natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Apart from the fact that it is underfunded, it may also be asserted that it is overextended in view of the largest extent in the EU, and this does not match the level of economic development in Slovenia by this criterion. 
Poleg tega, da je finančno podhranjeno, je mogoče trditi tudi, da je preobsežno glede na največji obseg v EU, kar ne ustreza stopnji gospodarske razvitosti Slovenije po tem merilu.
We may also assert that in the future this situation will be reflected in discrepancies that will be apparent in part as unemployment and the dequalification of graduates in gaining employment. 
Lahko postavimo tudi trditev, da se bo tako stanje v prihodnosti izražalo v neskladjih, ki se bodo med drugim kazala kot brezposelnost in dekvalifikacija diplomantov pri zaposlovanju.
Doubts also arise about the quality of tertiary education, especially regarding its funding, the duration of courses and regarding the linking of study to social transfers and benefits (but not to adequate employment). 
Tudi o kakovosti terciarnega izobraževanja se porajajo dvomi, še posebej glede na njegovo financiranje, trajanje študija ter glede na povezanost študija s socialnimi transferji in ugodnostmi (ne pa z ustreznim zaposlovanjem).
Viewed in the most general terms, Slovenian education as seen by Enlightenment figures such as Condorcet, Helvetius or Žiga Zois is a dream come true, and even goes beyond the dream. 
Najsplošneje gledano je slovensko šolstvo s stališča razsvetljencev, kot so bili Condorcet, Helvetius ali Žiga Zois, uresničitev sanj in celo presega te sanje.
So Slovenians should be enlightened, scientifically “geared up” and emancipated. 
Tudi s stališča zagovornikov ekonomske koristnosti izobraževanja, kot je npr.
And if not from the Enlightenment figures, we could in any event expect Weber to be critical towards the circumstances in which we have found ourselves, since he predicted a competition for certificates and diplomas, not from a “thirst for education”, but rather for privileges and earnings. 
Če ne od razsvetljencev, bi vsekakor od Webra lahko pričakovali, da bi bil kritičen do razmer, v katerih smo se znašli, saj je predvideval tekmo za spričevala in diplome, ne zaradi »žeje po izobraževanju«, temveč zaradi privilegijev in dohodkov.
Weber did not trust the immanent value of education per se. 
Weber ni zaupal v imanentno vrednost izobraževanja sploh.
He took the view that education, especially in the tangible form of certificates and diplomas, is a means for ensuring a privileged position and for creating closed, privileged groups (Weber, 1978).13 
Bil je mnenja, da je izobraževanje, zlasti opredmeteno v spričevalih in diplomah, sredstvo za zagotavljanje privilegiranega položaja in oblikovanje zaprtih privilegiranih skupin (Weber, 1978).13
Since the curriculum required to obtain academic standing demands considerable costs and a lengthy period of time… intellectual costs… decline with the increased scope (of certificates)” (Weber, 1978: 1000). 
Očitno v sedanjem trenutku te teorije ne morejo dobiti podpore v življenju slovenskih mladostnikov (pa tudi starejših).
Until recently, theories of the social relevance of education were dominated by the theory of human capital and its associated interpretation (credentialism), which postulates a certain economic benefit from education. 
Sicer je G. Becker (1975) predpostavil, da teorija človeškega kapitala velja v razmerah uravnoteženega trga dela in kot izhaja iz poglavij v nadaljevanju, prav v tem leži težava, ki ni samo konjunkturne narave.
Clearly at the current time moment this theory would find scant support in the lives of Slovenian youths (and older people, too). 
V srednješolsko izobraževanje je danes vključena praktično celotna kohorta (98 odstotkov) (Vertot, 2009: 43).
Meanwhile G. Becker (1975) made the assumption that the theory of human capital applies in a situation where the labour market is balanced, and as can be seen from the chapters below, herein lies the problem, which is not simply of a market forces nature. 
Pred pol stoletja obiskovanje srednje šole še zdaleč ni bilo samoumevno: vse vrste srednjih šol je leta 1961 obiskovalo le 47,3 odstotka generacijske kohorte v starosti od 15-18 let (Statistični letopis SR Slovenije 1964, 1964, 394-6).
