natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
An important shift has taken place in the debate on nuclear disarmament in recent years, writes Foreign Minister Jonas Gahr Støre in an article in Disarmament Times. 
An important shift has taken place in the debate on nuclear disarmament in recent years, skriver utenriksminister Jonas Gahr Støre i en artikkel i Disarmament Times.
An important shift has taken place in the debate on nuclear disarmament in recent years. 
An important shift has taken place in the debate on nuclear disarmament in recent years.
A number of military and political strategists have drawn the same conclusion as peace activists and international humanitarian organizations: that the world would be safer without nuclear weapons. 
A number of military and political strategists have drawn the same conclusion as peace activists and international humanitarian organizations: that the world would be safer without nuclear weapons.
Perhaps the most significant development is that the largest nuclear weapons states – the US and Russia – now subscribe to the goal of a world without nuclear weapons. 
Perhaps the most significant development is that the largest nuclear weapons states – the US and Russia – now subscribe to the goal of a world without nuclear weapons.
The NPT platform The Review Conference of the Non-Proliferation Treaty in New York in May was seen by many as a “make or break” for the viability of the NPT regime. 
The NPT platform The Review Conference of the Non-Proliferation Treaty in New York in May was seen by many as a “make or break” for the viability of the NPT regime.
I am aware that many NGOs and observers were disappointed that the outcome document did not set specific timelines for the elimination of existing nuclear weapons, or initiate a process to negotiate a nuclear weapons convention. 
I am aware that many NGOs and observers were disappointed that the outcome document did not set specific timelines for the elimination of existing nuclear weapons, or initiate a process to negotiate a nuclear weapons convention.
However, compared with the alternative scenario – a failure on the scale of what we saw in 2005 – the 2010 Review Conference was an important achievement. 
However, compared with the alternative scenario – a failure on the scale of what we saw in 2005 – the 2010 Review Conference was an important achievement.
The fact that the outcome succeeded in salvaging the credibility and relevance of the treaty is in itself of great importance. 
The fact that the outcome succeeded in salvaging the credibility and relevance of the treaty is in itself of great importance.
The alternative would have left us with little to build on and even greater challenges to overcome. 
The alternative would have left us with little to build on and even greater challenges to overcome.
Looking at what was actually achieved in New York, I see more reason for optimism than for despair. 
Looking at what was actually achieved in New York, I see more reason for optimism than for despair.
The Review Conference agreed on 64 concrete actions along the three pillars of the NPT, including specific steps to be taken towards a zone free of weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East. 
The Review Conference agreed on 64 concrete actions along the three pillars of the NPT, including specific steps to be taken towards a zone free of weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East.
The Conference further emphasized the fundamental goal of eliminating nuclear weapons, and explicitly brought the concept of international humanitarian law into the discussion. 
The Conference further emphasized the fundamental goal of eliminating nuclear weapons, and explicitly brought the concept of international humanitarian law into the discussion.
Equally important, it was made clear that a convention (or other legally binding arrangement) was the ultimate objective of the disarmament obligations under the NPT. 
Equally important, it was made clear that a convention (or other legally binding arrangement) was the ultimate objective of the disarmament obligations under the NPT.
NATO’s new Strategic Concept Another important event this year is the upcoming review of NATO’s Strategic Concept. 
NATO’s new Strategic Concept Another important event this year is the upcoming review of NATO’s Strategic Concept.
The new concept is scheduled to be adopted at the Lisbon summit in November, and the nuclear doctrine is one of the key issues on the agenda. 
The new concept is scheduled to be adopted at the Lisbon summit in November, and the nuclear doctrine is one of the key issues on the agenda.
The Norwegian Government is engaged to help move the issue of nuclear disarmament further up on NATO’s agenda. 
The Norwegian Government is engaged to help move the issue of nuclear disarmament further up on NATO’s agenda.
We will work towards a forward-looking document by which NATO can contribute towards the reduction of the role of nuclear weapons in international security policy. 
We will work towards a forward-looking document by which NATO can contribute towards the reduction of the role of nuclear weapons in international security policy.
While some countries in the alliance are committed to reducing and eventually eliminating the role of nuclear weapons in NATO’s security policy, it is clear that some do not. 
