natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Policy coherence 47 We examined whether cities’ urban mobility policies were addressing the need for improvements in sustainability in a coherent way, focusing on parking policies, the use of congestion charging and the provision of cycling facilities. 
Skladnost politik 47 Sodišče je preučilo, ali se je s politikami mest za mobilnost v mestih obravnavala potreba po usklajenem izboljšanju trajnosti, pri čemer se je osredotočilo na politike parkiranja, zaračunavanje pristojbin za zastoje in zagotavljanje kolesarske infrastrukture.
26 48 The cities we visited adopted parking policies designed to discourage the use of private vehicles in cities, either by increasing parking fees or by decreasing the number of parking spaces. 
48 Mesta, ki jih je Sodišče obiskalo, so sprejela politike parkiranja, ki so zasnovane tako, da odvračajo od uporabe osebnih vozil v mestih, bodisi z zvišanjem parkirnin bodisi z zmanjšanjem števila parkirnih mest.
In Leipzig, for example, parking facilities for bicycles were installed in place of car parking spaces, thus reducing the availability of car parking and increasing the attractiveness of cycling (see Picture 5). 
V Leipzigu so bila na primer parkirna mesta za avtomobile spremenjena v parkirišča za kolesa, s čimer se je zmanjšala razpoložljivost parkirišč za avtomobile in povečala privlačnost kolesarjenja (glej sliko 5).
Picture 5 – Leipzig –parking for bicycles replacing parking for cars 27 Source: European Court of Auditors. 49 There were, however, a number of cases where parking policies were not consistent with sustainable urban mobility policies: o In Poland, and especially Warsaw, the fine for not paying for parking is lower than the fine for not paying for public transport. o Also in Poland, even where parking at the side of the road is prohibited, it is still possible to park on the pavement (see Picture 6), reducing the space available to pedestrians. 
Slika 5 – Leipzig – parkirišča za kolesa nadomeščajo parkirišča za avtomobile 29 Vir: Evropsko računsko sodišče 49 Vendar politike parkiranja v več primerih niso bile skladne s politikami trajnostne mobilnosti v mestih: o na Poljskem, zlasti v Varšavi, je globa za neplačevanje parkirnine nižja od globe za neplačevanje javnega prevoza, o prav tako je na Poljskem tudi v primerih, kadar je parkiranje ob robu ceste prepovedano, še vedno mogoče parkirati na pločniku (glej sliko 6), s čimer se zmanjša prostor, ki je na voljo pešcem.
Picture 6 – Warsaw: The sign reads: “Parking ban does not apply to pavements” Source: ECA. 50 Other ways of discouraging the use of private vehicles are the establishment of traffic-free zones and the use of congestion charging: o In 2018, Madrid established a 472-hectare restricted traffic zone (Madrid Central – see Box 4). 
Slika 6 – Varšava: na prometnem znaku piše: „Prepoved parkiranja ne velja za pločnike” Vir: Evropsko računsko sodišče 50 Med drugimi načini odvračanja od uporabe osebnih vozil sta uvedba območij brez prometa in zaračunavanje pristojbin za zastoje: o v Madridu je bilo leta 2018 vzpostavljeno 472 hektarjev veliko območje z omejenim prometom (Madrid Central – glej okvir 4), zaradi česar se je zmanjšalo onesnaženje z NO2, 30 Okvir 4 – Prispevek območja Madrid Central k zmanjšanju onesnaženosti Območje Madrid Central je začelo delovati marca 2019.
NO2 data from May 2019 in Plaza del Carmen (the only measuring station in Madrid Central Area) show that NO2 pollution decreased by 45 % compared with May 2018. 
Podatki za NO2 iz maja 2019 za predel Plaza del Carmen (edina merilna postaja na območju Madrid Central) kažejo, da se je onesnaženost z NO2 v primerjavi z majem 2018 zmanjšala za 45 %.
NO2 pollution reduced in the 24 stations in Madrid where it is measured, with an average decrease of 24 %. 
Onesnaženost z NO2 se je zmanjšala na 24 merilnih postajah v Madridu, in sicer povprečno za 24 %.
