natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
NOTE: * Average disposable income in 2000 was converted at the official exchange rate into euros and then revalued, with the starting and ending date taken as 15 June (2000/2010). 
OPOMBA: * Povprečni razpoložljivi dohodek iz leta 2000 je bil po uradnem tečaju preračunan v evre in nato revaloriziran, pri čemer je bil kot začetni in končni datum vzet 15. 6.
106 The data also show that the amounts presented are also noticeably lower than those given by Eurostat. 
107 Iz podatkov je tudi razvidno, da so prikazani zneski opazno nižji od tistih, ki jih navaja Eurostat.
Indeed our research indicates that the average disposable annual income of young people (16-24 years) hovers around 4,052 euros (as can be seen in Graph 98, the equivalent annual disposable income in 2009 for the same age group in Slovenia amounted to 12,727.50 euros, in other words around three times more). 
Iz naše raziskave namreč izhaja, da se povprečni razpoložljivi letni dohodek mladih (16-24 let) giblje okoli 4.052 evrov (kot je razvidno iz grafikona 98, je ekvivalent letnega razpoložljivega dohodka v leta 2009 za isto starostno skupino v Sloveniji leta 2009 znašal 12.727,5 evra, torej pribl. trikrat več).
Although this is a different method of calculation (“equivalisation”), it still seems that the Eurostat data in no way show the real situation. 
Čeprav gre za drugačen način izračunavanja (»ekvivalizacija«), se vendarle zdi, da Eurostatovi podatki nikakor ne kažejo realnega stanja.
This amount is indeed higher than the amount obtained by multiplying average net pay, which according to SORS data amounted to 963.80 euros in September 2010. 
Znesek je namreč višji od zneska, ki ga dobimo, če pomnožimo povprečno neto plačo, ki je po podatkih SURS-a v septembru 2010 znašala 963,8 evra.
Analysis of the estimated total monthly disposable income of young people reveals that the average disposable income of young people in 2010 relative to 2000 has not changed in real terms, and is around 500 euros. 
Analiza ocene skupnega mesečnega razpoložljivega dohodka mladih razkrije, da se povprečni razpoložljivi dohodek mladih v letu 2010 glede na leto 2000 realno ni spremenil in da je okoli 500 evrov.
More detailed analysis reveals that this is a consequence of the reduction in the number of young people with steady employment (who indeed were earning more in real terms in 2010 than they were in 2000) and an increase in the proportion of contract workers (who were earning less in real terms in 2010 compared to 2000). 
Podrobnejša analiza razkrije, da je to posledica tega, da se je med mladimi zmanjšal delež redno zaposlenih (ti so v letu 2010 glede na leto 2000 sicer prejemali realno višje dohodke) in povečal delež honorarno zaposlenih (tiso v letu 2010 glede na leto 2000 prejemali realno nižje dohodke).
9.3 Main source of youth income is pocket money, gifts and earnings from occasional or contract work 
9.3 Glavni vir dohodkov mladih so žepnine, darila in dohodki iz občasnih ali honorarnih del
The reduction in earnings from contract work can without doubt be linked to the increased scope of student work, which also includes increasingly poorly paid work, for which growing numbers of eligible people are competing (expansion of tertiary education). 
Zmanjšanje dohodka iz honorarnega dela je prav gotovo mogoče povezati s povečanjem obsega študentskega dela, ki vključuje tudi vse več slabše plačanih del, za katera se poteguje vse več upravičencev (ekspanzija terciarnega izobraževanja).
The fact that there is increasing contract work can be deduced from the breakdown of source of income for young people (graph below). 
Da je honorarnega dela vse več, je mogoče razbrati tudi iz strukture vira dohodkov mladih (grafikon spodaj).
Graph 100: Sources of income of young people (15-29 years), Youth 2000 and Youth 2010 
Grafikon 100: Viri dohodkov mladih (15-29 let), Mladina 2000 in Mladina 2010
NOTE: The graph shows the proportions of those that have indicated that a category is the source of their income. 
