natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
The interviewees perceive sustainable activities as a twofold process - in terms of ecological awareness and intergenerational continuity.
Trajnostni način delovanja intervjuvanci zaznavajo na dva načina, in sicer v smislu ekološke ozaveščenosti in medgeneracijske kontinuitete.
Regarding the environment they particularly emphasise environmental awareness and activities often bordering on eco-activism:
Glede ekološke ozaveščenosti je med intervjuvanci opaziti poudarjanje pomembnosti ekološke ozaveščenosti in delovanja, ki velikokrat prehaja tudi v ekološki aktivizem:
“Yes, environmental awareness is extremely important.
»Ja, ekološko delovanje je izjemno pomembno.
In Slovenia, for example, they still give you plastic bags in shops, which we then throw away at home.
V Sloveniji na primer v trgovinah še vedno delijo plastične vrečke, ki jih potem doma vsi mečemo vstran.
Something should be done about pollution; we should use less plastic and more recyclable things.
Nekaj je potrebno ukreniti glede onesnaževanja, uporabljati je treba manj plastike in več stvari, ki se jih da reciklirat.
I separate waste, I save water… that's it.”
Ločujem odpadke, varčujem z vodo… to je to.
Generally speaking, hyperindustrialisation is to blame for destroying the Earth...
Generalno je hiperindustrija glavni krivec za uničevanje Zemlje… Človek preveč troši, več kot v resnici sploh rabi.
People simply consume much more than they actually need.
Večinoma gre za nepotreben prestiž na račun trpljenja narave.
“I got into biodynamics… you can actually do this stuffat home, on a small scale, and you can live quite sustainably.
»Zapalil sem se za biodinamiko… dejansko se da to naredit doma, na mali površini in da se živet dokaj trajnostno.
(Nejc, 26, reluctant employee)
»Sodelujem pri projektu Očistimo Skorbo…«
(A.
N.)
(Mateja, 29, employed in the Parliament)
(Uroš, 22 let, mladi kmetovalec)
In their opinion the key to both problems is establishing respect both for the environment, as this would solve most of the ecology-related problems, and in interpersonal relations, which would solve the majority of personal and consequently social problems.
Po njihovem mnenju je ključ do rešitve obeh problemov v izoblikovanju spoštovanja, in sicer na eni strani do okolja, kar bi rešilo veliko večino ekoloških problemov, na drugi strani pa v medsebojnih odnosih, ker bi rešilo veliko medosebnih in s tem družbenih problemov.
Great responsibility rests with individuals, but the state should also assume a more active ro le, primarily through active education of children and later young people.
Velika odgovornost za to je seveda na posamezniku, hkrati s tem pa bi morala tudi država prevzeti dejavnejšo vlogo, predvsem z aktivnim izobraževanjem in vzgojo najprej otrok in pozneje mladih.
15.9 Values and expectations about personal and social fut ure
15.9 Vrednote in pričakovanja glede osebne in družbene prihodnosti
The qualitative data show that young people do not perceive their environment as anomic.
Iz kvalitativnih podatkov je razvidno, da intervjuvanci svojega okolja ne dojemajo kot anomičnega.
They believe that certain values are present in their environment, which are not universal and firm, but nevertheless exist and are relatively clear.
Sami namreč menijo, da njihovo okolje vsebuje nekatere vrednote, ki za posameznike nedvomno niso univerzalne in trdne, vendar ne glede na to obstajajo in so razmeroma jasne.
The interviewees were not of one mind regarding these values:
Intervjuvanci si glede vsebine teh vrednot niso enotni:
“It depends on the young... how well read they are, values are important to my friends, otherwise I wouldn't hang out with them.”
»Odvisno od mladih… kako so razgledani, mojim vrstnikom je to kar pomembno, drugače se ne bi družila z njimi.
“Values are clear.
(Afrodita, 21 let, mlada invalidka)
For example, my parents keep saying ‘What will others say?'”
