natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
So Slovenian young people are slightly more worried about the ageing population, something also confirmed by the fact that as much as 67.1 percent of young people in Slovenia assess relations between young and old people as relatively tense, while this share was (just) 54.7 percent in Germany. 
Slovenska mladina je torej zaradi staranja prebivalstva nekoliko bolj zaskrbljena, kar potrjuje tudi podatek, da kar 67,1 odstotka mladih v Sloveniji ocenjuje odnose med mladimi in starejšimi kot bolj napete, medtem ko je ta delež v Nemčiji (le) 54,7 odstotka.
As regards the future of these relations, young people in Slovenia are a little less pessimistic than their German peers, with (just) 22.9 percent taking the view that relations between young and old people will get even worse in the future, while the share among German respondents was as high as 41.8 percent. 
Glede prihodnosti teh odnosov so sicer mladi v Sloveniji nekoliko manj pesimistični od nemških vrstnikov, saj jih (le) 22,9 odstotka meni, da se bodo odnosi med mladimi in starejšimi v prihodnje še poslabšali, medtem ko je ta delež med nemškimi anketiranci kar 41,8 odstotka.
On the other hand a little less than 12 percent in both samples believe in an improvement in relations. 
Po drugi strani je takih, ki verjamejo v izboljšanje odnosov, v obeh vzorcih nekaj manj kot 12 odstotkov.
In general, therefore, the majority of young people in Slovenia assess relations with older people as being tense, and they do not expect them to improve in the future. 
Na splošno torej večina mladih v Sloveniji odnose s starejšimi ocenjuje kot napete in ne pričakuje, da bi sev prihodnosti izboljšali.
The great majority of young people in Slovenia view the ageing of the population as a serious problem, and they assess relations between young and old people as tense, while also anticipating no change for the be er in this regard. 
Velika večina mladih v Sloveniji vidi staranje prebivalstva kot resen problem, odnose med mladimi in starejšimi ocenjuje kot napete ter v zvezi s tem ne pričakuje sprememb na bolje.
We also asked young people how they assess the distribution of wealth among generations. 
Mlade smo povprašali še, kako ocenjujejo porazdelitev blaginje med generacijami.
Graph 5: Views of the distribution of wealth among generations, Youth 2010 and Shell 2010 
Grafikon 5: Stališča glede porazdelitve blaginje med generacijami, Mladina 2010 in Shell 2010
How is wealth divided among generations today? 
Kako je danes s porazdelitvijo blaginje med generacijami
Old people should reduce their demands in favour of young people 
Starejši ljudje bi morali zmanjšati svoje zahteve v korist mlajših
Wealth is fairly distributed between young and old people 
Blaginja je med mladimi in starejšimi pravično razdeljena
Young people should reduce their demands in favour of old people 
Mlajši ljudje bi morali zmanjšati svoje zahteve v korist starejših
Compared to German youths, by this yardstick young people in Slovenia are also notably more critical in their attitudes to older generations. 
Mladi v Sloveniji so v primerjavi z nemško mladino tudi po tem merilu občutno kritičnejši v odnosu do starejših generacij.
Even independently of comparison with the German sample, the finding that over 40 percent of young people have the expectation that older people should reduce their demands in favour of younger people appears to merit special attention. 
Tudi neodvisno od primerjave z nemškim vzorcem se zdi ugotovitev, da dobrih 40 odstotkov mladih pričakuje, da bi morali starejši zmanjšati svoje zahteve v korist mlajših, vredna posebne pozornosti.
vision for young people was indicated by 13.1 percent of respondents, whilethe opposing view was indicated by as much as 40.5 percent of respondents. 
Da je bolje poskrbljeno za mlade, je ocenilo 13,1 odstotka vprašanih, nasprotno pa je ocenilo kar 40,5 odstotka anketirancev.
More than 40 percent of young people believe that in Slovenia there is be er provision for old people than for young people, and that old people should give up part of their prosperity in favour of young people. 
Dobrih 40 odstotkov mladih meni, da je v Sloveniji bolje poskrbljeno za starejše kot za mlade in da bi se morali starejši odreči delu svoje blaginje v korist mladih.
