natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Adopting a gender perspective in peace processes can bring interventions more in line with local needs and realities on the ground. 
Adopting a gender perspective in peace processes can bring interventions more in line with local needs and realities on the ground.
Gender analysis, understanding the needs of women and men respectively, can be an effective tool for more realistic and sustainable peace building. 
Gender analysis, understanding the needs of women and men respectively, can be an effective tool for more realistic and sustainable peace building.
An example of the cost of failing to include women in peace processes is the story of Angola. 
An example of the cost of failing to include women in peace processes is the story of Angola.
Looking back on the first peace process in the 90s, Donald Steinberg described the negotiations he was part of facilitating as “men with guns forgiving other men with guns for crimes they had committed against women”. 
Looking back on the first peace process in the 90s, Donald Steinberg described the negotiations he was part of facilitating as “men with guns forgiving other men with guns for crimes they had committed against women”.
Around 40 men, and no women, sat around the table during the talks. 
Around 40 men, and no women, sat around the table during the talks.
This imbalance meant that issues such as sexual violence, human trafficking, abuses by government and rebel security forces, reproductive health care, and girls’ education were given short shrift, if addressed at all. 
This imbalance meant that issues such as sexual violence, human trafficking, abuses by government and rebel security forces, reproductive health care, and girls’ education were given short shrift, if addressed at all.
The peace accord was based on 13 amnesties that forgave the parties for atrocities committed during the conflict. 
The peace accord was based on 13 amnesties that forgave the parties for atrocities committed during the conflict.
The failure to address the widespread sexual violence during the conflict affected the efforts to rebuild the justice and security sector. 
The failure to address the widespread sexual violence during the conflict affected the efforts to rebuild the justice and security sector.
It showed Angolan women that the peace process was intended for the benefit of the ex-combatants and not them. 
It showed Angolan women that the peace process was intended for the benefit of the ex-combatants and not them.
After a few years, the process faltered and war re-emerged. 
After a few years, the process faltered and war re-emerged.
This story is one example, among many, of how not to build peace. 
This story is one example, among many, of how not to build peace.
Of the 39 conflicts that have erupted in the past 10 years, only eight are entirely new; 31 are recurrences of conflicts that were never fully resolved. 
Of the 39 conflicts that have erupted in the past 10 years, only eight are entirely new; 31 are recurrences of conflicts that were never fully resolved.
A growing body of evidence shows that including women in peace processes increases the chances of reaching durable and robust peace agreements. 
A growing body of evidence shows that including women in peace processes increases the chances of reaching durable and robust peace agreements.
More than 10 years after the adoption of Security Council resolution 1325, the realm of hard politics is far from being gender-sensitive. 
More than 10 years after the adoption of Security Council resolution 1325, the realm of hard politics is far from being gender-sensitive.
However, resolution 1325 has influenced our thinking, our norms and our attitudes in fundamental ways. 
However, resolution 1325 has influenced our thinking, our norms and our attitudes in fundamental ways.
There is a strong momentum for women’s empowerment and participation. 
There is a strong momentum for women’s empowerment and participation.
Countries like Norway have a responsibility to translate the words of the resolutions on women, peace and security into action on the ground. 
Countries like Norway have a responsibility to translate the words of the resolutions on women, peace and security into action on the ground.
Promoting the participation and roles of women in conflict management, in peace processes and in peacebuilding is a strong priority for the Norwegian Government. 
Promoting the participation and roles of women in conflict management, in peace processes and in peacebuilding is a strong priority for the Norwegian Government.
Our support for the implementation of the Security Council resolutions on women, peace and security are part of our efforts to promote gender equality and international peace and security. 
Our support for the implementation of the Security Council resolutions on women, peace and security are part of our efforts to promote gender equality and international peace and security.
The two are closely linked. 
The two are closely linked.
Earlier this year, Norway launched an updated action plan – a new strategic plan on women, peace and security for the next three years. 
Earlier this year, Norway launched an updated action plan – a new strategic plan on women, peace and security for the next three years.