Moji starši na primer vedno rečejo, kaj bodo pa drugi rekli.
“For me, a value is an achievement… Many people have such values; everybody's striving for something...
»Meni recimo je vrednota dosežek… Veliko mladih ima take vrednote, sicer pa se vsak za nekaj trudi… Nekaj je tudi luzerjev.
“Young people have values… solidarity, for example.”
»Mladi imajo vrednote… solidarnost na primer.
“I don't know which is worse… The American image of a specialist, who's happy and glamorous, but doesn't know anything and is an ideal slave of the system.”
»Ne vem pa, kaj je slabše… Ameriška podoba specialista, ki je srečen, sijoč, nima pa pojma o ničemer in je idealni suženj sistema.
They have greatest trust in their parents, relatives and friends, to a certain extent they trust their teachers, but their trust in politicians is very low.
Največ zaupanja izražajo v odnosu do staršev, sorodnikov in prijateljev, nekoliko manj do učiteljev, najmanj pa do politikov.
N.) “My mum, absolutely, and my boyfriend, and that's almost it… My dad, so that he knows what's going on...
»Mami, absolutno, potem pa fantu, potem pa ni več kaj dosti…Ateju, da ve, za kaj se gre pri vseh zadevah… Pa tudi bratu in sestri, potem pa vsem ostalim…«
And my brother and sister, and then everybody else...”
(Špela, 25 let, mlada natakarica)
(Mateja, 29, employed in the Parliament)
(Nejc, 26 let, zaposlen po sili)
It's sad you can't have kids unless you kill yourself working, and I don't want them…
Nočem se zavezovat nobenemu… iz svojega življeja pa bi rad kaj drugega, kot pa kisel ksiht pri 65 in hvala za penzijo.
The situation is different regarding their personal future.
Drugače je z njihovo osebno prihodnostjo.
They see it as extremely bright.
Ta je izjemno svetla.
In their eyes, one of the key values in life is adulthood, defined as a combination of achieving financial and emotional independence, and forming their own family.
Kot eno glavnih vrednot v življenju pa intervjuvanci zaznavajo prav odraslost, in sicer oblikovano kot kombinacija lastne gmotne in čustvene neodvisnosti z ustvarjanjem lastne družine.
Young people are extremely optimistic about their future:
Mladi so glede svoje prihodnosti izjemno optimistični:
”I keep saying I'll be retired by 35… Hah hah hah, hope not… I'd like to have a nice flat, a family, 2 children… I'd really like to live in Barcelona… a beautiful city, the sea and many people with great potential.
»Vedno govorim, da bom pri 35 v penziji… Ha, ha, ha, upam, da ne… V lasti bi rad imel lepo stanovanje, družino, dva otroka… Živel bi pa najrajši v Barceloni… lepo mesto, morje in veliko ljudi z veliko potenciali.
I'd like to be in a managerial position.
(Stane, 26 let, mladi podjetnik)
I'd also like to have my own centre for helping people.
»Rada bi dela v tujini, vseeno mi je, kaj bi delala, samo da grem ven.
It would be nice to have children, too.
Rada bi delala na kakem vodstvenem položaju.
In certain ways I'm happy, and in others I'm not.
Ta trenutek bolj gledam na kariero kot pa na otroke.
For instance, I'd like to live in my own house, but I don't have this possibility.
V določenih pogledih sem srečna, v določenih pa ne: Recimo, rada bi živela v svoji hiši, pa nimam možnosti.
I do have a whole floor in my parents' house, and that's that.
Imam sicer svoje nadstropje pri starših in to je to.
To sum up, I must admit I haven't achieved certain things I should have by my age by society's standards.
Sumarično priznam, da nisem dosegla enih stvari, za katere je družbeno normirano, da bi jih.
For example, I don't have a family, which I should have by 29, by social norms.
Nima recimo družine in po družbeni normi bi jo morala imeti pri 29.
These norms bother me a little.
Ta norma me nekoliko bremeni.
