natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
In recent decades, however, research has shown that in Western and post-transition democracies there have been radical changes to the patterns and forms of civic participation. 
Raziskave pa v zadnjih desetletjih kažejo, da v zahodnih in posttranzicijskih demokracijah prihaja do korenitih sprememb vzorcev in oblik državljanske participacije.
5.1 Political participation and young people 
5.1 Politična participacija in mladi
The social changes we have witnessed since the second half of the 20th century are viewed by some as a threat to the functioning of modern society. 
Družbene spremembe, ki ko smo jim bili priča od druge polovice 20. stoletja, po mnenju nekaterih pomenijo grožnjo za delovanje sodobne družbe.
All of this would supposedly cause a significant reduction in the interests of citizens in public and political matters. 
Vse našteto naj bi povzročilo bistveno zmanjšano zanimanje državljanov za javne in politične zadeve.
Some see the main force behind these described changes as being in the younger generation. 
Nekateri kot glavne nosilce opisanih sprememb vidijo predvsem v mlajših generacijah.
In other words they see them as the main “culprits” for the decline in civic participation. 
Z drugimi besedami, vidijo jih kot glavne »krivce« upada državljanske participacije.
Today's youth are often labelled egoistic and presumptuous, and as not showing any concern for society and other people. 
i. »ni nam mar« odnos do sveta (White, 1998: 9; povz. po Kimberlee, 2002: 87).
These purported characteristics supposedly contribute to the low participation of young people in public life, and especially to their low political participation. 
Današnja mladina je pogosto označena tudi kot egoistična in prevzetna ter ne izkazuje skrbi za družbo in druge ljudi.
The participation of young people is also important because political and civil society activity in adolescence heralds the individual's activity in adulthood. 
Udeležba mladih je pomembna tudi, ker politično in civilnodružbeno delovanje v adolescenci napoveduje posameznikovo delovanje v odraslosti.
In other words, the best indicator of future political participation is the individual's past political participation (Obradović and Masten, 2007; Plutzer, 2002). 
Z drugimi besedami, najboljši napovednik politične participacije je posameznikova pretekla politična participacija (Obradović in Masten, 2007; Plutzer, 2002).
So it is no surprise that the participation of youth in representative democracy and the civil society is identified as an area for action in the European Council Resolution on a renewed framework for European cooperation in the youth field 2010-2018 (Official Journal of the EU/C311, 2009: 7). 
Ne preseneča torej, da je udeležba mladih v reprezentativni demokraciji in civilni družbi označena kot področje ukrepanja v Resolucije sveta Evropske unije o prenovljenem okviru za evropsko sodelovanje na področju mladine 2010-2018 (Uradni list EU/C311, 2009: 7).
It is logical that for this reason young people do not use the conventional avenues of political participation, but get into new, direct, individualised forms of involvement. 
Logično je, da mladi zaradi tega ne uporabljajo konvencionalnih poti politične participacije, ampak posegajo po novih, neposrednih, individualiziranih oblikah udeležbe.
In studying the civic participation of Slovenian youth, it is also important to mention three key things. 
Pri preučevanju državljanske participacije slovenske mladine je pomembno omeniti tri ključne stvari.
Put another way, we know from research to date that Slovenians are less frequently politically active than the inhabitants of the majority of EU countries, and less than the inhabitants of the other post-Yugoslav societies (despite a relatively high level of socio-economic development). 
Povedano drugače, iz dosedanjih raziskav je znano, da se Slovenci manj pogosto politično udejstvujemo kot prebivalci večine držav EU in manj kot prebivalci preostalih postjugoslovanskih družb (kljub sorazmerno visoki stopnji socioekonomske razvitosti).
Given the findings presented, in this analysis of Slovenian youth we are interested in: 1) the longitudinal trends of young people's political participation; 2) the levels of participation of Slovenian youth compared to adults and 3) a comparison of Slovenian youth with EU youth. 
