natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
They most often confide in friends and parents and try to look at things on the bright side.
Slovenski mladi se po načinu spoprijemanja s težavami le malo razlikujejo od svojih nemških vrstnikov.
Although these approaches are slightly less present among Slovenian youth, they are still prevalent in Slovenia.
Največkrat se zaupajo prijateljem in staršem ter poskušajo na stvar gledati vedro.
12.4 Key ﬁ ndings
12.4 Ključne ugotovitve
1. The trend of diminishing importance of major social themes (e.g. politics) and the simultaneous growth of personal themes (e.g. health, family, friends) are continuing among Slovenian youth.
1. Trend upadanja pomena velikih družbenih tem (npr. politika) in hkraten porast tem zasebnosti (npr. zdravje, družina, prijatelji) se pri slovenskih mladih nadaljujeta.
Young people's interests are focused on everyday themes which directly impact their lives.
Mladi se interesno usmerjajo na vsakdanje teme, ki se neposredno dotikajo njihovega življenja.
Over time, there is an increasing emphasis on individualism and competition as strategies for coping with uncertainty and the changing social conditions in which the young people live.
Pri tem pa se časovno veča tudi poudarek na individualnosti in tekmovalnosti kot strategiji spoprijemanja z negotovimi in spreminjajočimi se družbenimi razmerami, v katerih mladi živijo.
2. Slovenian youth are slightly above average in ecological consciousness in comparison with European youth.
2. Mladi v Sloveniji so v primerjavi z evropsko mladino nekoliko nadpovprečno ekološko ozaveščeni.
In the last twenty years ecological consciousness among Slovenian youth (as well as in comparable countries) has fallen slightly, but has always been significantly lower than that of the older generations.
V zadnjih dvajsetih letih je ekološka zavest mladih v Sloveniji (kot tudi v primerljivih državah) nekoliko upadla, ves čas pa je bistveno nižja v primerjavi s starejšimi generacijami.
3. Young people who are older, have more mature personalities and are socially responsible in a wider sense are more ecologically conscious.
3. Bolj ekološko ozaveščeno se vedejo mladi, ki so starejši, osebnostno zrelejši in v širšem smislu družbeno odgovornejši.
4. With regard to their future, young people are most concerned about a lack of money, housing problems and employment insecurity.
4. Mladi glede svoje prihodnosti največ nelagodja občutijo v zvezi s pomanjkanjem denarja, stanovanjsko problematiko in negotovostjo glede zaposlovanja.
In the past decade these fears have increased significantly.
Prav ti strahovi mladih so se v zadnjem desetletju občutno povečali.
5. Young people are exceptionally optimistic about their own futures, while they are significantly more pessimistic about the future of our society.
5. Mladi so glede osebne prihodnosti izrazito optimistični, glede prihodnosti naše družbe pa bistveno bolj pesimistični.
6. Slovenian youth are approximately equally optimistic about their own and society's future today as they were in 1995.
6. Mladi v Sloveniji so danes približno enako optimistični glede lastne in družbene prihodnosti, kot so bili leta 1995.
12.5 Sources used
12.5 Uporabljeni viri
Cooper, P. and Vargas, C. (2004).
Cooper, P., in Vargas, C. (2004).
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Družbeni profil študentov
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Mladina 2000: Slovenska mladina na prehodu v tretje tisočletje.
European Sociological Review.
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Ljubljana: Modrijan.
Toš, Niko, in skupina.
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Slovensko javno mnenje 2008/1: Evropska raziskava vrednot [datoteka podatkov].
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Boulder: Westview Press.
Leccardi, C. (2005).
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Miheljak, V. (ed.) (2002).
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Ljubljana: Fakulteta za družbene vede (Knjižna zbirka Psihologija vsakdanjega življenja).
Ljubljana: Univerza v Ljubljani.
Ule, M., Kuhar, M. (2002).
Slovenija, Ljubljana: Fakulteta za družbene vede, Arhiv družboslovnih podatkov [distribucija], 2009.
