natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Social exclusion is therefore a process where individuals or groups encounter a combination of mutually associated problems that are also mutually reinforcing (SEU, 2005; taken from Macpherson, 2008: 364).
Socialna izključenost je torej proces, ko se posamezniki ali skupine srečujejo s kombinacijo medsebojno povezanih problemov, ki se medsebojno še dodatno krepijo (SEU, 2005; povz. po Macpherson, 2008: 364).
One of the key features of social exclusion therefore is its cumulative quality, for which reason escaping it is especially difficult for the individual (Gaetz, 2004: 428).
Ena ključnih lastnosti socialne izključenosti je torej kumulativnost, zaradi česar je izhod iz nje za posameznika še posebej težaven (Gaetz, 2004: 428).
On the other hand, it is also significant that the fundamental components of social exclusion are not necessarily linked.
Toda na drugi strani je pomembno tudi, da temeljne sestavine socialne izključenosti niso nujno povezane.
So for example those that endure poor living conditions or are materially deprived, do not at the same necessarily have a feeling of lack, of exclusion from society, impotence and lack of influence (Popp and Schels, 2008: 167; Aasland and Fløtten, 2001: 1042), although of course it is more likely that all of these things coincide in the individual.
Tako na primer tisti, ki živijo v slabih bivalnih razmerah ali so materialno deprivirani, hkrati nimajo nujno občutka pomanjkanja, izključenosti iz družbe, nemoči in pomanjkanja vpliva (Popp in Schels, 2008: 167; Aasland in Fløtten, 2001: 1042), čeprav je seveda verjetnejše, da vsi elementi pri posamezniku sovpadajo.
In view of the above theoretical basis, in this analysis we have put together a combined scale of social exclusion, and below we set out the indicators that in our research signify the individual dimensions of social exclusion.
Glede na zgornja teoretična izhodišča smo v tej analizi sestavili kombinirano lestvico socialne izključenosti, v nadaljevanju pa navajamo kazalnike, ki v naši raziskavi pomenijo posamezne razsežnosti socialne izključenosti.
Those that defined themselves as “unemployed” or as “students on hiatus” were classed as excluded (given the value of 2), and all others as not excluded (given the value of 0).
MacDonald (2006: 380) vanjo vključuje tudi pogosto odsotnost od pouka (ko gre za mlade, vključene v izobraževanje), ločitev staršev, nizko stopnjo izobrazbe kot najpogostejše oblike izključenosti, delikventnost in dolgotrajno uživanje drog pa kot naj
The dimension of being socially connected was studied through a greater number of indicators.
Razsežnost izključenosti s trga dela ali izobraževalnega procesa smoanalizirali tako, da smo anketirance povprašali po njihovi prevladujoči delovni aktivnosti.
Connection associated with the family included these statements, where respondents demonstrate their expectations regarding parental help (1 = I do not expect parental help, 3 = parents
Tiste, ki so sebe opredelili kot »brezposelne« ali kot »študente, ki pavzirajo«, smo uvrstili med izključene (dodelili vrednost 2), vse preostale pa kot neizključene (dodelili vrednost 0).
55 Some authors incorporate other components into the conceptualisation of social exclusion.
Razsežnost socialne omreženosti smo preučili z večjim številom kazalnikov.
This illustrates how diverse the conceptualisation of social exclusion can be.
To nazorno kaže, da je pojmovanje socialne izključenosti zelo raznovrstno.
We looked at the level of exclusion via communication with others and through the respondent's confronting of problems using indicators that measure the respondent's response when he/she encounters major difficulties (1 = I never react in that way, 4 = I always react in that way): “I talk to my parents or other adults”, “I confide in a friend and ask them to help” and “I step back, because I don't think I can change anything”57.
samo spremenljivko, anketirance pa ponovno uvrstili v dve skupini: podpovprečno in nadpovprečno participirajoče in tako dobili dihotomno spremenljivko »politična izključenost«. Nato smo preučili še vključenost mladih v prostovoljna združenja oz. organizacije: tistim, ki so člani vsaj enega združenja,60 smo dodelili vrednost 0 (neizključeni), tistim, ki pa niso člani nobenega društva, pa vrednost 1 (izključeni).
Then we again performed a factor analysis of the second order on the two composite variables, where it was shown that the two factors form a single latent dimension, which we have called “political participation”.
reda, pri kateri se je izkazalo, da oba faktorja sestavljata eno samo latentno razsežnost, ki smo jo poimenovali »politična participacija«.