The plan includes concrete measures to increase women’s participation and influence in peacebuilding and in peace negotiations. 
The plan includes concrete measures to increase women’s participation and influence in peacebuilding and in peace negotiations.
I believe a truly integrated approach is a key to success. 
I believe a truly integrated approach is a key to success.
We need to make women’s rights and participation a natural part of the whole range of peace and security issues that we are involved in, and we must continue to change the attitudes of policy-makers, mediators and peacekeepers. 
We need to make women’s rights and participation a natural part of the whole range of peace and security issues that we are involved in, and we must continue to change the attitudes of policy-makers, mediators and peacekeepers.
This issue is being raised and promoted across various divisional boundaries in the Ministry and by Ambassadors from Kathmandu to Kabul, from Khartoum to New York. 
This issue is being raised and promoted across various divisional boundaries in the Ministry and by Ambassadors from Kathmandu to Kabul, from Khartoum to New York.
In addition to mainstreaming gender in our work, we continue to provide targeted support for women on the ground and to promote women’s participation in peace processes. 
In addition to mainstreaming gender in our work, we continue to provide targeted support for women on the ground and to promote women’s participation in peace processes.
Women in conflict are not just vulnerable victims passively waiting for our protection. 
Women in conflict are not just vulnerable victims passively waiting for our protection.
Women have always carried out vital work on the ground in conflict areas – protecting children, giving support to victims, mediating between groups, protesting, and reconciling communities. 
Women have always carried out vital work on the ground in conflict areas – protecting children, giving support to victims, mediating between groups, protesting, and reconciling communities.
One of the reasons why I so strongly welcome this year’s Nobel Prize is that it puts a spotlight on the many women who take on this work. 
One of the reasons why I so strongly welcome this year’s Nobel Prize is that it puts a spotlight on the many women who take on this work.
Norway has a high and visible profile internationally in relation to the women, peace and security agenda. 
Norway has a high and visible profile internationally in relation to the women, peace and security agenda.
We raise the issue of women’s participation and protection in a large number of political meetings, in the UN and in NATO and in other regional organisations. 
We raise the issue of women’s participation and protection in a large number of political meetings, in the UN and in NATO and in other regional organisations.
For instance, Norway has been a vocal supporter of the rights of Libyan women during the transition process, and we have pushed for their participation and constitutional rights. 
For instance, Norway has been a vocal supporter of the rights of Libyan women during the transition process, and we have pushed for their participation and constitutional rights.
We have also continuously raised the issue of Afghan women’s rights and participation in several meetings with the Afghan Government, including with President Karzai. 
We have also continuously raised the issue of Afghan women’s rights and participation in several meetings with the Afghan Government, including with President Karzai.
We actively support their right to participate in shaping Afghanistan’s future. 
We actively support their right to participate in shaping Afghanistan’s future.
When we act as facilitator or mediator in a peace process, we use our role, our voice, our financial means and technical assistance to secure the best possible representation of women in all aspects of – and on various levels of – the peace process. 
When we act as facilitator or mediator in a peace process, we use our role, our voice, our financial means and technical assistance to secure the best possible representation of women in all aspects of – and on various levels of – the peace process.
For example, resolution 1325 is high on our agenda in our work in the Philippines, and we are pleased to see the high level of women’s representation in the process. 
For example, resolution 1325 is high on our agenda in our work in the Philippines, and we are pleased to see the high level of women’s representation in the process.
Norway has supported the UN Gender and Mediation strategy, and we continue to promote women’s participation in peace processes and give visibility and a voice to women on the ground at every opportunity. 
Norway has supported the UN Gender and Mediation strategy, and we continue to promote women’s participation in peace processes and give visibility and a voice to women on the ground at every opportunity.
Our Government also gives high priority to following up 1325 in the security sector, both in the military and the police. 
Our Government also gives high priority to following up 1325 in the security sector, both in the military and the police.
We are implementing special measures to increase women’s representation both in Norway and in international operations. 
We are implementing special measures to increase women’s representation both in Norway and in international operations.