Ljubljana: DZS in Ministrstvo za šolstvo in šport, Urad Republike Slovenije za mladino.
Triandis, H.C. (1995).
Brandon, P., in Lombardi, P. (2005).
Individualism and Collectivism.
Evaluating Sustainable Development.
Boulder: Westview Press.
Oxford: Blackwell.
Ule, M. (ed.) (1996a).
World Values Survey 1981-2008 Official Aggregate v.20090901.
Ljubljana: Znanstveno in publicistično središče.
Aggregate File Producer: ASEP/JDS, Madrid.
V: M. Ule (ed.).
V: M. Ule (ur.).
Ule, M., Rener, T. (ed.) (1998).
Ule, M., Rener, T. (ur.) (1998).
Brandon, P. and Lombardi, P. (2005).
Brandon, P., in Lombardi, P. (2005).
Sergej Flere and Bojan Musil
Sergej Flere in Bojan Musil
13 Youth personality traits and religiousness
13 Osebnostne značilnosti in religioznost mladih
In this chapter we will discuss various classical and new psychological and socio-psychological constructs which function as predictors of youth behaviour.
V tem poglavju bomo obravnavali nekatere klasične ter nekatere novejše psihološke in socialnopsihološke konstrukte, ki veljajo za prediktorje vedenja mladih.
We will show how prevalent they are among today's Slovenian youth and whether they are actually connected with various other areas.
Prikazali bomo, koliko so prisotni pri današnji slovenski mladini in ali so res povezani z različnimi drugimi področji.
With regard to the selection of the predictors and in the explanation, one must take account of the fact that economic and social crisis conditions were present in Slovenia during the time that the Youth 2010 survey was carried out.
Že pri sami izbiri konstruktov in nato pri razlagi je treba upoštevati, da so bile v Sloveniji ob izvedbi raziskave Mladina 2010 gospodarsko in tudi družbeno krizne razmere.
13.1 Time perspective (present/future)
13.1 Časovna usmerjenost (v sedanjost/prihodnost)
One relatively new concept in psychological and socio-psychological research is that of time perspective (Zimbardo and Boyd 1999; 2009).
Med razmeroma novejšimi koncepti psihološkega in socialnopsihološkega raziskovanja je časovna usmerjenost (Zimbardo in Boyd, 1999; 2009).
This refers to whether people in their behaviour are focused on and limited by the present, and are not motivated by the past and particularly not by the future.
Pri tem gre za to, ali so posamezniki pri svojem delovanju osredotočeni na sedanjost, omejeni z njo, jih ne motivira preteklost, zlasti pa ne prihodnost.
Or inversely: everything that someone does is focused on objectives in the future; the individual makes long-term plans and subordinates their actions to the fulfilment of these goals and plans.
Ali pa nasprotno: vse, kar nekdo počne, je osredotočeno na cilje v prihodnosti, posameznik dolgoročno načrtuje in podreja svoja dejanja uresničevanju teh ciljev in načrtov.
This focus allows the individual to educate themselves in the long term and plan their inclusion in work processes, and to orient their efforts towards the achieving of long-term goals, which is a presupposition in the meritocratic model of society.
Ta usmerjenost omogoča, da se posameznik dolgoročno šola in načrtuje svoje vključevanje v delovne procese ter usmeri svoja prizadevanja k uresničevanju dolgoročnih ciljev, kar je predpostavka v meritokratičnem modelu družbe.
However, one perspective does not totally exclude others; it is about which time period primarily motivates the individual or is her/his psychological starting point.
Sicer ena usmerjenost ne izključuje popolnoma drugih; gre namreč za to, katera časovna razsežnost posameznika predvsem motivira oz. je njegovo psihološko izhodišče.
A focus on the present can be understood in various ways, but according to Zimbardo and Boyd (2009) mainly fatalistically or hedonistically.
Usmerjenost v sedanjost lahko dojemamo različno, po Zimbardu in Boydu (2009) pa predvsem fatalistično ali pa hedonistično.