Glede na predstavljene izsledke nas v tej analizi slovenske mladine zanimajo: 1) longitudinalni trendi politične participacije mladih; 2) ravni participacije slovenske mladine v primerjavi z odraslimi in 3) primerjava slovenske mladine z mladino iz EU.
In analysing these three points, we will use indicators and databases that enable as much as possible a reliable longitudinal analysis. 
Za analizo omenjenih treh točk bomo uporabili kazalnike in zbirke podatkov, ki karseda čim bolj omogočajo zanesljivo longitudinalno analizo.
We conceptualise participation in this research as “actions that can be pursued individually or collectively and intrinsically affect the formation of the society in which we live: (Vromen, 2003: 82-83). 
Participacijo v tej raziskavi pojmujemo kot »dejanja, ki se lahko izvajajo individualno ali kolektivno in intrinzično zadevajo oblikovanje družbe, v kateri živimo« (Vromen 2003: 82-83).
Below we first present an analysis of conventional and protest political participation, while we deal with civil society participation in the sub-chapter Voluntary activities. 
V nadaljevanju najprej prikazujemo analizo konvencionalne in protestne politične participacije, civilnodružbeno participacijo pa obravnavamo v podpoglavju Prostovoljne dejavnosti.
5.1.1 Conventional political participation 
5.1.1 Konvencionalna politična participacija
Conventional political participation relates primarily to activities that are in direct relation to the formal institutions of government and conven 
Konvencionalna politična participacija se nanaša predvsem na dejavnosti, ki so v neposrednem odnosu do formalnih institucij vladanja in konvencionalnih političnih akterjev - političnih strank in politikov; gl.
The above definition assumes that political participation is voluntary (that it is therefore not compulsory), that it includes political activity in the narrower sense of the word (it does not usually include activities such as keeping up with politics in the media) and that these activities of citizens are aimed at politicians, public officials and/or institutions. 
Iz navedene opredelitve izhaja, da je politična participacija prostovoljna (da torej ni obvezna), da vključuje politična dejanja v ožjem pomenu besede (vanjo se praviloma ne uvrščajo dejavnosti, kot je npr. spremljanje politike v medijih) in da so ta dejanja državljanov usmerjena k politikom, javnim funkcionarjem in/ali institucijam.
Conventional political participation includes: participation in elections, participation in political gatherings, contacts with politicians, contributing money and/or doing work for a political party or candidate, persuading others about their selection of candidate/party and so forth. 
Med konvencionalno politično participacijo se med drugim prištevajo: udeležba na volitvah, udeležba na političnih shodih, stiki s politiki, prispevanje denarja in/ali opravljanje dela za politično stranko ali kandidata, prepričevanje drugih o izbiri kandidata/stranke ipd.
(see Henn et al., 2002: 187; Parry et al., 1992).34 
(glej Henn et al., 2002: 187; Parry et al., 1992).35
As we have already mentioned, participation in elections is one of the main forms of conventional political participation. 
Kot smo že omenili, je udeležba na volitvah ena osrednjih oblik konvencionalne politične participacije.
Since in different waves (years) the EVS surveys did not include identical indicators of electoral participation, we show just the comparative EVS data for 1999 and 2008. 
Ker v različnih valovih (letih) v raziskavo EVS niso bili vključeni enaki kazalniki volilne udeležbe, prikazujemo le primerjalne podatke EVS za leti 1999 in 2008.
34 Discussing politics with family or friends and keeping up with media with political content thus as a rule is not included in the concept of political participation, since these acts are not unequivocally aimed at political elites, nor do they exercise any direct influence on elites, and do not demand any response from them (see Verba et al., 1978: 336). 
35 Razpravljanje o politiki z družino ali prijatelji ter spremljanje medijev s politično vsebino se tako praviloma ne uvršča v koncept politične participacije, saj ta dejanja niso nedvoumno namenjena političnim elitam, na elite neposredno ne izvajajo pritiska, prav tako pa od njih ne terjajo odziva (glej Verba et al., 1978: 336).