59 Associations that are not political parties or religious organisations.
60 Združenja, ki niso politična stranka ali verska organizacija.
60 We therefore added up political exclusion and civil society exclusion.
61 Sešteli smo torej politično izključenost in civilnodružbeno izključenost.
Although we discuss four dimensions, 5 is the highest value that a respondent can score (exclusion from the labour market or from the education system was weighted with the value 2, in view of the primary importance of such exclusion).61 In other words, those respondents who
Kot socialno izključene smo nato šteli tiste, ki so »zbrali« 3 točke od 5 na lestvici izključenosti, kar je skladno z drugimi raziskovalci, ki kot izključene opredeljujejo tiste, ki so izključeni na nekaterih, vendar ne nujno vseh razsežnostih socialne izključenosti (Aasland in Fløtten, 2001).
Exclusion from the labour market (unemployment) and from the education process (students on hiatus) are for instance a key dimension of social
Predvsem nas je namreč zanimala le posameznikova kumulativna vrednost na štirih kazalnikih socialne izključenosti (gl.
are excluded in all four dimensions of social exclusion score the highest points (5).
Aasland in Fløtten, 2001).
We only counted as socially excluded those that “collected” 3 points out of 5 on the scale of exclusion, which is in line with other researchers that define as excluded those that are excluded in certain but not necessarily all the dimensions of social exclusion (Aasland and Fløtten, 2001).
Tudi v našem vzorcu sta od petih koeficientov povezanosti statistično značilna le dva: politična izključenost je povezana z izključenostjo strga dela ali iz izobraževanja (r = 0,071; p < 0,05), razsežnost socialne omreženosti pa je povezana z ekonomsko/stanovanjsko izključenostjo (r = 0,135; p < 0,001).
In the methodological sense, social exclusion does not involve a typical scale that would necessarily be seen to be internally consistent or onedimensional.
62 Obteževanje razsežnosti pri preučevanju socialne izključenosti je ena od težav, s katerimi se srečujejo raziskovalci.
Indeed we were interested primarily in just the individual's cumulative value in four indicators of social exclusion (see Aasland and Fløtten, 2001).
Vprašanje, ki se postavlja, je namreč, ali posameznim razsežnostim izključenosti dodeliti enako težo.
In our sample, too, out of five coefficients of association, only two are statistically significant: political exclusion is associated with exclusion from the labour market or from education (r = 0.071; p < 0.05), while the dimension of social connection is associated with economic/ housing exclusion (r = 0.135; p < 0.001).
Izključenost s trga dela (brezposelnost) in iz izobraževalnega procesa (študenti, ki pavzirajo) je npr. osrednja razsežnost socialne izključenosti in smo ji s tega vidika dodelili večjo težo kot preostalim.
The first important finding in our study is that in Slovenia, according to our criteria, 10.4 percent of young people are socially excluded (more than one tenth of respondents therefore score a value of 3 or more on a scale of 0 to 5).
Za namene te analize smo se kljub vsemu odločili, da bomo izključenost s trga dela (ali iz izobraževalnega procesa) obtežili z vrednostjo 2, kar pomeni, da ima v primerjavi z drugimi razsežnostmi dvojno težo.
Our analysis has also shown that the probability of young people's social exclusion is increased by the following socio
Razsežnosti socialne izključenosti medsebojno niso močno povezane.
exclusion and in this respect we accorded them greater weight than the others.
5.3.4 Sociodemografski dejavniki socialne izključenosti
On the other hand some researchers take the view that such weighting can potentially reduce the transparency and interpretive quality of the scale of exclusion (Robson et al., 1991; taken from Aasland and Fløtten, 2001: 1049).
V nadaljevanju analiziramo vpliv sociodemografskih spremenljivk na socialno izključenost, pri predstavitvi izsledkov pa se bomo ponovno omejili samo na statistično značilne in posebej pomembne korelacije.
For the purposes of this analysis we nevertheless decided to weight exclusion from the labour market (or from the education process) with a value of 2, meaning that it has double the weight of other dimensions.