Just as important as improving the gender balance is ensuring that all our personnel, both men and women, understand how to apply a gender perspective in their work. 
Just as important as improving the gender balance is ensuring that all our personnel, both men and women, understand how to apply a gender perspective in their work.
Our Minister of Defence will make sure that Norwegian military operations are based on a gender analysis and that our operational demands are adjusted accordingly. 
Our Minister of Defence will make sure that Norwegian military operations are based on a gender analysis and that our operational demands are adjusted accordingly.
Therefore, we have increased and improved training on gender and resolution 1325. 
Therefore, we have increased and improved training on gender and resolution 1325.
We emphasise this issue in our contributions to the UN and other organisations and we cooperate closely with our Nordic neighbours in order to keep improving our work. 
We emphasise this issue in our contributions to the UN and other organisations and we cooperate closely with our Nordic neighbours in order to keep improving our work.
In recent years, Norway has paid special attention to one of the cruellest aspects of armed conflict: sexual violence. 
In recent years, Norway has paid special attention to one of the cruellest aspects of armed conflict: sexual violence.
Hundreds of thousands of women and girls – as well as boys and men – have been victims of rape and sexual violence over the past two decades. 
Hundreds of thousands of women and girls – as well as boys and men – have been victims of rape and sexual violence over the past two decades.
We have increased our support to the victims, including medical, judicial and economic assistance. 
We have increased our support to the victims, including medical, judicial and economic assistance.
For instance, we have supported mobile courts in DR Congo, which has resulted in the successful investigation and prosecution of perpetrators. 
For instance, we have supported mobile courts in DR Congo, which has resulted in the successful investigation and prosecution of perpetrators.
An effective fight against impunity is one of the most important ways of preventing these abuses. 
An effective fight against impunity is one of the most important ways of preventing these abuses.
We have helped to keep the issue on the international agenda and seek to ensure that it is treated with the same sense of urgency as other threats against international peace and security. 
We have helped to keep the issue on the international agenda and seek to ensure that it is treated with the same sense of urgency as other threats against international peace and security.
In conclusion, I would like to emphasise once again our strong commitment to women’s participation and protection in peace processes and in conflict management. 
In conclusion, I would like to emphasise once again our strong commitment to women’s participation and protection in peace processes and in conflict management.
Unfortunately, there is still a striking gap between words and action when it comes to implementing the Security Council resolutions on women, peace and security. 
Unfortunately, there is still a striking gap between words and action when it comes to implementing the Security Council resolutions on women, peace and security.
We must do more to ensure that women can play their rightful roles in international peace and security. 
We must do more to ensure that women can play their rightful roles in international peace and security.
And we must do more to ensure that threats against women in armed conflicts are recognised for what they are: real security threats. 
And we must do more to ensure that threats against women in armed conflicts are recognised for what they are: real security threats.
World Veterans Federation 
World Veterans Federation
University of Oslo, 16 May 2012 
Sikkerhetspolitisk linjetale, Oslo, 16. mai 2012
Rector, members of the Advisory Committee on Security Policy, students and staff, (ladies and gentlemen), 
Kjære forsamling – rektor, sikkerhetspolitisk utvalg, studenter og lærere,
Looking back at Norway’s history over the last 200 years or so, you could say that Norwegian security policy has largely been forged in the spring/early summer, in response to the major events that took place at that time of year, for example those of 9 April, 8 May, 17 May and 7 June. 
Med et skråblikk på historien kunne vi si at norsk sikkerhetspolitikk er blitt til om våren – av store hendelser på denne årstiden – med datoer som 9. april, 8. mai, 17. mai og 7. juni, nesten i et 200 års tidsperspektiv.
Thank you for continuing your tradition of stimulating debate, and thank you for allowing me to speak here today. 
Takk for at universitetet lever opp til sin tradisjon om å stimulere til debatt og takk for at dere åpner hus for meg.
On yet another spring day, 10 May this year, Gunnar Sønsteby died, at the age of 94. 
På en annen vårdag, 10. mai i år, døde Gunnar Sønsteby.
He was a true hero both in times of war and in times of peace. 
