natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
37 The assertion “People like me don't have any influence anyway on what the authorities do” is classed by some authors as internal political effectiveness (Miheljak, 2002), and by others as external (Southwell and Pirch, 2003). 
Zanimivo, malo seje povečal tudi delež tistih, ki so obkrožili vrednosti 4 in 5 na meri notranje politične učinkovitosti, vendar je ta delež še vedno izjemno nizek.
To sum up: over the last ten years, there has been an increase among young people in the negative perception of politics and political elites. 
Če povzamemo: med mladimi se je v zadnjih desetih letih povečalo negativno zaznavanje politike in političnih elit.
Young people in Slovenia express a high level of distrust in political officials, with more than half of them believing that politicians do not respond to the wishes of citizens. 
Mladi v Sloveniji izražajo visoke stopnje nezaupanja v politične funkcionarje, saj jih dobra polovica v Sloveniji meni, da se politiki ne odzivajo ne želje državljanov.
This is also indicated by the statements below from our interviewees. 
Na to kažejo tudi spodnje izjave naših intervjuvancev.
“We young people have chosen politicians to represent us and not their party. 
»Mladi smo izbrali politike, da zastopajo nas in ne svojo stranko.
Why doesn't it say anywhere that they represent people. 
Zakaj nikjer ne piše, da zastopajo ljudi.
Actually they're just representing themselves and not us. 
Oni v bistvu zastopajo sami sebe in ne nas.
Politicians do too much for themselves and not enough for people.” 
Politiki preveč delajo sami za sebe in premalo za ljudi.
“No, politics gets on my nerves. 
»Ne, politika mi gre na živce.
If elections could change anything, they'd be banned.” 
Če bi volitve kar koli spremenile, bi bile prepovedane.
But what happened was, they used me then forgot about me.” 
Se je pa zgodilo, da so me uporabili in potem pozabili na mene.
Young people also express a low sense of their own political inﬂ uence; just 14 percent say of themselves that they have a good grasp of politics. 
Mladi prav tako izražajo nizko stopnjo občutka lastnega političnega vpliva; le 14 odstotkov jih zase meni, da se razumejo na politiko.
For this analysis we have at our disposal an indicator that allows a longitudinal comparison, since it was asked in the same form in the Yugoslavia-wide survey of youth in 1986 (Ule and Vrcan, 1986) and in Youth 2010.38 A comparison of data from both surveys (graph below) shows that in 2010 young people in Slovenia perceived their age group on average as being distinctly more influential, compared to 1986. 
Za našo analizo imamo na voljo kazalnik, ki nam omogoča longitudinalno primerjavo, saj je bil v enaki obliki zastavljen v vsejugoslovanskih raziskavi mladine v letu 1986 (Ule in Vrcan, 1986) in v Mladini 2010.39 Primerjava podatkov obeh raziskav (grafikon spodaj) pokaže, da mladi v Sloveniji v letu 2010 v primerjavi z letom 1986 svojo starostno skupino v povprečju zaznavajo kot izrazito vplivnejšo.
Graph 62: Perception of internal political competence (group level), Youth 2010 and Youth 1985 
Grafikon 62: Zaznana notranja politična kompetenca (skupinska raven), Mladina 2010 in Mladina 1985
How do you assess the inﬂ uence of young people on social change that will take place in your future? 
Kako ocenjuješ vpliv mladih na družbene spremembe, ki se bodo zgodile v vaši prihodnosti?
Small 
Majhen
Very small 
Zelo majhen
Youth 2010 (15-24 years) Youth 1985 (15-24 years) 
Mladina 2010 (15-24 let) Mladina 1985 (15-24 let)
SOURCES: Youth 1985 and Youth 2010 
VIRA: Mladina 1985 in Mladina 2010
More precisely, while in 1986 a full 63.1 percent of young people believed that young people have a “very small” or “small” influence “on social changes that will take place in their future”, in 2010 just 16 percent still had that view. 
Natančneje, medtem ko je leta 1986 kar 63,1 odstotka mladih menilo, da imajo mladi »zelo majhen« ali »majhen « vpliv »na družbene spremembe, ki se bodo zgodile v njihovi prihodnosti«, je bilo leta 2010 takih le še 16 odstotkov.