This means that individuals for whom such orientation is prevalent do not focus on the past nor - and this is particularly important - do they plan their future.
To pomeni, da se posamezniki, pri katerih ta usmerjenost prevladuje, ne ozirajo niti na preteklost in - zlasti pomembno - ne načrtujejo svoje prihodnosti.
In their book Time Paradox (2009: 100), in reference to being restricted to the present, Zimbardo and Boyd say that political and economic instability also cause instability in some families, and also cause people only to trust what they can hold in their hands.
Zimbardo in Boyd v knjigi Time Paradox (2009: 100) glede omejenosti na sedanjost pravita, da politična in gospodarska nestabilnost povzroča nestabilnost tudi v nekaterih družinah, pa tudi to, da ljudje zaupajo samo temu, kar lahko držijo v svojih rokah.
The development of a focus on the future presupposes stability and consistency in the present, otherwise people cannot make rational judgements about the consequences of their actions.
Razvoj usmerjenosti v prihodnost predpostavlja stabilnost in konsistentnost sedanjosti, sicer ljudje ne morejo razumno presojati o posledicah svojega delovanja.
A crisis creates an inability to form a focus on the future, which is essential for planning and adjusting levels of satisfaction, which is very important during youth, when it is necessary to prepare for providing opportunities for life as an adult.
Kriza naj bi ustvarila nezmožnost oblikovanja usmerjenosti v prihodnost, ki je nujna za načrtovanje, prelaganje zadovoljitev, kar je zelo pomembno v mladosti, ko se je treba pripravljati na zagotavljanje možnosti za življenje v odraslosti.
Zimbardo and Boyd (2009: 101) also say that less educated people are more focused on the present.
Zimbardo in Boyd (2009: 101) prav tako poudarjata, naj bi bili manj izobraženi bolj usmerjeni v sedanjost.
It is interesting that a focus on the present is forecasted by drug use, which represents a form of attachment to the present moment.
Zanimivo je, da usmerjenost v sedanjost napoveduje uživanje drog, saj to pomeni nekakšno obliko povezanosti s sedanjim trenutkom.
Focusing on the future operates as a presupposition for entry into the middle class and maintaining affiliation with that class.
Usmerjenost v prihodnost deluje kot predpostavka za vstopanje v srednji razred in ohranjanje pripadnosti temu razredu.
Wealthy members of the upper class can afford to have any time perspective.
Bogati iz višjega razreda pa si lahko privoščijo katerokoli časovno perspektivo.
In the present youth study some of these orientations could be important, since the crisis can force young people into restricting their perspectives to the present, the absence of anticipating the future and striving for the future, which is essential to forming and carrying out educational, work and responsible personal commitments.
V aktualnem raziskovanju mladine utegnejo biti nekatere od teh usmeritev pomembne, saj kriza lahko sili mlade v omejevanje njihove perspektive na sedanjost, na odsotnost predvidevanja prihodnosti in prizadevanj za prihodnost, kar je nujno za oblikovanje in izvajanja šolskega, delovnega in odgovornega zasebnega angažmaja.
Instrument
Inštrument
The statements and factor weighting are given in the table below.
Trditve s faktorskimi obtežitvami so prikazane v spodnji preglednici.
Table 19: Factor matrix of time perspective, Youth 2010
Preglednica 19: Faktorska matrika časovne usmerjenosti, Mladina 2010
By working hard I always see the tasks I set myself through to the end.
Naloge, ki si jih zadam, z vztrajnim delom vedno speljem do konca.
Whenever I want to achieve something I set myself clear objectives and speciﬁ c paths to achieving those objectives.
Kadar želim kaj doseči, si jasno zastavim cilje in konkretne poti za dosego teh ciljev.
I know how to avoid temptation when I know that work has to be completed.
Znam se upreti skušnjavam, kadar vem, da je kako delo treba opraviti do konca.
I enjoy taking major risks in order to experience something exciting.
Rad/-a veliko tvegam, da doživim kaj vznemirljivega.
