natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Average hourly wage costs in manufacturing in Norway in 2011 were an estimated 55 per cent higher than a trade-weighted average of our EU trading partners, measured in a common currency. 
Gjennomsnittlige timelønnskostnader for ansatte i industrien i Norge i 2011 var anslagsvis 55 prosent høyere enn et handelsvektet gjennomsnitt av våre handelspartnere i EU, målt i felles valuta.
For manual manufacturing employees alone, Norwegian hourly wage costs are estimated to be 57 per cent higher than among Norway’s trading partners in the EU. 
For industriarbeidere alene anslås de norske timelønnskostnadene å ligge 57 prosent over handelspartnerne i EU.
Enclosures 
Vedlegg
Annual pay growth from 2010 to 2011 and wage carry-over into 2012 in some bargaining areas 
Årslønnsvekst fra 2010 til 2011 og lønnsoverheng til 2012 i noen forhandlingsområder
Pay growth from 2010 to 2011 in per cent 
Lønnsvekst i prosent fra 2010 til 2011
Wage carry-over into 2012 in per cent 
Lønnsoverheng i prosent til 2012
Manual manufacturing employees at firms affiliated to NHO1 
Industriarbeidere i NHO-bedrifter
1½ 
1½
Non-manual manufacturing employees at firms affiliated to NHO1 
Industrifunksjonærer i NHO-bedrifter
4½ 
4½
Employees at firms affiliated to Virke2, retail trade 
Ansatte i Virke-bedrifter i varehandel
Employees in financial services 
Ansatte i finanstjenester
Central government employees 
Statsansatte
Local government employees 
Kommuneansatte
Employees at firms affiliated to Spekter3, excluding health trusts 
Ansatte i Spekter-bedrifter utenom helseforetakene
Health trust employees 
Ansatte i helseforetakene
Pay growth from 2010 to 2011 for managing directors and managers of small firms in some sectors 
Lønnsveksten fra 2010 til 2011 for administrerende direktører og ledere av små foretak i enkelte næringer.
Managing directors1 
Administrerende direktører1
Managers of small firms2 
Ledere av små foretak2
Pay growth 
Lønnsvekst
Pay level3 
Lønnsnivå3
No. in sample 2011 
Antall i utvalget 2011
999 600 
999 600
1 066 
1 066
595 200 
595 200
717 
717
Construction 
Bygg- og anlegg
742 800 
742 800
572 400 
572 400
998 
998
Retail trade 
Varehandel
729 600 
729 600
2 930 
2 930
466 800 
466 800
7 058 
7 058
1 088 400 
1 088 400
918 
918
780 000 
780 000
Financial services 
Finanstjenester
16.4 
16,4
1 676 400 
1 676 400
842 400 
842 400
337 
337
573 600 
573 600
Managing directors and others with managerial functions at firms with 10 or more employees. 
Administrerende direktører og andre med lederfunksjoner i foretak med 10 eller flere ansatte.
Managers of small firms with fewer than 10 employees. 
Ledere av små foretak med færre enn 10 ansatte.
Monthly pay as of September/October exc. overtime x 12. 
Månedslønn per september/oktober ekskl. overtid*12.
The aid worker was shot and killed in Maban in Upper Nile State, South Sudan. 
Drapet fant sted i Maban i delstaten Upper Nile i Sør-Sudan.
The security situation in the area has deteriorated significantly over the past few days, with clashes between local militia and soldiers who have deserted from the Sudan People’s Liberation Army. 
De siste dagene har det vært en alvorlig forverring av sikkerhetssituasjonen i området, med sammenstøt mellom lokal milits og soldater som har desertert fra regjeringshæren.
‘Our thoughts go first and foremost to the family of the deceased and his colleagues at Norwegian People’s Aid. 
- Våre tanker går først og fremst til den dreptes familie og til hans kolleger i Norsk Folkehjelp.
The killing of aid workers who are helping to alleviate the consequences of the humanitarian crisis in South Sudan is totally unacceptable. 
Drap på hjelpearbeidere som bidrar til å lindre konsekvensene av den humanitære krisen i Sør-Sudan er uakseptabelt.
Norway expects a full and independent investigation of the killing and prosecution of those responsible,’ Mr Brende said. 
Norge forventer en full og uavhengig etterforskning av drapet og straffeforfølgning av de som står bak drapet, sier utenriksministeren.
