natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
The small size of the country in which the majority of the youth can drive to school/ university or work in larger towns appears in this respect as a factor of leaving later. 
Majhnost države, v kateri se večji del mladih lahko od doma vozi na šolo/fakulteto ali na delo v večje mesto, v tem smislu nastopa kot dejavnik počasnejšega odseljevanja mladih.
The objective living situation in the parents' household is also important here. 
Pri tem so pomembne tudi objektivne okoliščine bivanja v gospodinjstvu staršev.
The better it is (e.g. a large house), the lower the interest in moving out. 
Bolj ko so te ugodne (npr. prostorna hiša), manjše je zanimanje za preselitev.
The (modest) accommodations in university and secondary school dormitories have a similar effect; 
Podoben vpliv ima (skromna) ponudba študentskih in dijaških domov;
4. cultural factors such as the importance of the nuclear family and adjustments by the original family with respect to providing independence for youth at home can have a significant impact on motivation to leave home; 
4. kulturni dejavniki, kot sta pomen jedrne družine in prilagajanje izvornih družin v smislu zagotavljanja neodvisnosti mladih v okviru doma, lahko pomembno vplivajo na motivacijo za odselitev od doma;
5. the percentage of youth who cohabit in a partnership relationship; the formation of cohabitation partnership relationships increases the likelihood of moving away from the parents earlier. 
5. delež mladih, ki skupaj živi v partnerski skupnosti; oblikovanje kohabitacijske partnerske skupnosti povečuje verjetnost zgodnejše odselitve od staršev.
This list allows us to determine the reasons for delaying leaving home until a relatively late age in Slovenia. 
Ta seznam nam omogoča, da ugotovimo razloge za odlaganje odselitve od doma v razmeroma pozna leta v Sloveniji.
Below, we will discuss the individual factors in order of their (estimated) importance in Slovenia. 
Pri tem bomo obravnavali posamezne dejavnike po vrstnem redu (ocenjene) pomembnosti za Slovenijo.
10.1.1 The material opportunities for moving out are narrowing, and young people want their own houses 
10.1.1 Materialne možnosti za odselitev se zaostrujejo, mladi pa si želijo lastne hiše
The key insight here is that the position of youth on the labour market during the transition period in Slovenia has steadily worsened, particularly (from the point of view of stability and employment security) in the last decade. 
Tu je ključno spoznanje, da se je položaj mladih na trgu dela med tranzicijo v Sloveniji vztrajno slabšal, izrazito (z vidika stabilnosti in varnosti zaposlitve) pa prav v zadnjem desetletju.
Graph 104: Percentage of young people (25-29) who live in a family together with their mother with respect to employment status, Youth 2000 and Youth 2010 
Grafikon 104: Deleži mladih (25-29 let), ki živijo v družini skupaj z materjo, glede na zaposlitveni status, Mladina 2000 in Mladina 2010
Employed / permanent 
V lastnem stanovanju
Employed / temporary 
V lastni hiši
Self-employed 
Redno zaposlen/a za nedoločen čas.
However, the indicator of regular employment (in both periods surveyed) turns out to be an important factor in leaving home later, so it is therefore still reasonable to conclude that the decreased percentage of regularly employed youth contributed its share to youth leaving home later. 
Sicer se tudi po tem kazalniku redna zaposlitev (v obeh obravnavanih obdobjih) kaže kot pomemben dejavnik zgodnejše odselitve, zato je še vedno upravičeno sklepanje, da je zmanjšanje deleža redno zaposlenih mladih prispevalo svoj delež k poznejšemu odseljevanju mladih od doma.
In view of the tempo the above graph indicates that the reasons for this phenomenon have to be sought elsewhere. 
Ob tempa nas zgornji grafikon opozarja, da je treba vzroke za ta pojav iskati tudi drugje.
107 We used the indicator of living with the mother, which allows comparability with the data from the 2000 survey. 
Bistveno jasnejšo sliko dobimo, če vpliv zaposlenosti kombiniramo z vplivom nepremičnine, v kateri prebivajo starši naših anketirancev.
