natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
The number of persons allegedly affected since 1992 by this officially authorised legalistic attempt at ethnic cleansing, as Judge rightly calls it, stands at 25,671. Following the new 1999 Citizenship Act - ultimately in conformity with the first judgment of the Constitutional Court - at least 6,621 of the aggrieved have apparently so far demonstrated their legal interest and have in fact regularised their residence or citizenship status.
Število oseb, ki naj bi jih od leta 1992 prizadel ta uradno odobreni legalistični poskus etničnega čiščenja, kot ga upravičeno imenuje sodnik, je 25.671. Po sprejetju novega Zakona o državljanstvu - končno skladno s prvo odločbo ustavnega sodišča - naj bi doslej vsaj 6621 prizadetih pokazalo svoj pravni interes ter dejansko zakonsko uredilo svoj status glede prebivališča in državljanstva.
Up until 31 January 2012 the administrative units of the Ministry of the Interior had registered 229 applications for permanent residence as well as 101 applications for ex tunc regularisation.
Do 31. 1. 2012 so upravne enote ministrstva dobile 229 prošenj za stalno prebivališče in 101 prošnjo za ureditev statusa ex tunc.
They had issued 59 permanent residence permits; 83 applications were rejected, whereas 87 applications were still pending.
Izdale so 59 dovoljenj za stalno prebivanje; 83 prošenj je bilo zavrnjenih, 87 prošenj pa je bilo še v obravnavi.
They had rendered 52 special and ex officio positive decisions, as well as 74 decisions upon a special application; of these, 10 applications were rejected administratively, whereas 17 were still pending.
Izdale so 52 posebnih in pozitivnih sklepov po uradni dolžnosti ter 74 sklepov na podlagi posebne prošnje. Od tega je bilo deset prošenj upravno zavrnjenih, 17 pa je bilo še v obravnavi.
Against these decisions an administrative appeal was possible; up until 31 January 2012 there were 29 administrative appeals to the Ministry of the Interior. Presumably, after that recourse to a judicial decision is possible.
Zoper te sklepe je bilo mogoče vložiti upravno pritožbo. Do 31. 1. 2012 je bilo na ministrstvo naslovljenih 29 upravnih pritožb; po tem je verjetno mogoč dostop do sodne odločbe.
Apparently, about half of the original 25,671 affected persons either no longer live in the Republic of Slovenia or have not so far manifested their legal interest in regularising their residence status.
Približno polovica od prvotnih 25.671 prizadetih oseb domnevno ne živi več v Republiki Sloveniji ali pa ni pokazala pravnega interesa za zakonsko ureditev svojega prebivališča.
As for indemnification of the victims, the domestic law, as per the decision of the Constitutional Court, posted a five-year deadline ending in March 2004. Given the legislative disregard of the judgment of the Constitutional Court until 1999 and the obvious continuity of the violation, this closing date ought not to be applicable.
Glede nadomestila žrtvam je domača zakonodaja v skladu z odločbo ustavnega sodišča določila petletni rok z iztekom marca 2004. Ker zakonodajna oblast do leta 1999 ni upoštevala odločbe ustavnega sodišča in se je kršitev očitno nadaljevala, se ta končni rok ne bi smel uporabljati.
On the other hand, I hasten to add, one cannot be certain in how many of these cases the victims, that is, those entitled to standing (legitimatio activa) in potential future cases, have themselves indeed neglected to apply for their citizenship in due time.
Po drugi strani pa naj nemudoma dodam, da ni gotovo, v kolikšnem številu teh primerov žrtve oziroma tisti, ki so upravičeni do pravnega varstva (legitimatio activa) v morebitnih prihodnjih zadevah, sami res niso pravočasno zaprosili za državljanstvo.
Also, the twenty-year postponement in legally resolving this question - on a case-by-case basis!
Tudi dvajsetletno odlašanje pri pravnem reševanju tega vprašanja - od primera do primera!
