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OPINION OF THE EUROPEAN ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COMMITTEE
OPINION OF THE EUROPEAN ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COMMITTEE
SC/025 Reflection: debate on the European Union
SC/025 Reflection: debate on the European Union
Brussels, 26 October 2005
Brussels, 26 October 2005
OPINION of the European Economic and Social Committee on The reflection period: structure, themes and framework for an evaluation of the debate on the European Union
OPINION of the European Economic and Social Committee on The reflection period: structure, themes and framework for an evaluation of the debate on the European Union
As the institutional forum, at European level, for consulting, representing, informing and expressing the views of organised civil society, the Committee argues that:
As the institutional forum, at European level, for consulting, representing, informing and expressing the views of organised civil society, the Committee argues that:
- the underlying logic and analyses that led to the Constitutional Treaty remain the same;
- the underlying logic and analyses that led to the Constitutional Treaty remain the same;
- the continued absence of the Constitutional Treaty, which sought to meet the concerns which have led to the current situation, is paradoxical;
- the continued absence of the Constitutional Treaty, which sought to meet the concerns which have led to the current situation, is paradoxical;
- participatory democracy, as provided for in the Constitutional Treaty, remains an essential tool to enhance the EU's democratic legitimacy;
- participatory democracy, as provided for in the Constitutional Treaty, remains an essential tool to enhance the EU's democratic legitimacy;
- a shared vision through participatory democracy can help get the integration process back on the tracks;
- a shared vision through participatory democracy can help get the integration process back on the tracks;
- the Union's institutions and its member states should therefore start making participatory democracy a reality now, in particular by anticipating the relevant provisions of the Constitutional Treaty on the democratic life of the Union;
- the Union's institutions and its member states should therefore start making participatory democracy a reality now, in particular by anticipating the relevant provisions of the Constitutional Treaty on the democratic life of the Union;
- the Union needs to capture the public imagination and it needs to deliver on the Lisbon Strategy;
- the Union needs to capture the public imagination and it needs to deliver on the Lisbon Strategy;
- communication and dialogue should be enhanced, though much progress has already been made;
- communication and dialogue should be enhanced, though much progress has already been made;
- however, the broad debate envisaged by the Heads of State or Government is currently largely absent in the Member States and it will be difficult to make progress in the absence of such debate;
- however, the broad debate envisaged by the Heads of State or Government is currently largely absent in the Member States and it will be difficult to make progress in the absence of such debate;
- the primary responsibility for the debates during the reflection period lies with the Member States although the European Institutions have an important responsibility to stimulate a wider debate at European level;
- the primary responsibility for the debates during the reflection period lies with the Member States although the European Institutions have an important responsibility to stimulate a wider debate at European level;
- the European Institutions should also engage actively in the debates at national, regional and local level in providing assistance and support in their organisation;
- the European Institutions should also engage actively in the debates at national, regional and local level in providing assistance and support in their organisation;
- civil society organisations can play an important supportive role and should therefore be involved in genuine local, regional and national dialogue.
- civil society organisations can play an important supportive role and should therefore be involved in genuine local, regional and national dialogue.
Opinion of the European Economic and Social Committee on the
Opinion of the European Economic and Social Committee on the
Reflection period: structure, items and framework for appraisal of the debate on the European Union
Reflection period: structure, items and framework for appraisal of the debate on the European Union
On 6 September 2005, the European Parliament decided to consult the European Economic and Social Committee, under Article 262 of the Treaty establishing the European Community, on the
On 6 September 2005, the European Parliament decided to consult the European Economic and Social Committee, under Article 262 of the Treaty establishing the European Community, on the
Reflection period: structure, items and framework for appraisal of the debate on the European Union.
Reflection period: structure, items and framework for appraisal of the debate on the European Union.
and under Rule 19, paragraph 1 of its Rules of Procedure, the Committee decided to establish a subcommittee to prepare its work on the matter.
and under Rule 19, paragraph 1 of its Rules of Procedure, the Committee decided to establish a subcommittee to prepare its work on the matter.
The Subcommittee on Reflection: debate on the European Union, which was responsible for preparing the Committee's work on the subject, adopted its opinion on 13 October 2005.
The Subcommittee on Reflection: debate on the European Union, which was responsible for preparing the Committee's work on the subject, adopted its opinion on 13 October 2005.
The rapporteur was Ms Jillian van Turnhout.
The rapporteur was Ms Jillian van Turnhout.
At its 421st plenary session held on 26 and 27 October 2005 (meeting of 26 October), the European Economic and Social Committee adopted the following opinion by 130 votes to 3 with 3 abstentions.
