natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Arnett sees the transition to adulthood primarily as a period of personal freedom and self-focus: “This is a time of possibilities, when emerging adults are very optimistic about how their life will unfold” (2006: 114).
Arnett prehod v odraslost vidi predvsem kot obdobje osebne svobode in osredotočenosti nase: »To je čas možnosti, ko so zgodnji odrasli visoko optimistični glede tega, kako bo njihovo življenje potekalo« (2006: 114).
On the other hand, a significant section of youth researchers do not follow such an optimistic vision of youth in modern Western societies.
Na drugi strani pomemben del raziskovalcev mladine ne sledi tako optimistični viziji mladosti v sodobnih zahodnih družbah.
These researchers emphasise in particular the difficulties inherent in the increasing uncertainty encountered by young people in the labour market (cp. Furlong, 2000).
Ti raziskovalci poudarjajo predvsem težave, ki jih s seboj prinaša vedno večja negotovost, s katero se srečujejo mladi na trgu delovne sile (prim.
Furthermore the change in the personal circumstances of young people coupled with uncertainty in their employment is increasing their uncertainty and the time frame for starting their own families.
Poleg tega se zaradi spremembe osebnih razmerij mladih skupaj z negotovostjo pri njihovem zaposlovanju povečuje ta njihova negotovost in časovni okvir pri oblikovanju lastne družine.
Youth can longer therefore be conceptualised as a period of relatively predictable transition from the certainty of childhood to the certainty of adulthood, with stable employment and a newly started family.
Mladost se torej ne more več pojmovati kot obdobje sorazmerno predvidljivega prehoda iz gotovega otroštva v gotovo odraslost s stabilno zaposlitvijo in na novo ustvarjeno družino.
Youth researchers are in fact united on the fact that in the last three decades in the developed Western countries, the transitions of young people to the labour market have become increasingly lengthy and unpredictable.
Raziskovalci mladine so si pravzaprav enotni vsaj v tem, da so v zadnjih treh desetletjih v razvitih zahodnih družbah postajali prehodi mladih na trg dela vse dolgotrajnejši in vse bolj nepredvidljivi.
Some authors even doubt the justification of the term transition, since for growing numbers of young people, stable employment is unattainable even in the long term (Dwyer and Wyn, 2001; Furlong and Kelly, 2005).
Nekateri avtorji celo dvomijo o upravičenosti pojma prehoda, saj so stabilne zaposlitve za vse več mladih tudi dolgoročno nedosegljive (Dwyer in Wyn, 2001; Furlong in Kelly, 2005).
These general tendencies are being realised to a different degree and in different ways in different societies.
Te splošne težnje se sicer v različnih družbah uresničujejo v različni meri in na različne načine.
Walther et al. (2009) have used extensive analysis to identify five basic models of transition to adulthood:
Walther in sodelavci (2009) na podlagi obsežnih analiz tako prepoznavajo pet osnovnih modelov prehodov v odraslost:
The liberal transition model, which is typical of Anglo-Saxon countries, is based primarily on the individual responsibility of young people to enter a very flexible labour market as quickly and successfully as possible.
Liberalni prehodni model, ki je značilen za anglosaksonske države, temelji predvsem na individualni odgovornosti mladih, da karseda hitro in uspešno vstopijo na zelo prožen trg dela.
The logical consequence of such a regime is the great possibility for the social exclusion of youth, since in addition to broad and varied employment possibilities, the flexible labour market also means a high level of unemployment risk.
Logična posledica takega režima je velika možnost socialne izključenost mladih, saj prožen trg dela poleg širokih in različnih zaposlitvenih možnosti pomeni tudi visoke stopnje tveganja brezposelnosti.
The universalistic transition model is typical of Nordic countries and is based on an extensive and flexible education system that combines general and vocational education.
Univerzalistični prehodni model je značilen za nordijske države in temelji na obsežnem in prožnem izobraževalnem sistemu, ki združuje splošno in poklicno izobraževanje.