5.1.3.3 Satisfaction with the state of democracy 
5.1.3.3 Zadovoljstvo s stanjem demokracije
In addition to the views of young people regarding themselves as political subjects and regarding political objects, numerous studies of political culture and participation devote attention to the “level of democracy” 
Poleg stališč mladih do sebe kot političnega subjekta in do političnih objektov pa številne študije politične kulture in participacije namenjajo pozornost tudi »demokratičnosti« prebivalcev, predvsem v pokomunističnih demokracijah (npr.
of inhabitants, especially in post-communist democracies (e.g. Mishler and Rose, 2001; Dowley and Silver, 2002). 
Mishler in Rose, 2001; Dowley in Silver, 2002).
In this sense there are two aspects of the attitude to democracy: the assessment of the state of existing democracy and support for democracy as an ideal. 
V tem smislu obstajata dva vidika odnosa do demokracije: ocena stanja obstoječe demokracije in podpora demokraciji kot idealu.
The first of the two measures people's satisfaction with the state or functioning of existing democracy. 
Prvi od obeh meri zadovoljstvo prebivalcev s stanjem oz. delovanjem obstoječe demokracije.
More precisely, this is an analysis of how people perceive the “fulfilment” of democracy in an individual country. 
Natančneje, gre za analizo, kako prebivalci zaznavajo»realizacijo« demokracije v posamezni državi.
The findings of data comparison from the Youth 2000 and Youth 2010 surveys show that satisfaction with democracy among young people in 2010 (compared to 2000) was significantly lower (falling from 21 percent “satisfied” or “very satisfied” with democracy to 13 percent, in others being almost halved). 
Izsledki primerjave podatkov raziskav Mladina 2000 in Mladina 2010 pokažejo, da se je zadovoljstvo z demokracijo med mladimi (v primerjavi z letom 2000) v 2010 bistveno zmanjšalo (z 21 odstotkov »zadovoljnih« ali »zelo zadovoljnih« z demokracijo na 13 odstotkov, torej se je skoraj prepolovilo).
If we compare the satisfaction of Slovenian youth with the state of democracy in Slovenia with data from the German youth survey Shell 2010 (graph below), we can see that the average satisfaction of Slovenian youth with democracy (1 = not satisfied at all, 5 = entirely satisfied) is slightly lower (M = 2.55)39 than the satisfaction of youth in the western part of Germany (M = 2.41), although higher than the satisfaction of youth in eastern Germany. 
Če primerjamo zadovoljstvo slovenske mladine s stanjem demokracije v Sloveniji s podatki nemške raziskave mladine Shell 2010 (grafikon spodaj), vidimo, da je povprečno zadovoljstvo slovenske mladine z demokracijo (1 = sploh nisem zadovoljen, 5 = povsem zadovoljen) nekoliko manjše (M = 2,55)40 od zadovoljstva mladine iz zahodnega dela Nemčije (M = 2,41), vendar pa je večje od zadovoljstva vzhodnonemške mladine.
Shell 2010 (15-25 years), east 
Shell 2010 (15-25 let), zahod
Shell 2010 (15-25 years), west 
Mladina 2010 (15-25 let)
Youth 2010 (15-25 years) 
VIRA: Shell 2010 in Mladina 2010
5.1.3.4 A itude to democracy as an ideal 
V Sloveniji je le vsak osmi mladi zadovoljen s stanjem demokracije v Sloveniji.
Indeed it makes sense to ask whether the identified low satisfaction with the state of democracy goes hand in hand with an undemocratic (authoritarian) orientation of young people. 
Smiselno se je namreč vprašati, ali se ugotovljeno nizko zadovoljstvo s stanjem demokracije ujema z nedemokratično (avtoritarno) usmeritvijo mladih.
In other words, we are interested in whether the above findings point to the lower democratic nature of Slovenian youth. 
Z drugimi besedami, zanima nas, ali zgornji izsledki kažejo na manj demokratično naravo slovenske mladine.