Prva pomembna ugotovitev naše raziskave je, da je v Sloveniji po naših merilih 10,4 odstotka mladih socialno izključenih (dobra desetina anketirancev torej dosega vrednost 3 ali več na lestvici od 0 do 5).
demographic factors: greater age (r = 0.066; p < 0.05), low education of father (r = -0.110; p < 0.001) and mother (r = -0.097; p < 0.001), and also low monthly income (r = -0.063; p < 0.05), lower subjectively assessed material standing of the respondent's family (r = -0.073; p < 0.05) and growing up (but not also current residence) in an urban environment (r = 0.073; p < 0.01).
Analiza je tudi pokazala, da verjetnost socialne izključenosti mladih povečujejo ti sociodemografski dejavniki: višja starost (r = 0,066; p < 0,05), nizka izobrazba očeta (r = -0,110; p < 0,001) in matere (r = -0,097; p < 0,001), pa tudi nizek mesečni dohodek (r = -0,063; p < 0,05), nižje subjektivno ocenjen gmotni položaj anketirančeve družine (r = -0,073; p < 0,05) ter odraščanje (ne pa tudi trenutno prebivanje) v urbanem okolju (r = 0,073; p < 0,01).
Other socio-demographic factors are not associated with social exclusion among young Slovenians.
Drugi sociodemografski dejavniki s socialno izključenostjo pri slovenski mladini niso povezani.
That social exclusion among Slovenian youth stems primarily and specifically from the socio-economic status of the respondent's family is an especially salient issue.
Da socialna izključenost pri slovenski mladini predvsem izhaja ravno iz socioekonomskega položaja anketirančeve družine, je še posebej pereče vprašanje.
Precisely this aspect of exclusion is cited as one of the goals of the European Council's Resolution on a renewed framework for European cooperation in the youth field: the goal is to prevent the social exclusion of young people or prevent the “transfer of exclusion from generation to generation” (Official Journal of the EU/C311, 2009: 8).
Kot eden od ciljev Sveta Evropske unije je v Resoluciji o prenovljenem okviru za evropsko sodelovanje na področju mladine naveden ravno ta vidik izključenosti: cilj je preprečevanje socialne izključenosti mladih oz. preprečevanje »prenosa izključenosti z generacije na generacijo« (Uradni list EU/C311, 2009: 8).
The socio-demographic factors that raise the probability of social exclusion of young people are: higher age, lower education of father and mother, low monthly income, worse material standing of the respondent's family and growing up in an urban environment.
Sociodemografski dejavniki, ki višajo verjetnost socialne izključenosti mladih, so: višja starost, nizka izobrazba očeta in matere, nizek mesečni dohodek, slabši gmotni položaj anketirančeve družine ter odraščanje v urbanem okolju.
Socially excluded youth therefore come mainly from families with lower socio-economic status, in which authoritarian socialisation pa erns in particular are dominant.
Socialno izključeni mladostniki torej pretežno izhajajo iz družin z nižjim socioekonomskim položajem, v katerih prevladujejo zlasti avtoritarni socializacijski vzorci.
5.3.5 Psychosocial correlates of social exclusion
5.3.5 Psihosocialni korelati socialne izključenosti
Social exclusion has also been seen to be linked to psychosocial variables.
Socialna izključenost se je izkazala za povezano tudi s psihosocialnimi spremenljivkami.
It is positively associated with alienation (r = 0.320; p < 0.001), narcissistic opportunism (r = 0.205; p < 0.001), deviance (r = 0.153; p < 0.001), social intolerance (r = 0.123; p < 0.001) and anomy (r = 0.102; p < 0.001).
Tako je pozitivno povezana z odtujenostjo (r = 0,320; p < 0,001), narcistično izkoriščevalnostjo (r = 0,205; p < 0,001), deviantnostjo (r = 0,153; p < 0,001), socialno nestrpnostjo (r = 0,123; p < 0,001) in anomijo (r = 0,102; p < 0,001).
Socially excluded persons are also less oriented to the future (r = -0.141; p < 0.001) and more to the present (they are therefore fatalists; r = 0.061; p < 0.05).
Socialno izključeni so prav tako manj usmerjeni v prihodnost (r = -0,141; p < 0,001) in bolj v sedanjost (so torej fatalisti; r = 0,061; p < 0,05).
The findings also show that socialisation (upbringing) styles are also strongly associated with social exclusion.
Izsledki so še pokazali, da so s socialno izključenostjo zelo povezani tudi socializacijski (vzgojni) slogi.
Authoritative (democratic) socialisation lowers the probability of social exclusion (r = -0.126; p < 0.001), while authoritarian socialisation increases it (r = 0.098; p < 0.001).
