natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
The short version of my point is this: Contrary to the thesis held by certain economists and certain political families, investment in decent work, fair employment, social protection, social dialogue institutions and gender equality are not obstacles to competitiveness and progress.
The short version of my point is this: Contrary to the thesis held by certain economists and certain political families, investment in decent work, fair employment, social protection, social dialogue institutions and gender equality are not obstacles to competitiveness and progress.
If carefully planned and executed, such policies enhance competitiveness and progress, primarily because they maximise the potential of the individual and the community.
If carefully planned and executed, such policies enhance competitiveness and progress, primarily because they maximise the potential of the individual and the community.
There are two main arguments – one is rights-based and the other is economic – both underpinning the logic of decent work.
There are two main arguments – one is rights-based and the other is economic – both underpinning the logic of decent work.
First, the rights-based argument for promoting fair employment - or what CAP calls “Just Jobs”.
First, the rights-based argument for promoting fair employment - or what CAP calls “Just Jobs”.
Yes, fair employment is about human rights and human dignity.
Yes, fair employment is about human rights and human dignity.
ILO’s core labour standards, which cover child labour, forced labour, non-discrimination and the right to organise, are universal human rights that people all over the world are entitled to.
ILO’s core labour standards, which cover child labour, forced labour, non-discrimination and the right to organise, are universal human rights that people all over the world are entitled to.
These conventions were not elaborated in some distant political laboratory – they are based on hard won experience.
These conventions were not elaborated in some distant political laboratory – they are based on hard won experience.
People must be at the centre.
People must be at the centre.
The benefits of globalisation are not products of liberalisation itself – the benefits of globalisation come as a result of trade, technological advances and conscious, proactive government policies.
The benefits of globalisation are not products of liberalisation itself – the benefits of globalisation come as a result of trade, technological advances and conscious, proactive government policies.
To manage this process we need strong institutions - global, regional and national - that regulate trade and investments and protect human rights in the labour market.
To manage this process we need strong institutions - global, regional and national - that regulate trade and investments and protect human rights in the labour market.
In other words, institutions that promote trade, fair employment and social protection.
In other words, institutions that promote trade, fair employment and social protection.
We hear two kinds of counter argument.
We hear two kinds of counter argument.
On the one hand, the fear of social dumping, that jobs in Norway and the US will be lost because there is no way we can match the low costs of trade from countries that do not respect any standard of decent work.
On the one hand, the fear of social dumping, that jobs in Norway and the US will be lost because there is no way we can match the low costs of trade from countries that do not respect any standard of decent work.
These voices call for protection against such trade.
These voices call for protection against such trade.
On the other hand, there are those in emerging economies who protest the whole notion of decent work as a protectionist measure in disguise.
On the other hand, there are those in emerging economies who protest the whole notion of decent work as a protectionist measure in disguise.
We need to counter both concerns – and we can do so by referring to a key formulation in the ILO Declaration on Social Justice for a Fair Globalization from 2008.
We need to counter both concerns – and we can do so by referring to a key formulation in the ILO Declaration on Social Justice for a Fair Globalization from 2008.
The declaration states that: “The violation of fundamental principles and rights at work cannot be invoked or otherwise used as a legitimate comparative advantage and that labour standards should not be used for protections trade purposes.”
The declaration states that: “The violation of fundamental principles and rights at work cannot be invoked or otherwise used as a legitimate comparative advantage and that labour standards should not be used for protections trade purposes.”
Well put!
Well put!
Second, let me move to the economic argument for promoting fair employment or Just Jobs.
Second, let me move to the economic argument for promoting fair employment or Just Jobs.
I belong to a political family that adheres to these principles as a matter of political conviction.
I belong to a political family that adheres to these principles as a matter of political conviction.
This is a powerful inspiration for promoting our position.
This is a powerful inspiration for promoting our position.
But in addition there is this: Investing in fair employment and social protection is good economics.
But in addition there is this: Investing in fair employment and social protection is good economics.
The paper on social protection presented here today points out that “the view that there is an inevitable trade-off between the levels of social protection and economic growth is most likely wrong, as the world’s most productive economies tend to have strong social protection systems”.
The paper on social protection presented here today points out that “the view that there is an inevitable trade-off between the levels of social protection and economic growth is most likely wrong, as the world’s most productive economies tend to have strong social protection systems”.
I think that the experience from Norway and the other Nordic countries supports this assertion.
I think that the experience from Norway and the other Nordic countries supports this assertion.
Investment in social protection systems will differ from country to country.
Investment in social protection systems will differ from country to country.