This perception is typified by the assessment of one of our interviewees: 
To zaznavo tipično ponazori ocena enega od udeležencev intervjujev:
“Society should manage these resources fairly… if they can collect taxes, they should ensure that people are properly employed and occupied. 
»Družba bi morala pravično upravljati s temi viri… tako kot pobirajo davke, bi lahko skrbeli za primerno zaposlovanje in delavnost ljudi.
And instead of extending the working years of old people, they should give young people work… and there would be something left for pensions. 
Pa namesto da starim podaljšujejo delovno dobo, bi dali mladim delo… pa še za penzije bi ostalo.
Now there won't be work for young people or pensions for old people.” 
Zdaj pa ne bo služb za mlade in ne za penzije za stare.
Now let us look at how young people chose from four assertions that express four perhaps typical attitudes of young people to society. 
V nadaljevanju poglejmo, kako so mladi izbirali med štirimi trditvami, ki ekspresivno izražajo štiri mogoče tipične odnose mladih do družbe.
A special value of this question is that we can frame the data in a time perspective. 
Posebna vrednost tega vprašanja je, da lahko podatke postavimo v časovno perspektivo.
The graph below shows the distribution of responses only for young people in the 15-24 years age bracket. 
V grafikonu spodaj je predstavljena porazdelitev odgovorov samo za mlade v starostnem razredu 15-24 let.
Only in this way we could ensure comparability with data from the survey of Slovenian youth of 1985 (Ule and Vrcan, 1985). 
Le tako smo namreč lahko zagotovili primerljivost s podatki raziskave slovenske mladine iz leta 1985 (Ule in Vrcan, 1985).
Graph 6: Perception of the a itude of society to young people, Youth 1985 and Youth 2010, ages 15-24 years 
Grafikon 6: Zaznava odnosa družbe do mladih, Mladina 1985 in Mladina 2010, stari 15-24 let
Young people are talked about in different ways. 
O mladih se govori na različne načine.
Below are some views. 
V nadaljevanju so nekatera stališča.
Select the one you agree with most. 
Izberi tisto, s katerim se najbolj strinjaš.
Our society does a lot for youth and young people feel the concern of society for them everywhere. 
Naša družba naredi veliko za mladino in mladi povsod čutijo družbeno skrb za njih.
Our society provides equal opportunities for young and old people and makes no major difference between them. 
Naša družba daje enake možnosti mlajšim in starejšim in med njimi ne dela velikih razlik.
Young people in our society constantly experience distrust and this has a negative inﬂ uence on them. 
Mladi v naši družbi stalno doživljajo nezaupanje in to negativno vpliva na njih.
Young people in our society are viewed as criminals, just because they don't follow some stupid rules thought up by old people. 
Na mlade se v naši družbi gleda kot na kriminalce, samo ker ne spoštujejo nekaterih neumnih pravil, ki so si jih izmislili starejši.
Although it might seem worrying to note that one of two negatively tinged assertions in the attitude of society to young people was selected by a total of 62 percent of young people, there is some consolation in the finding that 25 years ago there was a significantly higher proportion (78.1 percent). 
Čeprav se lahko zdi skrb vzbujajoč podatek, da je eno od dveh negativno obarvanih trditev o odnosu družbe do mladih izbralo skupaj kar 62 odstotkov mladih, je lahko nekoliko pomirjujoča ugotovitev, da je bilo pred 25 leti takih še bistveno več (78,1 odstotka).
It should be mentioned that the share of dissatisfied respondents actually increases to 63.6 percent, if we take all those surveyed in 2010 (15-29 years). 
Treba je omeniti, da se delež nezadovoljnih, če v letu 2010 opazujemo vse anketirance (15-29 let), še nekoliko poviša, na 63,6 odstotka.
Almost two thirds of those surveyed express dissatisfaction with the general a itude of Slovenian society to young people. 
Skoraj dve tretjini vprašanih izražata nezadovoljstvo s splošnim odnosom slovenske družbe do mladih.
