natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Basic rights are being abused in blatant disregard of basic obligations under international law– to the detriment of good governance, equal opportunities and inclusive growth. 
Basic rights are being abused in blatant disregard of basic obligations under international law– to the detriment of good governance, equal opportunities and inclusive growth.
To the detriment of blossoming individuals – and to blossoming societies and economies. 
To the detriment of blossoming individuals – and to blossoming societies and economies.
In the time ahead, we will work with other likeminded nations to shape a less fragmented and more efficient UN. 
In the time ahead, we will work with other likeminded nations to shape a less fragmented and more efficient UN.
We want a UN “fit for purpose”, prepared to deal with 21st century challenges. 
We want a UN “fit for purpose”, prepared to deal with 21st century challenges.
Designing an effective agenda for the post-2015 Sustainable Development Goals is absolutely critical in this endeavour. 
Designing an effective agenda for the post-2015 Sustainable Development Goals is absolutely critical in this endeavour.
We need goals that are both achievable and ambitious. 
We need goals that are both achievable and ambitious.
These goals must be comprehensive – and we must be able to communicate them. 
These goals must be comprehensive – and we must be able to communicate them.
For the sake of accountability, we must be able to measure them. 
For the sake of accountability, we must be able to measure them.
The new targets must go beyond the Millennium Development Goals, integrating all dimensions of development, including democratic governance, human rights and the rule of law. 
The new targets must go beyond the Millennium Development Goals, integrating all dimensions of development, including democratic governance, human rights and the rule of law.
More than anything, we need goals that can mobilise action against poverty. 
More than anything, we need goals that can mobilise action against poverty.
Our overall aim must be to eradicate all extreme poverty and hunger 2030. 
Our overall aim must be to eradicate all extreme poverty and hunger 2030.
It is ambitious – but possible. 
It is ambitious – but possible.
Extreme poverty represents the most dramatic inequality – within and among nations. 
Extreme poverty represents the most dramatic inequality – within and among nations.
Poverty prevents people from living meaningful lives and caring for their families. 
Poverty prevents people from living meaningful lives and caring for their families.
It leads to crime, migration, extremism, conflicts and threats – conflicts and threats that easily cross borders in our globalised world. 
It leads to crime, migration, extremism, conflicts and threats – conflicts and threats that easily cross borders in our globalised world.
To start with, governments must pursue inclusive and sustainable economic growth – with a clear focus on job creation and the private sector. 
To start with, governments must pursue inclusive and sustainable economic growth – with a clear focus on job creation and the private sector.
Governments must aim for equality in opportunities for all – including the poor and marginalised, people with disabilities and indigenous peoples. 
Governments must aim for equality in opportunities for all – including the poor and marginalised, people with disabilities and indigenous peoples.
We would like to see good governance highlighted in a headline goal. 
We would like to see good governance highlighted in a headline goal.
This should include the rule of law, democratic participation at all levels, a market economy, opportunities for private investments, and measures to prevent and address corruption. 
This should include the rule of law, democratic participation at all levels, a market economy, opportunities for private investments, and measures to prevent and address corruption.
This will help us mobilise efforts to build institutional capacity and promote transparency and accountability in developing nations. 
This will help us mobilise efforts to build institutional capacity and promote transparency and accountability in developing nations.
The Millennium Goals did not give sufficient attention to human rights. 
The Millennium Goals did not give sufficient attention to human rights.
We now have the opportunity to fix this. 
We now have the opportunity to fix this.
As Kofi Annan once said: 
As Kofi Annan once said:
“We will not enjoy security without development, we will not enjoy development without security, and we will not enjoy either without respect for human rights.” 
“We will not enjoy security without development, we will not enjoy development without security, and we will not enjoy either without respect for human rights.”
Strengthening human rights – and good governance – is the best way we can contribute to human dignity, equal opportunities and inclusive growth. 
Strengthening human rights – and good governance – is the best way we can contribute to human dignity, equal opportunities and inclusive growth.
The UN’s lead in fighting poverty not only reflects the multitude of tasks that this organisation is entrusted with, it also highlights the way in which our most urgent tasks are intertwined: 
The UN’s lead in fighting poverty not only reflects the multitude of tasks that this organisation is entrusted with, it also highlights the way in which our most urgent tasks are intertwined:
Peace. 
Peace.
Security. 
Security.
Public health. 
Public health.