‘I condemn the killing of a Norwegian People’s Aid employee in South Sudan yesterday,’ said Minister of Foreign Affairs Børge Brende. 
- Jeg fordømmer drapet på en av Norsk Folkehjelps ansatte i Sør-Sudan, som ble skutt og drept i går, sier utenriksminister Børge Brende.
‘Norway is increasing its humanitarian assistance to Iraq by NOK 50 million,’ said Minister of Foreign Affairs Børge Brende. 
UD øker den humanitære støtten med 50 millioner kroner til Irak, sier utenriksminister Børge Brende.
Hundreds of thousands of people have been forced to flee their homes as a result of the campaign of terror in northern Iraq by the militant group Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL). 
Hundretusener er tvunget på flukt av ISIS terrorkampanje i Nord-Irak.
Norway condemns the actions of ISIL and associated armed groups in the strongest possible terms. 
Norge fordømmer ISIS og tilsluttede gruppers handlinger på det sterkeste.
These attacks must be stopped immediately and an international investigation must be initiated. 
Disse må opphøre umiddelbart og underlegges internasjonal granskning.
Those responsible for these crimes must be held accountable, as the Security Council has also made plain,’ said Mr Brende. 
Ansvarlige for denne type forbrytelser må stilles til ansvar, slik også Sikkerhetsrådet påpekte.
In June, Norway provided NOK 60 million in emergency aid to Iraq. 
Norge ga i juni 60 millioner i nødhjelp til Irak.
‘We will now increase Norway’s humanitarian assistance to Iraq by a further NOK 50 million. 
- Vi vil nå øke den humanitære bistanden med ytterligere 50 millioner kroner, sier Brende.
Summary NIBR Report 2009:17. 
NIBR-rapport 2009:17.
Homeless in Norway - A survey (pdf). 
Bostedsløse i Norge 2008 - en kartlegging (pdf).
International acknowledgement for Norwegian brain research 
Internasjonal anerkjennelse til norsk hjerneforskning
– I am delighted that The Norwegian University of Science and Technology now forms part of the prestigious list of Kavli Institutes, says the Norwegian Minister of Education and Research, Øystein Djupedal. 
– Det er svært gledelig at NTNU og Norge nå føyes til den prestisjetunge listen, sier kunnskapsminister Øystein Djupedal.
The new Kavli Institute for Systems Neuroscience has as its goal to understand the biological process of memory. 
Forskerne ved det nye instituttet har som mål å forstå den biologiske prosessen bak menneskets hukommelse.
The Kavli Institute is a focal point for internationally leading neuroscientists, and will build on the expertise at the Centre for the Biology of Memory at The Norwegian University of Science and Technology. 
Kavli Institute for Systems Neuroscience samler internasjonalt ledende forskere innenfor nevrovitenskap og bygger videre på Senter for hukommelsesbiologi ved NTNU.
Edvard Moser and May-Britt Moser will lead the new institute. 
Det nye instituttet skal ledes av Edvard og May-Brit Moser.
- The establishment of a Kavli Institute at The Norwegian University of Science and Technology in Trondheim enables Norwegian scientist to take part in an international network of world class researchers, says Djupedal. 
– Etableringen av et Kavli-institutt ved NTNU i Trondheim knytter norske forskere til et nettverk av forskningsgrupper i verdensklasse, sier Djupedal.
The funding of the Kavli Institute will be split between The Kavli Foundation, The Norwegian University of Science and Technology and The Ministry of Education and Research, who will provide an annual contribution of 375 000 USD (approximately NOK 2,3 million) each. 
Finansieringen av Kavli-instituttet ved NTNU deles mellom The Kavli Foundation, NTNU og Kunnskapsdepartementet som alle bidrar med 375 000 USD (om lag 2,3 millioner kroner) årlig.
Fred Kavli received his education in physics at the former Norwegian Institute of Technology in Trondheim. 
Fred Kavli er utdannet sivilingeniør ved daværende NTH i Trondheim.
In 2000 Kavli sold the company and founded the Kavli Foundation. 
Kavli solgte seg senere ut av selskapet og stiftet The Kavli Foundation i 2000.
The Kavli Foundation has established three international prizes within these fields of research of 1 million USD each. 
The Kavli Foundation har opprettet tre internasjonale vitenskapelige priser innen disse tre forskningsfeltene på 1 mill.
These are to be awarded in Oslo, Norway, every two years. 