Activational policies geared towards the labour market offer young people a relatively wide choice of jobs and thereby ensure individual motivation.
Aktivacijske politike, usmerjene na trg dela, omogočajo mladim sorazmerno širok izbor delovnih mest in tako zagotavljajo individualno motivacijo.
The sub-protective model is typical of the Mediterranean countries.
Subprotektivni model je značilen za sredozemske države.
Owing to the weak link between education and the labour market, young people secure employment late and with difficulty (transitions are uncertain and can last until their mid-30s).
Zaradi šibke povezave med izobraževanjem in trgom dela mladi do zaposlitve prihajajo sorazmerno težko in pozno (prehodi so negotovi in lahko trajajo do sredine tridesetih let).
Since young people are not entitled to state support, they depend primarily on families of orientation, which in this sense perform the key role of social mitigator.
Ker mladi niso upravičeni do državnih podpor, so odvisni predvsem od družin orientacije, ki v tem smislu opravljajo ključno vlogo socialnega blažilnika.
Owing to their long dependence on families of orientation, young people have a relatively low social status.
Zaradi dolge odvisnosti od družin orientacije imajo mladi sorazmerno nizek družbeni status.
For this reason higher education represents an opportunity to raise their social status, while also sometimes enabling the acquisition of a certain level of material independence.
Visokošolsko izobraževanje zato pomeni priložnost, ki lahko zviša družbeni status, pri tem pa občasno omogoča pridobitev neke stopnje gmotne neodvisnosti.
The employment-centred transition model is typical of continental countries such as Austria, Germany and France.
K zaposlitvi usmerjen prehodni model je značilen za celinske države, kot so Avstrija, Nemčija in Francija.
They are characterised by a differentiated education system, which includes a rigid and standardised system of vocational education.
Zanj je značilen diferenciran šolski sistem, ki vključuje tog in visoko standardiziran sistem poklicnega izobraževanja.
Depending on their success to date, young people are streamed very early on (between the ages of 10 and 12) into various educational and vocational paths.
Mladi so glede na svojo dotedanjo uspešnost zelo zgodaj (med 10. in 12. letom) usmerjeni na različne izobraževalno-poklicne poti.
The system stimulates young people strongly to become successfully socialised for their occupational and social status, mainly through practical vocational training and education.
Sistem mlade zelo spodbuja, da se predvsem s praktičnim poklicnim usposabljanjem in izobraževanjem uspešno socializirajo za svoj poklicni in družbeni položaj.
This can be clearly seen in the method of ensuring social assistance, which is distinctly generous towards young people who have already been on work experience or employed, while it provides to others only reduced and stigmatised forms of support.
To je lepo vidno v načinu zagotavljanja socialne pomoči, ki je izrazito radodaren do mladih, ki so že bili na praksi ali zaposleni, drugim pa zagotavlja le manjše in stigmatizirane oblike podpore.
This system steers youth primarily into a working life; young people must above all learn how important work is and what working signifies.
Ta sistem mlade predvsem usmerja v delavnost; mladi se morajo predvsem naučiti, kako je delo pomembno in kaj pomeni delati.
The models of post-communist countries differ from each other widely and are rapidly changing, so it is impossible to define a recognisable model of transitions that would at least approximately serve as a good description of the situation in all the European post-communist countries.
Modeli posocialističnih držav se med seboj zelo razlikujejo in se hitro spreminjajo, zato ni mogoče opredeliti prepoznavnega modela prehodov, s katerim bi bilo vsaj približno mogoče dobro opisati stanje v vseh evropskih posocialističnih družbah.
At first glance, however, these countries are similar to those with the sub-protective transition model.
Na prvi pogled pa so te države podobne državam s subprotektivnim modelom prehoda.
According to Kuhar (2009: 8), given the social privileges thus far retained, Slovenia is still closest to a universalistic transition model.
Po oceni Kuharjeve (2009: 8) je Slovenija glede na do zdaj ohranjene socialne ugodnosti še vedno najbližje univerzalističnemu modelu prehodov.