Norway, emerging as one of Europe’s poorest states at the beginning of the 20th century, did not make one giant leap to where we are today.
Norway, emerging as one of Europe’s poorest states at the beginning of the 20th century, did not make one giant leap to where we are today.
Our model developed decade by decade into what most of the world would call a generous welfare system.
Our model developed decade by decade into what most of the world would call a generous welfare system.
Most importantly, it developed gradually, step by step in a way that is so characteristic for the introduction of political and social reforms in my country.
Most importantly, it developed gradually, step by step in a way that is so characteristic for the introduction of political and social reforms in my country.
Today most welfare benefits now apply universally to everyone, as do education and health services.
Today most welfare benefits now apply universally to everyone, as do education and health services.
Financing is provided over the government budget – funded through taxation.
Financing is provided over the government budget – funded through taxation.
Should welfare benefits be universal?
Should welfare benefits be universal?
I would say: Not all – and not as a principle.
I would say: Not all – and not as a principle.
The characteristic of the Norwegian welfare model is that it is utterly pragmatic in addition to seeking to achieve equity and contribute to equality.
The characteristic of the Norwegian welfare model is that it is utterly pragmatic in addition to seeking to achieve equity and contribute to equality.
However, there are several arguments for universal benefits.
However, there are several arguments for universal benefits.
First, universal benefits are important to secure tax financing.
First, universal benefits are important to secure tax financing.
If the government were to assist only the poor, there would be a risk that the majority would resist the tax burden laid on them.
If the government were to assist only the poor, there would be a risk that the majority would resist the tax burden laid on them.
A certain level of universalism turns us all into stakeholders.
A certain level of universalism turns us all into stakeholders.
Second, benefits that depend on a person’s income may imply very high effective tax rates at the low income levels and create poverty traps.
Second, benefits that depend on a person’s income may imply very high effective tax rates at the low income levels and create poverty traps.
And third, I would hold the egalitarian view that everyone should have access to basic education, health services and a livelihood.
And third, I would hold the egalitarian view that everyone should have access to basic education, health services and a livelihood.
I believe that such a social contract contributes to social cohesion, which again is important for preserving a sense of unity in a rapidly changing world.
I believe that such a social contract contributes to social cohesion, which again is important for preserving a sense of unity in a rapidly changing world.
To make but one illustration: We invest comprehensively in welfare benefits that promote gender equality, such as paid maternity leave, child care institutions and paid leave to take care of sick children – which in most cases benefit women.
To make but one illustration: We invest comprehensively in welfare benefits that promote gender equality, such as paid maternity leave, child care institutions and paid leave to take care of sick children – which in most cases benefit women.
This is one reason why the participation of women in the labour force in Norway and the other Nordic countries is among the highest in the world.
This is one reason why the participation of women in the labour force in Norway and the other Nordic countries is among the highest in the world.
On the question as to how we can afford it, we should bear in mind the alternative: How can we afford not investing in women?
On the question as to how we can afford it, we should bear in mind the alternative: How can we afford not investing in women?
And again, we did not move to where we are today in one step.
And again, we did not move to where we are today in one step.
This came about gradually based on what we could afford.
This came about gradually based on what we could afford.
Of course we need to recall that the challenges facing women in developing countries today are different from the challenges facing women in the Nordic countries.
Of course we need to recall that the challenges facing women in developing countries today are different from the challenges facing women in the Nordic countries.
Nearly two thirds of all employed women in developing countries work as contributing family workers or as workers on their own account.
Nearly two thirds of all employed women in developing countries work as contributing family workers or as workers on their own account.
They typically have employment that is extremely vulnerable, with lack of job security and benefits.
They typically have employment that is extremely vulnerable, with lack of job security and benefits.
In other words, many women do not have decent jobs.
In other words, many women do not have decent jobs.
That is why the course should be set towards investing in different aspects of women’s lives, including in women’s health and that of their children.
That is why the course should be set towards investing in different aspects of women’s lives, including in women’s health and that of their children.
Thus, reproductive health issues are part and parcel of a strategy aimed at promoting women’s participation in the labour force – which again must be at the heart of the decent work agenda.
Thus, reproductive health issues are part and parcel of a strategy aimed at promoting women’s participation in the labour force – which again must be at the heart of the decent work agenda.
Two highly respected Norwegian economic researchers, Erling Barth and Kalle Moene, have demonstrated why strong institutions for social dialogue - such as workers’ and employers’ organisations and generous welfare systems - are mutually beneficial.