Krigshelten og fredshelten levde til han var godt over 90.
As soldier and secret agent, he was known for his ability to stay in the shadows. 
Som soldat og agent var han kjent for evnen til å være ukjent.
But in the last 50 years of his life, he frequently stepped into the limelight and shared his experiences in a long line of lectures, talks, and visits to schools and various associations. 
De siste femti årene av sitt liv sto han frem for oss gjennom et utall foredrag, skole- og foreningsbesøk.
Fifty-one years ago, in May 1961, NATO was about to hold its ministerial meeting in Norway for the first time. 
For 51 år siden, i mai 1961 skulle Nato for første gang holde sitt rådsmøte i Norge.
The Cold War was at its height, there was unrest in Europe, and in Norway too. 
Det var kald krig, det var uro i Europa og det var uro i Norge.
“We must (...) differentiate between the fundamental things that we stand together on and other things that we can disagree about in a free country. 
”Vi må (...) skille mellom de grunnleggende ting som vi står sammen om, og andre ting som vi krangler om i et fritt land.
Our freedom, and our determination to defend that freedom, is one of those fundamental things.” 
Friheten vår, og viljen til å forsvare friheten, er en grunnleggende ting”, sa Sønsteby som da var 43 år.
It is this “fundamental thing” – our freedom – that Norwegian security policy is all about; it is this that it is striving to preserve. 
Altså, ”en grunnleggende ting” – ”friheten vår” – det er vel det norsk sikkerhetspolitikk handler om, det er det den skal bidra til.
But the world around us is changing. 
Men verden omkring oss er i endring.
Every discipline at this university is well aware of that. 
Alle fag her på universitetet opplever det.
Security policy too must pass the test all policy has to undergo: it must demonstrate the ability to adapt to its time, to continue to deliver in changing circumstances. 
Og sikkerhetspolitikken må greie det all annen politikk blir prøvet på: å tilpasse seg sin tid – for å levere det den skal under omstendighetene.
And this is the topic of my speech and for our debate today: How can we develop our security policy in the context of a world that is changing? 
Og det er tema for min tale og debatten her i dag: Hvordan utvikler vi vår sikkerhetspolitikk i en verden i endring?
In international politics, many different words and phrases are used to describe today’s global reality. 
Vi finner mange ulike uttrykk i internasjonal politikk om den globale virkeligheten vi er i, mange navn.
We hear, for example, about a “bipolar”, “multipolar” or “zero-polar” world, a “post-American” or “post-European” world; and we read about the “Asian century”, the “information society” and the “risk society”. 
Det snakkes om en ”bipolar”, ”multipolar” eller ”zero-polar” verden, ”post-amerikansk” eller ”post-europeisk”, et ”asiatisk århundre”, ”informasjonssamfunnet”, ”risikosamfunnet”, og så videre.
The title of my speech today refers to a “time of change” – an unsettling period of transition where power is shifting, new actors are emerging, new states are moving up the league table, others are moving down, new patterns are taking shape. 
Én overskrift som er valgt i dag er ”brytningstid”; en litt urolig overgangsfase, der makt flyttes, nye aktører dukker opp, nye stater rykker oppover divisjonene, noen stater rykker ned, nye mønstre blir tydelige i veven.
Our time, our world today is characterised by complexity and change. 
Vår brytningstid, vår verden i dag, kjennetegnes av både kompleksitet og endring.
But that doesn’t mean that everything is in a state of flux. 
Men det betyr ikke at alt i verden flyter.
There are many aspects of Norwegian security policy that remain constant. 
Det er mye ved norsk sikkerhetspolitikk som ligger fast.
And although we are facing a range of new challenges at global level – from failed states, terrorism and so-called asymmetric conflicts, to various other threats – many of the old, classic challenges and issues still remain. 
Og det er også slik at selv om vi globalt står overfor en rekke nye utfordringer – fra sammenraste stater, terrorisme, asymmetriske konflikter, som de kalles, og trusler – så er også mange av de gamle, klassiske utfordringer og spørsmål i sikkerhetspolitikken forsatt med oss.