- in the domestic legal system was to some extent due to the contrived and disingenuous impression, maintained in the misled Slovenian public, to the effect that at least some of the aggrieved had brought the problem upon themselves; allegedly their procrastination was due to their own nationalist (Serbian, Croatian etc.) ambivalence as to their animus manendi concerning their continued residence in the then newly established Republic of Slovenia.
- v domačem pravnem sistemu se lahko do neke mere pripiše izmišljenemu in varljivemu vtisu, ki se je ohranjal v zapeljani slovenski javnosti in po katerem naj bi si vsaj nekateri prizadeti nakopali težave sami; domnevni razlog za njihovo obotavljanje pa naj bi bila lastna nacionalistična (srbska, hrvaška itd.) razdvojenost glede njihovega animus manendi oziroma nadaljnjega prebivanja v novoustanovljeni Republiki Sloveniji.
This was before, during and after the Balkan wars twenty years ago.
To je bilo pred in med vojnami na Balkanu pred dvajsetimi leti in po tem.
One must therefore keep in mind that - at the time - it was far from obvious for many of those concerned, in the context of their own wishful thinking, that the megalomaniac myths of Greater Serbia or greater whatever in the Balkans were unfounded.
Zato ne smemo pozabiti, da v tistem času mnogim vpletenim še zdaleč ni bilo jasno, da so bili v smislu njihovih lastnih pobožnih želja megalomanski miti o veliki Srbiji - ali veliki kar koli že - na Balkanu neutemeljeni.
The real, and not merely legal, victims of these primitive tribal wars - fraught with the narcissism of small differences and with the consequent unspeakable atrocities that followed in Croatia, Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina - are now counted in the hundreds of thousands of those killed, tortured, raped, and so on.
Resnične in ne zgolj pravne žrtve teh primitivnih plemenskih vojn, polnih narcizma majhnih nesoglasij in poznejših neopisljivih grozodejstev, ki so se dogajala na Hrvaškem, v Srbiji ter Bosni in Hercegovini, se zdaj štejejo v stotisočih ubitih, mučenih, posiljenih in tako naprej.
Moreover, the perfidious instigation of certain continental European foreign intelligence services interested in the disintegration of Yugoslavia, which triggered the rest of the insane activation of the chauvinist and revanchist collective unconscious, has been duly publicised, especially in the American press, and is now an established historical fact.
Pa tudi zahrbtno hujskanje nekaterih obveščevalnih služb celinskih evropskih držav, ki so se zanimale za razpad Jugoslavije, kar je sprožilo preostanek blaznega delovanja šovinistične in revanšistične kolektivne podzavesti, je bilo ustrezno popisano, zlasti v ameriškem tisku, in je danes neizpodbitno zgodovinsko dejstvo.
This unfortunate process caused the surfacing of figures now known to be psychopaths, who were personally responsible for all manner of inhuman callousness.
Ta nesrečni proces je naplavil na površje osebe, za katere zdaj vemo, da so bili psihopati in osebno odgovorni za vse vrste nečloveške brezčutnosti.
The latter was simply unimaginable in Yugoslavia before this tsunami of cruelty actually started to roll over the country.
Preden se je ta cunami krutosti dejansko začel valiti po državi, je bilo kaj takega v Jugoslaviji preprosto nepojmljivo.
The historian A.J.P. Taylor, for example, considered Josip Broz Tito to be the last of the Habsburgs, capable of keeping together a tolerant multinational community; A.J.P. Taylor did not live to see it disintegrate.
Tako je na primer zgodovinar A. J. P. Taylor menil, da je Josip Broz Tito poslednji Habsburžan, ki je sposoben strpno večnarodno skupnost obdržati skupaj. A. J. P. Taylor ni doživel njenega razpada.
On the other hand, from the corroborated retrospective view of twenty years, the disintegration of Yugoslavia was and continues to be an unmitigated disaster.
Po drugi strani pa se iz potrjene retrospektive zadnjih dvajsetih let lahko reče, da je razpad Jugoslavije bil in je še popolna katastrofa.