Two highly respected Norwegian economic researchers, Erling Barth and Kalle Moene, have demonstrated why strong institutions for social dialogue - such as workers’ and employers’ organisations and generous welfare systems - are mutually beneficial.
In an article from 2008 they investigated whether it is “[...] possible to sustain a high degree of equality, a generous welfare state and an inclusive working life in one country in a globalised world?”
In an article from 2008 they investigated whether it is “[...] possible to sustain a high degree of equality, a generous welfare state and an inclusive working life in one country in a globalised world?”
Their answer was yes.
Their answer was yes.
They went on to argue that “coordination in wage bargaining and strong welfare states may be viewed as complementary free-trade institutions”.
They went on to argue that “coordination in wage bargaining and strong welfare states may be viewed as complementary free-trade institutions”.
Here is the rationale: Coordination in wage bargaining leads to what economists call wage compression in society as a whole.
Here is the rationale: Coordination in wage bargaining leads to what economists call wage compression in society as a whole.
In other words, you will get a society with a higher degree of wage equality between different businesses and industries, which again helps to ensure a level of wages that is beneficial for the export industry and thus sustainable in an open world economy.
In other words, you will get a society with a higher degree of wage equality between different businesses and industries, which again helps to ensure a level of wages that is beneficial for the export industry and thus sustainable in an open world economy.
In addition, a generous welfare system may enhance a society’s ability to restructure, given that the loss of income will not be too severely felt by those who have to leave their jobs and search for new ones.
In addition, a generous welfare system may enhance a society’s ability to restructure, given that the loss of income will not be too severely felt by those who have to leave their jobs and search for new ones.
One might therefore expect globalisation to be more popular in countries that have a generous system for social protection.
One might therefore expect globalisation to be more popular in countries that have a generous system for social protection.
And perhaps most importantly, it is argued that good systems for wage bargaining – implying strong worker and employer organisations and a generous welfare system – not only distribute the benefits of globalisation equitably, but also contribute to even higher growth.
And perhaps most importantly, it is argued that good systems for wage bargaining – implying strong worker and employer organisations and a generous welfare system – not only distribute the benefits of globalisation equitably, but also contribute to even higher growth.
This is a key point, because it contradicts those who claim that a generous welfare system only benefits the poor, and makes the rich less interested in the preservation of the welfare state.
This is a key point, because it contradicts those who claim that a generous welfare system only benefits the poor, and makes the rich less interested in the preservation of the welfare state.
In short – if structured in the right way, the welfare state is a sound economic investment for both the well-off and the less well-off.
In short – if structured in the right way, the welfare state is a sound economic investment for both the well-off and the less well-off.
I find this research very interesting.
I find this research very interesting.
It provides a powerful argument for why it is fully possible to invest in social protection and social dialogue – two of the strategic objectives in the Decent Work Agenda – and at the same time take advantage of trade liberalisation and globalisation.
It provides a powerful argument for why it is fully possible to invest in social protection and social dialogue – two of the strategic objectives in the Decent Work Agenda – and at the same time take advantage of trade liberalisation and globalisation.
Again, remember that the Nordic countries developed these policies in times when they were much less well off than today.
Again, remember that the Nordic countries developed these policies in times when they were much less well off than today.
Our approach to social protection policies and social dialogue is much older than our current high scores on the league tables of income and welfare.
Our approach to social protection policies and social dialogue is much older than our current high scores on the league tables of income and welfare.
Let me end on a tone of caution.
Let me end on a tone of caution.
Of course, each country must find its own way of implementing the Decent Work Agenda – and each country has its own challenges.
Of course, each country must find its own way of implementing the Decent Work Agenda – and each country has its own challenges.
There are limits to what a model can provide.
There are limits to what a model can provide.
But we can learn more from comparative research and exchange of experiences between policy shapers and policy makers.
But we can learn more from comparative research and exchange of experiences between policy shapers and policy makers.
The think tank network that starts its work today will come up with a broad range of proposals that are applicable to countries in different parts of the world.
The think tank network that starts its work today will come up with a broad range of proposals that are applicable to countries in different parts of the world.
This we truly welcome.
This we truly welcome.
Many developing countries will rightly argue that they lack the fiscal space to make the necessary investments.
Many developing countries will rightly argue that they lack the fiscal space to make the necessary investments.
But as I said earlier, the course must be set, step must follow step – cautiously at the beginning – while remembering that social protection and social dialogue are not only tools for wealth redistribution, they are also tools for wealth creation.
But as I said earlier, the course must be set, step must follow step – cautiously at the beginning – while remembering that social protection and social dialogue are not only tools for wealth redistribution, they are also tools for wealth creation.