While some countries in the alliance are committed to reducing and eventually eliminating the role of nuclear weapons in NATO’s security policy, it is clear that some do not.
It is also a fact that some members of NATO consider the continued deployment of US nuclear weapons to be a kind of transatlantic “superglue”, a fundamental bond. 
It is also a fact that some members of NATO consider the continued deployment of US nuclear weapons to be a kind of transatlantic “superglue”, a fundamental bond.
In my view, the cohesion of NATO is founded on a joint commitment to democracy, the rule of law, human rights, political solidarity, collective defense and joint decision-making – not on the continued presence of a particular category of weapons of mass destruction. 
In my view, the cohesion of NATO is founded on a joint commitment to democracy, the rule of law, human rights, political solidarity, collective defense and joint decision-making – not on the continued presence of a particular category of weapons of mass destruction.
Geopolitical shifts and the new security challenges facing NATO increase the urgency of updating NATO’s Strategic Concept. 
Geopolitical shifts and the new security challenges facing NATO increase the urgency of updating NATO’s Strategic Concept.
It is important that NATO’s new nuclear doctrine reflects these new realities and that the document we present in November does not in any way create an obstacle to the NPT objective of eliminating nuclear weapons. 
It is important that NATO’s new nuclear doctrine reflects these new realities and that the document we present in November does not in any way create an obstacle to the NPT objective of eliminating nuclear weapons.
Reframing the challenge Over the last ten years or so, it has become clear that the multilateral institutions established to deal with disarmament lack the efficiency needed to meet today’s challenges. 
Reframing the challenge Over the last ten years or so, it has become clear that the multilateral institutions established to deal with disarmament lack the efficiency needed to meet today’s challenges.
Hence, it is no surprise that the only significant progress on multilateral disarmament in this period has taken place outside these forums. 
Hence, it is no surprise that the only significant progress on multilateral disarmament in this period has taken place outside these forums.
In my view, we should build on these experiences. 
In my view, we should build on these experiences.
First, there is clearly a need for a renewal of the intergovernmental machinery, based on the principles of openness, transparency and inclusiveness. 
First, there is clearly a need for a renewal of the intergovernmental machinery, based on the principles of openness, transparency and inclusiveness.
It should be oriented towards practical on-the-ground impact and structured in a manner that enables an agenda of opportunities. 
It should be oriented towards practical on-the-ground impact and structured in a manner that enables an agenda of opportunities.
Secondly, there is no reason why the arena for debate on nuclear disarmament should be limited to diplomats and technicians. 
Secondly, there is no reason why the arena for debate on nuclear disarmament should be limited to diplomats and technicians.
A broader range of actors who share the goal of a world free of nuclear weapons should be engaged in these efforts. 
A broader range of actors who share the goal of a world free of nuclear weapons should be engaged in these efforts.
It is particularly crucial to apply the humanitarian perspective and to engage humanitarian actors. 
It is particularly crucial to apply the humanitarian perspective and to engage humanitarian actors.
They were key partners in the processes that led to the banning of anti-personnel landmines and cluster munitions, and they will be equally important in our efforts to eliminate nuclear weapons. 
They were key partners in the processes that led to the banning of anti-personnel landmines and cluster munitions, and they will be equally important in our efforts to eliminate nuclear weapons.
Over the last century, the concept of international humanitarian law has developed dramatically. 
Over the last century, the concept of international humanitarian law has developed dramatically.
The principle of avoiding unnecessary suffering and unacceptable harm has led to bans on certain conventional weapons, as well as two categories of weapons of mass destruction, i.e. biological and chemical weapons. 
The principle of avoiding unnecessary suffering and unacceptable harm has led to bans on certain conventional weapons, as well as two categories of weapons of mass destruction, i.e. biological and chemical weapons.
In the long run, it is hard to justify an exemption from this principle for the most inhuman weapon ever created. 
In the long run, it is hard to justify an exemption from this principle for the most inhuman weapon ever created.
It is therefore encouraging that the humanitarian dimension was included in the outcome document of the NPT 2010 Review Conference. 
It is therefore encouraging that the humanitarian dimension was included in the outcome document of the NPT 2010 Review Conference.
We also need to forge new partnerships with the business community. 
We also need to forge new partnerships with the business community.