This described perception of young people is also seen clearly in the qualitative interviews: 
Opisana zaznava mladih se jasno kaže tudi v kvalitativnih intervjujih:
“Young people are viewed too strictly. 
»Prestrogo se gleda na mlade.
There are too many generalisations about the negative qualities of young people. 
Preveč se posplošujejo negativne lastnosti mladih ...
But there isn't much about the good things young people have achieved, for instance what about young sports people representing Slovenia and so on. 
Ni pa veliko dobrega, kaj so mladi dosegli, kje so na primer mladi športniki zastopali Slovenijo in podobno.
For instance a lot of people think that us young people just lay around at home, smoking and drinking. 
Veliko ljudi na primer misli, da mladi samo ležimo doma, kadimo in pijemo.
I know a lot of people who have to work a lot at home. 
Poznam veliko ljudi, ki morajo doma veliko delati.
I have a lot of work at home, too. 
Tudi jaz imam veliko dela doma.
I help in the household and on the farm. 
Pomagam v gospodinjstvu in na kmetiji.
I have a lot of work with the animals… I absolutely don't booze or lay about. 
Veliko dela imam z živalmi… Nikakor pa ne popivam in ne poležujem.
There are some who do, but they aren't the majority of young people. 
Sicer so tudi taki, ni pa to večina mladih.
A lot of young people think with their heads and find their feet, they're independent and are thinking about their future.” 
Veliko mladih razmišlja s svojo glavo in se znajdejo, so samostojni in mislijo na svojo prihodnost.
Living with one's parents can clearly be associated with great achievements by young people. 
Bivanje pri starših je očitno lahko povezano z velikimi dosežki mladih.
Often living with one's parents is actually essential (the only realistic possibility) for such achievements. 
Pogosto je za take dosežke bivanje pri starših celo nujni (edini realno mogoč) pogoj.
Public moralising and exaggerated generalisations about postponing transitions such as leaving the parental home, can therefore in truth be seriously amiss, and can unnecessarily impede intergenerational dialogue. 
Javno moraliziranje in pretirano posploševanje glede prelaganja prehodov, kot je odselitev od staršev, sta torej lahko v resnici zelo krivični in brez potrebe dodatno ovirata medgeneracijski dialog.
Particularly since our analysis, which we present in detail later in this report, indicates that primarily social (and less so psychological) factors are responsible for these trends. 
Sploh glede na to, da naše analize, ki jih podrobneje predstavljamo v nadaljevanju poročila, kažejo, da so za te trende odgovorni predvsem družbeni (manj pa psihološki) dejavniki.
It makes sense to ask what demographic factors have a more significant impact on the perceived dissatisfaction of young people. 
Smiselno se je vprašati, kateri demografski dejavniki pomembneje vplivajo na zaznano nezadovoljstvo mladih.
One of the key factors appears to be statistical region, where there is notably high dissatisfaction in the Goriška region (77.4 percent) and in the regions of Zasavje and Lower Posavje, each with 76 percent levels of youth dissat 
Med ključnimi se pokaže statistična regija, pri čemer je izrazito veliko nezadovoljnih v Goriški (77,4 odstotka) ter Zasavski in Spodnjeposavski regiji s po 76 odstotkov nezadovoljnih mladih.
Such a distribution raises the suspicion that feelings of dissatisfaction may be associated with difficulties in employment. 
Taka porazdelitev daje slutiti, da so občutki nezadovoljstva lahko povezani s težavami pri zaposlovanju.
The differences depending on predominant work involvement are telling. 
Razlike glede na prevladujočo delovno aktivnost so zgovorne.
The greatest (71.4 percent) dissatisfaction is among those who are employed parttime, followed by the unemployed (70.1 percent) and students (68.2 percent). 
Največ (71,4 odstotka) nezadovoljnih je med tistimi, ki so zaposleni za skrajšani delovni čas, sledijo jim brezposelni (70,1 odstotka) in študenti (68,2 odstotka).