Secondary education nowadays involves practically the entire cohort (98 percent) (Vertot, 2009: 43). 
To ne pomeni, da vsi dijaki uspešno končajo sekundarno izobraževanje.
In 2007 the proportion of individuals in EU-27 that dropped out of education early was lowest in Slovenia. 
Delež posameznikov, ki zgodaj opustijo šolanje, je bil v letu 2007 med državami EU-27 najnižji prav v Sloveniji.
In 2007 this proportion14 amounted to 4.3 percent in Slovenia, while the average for EU-27 was 15 percent. 
Ta delež14 je leta 2007 v Sloveniji znašal 4,3 odstotka, povprečje EU-27 pa je bilo 15 odstotkov.
Given the big difference, we might ask whether the cognitive effectiveness of Slovenian secondary education is adequate. 
Glede na veliko razliko se lahko vprašamo, ali je kognitivna učinkovitost slovenskega srednjega šolstva ustrezna.
Data from the PISA research give Slovenian education a relatively favourable assessment, with data from the 2006 research indicating that Slovenian school pupils ranked eighth out of the 56 countries surveyed in their scientific explanation of phenomena, their performance in maths was also in the top half of countries, as was their reading, albeit to a lesser extent. 
Podatki iz raziskave PISA dajejo slovenskemu šolstvu sorazmerno ugodno oceno, saj so bili po podatkih raziskave 2006 slovenski šolarji pri znanstvenem pojasnjevanju pojavov osmi med raziskovanimi 56 državami, pri matematiki so s svojimi dosežki tudi v zgornji polovici držav, pa tudi pri branju, čeprav manj izrazito.
15 This points to the relative quality of primary and partly also secondary education in Slovenia. 
15 To kaže na relativno kakovost osnovnega in delno tudi srednjega izobraževanja v Sloveniji.
3.3.1 Academic success 
3.3.1 Šolska uspešnost
3.3.1.1 General sociodemographic factors 
3.3.1.1 Splošni sociodemografski dejavniki
In this survey we studied the factors that explain the academic success of Slovenian youths, but we had at our disposal a limited number of explanatory variables, which we tested. 
V tej raziskavi smo proučevali dejavnike, ki pojasnjujejo šolsko uspešnost slovenskih mladostnikov, vendar smo imeli na voljo omejeno število pojasnjevalnih spremenljivk, ki smo jih preizkusili.
Apart from the standard demographic factors, these did not match those we tested in earlier research (Flere et al., 2009): the time orientation (Zimbardo and Boyd, 1999), which supposedly predicts academic success, since it contains the planning and postponing of satisfying needs, and educational styles (authoritative, authoritarian and permissive in this research, the concept of leading according to Lewin, 1963). 
Te se razen standardnih demografskih niso ujemale s tistimi, ki smo jih preizkusili v prejšnji raziskavi (Flere et al., 2009): časovna usmerjenost (Zimbardo in Boyd, 1999), ki naj bi napovedovala šolsko uspešnost, saj vsebuje načrtovanje in prelaganje zadovoljevanja potreb, ter vzgojni slogi (avtoritativni, avtoritarni in permisivni iz te raziskave, sicer koncept vodenja po Lewinu, 1963).
All these observed variables have appeared on the level of associations as significant, specifically in the direction that was theoretically anticipated. 
Vse te opazovane spremenljivke so se na ravni asociacij pokazale kot značilne, in sicer v smeri, ki je teoretično pričakovana.
An orientation to the present (hedonistic and fatalistic), the authoritarian and permissive educational styles have turned out to be typically negative, while others (authoritative or democratic) as having typically positive associations. 
Usmerjenost v sedanjost (hedonistična in fatalistična), avtoritarni in permisivni vzgojni slog - so se izkazali kot značilno negativni, drugi (avtoritativni oz. demokratični) pa kot značilno pozitivno povezani.
The same goes for gender, material standing of the family and education of each parent. 