Avtoritativna (demokratična) socializacija namreč znižuje verjetnost socialne izključenosti (r = -0,126; p < 0,001), avtoritarna pa jo zvišuje (r = 0,098; p < 0,001).
The feelings on being excluded from education and the labour market are described thus by two of our interviewees:
Občutke ob izključenosti iz izobraževanja in s trga dela tako opišeta naša intervjuvanca:
5.3.6 Key ﬁ ndings
(Matjaž, 29 let, brezposelni mladi)
1. The dimensions of social exclusion have no very strong mutual association.
Ključne ugotovitve tega poglavja lahko strnemo v teh točkah:
Socially excluded youth therefore come mainly from families with lower socio-economic status, in which authoritarian socialisation patterns in particular are dominant.
Socialno izključeni mladostniki torej pretežno izhajajo iz družin z nižjim socioekonomskim statusom, v katerih prevladujejo zlasti avtoritarni socializacijski vzorci.
3. Social exclusion is negatively associated with numerous indicators of young people's psychosocial development and physical health.
3. Socialna izključenost se negativno povezuje s številnimi kazalniki psihosocialnega razvoja in telesnim zdravjem mladih.
5.3.7 Sources used
5.3.7 Uporabljeni viri
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6 Creativity, culture and leisure
6 Ustvarjalnost, kultura, prosti čas
Young people devote a significant portion of their time to leisure activities, in other words to activities that are not part of their educational, job or family obligations (Dumazedier, 1967).
Mladi pomemben del svojega časa namenijo prostočasnim dejavnostim, torej dejavnostim, ki ne spadajo med izobraževalne, službene ali družinske obveznosti (Dumazedier, 1967).
64 Given the significant proportion of leisure time, it is therefore no surprise to see the interest of researchers in studying leisure pursuits, although this is only one of the reasons.
Drugi razlog je, da je mladost, še posebej pa adolescenca, čas oblikovanja identitete posameznika, njegove lastne individualnosti, hkrati pa je čas prilagajanja mladih širšim družbenim spremembam.
62 A study conducted on a representative sample of Britons aged over 15.
63 Raziskava je bila opravljena na reprezentativnem vzorcu Britancev, starih več kot 15 let.
63 In addition to free time (on average 4 hours and 59 minutes (4:59) of time spent daily), the following were also categorised: Personal hygiene (along with sleeping, 10:31); work (3:17), studying (0:17), household tasks and caring for family (3:49) and travelling (daily mobility, 1:06).
64 Poleg prostega časa (v povprečju 4 ure in 59 minut (4:59) porabljenega časa dnevno), so bile kategorizirane še: osebna higiena (skupaj s spanjem, 10:31); delo (3:17), študij (0:17), gospodinjska opravila in skrb za družino (3:49) in potovanje (dnevna mobilnost, 1:06).
64 Own calculation.
65 Lastni izračun.
people to wider social changes.
in osebnemu dobrobitju (Salend, 1999; Abbott-Chapman in Robertson, 2009).
The statements from our interviewees illustrate how young people regard leisure time:
Izjave naših intervjuvancev ponazarjajo, kako mladi v Sloveniji dojemajo prosti čas:
“…Free time for me is when I don't have to answer to anyone and I can stare into space.
»…Prosti čas mi je, ko ne rabim odgovarjat nobenemu in gledam v zrak.
When I engage in my thoughts and music, that's real spare time…”
Sam se ukvarjam s svojimi mislimi in glasbo, to je resnični prosti čas…«
“The time when you should take care of your mental and physical health with activities you think are right for them.
»Čas, v katerem bi človek naj skrbel za svoje duševno in telesno zdravje, z aktivnostmi, ki se mu zdijo za to primerne.
For me, it's music, sport and hanging out with friends, reading, TV…”
Pri meni so to glasba, šport in druženje s prijatelji, branje knjig in TV…«
In general numerous authors have found that it is primarily structured leisure activities that are a positive factor for young people's psychosocial development (Holland and Andre, 1987; Young et al., 1997).
V splošnem številni avtorji ugotavljajo, da so predvsem strukturirane prostočasne dejavnosti tiste, ki so pozitiven dejavnik za mladostnikov psihosocialni razvoj (Holland in Andre, 1987; Young et al., 1997).
We count as structured activities those where young people cooperate in some system involving limitations, rules and objectives, frequently under the supervision or organisation of adults (Larson, 2000).