Nevertheless, below we also analyse this indicator of young people's political activity. 
Kljub temu pa v nadaljevanju analiziramo tudi ta kazalnik političnega udejstvovanja mladih.
Graph 55: Proportion of young people that would not participate in parliamentary elections, Slovenia and EU-27, 1999 and 2008 
Grafikon 55: Delež mladih, ki se ne bi udeležili volitev parlament, Slovenija in EU-27 v letih 1999 in 2008
SOURCE: EVS 
VIR: EVS
EU27, young people (15-29 years) 
EU27, mladi (15-29let)
Slovenia, young people (15-29 years) 
Slovenija, mladi (15-29let)
Graph 56: Membership of political parties, Slovenia and EU-27, 1992, 1999 and 2008 
Grafikon 56: Članstvo v političnih strankah, Slovenija in EU-27 v letih 1992, 1999 in 2008
EU27, adults (30+ years) 
EU27, odrasli (30+let)
Slovenia, adults (30+ years) 
Slovenija, odrasli (30+let)
We also performed an analysis of longitudinal trends on a composed variable of conventional political participation based on research data in the European Social Survey (ESS). 
Prav tako smo izvedli analizo longitudinalnih trendov na sestavljeni spremenljivki konvencionalne politične participacije na podlagi podatkov raziskave European Social Survey (ESS).
In the graph below we show the average level of participation in 2002, 2004, 2006 and 2008. 
V grafikonu spodaj prikazujemo povprečne ravni participacije v letih 2002, 2004, 2006 in 2008.
The cumulative indicator of participation was composed from respondents' selfassessment of the frequency of carrying out four forms of conventional participation (contacts with politicians or public officials, performing work for political parties, performing work in another organisation, wore 
Kumulativni kazalnik participacije je bil sestavljen iz anketirančeve samoocene pogostosti izvajanja štirih oblik konvencionalne participacije (stiki s politiki oz. javnimi funkcionarji, opravljanje dela za politično stranko, opravljanje dela v drugi organizaciji, nosil ali javno kazal značko/nalepko v znak podpori kandidatu ali stranki) v preteklih 12 mesecih (0 = brez dejanj, 4 = 4 dejanja).
or publicly displayed a badge/sticker supporting a candidate or party) in the past 12 months (0 = no action, 4 = 4 actions). 
Grafikon 57: Kumulativna konvencionalna participacija, Slovenija in EU27 v letih 2002, 2004, 2006 in 2008
SOURCE: ESS 
VIR: ESS
The graph indicates: 1) low levels of conventional participation, since on average respondents in the past 12 months performed much less than one listed conventional political action (0.20 < M < 0.43); 2) a higher level of conventional participation is attained by adults; 3) a trend of stagnation in levels of conventional participation with certain minor variances in individual years; 4) of all four population groups, Slovenian youth also show the lowest level of participation in the composite measure of conventional political participation. 
Iz grafikona je mogoče razbrati: 1) nizke stopnje konvencionalne participacije, saj so v poprečju anketiranci v 12 mesecih izvedli bistveno manj kot eno navedeno konvencionalno politično dejanje (0,20 < M < 0,43); 2) višjo stopnjo konvencionalne participacije dosegajo odrasli; 3) trend stagnacije stopenj konvencionalne participacije z nekaterimi manjšimi odstopanji v posameznih letih; 4) slovenska mladina ima od vseh štirih skupin prebivalstva tudi na sestavljeni meri konvencionalne politične participacije najnižje stopnje participacije.
Compared to young people in EU-27, young people in Slovenia are on average less active in conventional political terms. 
Mladi v Sloveniji se v primerjavi z mladimi v EU-27 v povprečju manj konvencionalno politično udejstvujejo.
5.1.2 Political debate and following politics in the media 
5.1.2 Razpravljanje o politiki in spremljanje politike v medijih
Alongside analysing political actions, one of the most frequent forms of political activity is debating politics - in other words mutual communication, generally in the family and among friends and peers. 