But personally I'm quite content and happy.”
Osebnostno pa sem čisto zadovoljna in srečna.
When Ines is 12 years old, she has a little brother and a sister, we have our own house, which is no bigger than 85 square metres, doesn't have a white fence and a dog, but a hunting room is a must… for Oto is a fanatical hunter.”
Ko je Ines stara 12 let, ima bratca in sestrico, imamo svojo hišo, ki nima več kot 85 kvadratov, nima bele ograje in psa, lovska soba pa mora biti… Oto je namreč zagrizen lovec.
I play in a band, and I make extra money working… Work is just a safety net.
Igram v bendu, delno pa denar služim z delom… Delo je samo varnostna mreža.
Yes, the future is bright!”
Ja, prihodnost je svetla!«
16 Zeitgeist of young people
16 Zeitgeist mladih
The “Zeitgeist” or “spirit of the time” of young people, which was included in the qualitative research, can be discussed solely from the subjective point of view.
O »Zeitgeistu« oziroma »duhu časa mladih«, kot je prisoten med mladimi in zajet v kvalitativnem delu raziskave, je mogoče govoriti v glavnem s subjektivnega stališča.
Indeed this is the general culture, psychosocial and intellectual environment of a group of young people, which is extremely sensitive.
Gre namreč za generalno kulturno, psihosocialno in intelektualno okolje skupine mladih, ki je izjemno občutljivo.
It seems that as soon as it is subjected to quantification and operationalisation it vanishes, or rather moves back into the sphere of premonition - of what is present, yet unattainable - and almost into the sphere of philosophy.
Videti je, da se takoj, ko je izpostavljeno kvantifikaciji in operacionalizaciji, razblini oziroma pomakne nazaj v sfero slutenega, sicer prisotnega, a vseeno nedosegljivega, skoraj na področje filozofije.
The point of entering and interpreting, or rather representing this spirit must therefore include a subjective ingredient.
Točka vstopa in interpretacije oziroma reprezentacije tega duha mora torej vsebovati subjektivno sestavino.
As the notion of the subjective - in classical, and therefore also contemporary positivist science - has almost blasphemous associations, let us first make it clear what subjectivity implies in this case.
Ker pa se pojma subjektivnega v klasični in s tem tudi sodobni pozitivistični znanosti drži skoraj bogokletna konotacija, najprej razčistimo, kako bo s subjektivnostjo v tem primeru.
I myself am still struggling with my own Cartesian anxiety characterised at its core by the basic objective-subjective duality.
Sam se še vedno borim z lastno kartezijansko anksioznostjo, ki v jedru nosi osnovno dualnost objektivno-subjektivno.
The dilemma is therefore epistemological, and includes ideological elements as well.
Dilema je torej epistemološka, ima pa tudi ideološke prvine.
At this point, the dilemma is not too difficult to resolve.
Dilema je na tej točki dokaj lahko rešljiva.
There exist methodological procedures recognised by the science as scientific, and this implies that in order to ensure scientificity, one need primarily ensure consistence in the methodology, as this contributes to achieving a certain degree of objectivity.
Obstajajo namreč metodološki postopki, ki jih znanost prepoznava kot znanstvene, in iz tega izhaja, da je treba za zagotavljanje znanstvenosti predvsem zagotoviti doslednost v metodologiji, saj ta pripomore k zagotavljanju določene stopnje objektivnosti.
However, my own research shows that when dealing with qualitative data, greater attention should be paid to a tricky balancing in order for objectivisation not to overrule the subjective ingredient in both interviewees and the researcher, and therefore ruin the main potential of the qualitative method.
Lastne raziskovalne izkušnje pa mi kažejo, da je treba pri kvalitativnih podatkih namenjati več pozornosti težavnemu balansiranju, da objektivizacija ne bi uničila subjektivne sestavine tako na strani intervjuvancev kot tudi raziskovalca in s tem enega glavnih potencialov kvalitativne metode.
