natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Hope was replaced by fear in international politics. 
Hope was replaced by fear in international politics.
Key actors lost their faith in multilateral organisations and regimes. 
Key actors lost their faith in multilateral organisations and regimes.
Deeply rooted norms and values were challenged by the notion that the times we were living in warranted urgent and extraordinary responses. 
Deeply rooted norms and values were challenged by the notion that the times we were living in warranted urgent and extraordinary responses.
This also influenced the work of the NPT, and we all remember that the review conference in 2005 ended in total failure. 
This also influenced the work of the NPT, and we all remember that the review conference in 2005 ended in total failure.
Basically, the NPT has been viewed from two different perspectives: one is that the real purpose of the treaty is limited to preventing the spread of nuclear weapons; the other is that the main focus should be on the elimination of existing arsenals. 
Basically, the NPT has been viewed from two different perspectives: one is that the real purpose of the treaty is limited to preventing the spread of nuclear weapons; the other is that the main focus should be on the elimination of existing arsenals.
This disagreement also contributed to the failure of the 2005 review conference. 
This disagreement also contributed to the failure of the 2005 review conference.
Today, however, the tide may be changing again. 
Today, however, the tide may be changing again.
Multilateralism is regaining centre-stage. 
Multilateralism is regaining centre-stage.
Respect for fundamental human rights and humanitarian principles is on the rise. 
Respect for fundamental human rights and humanitarian principles is on the rise.
And nuclear disarmament is again heading the global agenda. 
And nuclear disarmament is again heading the global agenda.
In a few months time, in May, the international community will have an opportunity to restore the NPT compact. 
In a few months time, in May, the international community will have an opportunity to restore the NPT compact.
It is now more important than ever that this review conference really closes the current loopholes in the regime, and that it holds the state parties accountable to their obligations. 
It is now more important than ever that this review conference really closes the current loopholes in the regime, and that it holds the state parties accountable to their obligations.
In other words, we must ensure that it starts a process towards full elimination of nuclear weapons. 
In other words, we must ensure that it starts a process towards full elimination of nuclear weapons.
This is not a utopian dream. 
This is not a utopian dream.
As President Obama said in Prague last April, it may not happen in his lifetime, but it must happen and we must set the course to get there. 
As President Obama said in Prague last April, it may not happen in his lifetime, but it must happen and we must set the course to get there.
To succeed we must respect the comprehensiveness of the NPT agenda. 
To succeed we must respect the comprehensiveness of the NPT agenda.
We must accept the fact that the three pillars have equal weight, that respect for one depends on respect for the other. 
We must accept the fact that the three pillars have equal weight, that respect for one depends on respect for the other.
Or to put it this way – the failure of the major nuclear states to disarm directly impedes our collective ability to win respect for preventing the spread of nuclear weapons. 
Or to put it this way – the failure of the major nuclear states to disarm directly impedes our collective ability to win respect for preventing the spread of nuclear weapons.
And the other way round – nuclear abolition simply cannot be achieved unless we tighten up the non-proliferation regime. 
And the other way round – nuclear abolition simply cannot be achieved unless we tighten up the non-proliferation regime.
Existing nuclear states will not give up their weapons unless there is a water-tight regime in place that ensures that other states are barred from gaining this capacity. 
Existing nuclear states will not give up their weapons unless there is a water-tight regime in place that ensures that other states are barred from gaining this capacity.
Hence we must empower the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to credibly verify that all nuclear activities remain solely for peaceful purposes. 
Hence we must empower the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to credibly verify that all nuclear activities remain solely for peaceful purposes.
All states must be ready to accept such verification, and we must install effective and strong sanctions in order to collectively punish violations. 
All states must be ready to accept such verification, and we must install effective and strong sanctions in order to collectively punish violations.
Furthermore, if there is no movement on key disarmament objectives, the NPT regime will suffer. 
Furthermore, if there is no movement on key disarmament objectives, the NPT regime will suffer.
Therefore, we urgently need a legally binding test ban. 
Therefore, we urgently need a legally binding test ban.
We must cap all production of fissile material for weapons purposes and deal with the vast existing stocks. 
We must cap all production of fissile material for weapons purposes and deal with the vast existing stocks.
We must put in place improved assurances for non-nuclear weapon states so that they will not be exposed to - or threatened with - nuclear devastation. 
We must put in place improved assurances for non-nuclear weapon states so that they will not be exposed to - or threatened with - nuclear devastation.
We must accelerate the process of destroying weapons, which would be the best way to ensure that they do not end up in wrong hands. 
We must accelerate the process of destroying weapons, which would be the best way to ensure that they do not end up in wrong hands.
We also need to consider the threat of nuclear terrorism. 