Obviously, any use of nuclear weapons, intentional or by accident, would have devastating effects on economic activity. 
Obviously, any use of nuclear weapons, intentional or by accident, would have devastating effects on economic activity.
It is perhaps no coincidence that the famous articles by Kissinger, Schultz, Nunn and Perry on this subject were published in The Wall Street Journal. 
It is perhaps no coincidence that the famous articles by Kissinger, Schultz, Nunn and Perry on this subject were published in The Wall Street Journal.
Partnerships should also be developed with scientific and academic actors and communities, with the aim of gaining better understanding of how full nuclear disarmament should be undertaken. 
Partnerships should also be developed with scientific and academic actors and communities, with the aim of gaining better understanding of how full nuclear disarmament should be undertaken.
Furthermore, it is important to engage military leaders, whose strategic and operational perspectives are important for consolidating the view that nuclear weapons serve no military purpose. 
Furthermore, it is important to engage military leaders, whose strategic and operational perspectives are important for consolidating the view that nuclear weapons serve no military purpose.
Such partnerships provided important, if not decisive input to the preparatory work on the conventions on landmines and cluster munitions. 
Such partnerships provided important, if not decisive input to the preparatory work on the conventions on landmines and cluster munitions.
The debate on whether nuclear deterrence worked during the Cold War is, in my opinion, becoming increasingly irrelevant. 
The debate on whether nuclear deterrence worked during the Cold War is, in my opinion, becoming increasingly irrelevant.
What we know is that we were on the brink of nuclear war several times. 
What we know is that we were on the brink of nuclear war several times.
The choice is not between status quo and proliferation, but between a world with many more nuclear weapon states or none at all. 
The choice is not between status quo and proliferation, but between a world with many more nuclear weapon states or none at all.
Over the last two years, the acknowledgement of this rationale has led to a shift in the international debate on nuclear disarmament, and the implication of this should not be underestimated. 
Over the last two years, the acknowledgement of this rationale has led to a shift in the international debate on nuclear disarmament, and the implication of this should not be underestimated.
As political leaders, military strategists and humanitarian activists increasingly find themselves aligned and in agreement over the need for and urgency of full nuclear disarmament, the focus of the debate should be shifted. 
As political leaders, military strategists and humanitarian activists increasingly find themselves aligned and in agreement over the need for and urgency of full nuclear disarmament, the focus of the debate should be shifted.
The challenge we are faced with today, which should be at the top of our agenda, is not whether a world free of nuclear weapons is desirable but how to get there – and how to get there in a secure, efficient and irrevocable manner. 
The challenge we are faced with today, which should be at the top of our agenda, is not whether a world free of nuclear weapons is desirable but how to get there – and how to get there in a secure, efficient and irrevocable manner.
When Jupiter aligns with Mars: Reframing the Challenge of Nuclear Disarmament 
When Jupiter aligns with Mars: Reframing the Challenge of Nuclear Disarmament
Dagsavisen, 11 August 2011 
Artikkel i Dagsavisen, 11. august 2011
Norway is still in mourning. 
Ennå er landet svøpt i sorg.
Until now, it has been most important to show compassion and solidarity with those who were hardest hit by the tragedy of 22 July. 
Det handler om omsorg og fellesskap med de som er aller sterkest berørt etter katastrofen 22. juli.
As we move on, we also have to try to understand the political implications of the atrocities. 
Fremover må vi forstå det politiske i den grufulle handlingen.
This will demand just as much of us, writes Foreign Minister Jonas Gahr Støre. 
Det vil kreve like mye av oss, skriver utenriksminister Jonas Gahr Støre.
This will demand just as much of us. 
Det vil kreve like mye av oss.
“There is a time for everything,” we hear priests and imams say as we bury our dead and say our farewells, again and again, from churches, mosques and community centres all over Norway. 
Det er en tid for alt, hører vi prester og imamer si når vi begraver våre døde, tar avskjed, igjen og igjen, fra et stort antall kirker, moskeer og samfunnshus.
Thousands of people have been directly affected, and hardly a person in Norway has been left untouched. 
Tusener er direkte berørt, knapt noen i vår nasjon er likegyldige.
We all grieve in different ways. 
