natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
In Slovenia the direction of correlation is exactly the opposite: while (only) 59.8 per cent of respondents among youth (15-29) from towns of over 10,000 inhabitants live at home, for youth from smaller towns and rural areas this figure is 67.3 per cent. 
V Sloveniji je smer povezanostiravno obratna: medtem ko med mladimi (15-29 let) iz mest z nad 10.000 prebivalci doma živi (le) 59,8 odstotka vprašanih, je takih med mladimi iz manjših krajev in s podeželja 67,3 odstotka.
The data that over 91 per cent of youth travel to school or work by car, bus or train and that Slovenian youth on average travel 22 km to work or school is also telling. 
Zgovoren je tudi podatek, da se dobrih 91 odstotkov mladih v šolo ali na delo vozi z avtom, avtobusom ali vlakom in da se v povprečju slovenski mladi dnevno vozijo v šolo ali na delo 22 km daleč.
It is therefore clear that access to education and work can be achieved through daily commuting throughout Slovenia, which reduces the pressure on youth to move away from their parents. 
Očitno je torej, da se po Sloveniji dostop do izobraževanja in dela lahko zagotovi z dnevnimi migracijami, kar za mlade gotovo zmanjšuje pritisk na odseljevanje od staršev.
10.1.5 Substantial extension of period of inclusion in the education system 
10.1.5 Izrazito podaljševanje obdobja vključenosti v izobraževalni sistem
Slovenia sits at the top of the EU-27 in terms of inclusion of youth in regular education. 
Slovenija je v vrhu EU-27 po vključenosti mladih v redno izobraževanje.
According to data cited by Choroszevicz and Wolf, Slovenia at 77 per cent is first in Europe by a wide margin in terms of percentage of youth (18-24) who live at home and are enrolled in education at the same time (for the entire EU-27 this figure is 58.8 per cent). 
Po podatkih, ki jih navajata Choroszeviczeva in Wolf, je Slovenija s 77 odstotki z naskokom prva v Evropi po deležu mladih (18-24 let), ki živijo doma in se hkrati izobražujejo (za celotno EU-27 je ta delež 58,8-odstoten).
Kuhar (2009) notes the relatively high student drop-out rate (one third) and length of studies, which is longer than seven years on average. 
Kuharjeva (2009) pri tem opozarja na sorazmerno visoko (tretjinsko) stopnjo študentskega osipa in dolžino študija, ki je v povprečji daljša od sedem let.
In her opinion, a major role is played by student labour, which contributes considerably to extending the study period and the mass enrolment in higher education. 
Pri tem ima po njenem mnenju pomembno vlogo študentsko delo, ki precej pripomore k podaljševanju študija in množičnosti vpisa v visokošolsko izobraževanje.
Our data in this respect present a slightly surprising picture. 
Naši podatki kažejo s tega vidika nekoliko presenetljivo sliko.
Graph 108: Young people between 25 and 29 with respect to highest level of education completed and (not) living with parents 
Grafikon 108: Mladi med 25. in 29. letom glede na najvišjo stopnjo dosežene izobrazbe in (ne)bivanje pri starših
Do you live in a household with your parents or guardians? 
Ali ti živiš v gospodinjstvu svojih staršev oz. skrbnikov?
Junior college or higher 
Višja šola ali več
Secondary school or lower 
Srednja šola ali manj
Yes, full-time 
Da, v celoti
Yes, part-time (i.e. at weekends) 
Da, deloma (npr. ob vikendih)
I sleep there occasionally 
Le občasno prespim
Not at all 
Sploh ne
As follows from the above graph, youth who study leave home much earlier on average (r = 0.145; p < 0.01) than their less educated peers (25-29 age group). 
Mladi, ki so študirali, kot izhaja iz zgornjega grafikona, v povprečju odhajajo od doma celo občutno prej (r = 0,145; p < 0,01) kot njihovi manj izobraženi vrstniki (25-29 let).
This is undoubtedly connected with the much higher total monthly income earned by more educated people (those who have completed at least junior college earn an average of 922.3 euros a month, those with at most secondary education average 705.4 euros), as well as various psychological characteristics of those who are more successful in school (more highly educated people are e.g. more focused on the future) (r = 0.137; p < 0.01). 