OPOMBA: Grafikon prikazuje deleže tistih, ki so označili, da je kategorija vir njihovega dohodka.
The total amount is greater than 100 percent since young people have various sources of income. 
Skupna vsota je tako večja od 100 odstotkov, saj imajo mladi različne vire dohodkov.
In line with the previously presented data, which indicate the greater (frequently just apparent) involvement of young people in education, the extension of studies and the growth of unemployment (among young graduates), it is no surprise that in 2010 the proportion of those that are funding themselves (in part) through occasional or contract work (which includes student service work), is noticeably higher than in 2000. 
Skladno s predhodno prikazanimi podatki, ki kažejo na večjo (pogostokrat navidezno) vključenost mladih v izobraževanje, podaljševanje študija, porast brezposelnosti (med mladimi diplomanti), ne preseneča, da je v letu 2010 delež tistih, ki se financirajo (tudi) iz občasnega ali honorarnega dela (kamor spada tudi študentsko delo), opazno višji kot leta 2000.
Regular pay 
Dohodki iz obč. ali honorar. dela
Scholarship 
Socialni prejemki
Income from occas. or contr. work 
Starši
Social beneﬁ ts 
Žepnine, darila
Parents 
Partner
Pocket money, gifts 
Drugo
Partner 
Redna plača
Other 
Štipendija
There has thus been a reduction in the proportion of those receiving regular wages or social beneﬁ ts, and an increase in the proportion of those receiving scholarships, and in particular an increase in the proportion of those receiving income from occasional or contract, i.e. student service, work. 
Tudi iz kvalitativnega dela raziskave je mogoče sklepati, da je osebni proračun mladih po večini kombiniran in z vidika pogostosti vključuje tri stebre: stalne dohodke, delno stalne dohodke in spremenljive dohodke.
The qualitative part of the survey also points to the conclusion that the personal budget of young people is largely combined, and in terms of frequency involves three pillars: permanent income, partly permanent income and variable income. 
Mladi kot stalne dohodke razumejo štipendije oziroma druge dohodke (na primer žepnino), ki jih dobivajo ter so razmeroma stalni in stabilni.
They themselves estimate that this amount covers around 30 to 40 percent of their entire personal monthly budget. 
Največji del osebnega mesečnega proračuna zajemajo delno stalni dohodki, ki zlasti temeljijo na študentskem oziroma dijaškem delu.
The greatest part of their personal monthly budget is covered by partly permanent income, which is based especially on officially arranged student and pupil work. 
Večina vprašanih mladih dela prek študentskega servisa, nekateri pa poleg tega opravljajo še kakšna dela za takojšnje plačilo na roko, torej na črno.
The majority of young people questioned work via the student service, while some additionally do the odd cash-in-hand job, in other words unregulated. 
Mladi menijo, da ta vir dohodka prinaša od 40 do 50 odstotkov njihovega osebnega mesečnega proračuna, ta denar pa porabijo predvsem za osebne potrebe.
Young people believe that this source of income covers 40 to 50 percent of their personal monthly budget, and this money is used primarily for personal needs. 
Kot spremenljive dohodke mladi iz naših intervjujev razumejo dohodke, ki so najmanj redni in na katere se, čeprav so izjemno dobrodošli, ni mogoče zanašati.
The young people in our interviews regard income that is least steady and on which, although extremely welcome, they cannot rely, as variable income. 
Po večini so to različne donacije in darila sorodnikov in prijateljev, anketiranci pa jih največkrat porabijo za hedonistične namene.
For the most part this comprises various donations and gifts from relatives and friends, and respondents use them mainly for hedonistic purposes. 
Tuje treba omeniti, da je večina vprašanih svoj gmotni položaj ocenila kot razmeroma dober.
It should be pointed out here that the majority of respondents assessed their material situation as relatively good. 
»Načeloma pa še nisem bil v finančni stiski, se je nekako nabralo za luksuz…«
(Nejc, 26, reluctant employee) 
Imam veliko lastnega dohodka.
“Fairly okay… I don't feel any shortages, although I can't buy much. 
