natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
The world looks to China for advice on this and many, many other important challenges. 
The world looks to China for advice on this and many, many other important challenges.
And that in itself leads me to the issue of today’s seminar: common security concerns. 
And that in itself leads me to the issue of today’s seminar: common security concerns.
Many would ask: What kind of concerns does Norway share with China? 
Many would ask: What kind of concerns does Norway share with China?
And could two such different countries develop an equally beneficial relationship? 
And could two such different countries develop an equally beneficial relationship?
From my perspective, these are not difficult questions to answer. 
From my perspective, these are not difficult questions to answer.
Our differences are less relevant than ever, and the world has never been smaller. 
Our differences are less relevant than ever, and the world has never been smaller.
With the age of globalisation, our common sphere of interest has expanded. 
With the age of globalisation, our common sphere of interest has expanded.
Yes, Norway is a small country at the very north of Europe, while China is an Asian country the size of a continent. 
Yes, Norway is a small country at the very north of Europe, while China is an Asian country the size of a continent.
About every sixth person on our planet is Chinese, while Norwegians account for only 0.07 per cent of the world’s population. 
About every sixth person on our planet is Chinese, while Norwegians account for only 0.07 per cent of the world’s population.
Moreover, we do not have the same positions on all foreign and security policy issues. 
Moreover, we do not have the same positions on all foreign and security policy issues.
But that could be said for virtually any country. 
But that could be said for virtually any country.
The Norwegian Government attaches particular importance to promoting dialogue and seeking mutually beneficial cooperation despite differences that may exist. 
The Norwegian Government attaches particular importance to promoting dialogue and seeking mutually beneficial cooperation despite differences that may exist.
One of these areas of cooperation will be highlighted by Linda today, as she presents SIPRI’s report on China and the Arctic. 
One of these areas of cooperation will be highlighted by Linda today, as she presents SIPRI’s report on China and the Arctic.
You may already be aware that Chinese scientists established a research station in Ny Ålesund in Svalbard back in 2004 and its activities have increased ever since. 
You may already be aware that Chinese scientists established a research station in Ny Ålesund in Svalbard back in 2004 and its activities have increased ever since.
This is something the Norwegian Government values and will continue to encourage. 
This is something the Norwegian Government values and will continue to encourage.
China’s scientific presence on Svalbard is a big asset. 
China’s scientific presence on Svalbard is a big asset.
While the melting of the Arctic ice is in no way desirable, it will provide opportunities for Arctic transport. 
While the melting of the Arctic ice is in no way desirable, it will provide opportunities for Arctic transport.
In the near future it will become possible to sail from Norway to China along the Russian coast. 
In the near future it will become possible to sail from Norway to China along the Russian coast.
The polar explorers dreamed of using the Northeast Passage, and a hundred years later their dream may come true. 
The polar explorers dreamed of using the Northeast Passage, and a hundred years later their dream may come true.
Taking a route from Europe to Asia directly over the Arctic will reduce the distance between Rotterdam and Shanghai by 35% compared to sailing through the Suez Canal. 
Taking a route from Europe to Asia directly over the Arctic will reduce the distance between Rotterdam and Shanghai by 35% compared to sailing through the Suez Canal.
Let me conclude by mentioning that exactly a year ago, the Norwegian Government presented a white paper on the main features of Norwegian foreign policy. 
Let me conclude by mentioning that exactly a year ago, the Norwegian Government presented a white paper on the main features of Norwegian foreign policy.
Political developments in Asia in general, and China in particular, are one of the main themes, and a whole section is devoted to Asia’s impact on our security policy. 
Political developments in Asia in general, and China in particular, are one of the main themes, and a whole section is devoted to Asia’s impact on our security policy.
In our work abroad, at our embassies in New Delhi, Jakarta, Beijing, Seoul and Tokyo, we are now devoting more time and resources to security policy than ever before. 
In our work abroad, at our embassies in New Delhi, Jakarta, Beijing, Seoul and Tokyo, we are now devoting more time and resources to security policy than ever before.
And we are also increasing the staff at our embassies and consulates in China. 
And we are also increasing the staff at our embassies and consulates in China.
In January last year, our colleagues at the Ministry of Defence posted their first Norwegian defence attaché to Beijing. 
In January last year, our colleagues at the Ministry of Defence posted their first Norwegian defence attaché to Beijing.
He is already working closely with the rest of the team at our embassy to strengthen our dialogue with China. 
He is already working closely with the rest of the team at our embassy to strengthen our dialogue with China.