Prosperity and wealth. 
Prosperity and wealth.
Education. 
Education.
Equal opportunities. 
Equal opportunities.
Input from civil society will help us in our endeavour to update the ability of the UN and its member states to address the challenges of an increasingly interconnected world. 
Input from civil society will help us in our endeavour to update the ability of the UN and its member states to address the challenges of an increasingly interconnected world.
The UN has just turned 69 – but is far from retirement. 
The UN has just turned 69 – but is far from retirement.
We look to the UN to promote development and human rights. 
We look to the UN to promote development and human rights.
We look to the UN Security Council for effective mandates for peace operations. 
We look to the UN Security Council for effective mandates for peace operations.
We look to UN agencies to respond to emergencies, whether caused by Ebola or extremism. 
We look to UN agencies to respond to emergencies, whether caused by Ebola or extremism.
If the tools at our disposal are imperfect, we should perfect them, not dispose of them. 
If the tools at our disposal are imperfect, we should perfect them, not dispose of them.
I wish you all a happy and productive UN Day. 
I wish you all a happy and productive UN Day.
Seminar on the UN Day, Oslo, 24 October 2014 
Seminar på FN-dagen, Oslo, 24. oktober 2014
Address to the Storting 5 February 2008 
Redegjørelse for Stortinget, 5. februar 2008
The purpose of our military presence in Afghanistan through ISAF is to safeguard security in the country. 
- Vi er til stede militært gjennom Isaf for å trygge sikkerheten i Afghanistan.
We must ensure that Afghanistan does not once again become a hotbed of international terrorism, Minister of Foreign Affairs Støre said in his address to the Storting. 
Vi må sikre at Afghanistan ikke på ny blir et arnested for internasjonal terror.
Check against delivery Translation from the Norwegian 
Sjekkes mot fremføringen
The direct occasion for my address and the ensuing debate today is a decision made by this body on 5 December last year requesting the Government to present to the Storting, in a appropriate manner, a coordinated plan for the development of Norway’s contribution to Afghanistan, including civilian development assistance for civil society and support for political state- and nation-building efforts. 
Den direkte foranledningen til redegjørelsen og debatten i dag er et vedtak Stortinget fattet 5. desember i fjor der Stortinget ber om at ”Regjeringen på egnet måte legger frem for Stortinget en samordnet plan for utviklingen av Norges bidrag til Afghanistan, herunder den sivile utviklingsbistanden og bidragene til den politiske stats- og nasjonsbyggingen i landet”.
Moreover, the brutal terrorist attack on the Serena Hotel in Kabul on 14 January has sparked an even broader debate on Afghanistan and our own policy in the country. 
I tillegg til dette har det brutale angrepet mot Serena hotell i Kabul 14. januar i år, ført til en enda bredere debatt om Afghanistan og vår egen politikk i landet.
Several people were killed in the attack, including one Norwegian. 
Angrepet – som tok flere menneskeliv og deriblant et norsk – var svært dramatisk.
I believe that this was the first time an official Norwegian delegation on a visit to another country was directly affected by a terrorist attack. 
Trolig var det første gang at en offisiell norsk delegasjon i utlandet ble rammet direkte av et terrorangrep.
The Government is taking this incident very seriously. 
Regjeringen tar dette på det største alvor.
Since 15 January, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Defence and the Ministry of Justice have been conducting a thorough review of the events surrounding the attack and the preparations for my visit to Afghanistan and will propose measures for improving security in connection with travel to high-risk areas. 
Utenriksdepartementet, Forsvarsdepartementet og Justisdepartementet har siden 15. januar arbeidet med en grundig gjennomgang av hendelsene knyttet til angrepet, en gjennomgang av forberedelsene til mitt besøk til Afghanistan, og forslag til videre oppfølging blant annet når det gjelder sikkerhet ved reiser til utsatte områder.
Last week I was in touch with the parliamentary leaders and informed them that the Minister of Defence, the Minister of Justice and I will consult the Enlarged Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs on the results of the review and how we plan to deal further with this issue at the meeting of the Committee scheduled for tomorrow, 6 February. 
Jeg viser til kontakter med de parlamentariske lederne i forrige uke der jeg har orientert om at forsvarsministeren, justisministeren og jeg vil konsultere Den utvidede utenrikskomité om resultatene av gjennomgangen og vårt videre planlagte arbeid med dette spørsmålet på det tillyste møtet i komitéen i morgen onsdag 6. februar.