»Dokaj soliden… ne čutim pomanjkanja, čeprav si ne morem kupiti veliko stvari.
I usually have enough left for smokes and coffees, I give Mum some money for expenses…” 
Ponavadi mi ostane za čike in kafeje, nekaj dam mami za stroške…«
I live and eat with my parents, for luxuries I make my own money... 
(Jona, 25 let, redni obiskovalec mladinskega zbirališča Pekarna)
I make money with odd jobs…” 
»Ne ravno najboljši, si pa lahko privoščim skoraj vse.
(Helena, 18, excellent grammar school student) 
(Helena,18 let, uspešna gimnazijka)
“I'm happy with it… I don't have to count every cent I spend. 
»Zadovoljen se z njim… temelji na tem, da ne rabim skrbet za vsak cent, ki ga zapravim.
As an economist I'm very thrifty by default.” 
Po defoltu sem kot ekonomist izjemno varčen.
This is also apparent in the analysis of survey data (graph below). 
To se kaže tudi v analizi anketnih podatkov (grafikon spodaj).
Graph 101: Assessment of material situation of family, Youth 2000 and Youth 2010 
Grafikon 101: Ocena gmotnega položaja družine, Mladina 2000, Mladina 2010
Well above average 
Visoko nadpovprečen
Above average Average Below average Well below average 
Nadpovprečen Povprečen Podpovprečen Visoko podpovprečen
Although the great majority of young people perceive the material situation of their family as average, the average assessment from 2000 (M = 3.0; SD = 0.47; range: 1 = well below average, 3 = average, 5 = well above average) shifted in 2010 to a slightly lower level (M = 2.9; SD = 0.51), as can be seen in the graph. 
Čeprav velika večina mladih gmotni položaj družine zaznava kot povprečen, se je povprečna ocena iz leta 2000 (M = 3,0; SD = 0,47; razpon: 1 = visoko podpovprečen, 3 = povprečen, 5 = visoko nadpovprečen) v letu 2010 premaknila na nekoliko nižjo raven (M = 2,9; SD = 0,51), kar je razvidno tudi iz grafikona.
9.4 Young males still earning more than young females 
9.4 Mladi moški še vedno zaslužijo več kot mlade ženske
A comparison of income by gender showed that in all types of employment status, young men earn more than young women, but the difference is only statistically significant (p<0.05) where it involves steady fixedterm employment and self-employment (graph below). 
Primerjava dohodkov glede na spol je pokazala, da v vseh zaposlitvenih statusih mladi moški zaslužijo več od mladih žensk, da pa je razlika statistično značilna (p<0,05) le, kadar gre za redno zaposlene za določen čas in samozaposlene (grafikon spodaj).
Graph 102: Differences in income by gender, by speciﬁ c employment status, Youth 2000, Youth 2010 
Grafikon 102: Razlike med dohodki glede na spol, po posameznih zaposlitvenih statusih, Mladina 2000, Mladina 2010
Females = 100 
Ženske = 100
Longitudinal analysis reveals that in the past ten years the differences between the incomes of young males and young females have been reduced in three, and increased in two types of employment status. 
Longitudinalna analiza razkriva, da so se v zadnjih desetih letih razlike med dohodki mladih moških in mladih žensk zmanjšale v treh, povečale pa v dveh zaposlitvenih statusih.
While young men with steady fixed-term employment in 2000 were paid on average 8 percent more, in 2010 this difference had grown to more than 14 percent. 
Medtem ko so redno zaposleni mladi moški za določen čas leta 2000 v povprečju prejemali za dobrih 8 odstotkov višje dohodke, je ta razlika v leta 2010 narasla na dobrih 14 odstotkov.
There was a slightly bigger growth in the group of those that are without steady work. 
Do nekoliko večjega porasta je prišlo v skupini tistih, ki so brez rednega dela.
Where incomes in this group were practically the same in 2000, in 2010 the average earnings of young males were 8 percent higher than their female counterparts. 