A comparison of data from the Youth 2010 survey and the German youth survey Shell 2010 shows that Slovenian youth have a more disaffected attitude towards democracy as an ideal. 
Primerjava podatkov raziskave Mladina 2010 in nemške raziskave mladine Shell 2010 pokaže, da ima slovenska mladina bolj odklonilen odnos do demokracije kot ideala.
Graph 64: A itude to democracy as an ideal, Youth 2010 and Shell 2010 
Grafikon 64: Odnos do demokracije kot ideala, Mladina 2010 in Shell 2010
Do you believe that democracy in general is a good political system or not so good? 
Ali meniš, da je demokracija v splošnem dobra politična ureditev ali ne tako dobra?
Good 
Dobra
Not so good Don't know/ 
Ne tako dobra
no answer 
Ne vem / Ni odgovora
Shell 2010, east 
Shell 2010, vzhod
Shell 2010, west 
Shell 2010, zahod
NOTE: Sample of young people aged 15 to 25 years. 
OPOMBA: Vzorec mladih v starosti od 15-25 let.
SOURCES: Shell 2010 and Youth 2010 
VIRA: Shell 2010 in Mladina 2010
The same question was posed in the German youth survey. 
Enako vprašanje je bilo postavljeno tudi v nemški raziskavi mladine.
A comparison of data in the graph below shows that among young Slovenians who feel that “democracy is not such a good political system”, 46.4 percent of them feel that they “don't particularly like democracy, but sadly there is no better political system” (a larger proportion of respondents selected the same answer in both parts of Germany). 
Primerjava podatkov v grafikonu spodaj kaže, da je med slovenskimi mladimi, ki menijo, da »demokracija ni tako dobra politična ureditev«, 46,4 odstotka takih, ki menijo, da jim »demokracija ni posebej všeč, vendar na žalost ne obstaja boljša politična ureditev« (večji delež anketirancev je izbral enak odgovor v obeh delih Nemčije).
Graph 65: What in your opinion could a political system be er than democracy look like?, Youth 2010 and Shell 2010 
Grafikon 65: Kako bi po tvojem mnenju lahko izgledala politična ureditev, ki bi bila boljša od demokracije?, Mladina 2010 in Shell
Government of one single strong leader or one single strong party 
Vlada enega samega močnega vodje ali ene same močne stranke
Socialist system, similar to the former Yugoslavia/GDR 
Socialistični sistem, podobno kot v nekdanji Jugoslaviji/NDR
Shell 2010, east 
Shell 2010, zahod
Shell 2010, west Youth 2010 
Mladina 2010
The analysis covers only 16.3 percent of respondents from Eastern Germany, 8 percent from Western Germany and 42.3 percent of respondents from the Slovenian sample. 
Analizirani so le odgovori 16,3 odstotka respondentov iz vzhodne Nemčije, 8 odstotkov iz zahodne Nemčije in 42,3 odstotka anketirancev iz slovenskega vzorca.
In Slovenia the statement that a “socialist system similar to what was in the former Yugoslavia” would be better than democracy was selected by 38.3 percent of respondents (30.7 percent in eastern and 8 percent in western Germany).43 The findings show, therefore, that among young 
V Sloveniji je trditev, da je od demokracije boljši »socialistični sistem, podobno kot v nekdanji Jugoslaviji«, izbralo 38,3 odstotka vprašanih (31 odstotkov v vzhodni in 8 odstotkov v zahodni Nemčiji).44 Izsledki torej kažejo, da je med mladimi v Sloveniji nostalgija po Jugoslaviji višja kot je nostalgija vzhodnih Nemcev po NDR.
people in Slovenia, the nostalgia for Yugoslavia is greater than the nostalgia of eastern Germans for the GDR. 
Zdi se, da je nostalgičnost predvsem druga plat kovanca oz. da sovpada s kritičnostjo mladih (predvsem do delovanja) nove politične ureditve.
This is also illustrated by the statement below from our interviewee. 
45 Seveda je potrebno poudariti, da je nostalgičnost pri Slovencih visoka le v primerjalnem oziru.
Then those old folks rebelled… then on top of having everything, they wanted free speech. 