With regard to our analysis, it seems that Slovenia is shifting primarily towards the sub-protective model, since we have determined the pronounced growth of young people depending on family support (especially in terms of extended living with parents) along with a pronounced growth of young people enrolling in tertiary education, for which it seems that it is linked primarily to the possibility (at least temporarily) of improving social status and acquiring partial material independence through student employment.
Glede na naše analize se zdi, da se Slovenija pomika predvsem v smeri subprotektivnega modela, saj ugotavljamo izrazito naraščanje opiranja mladih na družinske podpore (predvsem v smislu podaljševanja bivanja pri starših) ob izrazitem naraščanju vstopanja mladih v terciarno izobraževanje, za katero se zdi, da je predvsem povezano prav z možnostjo (vsaj začasnega) izboljšanja družbenega položaja in pridobivanja delne gmotne neodvisnosti s pomočjo študentskega dela.
All of this is closely linked to the marked decline in the stable and long-term forms of employment available to young people.
Vse to je tesno povezano z izrazitim upadanjem razpoložljivih stabilnih in dolgoročnih oblik zaposlitev za mlade.
We are witnessing a pronounced increase in the flexibility of the labour market for young people, which is in part bringing us close to the liberal transition model.
Priča smo izrazitemu povečanju prožnosti trga dela za mlade, kar nas deloma približuje tudi liberalnemu modelu prehodov.
In this light the Italian sociologist Carmen Leccardi (2005) has identified the strengthening of the family as the “anchor of stability” in general conditions of what are otherwise high levels of uncertainty.
Italijanska sociologinja Carmen Leccardi (2005) v tem smislu prepoznava krepitev družine kot »sidra stabilnosti« v splošnih razmerah siceršnje visoke stopnje negotovosti.
Another, perhaps more problematic dimension of the response to the described situation is “presentification” (ibid. 141).
Druga, morda bolj problematična razsežnost odzivanja na opisano stanje je »prezentifikacija« (prav tam: 141).
This is the absence (or low presence) of long-term planning and self-placement in some logical continuum between the present and the future, which is replaced by an equating with the present as the reference period of time.
Gre za odsotnost (ali nizko prisotnost) dolgoročnega načrtovanja in samoumeščanja v neki smiselni kontinuum med sedanjostjo in prihodnostjo, ki jo nadomesti enačenje s sedanjostjo kot referenčnim časovnim obdobjem.
In Leccardi's opinion this involves primarily a “pragmatic way of getting to grips with rapid changes and the uncertainties that accompany them” (ibid. 142).
Po mnenju Leccardijeve gre predvsem za »pragmatičen način spoprijemanja s hitrimi spremembami in negotovostmi, ki jih spremljajo« (prav tam: 142).
2.1.2 Analysis of data for Slovenia
2.1.2 Analiza podatkov za Slovenijo
This report uses the definition of the Statistical Office of the Republic of Slovenia, under which anyone aged between 15 and 29 years falls within the youth group.
V tem poročilu je upoštevana opredelitev Statističnega urada RS, po kateri spadajo v skupino mladih vsi, ki so stari med 15 in 29 let.
A review of the age limits in defining youth in other European countries (Vertot, 2009: 11) shows that this definition is somewhere in the middle of what are actually surprisingly different definitions in different countries.
Pregled starostnih mej pri opredeljevanju mladih po drugih evropskih državah (Vertot, 2009: 11) pokaže, da je taka opredelitev nekje v sredini sicer presenetljivo različnih opredelitev različnih držav.
The wide variation in defining youth is also evident in the assessments of the age up to which someone is considered a young person, as quoted by the interviewees in our research.
Pestrost opredelitev mladosti se kaže tudi v ocenah starosti, do katere se nekdo šteje za mladostnika, ki so jih navajali anketiranci v naši raziskavi.
These assessments range from 10 to 50 years.
