natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
The main problem is not the prolongation of the transition, but rather its destandardisation or detraditionalisation. 
Glavni problem torej ni toliko, da se je prehod podaljšal, ampak da se je destandardiziral oziroma detradicionaliziral.
Young people feel confused and understand this situation as being at the mercy of a kind of vacuum, and parents, their most trustworthy partners, cannot do much to help. 
Mladi se počutijo zmedene in tako stanje razumejo kot vakuum, ki so mu prepuščeni na milost in nemilost, starši kot prva instanca zaupanja pa jim pri tem ne morejo bistveno pomagati.
Furthermore, an important role in this situation is played by the structural conditions related to the deteriorating prospects of finding stable and, above all secure, employment. 
Skupaj s temi imajo pomembno vlogo tudi strukturni pogoji, povezani s poslabševanjem pogojev za pridobitev stabilne, predvsem pa varne zaposlitve.
Young people are aware of their own cultural capital, but they are also aware that in the labour market it is quite unnecessary, irrelevant or even unwanted, and that the modern market demands of an individual elaborate social capital in terms of “good connections” enabling access to jobs. 
Mladi se lastnega kulturnega kapitala sicer precej zavedajo, zavedajo pa se tudi, da je ta zlasti na trgu dela nepotreben, nerelevanten oziroma nezaželen ter da sodobni trg zahteva od posameznika tudi elaboriran socialni kapital predvsem v smislu ustreznih »vez in poznanstev«, ki omogočajo dostop do delovnih mest.
Young people know that accumulation of this kind of capital demands an adequate social background or enough build-up time, but as they mostly lack one or the other, they feel extremely helpless and frustrated in this respect. 
Mladi se zavedajo, da akumulacija tovrstnega kapitala zahteva ustrezno socialno ozadje ali dovolj časa za akumulacijo, ker pa po večini nimajo ne enega ne drugega, se čutijo na tem področju izjemno nemočne in frustrirane.
A typical response to this situation is reinvestment of energy in the family of origin, which means they leave home later. 
Kot odzivna tovrstno situacijo je med mladimi ponovno mogoče opaziti vlaganje energije v njihovo družino, predvsem s poznejšim odhajanje od doma.
Young people organise their life so that they establish their privacy in the family and form a kind of symbiosis with their parents without having a feeling they are sponging off them. 
Mladi svoje življenje organizirajo tako, da doma vzpostavijo svojo zasebnost v družini, s starši pa oblikujejo tudi simbiozo, pri kateri nimajo občutka, da živijo na njihov račun.
This, however, does not mean they do not want to or do not intend to move out. 
To seveda ne pomeni, da se ne želijo odseliti oziroma da nimajo tega namena.
In their opinion moving away from the parents is an important step, but as it can possibly have a negative effect, they do not want to rush it. 
Njihovo stališče je, da je to pomemben korak, in ravno zaradi morebitnega negativnega učinka se pri tem koraku ne gre prenagliti.
It seems that the trend of postponing leaving home has a cultural dimension. 
Videti je tudi, da ima trend vse pogostejšega ostajanja doma svojo kulturno razsežnost.
For instance, some young people claim their parents are willing to help them, but not in renting a place of their own, only in buying one. 
Nekateri mladi na primer poročajo o stališču svojih staršev, ki so jim sicer pripravljeni pomagati, vendar ne pri najemu stanovanja, ampak pri njegovem nakupu.
1. economic independence, which demands a regular and secure job, in the first place permanent employment, and in the second, decent pay; 
1. ekonomska osamosvojitev, ki zahteva redno in varno zaposlitev, pri kateri je temeljno merilo pogodba za nedoločen čas, sekundarno pa zaslužek;
2. own flat or house; 
2. lastniško stanovanje oziroma hiša;
“I'd like to live in my own house, somewhere out of town… In certain ways I'm happy, and in others I'm not. 
»Živela bi v svoji hiši, nekje zunaj mesta… V določenih pogledih sem srečna, v določenih pa ne: Recimo, rada bi živela v svoji hiši, pa nimam možnosti.
For instance, I'd like to live in my own house, but I don't have this possibility. 
Imam sicer svoje nadstropje pri starših in to je to.
3. starting own family and have children; 
3. oblikovanje lastne družine z otroki
“… my boyfriend wants to have three children, I want to have one or two, but if this turns out well, we'll see.” 
»… fant bi rad tri otroke, jaz pa enega ali dva, če pa se bo odrezal, pa bomo videli.
“It would be nice to have children. 
(Mojca, 23 let, uspešna študentka psihologije)
These norms bother me a little. 
Osebnostno pa sem čisto zadovoljna in srečna.
For the young, this hierarchy implies a kind of evolution, which is universal, unilinear, phasal and progressive. 
Ta hierarhija pomeni za mlade nekakšno evolucijo, ki je univerzalna, unilinearna, fazna in progresivna.
It also seems to be predictable, which has an extremely soothing effect on the young, for they believe they are on the path towards adulthood, which in our society is considered normal. 
Ta pot deluje tudi predikabilno in videti je, da ima to izjemno pomirjajoč učinek na mlade, saj imajo občutek, da so na pravi poti v odraslost, ki je v naši družbi pojmovana kot normalna.
The modern, non-traditional variant of reaching adulthood therefore implies an adaptation of the traditional transition. 
Torej gre pri sodobni, netradicionalni različici odraščanja mladih za prilagoditev tradicionalnega prehoda.
This adaptation, however, has negative as well as positive consequences. 
Tovrstna prilagoditev pa ima negativne, pa tudi pozitivne posledice.
The factors driving non-traditional transitions are doubtlessly manifold and interrelated, which prevents a simple and generalised answer or solution. 
Dejavniki, ki vodijo netradicionalne prehode, so nedvomno večplastni in medsebojno soodvisni, kar pa onemogoča enostaven in splošen odgovor oziroma rešitev.
As the above-described transitions to adulthood are limited, prolonged and sometimes even blocked, but in any case detraditionalised, young people have no other choice but to start developing their own non-traditional biography. 
Ker so omenjeni prehodi v odraslost zamejeni, podaljšani, včasih celo zaprti, vsekakor pa detradicionalizirani, mladim torej ne preostane drugega, kot da začnejo razvijati tudi lastno netradicionalno biografijo.
The development of a biography implies a personal agent, and could be understood as a current sum of desires, evaluations of past successes and failures, interpersonal recognitions and rejections, concepts of autonomy and responsibility, social expectations and other elements young people are faced with in society. 
Razvoj biografije kaže osebni agens in ga je mogoče razumeti kot trenutno vsoto hotenj, ocen preteklih uspehov in neuspehov, medosebnih prepoznavanj in zavrnitev, konceptov avtonomije in odgovornosti, družbenih pričakovanj in drugih elementov, ki so jim mladi v družbi izpostavljeni.
Heinz even maintains that young people thus perform a certain kind of self-socialisation (cf. Heinz, 2002, 2009). 
Heinz celo zagovarja tezo, da mladi tako izvajajo neke vrste samosocializacijo (prim. self-socialization, Heinz, 2002, 2009).
Fluidity and adaptability are two main positive characteristics of these biographies as compared to traditional linear ones, which are relatively rigid. 
Fluidnost in prilagodljivost sta glavni pozitivni značilnosti teh biografij v primerjavi s tradicionalno linearnimi, ki so razmeroma toge.
Modern young people in Slovenia are individualised, adaptable and fluid. 
Sodobna slovenska mladina je individualizirana, prilagodljiva in fluidna.
It seems they successfully incorporated these characteristics into their cultural capital. 
Videti je, da je te lastnosti dobro vključila v svoj kulturni kapital.
Individually speaking, we can perceive a certain degree of deviance, but no obvious risk biographies can be discerned. 
Individualno sicer kažejo neko stopnjo deviantnosti, vendar izrazitih rizičnih biografij ni zaznati.
This could partially be explained by prolonged living in the family of origin, which in this respect functions as a safety net allowing enough choices with the existing traditional structures, and yet preventing the choices from being risky. 
To bi bilo mogoče delno razložiti s podaljšanim življenjem v družini, ki za mlade s tega vidika deluje kot varnostna mreža ter jim z obstoječimi tradicionalnimi strukturami sicer dovoljuje izbiro in hkrati preprečuje, da bi bila izbira tvegana.
It also seems that young people handle their cultural capital well, particularly in the temporary and therefore unstable labour market, in informal forms of education and in spare time, i.e. in areas where priority is given to fluidity, adaptability and individualism. 
Videti je tudi, da mladi razmeroma dobro ravnajo s svojim kulturnim kapitalom, še posebej na začasnem in zanje nestabilnem trgu dela, v neformalnih oblikah izobraževanja in v prostem času, torej tam, kjer je dana prednost fluidnosti, prilagodljivosti in individualizmu.
It can therefore be concluded that young people are obviously extremely well adapted to modern social and economic conditions, particularly those that affect them directly. 
Iz tega izhaja, da so se mladi, vsaj dokler so mladi, očitno in izjemno dobro prilagodili sodobnim družbenim in gospodarskim razmeram, predvsem tistim, ki se jih tičejo neposredno.
I can therefore conclude that in Slovenia we have good young people, admittedly different from the previous generations, but by no means “the worst” and “the most terrible” ever, as the popular belief frequently holds, but in fact charged with potential, motivation and competence. 
Ob koncu tako ugotavljam, da imamo Slovenci dobro mladino, mladino, ki se sicer nedvomno razlikuje od prejšnjih generacij, vendar nikakor ni, kot se jim popularno velikokrat očita, »najhujša« in »najslabša« do zdaj, ampak v resnici nabita s potenciali, motivacijo in kompetentnostjo.
Slovenian society must first recognise this potential and then establish the conditions necessary for its full fruition. 
Slovenska družba mora ta potencial najprej prepoznati, potem pa ustvariti razmere, da se bo
“… count on us!” 
»… računajte na nas!«
16.1 Sources used 
16.1 Uporabljeni viri Beck, U. (1992).
Beck, U. (1992), Risk Society. 
Risk Society.
Cavalli, A. (1988),‘Zeiterfahrungen von Jugendlichen' (Temporal 
Cavalli, A. (1988).
In: R. Zoll, Zerstörung und Wiederaneignung 
Zeiterfahrungen von Jugendlichen' (Temporal Experiences of Youth).
von Zeit, pp. 387-404. 
V: R. Zoll, Zerstörung und Wiederaneignung von Zeit, str.
London, Pinter. 
Youth in Europe.
London, Sage 
An Introduction to Qualitative Research.
Publication Ltd. 
London: Sage
Heinz, W. R. (2009),‘Youth transitions in an age of uncertainty'. 
Youth transitions in an age of uncertainty'.
13(2): pp. 123-146. 
Facing Uncertainty: Temporality and Biographies in the
17 Key conclusions of the Youth 2010 study 
17 Ključne ugotovitve študije Mladina 2010
According to estimates, the number of elderly (65+) per one young person is expected to triple by 2050. 
Število starejših (65+) prebivalcev na enega mladega se bo do leta 2050 v Sloveniji predvidoma skoraj potrojilo.
These demographic changes imply that in terms of long-term stability and development of Slovenian society the importance of full social inclusion and activation of the potential of every young person is now greater than ever before. 
Take demografske spremembe pomenijo, da je z vidika dolgoročne stabilnosti in razvoja slovenske družbe pomen polne družbene vključenosti in aktivacije potencialov vsakega mladega posameznika večji kot kadarkoli prej.
It is well known that in late modern societies the transition of young people into adulthood is highly individualised and unpredictable. 
Znano je, da so v poznomodernih družbah prehodi mladih izrazito individualizirani in nepredvidljivi.
Growing up, which in the past was mostly standardised and predictable, has become an individual project and every individual must assume responsibility for it. 
Odraščanje, ki je bilo v preteklosti pretežno standardizirano in predvidljivo, je v sodobnih razmerah postalo individualni projekt, za katerega je odgovoren vsak sam.
In our data this is revealed on the level of values, where the only major shift is one towards greater individuality and competitiveness. 
To se v naših podatkih med drugim kaže na ravni vrednot, pri katerih se je edini večji premik zgodil v smeri višanja ravni individualizma in pomena tekmovalnosti.
Our quantitative and qualitative data also show that present-day young people in Slovenia are well aware of their responsibility for their “choice biographies” and consequently know how to adapt. 
Tudi sicer naši kvantitativni in kvalitativni podatki kažejo, da se sodobni mladi v Sloveniji osebne odgovornosti za svoje »zbirne biografije« dobro zavedajo in se temu tudi zelo dobro prilagajajo.
However, this does not imply that in order to establish the conditions for a successful transition of the young to adulthood the role of the state or wider society is unimportant. 
Toda to ne pomeni, da pri vzpostavljanju razmer za uspešno uresničitev prehodov mladih v odraslost ni pomembna vloga države in širše družbe.
Certain trends reveal interesting peculiarities in Slovenia, many of which are not conducive to the successful transition of young people to the labour market, independent life and formation of their own families. 
Nekateri trendi v zvezi s tem kažejo na zanimive posebnosti Slovenije, med katerimi mnoge niso posebej naklonjene uspešnemu prehajanju mladih v svet dela, samostojno življenje in ustvarjanje lastne družine.
The share of young people included in the education system has been growing much faster in Slovenia compared to the EU-27 average. 
Delež mladih, ki so vključeni v izobraževalni sistem, je v Sloveniji v zadnjem desetletju naraščal bistveno hitreje v primerjavi s povprečjem držav EU-27.
Regarding secondary school we can conclude that young people have good feelings about it, and the share of dropouts is the lowest in the EU-27 coun 
Na ravni srednjih šol ugotavljamo, da je splošno počutje mladih v šoli zelo dobro, Slovenija pa ima tudi najnižji delež osipnikov v državahEU-27.
This increase in the number of students coincides with a decrease in the proportion of GDP allocated to tertiary education, which raises doubts about the substantive quality of this type of education. 
Tako povečanje števila študentov pri tem sovpada z zmanjševanjem deleža BDP, namenjenega terciarnemu izobraževanju, kar poraja dvom o vsebinski kakovosti tega izobraževanja.
Whereas young people like the inclusiveness and friendliness of the education system, they express considerable dissatisfaction with the poor connection between the education system and the needs of the labour market. 
Če sta inkluzivnost in prijaznost izobraževalnega sistema mladim lahko všeč, pa po drugi strani izražajo precejšnje nezadovoljstvo zaradi slabe povezanosti izobraževalnega sistema in potreb trga dela.
Furthermore, our data also show that on average young people feel very good in their families of origin. 
Poleg obsežnega in do mladih prijaznega sistema izobraževanja se mladi po naših podatkih v povprečju zelo dobro počutijo tudi v svojih izvornih družinah.
Certain studies reveal that Slovenian adolescents have the best relations with their parents in EU-27. 
Po nekaterih raziskavah so slovenski mladostniki v EU-27 med tistimi, ki imajo najboljše odnose s starši.
However, the situation in the labour market as compared to other European countries is highly unpredictable. 
Na drugi strani je stanje na trgu dela za slovensko mladino v evropski primerjavi izrazito nepredvidljivo.
Among the EU-27 countries Slovenia has the largest share of temporarily employed young persons (aged 15-24). 
Slovenija zaseda prvo mesto v EU-27 po deležu začasno zaposlenih mladih (15-24 let).
The share of regularly employed young people has dropped significantly in the last decade. 
Delež mladih z redno zaposlitvijo za nedoločen čas je v zadnjem desetletju izrazito upadel.