USD hver, som skal deles ut annet hvert år i Oslo.
The Kavli Foundation, The Norwegian Ministry of Education and Research and The Norwegian Academy of Science and Letters in 2005 entered into a cooperation agreement concerning the award of the Kavli-prizes. 
The Kavli Foundation, Kunnskapsdepartementet og Det Norske Videnskaps-Akademi inngikk en samarbeidsavtale om utdelingen av prisene i 2005.
The Kavli Prizes will be awarded for the first time in 2008. 
Prisene vil bli delt ut for første gang høsten 2008.
The first Norwegian Kavli Institute 
Skal finne kandidater til Kavli-prisen
Norway gets its first Kavli Institute 
Norges første Kavli-institutt
Washington, D.C., 7 April 2009 
Innlegg på 2009 Carnegie International Non-Proliferation Conference, Washington, D.C., 7. april 2009
- It is only by advancing non-proliferation and disarmament together, and by working together on reliable verification tools and collective security arrangements, that our vision will be achievable, said Foreign Minister Støre. 
- It is only by advancing non-proliferation and disarmament together, and by working together on reliable verification tools and collective security arrangements, that our vision will be achievable, sa utenriksministeren under sitt innlegg under avslutningssesjonen på konferansen "2009 Carnegie International Nonproliferation Conference".
“The Nuclear Order – Build or Break” Plenary Session on disarmament: “Beyond 2010” 
“The Nuclear Order – Build or Break” Plenary Session on disarmament: “Beyond 2010”
Check against delivery. 
Check against delivery
Thank you, Mr Perkovich (Vice-President, Carnegie), for your introduction. 
Thank you, Mr Perkovich (Vice-President, Carnegie), for your introduction.
It is an honour to be able to moderate such a distinguished panel of speakers and to address such an impressive gathering of expert policymakers, scholars and diplomats. 
It is an honour to be able to moderate such a distinguished panel of speakers and to address such an impressive gathering of expert policymakers, scholars and diplomats.
Let me also, at the outset, express my gratitude to Dr Jessica Mathieus and the Carnegie Endowment for being invited to this important conference. 
Let me also, at the outset, express my gratitude to Dr Jessica Mathieus and the Carnegie Endowment for being invited to this important conference.
Let me first share with you a personal reflection. 
Let me first share with you a personal reflection.
Now, I sense that the topic for this conference is again moving onto the international agenda. 
Now, I sense that the topic for this conference is again moving onto the international agenda.
The agreement between Presidents Obama and Medvedev to restart negotiations on START was one telling sign. 
The agreement between Presidents Obama and Medvedev to restart negotiations on START was one telling sign.
And President Obama’s speech in Prague last Sunday yet another clear signal. 
And President Obama’s speech in Prague last Sunday yet another clear signal.
Norway welcomes the concrete steps outlined by President Obama. 
Norway welcomes the concrete steps outlined by President Obama.
The speech indicates US leadership and much needed determination to advance nuclear disarmament and to strengthen the non-proliferation regime. 
The speech indicates US leadership and much needed determination to advance nuclear disarmament and to strengthen the non-proliferation regime.
Now, it is up to all of us to have these concrete steps implemented. 
Now, it is up to all of us to have these concrete steps implemented.
We are one year ahead of the NPT Review Conference. 
We are one year ahead of the NPT Review Conference.
The last one failed – in 2005. 
The last one failed – in 2005.
Since then we have had every reason to fear that the 2010 Conference would be a repetition of failure. 
Since then we have had every reason to fear that the 2010 Conference would be a repetition of failure.
And that the NPT as such would sail into the sunset. 
And that the NPT as such would sail into the sunset.
Now we have reason to hope that change is coming. 
Now we have reason to hope that change is coming.
That political energy will be mobilised. 
That political energy will be mobilised.
That ambitious and at the same time realistic agendas will be defined. 
That ambitious and at the same time realistic agendas will be defined.
When I was a student, in the early 1980s, the nuclear issue was high on the global agenda – between the two superpowers – and was a forceful mobiliser of public opinion. 
When I was a student, in the early 1980s, the nuclear issue was high on the global agenda – between the two superpowers – and was a forceful mobiliser of public opinion.
Then we had Reykjavik in 1986 – the vision of a world without nuclear weapons and the successive agreements and efforts to reduce the stocks. 
Then we had Reykjavik in 1986 – the vision of a world without nuclear weapons and the successive agreements and efforts to reduce the stocks.
Then the Cold War came to an end. 
Then the Cold War came to an end.
And the nuclear disarmament issue left the global agenda. 
And the nuclear disarmament issue left the global agenda.
As my generation moved into political positions, new issues emerged: the environment, climate change, the fight against extreme poverty, terrorism. 
As my generation moved into political positions, new issues emerged: the environment, climate change, the fight against extreme poverty, terrorism.
And so forth. 
And so forth.
But we cannot fool ourselves. 
But we cannot fool ourselves.
The problem of thousands of warheads will not go away. 
The problem of thousands of warheads will not go away.
As the years go by, their challenge to all of us continues to increase. 
As the years go by, their challenge to all of us continues to increase.
As President Obama said in Prague yesterday, “The threat of global nuclear war has gone down, but the risk of a nuclear attack has gone up.” 
As President Obama said in Prague yesterday, “The threat of global nuclear war has gone down, but the risk of a nuclear attack has gone up.”
So, finally, nuclear disarmament is reemerging, challenging us – obliging us – to engage again. 
So, finally, nuclear disarmament is reemerging, challenging us – obliging us – to engage again.
A new generation will have to take charge, find new ways, draw on existing expertise and experience – but pave a new road. 
A new generation will have to take charge, find new ways, draw on existing expertise and experience – but pave a new road.
This conference is an important contribution to that end. 
This conference is an important contribution to that end.
Norway – a non-nuclear weapon state – will do its part in setting this new agenda. 
Norway – a non-nuclear weapon state – will do its part in setting this new agenda.
Since 2005, we have been working through the Seven Nation Initiative. 
Since 2005, we have been working through the Seven Nation Initiative.
The initiative consists of both nuclear and non-nuclear weapon states. 
The initiative consists of both nuclear and non-nuclear weapon states.
We are happy to work together with the United Kingdom, Australia, Indonesia, South Africa, Chile and Romania. 
We are happy to work together with the United Kingdom, Australia, Indonesia, South Africa, Chile and Romania.
Over the last years, Norway has also been cooperating with a number of important think-thanks, in particular in the United States, with the aim of strengthening the agenda for non-proliferation and disarmament. 
Over the last years, Norway has also been cooperating with a number of important think-thanks, in particular in the United States, with the aim of strengthening the agenda for non-proliferation and disarmament.
We will continue this cooperation. 
We will continue this cooperation.
Engaging with these institutes gives us new ideas on how to move the disarmament and non-proliferation agenda forward. 
Engaging with these institutes gives us new ideas on how to move the disarmament and non-proliferation agenda forward.
In addition to the new dynamic in the US-Russian relationship and President Obama’s ambitious and concrete speech in Prague, we had the release last week of the report of the US Strategic Posture Commission. 
In addition to the new dynamic in the US-Russian relationship and President Obama’s ambitious and concrete speech in Prague, we had the release last week of the report of the US Strategic Posture Commission.
Now, we await with keen interest the report of the international commission chaired by Gareth Evans and Yoriko Kawaguchi – and again we are entering the last leg of the preparations for the 2010 Non-Proliferation Treaty Review Conference. 
Now, we await with keen interest the report of the international commission chaired by Gareth Evans and Yoriko Kawaguchi – and again we are entering the last leg of the preparations for the 2010 Non-Proliferation Treaty Review Conference.
I see is how a common understanding is taking hold: we cannot consolidate and sustain non-proliferation efforts while neglecting disarmament steps toward a world free of nuclear weapons, and, consequently, we will delay or undermine nuclear disarmament unless we demand robust and credible non-proliferation. 
I see is how a common understanding is taking hold: we cannot consolidate and sustain non-proliferation efforts while neglecting disarmament steps toward a world free of nuclear weapons, and, consequently, we will delay or undermine nuclear disarmament unless we demand robust and credible non-proliferation.
It is becoming clear that abolitionists can be realists – and that realists can be abolitionists. 
It is becoming clear that abolitionists can be realists – and that realists can be abolitionists.
And confronted with 21st century threats, we are finally dispensing with the mistaken assumption that the status quo is less risky than change. 
And confronted with 21st century threats, we are finally dispensing with the mistaken assumption that the status quo is less risky than change.
But as is often the case at moments of great opportunity, we are confronted not only with the possibility of progress, but simultaneously with the prospect of peril and regress. 