Enako je veljalo za spol, gmotni položaj družine in izobrazbo vsakega od staršev.
14 The proportion of individuals who drop out of education early relates to persons between 18 and 24 years old, whose highest educational attainment is ISCED 0, 1 or 3c and currently they are not enrolled in any education or training programmes. 
14 Delež posameznikov, ki zgodaj opustijo šolanje, se nanaša na osebe med 18. in 24. letom, katerih najvišja dosežena stopnja izobrazbe dosega ISCED 0, 1 ali 3c ter trenutno ne obiskujejo nobenih programov izobraževanja ali usposabljanja.
Graph 17: Average academic success at the end of secondary school, Youth 2010 
Grafikon 17: Povprečen šolski uspeh ob koncu srednje šole, Mladina 2010
Mother's higher or postgraduate education (maximum) 
Materina visokošolska ali podiplomska izobrazba (maksimum)
Fatalistically oriented to the present (maximum) 
Fatalistično usmerjeni v sedanjost (maksimum)
Hedonistically oriented to the present (maximum) 
Hedonistično usmerjeni v sedanjost (maksimum)
Orientation to the future (maximum) 
Usmerjenost v prihodnost (maksimum)
Authoritative upbringing (maximum) 
Avtoritativno vzgojeni (maksimum)
Authoritarian upbringing (maximum) 
Avtoritarno vzgojeni (maksimum)
Permissive upbringing (maximum) 
Permisivno vzgojeni (maksimum)
Entire sample 
Cel vzorec
When we performed a test of robustness through regression analysis, it was shown that time orientation is not a potent factor compared to the educational styles of the parents (although these two constructs are associated, such that authoritative (democratic) education is associated with an orientation to the future and vice versa). 
Ko smo opravili preizkus robustnosti z regresijsko analizo, se je izkazalo, da časovna usmerjenost ni potenten dejavnik v primerjavi z vzgojnimi slogi staršev (čeprav sta ta dva konstrukta tudi povezana, tako da je avtoritativna (demokratična) vzgoja povezana z usmerjenostjo v prihodnost in obratno).
It appears that a fatalistic orientation to the present regarding academic success is clearly negative, and there is a distinct absence of the “saving grace” of an orientation to the future. 
Kaže se, da je fatalistična usmerjenost v sedanjost glede šolske uspešnosti jasno negativna, izrecno pa se ne kaže »odrešilnost« usmerjenosti v prihodnost.
The introduction of demographic variables into regression analysis provides a much clearer explanation of academic success: girls enjoy significantly greater success, and there is confirmation of the major influence of the parents' education, especially the influence of the mother's education, which is somewhat greater than the influence of the father's education. 
Vnos demografskih spremenljivk v regresijsko analizo veliko bolj pojasni šolsko uspešnost: dekleta imajo bistveno boljši uspeh, potrjuje se visok vpliv izobrazbe staršev, zlasti vpliv materine izobrazbe, ki je nekoliko večji od vpliva očetove izobrazbe.
The interviewee assessment of the family's material standing joins the time orientations, which are less significant. 
Anketirančeva ocena gmotnega položaja družine se pridruži časovnim usmeritvam, ki so manj pomembne.
Relative academic success for young people is positively inﬂ uenced to a signiﬁ cant extent by being female, by parental education (especially that of the mother) and by appropriate (authoritative or democratic) socialisation styles. 
Na večjo šolsko uspešnost mladih pomembno pozitivno vplivajo ženski spol, izobrazba staršev (zlasti materina) in ustrezni (avtoritativni oz. demokratični) socializacijski slogi.
3.3.1.2 Regional distribution 
3.3.1.2 Regionalna porazdelitev
The regional distribution of academic success is important, since systematic economic and developmental discrepancies appear from region to region. 
Regionalna porazdelitev šolske uspešnosti je pomembna, ker se med regijami pojavlja sistematična gospodarska in razvojna neskladnost.
We looked at primary and secondary school achievement (young people aged 19 years and more) and overall academic achievement (ages 24 and over). 