Vi sørger på forskjellig vis.
Our Prime Minister has shown true political leadership and set the tone for us all, in a way that has evoked a powerful response from the Norwegian people. 
Statsministeren har vist lederskap og satt en felles tone; en tone som har vunnet gjenklang i det norske folk og som derfor er så sterk.
I have met the same response again and again as I have talked to bereaved families, survivors, the injured and others at memorials, meetings and funerals. 
Jeg har opplevd den i møtene med etterlatte, overlevende, sårede og berørte i minnesamlinger, samtaler og begravelser.
I’ve been told that many members of the Labour Youth League look up to us, the established politicians, as their models. 
Mange av AUF-erne sa at de hadde oss etablerte politikere som forbilder.
And did I say this clearly enough to those who can no longer hear me? 
Og: Fikk jeg sagt dette tydelig nok til dem som nå ikke kan høre?
Can there be any stronger reminder that we too must be enthusiastic, altruistic, honest, true, eager – and bold? 
Finnes noen sterkere påminnelse enn ungdommens – om at vi må være entusiastiske, idealistiske, ærlige, gode, utålmodige – og modige?
And can there be anything more meaningless than the deaths of so many of these young people? 
Og finnes det noe mer meningsløst når mange av disse unge nå er døde?
“There is a time for everything.” 
Det er en tid for alt.
But we must also face that fact that the attack on Utøya was no accident, no natural disaster. 
Da må vi også ta fatt i dette: Angrepet på Utøya var ingen tilfeldighet, ingen naturkatastrofe.
It was a carefully planned attack on one political party’s youth movement, the strongest yet most defenceless wing of the Labour Party. 
Det var et nøye planlagt angrep på ett partis ungdomsbevegelse; den sterkeste og samtidig den mest forsvarsløse flanken av Arbeiderpartiet.
In addition to the unfathomable grief we meet at funerals and memorials, there is growing realisation of the almost incomprehensible truth that we are burying teenagers who have been murdered because of their political beliefs. 
I tillegg til møtene med bunnløs sorg ved begravelser og minnestunder, vokser den nesten ufattelige erkjennelsen at vi gravlegger tenåringer som er drept for sin politiske overbevisnings skyld.
In Norway, in 2011. 
I Norge anno 2011.
To defend a richly diverse society founded on core Norwegian values, including democracy, the rule of law, human rights, human dignity and equality. 
Å stå opp for et mangfoldig samfunn tuftet på stolte norske kjerneverdier som demokrati, rettsstat, menneskerettigheter, likestilling og likeverd.
Defending our common values 
Å stå opp for verdiene
Agreement on economic stimulus package to reduce sick leave and new IA agreement 
Enige om tiltakspakke for lavere sykefravær og ny IA-avtale
Publisher Ministry of Labour 
Utgiver: Arbeidsdepartementet
"We have agreed to increase our commitment to achieve the goals of preventing sick leave and averting expulsion and absence from working life. 
– Vi er enige om å øke innsatsen for å nå målene om å forebygge sykefravær og hindre utstøting og frafall fra arbeidslivet.
I am very pleased we managed to achieve this through a tripartite collaboration. 
Jeg er svært glad for at vi gjennom godt trepartssamarbeid har fått til dette.
This means we can reduce sick leave and increase inclusion," says Prime Minister Jens Stoltenberg. 
Det betyr at vi kan få ned sykefraværet og øke inkluderingen, sier statsminister Jens Stoltenberg.
The authorities and employer/employee organisations following the signing of the new agreement. 
Fra venstre: Rigmor Aasrud, FAD, Vibeke H.
Photo: AD. 
Foto: AD.
Download photo (2 mb) 
Last ned bildet (2 mb)
Economic stimulus package recorded in protocol The parties have agreed on an economic stimulus package to prevent sick leave, increase the number of employees who can return to work and prevent expulsion and absence from working life. 
Tiltakspakke i protokoll Partene er enige om en tiltakspakke for å forebygge sykefravær, øke jobbnærvær og hindre utstøting og frafall fra arbeidslivet.
The parties will implement measures vis-à-vis medical doctors, ensure earlier action is taken in relation to employees on sick leave, improve facilitation by the employers and promote employee participation. 