These cover nine residential blocks, with an area of 400m x 400m, surrounded by streets where traffic, including buses, is concentrated. 
Superbloki pokrivajo devet stanovanjskih objektov s površino 400 metrov krat 400 metrov, ki jo obkrožajo ulice z zgoščenim prometom, vključno z avtobusi.
In the inner streets, cars are banned or limited to low speed. 
Na notranjih ulicah je uporaba avtomobilov prepovedana ali pa omejena na vožnjo z nizko hitrostjo.
The superblocks are an example of how cities can give priority to walking and cycling by taking public space from parking and giving it to citizens. o Palermo established a 4-hectare traffic-free zone and plans to double its size. 
Superbloki so primer tega, kako lahko mesta dajo prednost hoji in kolesarjenju, tako da parkiriščem odvzamejo javni prostor in ga namenijo meščanom, o v Palermu je bilo uvedeno območje brez prometa velikosti štirih hektarjev, ki naj bi ga še enkrat povečali.
It also intends to reduce the space available for cars in order to expand the tram network. o Some cities, including Stockholm and Valletta, have applied congestion charges and reported that this helped to reduce congestion considerably, contributing significantly towards more sustainable modes of transport. 
Mesto namerava tudi zmanjšati prostor, ki je na voljo za avtomobile, in tako razširiti tramvajsko mrežo, o nekatera mesta, vključno s Stockholmom in Valletto, so uvedla pristojbine za zastoje in poročala, da je to znatno pripomoglo k zmanjšanju zastojev in bistveno prispevalo k bolj trajnostnim načinom prevoza.
The revenue from congestion charges also provided financial resources for improving public transport. 
S prihodki iz pristojbin za zastoje so se zagotovila tudi finančna sredstva za izboljšanje javnega prevoza.
51 We found, however, that the concept of congestion charges was not widely used, and there were cases in which limited traffic zones were not implemented in a consistent manner: o Only very few cities applied congestion charges, despite their potential benefits in terms of reducing congestion, increasing sustainability and providing added income. 
51 Sodišče pa je odkrilo, da se koncept zaračunavanja pristojbin za zastoje ni pogosto uporabljal, obstajali pa so tudi primeri, v katerih se območja z omejenim prometom niso dosledno izvajala: o zaračunavanje pristojbin za zastoje je uporabilo le malo mest kljub njihovim potencialnim koristim v smislu zmanjšanja zastojev, krepitve trajnosti in zagotavljanja dodatnih prihodkov.
This can be partly explained by the specific contexts of individual cities. 
To je mogoče delno pojasniti s specifičnimi razmerami posameznih mest.
For example, a city might be reluctant to consider a congestion charge if that made it less attractive to citizens and businesses compared to neighbouring cities without a congestion charge. 29 
Mesto bi na primer nerado razmišljalo o zaračunavanju pristojbin za zastoje, če bi bilo v primerjavi s sosednjimi mesti, ki tovrstnih pristojbin za zastoje ne bi zaračunavala, zaradi tega manj privlačno za meščane in podjetja. 31
Picture 7 – Street in Hamburg with temporary ban for older diesel cars Source: ECA based on data published by the Hamburg authorities. Map: © QGIS. o In order to comply with air quality thresholds, Hamburg established temporary bans for older diesel vehicles in one street, close to where five of the city’s 15 air quality measurement stations are concentrated (see map – Picture 7). 
Slika 7 – Ulica v Hamburgu, na kateri je uporaba starejših dizelskih avtomobilov začasno prepovedana 32 Vir: Evropsko računsko sodišče na podlagi podatkov hamburških organov Zemljevid: © QGIS. o mesto Hamburg je zaradi upoštevanja mejne vrednosti za kakovost zraka začasno prepovedalo uporabo starejših dizelskih vozil na eni ulici, blizu katere je skoncentriranih pet od 15 postaj za merjenje kakovosti zraka v mestu (glej zemljevid – slika 7).
These measures may improve the indicators, but they are unlikely to lead to a significant improvement in air quality in a large city. 