The ministries’ reports will be made public later the same day. 
Rapportene fra departementene vil bli offentliggjort senere samme dag.
They will provide an overall account of the events and proposals for measures that can be taken immediately. 
Disse vil gi en samlet gjennomgang av hendelsene og noen umiddelbare tiltak.
The Government will inform the Storting about the process that will now be initiated in connection with routines for travel to high-risk areas. 
Regjeringen vil orientere om det videre oppfølgingsarbeidet som nå vil bli igangsatt i forhold til rutiner knyttet til besøk til utsatte områder.
In the light of this, I have chosen to devote my address here today to its original purpose, namely to respond to the Storting’s request of 5 December 2007 to present a coordinated plan for the development of Norway’s contribution to Afghanistan. 
I lys av dette legger jeg opp til at fokus for denne redegjørelsen vil holde fast ved formålet; nemlig å svare på anmodningen fra 5. desember i fjor om å presentere en samordnet plan for utviklingen av Norges bidrag til Afghanistan.
The timing of this address is also apt considering the political-level meetings that will be held in NATO in the run-up to the summit in Bucharest on 2-4 April. 
Tidspunktet for denne redegjørelsen er også hensiktsmessig ut fra møtene på politisk nivå som skal finne sted i Nato frem mot toppmøtet i Bucuresti 2.-4. april i år.
A meeting of defence ministers will be held in Vilnius later this week and a meeting of foreign ministers will be held in early March. 
Et forsvarsministermøte finner sted i Vilnius denne uken og et utenriksministermøte avholdes tidlig i mars.
Thus, in the light of the ongoing debate, I believe it is appropriate to take a broader perspective in my address today, in addition to my focus on Norway’s efforts. 
I lys av den debatten som nå pågår finner jeg det derfor riktig å gi denne redegjørelsen et bredere perspektiv, i tillegg til å fokusere på den norske innsatsen.
My intention today is to describe the situation in Afghanistan as the Government perceives it. 
Jeg ønsker i dag å beskrive situasjonen i landet slik regjeringen nå opplever den.
This background will hopefully serve to explain the approach we have taken in our efforts and put them into perspective in relation to the total contributions made by the international community. 
Det kan forklare bakgrunnen for innretningen av våre bidrag, og sette disse bidragene i perspektiv i forhold til det internasjonale samfunnets samlede innsats.
When considering the situation in Afghanistan today, the state of affairs in the country at the beginning of this decade is a good place to start. 
Når vi skal vurdere situasjonen i Afghanistan i dag, er det naturlig å ta utgangspunkt i hvordan landet så ut ved inngangen til dette tiåret.
The engagement in which so many countries are now participating is rooted in the events in the period around 2001. 
Det var omstendighetene rundt 2001 som la grunnlaget for det engasjementet så mange land deltar i nå.
Afghanistan was a country that – with the exception of a small area in the north – was ruled by the Taliban, a regime that shocked us all. 
Afghanistan var et land som – med unntak av en mindre del i nord – ble styrt av et talibanregime som sjokkerte oss alle.
And not least, the country gradually became a sanctuary for foreign terrorist organisations – such as Al-Qaida – and thereby a centre for the planning of terrorist attacks in other countries. 
Og ikke minst: Det var et land som gradvis ble et fristed for utenlandske terrororganisasjoner – som Al-Qaida – og dermed et arnested for planlegging av terrorhandlinger i andre land.
In accordance with the right to self-defence, the US attacked Afghanistan in October 2001, and the Taliban regime fell. 
I tråd med retten til selvforsvar angrep USA Afghanistan i oktober 2001 og talibanregimet falt.
At the UN conference on Afghanistan in Bonn in December 2001, an agreement was concluded on provisional arrangements in the country pending the re-establishment of permanent government institutions. 
Under FN-konferansen om Afghanistan i Bonn i desember 2001, ble det inngått en avtale om midlertidige ordninger i landet, i påvente av igjen å få etablert permanente myndighetsinstitusjoner.
The agreement led to elections to Afghan government institutions. 
Avtalen ledet frem til valg til afghanske politiske institusjoner.
It recognised that some time would be required for the new Afghan security and military forces to become fully constituted and functional, and it therefore requested the UN Security Council to authorise the deployment of a UN-mandated force. 