Ocene se raztezajo od 10 do 50 let.
A major portion of this range is in fact relatively unimportant, since few interviewees opted for extreme assessments (frequently just one each).
Večji del tega razpona je sicer sorazmerno nepomemben, saj se je za skrajne ocene odločilo malo anketirancev (pogosto samo po eden).
There is, however, a clear identification of the four most commonly defined values: 19.3 percent of interviewees selected the value of 18, 17.9 percent chose 20 years, the same proportion chose the age of 25 years, while 7.8 percent of interviewees believe that anyone under 30 can consider themselves to be a young person.
Jasno pa se razpoznavajo štiri najpogosteje opredeljene vrednosti: 19,3 odstotka anketirancev je izbralo vrednost 18, 17,9 odstotka jih je izbralo 20 let, enak delež je izbral starost 25 let, 7,8 odstotka anketirancev pa meni, da se za mladostnika lahko šteje vsak, ki je star do 30 let.
The average value of all responses is 22.3 years, where the standard deviation is relatively large (SD = 5.2).
Povprečna vrednost vseh odgovorov je 22,3 leta, pri čemer je standardni odklon sorazmerno velik (SD = 5,2).
The available data enable an interesting comparison with the situation in 1985.
Razpoložljivi podatki nam omogočajo zanimivo primerjavo s stanjem leta 1985.
In the comparison we had to limit ourselves to the distribution of responses only for young people in the 15-24 age bracket.
Pri primerjavi smo se morali omejiti na porazdelitev odgovorov samo za mlade v starostnem razredu 15-24 let.
Only in this way could we ensure comparability with data from the Slovenian youth survey of 1985 (Ule and Vrcan, 1985).
Le tako smo namreč lahko zagotovili primerljivost s podatki raziskave slovenske mladine iz leta 1985 (Ule in Vrcan, 1985).
The graph below shows the relative shares of the four most common selections in both periods, as well as the average value for both periods.
V spodnjem grafikonu so predstavljeni relativni deleži štirih najpogostejših izbir v obeh časovnih obdobjih, pa tudi povprečna vrednost za obe obdobji.
Graph 1: Assessments of upper age limit for youth, Youth 1985 and Youth 2010
Grafikon 1: Ocenjene zgornje starostne meje mladosti, Mladina 1985 in Mladina 2010
Up to what age do you think someone can be considered a youth?
Do koliko let starosti se po tvojem mnenju nekdo lahko šteje za mladostnika?
Average (years)
Povprečje (let)
Youth 2010 Youth 1985
Mladina 2010 Mladina 1985
NOTE: Figures given are percentages of interviewees that selected one of the most commonly selected age limits (18, 20, 25 or 30).
OPOMBA: Navedeni so odstotki anketirancev, ki so izbrali eno od najpogosteje izbranih starostnih mej (18, 20, 25, ali 30 let).
It is clear that young people today set the limit of youth significantly lower than 25 years ago.
Očitno je, da mladi danes postavljajo mejo mladosti bistveno nižje kot pred 25 leti.
The average assessment of the boundary between youth and adulthood has fallen by almost five years.
Povprečna ocena meje med mladostjo in odraslostjo se je znižala skoraj za pet let.
An interpretation of this finding will be easier if we look at two more related indicators.
Razlaga te ugotovitve bo lažja, če si ogledamo še dva sorodna kazalnika.
Our data enable a comparison of today's secondary school youth aged 15 to 18 with the same group in 1993, regarding the question of how quickly would young people like to become adults.
Naši podatki omogočajo primerjavo današnje srednješolske mladine, stare 15 do 18 let, z enako skupino v letu 1993 glede vprašanja, kako hitro bi mladi radi postali odrasli.
On a scale of 1 (very slowly) to 10 (very quickly) the value between 8 and 10 (indicating a desire for rapid attainment of adulthood) was selected by 11.2 percent in 1993 and by 20.3 percent in 2010.