In this historical reassessment, the French would say: &quot;A quoi tout cela a-t-il servi?&quot;
Pri tej zgodovinski ponovni ocenitvi bi Francozi rekli: &quot;A quoi tout cela a-t-il servi?&quot;
No reasonable person can reasonably answer this question except by saying, as Erich Fromm would have, that this was a folie à millions.
Noben razumen človek ne more dati na to vprašanje razumnega odgovora, razen če ne bi, tako kot Erich Fromm, dejal, da je bila to folie ŕ millions.
We do not wish to draw parallels here with the disintegration of the ex-Soviet empire and its consequences; suffice it to say, because this is a matter of international law, that Woodrow Wilson, before launching, under the influence of Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk, his famous catchphrase concerning the self-determination of nations - had been explicitly and repeatedly forewarned about the possible consequences.
Tu ne želimo vleči vzporednic z razpadom nekdanjega sovjetskega imperija in njegovimi posledicami; ker je to zadeva mednarodnega prava, je dovolj reči, da je bil Woodrow Wilson, preden je pod vplivom Tomáša G. Masaryka objavil svoj sloviti rek o samoodločbi narodov, izrecno in večkrat vnaprej opozorjen na morebitne posledice.
The consequences are now here; that is to say, the particularisation and balkanisation of national entities has in fact materialised.
Posledice so zdaj tu; razdrobitev in balkanizacija nacionalnih subjektov sta se namreč dejansko zgodili.
This will hopefully be compensated for, as I emphasised at the time in an article in El País, by universalisation in the context of the European Union.
Upajmo, da se bo to nadomestilo z univerzalizacijo v Evropski uniji, kot sem pred časom poudaril v članku za časopis El País.
Nationalist squabbles would be in the Hegelian sense transcended and would, including border disputes, become largely inapposite within the context of the European Union.
Nacionalistična pričkanja bi bila v hegeljanskem smislu presežena in bi vključno z mejnimi spori v Evropski uniji večinoma postala neprimerna.
The European free movement of people, for example, makes what is at stake in this case simply sans objet.
Evropski prosti pretok ljudi na primer dokazuje, da je vse to, za kar gre v tej zadevi, preprosto sans objet.
What has come apart on one level is, with the tragic historical delay, slowly coming together on a higher level.
To, kar se je razdružilo na eni ravni, se s tragično zgodovinsko zamudo počasi združuje na višji ravni.
It is also increasingly clear that the keeping together, in the manner of A.J.P. Taylor, of this, in other words, the European entity, will require much political wisdom.
Prav tako je vedno jasnejše, da bo, kot je dejal A. J. P. Taylor, obdržati skupaj ta, z drugimi besedami evropski subjekt zahtevalo veliko politične modrosti.
Still, the historical delay has caused this case and many other still more appalling consequences.
Kljub temu je bila zgodovinska zamuda razlog, da imajo ta in mnoge druge zadeve še strašnejše posledice.
Some of them have ascended to international jurisdictions, most of them have not.
Nekatere so se povzpele do ravni jurisdikcije po mednarodnem pravu, večina pač ne.
Because the ethnic cleansing attempt in the case before the Grand Chamber was done through misconstruction of the Slovenian Citizenship Act and its premeditated legal lacunae, the specificity of the case lies in its minutely recorded legalistic features.
Ker je bil poskus etničnega čiščenja v zadevi pred velikim senatom storjen na podlagi napačne razlage slovenskega Zakona o državljanstvu in njegovih namernih pravnih praznin, je posebnost te zadeve v njenih skrbno zapisanih legalističnih značilnostih.
This is why we have a precise historical record of the number of the aggrieved, the number of those who were not provided for by the domestic system, in the manner of Article 41 of the Convention, and so on.
Prav zato imamo natančen zgodovinski popis števila prizadetih, števila tistih, za katere domači sistem ni poskrbel v smislu 41. člena konvencije in tako naprej.
The above-mentioned two-faced legalistic legacy of the communist system reminds us of the case of Streletz, Kessler and Krenz v. Germany ([GC], nos. 34044/96, 35532/97 and 44801/98, ECHR 2001-II); there, too, the façade of schizophrenic legality had been maintained, in East Germany, as seemingly intact.