At its 421st plenary session held on 26 and 27 October 2005 (meeting of 26 October), the European Economic and Social Committee adopted the following opinion by 130 votes to 3 with 3 abstentions.
The underlying logic and analyses remain the same
The underlying logic and analyses remain the same
1.1 The logic and analyses that led the EESC to adopt, with a very large majority its opinion in favour of the Constitutional Treaty (28 October 2004)
1.1 The logic and analyses that led the EESC to adopt, with a very large majority its opinion in favour of the Constitutional Treaty (28 October 2004)
CESE 1416/2004. have not changed, and nor therefore have the arguments and recommendations developed.
CESE 1416/2004. have not changed, and nor therefore have the arguments and recommendations developed.
Indeed, in the Committee's opinion the vagaries of the ratification process of the Constitutional Treaty confirm the validity of the positions it has taken.
Indeed, in the Committee's opinion the vagaries of the ratification process of the Constitutional Treaty confirm the validity of the positions it has taken.
1.2 For example, the referendum results in France and the Netherlands not only demonstrate the failure of the Member States and the European institutions to communicate to the public what Europe is actually about and how it reaches agreements but, they also reveal the gulf separating the public from the European project.
1.2 For example, the referendum results in France and the Netherlands not only demonstrate the failure of the Member States and the European institutions to communicate to the public what Europe is actually about and how it reaches agreements but, they also reveal the gulf separating the public from the European project.
It must be said that this gulf is not unique to those countries and is not simply the result of poor communication or the current economic situation, but it does call into question the nature of the agreement itself and thus the way in which it was reached.
It must be said that this gulf is not unique to those countries and is not simply the result of poor communication or the current economic situation, but it does call into question the nature of the agreement itself and thus the way in which it was reached.
1.3 It is worthwhile recalling the "clear messages" which, in the Committee's October 2004 opinion, it believed should be got across to civil society:
1.3 It is worthwhile recalling the "clear messages" which, in the Committee's October 2004 opinion, it believed should be got across to civil society:
• the use of the instrument of the "Convention", a "step forward in the process of democratising the European venture";
• the use of the instrument of the "Convention", a "step forward in the process of democratising the European venture";
• the establishment of a Constitution as a "revolutionary" step in the history of the European venture;
• the establishment of a Constitution as a "revolutionary" step in the history of the European venture;
• the establishment of a more democratic Union which would recognise that the interests of the people are paramount in the building of Europe;
• the establishment of a more democratic Union which would recognise that the interests of the people are paramount in the building of Europe;
• the establishment of a Union which would afford better protection of the fundamental rights of European citizens;
• the establishment of a Union which would afford better protection of the fundamental rights of European citizens;
• the establishment of a Union which would be capable of meeting the aspirations of its citizens by virtue of the Community method and Community policies.
• the establishment of a Union which would be capable of meeting the aspirations of its citizens by virtue of the Community method and Community policies.
1.4 Despite a series of shortcomings in the Constitutional Treaty which the Committee also highlighted, it argued strongly for European civil society to be rallied behind the achievements of the Constitutional Treaty in order to overcome these shortcomings.
1.4 Despite a series of shortcomings in the Constitutional Treaty which the Committee also highlighted, it argued strongly for European civil society to be rallied behind the achievements of the Constitutional Treaty in order to overcome these shortcomings.
1.5 Those identified by the Committee included the following:
1.5 Those identified by the Committee included the following:
• the lack of adequate operational provisions for implementing the principle of participatory democracy;
• the lack of adequate operational provisions for implementing the principle of participatory democracy;
• the absence of provisions acknowledging the role played by organised civil society in implementing the subsidiarity principle;
• the absence of provisions acknowledging the role played by organised civil society in implementing the subsidiarity principle;
• the weakness of EU governance as regards economic and employment policy and the absence of rules providing for consultation of the European Parliament and the EESC in these areas, which concern civil society players most of all.
• the weakness of EU governance as regards economic and employment policy and the absence of rules providing for consultation of the European Parliament and the EESC in these areas, which concern civil society players most of all.
1.6 In the Committee's opinion, all of these observations remain pertinent and valid.
1.6 In the Committee's opinion, all of these observations remain pertinent and valid.
In its October 2004 opinion, the Committee argued strongly not only in favour of the ratification of the Constitutional Treaty, but also that EU citizens needed to be made aware of the democratic progress achieved by the draft Constitution and of its advantages.