But as is often the case at moments of great opportunity, we are confronted not only with the possibility of progress, but simultaneously with the prospect of peril and regress.
Many states today face a critical choice about their nuclear future. 
Many states today face a critical choice about their nuclear future.
They already have, or could rapidly accumulate, the technology, know-how and infrastructure to develop a weapons-usable domestic nuclear fuel cycle capability. 
They already have, or could rapidly accumulate, the technology, know-how and infrastructure to develop a weapons-usable domestic nuclear fuel cycle capability.
Whether those states choose to take part in multilateral fuel arrangements, or whether they feel they must “hedge their bets”, will depend on how we use this moment of opportunity. 
Whether those states choose to take part in multilateral fuel arrangements, or whether they feel they must “hedge their bets”, will depend on how we use this moment of opportunity.
My government decided, as one of the first countries, to offer financial support to a planned fuel bank of low-enriched uranium under the auspices of the IAEA. 
My government decided, as one of the first countries, to offer financial support to a planned fuel bank of low-enriched uranium under the auspices of the IAEA.
We are pleased that the fuel bank now will become a reality. 
We are pleased that the fuel bank now will become a reality.
This fuel bank could be the first step towards establishing an equitable multilateral framework for the fuel cycle. 
This fuel bank could be the first step towards establishing an equitable multilateral framework for the fuel cycle.
So this is the fundamental question: Are we facing a future security environment in which nuclear weapons will persist, or even expand, or one in which their role is steadily and foreseeable diminishing? 
So this is the fundamental question: Are we facing a future security environment in which nuclear weapons will persist, or even expand, or one in which their role is steadily and foreseeable diminishing?
I believe that in seizing this moment of opportunity, we should be guided by four principles: 
I believe that in seizing this moment of opportunity, we should be guided by four principles:
The first principle is that we begin taking concrete steps to sustain our vision and build momentum behind it. 
The first principle is that we begin taking concrete steps to sustain our vision and build momentum behind it.
This principle has been referred to in the “base camp” and “vantage point” discussions over these last two days. 
This principle has been referred to in the “base camp” and “vantage point” discussions over these last two days.
While the content might be contested, the principle should not. 
While the content might be contested, the principle should not.
In order to begin addressing the thorniest questions about a world free of nuclear weapons, we need to demonstrate that we can muster the trust and cooperation to address more intermediate obstacles. 
In order to begin addressing the thorniest questions about a world free of nuclear weapons, we need to demonstrate that we can muster the trust and cooperation to address more intermediate obstacles.
Even small demonstrations of our willingness to move forward towards abolition could make many of the intermediate obstacles more surmountable. 
Even small demonstrations of our willingness to move forward towards abolition could make many of the intermediate obstacles more surmountable.
The general terrain of a “base camp” or “vantage point” has been clear for some years now: significant cuts in nuclear arsenals, probably in proportion to current holdings; reducing the role of nuclear weapons in doctrines and in operational status; ratifying the Comprehensive Test-Ban Treaty and reaching agreement on a Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty (FMCT); and making good on the commitments made in 1995 and 2000. 
The general terrain of a “base camp” or “vantage point” has been clear for some years now: significant cuts in nuclear arsenals, probably in proportion to current holdings; reducing the role of nuclear weapons in doctrines and in operational status; ratifying the Comprehensive Test-Ban Treaty and reaching agreement on a Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty (FMCT); and making good on the commitments made in 1995 and 2000.
I note that several of these elements were covered in President Obama’s address in Prague and I warmly welcome this. 
I note that several of these elements were covered in President Obama’s address in Prague and I warmly welcome this.
A second principle is this: although a prime responsibility for moving forward resides with the two states that own 95% of the warheads – Russia and the United States – achieving a world free of nuclear weapons must be a joint enterprise among all states, nuclear-weapon states and non-nuclear weapon states alike. 
A second principle is this: although a prime responsibility for moving forward resides with the two states that own 95% of the warheads – Russia and the United States – achieving a world free of nuclear weapons must be a joint enterprise among all states, nuclear-weapon states and non-nuclear weapon states alike.
It is only by advancing non-proliferation and disarmament together, and by working together on reliable verification tools and collective security arrangements, that our vision will be achievable. 
It is only by advancing non-proliferation and disarmament together, and by working together on reliable verification tools and collective security arrangements, that our vision will be achievable.