Partene vil gjennomføre tiltak overfor legene, sikre tidligere innsats overfor sykmeldte, bedre tilrettelegging fra arbeidsgiveres side og medvirkning fra arbeidstakere.
The measures will be recorded in a separate protocol to be signed at the same time as the new IA agreement. 
Tiltakene legges fram i en egen protokoll som underskrives samtidig med ny IA-avtale.
The Government and the parties will continue to work this year with the proposal from the Expert Group concerning the employers’ co-funding of long-term sick leave. 
Regjeringen og partene vil arbeide videre dette året med forslaget fra ekspertgruppa om at arbeidsgiverne skal medfinansiere langtidssykefraværet.
The parties agree that the measures and further commitment must yield lasting results. 
Partene er enige om at tiltakene og den videre innsatsen må gi varige resultater.
The measures are in part based on the report submitted by the Expert Group on 1 February. 
Tiltakene bygger bl.a. på rapporten fra Ekspertgruppen, som ble levert 1. februar.
The new IA agreement runs until 31 December 2013. 
Den nye IA-avtalen løper fram til 31. desember 2013.
"Some people on sick leave cannot work during illness. 
– Noen sykmeldte kan ikke jobbe under sykdom.
For others, working full-time or part-time can be beneficial to their health, while passivity may prolong illness. 
For andre kan hel eller delvis jobb være helsefremmende, og passivitet forlenge sykdom.
The parties therefore believe that the goal is for more people to come under the graded (partial) sickness benefit scheme. 
Partene mener derfor det er et mål at flere skal få gradert sykmelding.
Absence due to illness can be reduced by strengthening preventive work, facilitation, activity and follow-up so that fewer people become sick, rather than by forcing sick people to go to work,” says the Prime Minister. 
Sykefraværet skal reduseres ved at færre blir syke gjennom bedre forebygging, tilrettelegging, aktivitet og oppfølging, ikke ved å tvinge syke på jobb, sier statsministeren.
”The talks have been constructive and form a good foundation for further cooperation. 
– Drøftingene har vært konstruktive og legger et godt grunnlag for det videre samarbeidet.
The goals of the IA agreement remain firm, but new policy instruments have been put in place to strengthen the work on achieving these goals,” says Minister of Labour Hanne Bjurstrøm. 
Målene i IA-avtalen står fast, men vi har fått på plass flere nye virkemidler for å skjerpe arbeidet med å nå disse målene, sier arbeidsminister Hanne Bjurstrøm.
”Now is when the work to reduce sick leave really begins. 
– Det er nå arbeidet med å få ned sykefraværet virkelig begynner.
The agreement is based on what we know works, close follow-up of the person on sick leave by the doctor, NAV (Norwegian Labour and Welfare Service) and the employer, plus facilitating return to work. 
Avtalen bygger på det vi vet virker; tett oppfølging av den sykmeldte fra lege, NAV og arbeidsgiver, samt økt tilrettelegging for nærvær.
We will work systematically on this issue,” says the Minister of Labour. 
Dette skal det nå arbeides systematisk med, sier arbeidsministeren.
Initiate cooperation between the authorities involved (Norwegian Board of Health and the Labour and Welfare Service), the Norwegian Medical Association, Norwegian Physiotherapist Association and other relevant professional sectors in order to prepare proposals for professional support/guidance relating to granting sick leave. 
Det innledes et samarbeid mellom berørte myndigheter (Helsedirektoratet og Arbeids- og velferdsetaten), Legeforeningen, Norsk Fysioterapeutforbund og andre relevante fagmiljøer for å utarbeide forslag til faglig støtte/veiledning for sykmeldingsarbeidet.
Regular feedback. 
Regelmessige tilbakemeldinger.
Introduce a system for regular feedback to persons granting sick leave regarding his/her sick leave practice compared with others. 
Det innføres et system for regelmessige tilbakemeldinger til sykmelder om egen sykmeldingspraksis, sammenlignet med andre.
Mandatory training. 
Obligatorisk opplæring.
Stipulate requirements for mandatory sick leave training of persons who will be granting sick leave. 
Det stilles krav om obligatorisk opplæring i sykmeldingsarbeid for alle som skal sykmelde.
Early follow-up: 
Tidlig oppfølging: