natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Durkheim already indicated that the existence of a low, constant level of deviant behaviour in society is »normal«. Social mores are set so that transgressions exist at the same time. 
Že Durkheim je nakazal, da je obstoj nizke, stalne stopnje odklonskega vedenja v družbi nekaj »normalnega«. Družbena pravila so nastavljena tako, da hkrati obstajajo tudi prestopki.
It is known that transgressions are committed most frequently by youths and men (Kanazawa and Still 2000). 
Znano je, da prestopki najpogostejši pri mladih in moških (Kanazawa in Still, 2000).
Instrument We studied deviance using questions about the frequency of certain transgressions. 
Deviantnost oz. odklonskost smo raziskovali z vprašanji o pogostosti nekaterih prestopkov.
The selection of questions included the following: “Have you ever damaged or destroyed property?” 
Nabor trditev je zajemal te: »Ali si kdaj poškodoval/-a ali uničil/-a imetje?«
“Did you ever go to school drunk or intoxicated?” 
»Ali si kdaj šel/-la v šolo/službo vinjen/-a ali omamljen/-a?«
“Have you ever tried hard drugs (cocaine, heroin, speed, LSD, Ecstasy etc.)?” 
»Ali si kdaj poskusil/-a trde droge (kokain, heroin, speed, lsd, ekstazi itd.)?«
“Have you ever consciously tried to avoid paying for something?” 
»Ali si se kdaj poskusil/-a zavestno izogniti plačilu?«
“Have you ever stolen anything?” 
»Ali si kdaj kaj ukradel/-la?«
“Have you ever hit anyone or threatened anyone in that way? 
»Ali si kdaj koga udaril/-a in na ta način komu grozil/-a?«
Despite the relatively diverse range of deviant behaviours the analysis of the responses exhibited a single factor structure (α = 0.79). 
Kljub razmeroma raznovrstnim odklonskim dejanjem je analiza odgovorov nakazala eno faktorsko strukturo (a = 0,79).
Prevalence of deviance and correlation with other variables in the Youth 2010 survey 
Razširjenost deviantnosti in povezanost z drugimi spremenljivkami v raziskavi Mladina 2010
Deviance is overall not highly prevalent. 
Deviantnost je v celoti manj razširjena.
Using a four-point scale, the average is M = 1.34 (SD = 0.37). 
Če upoštevamo štiristopenjsko lestvico, je povprečje M = 1,34 (SD = 0,37).
In other words, on average every third person committed one of the transgressions in question, while two thirds committed none of them. 
Z drugimi besedami, povprečno je vsak tretji včasih storil eno od omenjenih dejanj, dve tretjini pa nobenega od naštetih.
Taking into account the wide variety of behaviours, the picture is more complicated. 
Upoštevajoč pisanost vedenja, je slika bolj zapletena.
Graph 136: Frequency of deviant behaviour, Youth 2010 
Grafikon 136: Pogostost deviantnega vedenja, Mladina 2010
Percentage of young people who “sometimes” or “frequently” commi ed deviant acts, Youth 2010 
Delež mladih, ki so včasih ali pogosto izvedli deviantne dejavnosti, Mladina 2010
Have you ever damaged or destroyed property? 
Ali si kdaj poškodoval/a ali uničil/a imetje?
Did you ever go to school drunk or intoxicated? 
Ali si kdaj šel/a v šolo/službo vinjen/a ali omamljen/a?
Have you ever hit anyone or threatened anyone in that way? 
Ali si kdaj koga udaril/a in na ta način komu grozil/a?
Have you ever consciously tried to avoid paying for something? 
Ali si se kdaj poskusil/a zavestno izogniti plačilu?
Have you ever stolen anything? 
Ali si kdaj kaj ukradel/a?
Have you ever tried hard drugs (cocaine, heroin, speed, LSD, 
Ali si kdaj poskusil/a trde droge (kokain, heroin, speed,
Ecstasy etc.? 
LSD, Ecstasy, itd....)?
The above graph shows that destruction of property (violence against property) is the most common activity and that taking hard drugs is the least common. 
Iz zgornjega grafikona izhaja, da je uničevanje premoženja (nasilje do premoženja) najpogostejše dejanje, uživanje trdih drog pa najredkejše.