I therefore suggest that in this case the objective-subjective duality not be interpreted as a concept of two binary opposites, but rather as a continuum with the absolutely objective and the absolutely subjective at both extreme ends, while the interpretation point remains fluid between the two extremes.
Sam torej predlagam, da v tem primeru dualizma objektivno-subjektivno ne razumemo kot koncept dveh binarnih opozicij, ampak kot kontinuum z absolutno objektivnim in absolutno subjektivnim na obeh skrajnostih, točko interpretacije pa kot fluidno med obema skrajnostma.
According to Leccardi (ibid., p. 124), young people have a dual connection with time not only in terms of their own temporariness, which is final, but also in terms of wider societal expectations urging them to delineate their own biographical time and establish their own attitude towards society.
Po mnenju Leccardijeve (prav tam: 124) imajo mladi dualni stik s časom ne le z vidika lastne časovne zamejenosti, ki je (do)končna, ampak tudi z vidika pričakovanj širše družbe, da očrtajo svoj lastni biografski čas in zgradijo lastni odnos do družbe.
Cavalli (1988) stresses that this means constructing significant connections between an individual and collective past, present and future, which gives meaning to life (Leccardi, 2005).
Cavalli (1988) poudarja, da tovrstni odnos od mladih zahteva konstrukcijo pomembnih povezav med individualno in kolektivno preteklostjo, sedanjostjo in prihodnostjo, kar pa celotnemu življenju zagotovi smisel (Leccardi,
generations as having been relatively well provided for.
Prihodnost predhodnih generacij mladih razumejo kot razmeroma dobro zagotovljeno.
In their eyes it was easier for the previous generations to grow up, as growing up was a collective social project: the things which, in their perception, are important in order to reach adulthood - job (economic provision), flat (basis for family formation) and pension - were provided by the social system.
V njihovih očeh so prejšnje generacije odraščale lažje, saj je bilo odraščanje kolektivni družbeni projekt: tisto, kar je v njihovi zaznavi za doseganje odraslosti pomembno, služba (ekonomska preskrbljenost), stanovanje (podlaga za oblikovanje lastne družine) in pokojnina, je zagotovil družbeni sistem.
In such circumstances young people could invest their surplus energy in socio-political activities, development of revolutionary concepts and critical actions.
Mladi so v takem okolju lahko presežek energije vlagali v družbenopolitično participacijo, razvoj revolucionarnih konceptov in kritičnih akcij.
In the eyes of the present young generation, previous generations were included in a partner relationship, and in this light the refrain “…count on us!” is a description of good intergenerational cooperation, and not just a slogan.
Te generacije mladih so bile v očeh sedanje generacije vključene v partnerski odnos in s tega vidika je del refrena »… računajte na nas!« opis dobrega medgeneracijskega sodelovanja in ne zgolj parola.
“Who do the young belong to?” and “Who's responsible for the young?” seem to be two fundamental questions to which young people no longer seek answers for they have judged it is time for action.
»Mladina je torej čigava?«, »Kdo je zanje odgovoren?« sta glavni vprašanji, na kateri pa mladi sploh ne iščejo več odgovorov, saj so ocenili, da je čas za akcijo.
Growing up has therefore become an individual project and every individual must assume responsibility for it, and it seems that modern young people take this deadly seriously.
Odraščanje je tako postalo individualni projekt, za katerega je odgovoren vsak sam, in videti, je da so to sodobni mladi vzeli smrtno resno.
They see planning as the first step in remedying the current situation.
Kot prvi korak pri reševanju nastalega položaja pa vidijo načrtovanje.
According to Berger and Luckmann (Berger and Luckmann, 1988, in: Leccardi, 2005: 124):
Kot sta poudarila Berger in Luckmann (Berger in Luckmann, 1988 v Leccardi, 2005: 124):
(Helena, excellent grammar school student)
(Helena, uspešna gimnazijka)
(Jona, representative of the subculture from Pekarna)
(Jona, predstavnik subkulture iz Pekarne)
What many researchers understand as the withdrawal of young people into privacy, or even into passivity and apathy, is in fact the relocation of energy and investment, the main purpose of which is reaching adulthood.