Nedvomno je to povezano z občutno višjim skupnim mesečnim dohodkom, ki ga prejemajo bolj izobraženi (tisti, ki imajo vsaj višjo šolo, v povprečju prejemajo 922,3 evra, tisti z največ srednješolsko izobrazbo, pa 705,4 evra), pa tudi z nekaterimi psihološkimi značilnostmi uspešnejših v šolanju (bolj izobraženi so npr. bolj usmerjeni v prihodnost (r = 0,137; p < 0,01)).
We can therefore conclude: 
Sklenemo torej lahko:
Despite the substantial extension of the period of inclusion in the education system, this inclusion does not correlate as an important factor in extending the period of living with the parents. 
Kljub izrazitemu podaljševanju vključenosti v izobraževalni sistem se ta vključenost ne kaže kot pomemben dejavnik podaljševanja obdobja bivanja pri starših.
10.1.6 Young people ﬁ nd “together and apart” partnerships convenient 
10.1.6 Mladim ustreza partnersko življenje po sistemu »skupaj in narazen«
As the graph below indicates, the percentage of youth who live together in partnership relationships in Slovenia is exceptionally low. 
Kot kaže naslednji grafikon, je delež mladih, ki skupaj živi v partnerski skupnosti v Sloveniji, izrazito nizek.
However, Slovenian youths who live in cohabitation partnership relationships in fact leave their parents' homes at an above-average rate in comparison with the EU. 
Pri tem slovenski mladostniki, ki živijo v kohabitacijskih partnerskih zvezah, v primerjavi z EU celo nekoliko nadpovprečno pogosto zapuščajo dom svojih staršev.
According to the data of Choroszevicz and Wolf (2010: 4) the percentage of Slovenian youths who cohabit in long-term partnership relationships and at the same time live with their parents is slightly lower than the percentage of such youths at the EU level (which is 4.5 per cent). 
Po podatkih Choroszeviczeve in Wolfa (2010: 4) je namreč delež slovenskih mladih, ki kohabitirajo v trajni partnerski zvezi in hkrati živijo pri svojih starših, nekoliko nižji od deleža takih mladih na ravni celotne EU (kjer znaša 4,5 odstotka).
Graph 109: Percentage of men and women (18-34) who in 2008 lived in cohabitation partnership relationships, EU-27 
Grafikon 109: Deleži moških in žensk (18-34 let), ki so leta 2008 živeli v kohabitacijski partnerski zvezi, države EU-27
Finland Sweden 
Finska Švedska
European Union 
Evropska Unija
Male Female 
Moški Ženske
SOURCES: Choroszevicz and Wolf, 2010 
VIR: Choroszevicz in Wolf, 2010
Here it is not surprising that the percentage of youths who live in partnership relationships in Slovenia has decreased substantially. 
Ob tem ni presenetljivo, da se je delež mladih, ki živijo skupaj v partnerski zvezi v Sloveniji, zelo zmanjšal.
Graph 110: Percentage of young people who live with a partner with respect to age group, Youth 2000 and Youth 2010 
Grafikon 110: Deleži mladih, ki živijo skupaj s partnerjem, glede na starostno skupino, Mladina 2000 in Mladina 2010
Youth 2010 Youth 2000 
Mladina 2010 Mladina 2000
But here we have to take into account the fact that in both of the last two surveys of Slovenian youth (2000 and 2010), the youths have stated their (expected) moving away from their parents approximately one year before their (foreseen) cohabitation with a partner (Graph 110). 
Toda pri tem je treba upoštevati, da v obeh zadnjih raziskavah slovenske mladine (2000, 2010) mladi postavljajo (pričakovano) odselitev od staršev približno eno leto pred (predvidenim) skupnim bivanjem s partnerjem (grafikon 2).
Therefore, Slovenian youth are relatively (and increasingly) late in cohabitating with partners, which clearly decreases the motivation for an earlier move away from home. 
Kaže torej, da se slovenskim mladim sorazmerno (in vedno bolj) malo mudi s skupnim partnerskim življenjem, kar gotovo zmanjšuje motivacijo za zgodnejšo odselitev od doma.