Že omenjena dvolična legalistična zapuščina komunističnega sistema nas spominja na zadevo Streletz, Kessler in Krenz proti Nemčiji ([VS], št. 34044/96, 35532/97 in 44801/98, ESČP 2001-II). Tudi tam se je shizofreno pročelje zakonitosti, namreč v Vzhodni Nemčiji, ohranjalo kot dozdevno nedotaknjeno.
Behind the façade the impunity had continued unimpeded.
Za tem pročeljem se je nekaznivost neovirano nadaljevala.
In the case before us we had an intentional lacuna in the law, which was then filled in by the semi-official but unpublished dépêches issued by the then Minister of the Interior and his Secretary of State.
V zadevi pred sabo smo imeli opravka z namerno vrzeljo v zakonu, ki je bila pozneje zapolnjena s poluradnimi, vendar neobjavljenimi dépęches, ki sta jih izdala tedanji notranji minister in njegov državni sekretar.
They were explicitly approved by the then Prime Minister and his Government.
Tedanji premier in njegova vlada sta jih izrecno odobrila.
In terms of criminal law we may therefore speak of dolus directus in the first case and at least of dolus eventualis in the latter case.
Na ravni kazenskega prava lahko zato v prvem primeru govorimo o dolus directus, v drugem pa vsaj o dolus eventualis.
Meanwhile, the public had been misled to believe, as I said, that the thousands affected by this were simply negligent in failing to apply for their Slovenian citizenship.
Kot sem že dejal, so medtem javnost z zavajanjem prepričali, da so bili tisoči prizadetih preprosto malomarni, ko niso zaprosili za slovensko državljanstvo.
Fortunately, owing to the legalistic nature of the abuse, all these actions, correspondence and so on, as pointed out above, were recorded and are on file; the Grand Chamber had the opportunity to see the relevant correspondence and the dépêches and to take them into account.
Toda zaradi legalistične narave zlorabe so bila, kot sem že poudaril, vsa ta dejanja, korespondenca in drugo na srečo zapisani ter so v spisu. Veliki senat je imel priložnost, da si ustrezno korespondenco in dépęches ogleda ter jih tudi upošteva.
It remains to be seen whether the domestic criminal legal system will, vis-à-vis the protagonists, react accordingly; if not the issue will again come to Strasbourg under the procedural limbs of Articles 3 and 8, among others.
Videli bomo, ali se bo domači kazenskopravni sistem do protagonistov ustrezno odzval; če ne, bo zadeva ponovno prišla v Strasbourg, med drugim v skladu s postopkovnimi določbami 3. in 8. člena.
Similarly, when it comes to compensating the 25,671 allegedly aggrieved persons, the judicial branch of the domestic legal system would, as in the judicial delay cases (see Lukenda v. Slovenia, no. 23032/02, ECHR 2005-X), be well advised to process all of the situations fairly and on a case-by-case basis.
Tudi ko se bo postavilo vprašanje odškodnin za 25.671 domnevno prizadetih oseb, bi bilo zelo priporočljivo, da tako kot v primerih sodnih zaostankov (glej Lukenda proti Sloveniji, št. 23032/02, ESČP 2005-X) sodna veja domačega pravnega sistema vse okoliščine obravnava pravično in od primera do primera.
In fairness to the national legal system, we must consider the honourable and courageous stance - faced with the continuity of this appalling situation - taken twice by the Constitutional Court in Slovenia.
Da pa bi bili pošteni do domačega pravnega sistema, moramo upoštevati častno in pogumno stališče, ki ga je - postavljeno pred dolgotrajnost tega grozljivega stanja - dvakrat sprejelo slovensko ustavno sodišče.
This proves all over again that the national defence of constitutional rights is the best antechamber for our own protection of human rights.
To vedno znova dokazuje, da je državna obramba ustavnih pravic najboljša predsoba za naše lastno varstvo človekovih pravic.
The relevant judgments of the Constitutional Court in Ljubljana were snubbed by both the executive and the legislative branches at the time.