Zaradi teh ukrepov se lahko izboljšajo kazalniki, kakovost zraka v velikem mestu pa se verjetno ne bo bistveno izboljšala.
52 The potential of cycling to increase the sustainability of urban mobility is considerable. 
52 Kolesarjenje ima velik potencial za povečanje trajnosti mobilnosti v mestih.
In Copenhagen, around 40 % of commutes are made by bicycle and both Antwerp and Bordeaux also achieved a considerable reduction of private vehicle use (see paragraph 19) owing to an expansion of their bicycle path networks24. 
V Københavnu se približno 40 % dnevnih migracij izvede s kolesom in tudi Antwerpen in Bordeaux sta z razširitvijo svojih omrežij kolesarskih stez znatno zmanjšala uporabo osebnih vozil (glej odstavek 19)24.
Data from Leipzig show how both maintenance and investment cost for cycle paths are much lower than all other means of transport. 
Podatki iz Leipziga kažejo, da so stroški vzdrževanja in naložb za kolesarske steze veliko nižji od stroškov za katera koli druga prevozna sredstva.
24 According to the ‘Copenhagenize Index’ (www.copenhagenizeindex.eu), which ranks the most bicycle-friendly cities in Europe, Antwerp ranks 4th and Bordeaux 6th. 30 2.5 0 2.5 5 7.5 10km 
24 Glede na Copenhagenize Index (www.copenhagenizeindex.eu), v okviru katerega se razvrščajo kolesarjenju najbolj prijazna mesta v Evropi, je Antwerpen na četrtem, Bordeaux pa na šestem mestu.
53 Despite the potential benefits of cycling and the lower investment cost of cycling infrastructure, we observed that in many cities there was no clear commitment towards improving cycle paths: o In many visited cities, cycling levels are low. 
53 Sodišče je kljub potencialnim koristim kolesarjenja in nižjim stroškom naložb v kolesarsko infrastrukturo ugotovilo, da v več mestih ni bilo jasne zavezanosti izboljšanju kolesarskih stez: o stopnje kolesarjenja so v številnih obiskanih mestih nizke.
For example, the length of cycle paths in Naples was under 20 km, and the modal share of cycling in Madrid and Barcelona was between 1 % and 2 %. 
Dolžina kolesarskih stez v Neaplju je na primer znašala manj kot 20 km, modalni delež kolesarjenja v Madridu in Barceloni pa je bil med 1 % in 2 %.
The plan in Barcelona envisaged a 2.5 % modal share for cycling in 2018, while the Madrid 2008-2016 master plan for cycling mobility resulted in a final modal share of only 1.2 % in 2016. 
V načrtu Barcelone je bil predviden 2,5-odstotni modalni delež za kolesarjenje v letu 2018, v krovnem načrtu Madrida za mobilnost kolesarjev za obdobje 2008–2016 pa je bil končni modalni delež v letu 2016 le 1,2 %.
The plan was revised in 2016 with a new target of 5 % in 2025. o Few of the cities we visited had targets for cycling in their plans. 
Načrt je bil leta 2016 revidiran in določena je bila nova ciljna vrednost v višini 5 % za leto 2025, o malo obiskanih mest je imelo v svojih načrtih določene ciljne vrednosti za kolesarjenje.
Those targets that did exist were sometimes combined with walking. o Neither are there clear targets on the number or type of cycle paths to be built. 
Ciljne vrednosti, ki so obstajale, pa so bile včasih kombinirane s tistimi za hojo, o prav tako ni jasnih ciljnih vrednosti glede števila ali vrste kolesarskih stez, ki jih je treba zgraditi.
In some cities, such as Madrid, the cycle paths are not fully separate from motorised traffic or from pedestrians on the pavement. 
V nekaterih mestih, kot je Madrid, kolesarske steze niso povsem ločene od motoriziranega prometa ali pešcev na pločniku.
54 The data provided by cities on modal share and the information gathered in the cities we visited, such as Madrid and Barcelona, show that there is considerable risk that increases in active mobility, such as cycling and walking, derive from a shift from public transport instead of from the use of private cars. 