Students are not (yet) actually in an unfavourable situation in the labour market, as we will show in the chapter on employment, but there is a growing likelihood that they will find themselves in such a situation once they finish studying (here it should also be considered that students are generally a somewhat more socially critical section of young people, irrespective of the special conditions in the labour market). 
Slednji sicer (še) niso v neugodnem položaju na trgu dela, kot bomo pokazali v poglavju o zaposlovanju, obstaja pa vse večja verjetnost, da se bodo v takem položaju znašli po končanem študiju (ob tem je treba upoštevati tudi, da so študenti praviloma nekoliko bolj družbeno kritični del mladih tudi ne glede na posebne razmere na trgu dela).
Factors such as gender, age and type of settlement have a negligible or just a small influence on the observed variable, so it seems appropriate to conclude: 
Dejavniki, kot so spol, starost in tip naselja, imajo zanemarljiv ali pa le majhen vpliv na opazovano spremenljivko, zato se zdi primeren sklep:
Those most dissatisﬁ ed with the a itude of society to young people are those who have difficulty gaining employment or who may anticipate having such difficulty. 
Najbolj nezadovoljni z odnosom družbe do mladih so tisti, ki imajo težave pri zaposlovanju ali lahko računajo, da jih bodo imeli.
It should be added here that there is a statistically significant link between dissatisfaction with the attitude of society to young people and deviance (r = 0.103; p = 0.01). 
K temu je treba dodati, da obstaja statistično značilna povezanost med nezadovoljstvom glede odnosa družbe do mladih in deviantnostjo (r = 0,103; p=0,01).
The correlation is not surprising, but indicates that a critical attitude to society may also be linked to personal difficulties in an individual's adjustment to the demands and conditions of society. 
Korelacija ni presenetljiva, kaže pa, da je lahko kritičen odnos do družbe povezan tudi z osebnimi težavami pri prilagajanju posameznika družbenim zahtevam in razmeram.
2.4 Young people in urban areas and in the countryside 
2.4 Mladi v mestih in na podeželju
According to available data, some notable changes are taking place in the numerical ratio of urban to rural youth. 
Zanimive spremembe se po razpoložljivih podatkih dogajajo v številčnem razmerju med urbano in podeželsko mladino.
If we limit ourselves to the age group of 15 to 30 (this framework is offered by the formulated categories in the file), we can make a rough estimate of the basic trend. 
Če se omejimo samo na starostno skupino od 15 do30 let (ta okvir ponujajo oblikovani razredi v datoteki), lahko v grobem ocenimo temeljne trende.
Graph 7: Structure of young people (15-30 years) by type of permanent residence se lement, public opinion survey (SJM), selected years 
Grafikon 7: Struktura mladih (15-30 let) glede na tip naselja stalnega prebivališča, SJM, izbrana leta
Village 
Vaško
Suburban 
Primestno
Urban 
Mestno
The above graph shows how from 1990 to 2008 there was a marked increase in the proportion of young people living in the countryside, while the proportion of urban youth fell. 
Grafikon zgoraj razkriva, da se je v obdobju 1990-2008 občutno povečal delež mladih, ki živijo na podeželju, zmanjšal pa delež urbane mladine.
This finding is also confirmed by a comparison of the structure of young people (15-29 years) by type of settlement as part of the data captured by the last two Slovenian youth surveys: 
To ugotovitev potrjuje tudi primerjava strukture mladih (15-29 let) glede na tip naselja v okviru zajetja zadnjih dveh raziskav slovenske mladine:
Graph 8: Structure of young people by type of se lement, Youth 2000 and Youth 2010 
Grafikon 8: Struktura mladih glede na tip naselja, Mladina 2000 in Mladina 2010
Se lement > 10000 persons 
Naselja > 10000 oseb
Se lement of 2000 to 10000 persons 
Naselja od 2000 do 10000 oseb
The proportion of young people living in settlements of less than 2,000 inhabitants increased from 53.1 to 56.2 percent, while the proportion of young people living in settlements and cities with more than 10,000 inhabitants fell from 30.7 to 27.3 percent. 