Na odločbi ustavnega sodišča sta se v Ljubljani v tistem času osorno odzvali izvršilna in tudi zakonodajna veja oblasti.
The price will now be paid by the Slovenian taxpayer.
Ceno bo zdaj plačal slovenski davkoplačevalec.
As per recent information, the rest of the judicial branch, owing to its characteristic post-communist legal formalism, has likewise failed to compensate the aggrieved for the continuing violations such as we have established in the cases before us.
Po zadnjih informacijah preostanek sodne veje zaradi svojega značilnega pokomunističnega pravnega formalizma prav tako ni dosodil odškodnine prizadetim za nepretrgane kršitve, ugotovljene v zadevah, ki jih imamo pred sabo.
This case also proves that legal mills do grind slowly - but unremittingly.
Ta zadeva dokazuje še, da pravni mlini res meljejo počasi, a vztrajno.
Precisely because of international jurisdiction, at least here, justice will have been done.
Prav zaradi jurisdikcije po mednarodnem pravu bo pravici vsaj tu zadoščeno.
Moreover, while justice as such cannot be defined, injustice is easily recognisable.
In čeprav pravičnosti kot take ni mogoče opredeliti, je nepravičnost prav lahko prepoznati.
The broader question is, therefore, why it was not recognised in the domestic legal system.
Zato se postavlja širše vprašanje, zakaj ni bila prepoznana v domačem pravnem sistemu.
Indeed, in post-communist legal systems there seems to be an irreconcilable mutual exclusion between mechanical legal formalism on the one hand and the simple sense of justice on the other.
Res se zdi, da obstaja v pokomunističnih pravnih sistemih nespravljiva vzajemna izključenost med mehanskim pravnim formalizmom po eni in preprostim smislom za pravičnost po drugi strani.
Often enough, we encounter this irreconcilability - summum ius, summa iniuria!
Na to nespravljivost naletimo dovolj pogosto - summum ius, summa iniuria!
- in other cases, including Western ones, except that in this colossal instance the Constitutional Court had identified the injustice.
- tudi v drugih zadevah, tudi na Zahodu, razen da je v tem neznanskem primeru ustavno sodišče nepravičnost prepoznalo.
It was the malevolent political will that impeded the rule of law and blocked the proper judicial remedy.
Zlonamerna politična volja je bila tista, ki je postavljala ovire pravni državi in onemogočila ustrezno pravno sredstvo.
In this case the Court unanimously found a clear violation of Article 8 of the Convention, considering that the &quot;erasure&quot; of the applicants amounted to an interference with their &quot;private or family life&quot; or both within the meaning of Article 8 § 1 of the Convention (see Slivenko v. Latvia [GC], no. 48321/99, § 96, ECHR 2003-X).
Sodišče je v tej zadevi soglasno ugotovilo nedvomno kršitev 8. člena konvencije glede na to, da je bil za pritožnike izbris poseg v njihovo &quot;zasebno ali družinsko življenje&quot; ali oboje v smislu prvega odstavka 8. a konvencije (glej Slivenko proti Latviji [VS], št. odstavek, ESČP 2003-X).
The main and the worst consequence of the &quot;erasure&quot; was that it was factually and legally impossible for the applicants to obtain permanent residence permits and/or Slovenian citizenship, and thus to continue to enjoy the full range of social and political rights which they had enjoyed prior to Slovenia&apos;s independence, having been lawfully residing there for several years, or even decades, as former SFRY citizens.
Glavna in najhujša posledica izbrisa je bila, da pritožniki dejansko in pravno niso mogli pridobiti dovoljenja za stalno prebivališče oziroma slovenskega državljanstva, na podlagi katerega bi še naprej uživali vse socialne in politične pravice, ki so jih imeli pred osamosvojitvijo Slovenije, v kateri so kot državljani nekdanje SFRJ zakonito prebivali mnoga leta ali celo desetletja.