Graph 105: Percentage of youth between 25 and 29 who live in households with their parents with respect to employment status and the real estate in which the respondents' parents live 
Grafikon 105: Deleži mladih med 25. in 29. letom, ki živijo v gospodinjstvu skupaj s starši, glede na zaposlitveni status in nepremičnine, v kateri prebivajo starši anketirancev
SOURCE: Youth 2010 
VIR: Mladina 2010
Employed 
Zaposlen
This graph shows that youth whose parents live in a house very often remain at home even if they are employed (we combined all forms of employment). 
Grafikon razkriva, da mladi, katerih starši živijo v hiši, zelo pogosto ostajajo doma tudi, če imajo zaposlitev (združili smo vse oblike zaposlitev).
Do you experience a lack of living space in your home? 
Ali v prostoru, kjer živiš občutiš pomanjkanje prostora?
Don't live with parents 
Ne živi pri starših
Live with parents Don't live with parents 
Živi pri starših Ne živi pri starših
Live with parents 
Živi pri starših
Yes No 
Da Ne
The above graph clearly shows that young people have a more pronounced experience of a lack of space only if they remain with parents who live in a flat. 
Zgornji grafikon jasno razkriva, da mladi bolj občutijo pomanjkanje prostora le, če ostajajo pri starših, ki živijo v stanovanju.
Moving away from parents who live in a house almost does not change perceptions of lack of space. 
Odselitev od staršev, ki živijo v hiši, pa zaznave pomanjkanja prostora praktično ne spremeni.
Here the key datum is that over 67 per cent of these youth (25-29) are those whose parents live in a house. 
Pri tem je ključen podatek, da je med mladimi (25-29 let) kar dobrih 67 odstotkov takih, katerih starši živijo v hiši.
The group of employed youth whose parents live in a flat comprises just over 13 per cent of all youth between 25 and 29. 
Skupina zaposlenih, katerih starši živijo v stanovanju, pa med vsemi starimi od 25 do 29 let zajema vsega dobrih 13 odstotkov.
The relatively early independence of this group therefore has a small effect on the average of all youth in this age group. 
Sorazmerno zgodnje osamosvajanje te skupine ima torej majhen vpliv na povprečje med vsemi mladimi v obravnavani starostni skupini.
Over three fourths of youth (25-29) whose parents live in a house and are not employed live with their parents, and less than a third of those whose parents live in a ﬂ at, have regular employment and monthly incomes of at least 1000 euros. 
Pri starših živijo kar dobre tri četrtine mladih (2529 let), katerih starši živijo v hiši, sami pa nimajo zaposlitve, in manj kot tretjina takih, katerih starši živijo v stanovanju, sami pa imajo redno zaposlitev in mesečni dohodek vsaj 1.000 evrov.
The importance of employment with sufficiently high income (which could e.g. enable renting a flat or paying back a housing loan) is therefore clear. 
Očiten je torej pomen zaposlitve z dovolj visokimi dohodki (ki bi na primer lahko omogočali najem in odplačevanje posojila za nakup lastne nepremičnine).
With regard to the qualitative interviews conducted, the expectations of the youth in this respect seem relatively large. 
V zvezi s tem se glede na opravljene kvalitativne intervjuje zdijo pričakovanja mladih dokaj velika.
The typical responses to the question “Where do you see yourself in 10 years?” with respect to housing issues were: 
Na vprašanje »Kje se vidiš čez 10 let?« so bili tipični odgovori v zvezi s stanovanjsko problematiko taki:
“… I have two children and a house next to a forest.” 
»…imam dva otroka in hišo ob gozdu.
Graph 107: Young people (15-29) and place of residence with respect to ownership, Youth 2010 
Grafikon 107: Mladi (15-29 let) in kraj bivanja glede na lastništvo, Mladina 2010
Owned by you and/or your partner 
V tvoji lasti in / ali v lasti partnerja/ke
Owned by your and/or your partner's parents 
V lasti staršev (tvojih in / ali partnerjevih)
As can be seen from the data, the majority are rented residences and residences owned by the respondents' or their partners' parents. 