Pol pa so se stari zbunli… da bi radi zraven tega, da so meli vse, še govorili.
Now you can say what you want, and no one cares… but jobs, housing and pensions are your own worry now.” 
Zdaj lahko govoriš kaj hočeš, nobenega nič ne briga … za službo, stanovanje in penzijo pa se sam pobrigaj.
In the EVS surveys, respondents thus graded their agreement with three statements on a scale of 1 (very bad [method of running a country]) to 4 (very good [method of running a country]). 
Anketiranci so v raziskavah EVS tako ocenjevali strinjanje s tremi trditvami na lestvici od 1 (zelo slab [način vodenja države]) do 4 (zelo dober [način vodenja države]).
We analysed these statements: “Having a strong leader that decides without parliament and elections”; “What is best for the country is decided by experts and not the government” and “The military runs the country”, adding all three statements into a scale, while the findings of longitudinal analysis showed that changes in the observed EVS waves of the last two decades were small, just as the differences between the average values of the EU-27 average and Slovenian youth (which is slightly above the average) were small, while in both groups the average values hover around 2 (in other words respondents regard the authoritarian method of running a country as “bad”). 
Analizirali smo te trditve: »Imeti močnega voditelja, ki odloča brez parlamenta in volitev«; »Da o tem, kaj je najbolje za državo, odločajo strokovnjaki in ne vlada« ter »Da državo vodi vojska«, tako da smo vse tri trditve sešteli v lestvico, izsledki longitudinalne analize pa so pokazali, da so spremembe v opazovanih valovih EVS zadnjih dveh desetletij majhne, prav tako pa so majhne razlike med povprečnimi vrednostmi povprečja EU-27 in slovenske mladine (ki je sicer malo nad povprečjem), pri obeh skupinah pa se povprečne vrednosti gibljejo okoli vrednosti 2 (torej anketiranci štejejo avtoritarni način vodenja države kot »slab«).
We can in fact expect an improvement in the current world social and economic conditions to spur some growth in satisfaction with the functioning of democracy, although probably the main factor that can generate the greatest increase in citizen satisfaction is the responsiveness of political elites. 
Sicer je pričakovati, da bo ob izboljšanju sedanjih svetovnih družbenih in gospodarskih razmer nekoliko naraslo tudi zadovoljstvo z delovanjem demokracije, čeprav je verjetno osrednji dejavnik, ki lahko najbolj poveča zadovoljstvo državljanov, odzivnost političnih elit.
Low satisfaction with the functioning of democracy points primarily to the disappointment of young people at their political system. 
Nizko zadovoljstvo z delovanjem demokracije predvsem kaže na razočaranje mladih nad političnim sistemom.
Let us not forget that expectations during the transition from a socialist to a democratic system were high, and reality today has not satisfied those expectations. 
Ne pozabimo, da so bila pričakovanje ob prehodu iz socialističnega v demokratični sistem visoka, realnost danes pa jih pač ne dosega.
Given the low level of expressed authoritarian preferences of young people, we may conclude that they are dissatisfied primarily with “representative” democracy, for that is the only thing they have experienced directly. 
Glede na nizko stopnjo izraženih avtoritarnih preferenc mladih lahko sklepamo, da so nezadovoljni predvsem s »predstavniško« demokracijo, saj je ta edina, s katero imajo neposredne izkušnje.
Of course here there is a clearly visible opportunity to increase “participatory” and “direct” democracy, especially given the findings indicating that the direct involvement of young people is the favourite form of social action (see below). 
Seveda je tukaj jasno vidna priložnost za večanje »participativne«, »neposredne« demokracije, še posebej ob izsledkih, ki kažejo, da je neposredna udeležba pri mladih najbolj priljubljena oblika družbenega udejstvovanja (gl. spodaj).
If representative democracy offered in the future even more such methods of participation, while at the same time political institutions and elites responded better to the directly expressed views of young people, this would increase the trust of young people in the functioning of democracy and politics itself. 
Če bi reprezentativna demokracija v prihodnje ponudila še več tovrstnih načinov participacije, hkrati pa bi se na neposredno izražena stališča mladih politične institucije in elite bolj odzivale, bi to povečalo zaupanje mladih v delovanje demokracije in politiko samo.