We also need to consider the threat of nuclear terrorism.
Therefore, I welcome President Obama’s initiative to convene a summit on this issue. 
Therefore, I welcome President Obama’s initiative to convene a summit on this issue.
Norway has a solid record in nuclear security. 
Norway has a solid record in nuclear security.
Then there is the civilian dimension. 
Then there is the civilian dimension.
Given the expected rise in the use of nuclear energy, we also need to sharpen our approach: 
Given the expected rise in the use of nuclear energy, we also need to sharpen our approach:
we must limit the spread of sensitive technologies for uranium enrichment and plutonium reprocessing, 
we must limit the spread of sensitive technologies for uranium enrichment and plutonium reprocessing,
we must devise international cooperative mechanisms for nuclear fuel production, we must protect nuclear materials from falling into the wrong hands, and 
we must devise international cooperative mechanisms for nuclear fuel production, we must protect nuclear materials from falling into the wrong hands, and
we must limit or stop the use of highly enriched uranium in the civilian sector. 
we must limit or stop the use of highly enriched uranium in the civilian sector.
These issues are sensitive. 
These issues are sensitive.
Many non-aligned nations fear that non-proliferation measures will restrict access to technology that may be important for their economic development and energy security. 
Many non-aligned nations fear that non-proliferation measures will restrict access to technology that may be important for their economic development and energy security.
However, by implementing and balancing both non-proliferation and nuclear security measures, developing countries will be better positioned to take part in developing civilian nuclear cooperation. 
However, by implementing and balancing both non-proliferation and nuclear security measures, developing countries will be better positioned to take part in developing civilian nuclear cooperation.
The same logic is being applied to the Biological Weapons Convention and the Chemical Weapons Convention. 
The same logic is being applied to the Biological Weapons Convention and the Chemical Weapons Convention.
There are no lack of challenges and challengers to the NPT regime and the disarmament agenda. 
There are no lack of challenges and challengers to the NPT regime and the disarmament agenda.
Iran and North Korea are among those rightly mentioned in this regard. 
Iran and North Korea are among those rightly mentioned in this regard.
But we should also take a broader perspective. 
But we should also take a broader perspective.
Today’s globalised world is increasingly multipolar. 
Today’s globalised world is increasingly multipolar.
New powers have emerged, not least in Asia and Latin America. 
New powers have emerged, not least in Asia and Latin America.
These new powers will claim their seats at the table and demand to be shown respect for their opinions and interests. 
These new powers will claim their seats at the table and demand to be shown respect for their opinions and interests.
This does not have to be a more dangerous world. 
This does not have to be a more dangerous world.
But if we want to prevent a new era of great power competition and the risk of large-scale conflicts, we need to adapt and strengthen our multilateral security regimes so that they reflect this emerging order. 
But if we want to prevent a new era of great power competition and the risk of large-scale conflicts, we need to adapt and strengthen our multilateral security regimes so that they reflect this emerging order.
We need a more updated and firm commitment from the key players in the international system. 
We need a more updated and firm commitment from the key players in the international system.
First and foremost, we need a shared understanding of the dangers of proliferation of nuclear weapons, including with the regard to the emerging powers. 
First and foremost, we need a shared understanding of the dangers of proliferation of nuclear weapons, including with the regard to the emerging powers.
We must strive to avoid the perception that acquiring nuclear weapons is a sign of international strength and prestige. 
We must strive to avoid the perception that acquiring nuclear weapons is a sign of international strength and prestige.
All the other serious dangers we face in the world today pale in comparison with the devastation that nuclear weapons could cause. 
All the other serious dangers we face in the world today pale in comparison with the devastation that nuclear weapons could cause.
Against this backdrop, it was worrying to see the lack of public attention in the last decades. 
Against this backdrop, it was worrying to see the lack of public attention in the last decades.
The general public seemed to have thought that the nuclear threat somehow disappeared with the Cold War. 
The general public seemed to have thought that the nuclear threat somehow disappeared with the Cold War.
My generation is at the forefront here. 
My generation is at the forefront here.
We grew up with the nuclear threat, we fought against it, but then we dropped that agenda when the Cold War came to an end. 
We grew up with the nuclear threat, we fought against it, but then we dropped that agenda when the Cold War came to an end.
We moved on to more imminent issues such as climate change, poverty, development and globalisation. 
We moved on to more imminent issues such as climate change, poverty, development and globalisation.
But the problem is that nuclear weapons didn’t go away. 
But the problem is that nuclear weapons didn’t go away.
The huge danger they represent persists. 
The huge danger they represent persists.
We urgently need the nuclear file back on the agenda. 
We urgently need the nuclear file back on the agenda.
We need broad-based, international political determination to achieve total nuclear abolition. 