I often get so excited in the moment that I forget everything else.
Velikokrat me vznemirjenje v trenutku tako prevzame, da pozabim na vse drugo.
I think it is more important to enjoy the moment than to get everything done on time.
Zdi se mi pomembnejše uživati v trenutku, kot pa vsako delo pravočasno opraviti.
I don't see any particular point in planning for the future, since anything can happen outside of my control.
Ne vidim posebnega smisla v načrtovanju prihodnosti, saj se lahko zgodi karkoli zunajmojega vpliva.
I try to live life from day to day, without looking into the future.
Življenje poskušam živeti vsak dan sproti, brez oziranja v prihodnost.
I often make spur-of-the-moment decisions and think what will be will be.
Večkrat se odločim v trenutku in si mislim, kar bo, pač bo.
Focus on future
usmerjenost v prihodnost
Hedonistic focus on present
hedonistična usmerjenost v sedanjost
Fatalistic focus on present
fatalistična usmerjenost v sedanjost
α = 0.76 α = 0.62 α = 0.71
a = 0,76 a = 0,62 a = 0,71
Prevalence of time perspectives and correlation with other variables in the Youth 2010 survey
Razširjenost časovnih usmeritev in povezanost z drugimi spremenljivkami v raziskavi Mladina 2010
A focus on the future is still the most widespread perspective among Slovenian youth, while the other two perspectives are approximately equally present.
Pri slovenski mladini je usmerjenost v prihodnost še vedno najbolj razširjena usmerjenost, drugi dve pa sta približno enako prisotni.
At the same time, the absence of a focus on the future (in comparison with rejecting that perspective) prevails among 32 per cent of youth, a hedonistic focus on the present among 43 per cent and a fatalistic focus on the present among 38 per cent.
Hkrati pri 32 odstotkih mladih prevladuje odsotnost usmerjenosti v prihodnost (v primerjavi z zanikanjem te usmerjenosti), pri 43 odstotkih hedonistična usmerjenost v sedanjost in pri 38 odstotkih fatalistična usmerjenost v sedanjost.
Graph 135: Presence of three time perspectives, Slovenian, Serbian and Spanish samples
Grafikon 135: Prisotnost treh časovnih usmeritev, slovenski, srbski in španski vzorec
Focus on the future
Usmerjenost v prihodnost
Fatalistic focus on the present
Fatalistična usmerjenost v sedanjost
Hedonistic focus on the present
Hedonistična usmerjenost v sedanjost
NOTE: The samples are not entirely comparable, as the Serbian sample includes only college students and the Spanish sample is of people between the ages of 22 and 29 (Diaz Morales 2006).
OPOMBA: Vzorci niso povsem primerljivi, saj srbski zajema samo študente, španski pa stare med 22 in 29 let (Diaz Morales, 2006).
The data from Serbia for 2009 were acquired from Jelena Nedeljković, University of Niš, and have not been published to date. .
Podatki iz Srbije iz 2009 so bili pridobljeni pri Jeleni Nedeljković, Univerza v Nišu, do zdaj niso bili objavljeni.
There are no differences with regard to sex in terms of focus on the future, while both types of focus on the present exhibit increased expression among men.
Glede spola ni razlik pri usmerjenosti v prihodnost, pri obeh usmerjenostih v sedanjost pa se kaže višja izraženost pri moških.
Age shows a statistically significant correlation in that a focus on the present is more highly expressed among the young (for fatalistic focus on the present r = -0.175; p < 0.01; for hedonistic focus on the present r = -0.173; p < 0.01).
Starost je statistično značilno povezana tako, da se pri mlajših bolj kaže usmerjenosti v sedanjost (pri fatalistični usmerjenosti v sedanjost je r = -0,175; p < 0,01; pri hedonistični usmerjenosti v sedanjost je r = -0,173; p < 0,01).
The reason for this could be that the crisis affects the young the most, and a focus on the future could also be associated with reaching maturity or taking on an adult role in society.