Delež mladih, ki živijo v naseljih do 2.000 prebivalcev, se je povečal s 53,1 na 56,2 odstotka, delež mladih, ki živijo v naseljih in mestih z več kot 10.000 prebivalci, pa zmanjšal s 30,7 na 27,3 odstotka.
Based on the available data we may therefore conclude: 
Na podlagi razpoložljivih podatkov lahko torej sklenemo:
In the last two decades there has been a marked increase in the proportion of young people living in villages and small se lements, and a reduction in the proportion of young people from urban environments. 
V zadnjih dveh desetletjih se je občutno povečal delež mladih, ki živijo v vaseh in majhnih naseljih, zmanjšal pa se je delež mladih iz urbanih okolij.
These trends could be tied primarily to the differences between urban and rural environments in terms of the fertility rate. 
Te trende bi lahko povezali predvsem z razlikami med urbanim in podeželskim okoljem glede rodnosti.
2.5 Summary of key demographic changes in other areas 
2.5 Povzetek ključnih demografskih sprememb na drugih področjih
Below we summarise certain major demographic changes, of which we deal in more detail with the first three later in this report. 
V nadaljevanju povzemamo nekatere pomembnejše demografske spremembe, med katerimi prve tri podrobneje obravnavamo v nadaljevanju tega poročila.
1. The proportion of young people (15-24 years) involved in education increased right up to 2008, and in 2008 it was markedly higher than the EU-27 average. 
1. Delež mladih (15-24 let), vključenih v izobraževanje, se je vse do leta 2008 povečeval in je bil v letu 2008 občutno višji od povprečja EU-27.
2. The proportion of students (full-time, part-time without employment and those on hiatus) in the age group 19-24 years increased from 38.5 to 53.5 percent from 2000 to 2010. 
2. Delež študentov (rednih, izrednih brez zaposlitve in pavzirajočih) v starostni skupini 19-24 let se je v obdobju 2000-2010 povišal z 38,5 na 53,5 odstotka.
3. The proportion of employed and self-employed young people (1529 years) fell from 47.9 to 32.8 percent from 2000 to 2010. 
3. Delež zaposlenih in samozaposlenih mladih (15-29 let) se je se je v obdobju 2000-2010 znižal s 47,9 na 32,8 odstotka.
4. The graph below shows how after years of declining fertility among young people, since 2005 we have observed a marked trend of increase in the age group between 25 and 29 years, while among the youngest group, fertility has stagnated at a relatively low level. 
4. Iz spodnjega grafikona je razvidno, da po dolgoletnem upadanju rodnosti med mladimi od leta 2005 ugotavljamo občuten trend povečevanja v starostni skupini med 25 in 29 let, med mlajšimi pa rodnost stagnira na razmeroma nizki ravni.
The trends presented allow us to conclude that the changes associated with fertility are slowing down, and alongside a falling fertility rate the last few decades have seen primarily a shift in having children to after the age of 25 in women. 
Iz prikazanih trendov je mogoče sklepati, da se spremembe, povezane z rodnostjo, umirjajo, pri čemer se je v zadnjih desetletjih ob zmanjšanju stopnje rodnosti zgodil predvsem premik rojevanja v obdobje po 25. letu starosti ženske.
Graph 9: Age-speciﬁ c rate of general fertility,* Slovenia, annual 
Grafikon 9: Starostnospecifične stopnje splošne rodnosti,* Slovenija, letno
15-19 years 20-24 years 25-29 years 
15-19 let 20-24 let 25-29 let
NOTE: * The age-speciﬁ c rate of general fertility is the ratio of live-born children born in a calendar year to a mother of a speciﬁ c age, to the number of women of that age in the middle of the same year, multiplied by 1,000. 
OPOMBA: * Starostno specifična stopnja splošne rodnosti je razmerje med številom živorojenih otrok, ki so jih rodile v koledarskem letu matere določene starosti, in številom žensk te starosti sredi istega leta, pomnoženo s 1000.
SOURCE: SORS, 2010 
VIR: SURS, 2010
5. The average age of mothers on the birth of their first child continues to grow, and in the period from 2000 to 2009 rose from 26.5 to 28.5 years (in 1990 it was still at just 23.9 years) (SORS, 2010). 