5.1.4 Protest political participation 
5.1.4 Protestna politična participacija
Alongside conventional participation, let us now look at other, previously termed “alternative” or “non-conventional” forms of participation. 
Poleg konvencionalne participacije si zdaj poglejmo še drugačne, v preteklosti poimenovane »alternativne« oz. »nekonvencionalne« oblike participacije.
This is also confirmed by studies showing that citizens who are more willing to take protest action also have a greater acceptance of the fundamental democratic principles and values, such as political tolerance, which marks the willingness of people to see groups that they themselves dislike having the same democratic and civic rights as others (see Guérin et al., 2004). 
To potrjujejo tudi študije, ki med drugim kažejo, da državljani, ki so se bolj pripravljeni protestno udejstvovati, prav tako bolj sprejemajo temeljna demokratična načela in vrednote, npr. politično strpnost, ki označuje pripravljenost ljudi, da imajo tudi skupine, ki jih sami sicer ne marajo, enake demokratične in državljanske pravice kot drugi (gl.
In other words, socio-economic development causes changes in the political culture, values and orientation; citizens trust authority less, values of self-expression are more prominent and citizens are more prepared to grapple with political elites and oppose them (Inglehart, 1997; Dalton and van Sickle, 2005; Inglehart and Welzel, 2007; Welzel, 2007). 
Z drugimi besedami, socioekonomski razvoj povzroči spremembe politične kulture, vrednot, usmeritev; državljani manj zaupajo avtoriteti, bolj so prisotne vrednote samoizražanja, državljani pa so se bolj pripravljeni spoprijeti s političnimi elitami in jim nasprotovati (Inglehart, 1997; Dalton in van Sickle, 2005; Inglehart in Welzel, 2007; Welzel, 2007).
All of this therefore encourages protest action in the population. 
Vse navedeno torej spodbuja protestno udejstvovanje prebivalstva.
46 Actions ranked on the scale of protest participation were: signing a petition, taking part in lawful demonstrations, joining a boycott, taking part in unannounced strikes and occupying buildings or factories. 
Merski instrument v EVS poleg dejanske protestne participacije meri tudi pripravljenost za participacijo - vrednosti 1 in 2 na lestvici od 1 do 3 (1 = nikoli ne bi, 2 = morda bi, 3 = to sem že delal).
Graph 66: Protest participation, Slovenia and EU-27, 1992, 1995, 1999 and 2008 
Grafikon 66: Protestna participacija, Slovenija in EU-27 v letih 1992, 1995, 1999 in 2008
EU 27, adults (30+ years) Slovenia, adults (30+ years) 
EU27, odrasli (30+let) Slovenija, odrasli (30+let)
EU 27, young people (15-29 years) 
EU27, mladi (15-29let)
in 2008 demonstrated in comparison with their EU-27 peers an aboveaverage level of protest participation. 
V primerjavi s starejšimi in vrstniki iz EU je za slovensko mladino značilna sorazmerno visoka raven protestne politične participacije.
Compared to older people and peers in the EU, Slovenian youth are characterised by a relatively high level of protest political participation. 
Ta potencial v zadnjih dveh desetletjih tendenčno narašča.
5.1.5 Information technology and individualised forms of political participation 
5.1.5 Informacijsko-tehnološke in individualizirane oblike politične participacije
Alongside protest participation, let us look at some other forms of nonconventional participatory action. 
Poleg protestne participacije si poglejmo še nekatere druge oblike nekonvencionalnih participativni dejanj.
In the SJM survey of 2009 (Malnar et al., 2009), conducted as part of the international ISSP survey, respondents were asked about the frequency of such forms of political activity. 
V raziskavi SJM iz leta 2009 (Malnar et al., 2009), izvedeni v okviru mednarodne raziskave ISSP, so anketirance med drugim spraševali o pogostosti tovrstnih oblik politične dejavnosti.
Since the data for other countries involved in the ISSP survey are not publicly accessible, in the following analysis we compare just the two Slovenian population groups (young people under 29 years and those over 29 years). 