Razlog je lahko ta, da kriza najbolj prizadene najmlajše, lahko pa je usmerjenost v prihodnost povezana tudi z doseganjem zrelosti oz. prevzemanjem odraslosti v družbi.
Fatalism is much more highly expressed in single people as opposed to married people, and focus on the future is highest (with respect to partner status) among those who have a partner and live separately, as opposed to singles, among whom this perspective is the lowest.
Fatalizem se dosti bolj kaže pri samskih v nasprotju s poročenimi, usmerjenost v prihodnost pa je najvišja (glede partnerskega statusa) pri tistih, ki imajo partnerja in živijo narazen, v nasprotju s samskimi, pri katerih je ta usmerjenost najnižja.
School performance (success in secondary school) and level of education completed are clearly connected with time perspective, which can also be expected in respect of Zimbardo and Boyd's (2009) findings.
Tudi šolska uspešnost (uspeh v srednji šoli) in dosežena stopnja izobrazbe sta jasno povezani s časovnimi usmerjenostmi, kar je mogoče pričakovati tudi glede na Zimbardove in Boydove ugotovitve (2009).
Similarly, there is a statistically significant and strongly negative correlation between focus on the future and deviance.
Prav tako je statistično značilna in močna negativna povezanost usmerjenosti v prihodnost z deviantnostjo.
For focus on the future we also find a statistically significant correlation with religiousness (r = 0.100; p < 0.05), which indicates that religiousness in the current conditions gives certainty, although this correlation is not that strong.
Pri usmerjenosti v prihodnost najdemo tudi statistično značilno povezanost z religioznostjo (r = 0,100; p < 0,05), kar kaže, da religioznost v današnjih razmerah daje gotovost, čeprav ta povezava ni tako močna.
This correlation is not entirely unilateral, as the entirely nonreligious also exhibit a high level of focus on the future.
Ta povezanost ni povsem enosmerna, saj tudi popolnoma neverni kažejo visoko usmerjenost v prihodnost.
Various other correlations in which time perspective appears as an assumed independent variable are discussed in other chapters.
Nekatere druge povezave, pri katerih se časovna usmerjenost pojavlja kot predpostavljena neodvisna spremenljivka, so navedene v drugih poglavjih.
A focus on the future, connected with a constructive a itude towards solving one's own tasks in life, is the most widespread time perspective among youth, but at the same time is the least expressed among the youngest age group.
Usmerjenost v prihodnost, povezana s konstruktivnim odnosom do reševanja lastnih življenjskih nalog, je med časovnimi usmerjenostmi najbolj razširjena med mladimi, hkrati pa se najmanj kaže pri najmlajši starostni skupini.
13.2 Narcissism
13.2 Narcisizem
Narcissism is a phenomenon that was introduced by Freud in order to indicate pathological delusions of grandeur as the result of contradictory processes within a personality.
Narcisizem je pojem, ki ga je uvedel Freud, da bi nakazal patološko čutenje veličine kot rezultat nasprotujočih si procesov v osebnosti.
A narcissist stance could in favourable circumstances provide a balance between libidinous and destructive energies.
Narcistična poteza naj bi v neugodnih razmerah zagotavljala ravnotežje med libidinalno in destruktivno energijo.
Numerous authors, of whom the best-known is probably Lasch (1991) believe that narcissism is a typical if not the prevailing personality type in modern conditions.
Številni avtorji, med katerimi je morda najbolj znan Lasch (1991), so mnenja, da je narcisizem tipičen, če ne tudi prevladujoč kot osebnostno stanje v sodobnih razmerah.
According to Lasch (ibid.), in addition to excessive grandeur it also includes selfishness, coldness, shallowness of emotions, a wish for eternal youth or unchanging age, fear of aging etc.
Po Laschu (1991) naj bi poleg napihnjene veličine vseboval tudi sebičnost, hladnost, plitvost čustev, željo po večni mladosti oz. nesprejemanje starosti, strah pred staranjem ipd.