Proučili smo osnovnošolsko in srednješolsko uspešnost (mlade, stare 19 let in več) ter celoten šolski dosežek (starost 24 let in več).
Table 11: Average academic success by region, Youth 2010 
Preglednica 11: Povprečna šolska uspešnost po regijah, Mladina 2010
Average academic success in the final grade of primary school* 
Povprečni šolski uspeh v zadnjem razredu osnovne šole*
Average academic success in the final grade of secondary school** 
Povprečni šolski uspeh v zadnjem razredu srednje šole**
Average academic achievement*** 
Povprečni izobrazbeni dosežek***
Pomurje Podravje Koroška Savinja Zasavje Lower Posavje Southeast Slovenia Central Slovenia Gorenjska Goriško Coastal-Karst Notranjska-Karst Total * Success in the ﬁ nal grade of primary school ranges from failure (did not pass), marked as 0, through other marks on a scale of 2 (satisfactory) to 5 (excellent). 
Pomurska Podravska Koroška Savinjska Zasavska Spodnjeposavska Jugovzhodna Slovenija Osrednjeslovenska Gorenjska Goriška Obalno-kraška Notranjsko-kraška Skupaj * Pri uspehu v zadnjem razredu osnovne šole je neuspeh (ni opravil) vrednoten z 0, druge ocene pa so obravnavane na lestvici od 2 (zadosten) do 5 (odličen) v zadnjem razredu.
The numbers in parentheses are the rankings of the regions for the observed indicator. 
V oklepajih so navedeni rangi regije glede na opazovani kazalnik.
** In ﬁ nal grade performance at secondary school, failure (did not pass) is marked as 0. 
** Pri uspehu v zadnjem razredu srednje šole je neuspeh (ni opravil) vrednoten z 0.
In calculating academic success, an additional point is given to pupils that completed a four-year school. 
Pri izračunu uspeha je uspehu dodana še ena točka dijakom, ki so opravili 4-letno šolo.
Only interviewees that have reached majority are taken into consideration. 
Upoštevani so samo polnoletni anketiranci.
Scale: 0 (did not pass) to 5 (excellent performance in ﬁ nal grade). 
Lestvica: 0 (ni opravil) do 5 (odličen uspeh v zadnjem razredu).
*** Only interviewees aged 24 and over have been included. 
*** Upoštevani so samo anketiranci, stari 24 letin več.
Scale: 1 (incomplete primary schooling) to 9 (postgraduate course completed). 
Lestvica: 1 (nepopolna osnovna šola) do 9 (opravljen podiplomski študij).
In ascribing validity in column 3, we need to take account of the possibility that interviewees have changed residence, and the smaller number of interviewees in some regions. 
Pri pripisovanju veljavnosti v stolpcu 3 je treba upoštevati možnost, da so anketiranci spremenili prebivališče, in manjše število anketirancev v nekaterih regijah.
In the table above we have not traced certain systemic differences that would indicate the non-uniform functioning of the Slovenian education system. 
V zgornji preglednici ne zasledimo nekaterih sistemskih razlik, ki bi kazale na neenotno delovanje slovenskega šolskega sistema.
The region of Central Slovenia ranks quite highly in average primary school success, but not in secondary school success. 
Osrednjeslovenska regija se odreže razmeroma visoko pri povprečnem osnovnošolskem uspehu, ne pa pri srednješolskem.
The pattern can be traced only in column 3, where the three regions with the highest indications of economic development also show the highest academic achievement. 
Vzorec je mogoče zaslediti le v tretjem stolpcu, kjer imajo tri regije, ki kažejo najboljši gospodarski razvoj, tudi najvišji izobrazbeni dosežek.
3.3.2 How students feel in school (subjective perception of education) 
3.3.2 Počutje v šoli (subjektivna zaznava šole)
It is important how young people perceive school, and how they feel in it. 
Pomembno je, kako mladostniki zaznavajo šolo, kako se v njej počutijo.
In conditions of the established concept of permissive education, there is the danger of school being adjusted excessively to its “consumers”, with lowered standards and requirements. 