10.1.7 The psychological traits of young people are not characteristically associated with moving out 
10.1.7 Psihološke poteze mladih niso značilno povezane z odselitvijo
Here we have to briefly analyse the socio-psychological factors of youth moving away from home. 
Ob navedenem je treba na kratko analizirati še socialnopsihološke dejavnike odseljevanja mladih od doma.
In our analysis we first used the variable of the respondents' own estimate of the age at which they would move away from their parents and restricted our analysis solely to the oldest youth (25-29), as only a little over half (52 per cent) in this age group still live in a household with their parents, and therefore their responses are the most reliable with respect to the real time frame for moving out. 
Pri analizi smo najprej uporabili spremenljivko samoocenjene starosti pri odselitvi od staršev in se omejili zgolj na najstarejše mlade (stare 25-29 let) v naši raziskavi, saj jih v tej starosti le še dobra polovica (52 odstotkov) živi v gospodinjstvu staršev, zato so njihovi odgovori najzanesljivejši glede realnega časovnega okvira odselitve.
According to our data the correlations between the (expected) age of moving away from home and both measures of narcissism (grandiosity and exploitation) are far from statistically significant. 
Po naših podatkih korelacije med (pričakovano) starostjo ob odselitvi od doma in obema merama narcisizma (grandioznost in izkoriščevalnost) še zdaleč niso statistično značilne.
Youths who leave home (or intend to leave home) later are no more oriented towards enjoying “today regardless of tomorrow”, and fun and entertainment, enjoying food and drink, idleness, sex and love etc. are no more important to them. 
Mladi, ki pozneje odhajajo (ali nameravajo oditi) od doma, niso nič bolj usmerjeni v uživanje »danes, ne glede na jutri«, nič bolj jim niso pomembni zabava in razvedrilo, uživanje hrane in pijače, lenarjenje, spolnost in ljubezen in podobno.
Our data do not conﬁ rm the hypothesis that the increase in the average age at which youths leave home is associated with hedonism and young people's lack of willingness to accept responsibility. 
Naši podatki ne potrjujejo teze, da je naraščanje povprečne starosti, pri kateri mladi zapuščajo dom, povezano s hedonizmom in nepripravljenostjo mladih na sprejemanje odgovornosti.
Another telling finding here (which we discuss in greater detail in the chapter on employment and entrepreneurship) is that youth are increasingly open to geographical mobility and accepting temporary employment in order to increase their employment opportunities (which are an important springboard for moving away from one's parents). 
Pri tem je zgovorna tudi ugotovitev (ki jo podrobneje obravnavamo v poglavju o zaposlovanju in podjetništvu), da so mladi za povečanje zaposlitvenih možnosti (ki so pomembna odskočna deska za odselitev od staršev) vse bolj pripravljeni na geografsko mobilnost in na sprejemanje začasnih zaposlitev.
Based on this it would be difficult to support the thesis that the increase in the average age at which youths leave home is associated with psychological factors such as hedonism and young people's lack of willingness to accept responsibility. 
Na tej podlagi bi težko zagovarjali tezo, da je naraščanje povprečne starosti, pri kateri mladi zapuščajo dom, povezano s psihološkimi dejavniki, kot sta hedonizem in nepripravljenost mladih na sprejemanje odgovornosti.
10.2 Is leaving home late (necessarily) a problem? 
10.2 Ali je pozno odseljevanje od staršev (nujno) problem
Although we should not underestimate the importance of moving away from the parents to the development of independence and the related psychological development of youths, it nevertheless seems reasonable to evaluate the phenomenon of late moving away from home from other perspectives. 
Čeprav ne gre podcenjevati pomena odselitve od staršev za razvoj neodvisnosti in s tem povezan psihološki razvoj mladostnika, se zdi vendarle smiselno ovrednotiti pojav poznega odseljevanja od doma tudi z druge plati.
Extended staying under the same roof with the parents can e.g. be understood as economically rational behaviour which reduces living costs, and at a macro level also pressures on goods consumption. 