Here in Oslo, at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs we are assigning more personnel to develop dialogue and seek cooperation with China and other Asian counterparts. 
Here in Oslo, at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs we are assigning more personnel to develop dialogue and seek cooperation with China and other Asian counterparts.
A major part of this strengthening of our work is also cooperation with think tanks at home and abroad. 
A major part of this strengthening of our work is also cooperation with think tanks at home and abroad.
In this regard SIPRI’s role as adviser and sparring partner for new ideas and concepts has been invaluable. 
In this regard SIPRI’s role as adviser and sparring partner for new ideas and concepts has been invaluable.
It is therefore with great pleasure that I give the floor to Bates and Linda. 
It is therefore with great pleasure that I give the floor to Bates and Linda.
Bates, Linda, the floor is yours. 
Bates, Linda, the floor is yours.
Common Security Concerns of Norway and China 
Common Security Concerns of Norway and China
The Oslo conference on good governance and social and environmental responsibility 28-30 March 2007 
Partnerships for Sustainable Development - The Oslo conference on good governance and social and environmental responsibility, 28-30 March 2007.
The conference will take place 28-30 March 2007 in Oslo, Norway. 
Konferansen arrangeres i Oslo Rådhus og Oslo Kongressenter, 28.-30. mars 2007.
NATO and its partners will agree at the Chicago summit on continued support for Afghan security forces, including for the post-2014 period. 
Nato og alliansens partnere vil på toppmøtet i Chicago bli enige om å fortsette støtten til afghanske sikkerhetsstyrker også utover 2014.
When the ISAF mission comes to an end in 2014, the Afghan National Security Forces (ANSF) will be responsible for security in the whole of Afghanistan. 
Når Isaf-operasjonen avsluttes i 2014 vil afghanske sikkerhetsstyrker (ANSF) være ansvarlige for sikkerheten i hele Afghanistan.
After ISAF has withdrawn, the number of Afghan soldiers and police officers is to gradually be reduced from around 350 000 to around 230 000. 
Etter avviklingen av Isaf-operasjonen skal antallet afghanske soldater og afghansk politi etter hvert reduseres fra om lag 350.000 til omlag 230.000 personell.
It is therefore important that both NATO and the broader international community provide financial support. 
Det er derfor viktig at både Nato og det bredere internasjonale samfunnet bidrar med finansieringen.
Strengthening security in the Foreign Service 
Styrket sikkerhet på ambassadene og i Utenriksdepartementet
It is proposed that NOK 65 million be allocated for this purpose. 
Det foreslås bevilget 65 millioner kroner til dette.
In addition, the Government has proposed an allocation of NOK 40 million for upgrading and securing the Ministry’s ICT infrastructure. 
Regjeringen foreslår videre 40 millioner kroner til oppgradering og sikring av IKT-infrastrukturen i UD.
This will ensure a robust communications network, both for internal communication and for communication with other actors. 
Dette skal sikre robuste kommunikasjonsnett internt og med andre aktører.
“It is crucial that we have reliable systems for communicating with our diplomatic and consular missions, not least in crisis situations. 
- Ikke minst i en krisesituasjon er det viktig at vi har robuste systemer for å kommunisere med våre utestasjoner.
Download here. 
Download here.
(PDF) 
(PDF)
PARENTAL RESPONSIBILITY AND RIGHT OF ACCESS 
PARENTAL RESPONSIBILITY AND RIGHT OF ACCESS
Security policy conference, Bodø, 25 October 2012 
Sikkerhetspolitisk konferanse i Bodø, 25. oktober 2012
“A great deal of what we have achieved in recent years, recent decades, in terms of improving relations in the High North is not – as some think – because we have replaced “classic security policy” with something else. 
- Veldig mye av det vi har fått til de siste årene i å etablere bedre relasjoner i nord – det er ikke, som noen tror, fordi vi har erstattet den "klassiske" sikkerhetspolitikken med noe annet.
On the contrary, it is because classic security policy has been successful”, said Minister of Foreign Affairs Mr. Eide in his speech. 
Det er tvert imot fordi den klassiske sikkerhetspolitikken har lykkes, sa utenriksminister Espen Barth Eide i sitt innlegg på Sikkerhetspolitisk Konferanse 2012 i Bodø 25. oktober.
The English translation is based on a transcript of a recording of the Minister’s address 
Teksten nedenfor er basert på en direkte avskrift av et lydopptak av talen
Ladies and gentlemen, dear friends, 
Mine damer og herrer, kjære venner,
It is a huge pleasure to be at a security policy conference that has gathered so many interested and committed participants. 