54 Podatki o modalnem deležu, ki so jih zagotovila mesta, in informacije, zbrane v obiskanih mestih, kot sta Madrid in Barcelona, kažejo, da obstaja znatno tveganje, da se aktivna mobilnost, kot sta kolesarjenje in hoja, poveča zaradi opustitve uporabe javnega prevoza namesto zaradi opustitve uporabe osebnih avtomobilov.
In Antwerp, for instance, both private car usage and public transport decreased from 2013 to 2017, by 4.4 % and 2.8 % respectively, whereas the share of cycling increased by 7.3 % over the same time period; in Lisbon, public transport decreased from 34 % in 2013 to 22 % in 2017. 
V Antwerpnu se je na primer uporaba osebnih avtomobilov in javnega prevoza s 4,4 % leta 2013 zmanjšala na 2,8 % leta 2017, medtem ko se je delež kolesarjenja v istem obdobju povečal za 7,3 %; v Lizboni se je javni prevoz zmanjšal s 34 % leta 2013 na 22 % leta 2017.
For example, in Hamburg and Leipzig fuel prices decreased considerably between 2012 and 2018 while ticket prices increased by up to 40 %. 
Cene goriva v Hamburgu in Leipzigu so se na primer med letoma 2012 in 2018 znatno znižale, medtem ko so se cene vozovnic zvišale tudi za 40 %.
55 These examples illustrate the importance of not only making public transport and active mobility more attractive; it is also important to take effective steps to dissuade people from using their private cars. 
55 Ti primeri ponazarjajo, da je pomembno povečati privlačnost javnega prevoza in aktivne mobilnosti, vendar tudi sprejeti uspešne ukrepe za odvrnitev ljudi od uporabe osebnih avtomobilov. 33
56 Many of the positive examples we found required considerable political leadership and effective communication to be implemented. 
56 Za izvedbo številnih pozitivnih primerov, ki jih je Sodišče odkrilo, sta bila potrebna močno politično vodstvo in uspešno komuniciranje.
Persuading citizens to leave the comfort of their cars for other forms of transport is often a challenge. 
Prepričati državljane, naj opustijo udobje svojih avtomobilov in se odločijo za druge načine prevoza, je pogosto izziv.
For example, the introduction of the congestion charge in Stockholm required an initial test phase before it could be fully introduced. 
Za popolno uvedbo zaračunavanja pristojbine za zastoje v Stockholmu je bila na primer potrebna začetna faza testiranja.
Although citizens were initially resistant to the idea, now they do not wish to go back to the initial situation without congestion charges. 
Čeprav so državljani sprva to zamisel zavračali, se zdaj ne želijo vrniti na prvotno stanje brez zaračunavanja pristojbin za zastoje.
And both Barcelona and Leipzig highlighted the importance of effective 31 communication about the potential benefits of the proposed solutions before introducing superblocks and reduced spaces for private vehicles respectively. 
Poleg tega sta Barcelona in tudi Leipzig poudarila pomen uspešnega komuniciranja o potencialnih koristih predlaganih rešitev pred uvedbo superblokov oziroma zmanjšanjem parkirnih mest za osebna vozila.
Some projects we examined were not fully effective and some were not based on sound strategies 57 We assessed the effectiveness of the 15 EU projects we examined. 
Nekateri projekti, ki jih je Sodišče preučilo, niso bili v celoti uspešni in nekateri niso temeljili na dobrih strategijah 57 Sodišče je ocenilo uspešnost 15 projektov EU, ki jih je preučilo.
We also assessed whether these projects were based on sound strategic approaches and whether the strategies at local levels were coherent with the strategy principles laid down by the Commission in its policy papers and guidelines. 
Ocenilo je tudi, ali so ti projekti temeljili na dobrih strateških pristopih in ali so bile strategije na lokalni ravni skladne z načeli strategije, ki jih je Komisija določila v svojih dokumentih politike in smernicah.
Some projects were not as effective as intended 58 Not all audited projects were fully effective. 
Nekateri projekti niso bili tako uspešni, kot je bilo načrtovano 58 Vsi revidirani projekti niso bili v celoti uspešni.