In its October 2004 opinion, the Committee argued strongly not only in favour of the ratification of the Constitutional Treaty, but also that EU citizens needed to be made aware of the democratic progress achieved by the draft Constitution and of its advantages.
1.7 The debates which took place around the ratification process demonstrated yet again that one of the major challenges facing the European Union is the question of how to preserve and guarantee growth, jobs and prosperity for the current and future generations.
1.7 The debates which took place around the ratification process demonstrated yet again that one of the major challenges facing the European Union is the question of how to preserve and guarantee growth, jobs and prosperity for the current and future generations.
As the latest Eurobarometer survey (Eurobarometer 63, September 2005) shows, this question is at the heart of European citizens' concerns.
As the latest Eurobarometer survey (Eurobarometer 63, September 2005) shows, this question is at the heart of European citizens' concerns.
1.8 A vital element in the response to that challenge is to be found in the objectives set out in the Lisbon Strategy, as identified by the Heads of State or Government in 2000, a Strategy which offers a concrete vision of the future of European society.
1.8 A vital element in the response to that challenge is to be found in the objectives set out in the Lisbon Strategy, as identified by the Heads of State or Government in 2000, a Strategy which offers a concrete vision of the future of European society.
1.9 It is necessary to recognise however that, despite five years of intense debates and activities at European level, the results so far have been disappointing and the implementation of the Strategy has been found wanting.
1.9 It is necessary to recognise however that, despite five years of intense debates and activities at European level, the results so far have been disappointing and the implementation of the Strategy has been found wanting.
1.10 "Alongside undeniable progress, there are shortcomings and obvious delays" reported the European Council in March 2005.
1.10 "Alongside undeniable progress, there are shortcomings and obvious delays" reported the European Council in March 2005.
There may be many reasons for these shortcomings and the delay, but most would agree on the following two observations:
There may be many reasons for these shortcomings and the delay, but most would agree on the following two observations:
• the Strategy is too abstract.
• the Strategy is too abstract.
There are no visible consequences for people and businesses.
There are no visible consequences for people and businesses.
Public opinion does not make a distinction between the effects of globalisation, EU policy and national policy on their living and working conditions;
Public opinion does not make a distinction between the effects of globalisation, EU policy and national policy on their living and working conditions;
• the Strategy remains a top-down process.
• the Strategy remains a top-down process.
There has been too little involvement on the part of organised civil society.
There has been too little involvement on the part of organised civil society.
In some Member States the Strategy is more or less unknown to many of the concerned stakeholders.
In some Member States the Strategy is more or less unknown to many of the concerned stakeholders.
No genuine consultation seems to have taken place, not least within the open method of coordination for research and education.
No genuine consultation seems to have taken place, not least within the open method of coordination for research and education.
1.11 Thus the March 2005 European Council notably underlined the need for civil society to appropriate and participate actively in achieving the aims of the Lisbon Strategy.
1.11 Thus the March 2005 European Council notably underlined the need for civil society to appropriate and participate actively in achieving the aims of the Lisbon Strategy.
1.12 It is particularly clear in this context that the future of the European model of society, including its social model, which is a fundamental part of the collective identity of European citizens and with which they strongly identify, will depend on the realisation of the Lisbon Strategy's objectives.
1.12 It is particularly clear in this context that the future of the European model of society, including its social model, which is a fundamental part of the collective identity of European citizens and with which they strongly identify, will depend on the realisation of the Lisbon Strategy's objectives.
Thus, the challenge is not so much about the future of the Constitutional Treaty, important though it is, but about creating the conditions which will enable European citizens to reappropriate the European project on the basis of a global shared vision about the sort of society they desire.
Thus, the challenge is not so much about the future of the Constitutional Treaty, important though it is, but about creating the conditions which will enable European citizens to reappropriate the European project on the basis of a global shared vision about the sort of society they desire.
1.13 That is why, in its October 2004 Opinion, the Committee also established a link between the Constitutional Treaty and the Lisbon Strategy, arguing that:
1.13 That is why, in its October 2004 Opinion, the Committee also established a link between the Constitutional Treaty and the Lisbon Strategy, arguing that:
"The Lisbon Strategy should be introduced into the debate since it maps out a vision of the future for all citizens of the EU marked by: competitiveness, full employment, shared knowledge; investment in human resources; and growth, whilst preserving the living environment and the quality of life through sustainable development …"
"The Lisbon Strategy should be introduced into the debate since it maps out a vision of the future for all citizens of the EU marked by: competitiveness, full employment, shared knowledge; investment in human resources; and growth, whilst preserving the living environment and the quality of life through sustainable development …"
Getting back on the tracks – a shared vision through participatory democracy
Getting back on the tracks – a shared vision through participatory democracy
2.1 To master the challenges facing the European Union, the European integration process must be "re-legitimised", based on a new conception of democratic action which bestows a determining role on civil society and its representative institutions.