Decent work, if applied in the right way – and there is ample evidence to demonstrate how - is sound development policy.
Decent work, if applied in the right way – and there is ample evidence to demonstrate how - is sound development policy.
That is why we also need the multilateral institutions such as the World Bank and the IMF to make these investments possible.
That is why we also need the multilateral institutions such as the World Bank and the IMF to make these investments possible.
At the global level, we see growing recognition that job creation and decent work must be at the heart of the economic recovery after the financial crisis.
At the global level, we see growing recognition that job creation and decent work must be at the heart of the economic recovery after the financial crisis.
I mentioned that Norway brought the ILO and the WTO together in Oslo two years ago.
I mentioned that Norway brought the ILO and the WTO together in Oslo two years ago.
Last September we went further when Prime Minister Jens Stoltenberg hosted a joint ILO/IMF conference in Oslo called “The Challenges of Growth, Employment and Social Cohesion” with the objective of improving the integration of employment and social policies into international and national macroeconomic policy strategies.
Last September we went further when Prime Minister Jens Stoltenberg hosted a joint ILO/IMF conference in Oslo called “The Challenges of Growth, Employment and Social Cohesion” with the objective of improving the integration of employment and social policies into international and national macroeconomic policy strategies.
Observers said this was a first.
Observers said this was a first.
Judging from the feedback I am confident it will not be the last.
Judging from the feedback I am confident it will not be the last.
Before the G20 summit in Seoul last month, the OECD, ILO, World Bank and WTO prepared a joint paper called “Seizing the Benefits of Trade for Employment and Growth”.
Before the G20 summit in Seoul last month, the OECD, ILO, World Bank and WTO prepared a joint paper called “Seizing the Benefits of Trade for Employment and Growth”.
The G20 Leaders’ Declaration from Seoul emphasised the need “to put jobs at the heart of the recovery, to provide social protection, decent work and also to ensure accelerated growth in low income countries”.
The G20 Leaders’ Declaration from Seoul emphasised the need “to put jobs at the heart of the recovery, to provide social protection, decent work and also to ensure accelerated growth in low income countries”.
These examples show us that fair employment and people’s right to a decent job are highly relevant and should be important factors in economic recovery and development, trade liberalisation and globalisation.
These examples show us that fair employment and people’s right to a decent job are highly relevant and should be important factors in economic recovery and development, trade liberalisation and globalisation.
Now it is up to sovereign states to deliver – coherently - at the national level, in the global arena and in the multilateral institutions.
Now it is up to sovereign states to deliver – coherently - at the national level, in the global arena and in the multilateral institutions.
And we who meet here today will do our part as advocates and contributors to research.
And we who meet here today will do our part as advocates and contributors to research.
Launch of "Just Jobs” - international network of think tanks
Lansering av "Just Jobs” - internasjonalt nettverk av tenketanker
North Korea rocket launch unacceptable
Uakseptabel nord-koreansk rakettoppskyting
“Norway strongly condemns the launch by North Korea of a long-range rocket on Wednesday,” said Minister of Foreign Affairs Espen Barth Eide.
- Norge tar sterkt avstand fra Nord-Koreas oppskyting av en langdistanserakett onsdag, sier utenriksminister Espen Barth Eide.
On Wednesday morning North Korea launched a long-range rocket, purportedly with the aim of placing a weather satellite into orbit.
Nord-Korea skjøt onsdag morgen opp en ballistisk rakett, angivelig for å sette en værsatellitt i bane.
Missile technology can be used for peaceful as well as military purposes.
Raketteknologi kan brukes til fredelige så vel som militære formål.
The UN Security Council has banned North Korea from using any form of ballistic missile technology.
Sikkerhetsrådet har forbudt Nord-Korea enhver bruk av ballistisk raketteknologi.
“It is unacceptable that North Korea has once again violated UN Security Council resolutions.
- Det er uakseptabelt at Nord-Korea på nytt bryter Sikkerhetsrådets resolusjoner.
We urge North Korea in the strongest terms to refrain from any further destabilising acts,” said Mr Eide.
Vi oppfordrer Nord-Korea på det sterkeste til å avstå fra ytterligere destabiliserende handlinger, sier utenriksministeren.
The six-party talks on North Korea’s nuclear weapons programme, in which North Korea, South Korea, the US, China, Japan and Russia are involved, have been stalled since 2009.
Sekspartsforhandlingene om det nord-koreanske kjernevåpenprogrammet mellom Nord-Korea, Sør-Korea, USA, Kina, Japan og Russland, har vært blokkert siden 2009.