We noted a number of examples in which projects reported lower usage than planned: — The projects in Naples and Palermo which aimed to increase bus and tram use suffered – with the exception of the purchase of buses in Naples – considerable delays. 
Sodišče je odkrilo številne primere, v katerih je bila za projekte sporočena manjša uporaba, kot je bilo načrtovano: — pri projektih v Neaplju in Palermu (razen projekta nakupa avtobusov v Neaplju), katerih namen je bil povečati uporabo avtobusov in tramvajev, je prišlo do precejšnjih zamud.
Once the projects were completed, the actual number of passengers was significantly lower than planned. — The projects in Warsaw and Łódź were completed as expected and improved the public transport available to citizens, but did not result in significant changes in the modal share. 
Ko so bili projekti zaključeni, je bilo dejansko število potnikov znatno manjše od načrtovanega, — projekti v Varšavi in Lodžu so bili zaključeni, kot je bilo predvideno. Z njimi se je izboljšal javni prevoz, ki je na voljo državljanom, niso pa privedli do bistvenih sprememb modalnega deleža.
Following the implementation of the tram rolling stock project in Łódź, the tram network improved but the number of public transport passengers did not increase compared to 2014, when the project started (the target set at the time of project approval). 
Po izvedbi projekta v zvezi s tramvajskim voznim parkom v Lodžu se je tramvajsko omrežje izboljšalo, toda število potnikov v javnem prevozu se v primerjavi z letom 2014, ko se je projekt začel izvajati, ni povečalo (to je bil cilj, določen v času odobritve projekta).
In the meantime, congestion increased. — In Barcelona, the construction of the Bus-HOV (high occupancy vehicle) lane suffered considerable delays and cost overruns and did not achieve its objectives in terms of the number of vehicles using it. 
Zastoji so se v tem času povečali, — v Barceloni je pri gradnji voznega pasu za avtobuse in vozila z visoko zasedenostjo prišlo do velikih zamud in prekoračitve stroškov. Prav tako niso bili doseženi cilji glede števila vozil, ki ta pas uporabljajo.
59 The extension of the metro line 11 in Madrid assumed that traffic would increase as a result of the construction of a new commercial centre. 
59 Pri razširitvi proge podzemne železnice št. 11 v Madridu se je izhajalo iz tega, da se bo promet zaradi gradnje novega trgovskega centra povečal.
This commercial centre was already close to other existing ones and closed shortly after the new metro line opened, with the result that user numbers were 45 % lower than planned. We found 32 
Ta trgovski center je bil blizu drugih, ki so takrat že obstajali, in je bil kmalu po odprtju nove proge podzemne železnice zaprt, tako da je bilo število uporabnikov za 45 % manjše, kot je bilo načrtovano.
several reasons that contributed to the limited effectiveness of the visited projects. 
Sodišče je odkrilo več razlogov, ki so prispevali k omejeni uspešnosti obiskanih projektov.
These were shortcomings at both the project planning and implementation stages: — The tram line in Palermo was conceived from the outset to depend on other transport projects run by other operators. 
To so bile pomanjkljivosti v fazah načrtovanja in izvajanja projektov: — tramvajska proga v Palermu je bila že od začetka zasnovana tako, da je bila odvisna od prometnih projektov, ki so jih vodili drugi operaterji.
This exposed the project to the risk of delays in the implementation of the other projects; this risk subsequently materialised. 
S tem je bil projekt izpostavljen tveganju zamud pri izvajanju drugih projektov in to tveganje se je nato uresničilo.
The effectiveness of the project was also hampered by the lack of ticket integration between the different operators involved, which meant that passengers have to purchase multiple tickets to reach the city centre by tram. — The Bus-HOV lane in Barcelona consisted of an additional lane, in some sections constructed above an existing highway. 
Uspešnost projekta je oviralo tudi pomanjkanje povezovanja vozovnic med različnimi operaterji, kar je pomenilo, da so morali potniki za vožnjo v mesto s tramvajem kupiti več vozovnic, — vozni pas za avtobuse in vozila z visoko zasedenostjo v Barceloni je zajemal dodaten vozni pas, ki je bil v nekaterih delih zgrajen nad obstoječo avtocesto.