Poleg analiziranih političnih dejanj je eden od najpogostejših oblik političnega udejstvovanja tudi razpravljanje o politiki - torej medsebojno komuniciranje, praviloma v družini ter med prijatelji in vrstniki.
Although this, as we have already mentioned, is in some definitions not necessarily “political participation”, since it does not involve directly “influencing the selection of politicians or influencing the adoption of government/public measures” (Schlozman, 2002: 433), it does nevertheless involve one of the indicators of political activity, which of course needs analysing in an investigation of youth. 
Čeprav to, kot smo že omenili, po nekaterih opredelitvah ni nujno »politična participacija«, saj ne gre za neposredno »vplivanje na izbiro politikov oz. vplivanje na sprejemanje vladnih/javnih ukrepov« (Schlozman, 2002: 433), gre pa vendarle za enega od kazalnikov političnega udejstvovanja, ki ga je treba pri preučevanju mladine vsekakor analizirati.
EVS data on the frequency of “talking about politics with friends” are shown in the graph below (1 = never, 2 = sometimes, 3 = frequently) and they match up fairly well with findings to date, since in this indicator of political activity, too, Slovenian youth once again occupy the lowest position. 
Podatki EVS o pogostosti »pogovarjanja o politiki s prijatelji« so prikazani v spodnjem grafikonu (1 = nikoli, 2 = včasih, 3 = pogosto) in se dokaj skladajo z dosedanjimi ugotovitvami, saj je tudi pri tem kazalniku političnega udejstvovanja ponovno najnižje mesto zaseda slovenska mladina.
In this light one more notable feature is the findings that compared to other Europeans, young and adult Slovenians discuss politics less, and for that reason European youth in this indicator almost attain the average for Slovenia's adult population. 
V tem smislu je edina večja posebnost ugotovitev, da se mladi in odrasli Slovenci v primerjavi s preostalimi Evropejci manj pogosto pogovarjajo o politiki in da zaradi tega evropska mladina pri tem kazalniku skorajda dosega povprečje slovenskega odraslega prebivalstva.
The difference between the two age groups in the Slovenian population is slightly greater than the difference between these age groups in EU-27. 
Razlika med obema starostnima skupinama slovenskega prebivalstva je nekoliko večja od razlike med obema starostnima skupinama EU-27.
SOURCE: EVS 
EVS 1992
Slovenia, adults (30+ years) 
EU27, odrasli (30+let)
EU27, young people (15-29 years) Slovenia, young people (15-29 years) 
Slovenija, odrasli (30+let) EU27, mladi (15-29let) Slovenija, mladi (15-29let)
In addition to debating politics, “keeping up with politics in the media” is also regarded as one of the most common forms of political activity. 
Poleg razpravljanja o politiki tudi »spremljanje politike v medijih« velja za eno najpogostejših oblik političnega udejstvovanja.
35 In EVS surveys this indicator was set in the 1999-2004 wave and in 2008 (1 = never, 2 = less frequently, 3 = once or twice a week, 4 = several times a week, 5 = every day). 
36 Ta kazalnik je bil v raziskavah EVS zastavljen v valu 1999-2004 in v letu 2008 (1 = nikoli, 2 = manj pogosto, 3 = enkrat ali dvakrat na teden, 4 = večkrat na teden, 5 = vsak dan).
The graph below shows that in both years there was just a small decline in keeping up with the media in EU-27 countries, but once again the lowest level of such activity was recorded by Slovenian youth, who follow politics in the media on average just once or twice a week. 
Grafikon spodaj kaže, da je v obeh letih prišlo le do manjšega upada spremljanja medijev v državah EU-27, ponovno pa najnižje stopnje tovrstnega udejstvovanja dosega slovenska mladina, ki politiko v medijih v povprečju spremlja le enkrat ali dvakrat tedensko.
Here the differences between the two Slovenian age groups are again greater than between the two age groups in EU-27 (it is noteworthy that the difference between the Slovenian population and the EU-27 population is small). 