Det er en riktig stor glede å være på en sikkerhetspolitisk konferanse med så mange interesserte og dedikerte deltakere.
It is particularly fitting that this security policy conference is being held in Bodø – given the topic we will be discussing. 
Det er ekstra morsomt å være på sikkerhetspolitisk konferanse i Bodø akkurat nå – gitt den tematikken vi diskuterer.
I attended the meeting as Minister of Defence. 
Der var jeg som forsvarsminister.
Soon afterwards I became Minister of Foreign Affairs. 
Kort tid etterpå ble jeg utenriksminister.
Bodø was a natural choice for that meeting, firstly because this is Norway’s defence capital. 
Grunnen til at dette møtet ble holdt nettopp i Bodø, er at denne byen er – for det første – Norges forsvarshovedstad.
The Norwegian Joint Headquarters is located here. 
Vi har FOH er.
But Bodø will also be home to a air operative centre and the leadership of our air force. 
Og det kommer mer: et luftoperativt senter, Luftforsvarets øverste ledelse.
Very many of the key operative decisions for Norway’s Armed Forces are taken here. 
Det er her veldig mange av de sentrale, operative beslutningene i Forsvaret tas.
Secondly, as was pointed out in the local newspaper Nordland – a paper I always read with great interest – Bodø is the main centre for emergency preparedness and response for North Norway. 
For det andre er dette – som det også ble beskrevet i dag i avisa Nordland, som jeg alltid leser med stor interesse – også beredskapshovedstaden i Nord-Norge.
Thirdly, Bodø is also an important centre of knowledge. 
For det tredje er det et viktig kunnskapssenter.
I have said on several occasions now that knowledge, value creation, security and preparedness will be at the core of the next stage of our High North efforts. 
I flere sammenhenger har jeg nå sagt at det som skal være det neste stadiet i nordområdesatsingen, det er fokus på kunnskap, på verdiskapning og på sikkerhet og beredskap.
For all these reasons I am very pleased to be here. 
Derfor er jeg veldig glad for å være her.
And I am very pleased that Bodø municipality, Norland County Council and the University of Nordland are also involved, as well as the High North Center, for which we have proposed a basic allocation in the budget proposal for 2013. 
Og også for at vi har Bodø kommune, Nordland fylkeskommune, Universitetet i Nordland involvert i dette – og også Nordområdesenteret, som vi foreslår en grunnbevilgning til i Statsbudsjettet for 2013.
Because knowledge is crucial. 
For kunnskap er en helt sentral nøkkel.
But I also want to stress that a sensible security and foreign policy is precisely what makes our domestic policy possible. 
Men jeg skal også understreke at grunnlaget vi legger gjennom å føre en fornuftig sikkerhets- og utenrikspolitikk – det er det som gjør innenrikspolitikken mulig.
A great deal of what we have achieved in recent years, recent decades, in terms of improving relations in the High North is not – as some think – because we have replaced “classic security policy” with something else. 
Veldig mye av det vi har fått til de siste årene, de siste tiårene, i å etablere bedre relasjoner i nord – det er ikke, som noen tror, fordi vi har erstattet "den klassiske sikkerhetspolitikken" med noe annet.
On the contrary, it is because classic security policy has been successful. 
Det er tvert imot fordi den klassiske sikkerhetspolitikken har lyktes.
Because the point of good old-fashioned traditional security policy is to clarify and manage relations between countries, so that they can live peacefully alongside each other. 
Fordi poenget med god, gammeldags, tradisjonell sikkerhetspolitikk er å avklare forholdet mellom land, slik at de kan leve i fred med hverandre.
And this is what we have done. 
Det har vi altså gjort.
And this is still part of our broad High North policy. 
Og det er fortsatt en del av den brede nordområdepolitikken.
I think maybe I should begin there. 
Jeg tror kanskje jeg skal begynne der.
Our first line of defence is the rule of international law – a UN-led world order. 
En FN-ledet verdensorden.
It is a fact that our main livelihoods in Norway are based on activities under the sea (oil and gas), in the sea (fish), or on the surface of the sea (shipping). 
Det er jo slik at det vi stort lever av i Norge – det finner vi enten under havet – olje og gass – eller i havet: fisk – eller "oppå havet", som shipping.
But this is not enough; international norms must also be upheld, reaffirmed and defended. 