Med strukturirane štejemo tiste dejavnosti, pri katerih mladi sodelujejo v nekem sistemu, ki zajema omejitve, pravila in cilje, pogosto pod nadzorom oz. organizacijo odraslih (Larson, 2000).
The majority of studies show that it is primarily within the school system (at-school, after-school or special interest) that leisure activities are associated as a rule with numerous dimensions of positive adolescent development (McNeal, 1995; O‘Brien and Rollefson, 1995; Feldman and Matjasko, 2005).
Večina raziskav kaže, da so predvsem znotraj šolske (obšolske, pošolske oz. interesne) prostočasne dejavnosti praviloma povezane s številnimi razsežnostmi pozitivnega razvoja mladostnikov (McNeal, 1995; O‘Brien in Rollefson, 1995; Feldman in Matjasko, 2005).
In other words, pupils who take part in school special interest activities have a higher average score, their risk of not completing school education is lower, they are absent from lessons less frequently, their level of school deviance is lower and this kind of primary school activity is also a positive indicator of continued education at university level (Marsh, 1992; Finn, 1993; McNeal, 1995; Mahoney and Cairns, 1997; Yin
Z drugimi besedami, učenci, ki sodelujejo v znotrajšolskih interesnih dejavnostih, imajo višjo povprečno oceno, njihovo tveganje nedokončanja šolanja je manjše, manj pogosto izostajajo od pouka, stopnja njihove šolske deviantnosti je nižja, tovrstno osnovnošolsko udejstvovanje pa tudi pozitivno napoveduje nadaljevanje šolanja na fakulteti (Marsh, 1992; Finn, 1993; McNeal, 1995; Mahoney in Cairns, 1997; Yin et al., 1999; Prelow in Loukas, 2003; Zaff et al., 2003; Chambers in Schreiber, 2004; Dunn et al., 2004; Darling, 2005).
et al., 1999; Prelow and Loukas, 2003; Zaff et al., 2003; Chambers and Schreiber, 2004; Dunn et al., 2004; Darling, 2005).
Zunajšolske strukturirane (organizirane) prostočasne dejavnosti (torej dejavnosti, ki potekajo pod nadzorom odraslih oseb, pogosto zaradi doseganja nekih instrumentalnih ciljev) so povezane tudi z bolj prilagojenim
On the other hand passive, unstructured activities (where adolescents are not striving to attain any instrumental goals, such as socialising with peers, watching television, listening to music etc.) are generally linked to the less favourable psychosocial development and behaviour of young people (e.g.
Na drugi strani pa so pasivne, nestrukturirane dejavnosti (pri katerih si mladostniki ne prizadevajo za dosego nekih instrumentalnih ciljev, npr. druženje z vrstniki, gledanje televizije, poslušanje glasbe ipd.) praviloma povezane z manj ugodnim psihosocialnim razvojem in vedenjem mladih (npr.
Osgood et al., 1996; Vazsonyi et al., 2002; Caldwell and Smith, 2006; McHale, 2008; Bohnert et al., 2009).
Osgood et al., 1996; Vazsonyi et al., 2002; Caldwell in Smith, 2006; McHale, 2008; Bohnert et al., 2009).
Of course passive leisure activities are not in themselves problematic, but the problem is when such activities become excessive or dominant, or even the only way of spending free time (Ule, 2000: 68).
Seveda pasivne prostočasne dejavnosti same po sebi niso problematične, težava pa je, če tovrstne dejavnosti postanejo čezmerne oz. prevladujoči ali celo edini način preživljanja prostega časa (Ule, 2000: 68).
Authors offer two fundamental reasons why unstructured activities are generally associated with less favourable adolescent development.
Avtorji ponujajo dve temeljni razlagi, zakaj so nestrukturirane dejavnosti pretežno povezane z manj ugodnim razvojem mladostnikov.
On the one hand there is the zero sum explanation, where any kind of free time spent in unorganised, unstructured activities takes away from the time that could be devoted to structured activities (Coleman, 1961; Camp, 1990; Marsh, 1992).
Na eni strani se pojavlja razlaga ničelne vsote (angl. zero-sum), iz katere izhaja, da vsakršno preživljanje časa v neorganiziranih, nestrukturiranih dejavnostih izpodriva čas, ki bi bil lahko namenjen strukturiranim dejavnostim (Coleman, 1961; Camp, 1990; Marsh, 1992).