Den anerkjente at det ville ta tid før nye afghanske sikkerhetsstyrker og militære styrker ville være fullt ut etablerte og operasjonelle, og den anmodet derfor FNs sikkerhetsråd om en styrke med et FN-mandat.
According to the Security Council, the situation in Afghanistan constituted a threat to international peace and security. 
Situasjonen i Afghanistan ble av Sikkerhetsrådet betegnet som en trussel mot internasjonal fred og sikkerhet.
On the basis of the Bonn Agreement and the express wish of the Afghan authorities, the Security Council adopted resolution 1386, in which, acting under Chapter VII of the UN Charter, it authorised the establishment of the International Security Assistance Force, ISAF, so that the Afghan Interim Authority and UN personnel could operate in a secure environment. 
På bakgrunn av Bonn-avtalen og et uttrykt ønske fra afghanske myndigheter vedtok Sikkerhetsrådet – i resolusjon 1386 – under FN-paktens kapittel VII å autorisere en internasjonal sikkerhetsstyrke – International Security Assistance Force (Isaf) – slik at det midlertidige afghanske styret og FN-personell kunne operere i sikkerhet.
The provisional Bonn Agreement was followed up by the London Conference two years ago, co-chaired by the UN, Afghanistan and the UK, which adopted a comprehensive programme (the Afghanistan Compact) to bring lasting stability and progress to the country by means of a broad-based international effort. 
Den midlertidige Bonn-avtalen ble fulgt opp av London-konferansen, ledet av FN, Afghanistan og Storbritannia, som for to år siden vedtok et omfattende program (Afghanistan Compact) for å bringe varig stabilitet og utvikling til landet gjennom bred internasjonal innsats.
Today we can ascertain that the effort to build a stable Afghanistan has been more difficult than many envisaged. 
I dag kan vi slå fast at arbeidet med å bygge et stabilt Afghanistan har vist seg vanskeligere enn mange hadde forestilt seg.
Afghanistan is the world’s fifth poorest country. 
Vi snakker om verdens femte fattigste land.
The country’s infrastructure was in ruins after almost three decades of war and conflict. 
Etter nesten tre tiår med krig og konflikt lå landets infrastruktur i ruiner.
Government institutions were either non-existent or not functioning. 
Statsinstitusjonene eksisterte ikke eller fungerte ikke.
The health and education sectors were devastated. 
Helse- og undervisningsvesenet var ødelagt.
The humanitarian situation of millions of people was precarious. 
Den humanitære situasjonen var prekær for millioner av mennesker.
Many of Afghanistan’s best educated people had left the country. 
Mange av Afghanistans mest utdannede hadde forlatt landet.
At the same time, both the new Afghan Government and the international community had underestimated the ability of the Taliban – and of other insurgent groups – to regain a foothold. 
Samtidig hadde nok både de nye afghanske myndighetene og det internasjonale samfunnet undervurdert Talibans evne – og andre opprørsbevegelsers evne – til å komme tilbake.
Although the Taliban was dramatically weakened, the movement gradually managed to build strength in parts of Afghanistan and in Pakistan. 
Riktignok ble Taliban dramatisk svekket, men bevegelsen fikk gradvis anledning til å bygge seg opp i områder i Afghanistan og i Pakistan.
As a result, two years ago it was again in a position to challenge the international community and the newly elected Government. 
Dermed ble den igjen – for to år siden – i stand til å utfordre både det internasjonale samfunn og de nye folkevalgte myndighetene.
In addition there are a number of other armed groups that would be difficult to include in one central government for the whole of Afghanistan. 
I tillegg kommer en rekke andre væpnede grupperinger som vanskelig lar seg innordne i et felles afghansk styresett.
It is not difficult to enumerate the problems and challenges in Afghanistan. 
Det er ikke vanskelig å beskrive problemene og utfordringene i Afghanistan.
They are many, and they are complex. 
De er mange og de er krevende:
The humanitarian challenges are still formidable. 
De humanitære utfordringene er fortsatt store.
Government institutions are weak. 
Statsinstitusjonene er svake.
Corruption is widespread. 
Det er utbredt korrupsjon.
The country is the world’s largest opium producer. 
Landet er verdens største produsent av opium.
The insurgent groups have become stronger. 
Opprørsbevegelsene er blitt sterkere.
They are challenging the authority of the Afghan Government and the international community in substantial parts of the country. 
De utfordrer den afghanske regjering og det internasjonale samfunn i betydelige deler av landet.
The judicial system is weak. 
Rettssystemet er svakt.
Reported human rights violations include extrajudicial executions, rape, kidnapping, human trafficking and prisoner abuse. 
Rapporterte menneskerettighetsbrudd omfatter utenomrettslige henrettelser, voldtekt, kidnapping, menneskehandel og mishandling av fanger.
The security challenges in Afghanistan have not diminished. 
Sikkerhetsutfordringene i landet er ikke blitt mindre.
We see this on a daily basis. 
Det opplever vi hver dag.
But the large-scale spring offensive many people expected in 2007 did not materialise. 
Men den store våroffensiven mange ventet på i 2007 uteble.
Instead the Taliban and other insurgent groups turned to more widespread use of roadside bombs, suicide operations and other forms of asymmetric warfare. 
I stedet gikk Taliban og andre opprørsbevegelser over til mer omfattende bruk av veibomber, selvmordsaksjoner og andre former for asymmetrisk krigføring.
It is, however, also important to emphasise positive trends, as they are often overlooked in the debate on the problems we are facing. 
Det er imidlertid viktig også å fremheve positive utviklingstrekk, fordi disse ofte forsvinner i debatten om de problemene vi står overfor.
Let me mention some of these trends, as described by the UN Mission in Afghanistan. 
La meg beskrive noen av disse trekkene, slik FN i Afghanistan fremstiller situasjonen:
First, the main political developments: In 2004 and 2005, there were democratic elections for the presidency and to the National Assembly and the provincial councils. 
Først, det overordnet politiske: Det er i 2004 og 2005 blitt holdt demokratiske valg på president, nasjonalforsamling og provinsforsamlinger.
One quarter of the members of the National Assembly are women. 
En fjerdedel av nasjonalforsamlingens medlemmer er kvinner.
A new constitution has been adopted. 
En ny konstitusjon er vedtatt.
Legislation is being developed. 
Lovverket er under utvikling.
Government institutions are being built. 
Statsinstitusjonene bygges opp.
Approximately 80% of the population now have access to health services, and however modest and inadequate, this must be compared with 9% in 2004. 
Om lag 80 prosent av befolkningen har nå tilgang til helsetilbud – om enn beskjedent og utilstrekkelig – sammenlignet med 9 prosent i 2004.
More than 4000 clinics and health centres have been opened during the last four years. 
Mer enn 4.000 klinikker og helsestasjoner er åpnet de siste fire årene.
Child mortality has been reduced by 25%. 
Barnedødeligheten er redusert med en fjerdedel.
A total of 6 million children and young people are attending school – including several million girls. 
Hele 6 millioner barn og ungdommer er under utdanning – millioner av dem jenter.
Four hundred thousand girls will start attending school next year. 
Neste skoleår starter 400.000 jenter sin skolegang.
Ten universities have been established around the country – whereas there was only one – which barely functioned – during the Taliban regime. 
Ti universiteter er etablert rundt om i landet – mens knapt ett fungerte under talibanregimet.
Close to 4000 kilometres of road have been completed in the past few years. 
Bortimot 4.000 kilometer vei er fullført de siste årene.
The most well-known project is a ring road that will link the whole country together. 
Det mest fremtredende prosjektet er en ringvei som skal knytte hele landet sammen.
A total of 17 000 local communities are involved in development projects in the areas of education, health, road construction and water supply though the Government’s National Solidarity Programme. 
Hele 17.000 lokalsamfunn er omfattet av utviklingsprosjekter innen skole, helsevesen, vei og vannforsyning gjennom regjeringens nasjonale solidaritetsprogram.
More than five million refugees have returned. 
Over fem millioner flyktninger har returnert.
Government revenues have increased by 25% during the past year alone. 
Regjeringens inntekter har økt med en fjerdedel bare det siste året.
Per capita income has risen substantially. 
Inntektene per innbygger har vokst betydelig.
There are seven national television stations, a number of radio stations and an increasingly well-developed press in Afghanistan. 
Det eksisterer syv nasjonale fjernsynsstasjoner, en rekke radiostasjoner og en stadig mer omfattende presse.
Approximately 150 towns now have mobile telephone networks and internet services. 
Om lag 150 byer har i dag mobiltelefonnett og internettjenester.