The prevalence is much higher among men and slightly higher in the middle age group, which conforms to expectations since it can be seen from the literature that the high point occurs at 21 years of age. 
Razširjenost je mnogo večja pri moških in neznantno višja v srednjem starostnem razredu, kar je v skladu s pričakovanji, saj je v literaturi zaslediti, da do najvišje točke pride v 21. letu starosti.
Deviance is also strongly correlated with the family's style of socialisation. 
Odklonskost je prav tako močno povezana s socializacijskim slogom v družini.
We also find equally clear correlations for time perspectives (focus on the 
Enako jasne povezave ugotovimo tudi za časovne usmerje
future forecasts negatively, focus on the present forecasts positively). 
nosti (usmerjenost v prihodnost napoveduje negativno, usmerjenost vsedanjost pa pozitivno).
The table below presents a regression model of socialisation style and time perspective which explains the 22.7 per cent variance in deviance. 
V spodnji preglednici je predstavljen regresijski model s socializacijskimi slogi in časovnimi usmerjenostmi, ki pojasni 22,7 odstotka variance v deviantnosti.
Deviance also shows a statistically significant negative correlation with school performance and school achievements, and very strongly positively with narcissistic exploitation (r = 0.318; p < 0.01). 
Deviantnost je tudi statistično značilno negativno povezana s šolsko uspešnostjo in šolskim dosežkom, zelo močno pozitivno pa z narcistično izkoriščevalnostjo (r = 0,318; p <0,01).
The most common deviant behaviour is destruction of property, and deviance is more frequent among men. 
Med deviantnim vedenjem je najpogostejše uničevanje premoženja, deviantnost pa je pogostejša pri moških.
Table 21: Regression explanation of deviance with time perspective and socialisation style 
Preglednica 21: Regresijska pojasnitev deviantnosti s časovnimi usmeritvami in socializacijskimi slogi
Focus on future 
Usmerjenost v prihodnost
Focus on present (hedonistic) 
Usmerjenost v sedanjost (hedonistična)
Focus on present (fatalistic) 
Usmerjenost v sedanjost (fatalistična)
Authoritative socialisation 
Avtoritativna socializacija
NOTE: **p < 0.01. 
OPOMBA: **p < 0,01.
13.7 Religiousness 
13.7 Religioznost
We checked religiousness with respect to the indicators used in the Slovenian research area. 
Religioznost smo preverili glede na kazalnike, ki so uveljavljeni v slovenskem raziskovalnem prostoru.
We restricted ourselves to three variables: confessional identification, worship and personal religiousness. 
Omejili smo se na tri spremenljivke: konfesionalno identifikacijo, bogoslužje in osebno religioznost.
We compared the results of the Youth 2000 survey with the results of the Youth 2010 survey, where the same methodology was used in both surveys. 
Primerjali smo izsledke raziskave Mladina 2000 z izsledki raziskave Mladine 2010, pri čemer je bila v obeh raziskavah uporabljena ista metodologija.
Standardised coefficient 
Standardizirani koeficienti
13.7.1 Religious affiliation 
13.7.1 Konfesionalna pripadnost
Traditional Catholic identification remains prevalent and an absolute majority, however it is declining (see graph below). 
Tradicionalna katoliška identifikacija je še vedno prevladujoča in absolutno večinska, vendar upada (grafikon spodaj).
This is not so much the consequence of demographic changes as an indication of the marketability of religion among Slovenian youth (which is manifested in increased numbers of members of “other faiths”) and even more of secularisation, which is exhibited primarily among young people who define themselves as “without affiliation”. 
Ne gre toliko za posledice demografskih sprememb kot predvsem za nakazovanje verske tržnosti pri slovenski mladini (kar se kaže zvečanjem števila pripadnikov »drugih veroizpovedi«) in še bolj za sekularizacijo, ki se kaže zlasti med mladostniki, ki se opredeljujejo, da so »brez pripadnosti«.
Among the standard predictors, education does not influence whether a respondent will list themselves as Catholic (taking only the majority identification into account), nor does age. 
Med standardnimi prediktorji izobrazba ne vpliva na to, ali se bo anketiranec štel za katoličana (če upoštevamo zgolj to večinsko identifikacijo), prav tako tudi ne starost.