We need broad-based, international political determination to achieve total nuclear abolition.
We cannot afford any more years of nuclear complacency. 
We cannot afford any more years of nuclear complacency.
The good news is that for the first time in several years, there are signs that there is reason for optimism. 
The good news is that for the first time in several years, there are signs that there is reason for optimism.
We see a clear shift in international politics towards a substantial disarmament agenda, with public awareness and support for disarmament efforts on the rise. 
We see a clear shift in international politics towards a substantial disarmament agenda, with public awareness and support for disarmament efforts on the rise.
In a number of countries, including my own, former heads of government and foreign ministers are advocating the elimination of nuclear weapons – nothing less. 
In a number of countries, including my own, former heads of government and foreign ministers are advocating the elimination of nuclear weapons – nothing less.
Many of those who are now speaking out were the hawks of yesterday. 
Many of those who are now speaking out were the hawks of yesterday.
Who would have believed, way back then, that they would see Henry Kissinger and Ole Kopreitan fighting for the same noble cause? 
Who would have believed, way back then, that they would see Henry Kissinger and Ole Kopreitan fighting for the same noble cause?
I have been sitting at the same table as Kissinger and Senators Nunn, Perry and Shultz on more than one occasion – and I could hardly believe what I heard. 
I have been sitting at the same table as Kissinger and Senators Nunn, Perry and Shultz on more than one occasion – and I could hardly believe what I heard.
They all called for setting the course towards the elimination of nuclear weapons. 
They all called for setting the course towards the elimination of nuclear weapons.
By simple logic, they stated that the alternative was unacceptable. 
By simple logic, they stated that the alternative was unacceptable.
And, they went on, when that is the answer we can proceed to the right question: How do we get the process of elimination started? 
And, they went on, when that is the answer we can proceed to the right question: How do we get the process of elimination started?
Their standpoint, you will agree, does not stem from mere altruism, but rather a sudden outbreak of common sense based on thorough analysis of new and unpredictable security challenges. 
Their standpoint, you will agree, does not stem from mere altruism, but rather a sudden outbreak of common sense based on thorough analysis of new and unpredictable security challenges.
Now, from the Obama administration we are seeing a renewed commitment to multilateral processes in disarmament and increased support for the UN Security Council. 
Now, from the Obama administration we are seeing a renewed commitment to multilateral processes in disarmament and increased support for the UN Security Council.
In Prague in April last year (as I mentioned) President Obama stated clearly, with conviction “America’s commitment to seek the peace and security of a world without nuclear weapons”. 
In Prague in April last year (as I mentioned) President Obama stated clearly, with conviction “America’s commitment to seek the peace and security of a world without nuclear weapons”.
Shortly after, President Medvedev responded to the challenge, and today Russian and US negotiators may be in the final phase towards a new agreement on deep cuts in nuclear arsenals. 
Shortly after, President Medvedev responded to the challenge, and today Russian and US negotiators may be in the final phase towards a new agreement on deep cuts in nuclear arsenals.
Combined, these international developments could give new impetus to nuclear disarmament. 
Combined, these international developments could give new impetus to nuclear disarmament.
Still, we know from past experience that positive momentum can be halted and even rolled back. 
Still, we know from past experience that positive momentum can be halted and even rolled back.
To secure a sustained effort for nuclear disarmament, we need to do two things: 
To secure a sustained effort for nuclear disarmament, we need to do two things:
First, we need to reframe the nuclear issue to include all relevant aspects. 
First, we need to reframe the nuclear issue to include all relevant aspects.
We need to review our strategic, doctrinal approach to national and international security. 
We need to review our strategic, doctrinal approach to national and international security.
As Obama said in Prague, “to put an end to Cold War thinking, we will reduce the role of nuclear weapons in our national security strategy, and urge others to do the same”. 
As Obama said in Prague, “to put an end to Cold War thinking, we will reduce the role of nuclear weapons in our national security strategy, and urge others to do the same”.
And I would add: We need to make use of the conceptual insights gained through the humanitarian disarmament processes of recent years. 
And I would add: We need to make use of the conceptual insights gained through the humanitarian disarmament processes of recent years.
Second, we need to take a fresh look at how multilateral negotiations are being conducted, and in particular pay more attention to the increasing role of new and emerging powers on the global stage. 
Second, we need to take a fresh look at how multilateral negotiations are being conducted, and in particular pay more attention to the increasing role of new and emerging powers on the global stage.
For, as we saw on climate in Copenhagen, and as we see in the ongoing discussions about world trade in the Doha (development) round – there can be no substantial global agreement today without their active participation. 
For, as we saw on climate in Copenhagen, and as we see in the ongoing discussions about world trade in the Doha (development) round – there can be no substantial global agreement today without their active participation.