Na lestvici od 1 (zelo počasi) do 10 (zelo hitro) jih je vrednosti med 8 in 10 (ki kažejo na željo po hitrem odraščanju) leta 1993 izbralo 11,2 odstotka, leta 2010 pa kar 20,3 odstotka.
The average value of the responses rose in the observed period from 4.7 to 5.7 percent.
Povprečna vrednost odgovorov se je v opazovanem obdobju dvignila s 4,7 na 5,7 odstotka.
In other words everything points to secondary school youth today wanting to transition to adulthood much more quickly than in 1993.
Vse torej kaže, da si srednješolska mladina danes v primerjavi z letom 1993 želi bistveno hitreje prestopiti v vrste odraslih.
Here it is significant that, judging from the results of our qualitative research, the understanding of adulthood among young people is distinctly subjective.
Pri tem je pomembno, da je, sodeč po izsledkih našega kvalitativnega raziskovanja, razumevanje odraslosti med mladimi izrazito subjektivistično.
It is particularly important to realise that young people generally do not link adulthood to leaving the parental home:
Predvsem je pomembno spoznanje, da mladi odraslosti praviloma ne povezujejo z odseljevanjem od staršev:
“When you act like an adult.
»Ko se obnašaš odraslo.
That means that you've functionally grown up.
To pomeni, da si funkcionalno dorasel.
(Jona, 25, regular visitor to the Pekarna youth centre)
(Jona, 25 let, redni obiskovalec mladinskega zbirališča Pekarna)
“When you're mature spiritually, emotionally, materially and in your personality.
»Ko si duhovno, emocionalno, osebnostno in materialno zrel.
You take care of yourself and are responsible for your actions.”
Sam skrbiš zase in odgovarjaš za svoja dejanja.
On a scale of 1 to 10, 1 meant that the interviewee felt like a child, and 10 that they felt like an adult.
Na lestvici od 1 do 10 je 1 pomenilo, da se anketiranec počuti kot otrok, 10 pa, da se počuti kot odrasel.
In the comparison we limited ourselves just to interviewees 18 years old, since that is only age with which (given the available data) we can perform a time comparison, and at the same time it is one of the frequently selected values demarcating the periods of youth and adulthood.
Pri primerjavi smo se omejili samo na anketirance, stare 18 let, saj je to edina starost, s katero lahko (glede na razpoložljive podatke) opravimo časovno primerjavo, in hkrati je ena od pogosto izbranih vrednosti, ki zamejuje obdobji mladosti in odraslosti.
The share of those that circled the value between 8 and 10 grew from 19.5 percent in 1993 to 34.5 percent in 2010.
Delež tistih, ki so obkrožili vrednosti med 8 in 10, je od 19,5 odstotka leta 1993 narasel na 34,5 odstotka v letu 2010.
The average value of the responses in the observed period rose from 6.2 percent to 7 percent.
Povprečna vrednost odgovorov pa se je v opazovanem obdobju dvignila s 6,2 odstotka na 7 odstotkov.
We may conclude, therefore, that an 18 year-old secondary school student today feels significantly closer to adulthood than in 1993.
Sklenemo torej lahko, da se 18-letni srednješolec danes počuti bistveno bližje odraslosti kot leta 1993.
Typical responses from participants in our interviews to the question “Do you feel like an adult?” were:
Tipični odgovori udeležencev naših intervjujev na vprašanje »Ali se počutiš kot odrasel?« so bili:
Because I'm responsible for myself and to myself.”
Ker sem odgovoren za sebe in do sebe.
“Yes, in a way I'm an adult.
(Jona, 25 let, redni obiskovalec mladinskega zbirališča Pekarna)
Adult, because I have my own formed conviction about myself and the world.”
Odrasel zato, ker imam svoje izoblikovano prepričanje o sebi in svetu.
In line with Arnett's conceptualisation, young people actually increasingly identify their position in society as a state of transition to adulthood.
Mladi skladno z Arnettovo konceptualizacijo svoj položaj v družbi dejansko vse bolj zaznavajo kot stanje prehoda v odraslost.