Kot je razvidno iz podatkov, prevladujejo najemniška stanovanja in stanovanja, ki so v lasti njihovih staršev ali staršev partnerja.
Those who own the residence they live in acquired them primarily through inheritance (48.7 per cent) or by taking out a loan (32.9 per cent). 
Tisti, ki so lastniki stanovanja, v katerem živijo, so do njega prišli predvsem tako, da so ga podedovali (48,7 odstotka) ali pa so vzeli posojilo (32,9 odstotka).
Cash purchases are rare (funds from parents or relatives: 7.6 per cent, own funds 10.8 per cent). 
Gotovinski nakupi so redki (sredstva staršev ali sorodnikov: 7,6 odstotka, lastna sredstva 10,8 odstotka).
In other words: 
Povedano drugače:
Only a li le more than 15 per cent of youth who moved away from home purchased the real estate they live in with their own money or by taking out a loan. 
Le dobrih 15 odstotkov mladih, ki so se odselili od staršev, si je nepremičnino, v kateri živijo, kupilo s svojimi sredstvi ali posojilom.
It is therefore clear that the situation on the real estate market combined with the available income make buying a flat without the parents' help possible only in exceptional cases. 
Očitno je torej, da stanje na trgu nepremičnin skupaj z razpoložljivimi dohodki mladim le izjemoma omogoča nakup stanovanja brez pomoči staršev.
It is telling that among those who moved away from home, undoubtedly the largest group (41.7 per cent) 
Pomenljiv je podatek, da je med tistimi, ki so se odselili od doma, prepričljivo največja skupina (41,7 odstotka) takih, ki živijo v nepremič
are those who live in real estate owned by their parents. 
nini, ki je v lasti njihovih staršev.
108 If you add to this those whose parents (co-)financed the purchase of the real estate, we find that for the majority (55.4 per cent) of youth who moved away from home, that move was made possible in an economic sense directly by the parents. 
113 Če k temu prištejemo še tiste, ki sojim starši (so)financirali nakup nepremičnine, ugotovimo, da so večini (55,4 odstotka) mladih, ki so se odselili od doma, to odselitev v ekonomskem smislu neposredno omogočili starši.
The importance of m aterial factors is also indicated by the major discrepancy between wishes and reality regarding moving out. 
Na pomen materialnih dejavnikov kaže tudi visoko neskladje med željami in realnostjo glede odselitve.
The following finding is telling in this respect: 
V tem smislu je pomenljiva ugotovitev:
92.1 per cent of youths aged 15-18 want to move away from home by the time they are 29. 
V starosti 15-18 let se 92,1 odstotka mladih želi odseliti od doma do 29. leta starosti.
However, at age 29 only 31.6 per cent live completely separately from their parents. 
Na drugi strani jih pri 29 letih starosti le 31,6 odstotka živi povsem ločeno od staršev.
In view of the above, the material possibilities for living independently (particularly with regard to the wish to own one's own real estate, especially a house) are shown to be the key factor in delaying moving away from the parents. 
Glede na povedano se materialne možnosti za osamosvajanje (še posebej glede na želje po lastni nepremičnini, še posebej hiši) kažejo kot ključni dejavnik odlaganja odselitve od staršev.
The decline of the position of youth on the labour market alongside good conditions of (co)habitation in their parents' houses in the last decade logically lead to youth delaying moving away from their parents. 
Slabšanje položaja mladih na trgu dela je ob dobrih razmerah (so)bivanja v hišah njihovih staršev v preteklem desetletju logično vodilo v odlaganje odselitve mladih od njihovih staršev.
10.1.2 Living with parents relatively favourable for young people 
10.1.2 Za mlade je bivanje pri starših sorazmerno ugodno
Among the many factors of moving away from parents, authors also mention the level of family discord (less harmony contributes to faster departure) (Mulder 2000). 
Med mogočimi dejavniki odseljevanja od staršev avtorji omenjajo tudi stopnjo družinskega nesoglasja (manj harmonije pripomore k hitrejšemu odhodu) (Mulder, 2000).
In terms of quality of relations between children and parents, Slovenia sits at the very top of European countries 
Slovenija je po kakovosti odnosov med otroki in starši v samem vrhu evropskih držav (Curriein drugi, 2004).
108 77 per cent of them live in a house with their parents. 
Visoko stopnjo sožitja zaznavajo tudi slovenske nacionalne raziskave mladih.
This leads to the conclusion that a large part of this group live at the same address as their parents, but (by their own estimation) have independent households. 
Po podatkih iz leta 2010 med vsemi anketiranimi 84,5 odstotka svoje odnose z materjo ocenjuje kot dobre ali zelo dobre.
According to data from 2010, 84.5 per cent of all respondents assess their relationships with their mothers as good or very good. 
114 Glede na te podatke tudi ne preseneča, da skoraj 89 odstotkov mladih iz naše raziskave računa na pomoč staršev pri reševanju stanovanjskega vprašanja.
With respect to fathers, this figure is 76.4 per cent, and a full 88.8 per cent mostly or entirely agree that their parents love them. 
kar 88,8 odstotka pa se pretežno ali popolnoma strinja, da jih imajo starši zelo radi.
This is also confirmed in the descriptions by our interviewees: 
To potrjujejo tudi opisi udeležencev naših intervjujev:
“I'm very happy I have such a family, I'm very proud of my parents and grandparents. 
»Zelo sem zadovoljna, da imam tako družino, sem zelo ponosna na svoje starše in stare starše.
I feel very good in my home environment. 
V domačem okolju se odlično počutim.
I like it very much there are so many of us at home.” 
Zelo mi je všeč, da nas je doma veliko.
My grandpa always helps me… emotional support, social support, financial support.” 
Dedek mi vedno pomaga… čustvena podpora, socialna podpora, finančna podpora).
We work well together!” 
Dobro sodelujemo!«
(Davor, 22, economics student) 
(Davor, 22 let, študent ekonomije).
“… we do everything together. 
»…vse delamo skupaj.
I am happy to have my things put away… my brother helps my father… Otherwise we want for nothing. 
Jaz sem zadolžena, da imam svoje stvari pospravljene… brat pomaga očetu… Drugače pa nam nič ne manjka.
Our flat is rather small, but we love each other.” 
Stanovanje je bolj malo, ampak mi se imamo radi.
More precisely, the percentage of those who do not feel comfortable at home is just as low (15 per cent) among those who live with their parents and those who have (already) moved out. 
Natančneje: delež tistih, ki se doma ne počuti dobro, je enako nizek (15 odstotkov) med tistimi, ki živijo pri starših, in tistimi, ki so (že) odseljeni.
It seems logical that the generally high level of quality relations with parents paired with relatively favourable spatial opportunities (living in a house) increases the likelihood that youth will remain at home in conditions of risky transitions to material independence. 
Zdi se logično, da splošno visoka raven kakovosti odnosov s starši ob sorazmerno ugodnih prostorskih možnostih (življenje v hiši) povečuje verjetnost, da mladi v razmerah tveganih prehodov h gmotni neodvisnosti ostajajo doma.
Our results on the other hand indicate a negative influence of permissive upbringing on the likelihood of moving away from the parents in the 25-29 age group (r = -0.103; p < 0.05). 
Naši izsledki po drugi strani kažejo na negativen vpliv permisivne vzgoje na verjetnost odseljenosti od staršev v starostni skupini 25-29 let (r = -0,103; p < 0,05).
In connection with this, the finding that younger youths (15-18) who have experienced very permissive upbringing on average plan to leave their parents substantially earlier than their peers whose upbringing was less permissive (21.3 vs. 23.8 years respectively). 
V zvezi s tem je pomenljiva ugotovitev, da zelo permisivno vzgajani mlajši mladostniki (15-18 let) v povprečju bistveno prej načrtujejo odselitev od staršev, kot pa to velja za njihove vrstnike, katerih vzgoja je bila manj permisivna (21,3 leta nasproti 23,8 leta).
Permissively raised youths want to establish their independence as soon as possible, but in reality they manage to do so relatively late. 
Permisivno vzgojeni mladostniki bi si sicer želeli osamosvojiti se čim prej, vendar pa jim to v resnici uspeva sorazmerno pozno.
Here we also have to take into consideration the fact that permissive parents are probably still oriented towards increasing their children's comfort during the youth period. 
Pri tem je treba upoštevati tudi, da so permisivno naravnani starši verjetno tudi v obdobju mladosti svojih otrok še vedno usmerjeni predvsem na povečevanje ugodja svojega otroka.
Despite this we have to take into account the assessments of various analysts (cf. Novak 2005, Godina 2009, Godina 2010) that in the past few dec 
Novak, 2005; Godina, 2009; Godina, 2010), da se je v zadnjih desetletjih (tudi) v Sloveniji povečala permisivnost socializacije v družini.
In a separate study, Katarina Vodopivec (2008) demonstrates that a trend of permissiveness is also clearly indicated in the school system. 
Katarina Vodopivec (2008) v posebni študiji dokazuje, da se trend permisivizacije jasno kaže tudi v šolskem sistemu.
Using these assessments as a starting point, we can conclude: 
Če upoštevamo te ocene kot izhodišče, se zdi upravičen sklep:
In view of the available data, the increasing permissiveness of socialisation along with reduced structural opportunities for establishing independence could be an important factor of extending living with parents in Slovenia. 
Glede na razpoložljive podatke bi bila lahko naraščajoča permisivnost socializacije poleg zaostrovanja strukturnih možnosti osamosvajanja pomemben dejavnik podaljševanja bivanja pri starših v Sloveniji.
In connection with the comfort associated with living in one's parents' household, we should also mention the finding that the social lives of youths who stay at home are significantly more virtualised. 
V zvezi z ugodjem, povezanim z bivanjem v gospodinjstvu staršev, je treba opozoriti še na ugotovitev, da je družbeno življenje mladih, ki ostajajo doma, občutno bolj virtualizirano.
It certainly seems logical that such living arrangements, given good relationships with the parents and information/communications technologies support is a substantially more a ractive (or at least less una ractive) option. 
V tem smislu lahko rečemo, da lastnosti, ki se v popularnem diskurzu pripisujejo »generaciji Y«,115 prispevajo svoj delež k podaljševanju bivanja pri starših.
From the available data we can conclude that the progress of digital and communications technologies in the past decade have contributed to the increased appeal of deciding to live in a shared household with one's parents. 
Vsekakor se zdi povsem logično, da je tako bivanje ob dobrih odnosih s starši in podpori informacijsko-komunikacijskih tehnologij bistveno privlačnejša (ali vsaj manj neprivlačna) izbira.
10.1.3 The cultural factor: it's be er to stay at home than to risk poverty 
115 Temeljna lastnost generacije Y (okvirno rojeni med letoma 1985 in 2000) je vraščenost v svet digitalnih tehnologij.
In countries with a subprotective (Mediterranean) transition model these differences are nearly nonexistent (Aassve, Iacovou and Mencarini 
Za generacijo Y velja tudi ocena, da sorazmerno visoko vrednotijo družinsko življenje in se dobro razumejo s starši (Brečko, 2005).
110 The fundamental quality of Generation Y (born roughly between 1985 and 2000) is growing up in the world of digital technology. 
Iz razpoložljivih podatkov je mogoče sklepati, da je napredovanje digitalnih in komunikacijskih tehnologij v zadnjem desetletju pripomoglo k večji privlačnosti odločitve za bivanje v skupnem gospodinjstvu s starši.
It is the first generation that had digital technology “in the cradle”. 
10.1.3 Kulturni dejavnik: bolje je ostati doma, kakor tvegati revščino
The assessment also holds for Generation Y that they rate family life relatively highly and get along with their parents well (Breèko 2005). 
V državah s subprotektivnim (sredozemskim) modelom prehoda pa teh razlik skorajda ni (Aassve, Iacovou, in Mencarini, 2006).
In countries with a liberal model of transition, the period of risking poverty and social exclusion (including the risk of this period extending throughout one's entire life) is acceptable and in the sense of a particular kind of initiation of youth perhaps even desirable. 
Obdobje tveganja revščine in socialne izključenosti (vključno s tveganjem, da se to obdobje razvleče čez celo življenje) je v državah z liberalnimi modeli prehodov sprejemljivo, morda v smislu svojevrstne iniciacije mlade osebe celo zaželeno.
In countries with the subprotective model, youth typically accept risking poverty substantially more rarely and prefer to stay in the shelter of the home of their parents for a longer period of time. 
V državah subprotektivnega tipa pa mladi tipično bistveno redkeje sprejemajo tveganje revščine in raje dlje časa ostajajo v zavetju doma svojih staršev.
Unfortunately we do not have any data that would confirm such a (poverty-intolerant) cultural pattern for Slovenia in a direct and internationally comparable manner. 
Žal nimamo podatkov, ki bi za Slovenijo neposredno in mednarodno primerljivo potrjevali tak (do revščine nizko strpen) kulturni vzorec.
Indirectly, Slovenes' low-tolerance threshold with regard to poverty can be concluded from the Eurobarometer survey (2010), according to which a full 78 per cent of Slovenes believe that poverty is very widespread in the country (the EU-27 average is 73 per cent). 
Posredno je na nizek tolerančni prag Slovencev glede revščine mogoče sklepati iz raziskave Eurobarometer (2010), po kateri kar 78 odstotkov vprašanih Slovencev meni, da je revščina v državi zelo razširjena (na ravni EU-27 je ta delež 73-odstoten).
This discrepancy is telling primarily in view of the fact that according to Eurostat data for 2008 the level of risk of poverty (including among youth) in Slovenia is far below the EU average. 
To odstopanje je pomenljivo predvsem ob tem, da je po podatkih Eurostata za leto 2008 stopnja tveganja revščine (tudi med mladimi) v Sloveniji daleč pod povprečjem EU.
“Why should I move out when I have half the house? 
»Zakaj bi se odselil, če pa je pol bajte pisane na mene.
And being at home rules… you know? 
Pa doma je komot... itak.
Hey, I'm not proud of it, it's just the way it is.” 
Glej, nisem najbolj ponosen na to, samo tak pač je.
“It's good at home… I have everything I need, there's enough of everything… well, the fridge is always full and we've got heat too...” 
»Doma je dobru… Nič mi ne manjka, vsega imamo zadosti…no, hladilnik je zmeraj poln in topl tudi imamo...«
(A.N.) 
N.)
“Sure, someday… But it's not just that easy here. 
»Seveda, sej tudi enkrat mislim… Samu tu ni k'r taku.
You've got to think carefully about the hows and whats. 
Dobru moraš premislit, kaku in kaj.
What would have to happen for you to leave home? 
Kaj bi se moralo zgoditi, da bi šel od doma?
“I don't know. 
»Ne vem.
I'd have to win the lottery. 
Na loteriji bi moral zadet sedmicu.
Or if they threw me out of the house. 
Al' pa da bi me vrgli iz hiše.
For now I don't have to.” 
Zaenkrat mi še ni treba.
10.1.4 Slovenia's small size and good traffic infrastructure 
(Dani, 24 let, uspešno zaposlen na črno)
This is confirmed by the data from the Eurostudent survey (Orr et al. 2008), in which Slovenian students at 49 per cent are among the leading countries in Europe (4th place) according to the percentage who live with their parents. 
To potrjujejo podatki raziskave Eurostudent (Orr et al., 2008), po kateri so slovenski študenti z 49 odstotki med vodilnimi (na 4. mestu) v Evropi po deležu tistih, ki živijo pri starših.
Our data also confirm a low need for such mobility, since there is practically no evidence of youth moving from the country to the city (there are no significant differences between type of settlement of current residence and type of settlement during childhood). 
Tudi naši podatki potrjujejo nizko potrebo po tovrstni mobilnosti, saj praktično ni zaznati preseljevanja mladih s podeželja v mesto (med tipom naselja trenutnega bivanja in tipom naselja iz otroštva ni bistvenih razlik).