In 2000, approximately 60 percent of young people aged 29 had a steady job, but in 2010 this percentage dropped to 48. 
V 29. letu starosti je leta 2000 tako zaposlitev imelo približno 60 odstotkov, leta 2010 pa le še 48 odstotkov mladih.
The share of those young people who see themselves as unemployed has also increased during the same period. 
V istem obdobju se je tudi občutno povečal delež mladih, ki sebe doživljajo kot brezposelne.
What is particularly disturbing is the rapid growth in the share of unemployed graduates. 
Pri tem je še posebej skrb vzbujajoče hitro povečevanje števila brezposelnih diplomantov.
If in 2000 a tertiary level of education reduced the possibility of unemployment more than twofold, this advantage had almost totally disappeared by 2010. 
Če se je leta 2000 z doseženo terciarno stopnjo izobrazbe za več kot dvakrat zmanjšala verjetnost, da se mladostnik znajde v položaju brezposelnosti, je ta prednost do leta 2010 skoraj povsem skopnela.
The situation of the young in Slovenia is therefore defined primarily by the combination of considerable family support and prolonged inclusion in the (relatively socially-oriented and friendly) education system on the one hand, and the extremely uncertain labour market conditions on the other. 
Položaj mladih v Sloveniji tako predvsem določajo kombinacija precejšnje družinske podpore in dolge vključenosti v (sorazmerno socialno naravnan in prijazen) izobraževalni sistem na eni ter izrazito negotove razmere na trgu dela na drugi strani.
In such circumstances it is therefore not surprising that young people in Slovenia are among the last to leave home in EU-27. 
V takih razmerah ni presenetljivo, da so slovenski mladi med tistimi, ki se v EU-27 najpozneje odseljujejo od svojih staršev.
According to our data, this is further stimulated by the relatively favourable conditions of living with the parents (who mostly own houses), and unwillingness of the young (and their parents) to assume the risk of poverty in the early stages of managing their own household. 
Po naših podatkih k temu poleg neugodnih razmer na trgu dela in dolgega obdobja izobraževanja pripomorejo predvsem sorazmerno ugodne možnosti bivanja pri starših (ki večinoma živijo v hišah) in nizka pripravljenost mladih (in njihovih staršev) na prevzemanje tveganja revščine v zgodnjem obdobju ustvarjanja lastnega gospodinjstva.
Here we need to stress the importance of young people gaining independence for the birth-rate in Slovenia. 
Pri tem je treba poudariti pomen osamosvajanja mladih za rodnost v Sloveniji.
Given these statistics we can therefore conclude that the social frameworks (including the prevailing cultural patterns) in Slovenia make it harder for the young to reach the key thresholds of adulthood, such as steady employment, leaving home and starting their own family. 
Glede na povedano lahko torej rečemo, da družbeni okviri (vključno s prevladujočimi kulturnimi vzorci) danes mladim v Sloveniji otežujejo, predvsem pa časovno odmikajo doseganje ključnih mejnikov odraslosti, kot so redna zaposlitev, odselitev od staršev in ustvarjanje lastne družine.
The qualitative part of the research also revealed that the young experience the situation they found themselves in as rather unfavourable and hard, particularly in comparison with the conditions in which previous generations were growing up. 
Tudi kvalitativni del raziskave je pokazal, da mladi doživljajo stanje, v katerem so se znašli, kot razmeroma neugodno in težko, še posebej če razmere, v katerih odraščajo, primerjajo z razmerami, v katerih so odraščale starejše generacije.
It should therefore come as no surprise that young people's opinion of the political elites has considerably deteriorated in the last decade, and was distinctly negative in 2010. 
Glede na opisano stanje ne bi smelo biti presenetljivo, da se je mnenje mladih o političnih elitah v zadnjem desetletju občutno poslabšalo in je v letu 2010 izrazito negativno.
Young people feel they have very little political influence, and in comparison with the EU-27 average tend to be much less interested or involved in politics. 