Daljše ostajanje pod isto streho s starši lahko na primer razumemo kot ekonomsko racionalno vedenje, ki zmanjšuje življenjske stroške, s tem pa na makro ravni tudi pritiske na porabo dobrin.
In this sense such behaviour could be understood as a move away from consumerism and considered a sustainable manner of social functioning, which we discuss in a separate chapter. 
V tem smislu bi tako vedenje lahko razumeli kot odmik od potrošniške usmerjenosti in ga umestili v trajnostni način družbenega delovanja, o katerem sicer govorimo v posebnem poglavju.
On the other hand one has at least to be aware that among Slovenian youth the creation of one's own household is a crucial condition for creating a family. 
Pri tem pa se je na drugi strani treba zavedati vsaj tega, da je ustvarjanje lastnega gospodinjstva med mladimi v Sloveniji ključni pogoj za ustvarjanje družine.
By 29 years of age, 50 percent of the young people managing their own households have at least one child, while this percentage of young people living with their parents is as low as 15 percent. 
V 29. letu starosti ima vsaj enega otroka 50 odstotkov mladih, ki živijo v samostojnem gospodinjstvu, takih med mladimi, ki živijo pri starših, pa je le dobrih 15 odstotkov.
The importance of moving away from home is shown to be a key factor (β = 0.331; p < 0.01) in the number of children even when its influence in a regression analysis is controlled by the effect of income (which in this combination is not significant) and employment (β = 0.108; p < 0.05). 
Pomen odselitve od staršev se pokaže kot ključni dejavnik (β = 0,331; p < 0,01) števila otrok tudi, če njegov vpliv v regresijski analizi kontroliramo z vplivom dohodka (ki v tej kombinaciji ni značilen) in zaposlenostjo (β = 0,108; p < 0,05).
If moving away from the parents and the creation of one's own family seem too demanding, there is a considerable likelihood that young people will not decide to do so: 
Če se odselitev od staršev in oblikovanje lastne družine zdita prezahtevna, je precejšnja verjetnost, da se mladi zanju ne bodo odločali:
“My mom had my brother at 19, and me at 25. 
»Moja mama je imela brata pri 19, mene pa pri 25.
To me this seems so far away… I want more out of life than a sour face at 65 and a thank you for a pension. 
Danes se mi to zdi daleč… iz svojega življenja bi rad kaj drugega, kot pa kisel ksiht pri 65 in hvala za penzijo.
It's sad you can't have kids unless you kill yourself working, and I don't want that.” 
Žalostno, da ne moreš imet otroke drugače, kot da se ubiješ, in jaz tega nočem.
“It would be nice to have children. 
»Fajn bi bilo imeti otroke.
I have a whole floor at my parents' house and that's it. 
Imam sicer svoje nadstropje pri starših in to je to… Nimam družine, in po
(Mateja, 29, employed in the parliament) 
(Mateja, 29 let, zaposlena v parlamentu)
If therefore the goal of youth policy is to support the increasing/maintenance of the birth rate (which seems expedient in view of the expected decrease in the number of youth), we urgently have to provide young people with better opportunities for creating independent households. 
Če je torej cilj mladinske politike podpora pri zviševanju/ohranjanju stopnje rodnosti (kar se zdi glede na pričakovano zmanjšanje števila mladih smotrno), je mladim nujno treba zagotoviti boljše možnosti za ustvarjanje samostojnega gospodinjstva.
This is particularly clear if we consider the data that only around 23 per cent of respondents (15-29) in the group of young people who have moved away from their parents and who live in real estate owned by their parents or rented have children, compared with 42 per cent of those who own their own real estate or whose partners own it. 
To je še posebej očitno, če upoštevamo podatke, da ima v skupini odseljenih od staršev otroke samo okoli 23 odstotkov vprašanih (15-29 let), ki živijo v nepremičnini, ki je v lasti njihovih staršev ali so jo najeli, in skoraj 42 odstotkov takih, ki imajo nepremičnino v svoji lasti ali je v lasti partnerja.
10.3 Tangent: why girls move out sooner 
10.3 Ekskurz: Zakaj se dekleta odseljujejo prej
According to our data, the percentage of young men who live full-time in their parents' or guardians' household is higher than the percentage of women regardless of age group. 
