natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Our combined support to Georgia will amount to five to 10 personnel out of NATO’s total support package of 25 personnel. 
Våre lands samlede støtte til Georgia vil omfatte fem til ti personell av NATOs samlede støttepakke på tjuefem personell.
The experience we gain through our cooperation with Georgia will permit future Nordic-Baltic efforts on a larger scale and in more demanding situations.” 
Erfaringene vi vinner gjennom vårt samarbeid med Georgia vil tillate oss fremtidig nordisk-baltisk innsats i større omfang, også i mer krevende situasjoner, sier Eriksen Søreide.
The security policy backdrop 
Det sikkerhetspolitiske bakteppet
“The year 2014 was dramatic, both in Europe and in Europe’s wider vicinity,” says Eriksen Søreide. 
- 2014 var et dramatisk år, både i Europa og i Europas nærområde.
“We have seen Russia annex parts of another country’s territory and make use of military force to achieve political goals. 
Vi har sett Russland annektere deler av et annet lands territorium, og gjøre bruk av militær makt for å oppnå politiske mål.
We see new threats originating in Iraq and Syria. 
Vi ser nye trusler med opphav i Irak og Syria.
At the same time, we see a NATO that takes the new situation seriously and has put collective defence back on the agenda. 
Samtidig ser vi et NATO som tar den nye situasjonen på alvor og som igjen har satt kollektivt forsvar på dagsorden.
Peace in Europe cannot be taken for granted. 
Fred i Europa kan ikke tas for gitt.
NATO is and will be an important actor in resolving the major crises we now see in the world. 
NATO er og vil være en viktig aktør for å løse de store krisene vi ser i verden nå.
The importance of a strong NATO was underscored by all.” 
Oppsum NATOs fmin møte.mp4
Defence minister visits NATO rapid reaction exercise 
Forsvarsministeren besøker NATOs øvelse av hurtige reaksjonsstyrker
NATO says ‘Yes’ to major exercise in Norway in 2018 
NATO sier ja til stor-øvelse i Norge i 2018
Meeting of NATO Ministers of Defence: 
Forsvarsministeren deltek på NATOs forsvarsministermøte
“A stronger NATO” 
-Et sterkere NATO
Norway condemns attacks on diplomatic missions 
Norge fordømmer angrep på diplomatiske representasjoner
Active diplomacy is more important than ever. 
Et aktivt diplomati er derfor viktigere enn noensinne.
“Freedom of expression is a fundamental human right. 
- Ytringsfriheten er en grunnleggende menneskerett.
However, I am critical of provocative acts or statements that are deliberately intended to cause insult to other people’s faith. 
Samtidig stiller jeg meg kritisk til provokasjoner som har til uttrykt hensikt å provosere menneskers tro.
But protests must be carried out peacefully and all use of violence must be fought against and condemned,” said Mr Støre. 
Men det må skje fredelig og all bruk av vold må bekjempes og fordømmes, sier Støre.
This is having consequences for Norwegian interests. 
Dette får også følger for norske interesser.
The changes that are now being made are part of an ongoing process that will be continued in 2012–2013. 
Endringene som nå gjøres er ledd i en pågående prosess som blir videreført i 2012-2013, sier utenriksministeren.
The changes we are now making are a result of this work. 
De endringene vi nå gjør er en del av dette arbeidet.
We must consider on an ongoing basis where our diplomatic resources and presence are most needed,” said Mr Støre. 
Vi må løpende vurdere hvor vi trenger våre diplomatiske ressurser og nærvær, sier Støre.
In the course of 2011, the Ministry will make the following changes to Norway’s diplomatic presence abroad. 
I løpet av 2011 vil UD gjennomføre følgende endringer i Norges diplomatiske nærvær i utlandet:
Five missions will be closed: Abidjan (Côte d’Ivoire), Bogotá (Colombia), Dili (East Timor), Ljubljana (Slovenia) and Managua (Nicaragua). 
Fem utenriksstasjoner vil bli avviklet i løpet av 2011: Abidjan (Elfenbenskysten), Bogotá (Colombia), Dili (Øst-Timor), Ljubljana (Slovenia) og Managua (Nicaragua).
Norwegian interests in these countries will be taken care of by other missions in the regions concerned. 
Norske interesser i disse landene vil i framtiden bli ivaretatt av andre utenriksstasjoner i de aktuelle regionene.
In the case of West Africa, the possibility of establishing a new mission in Accra (Ghana) is being considered. 
For Vest-Afrika vurderes det å opprette en ny utenriksstasjon i Accra (Ghana).
Norway will continue to have a presence in Antananarivo (Madagascar), but will reduce the staff at the embassy and make it into an embassy office connected to another mission in the region. 
Norge opprettholder tilstedeværelsen i Antananarivo (Madagaskar), men reduserer bemanningen og omgjør ambassaden til en underavdeling av en eksisterende utenriksstasjon i regionen.
The Embassy in Brussels with responsibility for relations with Belgium will be maintained but with a reduced staff. 
Ambassaden i Brussel med ansvar for forbindelsene med Belgia opprettholdes, men bemanningen reduseres.
There will also be staff reductions at other missions, for example in the other Nordic countries and other European countries. 
Det vil også bli personellreduksjoner på andre enkeltstasjoner, blant annet i Norden og Europa.
The arrangement with an Oslo-based Ambassador for the Caribbean will be discontinued, and responsibility for these countries will be transferred to the Embassy in Havana (Cuba). 
Den Oslo-baserte ambassadøren for Det karibiske området avvikles med overføring av ansvaret for disse landene til ambassaden i Havanna (Cuba).
These changes to Norway’s diplomatic presence abroad will be implemented in the course of 2011. 
Endringene i Norges diplomatiske nærvær i utlandet vil gjennomføres i løpet av 2011.
In recent years the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has strengthened Norway’s presence in countries such as Brazil, India, Indonesia, China and Russia. 
Utenriksdepartementet har de senere år styrket sitt nærvær i blant annet Brasil, India, Indonesia, Kina og Russland.
In order to do this, several diplomatic and consular missions have been closed and staff levels at other missions have been reduced. 
For å kunne gjøre dette er flere stasjoner blitt avviklet og bemanning er blitt redusert ved andre stasjoner.
A total of eight missions were closed in 2011 and 2012. 
Totalt åtte utenriksstasjoner ble avviklet i 2011 og 2012.
During the same period, a new embassy was opened in Accra (Ghana) and a joint Nordic embassy office was opened in Yangon (Myanmar). 
I samme periode ble det opprettet en ny ambassade i Accra (Ghana) og et ambassadekontor i Yangon (Myanmar).
We can also improve the efficiency of the Foreign Service by establishing joint Nordic missions. 
Vi kan også effektivisere mye ved å etableres felles nordiske løsninger.
The recently established embassy office in Yangon is a good example of this type of Nordic cooperation,” said Mr Eide. 
Det nyopprettede ambassadekontoret i Yangon er et godt eksempel på slikt nordisk samarbeid, sier utenriksminister Eide.
The following changes to Norway’s diplomatic presence abroad are planned in 2013: 
Følgende endringer er planlagt i Norges diplomatiske nærvær i 2013:
The Colombian economy is undergoing rapid growth and the Colombian Government is pursuing an active reform policy. 
Colombia er en økonomi i rask vekst og den colombianske regjeringen fører en aktiv reformpolitikk.
Norway has for many years been involved in peace and reconciliation efforts relating to the internal conflict in Colombia and provides considerable humanitarian assistance to the country. 
Norge har i en årrekke engasjert seg i freds- og forsoningstiltak knyttet til den interne konflikten i Colombia og har også en betydelig humanitær innsats i landet.
Several Norwegian organisations also have extensive activities in Colombia. 
I tillegg har flere norske organisasjoner omfattende aktivitet i landet.
Africa: As announced earlier in 2012, changes are also being made to Norway’s diplomatic presence in Africa. 
Afrika: Som varslet i 2012, gjøres det også endringer i utenrikstjenestens tilstedeværelse i Afrika.
The embassy in Asmara (Eritrea) is to be closed. 
Ambassaden i Asmara (Eritrea) vil bli avviklet.
Another mission in the region will then be given responsibility for Eritrea. 
Eritrea vil deretter bli sideakkreditert en annen stasjon i regionen.
The embassies in Abuja (Nigeria) and Nairobi (Kenya) will be given extra resources in order to strengthen their efforts vis-à-vis Niger and Somalia respectively. 
Ambassadene i Abuja (Nigeria) og Nairobi (Kenya) vil tilføres ekstra ressurser for å styrke arbeidet overfor henholdsvis Niger og Somalia.
Further changes to the Foreign Service are planned for 2014. 
Det planlegges ytterligere endringer i utenrikstjenesten i 2014.
The Ministry will, for example, look more closely at Norway’s presence in Africa and make any necessary adjustments. 
Blant annet vil UD tilpasse Norges nærvær i Afrika.
Being able to establish that disarmament is actually taking place is crucial for ensuring confidence in international disarmament agreements, and it is essential for achieving further disarmament,' said Minister of Foreign Affairs Børge Brende. 
Trygghet for at nedrustning av kjernevåpen faktisk finner sted er avgjørende for tilliten til internasjonale nedrustningsavtaler og er en forutsetning for nedrustning, sier utenriksminister Børge Brende.
At this year's UN General Assembly, Norway put forward a new resolution on nuclear disarmament verification. 
Under årets generalforsamling i FN fremmet Norge en ny resolusjon om nedrustning av kjernevåpen.
The resolution was adopted last night by an overwhelming majority, with 177 countries voting in favour with only seven countries abstaining. 
Resolusjonen ble i natt vedtatt med overveldende flertall.
This cooperation has given Norway unique expertise in a technically complex area. 
Dette samarbeidet har gitt Norge unik kompetanse på et teknisk svært komplisert område.
'There is still a need to develop new technologies and methods for documenting that disarmament is actually taking place. 
- Det er fortsatt behov for å utvikle nye teknologier og metoder for å dokumentere at nedrustning faktisk skjer.
Norway attaches particular importance to ensuring that this work has the support of the UN. 
For Norge er det særlig viktig at dette arbeidet også forankres i FN.
It is crucial that all countries, not just the nuclear-weapon states themselves, can be confident that agreements are being followed up. 
Det er viktig at alle land, ikke bare kjernevåpenstatene selv, har tillit til at avtalene blir fulgt opp.
The work on nuclear disarmament verification is an important part of Norway's disarmament and non-proliferation policy. 
Arbeidet med verifikasjon utgjør en viktig del av den helhetlige norske nedrustnings- og ikke-spredningspoltikken.
'Norway is working towards the goal of a world without nuclear weapons. 
- Norge arbeider for målet om en verden uten kjernevåpen.
Although the Iran agreement in 2015 was an important achievement, today's security policy landscape does not give much grounds for optimism. 
Selv om Iran-avtalen fra 2015 var et viktig lyspunkt, gir ikke dagens sikkerhetspolitiske klima særlig grunn til optimisme.
Norway votes against nuclear disarmament resolution in the UN 
Avviser ensidig nedrustning i FN
Strong UN support for Norwegian disarmament resolution 
Sterk FN-støtte til norsk resolusjon om nedrustning
For example, experience from humanitarian disarmament should guide us on how to pursue and negotiate disarmament issues in general, Støre said at the opening lecture at the Leangkollen Conference in Oslo 1 February 2010. 
Under den årlige Leangkollen-konferansen i Oslo (1. februar) gikk utenriksminister Jonas Gahr Støre gjennom hele nedrustningsfeltet – fra kjernefysisk nedrustning og avtalen om ikke-spredning av kjernefysiske våpen (NPT) til humanitær nedrustning og arbeidet mot klasevåpen og væpnet vold.
Ambassadors, ladies and gentlemen, 
Ambassadors, ladies and gentlemen,
It is an honour to address you at the 45th Annual Leangkollen Conference. 
It is an honour to address you at the 45th Annual Leangkollen Conference.
During 55 years, and still (since 1997) under the inspiring leadership of Chris Prebensen, the Committee has been an important institution in the Norwegian security policy landscape of discussions, setting broad and comprehensive foreign policy agendas. 
During 55 years, and still (since 1997) under the inspiring leadership of Chris Prebensen, the Committee has been an important institution in the Norwegian security policy landscape of discussions, setting broad and comprehensive foreign policy agendas.
Its comprehensiveness is important. 
Its comprehensiveness is important.
In our complex world we need a broader perspective: one that can include the long lines in our common history, acknowledging the hard mix of how to combine what is politically and morally desirable with what is politically and strategically achievable. 
In our complex world we need a broader perspective: one that can include the long lines in our common history, acknowledging the hard mix of how to combine what is politically and morally desirable with what is politically and strategically achievable.
Single mindedness is rarely a wise approach to take us forward in the security policy terrain. 
Single mindedness is rarely a wise approach to take us forward in the security policy terrain.
A comprehensive approach is crucial to the theme I have chosen to focus on today: security and disarmament. 
A comprehensive approach is crucial to the theme I have chosen to focus on today: security and disarmament.
It is a theme of vital importance to security policy in all ages, combining political, economic, technological, moral and ethical perspectives. 
It is a theme of vital importance to security policy in all ages, combining political, economic, technological, moral and ethical perspectives.
The main focus of my address will be the need for a comprehensive approach to disarmament – and that is the reason why I have chosen Disarmament – reframing the challenge as the title for my lecture. 
The main focus of my address will be the need for a comprehensive approach to disarmament – and that is the reason why I have chosen Disarmament – reframing the challenge as the title for my lecture.
2010 will be a critical year for global disarmament issues. 
2010 will be a critical year for global disarmament issues.
This is the year of the upcoming NPT conference; we see continued US-Russian efforts to make further cuts in nuclear arsenals; the Iranian nuclear file is as high as ever on the agenda; and new light is being shed on the fatal consequences of small arms and their toll on human development. 
This is the year of the upcoming NPT conference; we see continued US-Russian efforts to make further cuts in nuclear arsenals; the Iranian nuclear file is as high as ever on the agenda; and new light is being shed on the fatal consequences of small arms and their toll on human development.
Just to mention a few features. 
Just to mention a few features.
Norway alone will not tilt the balance on any of these issues. 
Norway alone will not tilt the balance on any of these issues.
But no country can escape the disarmament agenda; this is indeed one of the truly global agendas that challenge us all – it is in fact everybody’s business. 
But no country can escape the disarmament agenda; this is indeed one of the truly global agendas that challenge us all – it is in fact everybody’s business.
And consequently, disarmament is an integral part of the Norwegian Government’s foreign and security policy. 
And consequently, disarmament is an integral part of the Norwegian Government’s foreign and security policy.
We pursue disarmament in order to enhance international, national and individual security. 
We pursue disarmament in order to enhance international, national and individual security.
We pursue disarmament in accordance with international humanitarian law and human rights. 
We pursue disarmament in accordance with international humanitarian law and human rights.
And we pursue a comprehensive disarmament agenda that makes sense both from a political, military, humanitarian and economic perspective – in addition to the fundamental moral and ethical dimensions. 
And we pursue a comprehensive disarmament agenda that makes sense both from a political, military, humanitarian and economic perspective – in addition to the fundamental moral and ethical dimensions.
Our ambitions are spelled out in the Government’s policy platform: 
Our ambitions are spelled out in the Government’s policy platform:
First: to work for a world free of nuclear weapons, in close cooperation with our NATO allies, in all relevant forums. 
First: to work for a world free of nuclear weapons, in close cooperation with our NATO allies, in all relevant forums.
Second: to promote further efforts of humanitarian disarmament, such as following up on the Mine Ban Treaty, the Convention on Cluster Munitions and increasing the efforts against armed violence. 
Second: to promote further efforts of humanitarian disarmament, such as following up on the Mine Ban Treaty, the Convention on Cluster Munitions and increasing the efforts against armed violence.
In short: this is a comprehensive approach, acknowledging that disarmament and arms reduction are at the core of both security policy and development policy. 
In short: this is a comprehensive approach, acknowledging that disarmament and arms reduction are at the core of both security policy and development policy.
A few months from today, on August 6, we will commemorate the fact that 65 years have passed since Hiroshima – a day forever branded in our memory - the day mankind’s capacity to destroy was demonstrated for all to see. 
A few months from today, on August 6, we will commemorate the fact that 65 years have passed since Hiroshima – a day forever branded in our memory - the day mankind’s capacity to destroy was demonstrated for all to see.
Since that day in 1945, we have lived with the threat, the fear and at certain moments also the imminent possibility of nuclear war. 
Since that day in 1945, we have lived with the threat, the fear and at certain moments also the imminent possibility of nuclear war.
Nuclear holocaust is not some imaginary notion. 
Nuclear holocaust is not some imaginary notion.
The possibility is real because the arsenal is real; it is there. 
The possibility is real because the arsenal is real; it is there.
This threat, however, has not been viewed exclusively as a bad thing. 
This threat, however, has not been viewed exclusively as a bad thing.
It has, as you all know, even been a core element of our security policy. 
It has, as you all know, even been a core element of our security policy.
Take the doctrine of mutually assured destruction: it was – and still is, one could argue – a doctrine designed to protect us from a nuclear holocaust, and actually from war itself. 
Take the doctrine of mutually assured destruction: it was – and still is, one could argue – a doctrine designed to protect us from a nuclear holocaust, and actually from war itself.
For decades the logic was that war between nuclear powers had become practically impossible. 
For decades the logic was that war between nuclear powers had become practically impossible.
The more destructive a weapon’s power, the more it can deter, as the logic goes. 
The more destructive a weapon’s power, the more it can deter, as the logic goes.
Historically, we cannot exclude the possibility that it was the existence of nuclear weapons that kept the Cold War chilly and not warm. 
Historically, we cannot exclude the possibility that it was the existence of nuclear weapons that kept the Cold War chilly and not warm.
But let us not forget that those post World War II decades only kept a fragile, dangerous peace in Europe, that it was a period of violent competition between the superpowers elsewhere on our planet, and that the logic of MAD presupposed that there were rational actors on both sides. 
But let us not forget that those post World War II decades only kept a fragile, dangerous peace in Europe, that it was a period of violent competition between the superpowers elsewhere on our planet, and that the logic of MAD presupposed that there were rational actors on both sides.
The so-called hawks were the main proponents of this logic. 
The so-called hawks were the main proponents of this logic.
We remember the classic Cold War infighting between hawks and doves: those advocating massive arsenals of weapons, versus those promoting disarmament and dialogue. 
We remember the classic Cold War infighting between hawks and doves: those advocating massive arsenals of weapons, versus those promoting disarmament and dialogue.
During the Cold War, the disarmament community was often portrayed as idealistic and even naïve by the security policy establishment. 
During the Cold War, the disarmament community was often portrayed as idealistic and even naïve by the security policy establishment.
Disarmament was seen – by some – as irreconcilable with state security. 
Disarmament was seen – by some – as irreconcilable with state security.
– And, as a consequence, as an attitude and act of irresponsibility. 
– And, as a consequence, as an attitude and act of irresponsibility.
But as we remember, this was not the only line of thinking. 
But as we remember, this was not the only line of thinking.
In 1967, NATO adopted the Harmel Report emphasising the close interlinkage between confidence-building measures and deterrence capability. 
In 1967, NATO adopted the Harmel Report emphasising the close interlinkage between confidence-building measures and deterrence capability.
This helped to create an atmosphere in the 1970s that led to important arms control treaties. 
This helped to create an atmosphere in the 1970s that led to important arms control treaties.
This spring, in 2010, we will pay particular attention to one of the most important milestones reached in that period – the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). 
This spring, in 2010, we will pay particular attention to one of the most important milestones reached in that period – the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT).
It is appropriate to recall the critical importance of this treaty, which entered into force in 1970 and still is – as you all know - the main multilateral framework for nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation. 
It is appropriate to recall the critical importance of this treaty, which entered into force in 1970 and still is – as you all know - the main multilateral framework for nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation.
The treaty is based on three pillars – pillars of equal importance: i) non-proliferation, ii) disarmament and iii), the right to peaceful use of nuclear energy. 
The treaty is based on three pillars – pillars of equal importance: i) non-proliferation, ii) disarmament and iii), the right to peaceful use of nuclear energy.
I think it is fair to say that for too long, the disarmament pillar of the Treaty was neglected. 
I think it is fair to say that for too long, the disarmament pillar of the Treaty was neglected.
In 1995 the NPT was extended indefinitely, provided that the nuclear weapons states agreed on fundamental disarmament principles. 
In 1995 the NPT was extended indefinitely, provided that the nuclear weapons states agreed on fundamental disarmament principles.
These principles were further elaborated at the NPT Review Conference in 2000. 
These principles were further elaborated at the NPT Review Conference in 2000.
However, since 2000, we have witnessed a gradual roll-back in global efforts to reduce nuclear arsenals and in their role in security policies. 
However, since 2000, we have witnessed a gradual roll-back in global efforts to reduce nuclear arsenals and in their role in security policies.
The first decade of the 21st century now stands out as a lost decade in terms of nuclear disarmament. 
The first decade of the 21st century now stands out as a lost decade in terms of nuclear disarmament.
The optimistic atmosphere that characterised the first years after 1989 was subdued by the so-called Global War on Terror after 9/11 2001. 
The optimistic atmosphere that characterised the first years after 1989 was subdued by the so-called Global War on Terror after 9/11 2001.