Če so bili leta 2000 dohodki v tej skupini praktično enaki, pa je bil leta 2010 povprečni dohodek mladih moških za 8 odstotkov višji od dohodka mladih žensk.
Young men earn more than young women, irrespective of employment status. 
Mladi moški zaslužijo več kot mlade ženske, in to ne glede na zaposlitveni status.
The biggest differences are in the incomes of self-employed persons, and the smallest among those with steady permanent employment. 
Največje razlike so pri dohodkih samozaposlenih, najmanjše pa pri redno zaposlenih za nedoločen čas.
9.5 Key ﬁ ndings 
9.5 Ključne ugotovitve
1. The level of poverty risk among young people in Slovenia is distinctly lower than the level of risk encountered by young people elsewhere in Europe. 
1. Stopnja tveganja revščina med mladimi v Sloveniji je opazno nižja od stopnje tveganja, s katero se srečujejo mladi v Evropi.
Part of this difference may be explained by the late departure of Slovenian youth from their parental homes. 
Del teh razlik je mogoče pojasniti s pomočjo poznega odhoda slovenskih mladih od doma.
2. Although official Eurostat data show that the disposable income of young Slovenians is noticeably less than the EU-25 average, these same data indicate that the disposable income of young people (16-24 years) is growing in real terms, and taking into account price differences, the purchasing power of young people in Slovenia is even approaching that of young people in economically more advanced EU countries (Italy, Germany and Austria). 
2. Čeprav uradni podatki Eurostata kažejo, da je razpoložljivi dohodek mladih v Sloveniji opazno nižji od povprečja EU-25, pa ti podatki tudi nakazujejo, da razpoložljivi dohodek mladih (16-24 let) realno raste, ob upoštevanju razlik v cenah pa se kupna moč mladih v Sloveniji celo približuje kupni moči mladih iz gospodarsko razvitejših držav EU (Italija, Nemčija, Avstrija).
3. Analysis of the estimated total monthly disposable income of young people reveals that the average disposable income of young people in 2010 relative to 2000 has not changed in real terms, and is around 500 euros. 
3. Analiza ocene skupnega mesečnega razpoložljivega dohodka mladih razkrije, da se povprečni razpoložljivi dohodek mladih v letu 2010 glede na leto 2000 realno ni spremenil in da se giblje okoli 500evrov.
4. Longitudinal analysis reveals that there has been a change in the structure of young people's sources of income. 
4. Longitudinalna analiza razkrije, da je prišlo do spremembe v strukturi virov dohodkov mladih.
5. From conversations with young people we may deduce that young people are relatively satisfied with their material situation. 
5. Iz razgovorov z mladimi je mogoče razbrati, da so mladi s svojim gmotnim položajem razmeroma zadovoljni.
6. Young men earn more than young women, irrespective of employment status. 
6. Mladi moški zaslužijo več kot mlade ženske, in to ne glede na zaposlitveni status.
The biggest differences are in the incomes of selfemployed persons, and the smallest among those with steady permanent employment. 
Največje razlike so pri dohodkih samozaposlenih, najmanjše pa pri redno zaposlenih za nedoločen čas.
Longitudinal analysis reveals that in the past ten years, the differences between the incomes of young men and young women have diminished in three types of employment status (permanent, self-employed, contract work), but have increased in two types (fixed-term, without steady job). 
Longitudinalna analiza sicer razkriva, da so se v zadnjih desetih letih razlike med dohodki mladih moških in mladih žensk zmanjšale v treh zaposlitvenih statusih (nedoločen čas, samozaposleni, honorarno zaposleni), povečale pa v dveh zaposlitvenih statusih (določen čas, brez rednega dela).
9.6 Sources used 
9.6 Uporabljeni viri
Available at: http://ec.europa.eu/public_opinion/ archives/ebs/ebs_321_en.pdf,1. 12. 2010. 
Dostopno na: http://ec.europa.eu/public_opinion/ archives/ebs/ebs_321_en.pdf,1. 12. 2010.
Ministry of Education and Sports, Office of the Republic of Slovenia for Youth: Social Protection Institute of the Republic of Slovenia. 