Delež mladih moških, ki v celoti živijo v gospodinjstvu staršev oziroma skrbnikov, je po naših podatkih višji od deleža žensk ne glede na opazovano starostno skupino.
While nearly 40 per cent of women 25-29 do not live with their parents, this is true of as few as 19 per cent of men in the same age group. 
Medtem ko pri starših ne živi skoraj 40 odstotkov žensk, starih med 25-29 let, je med enako starimi moških takih le dobrih 19 odstotkov.
Graph 111: Young people and place of residence (with parents/ guardians - independently) with respect to age and sex, Youth 2010 
Grafikon 111: Mladi in kraj bivanja (pri starših/skrbnikihsamostojno), po spolu, Mladina 2010
Yes, full-time Women 
Da, v celoti (cel čas) Ženske
Yes, full-time Men 
Da, v celoti (cel čas) Moški
I do not live with parents/guardians Women 
Ne živim pri starših / skrbnikih Ženske
I do not live with parents/guardians Men 
Ne živim pri starših / skrbnikih Moški
Mulder (2009) explains such differences with the hypothesis that moving away from home requires a certain level of maturity and that women move away sooner because they mature earlier than men. 
Mulderjeva (2009) take razlike pojasnjuje s tezo, da je za odhod od doma potrebna določena zrelost in da ženske odidejo od doma prej, ker dozorijo prej od moških.
Here it seems that the key question is whether women leave home sooner because of help from an (older) partner, or because they want to live alone as suggested by Mulder (2002). 
Pri tem se zdi ključno vprašanje, ali od doma dekleta odidejo prej zaradi pomoči (starejšega) partnerja ali zato, ker bi želele živeti same, kot to nakaže Mulderjeva (2002).
This seems unlikely, since among women who do not live at home (19-29),112 only 4.9 per cent live alone (men: 12.9 per cent). 
To se zdi malo verjetno, saj je med tistimi ženskami, ki ne živijo doma (skupina 19-29 let),117 le 4,9 odstotka takih, ki živijo same (moški: 12,9 odstotka).
Similar results are obtained if we consider only those in the same age group who are single. 
Podobno razmerje dobimo tudi, če v isti starostni skupini opazujemo vse tiste, ki so samski.
Young women who do not live with their parents are also much more 
Mlade ženske, ki ne živijo pri starših, tudi bistveno pogosteje preživljajo partnerji (14,9 odstotka/1,7 odstotka).
frequently supported by their partners (14.9 per cent/1.7 per cent). 
10.4 Mladi svoj bivanjski standard pretežno ocenjujejo kot zadovoljiv
Graph 112: Youth satisfaction with housing conditions by age group, Youth 2010 
Grafikon 112: Zadovoljstvo mladih s stanovanjskimi razmerami, po starostnih skupinah, Mladina 2010
15-18 years 19-24 years 25-29 years 
15-18 let 19-24 let 25-29 let
Poor 
Slabe
Somewhat acceptable 
Nekako sprejemljive
Good Very good 
Dobre Zelo dobre
This assessment by youth is slightly surprising, particularly if compared to the results of the European Quality of Life Survey (EQLS). 
Ta ocena mladih nekoliko preseneča, še posebej, če jo primerjamo z izsledki raziskave EQLS (Evropska raziskava kakovosti življenja).
Here we find that approximately a quarter of young people (15-29) in Slovenia live in unsuitable housing conditions (Mandič 2009: 82-83). 
Iz nje je namreč mogoče razbrati, da približno četrtina mladih (15-29 let) v Sloveniji živi v neprimernih stanovanjskih razmerah (Mandič, 2009: 82-83).
22.4 per cent of youth experience a feeling of a lack of space (15-18: 18.3 per cent, 19-24: 21.5 per cent, 25-29: 23.6 per cent), which is slightly higher than what was found in the EQLS (15-18: 15 per cent, 19-24: 16 per cent, 25-29: 21 per cent) (loc. cit.). 