Og så må den opprettholdes, bekreftes og forvares.
We need both lawyers and admirals. 
Vi trenger både jurister og admiraler.
This is why it is important for our High North efforts that the Armed Forces have a presence in the region. 
Derfor er Forsvarets tilstedeværelse i nord en viktig del av nordområdesatsingen.
This is often misunderstood, as people tend to think that you’re either “for peace” or “for defence”. 
Dette blir ofte misforstått fordi folk tror at enten er du "for fred" eller så er du "for forsvar".
But I – like many others – am for defence precisely because I am for peace. 
Men jeg – og mange andre – er jo for forsvar fordi vi er for fred.
We believe that having a strong and predictable military presence enables us to protect our interests and respond appropriately to other countries that are doing just that – through their defence, their foreign policy, their diplomacy, their security policy, and their trade policy. 
– Fordi vi mener at gjennom å ha et solid og forutsigbart militært nærvær, har vi også evne til å ivareta våre interesser og møte andre land som gjør nøyaktig det samme; med sitt forsvar, med sin utenrikspolitikk, sitt diplomati, sin sikkerhetspolitikk, sin handelspolitikk.
As you know, there is one country that has not ratified the Law of the Sea, namely the US. 
Som kjent er det ett land som ikke har ratifisert den, nemlig USA.
The US has chosen to take a rather “unusual” approach: it intends to fulfil all its obligations under the Law of the Sea, but not demand the rights it affords. 
USA har jo valgt den noe "underlige holdning" at de skal leve opp til alle sine forpliktelser etter havretten, men ikke kreve sine rettigheter etter havretten.
That’s obviously their choice. 
Dem om det.
We see, in any case, that they have repeatedly reaffirmed that the principles of the Law of the Sea must be adhered to. 
Vi konstaterer i hvert fall at de gjentatte ganger har bekreftet at det er havrettens prinsipper som gjelder.
And we are glad of that. 
Det setter vi pris på.
For the rest of us – Canada, Russia, Denmark, Norway – the Law of the Sea has long been our departure point. 
Vi andre: Canada, Russland, Danmark, Norge, har jo lenge langt havretten til grunn.
However, lawyers can sometimes disagree, in both national and international law. 
Men så er det slik, i både nasjonal og internasjonal rett, at jurister av og til er uenige.
Purely “by chance”, the Norwegian lawyers’ interpretation favoured Norwegian interests, while the Russian lawyers reached a more Russia-friendly interpretation. 
"Tilfeldigvis" var det slik at de norske juristene hadde en forståelse som var mer vennlig mot norske interesser og de russiske mot russiske interesser.
Over the years, a strong body of law has been developed, which was also drawn on. 
Det ble etablert en stadig sterkere rettslig praksis og den ble også da lagt til grunn.
Our agreement with Russia is, in itself, an example of the application of international law in practice, and is thus an addition to the growing body of law that underpins the Law of the Sea. 
Vår egen avtale med Russland er jo i seg selv også et uttrykk for en rettslig praksis – og bidrar til den empirien som bygger og opprettholder havretten.
But I am also convinced that all the countries in the High North, including Russia, have a strong interest in respecting these principles. 
Men jeg er svært overbevist om at alle landene i nord, inkludert Russland, har en sterk egeninteresse i å respektere prinsippene.
In 2005, when the present coalition government came to power and drew up its first policy platform, the High North was identified as Norway’s most important strategic foreign policy priority for the years ahead. 
Da vi i 2005 overtok regjeringsmakten og lagde regjeringsplattformen Soria Moria I, sa vi at nordområdene er Norges viktigste strategiske satsingsområde i årene som kommer.
This decision was not unanimously welcomed. 
Det var ikke unisont velkomment da.
Now we get the impression that everyone agreed, but that was not in fact the case. 
Nå er det slik – at alle snakker som om alle var enige – men sånn var det faktisk ikke.
Do you know what you are doing? 
Vet dere hva dere gjør?
Wouldn’t it be better to draw less attention to this region? 
Er det ikke bedre å ikke lage så mye oppmerksomhet?
What will the Russians say? 
Hva vil russerne si?
But we believe that it was the right thing to do, and looking back I am convinced that it was the right decision. 
Men vi mener at det var riktig – og jeg mener sterkt at tiden etterpå har vist at det var fornuftig og at det var riktig.
We have also wanted to prevent the creation of a “security policy vacuum”. 
Vi har også vært opptatt av å bidra til at det ikke skulle oppstå noe "sikkerhetspolitisk vakuum".