Critical debate is not just a democratic principle. 
Den kritiske debatten er ikke bare et demokratisk prinsipp.
For me, it is an essential tool for forging foreign policy. 
For meg er den også en nødvendig utenrikspolitisk metode.
I would like to reflect on three main questions today: 
Jeg vil reflektere rundt tre hovedspørsmål i dag:
Firstly: What does it mean for us that we are living in a time of change? 
For det første: Hva menes med at vi lever i en brytningstid?
What are the most significant changes taking place around us right now? 
Hva er de viktigste forandringene rundt oss, akkurat nå?
What is the “diagnosis”? 
Hva er ”diagnosen”?
Secondly , and leading on from this: Which of the security policy challenges that we see around us are the most important? 
For det andre, og som konsekvens av dette: Hvilke sikkerhetspolitiske utfordringer ser vi rundt oss som særlig avgjørende?
What do we need to focus on? 
Hva må vi legge mest vekt på?
Thirdly , and this is the vital political question: How should Norway – as a state and as a society – respond to the challenges we are facing? 
Og for det tredje, og det politisk avgjørende: Hvordan bør Norge både som stat og som samfunn møte de forandringene vi opplever?
Haven’t most of those who have held positions of power in recent history felt that they were standing at a crossroads, living in a time of change? 
Har ikke de aller fleste til alle tider – som har sittet med makt – opplevd at de står ved et vannskille eller i en brytningstid?
In the afternoon of 10 April 1940, the then Norwegian Foreign Minister, Halvdan Koht, who happened to be in Elverum at the time, received a message from Nybergsund in Trysil. 
En gang på ettermiddagen 10. april 1940 tok daværende utenriksminister Halvdan Koht, som da befant seg i Elverum, i mot en beskjed fra Nybergsund ved Trysil.
But the reality was not that simple. 
Men så enkelt var det ikke.
Tor Bomann-Larsen describes this dramatic period for Norwegian foreign policy in the fifth volume of his biography of King Haakon and Queen Maud, Æresordet. 
I boken “Æresordet” skriver Tor Bomann-Larsen om denne dramatiske tiden i norsk utenrikspolitikk.
He gives us a picture of Norway in the days, months and the few years prior to the outbreak of war, a time when there was significant disagreement between the various players in Norwegian society. 
Han viser et bilde av Norge i dagene, månedene og de få årene frem til krigsutbruddet der uenigheten blant norske aktører var stor.
For a long time, many – including Koht – were uncertain how to interpret developments. 
Mange – deriblant Koht – var lenge ”uavklarte” i sine analyser.
There was considerable scepticism towards England, and attitudes to Germany were also ambivalent. 
Skepsisen til England var betydelig og holdningene til Tyskland var tilsvarende tvetydige.
This uncertainty gave rise to nebulous conclusions and a failure to implement sufficient measures to counter a growing threat. 
Denne uklarheten ledet til utydelige politiske konklusjoner og utilstrekkelig gjennomføring av tiltak mot en voksende trussel.
Seen in this light, King Haakon’s “no” indicates a razor-sharp understanding of the world Norway suddenly found itself in, and of the path Norway had to take. 
I lys av dette var kong Haakons nei basert på en knivskarp analyse av den verden Norge med ett befant seg i – og av Norges nødvendige vei videre.
Norway had been neutral since 1905. 
Norge hadde vært nøytralt siden 1905.
There were many who wanted it to remain so. 
Mange ønsket at det skulle fortsette slik.
Geopolitical forces across the world were at play. 
Geopolitikken i verden var i spill.
Norway abandoned one security policy position – neutrality – a position we had maintained since 1905, and took the first steps towards the line we follow today, the line we have followed since NATO was established in 1949: our alliance policy and our unwavering commitment to our transatlantic ties, which are perhaps closer today than they have ever been. 
Norge tok det første skritt mot det som er dagens linje og har vært det siden Nato ble etablert i 1949 – alliansepolitikken og den transatlantiske forankringen (og den står i dag kanskje sterkere enn noen gang).