V razmerah uveljavljenega koncepta permisivne vzgoje obstaja nevarnost, da bi se šola preveč prilagajala svojim »odjemalcem« z zniževanjem standardov in zahtev.
This opinion can also be traced among young people: 
Tako mnenje je mogoče zaslediti tudi med mladimi:
“… I don't know where this idea comes from that school should be fun. 
»… ne vem, od kod to, da bi šola naj bila zabavna.
In school we're supposed to learn, and only if there's time and energy left we get to have fun.” 
V šoli naj bi se učili in šele potem, če ostane kaj časa in energije, zabavali.
The experience of secondary school is actually diverse among interviewees, but positive assessments clearly predominated over negative ones. 
Doživljanje srednje šole je med anketiranci sicer razpršeno, vendar pozitivne ocene izrazito prevladujejo nad negativnimi.
16 In reading the above table, certain reservations in its interpretation need to be logically observed. 
Veljavnost te ocene potrjuje, da se negativno počutje značilno ujema s splošnim doživetjem stresa (r = 0,178; p < 0,01).
On the one hand because paticularly interviewees in the oldest group have tended to move their home. 
16 Pri branju zgornje preglednice je treba smiselno upoštevati nekatere zadržke pri razlagi.
Moreover the data do not allow any insight into final exams, which are perhaps more decisive. 
Po eni strani zato, ker so se utegnili zlasti anketiranci iz najstarejše skupine preseliti.
Our analyses (not shown) did not indicate samples of variance in external academic success by region (school leaving exam in 2010). 
Poleg tega podatki ne omogočajo vpogleda v zaključne izpite, ki so morda odločilnejši.
Graph 18: The feeling of young people in secondary school, Youth 2010 
Grafikon 18: Počutje mladih v srednji šoli, Mladina 2010
NOTE: 1 = very bad feeling, 15 = very good feeling. 
OPOMBA: 1 = zelo slabo počutje, 15 = zelo dobro počutje.
If we assert that those who in the described interval attained 11-15 points feel good in school, then we may conclude: 
Če menimo, da se tisti, ki so v opisanem intervalu dosegli 11-15 točk, v šoli počutijo dobro, potem velja sklep:
The majority (more than 60 percent) of Slovenian adolescents describe their feeling in secondary school as mainly favourable. 
Večina (več kot 60 odstotkov) slovenskih mladostnikov opisuje svoje počutje v srednji šoli kot pretežno ugodno.
Among interviewees, the level of satisfaction with school shows no appreciable difference relative to their educational attainment. 
Pri anketirancih stopnja zadovoljstva s šolo ne kaže pomembnih razlik glede na njihovo doseženo šolsko izobrazbo.
This means that a subjective experiencing of their own time at school is not decisive in the continuation of education. 
To pomeni, da subjektivno doživljanje lastnih šolskih izkušenj ni odločilno pri nadaljevanju šolanja.
As is evident from the graph below, compared to 2000 the feeling in school has deteriorated slightly, but is for the most part favourable. 
Kot je razvidno iz spodnjega grafikona, se je v primerjavi z letom 2000 počutje v šoli sicer rahlo poslabšalo, vendar je večinsko ugodno.
Graph 19: The atmosphere in school, Youth 2010 and Youth 2000 
Grafikon 19: Vzdušje v šoli, Mladina 2010 in Mladina 2000
The atmosphere is (was) very relaxed in my class/grade. 
V mojem razredu / letniku je (bilo) vzdušje zelo sproščeno.
I have/had a really nice time at school. 
V šoli se imam / sem se imel/a zelo lepo.
The percentage of those who believe that the atmosphere in their class is relaxed is actually a little lower than in the 2000 survey, but closer scrutiny here shows that it does not involve an increase in the number of negative opinions, but simply a slight increase in the number of neutral responses. 
Odstotek tistih, ki menijo, da je v njihovem razredu vzdušje sproščeno, je sicer nekoliko nižji kot v raziskavi leta 2000, vendar pri tem podrobnejši pogled pokaže, da ne gre za povečanje števila negativnih mnenj, temveč zgolj rahlo povečanje števila nevtralnih odgovorov.