2.1 To master the challenges facing the European Union, the European integration process must be "re-legitimised", based on a new conception of democratic action which bestows a determining role on civil society and its representative institutions.
2.2 To that end, the participation of civil society in the public decision-making process is an essential instrument in reinforcing the democratic legitimacy of the European institutions and European action.
2.2 To that end, the participation of civil society in the public decision-making process is an essential instrument in reinforcing the democratic legitimacy of the European institutions and European action.
It is an even more essential element in encouraging the emergence of a shared view about the purpose and the direction of "Europe" and thus a new consensus, on the basis of which it should be possible to pursue the European integration process and to define and implement a project for the Europe of tomorrow which will respond more fully to the expectations of its citizens.
It is an even more essential element in encouraging the emergence of a shared view about the purpose and the direction of "Europe" and thus a new consensus, on the basis of which it should be possible to pursue the European integration process and to define and implement a project for the Europe of tomorrow which will respond more fully to the expectations of its citizens.
2.3 The European Union's institutions and the Member State governments must encourage a genuine subsidiarity culture that embraces not only the different levels of authority but also the different component elements of society, in such a way as to demonstrate to the European citizen that the EU will act only where there is clear added value and in respect of the principle of better lawmaking.
2.3 The European Union's institutions and the Member State governments must encourage a genuine subsidiarity culture that embraces not only the different levels of authority but also the different component elements of society, in such a way as to demonstrate to the European citizen that the EU will act only where there is clear added value and in respect of the principle of better lawmaking.
2.4 According to the latest Eurobarometer findings, 53 per cent of those questioned believed their voice didn't count in the European Union.
2.4 According to the latest Eurobarometer findings, 53 per cent of those questioned believed their voice didn't count in the European Union.
Only 38 per cent believed the opposite.
Only 38 per cent believed the opposite.
2.5 Such findings demonstrate the need to build and to use tools which will enable European citizens to be genuinely involved in the exercise of defining a project for the enlarged Europe, a project which should be equipped with true content and which will encourage them to support and identify with the European integration process.
2.5 Such findings demonstrate the need to build and to use tools which will enable European citizens to be genuinely involved in the exercise of defining a project for the enlarged Europe, a project which should be equipped with true content and which will encourage them to support and identify with the European integration process.
2.6 In this context it should be emphasised that the democratic legitimacy of the European Union reposes not only on a clear definition of the powers and responsibilities of its institutions.
2.6 In this context it should be emphasised that the democratic legitimacy of the European Union reposes not only on a clear definition of the powers and responsibilities of its institutions.
It also implies that:
It also implies that:
• those institutions enjoy public confidence and can rely on a strong commitment by citizens in favour of the European project,
• those institutions enjoy public confidence and can rely on a strong commitment by citizens in favour of the European project,
• the active participation of citizens in the democratic life of the European Union is fully guaranteed and
• the active participation of citizens in the democratic life of the European Union is fully guaranteed and
• specific features of European citizenship, which are more than the mere sum of national citizenships, are sought
• specific features of European citizenship, which are more than the mere sum of national citizenships, are sought
EESC Opinion SOC/203 "Active citizenship action programme".
EESC Opinion SOC/203 "Active citizenship action programme".
2.7 In the Committee's opinion, the currently suspended, or delayed, ratification process on the Constitutional Treaty contains an essential irony: the absence of the Constitution, and in particular the absence of the provisions in Title VI on the democratic life of the European Union, further underlines the need for the Constitution.
2.7 In the Committee's opinion, the currently suspended, or delayed, ratification process on the Constitutional Treaty contains an essential irony: the absence of the Constitution, and in particular the absence of the provisions in Title VI on the democratic life of the European Union, further underlines the need for the Constitution.
A fundamental challenge facing the Union is therefore how to get that basic message across.
A fundamental challenge facing the Union is therefore how to get that basic message across.
2.8 In the Committee's opinion, the logic behind the Constitution's provisions for participatory democracy and civil dialogue remains entirely valid.
2.8 In the Committee's opinion, the logic behind the Constitution's provisions for participatory democracy and civil dialogue remains entirely valid.
The European institutions must therefore invest fully in the logic of the Constitution Treaty and establish an authentic participatory democracy.
The European institutions must therefore invest fully in the logic of the Constitution Treaty and establish an authentic participatory democracy.