Ljubljana: Ministrstvo za šolstvo in šport, Urad Republike Slovenije za mladino: Inštitut Republike Slovenije za socialno varstvo.
Nagode, M., Smolej, S., and Boljka, U. (2009). 
Nagode, M., Smolej, S., in Boljka, U. (2009).
SURS, SI-STAT database; http://www.stat.si/pxweb/Database/Dem_soc/ Dem_soc.asp/, 1. 9. 2010. 
SURS, podatkovna zbirkaSI-STAT; http://www.stat.si/pxweb/Database/ Dem_soc/Dem_soc.asp/, 1. 9. 2010.
“I see no hope for the future of our people if they are dependent on the frivolous youth of today, for certainly all youth are reckless beyond words. 
»Nobenega upanja nimamo več v prihodnost našega ljudstva, če bo to odvisno od današnje lahkomiselne mladine; zakaj ta mladina je brez dvoma neznosna, brezobzirna in premodra za svoja leta.
When I was a boy, we were taught to be discreet and respectful of elders, but the present youth are exceedingly wise and impatient of restraint.'' 
Ko sem bil jaz še mlad, so me učili lepega vedenja in spoštovanja do staršev, današnja mladina pa hoče vse bolje vedeti, kakor vemo odrasli, in hoče zmerom imeti prvo besedo«
(Hesiod, Greek poet, around 700 BCE). 
(Heziod, grški pesnik, okrog 700 pred našim štetjem).
The Youth 2010 study is the first comprehensive research on Slovenian youth in a decade. 
Raziskava Mladina 2010 je po desetletju prva celovita raziskava o slovenski mladini.
Given the speed of change in society and in the status of young people, this is a very long time. 
Glede na hitrost spreminjanja družbe in položaja mladih je to zelo dolgo obdobje.
At a time of relentless demographic trends, where indications are that between 2010 and 2020 the number of young people in Slovenia (15-29 years) will fall by over 20 percent, that in 2020 there will be almost a third fewer young people in Slovenia than in 1990, and that the proportion of youth in the overall population will decline in that period from 23 to 15 percent, the phrase “every young person counts” is taking on increasingly serious significance. 
V času, ko so demografska gibanja neusmiljena in kažejo, da se bo v obdobju 2010-2020 število mladih v Sloveniji (15-29 let) zmanjšalo za dobrih 20 odstotkov, da bo leta 2020 mladih v Sloveniji skoraj za tretjino manj kot leta 1990, delež v celotnem prebivalstvu pa se bo v tem obdobju znižal s 23 na 15 odstotkov, dobiva fraza »vsak mlad šteje« vse realnejši pomen.
Thoughts of comprehensive research covering Slovenian youth had indeed been entertained for some time, since it was clear that such research was needed by decision-makers, researchers and young people themselves. 
Zamisli o celoviti raziskavi, ki bi zajela slovensko mladino, so bile sicer prisotne že nekaj časa, saj je bilo jasno, da tako raziskavo potrebujejo odločevalci, raziskovalci in tudi mladi.
And some time ago when the Office of the Republic of Slovenia for Youth set out a new concept of analysis and research, and also provided the relevant funds, we placed at the forefront the Youth 2010 study. 
Ko smo pred časom v Uradu RS za mladino zasnovali nov koncept analiz in raziskav ter za to zagotovili tudi ustrezna sredstva, smo v središče postavili prav raziskavo Mladina
The research clearly illustrates which sectoral policies are involved. 
Raziskava nazorno nakazuje, za katere sektorske politike gre.
The National Assembly adopted the act unanimously, lending special legitimacy to the principles behind its adoption. 
Državni zbor je zakon sprejel soglasno, kar daje izhodiščem za njegovo sprejetje še posebno legitimnost.
The research has also therefore been set out and conducted in such a way as to respond to the key challenges and issues encountered by young people in Slovenia. 
Raziskava je tudi zato zasnovana in izpeljana tako, da odgovarja tudi na ključne izzive in vprašanja, s katerimi se srečujejo mladi v Sloveniji.