For sex the prevalence is higher among girls and particularly with regard to the type of settlement in which they grew up (increased prevalence in smaller settlements, r = -0.308; p < 0.01). 
Pri spolu je večja pogostost pri dekletih in zlasti pri tipu naselja, v katerem je odrastel (večja razširjenost v manjših naseljih, r = -0,308; p < 0,01).
Graph 137: Religious affiliation, Youth 2000 and Youth 2010 
Grafikon 137: Konfesionalna pripadnost, Mladina 2010 in Mladina 2000
Catholic 
Katoliški veroizpovedi
No affiliation 
Brez verske pripadnosti Pravoslavni veroizpovedi
Orthodox 
Islamski veroizpovedi
Youth 2010 Youth 2000 
VIRA: Mladina 2010 in Mladina 2000
SOURCES: Youth 2010 and Youth 2000 
Mladina 2010 Mladina 2000
13.7.2 Personal religiousness 
13.7.2 Osebna religioznost
Personal religiousness is an established measure in the study of religiousness. 
Osebna religioznost je uveljavljena mera pri preučevanju religioznosti.
It describes identification with one's faith, and presupposes belief in God, but not necessarily also affiliation with a church. 
Opisuje navezanost na vero, predpostavlja vero v boga, ne pa nujno tudi cerkvenost.
In the figure below we compare attitudes to religion in the Youth 2000 and Youth 2010 surveys, with the latter divided into age groups. 
V spodnjem prikazu primerjamo odnos do vere v raziskavah Mladina 2000 in Mladina 2010 ter pri zadnji ločeno po starostnih skupinah mladih.
Graph 138: Personal a itude towards religion by age group, Youth 2010 and Youth 2000 
Grafikon 138: Osebni odnos do vere, po starostnih razredih, Mladina 2010 in Mladina 2000
15-18 years 19-24 years 25-29 years 15-29 years 
15-18 let 19-24 let 25-29 let 15-29 let
NOTE: Minimum 1 (faithful adherent; I accept everything that my faith teaches), maximum 6 (not a believer and I am opposed to religion). 
OPOMBA: Najmanj 1 (prepričan vernik, sprejemam vse, kar uči moja vera), največ 6 (nisem vernik in sem nasprotnik vere).
Over time we observe a shift towards a decrease in personal religiousness, while for the youth age groups these differences are slight. 
Časovno je opazen pomik v smer zmanjševanja osebne religioznosti, pri starostnih skupinah mladih pa so razlike neznatne.
Also, girls exhibit statistically significantly higher religious identification in both surveys. 
Prav tako kažejo v obeh primerih dekleta statistično značilno višjo versko identifikacijo.
Personal identification shows no statistically significant correlation to the respondents' education level (even if we limit ourselves to those between 25 and 29), but it does with that of each of the parents. 
Osebna identifikacija statistično značilno ne korelira z doseženo izobrazbo anketiranca (tudi če se omejimo samo na tiste, stare 25-29 let), pač pa z izobrazbo vsakega od staršev.
The absence of identification strongly corresponds to the absence of educational achievement by the parents (for the father r = -0.275; p < 0.01; for the mother r = -0.233; p < 0.01). 
Odsotnost identifikacije se močno ujema z odsotnostjo izobrazbenega dosežka pri starših (pri očetu r = -0,275; p < 0,01; pri materi pa r = -0,233; p < 0,01).
The childhood environment has a similar influence, but not the education of the respondent, which is not statistically significant. 
Tip okolja odraščanja vpliva podobno, ne pa tudi izobrazba samega anketiranca, ki ni pomembna.
Personal religious identification also correlates negatively with authoritative socialisation (r = -0.092; p < 0.01), and positively with social (authoritarian) intolerance (r = -0.176; p < 0.01). 
Osebna verska identifikacija je negativno povezana tudi z avtoritativno socializacijo (r = -0,092; p <0,01), pozitivno pa s socialno (avtoritarno) nestrpnostjo (r = -0,176; p < 0,01).
13.7.3 Worship 
13.7.3 Bogoslužje
In the survey we asked respondents how often they attend church or other places of worship (for religious purposes) (1 = regularly, several times a week, 6 = never). 
