja ali glasuje o zakonodajnih aktih.
Another major improvement made by the Constitution in terms of transparency is the requirement for meetings of the various configurations of the Council to be divided into two parts, depending on whether the Council is acting in a legislative capacity or in other ways, with the corollary that when it deliberates or votes on legislative acts, the Council meets in public.
(7) Glavna novost na ravni sestav in delovanja Sveta je oblikovanje samostojnega sveta za zunanje zadeve, ki mu bo predsedoval minister za zunanje zadeve.
As regards the configurations and functioning of the Council, the main novelty is the creation of an autonomous Foreign Affairs Council, to be chaired by the Minister for Foreign Affairs.
Skupaj s svetom za splošne zadeve gre za edini dve sestavi Sveta, ki ju predvideva Ustava, ki prepušča Evropskemu svetu, da s kvalificirano večino odloči o ustanovitvi drugih sestav.
This and the General Affairs Council are the only two configurations of the Council whose existence is provided for by the Constitution, which leaves it to the European Council to decide by a qualified majority on the creation of other configurations.
Prizadevanja za spremembo sedanjega sistema krožnega predsedstva Sveta, tako da bi zagotovili večjo prepoznavnost in tudi doslednost in povezanost njegovega dela, so dala nekoliko mešane rezultate.
The efforts to modify the existing system of rotating Presidencies of the Council in order to raise the profile and increase the consistency and continuity of its work have had somewhat limited results.
Države članice se namreč niso pridružile predlogu Konvencije in nazadnje ohranile načelo enake menjave znotraj sistema skupinskega predsedstva, določenega s sklepom Evropskega sveta, ki odloča s kvalificirano večino, za katerega ne moremo predvideti resničnih koristi.
The Member States deviated from the Convention's proposal, ultimately adopting the principle of equal rotation within a system of team Presidencies determined by a decision of the European Council, acting by a qualified majority, and it is not possible to see in advance exactly what the real benefits of this will be.
Nazadnje sprejeta rešitev, ki je bila odložena, se oddaljuje od predloga Konvencije, vendar bolje ustreza politični stvarnosti in jo lahko razumemo kot pozitivno: omogoča upoštevanje želje novih držav članic, da bi bile v prvih letih po pristopu zastopane v Komisiji, hkrati pa v še razumnem roku (2014) predvideva nujno potrebno zmanjšanje števila komisarjev (na 2/3 števila držav članic, kar bi celo pri 27-ih državah pomenilo zmanjšanje sedanjega števila komisarjev).
The solution ultimately opted for, with its implementation deferred, deviated from the Convention's proposal, but it corresponds better with political reality and may be considered positive: it makes it possible to respect the new Member States' aspiration to be represented in the Commission during the first years after their accession, although in future, after a reasonable lapse of time (2014), the vital reduction in the number of Commissioners (to 2/3 of the number of Member States, which - even in a 27-member EU - would already mean that there were fewer Commissioners than at present).
Ta rešitev, ki temelji na sistemu menjave, ki ohranja enakost med državami članicami, torej omogoča, da velikost Komisije ostane v sprejemljivih mejah.
Based on a rotation system which preserves equality between Member States, this solution will thus make it possible to contain the size of the Commission within acceptable limits.
Pogostnost obdobja, ko vsaka država članica ne bo imenovala komisarja, bo enkrat na tri mandate.
The frequency of the period when any given Member State will not nominate a Commissioner will be once in every three terms.
To je dodaten korak k političnemu legitimiranju Komisije, predvsem ker je Evropski svet dolžan upoštevati volitve v Evropski parlament.
This is a further step in the process of imparting political legitimacy to the Commission, particularly as the European Council is required to take account of the elections to the European Parliament.
Pozneje celotno Komisijo, predsednika, ministra za zunanje zadeve, ki je imenovan po posebnem postopku ( glej spodaj ), in komisarje, ki jih Svet izbere po dogovoru z imenovanim predsednikom, kot kolegij z glasovanjem potrdi Evropski parlament
Afterwards, the whole Commission, the President, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, who is appointed by means of a special procedure (see below), and the Commissioners, selected by the Council in agreement with the President-designate, will require a vote of approval en bloc by the European Parliament
22 Pripomnimo, da medvladna konferenca ni sledila predlogu Konvencije o tem, da bi vlada vsake države članice predstavila seznam treh imen, med katerimi bi predsednik izbral komisarja, ki ga predlaga ta država članica.
It may be noted that the IGC did not accept the Convention's proposal that the government of each Member State should submit a list of three names from which the President would choose the Commissioner proposed by the Member State.
Poleg tega lahko obžalujemo, da medvladna konferenca ni ohranila predloga Komisije, da se imenovanje Komisije konča s politično zelo simboličnim glasovanjem Evropskega parlamenta, in da je dodala še eno fazo postopku, ki se torej konča tako, da Komisijo imenuje Evropski svet, ki odloča s kvalificirano večino.
Also, it is regrettable that the IGC did not accept the Commission's proposal that the investiture of the Commission should conclude with the vote by the European Parliament, which is politically highly symbolic, but added a stage to the procedure, which is now to conclude with the appointment of the Commission by the European Council, acting by a qualified majority. .
(3) Ugotavljamo tudi okrepitev vloge predsednika Komisije, zlasti v zvezi z notranjo organizacijo Komisije in pravico zahtevati odstop komisarja, kar povečuje njeno učinkovitost.
The enhanced role of the President of the Commission should also be noted, particularly as regards the internal organisation of the Commission and the right to demand the resignation of a Commissioner, which should improve the efficiency of the Commission.
Minister za zunanje zadeve
Minister for Foreign Affairs
Minister ima dvojno institucionalno funkcijo: zadolžen je za vodenje skupne zunanje in varnostne politike Unije in zato predseduje svetu za zunanje zadeve, predstavlja predloge in zagotavlja izvajanje odločitev Sveta; hkrati je podpredsednik Komisije, ki prevzema odgovornosti te institucije v zunanjih odnosih in usklajuje vse vidike zunanje dejavnosti Unije.
Institutionally, the Minister will wear two 'hats': he will be responsible for conducting the EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy, for which purpose he will chair the Foreign Affairs Council, present proposals and implement Council decisions, while at the same time he will be a Vice-President of the Commission, taking on that institution's responsibilities in the field of external relations and coordinating all aspects of the EU's external action.
Pomagala mu bo evropska služba za zunanjepolitično delovanje, ki bo združevala osebje Komisije, generalnega sekretariata Sveta in nacionalnih diplomatskih služb in ki bo ustanovljena z odločitvijo Sveta po mnenju Evropskega parlamenta in odobritvi Komisije.
He will be assisted by a European External Action Service composed of officials from the Commission, the General Secretariat of the Council of Ministers and national diplomatic services, which is to be set up by decision of the Council after consulting the European Parliament and obtaining the approval of the Commission.