Moreover the young people involved in the qualitative part of our survey described their experience with (primary and secondary) school for the most part as positive: 
Tudi mladi, ki so bili vključeni v kvalitativni del naše raziskave, so svojo izkušnjo z (osnovno in srednjo) šolo pretežno opisali kot pozitivno:
“Grammar school was an excellent experience for me. 
»Gimnazija mi je bila odlična izkušnja.
I had teachers who taught me how to learn. 
Imela sem profesorje, ki so me naučili učiti.
Uni was different story. 
Faks pa je bila druga stvar.
There was too much theoretical overload and too little interesting practical work.” 
Preveč je bilo teoretičnega nakladanja in premalo zanimive prakse.
“School is no longer instructional and academic, just academic. 
(Andreja, 25 let, brezposelna mlada mamica)
Whether this is good or bad, I don't know. 
»Šola ni več vzgojno izobraževalna, ampak le izobraževalna.
I always enjoyed school. 
Vedno sem v šoli užival.
I came out of grammar school with a basic breadth of knowledge, in part because of the critical perspective they gave us.” 
V gimnaziji sem odnesel osnovno širino znanja, pa tudi zaradi kritičnega pogleda, ki so nam ga dali…«
“It was great, I would go the same way again. 
»Super je bilo, še enkrat bi izbral isto pot.
Mostly because of the company of my schoolmates. 
Predvsem zaradi družbe sošolcev.
I grew up with those people, and we got 
S temi ljudmi sem odraščal in zelo dobro smo se razumeli.
along very well. 
Isti interesi in pogledi na svet.
The same interests and views of the world. 
Še vedno se družimo.
(Gašper, 23, young sportsman) 
(Gašper, 23 let, mladi športnik)
“…I liked going to school, because I knew that my schoolmates were there and that I could hang out with friends there… If I had the chance, I would go to secondary school again… Everything, the subjects, teachers, everything… It was great, they really worked hard with us… Especially if you're interested in what you enrolled in.” 
»…rada sem hodla v šolo, ker sem vedla, da so tam moji sošolci in da se bom tam lahko družla s prijatelji ... če bi imela šanso, bi šla še enkrat v srednjo šolo… Glede fsega, predmetov, profesorjev, fsega… Fajn je blo, ful so se trudli z nami… Sploh če te zanima tisto, kamor si se fpisal.
How pupils feel in school is linked to parental demands. 
(Andreja, 25 let, brezposelna mlada mamica)
The demands parents place on adolescents is of course a very important factor in the life of those adolescents, and may serve as an incentive or obstacle in their school work. 
Zahtevnost staršev do mladostnikov je seveda zelo pomemben dejavnik v življenju mladostnikov in je lahko spodbuda ali pa ovira pri šolskem delu.
So we asked interviewees whether their parents were too demanding in their demands for academic success. 
Anketirance smo zato vprašali, ali so bili njihovi starši v svojih zahtevah do šolskega uspeha prezahtevni.
Graph 20: Expectations of parents regarding their children's academic success (subjective views of youths) 
Grafikon 20: Pričakovanja staršev glede šolske uspešnosti otrok (subjektivno razmišljanje mladostnikov)
Parents demand/demanded too much from me regarding school. 
Starši v zvezi s šolo preveč zahtevajo / so zahtevali od mene.
Very true 
Zelo velja
On average, Slovenian youths do not believe that their parents have (or had) excessive demands regarding their academic success. 
Slovenski mladostniki povprečno ne menijo, da imajo (oz. da so imeli) starši previsoke zahteve do njihove šolske uspešnosti.
Only 15 percent of interviewees believe that this applies to their parents (in other words that the assertion is “true” and “very true”). 
Samo 15 odstotkov anketirancev za svoje staršev meni, da to drži (da torej trditev »velja« in »zelo velja«).
This is actually more than in 2000, when just one tenth of interviewees responded in that way (Miheljak, 2002: 244). 
To je sicer več kot leta 2000, ko je tako odgovorila samo ena desetina anketirancev (Miheljak, 2002: 244).