Soon after the age of 20 they start feeling like “young adults”: according to our data, for instance, of those aged 24, on a scale of 1 to 10 (1 = like a child, 10 = like an adult), as many as 60 percent opted for responses between 8 and 10.
Kmalu po dvajsetem letu se že počutijo kot »mladi odrasli«: po naših podatkih se jih je na primer v 24. letu na lestvici od 1 do 10 (1 = kot otrok; 10 = kot odrasel) kar 60 odstotkov odločilo za odgovore med 8 in 10.
There are certainly a number of reasons for such a shift, and of these at least two should be highlighted.
Razlogov za tak premik je gotovo več, med njimi pa je treba opozoriti vsaj na dva.
(1) The desire for and feeling of an earlier transition into a state that could be called adulthood can be understood as an expression of the process of individualisation of life in modern (post)industrial societies.
(1) Željo in občutek zgodnejšega prehajanja v stanje, ki bi mu lahko rekli odraslost, lahko razumemo kot izraz procesa individualizacije življenja v sodobnih (po)industrijskih družbah.
In shaping their own destinies, individuals are increasingly left to themselves, and collective forms of identity and action are losing their importance.
Posamezniki so pri oblikovanju svojih usod vedno bolj prepuščeni sebi, kolektivne oblike identitete in akcije pa izgubljajo svoj pomen.
In the young person age group a part is also played by the education system, which together with various forms of employment offers young people right from primary school on an increasingly wide choice, thereby increasing the feeling that their future depends precisely on these choices and their fulfilment.
V starostni skupini mladih k temu prispeva svoje tudi izobraževalni sistem, ki skupaj z različnimi oblikami zaposlovanja mladim že od osnovne šole naprej ponuja vedno širše možnosti izbir in s tem povečuje občutek, da je njihova prihodnost odvisna prav od teh izbir in njihove uresničitve.
(2) At the same time as the described transfer of responsibility to the shoulders of the individual, young people may also be steered towards earlier feelings of adulthood by the growing uncertainty and difficulty of transitions to adulthood.
(2) Hkrati z opisanim prehajanjem odgovornosti na ramena posameznika mlade k zgodnejšemu občutku odraslosti lahko usmerjata tudi naraščajoča negotovost in težavnost prehodov v odras
It is becoming increasingly clear that bad decisions (and their implementation) can have serious as well as far-reaching consequences in the transition to adulthood.
Vse jasneje postaja, da imajo lahko slabe odločitve (in njihove izvedbe) resne, pa tudi daljnosežne posledice pri prehajanju v odraslost.
Young people are thus forced to make key decisions regarding their future,8 and that in relatively uncertain circumstances in which the threat of long-term marginalisation is very real.
Mladi so torej prisiljeni sprejemati ključne odločitve glede svoje prihodnosti,8 in to v sorazmerno negotovih razmerah, v katerih je grožnja dolgoročne marginalizacije zelo realna.
For this reason young people at a relatively early age view their life as a project for which they themselves are primarily responsible.
Zaradi tega mladi že sorazmerno zgodaj gledajo na svoje življenje kot projekt, za katerega so odgovorni predvsem sami.
This understanding is also confirmed by certain statements from our interviewees:
Tako dojemanje potrjujejo tudi nekatere izjave naših sogovornikov:
“So we got a capitalist and democratic Slovenia.
»No, pa smo dobli kapitalistično in demokratično Slovenijo.
Now you can say what you want, and no one cares… but job, housing and pension are now your own worry.”
Zdaj lahko govoriš kaj hočeš, nobenega nič ne briga… za službo stanovanje in penzijo pa se sam pobrigaj.
In their thinking, young people are already in their adult period, at least more so than their counterparts of earlier decades.
7 Z vidika teorije racionalne izbire je mogoče zagovarjati razlago, da na odločitve mladih vpliva tudi zaznavanje dolgega življenjskega obdobja.