Tisto, kar številni raziskovalci vidijo kot umik v zasebnost ali pa celo pasivnost in apatičnost mladih, je torej le relokacija energije in vlaganja, katerega glavni namen je doseganje lastne odraslosti.
Young people have taken responsibility into their own hands.
Mladi so prevzeli odgovornost zase v svoje roke.
However, as growing up is no easy matter in any culture on our planet, young people do not have much energy left for socio-political or external participation.
Ker pa odraščanje v nobeni kulturi na našem planetu ni enostavna zadeva, seveda ne ostane veliko energije za družbeno-politično-socialno oziroma eksterno participacijo.
Parents - once again - become important partners in this process, and co-existence of generations does not seem to lead to spoiling or an overly permissive upbringing, but is a form of good intergenerational cooperation.
Pomembni partnerji pri tem so (spet postali) starši in za sobivanje generacij je videti, da ni izraz razvajenosti mladih ali pa permisivnosti vzgoje, ampak oblika dobrega medgeneracijskega sodelovanja.
Young people are extremely attached to their parents and feel obliged to help them in order to “repay their debt”, but mostly to strengthen and deepen their relations.
Mladi so na svoje starše izjemno navezani, predvsem se čutijo dolžne staršem pomagati in s tem »svoj dolg odplačati«, predvsem zato, da bi tako odnose še okrepili in poglobili.
There seems to be a certain degree of alienation, if we talk about classical political or social participation, which implies alienation of the young from these structures.
če govorimo na primer o klasični politični ali pa družbeni participaciji, kar kaže na odtujenost mladih od teh posebnih struktur.
On the other hand young people seem to be highly motivated in matters related to family, the environment, the virtual world and other youth interest areas, which leads to active cooperation.
Na drugi strani pa se kaže izjemno visoka zavzetost, na primer v družini, ekologiji, virtualnem svetu in v drugih oblikah mladinskega interesa, iz česar gre sklepati na izjemno motiviranost za dejavno sodelovanje.
This motivation is also one of the main drivers for developing competences that young people acquire through informal education forms and in their spare time.
Tovrstna motivacija je tudi eden glavnih generatorjev razvoja kompetenc, ki jih mladi razvijejo v neformalnih oblikah izobraževanja in svojem prostem času.
These competences include excellent command of foreign languages, general and specialised computer skills and manual skills, which implies that young people possess considerable cultural capital, mostly accumulated voluntarily and relatively easily.
Izražajo se v izjemnem obvladovanju tujih jezikov, občih in specializiranih računalniških kompetencah ter ročnih spretnostih, kar kaže na obsežen kulturni kapital mladih, akumuliran po večini prostovoljno in razmeroma enostavno.
Young people are aware of their competences and would like to be given an opportunity to successfully take advantage of them, for instance in education or when they apply for a job.
Mladi se ga sicer zavedajo, vendar hkrati s tem izražajo željo, da bi ga imeli možnost uspešno unovčiti, na primer pri izobraževanju ali pa kandidiranju za delovno mesto.
A high level of ambition and motivation can also be discerned regarding their own future.
Visoka stopnja ambicioznosti in motiviranosti je očitna tudi glede njihove lastne prihodnosti.
So - what are their problems?
Kaj pa so njihovi problemi?
Problems, too, are above all related to growing up.
Tudi ti so predvsem povezani z odraščanjem.
They point primarily to pressures related to the transition into adulthood.
Za mlade so problem zlasti pritiski, povezani sprehajanjem v odraslost.
The main characteristic of these transitions is a discontinuity, or rather a desynchronisation with traditional transitions, which among Slovenian young people is revealed as the formation and combination of career, job and own
Glavna značilnost teh prehodov je diskontinuiteta oziroma desinhronizacija s tradicionalnimi prehodi, ki se med slovenskimi mladimi še posebej nanaša na vzpostavljanje in združevanje kariere, službe in lastne družine.