Its findings are therefore especially significant, since they will help the national programme identify appropriate strategic targets that will also be based in science. 
Njeni izsledki so zato še posebej pomembni, saj bodo pomagali, da bo nacionalni program določil ustrezne strateške cilje, ki bodo tudi znanstveno utemeljeni.
With a lack of all kinds of resources, it is indeed all the more important for key sets of issues in the national programme to be defined with a proper basis, and not in line with all the lumped-together judgements about the needs and problems of young people. 
Ob pomanjkanju vseh vrst virov je namreč še toliko pomembnejše, da ključne problemske sklope v nacionalnem programu opredelimo utemeljeno, ne pa skladno s pavšalnimi sodbami o potrebah in problemih mladih.
The fact is, certain data indicate that the situation in specific areas can be viewed differently. 
Nekateri podatki namreč kažejo, da je stanje na posameznih področjih mogoče videti različno.
A comparative look shows, for instance, that at first glance Slovenia is faring well in terms of youth employment, but this fact is rendered relative by the point that the number of unemployed graduates increased by 240 percent from 2000 to 2009, that there has been a sharp rise in Saturday, Sunday and night work performed by young people, that the share of young people aged 25 to 29 years with steady, permanent jobs has fallen from 52.4 percent in 2000 to 32.8 percent in 2010 and so on. 
Primerjalno gledano je na primer Slovenija na prvi pogled v ugodnem položaju glede zaposlovanja mladih, vendar pa to dejstvo relativizira podatek, da se je število brezposelnih diplomantov v obdobju 20002009 povečalo za 240 odstotkov, da močno narašča sobotno, nedeljsko in nočno delo mladih ter da je delež redno zaposlenih za nedoločen čas med mladimi 25-29 let od leta 2000 do leta 2010 upadel z 52,4 na 32,8 odstotka in podobno.
What about young people? 
Kaj pa mladi?
The research shows that they have a solid set of values, that they are optimistic and that they want to assume responsibility for their own fate, and that they want independence and to be part of society. 
Raziskava kaže, da imajo trden vrednotni okvir, da so optimisti in da želijo prevzemati odgovornost za svojo usodo, da se želijo osamosvajati in vključiti v družbo.
They also do this if the circumstances in society are right. 
To tudi počno, če so družbene razmere prave.
This is good information. 
To je dober podatek.
But this is not the case. 
Pa temu ni tako.
For this reason their arm's-length relationship with society must give us all the more cause for concern, since it points to serious signs of a rupture between youth and the general social fabric. 
Zaradi tega nas mora omenjena družbena anemičnost toliko bolj skrbeti, saj kaže resne znake razkroja med mladimi in splošnim družbenim tkivom.
So why is this the case? 
Zakaj pa je temu tako?
Here, too, the research offers an answer. 
Tudi tu raziskava ponuja odgovor.
Young people are increasingly sensing a gulf between them and society. 
Mladi vse bolj čutijo prepad do družbe.
They believe that in their most sensitive period they are being left high and dry. 
Menijo, da jih v najobčutljivejšem času pušča na cedilu.
Yet the answers as to how to pass through this situation should not be sought amongst young people. 
Toda odgovorov, kako to stanje presekati, ne gre iskati pri njih samih.
Undoubtedly the first step forward needs to be taken by the ‘big brother'. 
Gotovo mora prvi korak naprej narediti »veliki brat«.
Special thanks and congratulations are due to the selected research provider - to the head researcher Dr. Miran Lavrič and colleagues at the Faculty of Arts at the University of Maribor. 
Posebna zahvala in čestitke veljajo izbranemu izvajalcu raziskave - vodji dr. Miranu Lavriču in sodelavcem s Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Mariboru.
Their cooperation, approach and quality can be assessed as more than outstanding. 
Sodelovanje, pristop in kakovost lahko ocenimo za več kot odlično.
The research is very well presented and is supported with quantitative and qualitative data and statistics. 
Raziskava je odlično opremljena in podprta s kvantitativnimi in kvalitativnimi podatki ter statistiko.