V raziskavi smo anketirancem zastavili vprašanje, kako pogosto obiskujejo cerkev oz. drug hram (iz verskih nagibov) (1 = redno, večkrat na teden, 6 = nikoli).
Graph 139: Frequency of a endance of church or other place of worship, Youth 2010 and Youth 2000 
Grafikon 139: Pogostost obiskovanja cerkve ali hrama, Mladina 2010 in Mladina 2000
Since the concept of God is central to theistic religiousness and since we are dealing almost exclusively with theistic religions, we asked the respondents how important God is in their lives (1 = not at all important, 10 = very important). 
Ker je pojem boga osrednji v teistični religioznosti in ker imamo opravka skoraj izključno s teističnimi religijami, smo anketirance vprašali, kako pomemben je bog v njihovem življenju (1 = sploh ni pomemben, 10 = zelo pomemben).
With respect to religious affiliation we obtained the following graph: 
Glede na konfesionalno pripadnost smo dobili ta grafikon:
Graph 140: Average self-assessment of the importance of God with respect to religious identiﬁ cation, Youth 2010 
Grafikon 140: Povprečje samoocene pomembnosti boga glede na veroizpovedno identifikacijo, Mladina 2010
Islamic 
Islamski veroizpovedi
Evangelical 
Evangeličanski veroizpovedi
Other 
Neki drugi veroizpovedi
Orthodox 
Pravoslavni veroizpovedi
No affiliation 
Brez verske pripadnosti
LEGEND: 1 = not at all important, 10 = very important 
LEGENDA: 1 = sploh ni pomemben, 10 = zelo pomemben
Among Catholics the importance of God is below the normative average, which indicates a prevailing importance of religious identification which is weak and specific to tradition. 
Pri katoličanih je pomembnost boga pod normativnim povprečjem, kar kaže na šibak in s tradicijo specifičen prevladujoči pomen konfesionalne identifikacije same.
The only lower average was for members of the Orthodox Church. 
Nižji so le pravoslavci.
The high levels for Evangelicals probably cannot be ascribed to their small numbers. 
Majhnemu številu evangeličanov verjetno ni mogoče pripisati pomena zaradi visoke vrednosti.
The level is highest among Muslims, although in certain other environments it reaches even higher levels. 
Pri muslimanih je vrednost najvišja, čeprav se v nekaterih drugih okoljih dosega še višja.
We can conclude that religiousness is falling, that it shows a strong correlation with social origin, where the education level of the parents decreases it and living in the country fosters it. 
Lahko ocenimo, da religioznost upada, da je močno povezana z družbenim izvorom, pri čemer jo izobrazba staršev zmanjšuje, življenje na podeželju pa spodbuja.
Religiousness is higher among women. 
Religioznost pri ženskah je višja.
The pluralisation of religiousness is moderate. 
Pluralizacija konfesionalnosti je neznatna.
More research is required in order to determine whether the influence of democratically and authoritatively cultivated parenthood is stimulative, while the correlation with authoritarian intolerance is known (Flere and Klanjšek 2009). 
Raziskati bi bilo še treba, ali je vpliv demokratičnega, avtoritativnega vzgojnega starševstva spodbujevalen, povezanost z avtoritarno nestrpnostjo pa je znana (Flere in Klanjšek, 2009).
Long-term trends of falling religiousness and weak formation of the religious marketplace are continuing alongside substantial stability in this area. 
Pri religioznosti se nadaljujejo dolgoročni trendi njenega počasnega upadanja in šibkega nastajanja verskega trga ob hkratni precejšnji stabilnosti na tem področju.
The education of the parents shows an exceptionally negative correlation with the existence of religiousness, and religiousness is higher among women. 
Izobrazba staršev je z obstojem religioznosti izrazito negativno povezana, religioznost je višja pri ženskah.
13.8 Key ﬁ ndings 
13.8 Ključne ugotovitve
Although we did not research this entirely systematically, we could conclude with regard to the indexes used that the level of the presence of pathological narcissism among Slovenian youth is not a cause for concern. 