5. Povprečna starost matere ob rojstvu prvega otroka še naprej narašča in je v obdobju 2000-2009 narasla s 26,5 na 28,5 leta (še leta 1990 pa je znašala le 23,9 leta) (SURS, 2010).
According to this indicator, Slovenia is in fact somewhere around the EU-27 average (Boljka, 2010). 
Sicer je Slovenija po tem kazalniku nekje v povprečju držav EU-27 (Boljka, 2010).
6. The graph below shows that the declining marriage trend among young people was halted in 2005 and even turned around slightly, and among all three age groups we have observed a slight growth from 2005 to 2009. 
6. Iz spodnjega grafikona je razvidno, da se je trend upadanja na področju poročnosti med mladimi leta 2005 ustavil in celo rahlo obrnil, saj v obdobju 2005-2009 v vseh treh starostnih skupinah ugotavljamo rahel porast.
7. It is interesting to note here that the proportion of young people cohabiting has shown a marked decline over the past decade, according to data from the Youth 2000 and Youth 2010 surveys. 
7. Pri tem je zanimivo, da je delež mladih, ki živijo v kohabitacijskih partnerskih zvezah, v zadnjem desetletju po podatkih raziskav Mladina 2000 in Mladina 2010 občutno upadel.
This decline has been greatest in the 25-29 age group, with the share of such young people falling from 58.4 to 40.1 percent. 
Ta upad je najvišji v starostni skupini 25-29 let, v kateri se je delež takih mladih znižal z 58,4 na 40,1 odstotka.
The above graph shows that the rate of marriage for this age group has remained practically unchanged from 2000 to 2010. 
Iz zgornjega grafikona je razvidno, da stopnja poročnosti za to starostno skupino v obdobju 2000-2010 praktično stagnira.
We may therefore conclude that fewer and fewer young people are cohabiting with their partners, while on the other hand there is a growing proportion of them that are getting married. 
Ugotovimo torej lahko, da sicer vedno manj mladih živi v kohabitacijskih partnerskih zvezah, po drugi strani pa med njimi narašča delež takih, ki se poročijo.
From the above we may bring to the fore two key points: 
Iz navedenega lahko izluščimo dva ključna poudarka:
has been a major reduction in the proportion of young people with any form of full-time employment. 
Hkrati se je zelo znižal delež mladih, ki imajo kakršnokoli obliko redne zaposlitve.
The changes in the area of marriage, fertility and mother's age on the birth of the ﬁ rst child are slowing down. 
Spremembe na področju poročnosti, rodnosti in starosti matere ob rojstvu prvega otroka se umirjajo.
In the last ﬁ ve years, chieﬂ y in the 25-29 age group, shifts have even been noted towards a slight growth in the rates of marriage and fertility. 
V zadnjih petih letih se predvsem v starostni skupini 25-29 let kažejo celo premiki v smeri rahlega naraščanja poročnosti in rodnosti.
2.6 Key ﬁ ndings 
2.6 Ključne ugotovitve
1. Young people in Slovenia are identifying themselves with adulthood increasingly early, while at the same time they are increasingly late in fulfilling their actual transitions such as leaving the parental home, establishing material independence and starting their own families. 
1. Mladi v Sloveniji se vse bolj zgodaj enačijo z odraslostjo, hkrati pa vedno pozneje uresničujejo dejanske prehode, kot so odselitev od staršev, vzpostavitev gmotne neodvisnosti in lastne družine.
2. In the period from 2010 to 2020, the number of young people (1529 years) in Slovenia will fall by over 20 percent. 
2. V obdobju 2010-2020 se bo število mladih (15-29 let) v Sloveniji zmanjšalo za dobrih 20 odstotkov.
3. The number of older (65+) inhabitants per young person should be almost trebled in Slovenia by 2050. 
3. Število starejših (65+) prebivalcev na enega mladega se bo do leta 2050 v Sloveniji predvidoma skoraj potrojilo.