As the Court pointed out in paragraph 356 of the judgment, &quot;owing to the &apos;erasure&apos;, they experienced a number of adverse consequences, such as the destruction of identity documents, loss of job opportunities, loss of health insurance, the impossibility of renewing identity documents or driving licences, and difficulties in regulating pension rights.
Kot je Sodišče poudarilo v 356. odstavku sodbe, so zaradi izbrisa &quot;pretrpeli veliko negativnih posledic, kakršne so uničenje osebnih dokumentov, izguba možnosti za delo, izguba zdravstvenega zavarovanja, nemožnost podaljšanja veljavnosti osebnih dokumentov ali vozniškega dovoljenja in težave pri urejanju pokojninskih pravic.
Indeed, the legal vacuum in the independence legislation ... deprived the applicants of their legal status, which had previously given them access to a wide range of rights&quot; (emphasis added).
Dejansko je pravna praznina v osamosvojitveni zakonodaji … pritožnikom odvzela njihov pravni status, ki jim je prej omogočal dostop do cele vrste pravic&quot; (poudarek dodan).
While I agree with the general sense of paragraph 356 of the judgment, which captures the essence of this case, this paragraph is, in my opinion, to some extent legally incomplete and unfinished.
Čeprav se strinjam s splošnim smislom 356. odstavka sodbe, ki zajema bistvo tega primera, je po mojem mnenju nekako vendarle pravno nepopoln in nedokončan.
This is no &quot;ordinary violation&quot; of Article 8 § 1 of the Convention.
To ni &quot;navadna kršitev&quot; prvega odstavka 8. člena konvencije.
We are dealing with large-scale violations of the right of every person to be a person before the law, the right to his or her legal personality.
Tu imamo opravka z obsežnimi kršitvami pravice vsakogar biti oseba pred zakonom, pravice do njegove ali njene pravne osebnosti.
This absolutely fundamental right is directly provided for by Article 6 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and by Article 16 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.
To absolutno temeljno pravico neposredno predvidevata 6. člen Splošne deklaracije o človekovih pravicah in 16. člen Mednarodnega pakta o državljanskih in političnih pravicah.
This per se testifies abundantly to the fact that we are dealing here with something extraordinary!
To per se močno dokazuje, da imamo opravka z nečim izrednim!
Moreover, the right to legal personality is very well founded in universal and customary international human-rights law.
Poleg tega je pravica do pravne osebnosti dobro utemeljena tudi v splošnem in običajnem mednarodnem humanitarnem pravu.
This right is a fundamental precondition for the enjoyment not only of the basic human rights and freedoms, but also of the whole range of different substantive and procedural rights.
Ta pravica je temeljni pogoj za uresničevanje ne le temeljnih človekovih pravic in svoboščin, ampak tudi cele vrste različnih materialnih in postopkovnih pravic.
By their &quot;erasure&quot; the applicants were de facto deprived of their legal personality, because they had been simply and ruthlessly &quot;erased&quot; from the legal order of Slovenia.
Z izbrisom je bila pritožnikom dejansko odvzeta njihova pravna osebnost, ker so bili enostavno in neusmiljeno izbrisani iz slovenskega pravnega reda.
They ceased to exist as &quot;legal subjects&quot; - that is, as &quot;natural persons&quot; in the Slovenian legal system.
Kot &quot;pravni subjekti&quot; oziroma kot &quot;fizične osebe&quot; so v slovenskem pravnem sistemu prenehali obstajati.
They were treated as disposable objects and not as subjects of the law.
Obravnavani so bili kot odstranljivi predmeti in ne kot subjekti prava.
Needless to say, this runs counter to the applicants&apos; inherent human personality and dignity.
Odveč je reči, da je to v nasprotju z neločljivo človeško osebnostjo in dostojanstvom pritožnikov.
The fact that this right is not mentioned expressis verbis in the Convention does not mean that it is not indirectly and tacitly included within the ambit of Article 8 § 1 of the Convention.
Dejstvo, da ta pravica v konvenciji expressis verbis ni omenjena, ne pomeni, da ni neposredno in tiho vključena v področje prvega odstavka 8. člena konvencije.