NATO too has a role to play in helping to reduce the prominence of nuclear weapons in security policy and re-examining the security strategies based on nuclear deterrence. 
NATO too has a role to play in helping to reduce the prominence of nuclear weapons in security policy and re-examining the security strategies based on nuclear deterrence.
Three years ago, Norway and Germany took the initiative to raise NATO’s profile in arms control, and more importantly to ensure that disarmament was viewed as an essential component of the Alliance’s security policy. 
Three years ago, Norway and Germany took the initiative to raise NATO’s profile in arms control, and more importantly to ensure that disarmament was viewed as an essential component of the Alliance’s security policy.
The initiative mobilised broad support and will hopefully have an impact on NATO’s new Strategic Concept to be agreed later this year (the main theme for this conference). 
The initiative mobilised broad support and will hopefully have an impact on NATO’s new Strategic Concept to be agreed later this year (the main theme for this conference).
However, let me be clear: NATO is not a disarmament organisation. 
However, let me be clear: NATO is not a disarmament organisation.
It is a political military alliance for the defence of its member states. 
It is a political military alliance for the defence of its member states.
A key responsibility of any government is to provide security for its people. 
A key responsibility of any government is to provide security for its people.
We acknowledge the importance of military forces – for our defence and for our security. 
We acknowledge the importance of military forces – for our defence and for our security.
The essential and enduring purpose of NATO is to deter armed attacks on its member states by sharing a collective defence clause, as expressed in Article V of the North Atlantic Treaty. 
The essential and enduring purpose of NATO is to deter armed attacks on its member states by sharing a collective defence clause, as expressed in Article V of the North Atlantic Treaty.
But we must be ready to discuss and adapt the strategies by which this goal is achieved. 
But we must be ready to discuss and adapt the strategies by which this goal is achieved.
That is why we see NATO as a relevant arena for our disarmament policies as well. 
That is why we see NATO as a relevant arena for our disarmament policies as well.
We never subscribed to the simple thesis that more weapons equals more security. 
We never subscribed to the simple thesis that more weapons equals more security.
Real security is a broader notion, where political commitment and binding agreements – based on both trust and verification – must have centre stage. 
Real security is a broader notion, where political commitment and binding agreements – based on both trust and verification – must have centre stage.
The last time NATO discussed its Strategic Concept was in 1999. 
The last time NATO discussed its Strategic Concept was in 1999.
At that time, NATO maintained its Cold War nuclear doctrine in principle, but with fewer weapons and a lower alert status. 
At that time, NATO maintained its Cold War nuclear doctrine in principle, but with fewer weapons and a lower alert status.
It underlined that the likelihood of nuclear weapons being used or threatened to be used was remote, but nevertheless the nuclear option remained open. 
It underlined that the likelihood of nuclear weapons being used or threatened to be used was remote, but nevertheless the nuclear option remained open.
The current process to revise NATO’s Strategic Concept must include a reconsideration of the Alliance’s deterrence doctrine. 
The current process to revise NATO’s Strategic Concept must include a reconsideration of the Alliance’s deterrence doctrine.
We cannot credibly expect others to renounce the nuclear option, while we maintain that nuclear deterrence is still vital to our own security, twenty years after the end of the Cold War. 
We cannot credibly expect others to renounce the nuclear option, while we maintain that nuclear deterrence is still vital to our own security, twenty years after the end of the Cold War.
There is no immediate consensus now on this approach in the Alliance. 
There is no immediate consensus now on this approach in the Alliance.
The nuclear dimension of deterrence is emphasised differently among allies. 
The nuclear dimension of deterrence is emphasised differently among allies.
But the strength of NATO is that we pool our perspectives and then reach consensus. 
But the strength of NATO is that we pool our perspectives and then reach consensus.
Our view is that both the scope and credibility of NATO’s approach to nuclear weapons need to be reconsidered in a much more realistic way than was the case ten years ago. 
Our view is that both the scope and credibility of NATO’s approach to nuclear weapons need to be reconsidered in a much more realistic way than was the case ten years ago.
We need to ask some fundamental questions: What possible contribution to security can these weapons conceivably make? 
We need to ask some fundamental questions: What possible contribution to security can these weapons conceivably make?
What security considerations are now being outdated by globalisation of interests - and by the development of political norms and more cooperative patterns? 
What security considerations are now being outdated by globalisation of interests - and by the development of political norms and more cooperative patterns?
And how can security gaps, where nuclear deterrence is still considered to be warranted, be filled by other means, since the use of nuclear weapons would obviously be utterly devastating? 
And how can security gaps, where nuclear deterrence is still considered to be warranted, be filled by other means, since the use of nuclear weapons would obviously be utterly devastating?