Čeprav tega nismo povsem sistematično raziskovali, lahko glede na uporabljene kazalnike sodimo, da prisotnost patološkega narcisizma med mladimi v Sloveniji ni skrb vzbujajoča razsežnosti.
Based on an analysis of all of the constructs we can summarise the findings in the following points: 
Na podlagi analiz vseh konstruktov lahko ugotovitve strnemo v te točke:
1. A focus on the future, connected with a constructive attitude towards solving one's own tasks in life, is the most widespread time perspective among youth, but at the same time is the least expressed among the youngest age group. 
1. Usmerjenost v prihodnost, povezana s konstruktivnim odnosom do reševanja lastnih življenjskih nalog, je med časovnimi usmerjenostmi najbolj razširjena med mladimi, hkrati pa je najmanj prisotna med najmlajšo starostno skupino.
2. Narcissistic grandiosity is a majority but harmless phenomenon, while narcissistic exploitation is a minority and destructive one. 
2. Narcistična grandioznost je večinski, vendar neškodljiv pojav, narcistična izkoriščevalnost pa je manjšinski in destruktiven pojav.
3. In the past 25 years, authoritarianism as an indicator of antidemocratic potential shows a modest prevalence over the opposite orientation, although it has fallen slightly. 
3. Avtoritarnost kot kazalnik protidemokratičnega potenciala kaže v 25-letnem obdobju neznatno prevlado nad nasprotno usmerjenostjo, čeprav je nekoliko upadel.
4. The statements with which we measured anomie were mostly accepted. 
4. Trditve, s katerimi smo merili anomičnost, so večinsko sprejete.
5. Alienation is a markedly minority phenomenon, but it is clearly associated with all of the most significant “desirable” and “undesirable” psychological and behavioural phenomena. 
5. Odtujenost je izrazito manjšinski pojav, je pa jasno povezana z vsemi najpomembnejšimi »želenimi« in »neželenimi« psihološkimi in vedenjskimi pojavi.
6. The most common deviant behaviour is destruction of property, and deviance is more frequent among men. 
6. Pri deviantnem vedenju je najpogostejše uničevanje premoženja, deviantnost pa je pogostejša pri moških.
7. Long-term trends of falling religiousness and weak formation of the religious marketplace are continuing alongside substantial stability in this area. 
7. Pri religioznosti se nadaljujejo dolgoročni trendi njenega počasnega upadanja in šibkega nastajanja verskega trga ob hkratni precejšnji stabilnosti na tem področju.
13.9 Sources used 
13.9 Uporabljeni viri
The Authoritarian Personality. 
The AuthoritarianPersonality.
Authoritarianism and related constructs, in Shaver, P. 
Authoritarianism and related constructs, v Shaver, P.,
et al. (eds.) 
et al. (ur.)
Measures of Personality and Social Psychological Attitudes, 
Measures ofPersonality and Social Psychological Attitudes,
Flere, S. and Klanjšek, R. (2009). 
Flere, S., in Klanjšek, R. (2009).
Hirschi, T. and Gottfredson, M. (1990). 
Hirschi, T., in Gottfredson, M. (1990).
Kanazawa, S. and Still, M.C. (2000). 
Kanazawa, S., in Still, M. C. (2000).
McClosky, H. and Schaar, J. H. (1965). 
McClosky, H., in Schaar, J. H. (1965).
American Sociological Review, 30:14-40. 
American Sociologica Review, 30:14-40.
Transue, J., Brady, M., McDonald, I., Nyhan, B., and Reifler, J. (2008). 
Transue, J., Brady, M., McDonald, I., Nyhan, B., in Reifler, J. (2008).
»Searching for Left Wing Authoritarianism« Paper presented 
“Searching for Left Wing Authoritarianism” Paper presented at the
at the annual meeting of the ISPP 31st Annual Scientific Meeting, Sciences Politiques, Paris, France. 
annual meeting of the ISPP 31st Annual Scientific Meeting, Sciences Politiques, Paris, France.
Zimbardo, P., and Boyd, J.J. (1999). 
Zimbardo, P., in Boyd, J.J. (1999).
Zimbardo, P. and Boyd, J.J. (2009). 
Zimbardo, P., in Boyd, J. J. (2009).