Razlike med obema slovenskima starostnima skupinama so tokrat ponovno večje kot med obema starostnima skupinama EU-27 (zanimivo je, da je razlika med slovenskim prebivalstvom in prebivalstvom EU-27 majhna).
Graph 59: Following politics in the media, Slovenia and EU-27, 1999 and 2008 
Grafikon 59: Spremljanje politike v medijih, Slovenija in EU-27 v letih 1999 in 2008
This means of course that Slovenia has a problem of low conventional political participation, especially among young people, but on the other hand the differences between the four groups in some cases are not big, and the longitudinal trends do not show any pronounced changes towards an additional (and continued) decline in conventional political participation. 
To seveda pomeni, da v Sloveniji obstaja problem nizke stopnje konvencionalne politične participacije, še posebej med mladimi, vendar po drugi strani razlike med štirimi skupinami v nekaterih primerih niso velike, prav tako pa longitudinalni trendi ne kažejo na izrazite spremembe v smeri dodatnega (in nadaljnjega) upadanja konvencionalne politične participacije.
Nevertheless, of course, we may ask whether such levels of participation are “sufficiently high” for the “effective” functioning of democracy (see Welzel et al., 2003). 
Seveda pa se kljub temu lahko vprašamo, ali so tovrstne stopnje participacije »dovolj visoke« za »učinkovito« delovanje demokracije (gl.
5.1.3 Political views 
5.1.3 Politična stališča
Here we analyse the political culture (in other words political orientations, values and people's views regarding politics). 
V nadaljevanju analiziramo tudi politično kulturo (torej politične usmeritve, vrednote in stališča ljudi do politike).
36 This trend is similar in other post-transition countries, and is not surprising. 
Drugič, v širšem smislu je politično udejstvovanje posredno mogoče meriti s političnimi usmeritvami.
Secondly, in the broader sense, political activity can be indirectly measured through political orientations. 
In tretjič, pretekle raziskave kažejo ne le na spremembe politične participacije, ampak tudi
5.1.3.1 Interest in politics 
5.1.3.1 Zanimanje za politiko
One particular indicator of political activity is the interest of respondents in politics. 
Eden od kazalnikov političnega udejstvovanja je zlasti zanimanje anketirancev za politiko.
The graph below shows the findings of a longitudinal analysis of interest in politics (on a scale of 1 (politics does not interest me at all) to 4 (politics interests me a lot)) in five waves of EVS/SJM and in Youth 2010 data. 
Spodnji grafikon prikazuje izsledke longitudinalne analize zanimanja za politiko (na lestvici od 1 (politika me sploh ne zanima) do 4 (politika me zelo zanima)) petih valov EVS/SJM in podatkov Mladine 2010.
Graph 60: Interest of young people in politics, Slovenia and EU-27, 1992, 1995, 1999, 2005, 2008 and 2010 
Grafikon 60: Zanimanje mladih za politiko, Slovenija in EU-27 v letih 1992, 1995, 1999, 2005, 2008 in 2010
EU27, adults (30+ years) Slovenia, adults (30+ years) 
EU27, odrasli (30+let) Slovenija, odrasli (30+let)
SOURCES: EVS and Youth 2010 
VIRA: EVS in Mladina 2010
The findings therefore show once again that young people in Slovenia and EU-27 are generally not interested in politics, but the trend of declining interest among Slovenian youth has stabilised in recent years, in effect stagnating, as did interest among the adult population after 1995. 
Izsledki torej ponovno kažejo, da mlade v Sloveniji in EU-27 politika pretežno ne zanima, vendar pa se je trend upada zanimanja pri slovenski mladini v zadnjih letih ustalil oz. je prišlo do stagnacije, podobno kot od 1995 naprej pri odraslem prebivalstvu.
Interest in politics among adults is a little higher, but still closest to the response “I'm not interested in politics”. 