There was another excellent article in Nordland – which I seem to be plugging rather a lot today – by Per Erik Solli, who rightly points out that security policy in the High North has changed. 
Det er en annen meget god kronikk i Avisa Nordland – som jeg driver mye reklame for i dag – av Per Erik Solli, som påpeker det helt riktige faktum at sikkerhetspolitikken i nord har endret karakter.
You should read it – I agree with everything he says. 
Les den – alt som står der er jeg enig i.
Let me say a little more about our relations with Russia. 
La meg si litt mer om forholdet til Russland.
We don’t agree about everything. 
Vi er ikke enige om alt.
Indeed it is well known that we disagree about several things. 
Det er kjente uenigheter om flere ting.
This cooperation is wide-ranging, and is working. 
Det er et omfattende sett av samarbeid og det fungerer.
For example, as a result of our joint management regime we have one of the world’s best preserved and richest fish stocks. 
Blant annet klarer vi å forvalte en av verdens best bevarte og rikeste fiskebestander, gjennom å ha et felles regime for hvordan det forvaltes.
This is obviously a good thing. 
Det er bra.
There is no doubt that it is in our immediate interests to maintain good neighbourly relations with such a large and important neighbour. 
Og det er i umiddelbar, norsk utenrikspolitisk interesse å forvalte et godt naboskap til en stor og viktig nabo.
Right now, a Norwegian–Russian business seminar is being held in Norway – the last one was held in Moscow – and I hear that attendance from both sides of the border is record high. 
Akkurat nå er det også et norsk-russisk næringslivsseminar som denne gangen pågår i Norge – sist var det i Moskva – som jeg har fått høre har rekordoppslutning fra næringslivsaktører på begge sider.
So there is a lot going on, and this is good. 
– Så det skjer mye, og det er bra.
But at the same time, we are seeing developments in Russia that we must speak up about. 
Så er det samtidig slik at vi ser utviklingstrekk i Russland som vi skal si ifra om.
A few days ago, I attended the 35th anniversary of the Norwegian Helsinki Committee. 
Jeg var for et par dager siden på Helsingforskomiteens 35 årsjubileum i Norge.
The Norwegian Helsinki Committee was established in 1977, inspired by the Helsinki Treaty of 1975. 
Helsingforskomiteen – som jo ble inspirert av Helsingforsavtalen fra 1975 – og som så ble etablert i 1977 i Norge.
There are still challenges in Russia – in terms of the development of democracy, human rights, freedom of the media, respect for minorities and respect for the values that most European countries attach great importance to. 
Det er fortsatt utfordringer i Russland – i form av utviklingen av demokratiet, menneskerettigheter, media, respekt for minoriteter og respekt for verdier de fleste europeiske land tar på alvor.
So it is true to say that we have good neighbourly relations and it also true to say that there are issues that we wish to raise. 
Begge de tingene er sanne samtidig: Godt naboskap – og utviklingstrekk vi ønsker å påpeke.
Dealing with both these facts in the best possible and clearest way is a central feature of Norwegian foreign policy. 
Det er et sentralt poeng i norsk utenrikspolitikk å håndtere begge disse forholdene på en best mulig og tydelig måte.
I would also like to say a few words about emergency preparedness and response and security – beyond the purely military perspective. 
Så har jeg lyst å si noen ord om beredskap og sikkerhet – litt utover det militære.
This is an area that I have worked a great deal on; it also is one of the Government’s top priorities, and a key topic in the Norwegian public debate. 
Dette har jeg jobbet mye med, og det er et av Regjeringens aller største fokusområder – og et stort tema i Norge generelt.
On the basis of my own experience, I very much agree with Admiral Bruun-Hanssen that cooperation between military and civilian authorities in this area is excellent – particularly in North Norway. 
Fra min lange erfaring med alt dette er veldig jeg enig med admiral Bruun-Hanssen: Det er etablert et meget godt samarbeid mellom militære og sivile myndigheter i Norge på det området – ikke minst i nord.
In many ways, the most interesting forms of cooperation are to be found in the north, and the rest of the country could learn from this. 
På mange måter kan man si at de mest interessante samarbeidsløsningene er til stede i den nordlige landsdelen – ting vi kan lære av i resten av landet.
So, in that particular setting they are police officers, and they are given police training. 
De er altså også politi i den bestemte "setting" de inngår i, og de får politikurs.
This is pretty unusual elsewhere in Europe. 
Dette er ganske uvanlig ute i Europa.