The transition to a large extent prevents them from prolonging their education, as this prolongation means they fail to achieve adequate socially acceptable competence, which is a sign of adulthood.
Prehod jim v veliki meri onemogoča podaljševanje izobraževanja, saj podaljševanje za mlade pomeni, da ne dosežejo ustrezne, družbenokulturno normirane kompetentnosti, ki je znamenje odraslosti.
From this point of view the concept of “lifelong learning” presents an even greater problem for the young, as it implies a process that lasts for life and is terminated as late as the physical end of an individual's life.
S tega vidika je torej koncept »vseživljenjskega učenja« za mlade še večji problem, prav zato ker nosi v sebi konotacjo, da traja celo življenje oziroma da se konča takrat, ko se konča fiziološko življenje posameznika.
Young people understand that with the preceding generations transition to adulthood was characterised by completed education; “a diploma used to mean you were grown up” (Maja, unemployed graduate), whereas the concept of prolonged or life-long learning closes up this transition.
Mladi razumejo, da je pri prejšnjih generacijah prehod v odraslost predvsem narekovalo tudi končano izobraževanje, »včasih je diploma pomenila, da si odrasel« (Maja, brezposelna diplomantka), s podaljšanim ali pa celo vseživljenjskim izobraževanjem pa je ta prehod zaprt.
The question therefore remains, “When do I know enough?” or “When am I competent enough for the system?” in order to be recognised as an adult.
Ostane torej vprašanje »Kdaj znam dovolj?« oziroma »Kdaj sem z vidika sistema dovolj kompetenten?«, da sem prepoznan kot odrasel.
The main problem is not the prolongation of the transition, but rather its destandardisation or detraditionalisation.
Glavni problem torej ni toliko, da se je prehod podaljšal, ampak da se je destandardiziral oziroma detradicionaliziral.
Young people feel confused and understand this situation as being at the mercy of a kind of vacuum, and parents, their most trustworthy partners, cannot do much to help.
Mladi se počutijo zmedene in tako stanje razumejo kot vakuum, ki so mu prepuščeni na milost in nemilost, starši kot prva instanca zaupanja pa jim pri tem ne morejo bistveno pomagati.
Furthermore, an important role in this situation is played by the structural conditions related to the deteriorating prospects of finding stable and, above all secure, employment.
Skupaj s temi imajo pomembno vlogo tudi strukturni pogoji, povezani s poslabševanjem pogojev za pridobitev stabilne, predvsem pa varne zaposlitve.
Young people are aware of their own cultural capital, but they are also aware that in the labour market it is quite unnecessary, irrelevant or even unwanted, and that the modern market demands of an individual elaborate social capital in terms of “good connections” enabling access to jobs.
Mladi se lastnega kulturnega kapitala sicer precej zavedajo, zavedajo pa se tudi, da je ta zlasti na trgu dela nepotreben, nerelevanten oziroma nezaželen ter da sodobni trg zahteva od posameznika tudi elaboriran socialni kapital predvsem v smislu ustreznih »vez in poznanstev«, ki omogočajo dostop do delovnih mest.
Young people know that accumulation of this kind of capital demands an adequate social background or enough build-up time, but as they mostly lack one or the other, they feel extremely helpless and frustrated in this respect.
Mladi se zavedajo, da akumulacija tovrstnega kapitala zahteva ustrezno socialno ozadje ali dovolj časa za akumulacijo, ker pa po večini nimajo ne enega ne drugega, se čutijo na tem področju izjemno nemočne in frustrirane.
A typical response to this situation is reinvestment of energy in the family of origin, which means they leave home later.
Kot odzivna tovrstno situacijo je med mladimi ponovno mogoče opaziti vlaganje energije v njihovo družino, predvsem s poznejšim odhajanje od doma.