Ker podatki za preostale države, vključene v raziskavo ISSP, javnosti še niso dostopni, v naslednji analizi primerjamo le obe slovenski skupini prebivalstva (mlade do 29 let in starejše od 29 let).
The graph below shows a separate analysis of five indicators of individualised and ICT participation (the proportion of those that have already participated in a specific activity). 
Grafikon spodaj kaže ločeno analizo petih kazalnikov individualizirane in IKTparticipacije (delež tistih, ki so že sodelovali v posamezni dejavnosti).
Graph 67: Individualised forms of political participation, Slovenia, 2009 
Grafikon 67: Individualizirane oblike politične participacija, Slovenija v letu 2009
Took part in web forums 
Sodeloval na spletnih forumih
Commented on articles on media websites 
Na medijskih portalih komentiral prispevke novinarjev
Boyco ed or deliberately bought a certain product for environmental, political or ethical reasons Took part in internet political forum or discussion group Contacted mass media or appeared in the media to express my views 
Bojkotiral ali namenoma kupil določen proizvod zaradi ekoloških, političnih ali etičnih razlogov Sodeloval v internetnemu političnemu forumu ali razpravni skupini Stopil v stik z množičnimi mediji, ali v njih nastopil, da bi tako izrazil svoje poglede
SOURCE: SJM091 
VIR: SJM091
Based on what has been said, we can confirm that in Slovenia, too, young people are generally more active in individualised and ICT forms of political activity, and this is similar to the above-established differences between age groups in protest forms of participation. 
Na podlagi povedanega lahko potrdimo, da se tudi v Sloveniji mladina v individualiziranih in IKT-oblikah političnega delovanja praviloma pogosteje udejstvuje, podobno zgoraj ugotovljenim razlikam med starostnima skupinama v protestnih oblikah participacije.
Young people are signiﬁ cantly more active in individualised and ICT forms of political participation. 
Mladi so bistveno pogosteje dejavni v individualiziranih in IKT-oblikah politične participacije.
5.1.6 Political participation of youth in 2010 
5.1.6 Politična participacija mladine v 2010
In view of what has been established thus far, in the Youth 2010 survey data we were firstly interested in the frequency of the specific political activities of young Slovenians. 
Glede na do zdaj ugotovljeno nas je pri podatkih raziskave Mladina 2010 najprej zanimala pogostost posameznih političnih dejavnosti slovenske mladine.
Based on the indicator of participation in elections, we can determine that according to Youth 2010 data, a total of 62.2 percent of young people entitled to vote took part in the National Assembly (parliament) elections of 2008, and this matches with the results of the EVS in the same year. 
Na podlagi kazalnika volilne udeležbe je mogoče ugotoviti, da se je po podatkih raziskave Mladina 2010 državnozborskih volitev v letu 2008 udeležilo 62,2 odstotkov mladih volilnih upravičencev, kar se ujema z izsledki EVS iz istega leta.
In addition to electoral participation, on a scale of 1 to 3 (1 = certainly would not, 2 = probably would, 3 = already have) we asked respondents about the frequency of their participation and their willingness to do so. 
Poleg volilne udeležbe smo na lestvici od 1 do 3 (1 = zagotovo ne bi, 2 = verjetno bi, 3 = sem že) anketirance povprašali o pogostosti njihove participacijo in pripravljenosti zanjo.
In the graph below we show the proportion of young people that selected the value 2 (“probably would”) or 3 (“already have”) in the specific indicator of participation. 
V spodnjem grafikonu prikazujemo delež mladih, ki so pri posameznem kazalniku participacije izbrali vrednosti 2 (»verjetno bi«) ali 3 (»sem že«).49
48 Like the EVS surveys, our scale is a combined measurement of past and potential participation. 
49 Podobno kot pri raziskavah EVS je tudi naša lestvica kombinirana mera pretekle in mogoče participacije.
Graph 68: Proportion of young people who “probably would” do or “already have” done the listed political activity, Youth 2010 
Grafikon 68: Delež mladih, ki »verjetno bi«ali »je že« opravljal navedeno politično dejavnost, Mladina 2010