Narcissism became a popular research subject and its meaning expanded at the same time, giving rise to variants, so that we can speak of healthy narcissism as a healthy feeling of grandeur and self-confidence, and pathological narcissism, for which there are several research constructs.
Narcisizem je postal priljubljen predmet raziskovanja in hkrati s tem se je širil njegov pomen, nastajale so različice, tako da lahko govorimo o zdravem narcisizmu kot zdravem čutenju veličine in samozavesti ter patološkem narcisizmu, za katerega pa obstajajo številni raziskovalni konstrukti.
In our research we were interested in narcissism in terms of its potential negative impact on individuals' behaviour and personality patterns.
V raziskavi nas je narcisizem zanimal glede na njegov mogoči negativni vpliv na vedenjske in osebnostne vzorce posameznikov.
Appraisals of the narcissistic Slovenian youth appear frequently in the Slovenian public sphere.
V slovenski javnosti se namreč pogosto pojavlja ocena o narcistični slovenski mladini.
In our research we used a limited number of statements about narcissism (five).
V raziskavi smo uporabili omejeno število trditev o narcisizmu (pet).
Through factor analysis we obtained two factors that are theoretically sound and we called them narcissistic grandiosity and narcissistic exploitation.
S faktorsko analizo smo dobili dva faktorja, ki sta teoretično smiselna in smo ju poimenovali narcistična grandioznost in narcistična izkoriščevalnost.
Table 20: Narcissism factor matrix, Youth 2010
Preglednica 20: Faktorska matrika narcisizma, Mladina 2010
I like being noticed and respected
Uživam, če sem opažen/-a in spoštovan/-a.
Making an impression on others is important to me
Pomembno mi je, da naredim vtis na druge.
I like being special and different from everyone else If I have the opportunity to exploit others,
Rad/-a sem poseben/-na in različen/-na od vseh drugih.
I do so without major feelings of guilt
Če imam priložnost izkoristiti druge, to storim brez večjih občutkov krivde.
Narcissistic exploitation
narcistična izkoriščevalnost
α = 0.63
a = 0,75
Prevalence of narcissism and correlation with other variables in the Youth 2010 survey
Razširjenost narcisizma in povezanost z drugimi spremenljivkami v raziskavi Mladina 2010
The constructs are not equally distributed among Slovenian youth: narcissistic grandiosity is more widespread (M = 3.13; SD = 0.77) than narcissistic exploitation, which is a minority phenomenon (M = 1.98; SD = 0.77).
Pri slovenski mladini konstrukta nista enako razširjena: narcistična grandioznost je bolj prisotna (M = 3,13; SD = 0,77) kot narcistična izkoriščevalnost, ki je manjšinski pojav (M = 1,98; SD = 0,77).
Both phenomena are more widespread among the younger respondents and men.
Oba pojava sta bolj razširjena pri mlajših anketirancih in moških.
Narcissistic grandiosity is not correlated with school performance, but shows a statistically significant correlation with deviance (r = 0.124; p < 0.01).
Narcistična grandioznost ni povezana s šolsko uspešnostjo, statistično značilno pa je povezana z deviantnostjo (r = 0,124; p < 0,01).
Both constructs shows a statistically significant correlation with a focus on the future: the former construct positively, the latter negatively.
Oba konstrukta sta statistično značilno povezana z usmerjenostjo v prihodnost: prvi konstrukt pozitivno, drugi pa negativno.
From this we can conclude that narcissistic grandiosity as the majority phenomenon is not a pathological phenomenon.
Iz tega lahko sklepamo, da narcistična grandioznost kot večinski pojav ni patološki pojav.
According to Millon (2004) such narcissists are true charlatans.
Po Millonu (2004) je tak narcis pravi šarlatan.
Narcissistic grandiosity is a majority but harmless phenomenon, while narcissistic exploitation is a minority and destructive one.
Narcistična grandioznost je večinski, vendar neškodljiv pojav, narcistična izkoriščevalnost pa je manjšinski in destruktiven pojav.
13.3 Authoritarianism
13.3 Avtoritarnost