The project provided time savings of around four minutes, but this did not constitute sufficient incentive for a private user to switch to the bus-HOV lane, which had been the objective of the project. — In the case of the extension of the metro line in Naples, the local authorities did not procure new metro trains on time. 
Prihranek časa, ki je bil omogočen s projektom, je znašal približno štiri minute, vendar to ni bila zadostna spodbuda zasebnemu uporabniku za prehod na vozni pas za avtobuse in vozila z visoko zasedenostjo, ki je bil cilj projekta, — v primeru razširitve proge podzemne železnice v Neaplju lokalni organi niso pravočasno izvedli javnega naročila za nakup novih vlakov.
This meant that the same number of trains had to serve the increased length of the line, resulting in lower frequency and lower service levels. 
To je pomenilo, da je moralo po zdaj daljši progi voziti enako število vlakov, kar je povzročilo manjšo pogostost in nižje ravni storitev.
Projects were not always based on sound urban mobility strategies 60 We identified a number of cases in which EU-funded projects were not based on sound strategies, either SUMPs or other sector strategies. 
Projekti niso vedno temeljili na dobrih strategijah za mobilnost v mestih 60 Sodišče je odkrilo številne primere, v katerih projekti, ki jih financira EU, niso temeljili na dobrih strategijah, tj. bodisi na načrtih za trajnostno mobilnost v mestih bodisi na drugih sektorskih strategijah.
Weaknesses in the strategic approaches include a lack of comprehensive data and appropriate targets, and insufficient coordination with other plans and policies. 
Slabosti v strateških pristopih vključujejo pomanjkanje izčrpnih podatkov in ustreznih ciljnih vrednosti ter nezadostno usklajenost z drugimi načrti in politikami.
Lack of relevant and reliable data 61 Every policy and strategy should start from a sound diagnosis, for which the collection of relevant, reliable data is necessary. 
Pomanjkanje ustreznih in zanesljivih podatkov 61 Vsaka politika in strategija bi morala temeljiti na dobri diagnozi, za katero je potrebno zbiranje ustreznih in zanesljivih podatkov.
However, there is no common set of indicators relating to urban mobility at the European level, and not all Member States systematically collect relevant data. 
Vendar pa ni skupnega sklopa kazalnikov v zvezi z mobilnostjo v mestih na evropski ravni, vse države članice pa tudi ne zbirajo sistematično ustreznih podatkov.
Obtaining meaningful data from cities and Member States for this audit was a major challenge. 
Pridobitev smiselnih podatkov od mest in držav članic za to revizijo je bila pomemben izziv.
The absence of good data makes it difficult for the Commission to have a reliable picture of the state of urban mobility in the EU and therefore also to develop appropriate policy initiatives. 
Ker ni na voljo dobrih podatkov, si Komisija težko ustvari zanesljivo predstavo o stanju na področju mobilnosti v mestih v EU in zato tudi težko pripravi ustrezne politične pobude.
62 The Commission established, with ELTIS (see paragraph 33), an urban mobility observatory in which it collects examples of good practice and experience from EU cities. 
62 Komisija je skupaj s platformo ELTIS (glej odstavek 33) ustanovila observatorij za mobilnost v mestih, v okviru katerega zbira primere dobre prakse in izkušnje mest v EU.
In addition, at the time of the audit, it was running a pilot project with around 50 EU cities intended to create a common set of urban mobility indicators to guide 33 data collection. 
Poleg tega je v času revizije izvajala pilotni projekt, ki je zajemal približno 50 mest v EU in v okviru katerega naj bi se določil skupni sklop kazalnikov mobilnosti v mestih, na podlagi katerega bi se zbirali podatki.
According to information provided by the Commission, the project identified 21 indicators, which cities can use to evaluate their urban mobility policies in a standardised way. 
Glede na informacije, ki jih je predložila Komisija, je bilo v projektu opredeljenih 21 kazalnikov, ki jih lahko mesta uporabijo za standardizirano ocenjevanje svojih politik mobilnosti v mestih.