Občutek pomanjkanja prostora ima namreč 22,4 odstotka mladih (1518 let: 18,3 odstotka, 19-24 let: 21,5 odstotka, 25-29 let: 23,6 odstotka), kar je nekoliko več, kot je bilo ugotovljeno v EQLS (15-18 let: 15 odstotkov, 19-24 let: 16 odstotkov, 25-29 let: 21 odstotkov) (prav tam).
Relative satisfaction can also be concluded from the interviews. 
Na relativno zadovoljstvo je mogoče sklepati tudi iz opravljenih intervjujev.
Young people don't complain about spatial shortage or general quality of life. 
Mladi se nikakor ne pritožujejo nad prostorsko stisko oziroma kakovostjo življenja.
Each of the respondents had a space which they described as their private space, and given the fact that the majority of youth live in their parents' house or flat, we can conclude that housing conditions are well provided for. 
Vsak od vprašanih je imel prostor, ki ga je opisal kot svoj zasebni prostor, in glede na to, da večina mladih živi v hiši oziroma stanovanju svojih staršev, je mogoče skleniti, da je za bivanjske razmere dobro poskrbljeno.
Regardless of age, young people in Slovenia assess their residential standard as acceptable, as only 1.6 per cent state that their living conditions are poor or very poor. 
Mladi v Sloveniji ne glede na starost svoj bivanjski standard ocenjujejo kot zadovoljiv, saj jih le 1,6 odstotka izraža mnenje, da so stanovanjske razmere, v katerih živijo, slabe oziroma zelo slabe.
10.5 Key ﬁ ndings 
10.5 Ključne ugotovitve
The key findings from this chapter, together with recommendations for the implementation of youth policy, may be condensed into the following points: 
Ključne ugotovitve tega poglavja lahko strnemo v teh točkah:
1. The percentage of youth between 25 and 29 who live in a shared household with their mother increased from 45.4 per cent to 66.8 per cent from 2000 to 2010. 
1. Delež mladih med 25. in 29. letom, ki živi v skupnem gospodinjstvu z materjo, se je v obdobju 2000-2010 povečal s 45,4 na 66,8 odstotka.
2. Material factors are a very important factor of the likelihood that youth will move away from their parents. 
2. Materialni dejavniki se kažejo kot zelo pomemben dejavnik verjetnosti, da se mladi odselijo od svojih staršev.
Over three fourths of youth (25-29) whose parents live in a house and are not employed live with their parents, and less than a third of those whose parents live in a flat, have regular employment and monthly incomes of at least 1000 euros. 
Pri starših živijo kar dobre tri četrtine mladih (25-29 let), katerih starši živijo v hišah, sami pa nimajo zaposlitve, in manj kot tretjina takih, katerih starši živijo v stanovanjih, sami pa imajo redno zaposlitev in mesečni dohodek vsaj 1.000 evrov.
4. In view of the available data, the increasing permissiveness of socialisation along with reduced structural opportunities for establishing independence could be an important factor of extending living with parents in Slovenia. 
4. Glede na razpoložljive podatke bi bila lahko naraščajoča permisivnost socializacije poleg zaostrovanja strukturnih pogojev osamosvajanja pomemben dejavnik podaljševanja bivanja pri starših v Sloveniji.
5. From the available data we can conclude that the progress of digital and communications technologies in the past decade have contributed to the increased appeal of deciding to live in a shared household with one's parents. 
5. Iz razpoložljivih podatkov je mogoče sklepati, da je napredovanje digitalnih in komunikacijskih tehnologij v zadnjem desetletju pripomoglo k večji privlačnosti odločitve za bivanje v skupnem gospodinjstvu s starši.
6. Despite the substantial extension of the period of inclusion in the education system, this inclusion does not correlate as an important factor in extending the period of living with the parents. 
6. Kljub izrazitemu podaljševanju vključenosti v izobraževalni sistem se ta vključenost ne kaže kot pomemben dejavnik podaljševanja bivanja pri starših.
7. Our data do not confirm the hypothesis that the increase in the average age at which youths leave home is associated with hedonism and young people's lack of willingness to accept responsibility. 
7. Naši podatki ne potrjujejo teze, da je naraščanje povprečne starosti, pri kateri mladi zapuščajo dom, povezano s hedonizmom in nepripravljenostjo mladih na sprejemanje odgovornosti.