Zanimanje za politiko je pri njem sicer nekoliko višje, vendar prav tako najbližje odgovoru »politika me ne zanima«.
In addition to interest in politics, using EVS (2008) data we also analysed how important politics was in the lives of young people in EU-27 (1 = not at all important, 2 = not very important, 3 = fairly important, 4 = very important). 
Poleg zanimanja za politiko smo na podatkih EVS (2008) analizirali še, koliko je mladim v EU-27 politika pomembna v njihovem življenju (1 = sploh ni pomembna, 2 = ne preveč pomembna, 3 = precej pomembna, 4 = zelo pomembna).
We dichotomised the variable by adding up the values 1 and 2 (politics is not important) and 3 and 4 (politics is important). 
Spremenljivko smo dihotomizirali, tako da smo sešteli vrednosti 1 in 2 (politika ni pomembna) ter 3 in 4 (politika je pomembna).
The findings showed that out of all EU-27 countries, young people in Slovenia assess politics as having the least importance (just 8.4 percent of young people consider it to be important), while the EU-27 average is 31 percent. 
Izsledki so pokazali, da od vseh držav EU-27 mladi v Sloveniji politiko ocenjujejo kot najmanj pomembno (le 8,4 odstotka mladih jo šteje za pomembno), povprečje v državah EU-27 pa je 31 odstotkov.
Compared to their European peers, since 1995 Slovenian youth have shown on average noticeably less interest in politics, and out of all the EU-27 countries, young people in Slovenia ascribe the lowest importance in their lives to politics. 
Slovenska mladina se v primerjavi z evropskim vrstniki od leta 1995 v povprečju občutno manj zanima za politiko, prav tako pa od vseh držav EU-27 mladi v Sloveniji politiki pripisujejo najnižji pomen v svojem življenju.
5.1.3.2 Perception of political effectiveness 
5.1.3.2 Zaznavanje politične učinkovitosti
Now let us look at the longitudinal trends of certain political views. 
Zdaj si poglejmo longitudinalne trende nekaterih političnih stališč.
Firstly in the Youth 2000 and Youth 2010 surveys we compare the perception of young people regarding political effectiveness. 
Najprej v raziskavah Mladina 2000 in Mladina 2010 primerjamo zaznavanje mladih glede politične učinkovitosti.
The graph below shows the percentage of young people who, on a scale from 1 (does not apply at all) to 5 (applies completely), selected the values 4 and 5 (applies or applies completely) in four indicators of political effectiveness that were asked in both surveys. 
Grafikon spodaj kaže odstotek mladih, ki je na lestvici od 1 (sploh ne ustreza) do 5 (popolnoma ustreza) izbral vrednosti 4 in 5 (ustreza ali popolnoma ustreza) pri štirih kazalnikih politične učinkovitosti, ki so bili zastavljeni v obeh raziskavah.
Graph 61: External and internal political effectiveness of young people, Youth 2010 and Youth 2000 
Grafikon 61: Zunanja in notranja politična učinkovitost mladih, Mladina 2010 in Mladina 2000
Politicians are generally interested only in ge ing elected, and not in what voters really want 
Politiki so tako ali tako zainteresirani le za to, da so izvoljeni, in ne za to, kaj volivci resnično želijo
People like me don't have any inﬂ uence anyway on what the authorities do 
Ludje, kot sem jaz, itak nimajo nobenega vpliva na to, kaj počne oblast
I don't believe politicians spend a lot of time on what people like me think 
Ne verjamem, da se politiki veliko ukvarjajo s tem, kaj menijo ljudje, kot sem jaz
I have a good grasp of politics 
Precej se razumem na politiko
A comparison of findings from 2000 and 2010 shows that on average there has been roughly a 9 percent increase in the proportion of those who feel that the elites do not respond to the wishes and are not working 
Primerjava izsledkov iz let 2000 in 2010 kaže, da se je v povprečju za približno 9 odstotkov povečal delež tistih, ki menijo, da se elite ne odzivajo na želje in ne delujejo v korist državljanov.