Mladi izražajo zelo nizko stopnjo občutka lastnega političnega vpliva in se v primerjavi s povprečjem EU-27 bistveno manj zanimajo za politiko in politično udejstvujejo.
On the other hand we observed in them a strengthened potential for protests and participation in individualised forms of political participation, particularly those related to information technology. 
Po drugi strani se med njimi krepita protestni potencial in udejstvovanje v individualiziranih oblikah politične participacije, predvsem tistih, ki so povezane z informacijsko tehnologijo.
In a wider sense it would therefore be hard to speak of a general disinterest of young people in political matters. 
V širšem smislu bi torej težko govorili o splošnem nazanimanju mladih za družbene zadeve.
But in any case, the trust level in the existing political structures seems to be extremely low. 
Vsekakor pa se kaže zelo nizka stopnja zaupanja v sedanje politične strukture.
Another factor that disproves political apathy in young people is the conclusion that young Slovenians are becoming increasingly involved in volunteer work, and are in this respect considerably more active than young people in Germany, for instance. 
Proti tezi o družbeni apatičnosti mladih govori tudi ugotovitev, da je slovenska mladina vse bolj dejavna v prostovoljstvu in da je na tem področju bistveno dejavnejša v primerjavi z mladino iz Nemčije.
In the last fifteen years students have also become more willing to participate in voluntary drives aimed at improving the situation of the young. 
V zadnjih petnajstih letih se je močno povečala tudi pripravljenost študentov za sodelovanje v prostovoljnih akcijah, ki bi izboljšale položaj mladih.
Our qualitative data furthermore reveal a high level of youth involvement in family, the environment, the virtual world and other areas of interest for the young. 
Tudi naši kvalitativni podatki kažejo na visoko zavzetost mladih, na primer v družini, ekologiji, virtualnem svetu in na drugih interesnih področjih mladih.
In the last decade there has been a steep increase in computer usage in free time. 
V prostem času mladih se je v zadnjem desetletju izrazito povečalo ukvarjanje z računalnikom.
As much as 82 percent of young people in Slovenia (almost) use the internet daily, which is well above the EU-15 and EU-27 average. 
Kar 82 odstotkov mladih v Sloveniji (skoraj) vsak dan uporablja splet, kar je občutno nad povprečjem mladih iz držav EU-15 in EU-27.
Compared to the year 2000, in 2010 young people dedicated considerably more time to sports and cultural-artistic expression. 
V primerjavi z letom 2000 mladi v letu 2010 bistveno več časa namenjajo tudi ukvarjanju s športom in kulturnoumetniškemu ustvarjanju.
There also seems to be no deepening pessimism among the young regarding the future of our society. 
Tudi glede prihodnosti naše družbe se pesimizem mladih ni povečal.
However, there is an increasing feeling of anxiety related to lack of money, housing problems and employment insecurity. 
Okrepili pa so se občutki nelagodja v zvezi s pomanjkanjem denarja, stanovanjskim vprašanjem in negotovostjo glede zaposlovanja.
And these are the key problems related to the situation of young people in Slovenia, which is also confirmed by other studies. 
Prav to so težave, ki se danes v zvezi s položajem mladih v Sloveniji tudi z vidika drugih analiz kažejo kot ključne.
Miran Lavrič and Sergej Flere 
Miran Lavrič in Sergej Flere
2 Demographic changes and intergenerational cooperation 
2 Demografske spremembe in medgeneracijsko sodelovanje
2.1 Deﬁ ning youth and milestones of reaching adulthood 
2.1 Opredelitev mladosti in mejniki odraščanja
2.1.1 Introduction: 
2.1.1 Uvod
The issue of youth as a subject of sociological interest arose in the 1960s, when youth were viewed primarily as a potential factor of revolution and upheaval. 
Problematika mladine se kot predmet družboslovnega zanimanja pojavi v šestdesetih letih 20. stoletja, ko se je na mladino gledalo predvsem kot na potencialno revolucionaren, prevratniški dejavnik.