14 Portraits of the int erviewees 
14 Portreti intervjuvancev
This chapter p resents 25 young people who took part in the qualitative work as interviewees. 
V tem poglavju je predstavljenih 25 mladih, ki so sodelovali v kvalitativnem delu kot intervjuvanci.
They were invited to participate on the basis of previously compiled research profiles, which served as central guidelines in shaping individual portraits. 
K sodelovanju so bili povabljeni na podlagi predhodno oblikovanih raziskovalnih profilov, ti pa so bili tudi temeljno vodilo pri oblikovanju individualnega portreta.
The main purpose of the portraits is therefore to present a particular interviewee through the prism of a specific profile. 
Glavni namen portreta je torej predstaviti posameznega intervjuvanca skozi optiko specifičnega profila.
The portraits were compiled primarily on the basis of data gathered through unstructured interviews in which special attention was paid to the subjective views of the interviewees, which formed the basic storyline of each portrait. 
Portreti so oblikovani predvsem na podatkih, zbranih z nestrukturiranim intervjujem, posebna pozornost pa je bila namenjena subjektivnim stališčem intervjuvancev, okoli katerih je zgrajena osnovna zgodba vsakega portreta.
This is why the portraits also include photographs and quotes, which are sometimes transcribed in incomplete linguistic form or with errors, or even in dialect, slang or other idiosyncrasies that contribute to a more plastic and expressive presentation118*. 
Zaradi tega so v portrete vključeni tudi fotografije in dobesedni navedki, včasih zapisani jezikovno nepopolno ali nepravilno, nekateri zapisani celo v narečju, slengu oziroma z drugimi jezikovnimi značilnostmi, ki pripomorejo k bolj plastični in nazornejši, predvsem pa živi predstavitvi.
118 * Translator's note: All these nuances are hard, if not impossible, to render in English translation, and are implied with colloquialisms, lower-register words and deliberate grammatical mistakes. 
»Moj življenjski moto: prvo je to, da uživaš življenje, živiš samo enkrat.
14.1 Špela, 25, young waitress 
14.1 ŠPELA, 25 let, mlada natakarica
Špela comes from a village in the vicinity of Ptuj. 
Špela prihaja iz vasi iz okolice Ptuja.
She completed secondary school in Ptuj. 
Srednjo šolo je končala na Ptuju.
As she was also interested in gardening, she enrolled in the School of Agriculture in Maribor. 
Ker jo je dodatno veselilo tudi vrtnarstvo, se je vpisala še na kmetijsko šolo v Mariboru.
After she finished her secondary education, she enrolled in the matriculation course, but failed to complete it. 
Po končanem izobraževanju se je vpisala še na maturitetni tečaj, ni pa ji ga uspelo opraviti.
She also enrolled in one of the higher education schools, but did not finish the programme. 
Vpisala se je tudi na eno od višjih šol, ki pa je prav tako ni končala.
At the moment she lives with her parents, is receiving social benefit and makes additional money with occasional jobs, mostly in catering. 
Trenutno živi pri starših, poleg socialne podpore pa ji pri preživetju pomagajo priložnostne zaposlitve, predvsem v gostinstvu.
“My life motto: First of all you must enjoy life, for you only live once… I simply do what I like… But we're all different. 
»Moj življenjski moto: prvo je to, da uživaj življenje, živiš samo enkrat… Pač to, kar mi je všeč, izkoristim… Smo pa vsi drugačni.
So far I'm happy, although everything is going down.” 
Sama sem zaenkrat zadovoljna, čeprav gre vse dol.
What's going down? 
Kaj gre dol?
“Job, family, things at home, you know… health and finances. 
Služba, družina, doma pač… zdravje in finance.
Father was diagnosed with cancer, plus Granddad fell ill… Mum's all right… Well, she has problems with her legs, but it's better now once she's tried out like a thousand ointments…” 
Odkrili smo, da ima oče raka, pa še dedek je zbolel… Mama je v redu… sicer ima težave z nogami, je pa zdaj bolje, ko je uporabila 1000 krem…«
“The finances are in a state. 
»Veselo je s financami.
Now that Dad's gonna be home, he'll need treatment, and there'll be less money. 
Glede na to, da bo ata doma, ker se bo moral zdravit, bo manj denarja.