natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
The Jews in Norway are an active community, and they are extremely well integrated into Norwegian society and significant contributors to Norway’s character and diversity.
The Jews in Norway are an active community, and they are extremely well integrated into Norwegian society and significant contributors to Norway’s character and diversity.
Above all, our Norwegian Jews are Norwegian – with the same rights and responsibilities as all other Norwegians.
Above all, our Norwegian Jews are Norwegian – with the same rights and responsibilities as all other Norwegians.
This is the best starting point for creating a deeper and broader sense of community, and for joining forces against all forms of stigma, including anti-Semitism.
This is the best starting point for creating a deeper and broader sense of community, and for joining forces against all forms of stigma, including anti-Semitism.
As Prime Minister Stoltenberg has emphasised, anti-Semitism is completely unacceptable, and we want Norway to be a safe place for Jews.
As Prime Minister Stoltenberg has emphasised, anti-Semitism is completely unacceptable, and we want Norway to be a safe place for Jews.
And not only do we want Norway to be a safe place, we also aim to preserve freedom of expression for all religious groups, thus enabling all our religious communities to thrive and prosper.
And not only do we want Norway to be a safe place, we also aim to preserve freedom of expression for all religious groups, thus enabling all our religious communities to thrive and prosper.
(Hebrew version 13 July 2012/English version 15 July 2012)
(Hebrew version 13 July 2012/English version 15 July 2012)
Norway has zero tolerance for intolerance
Norway has zero tolerance for intolerance
The use of structural conditionality in IMF programmes is intended to support the achievement of macroeconomic goals.
The use of structural conditionality in IMF programmes is intended to support the achievement of macroeconomic goals.
It gained prominence in the 1980s and is closely linked to the expansion of Fund concessional lending.
It gained prominence in the 1980s and is closely linked to the expansion of Fund concessional lending.
Structural conditionality is different from traditional quantitative conditionality that has a focus on balanced budgets and public debt.
Structural conditionality is different from traditional quantitative conditionality that has a focus on balanced budgets and public debt.
Let me start by thanking Mr Lamdany for his presentation and the Independent Evaluation Office for completing a useful, thorough, and very important report.
Let me start by thanking Mr Lamdany for his presentation and the Independent Evaluation Office for completing a useful, thorough, and very important report.
At this conference, the focus is on structural, not quantitative conditionality.
At this conference, the focus is on structural, not quantitative conditionality.
The structural conditionality programmes of the 1990s were often in conflict to national ownership,.They were overly detailed, and insensitive to the particular circumstances faced by individual countries.
The structural conditionality programmes of the 1990s were often in conflict to national ownership,.They were overly detailed, and insensitive to the particular circumstances faced by individual countries.
Public services such as schooling and health is one example of this, where conditionality in some cases imposed user fees on poor people who were unable to pay them.
Public services such as schooling and health is one example of this, where conditionality in some cases imposed user fees on poor people who were unable to pay them.
The Norwegian government’s emphasis on allowing programme countries policy space must also be read against this background, including our opposition to imposed privatisation and liberalisation.
The Norwegian government’s emphasis on allowing programme countries policy space must also be read against this background, including our opposition to imposed privatisation and liberalisation.
We believe there is a multitude of development strategies that may lead to prosperity.
We believe there is a multitude of development strategies that may lead to prosperity.
Our Nordic economic model is a pertinent illustration of this point.
Our Nordic economic model is a pertinent illustration of this point.
The main elements in the model is centrally coordinated wage bargaining, active state involvment and a well-developed public safety net financed by a relative high tax level.
The main elements in the model is centrally coordinated wage bargaining, active state involvment and a well-developed public safety net financed by a relative high tax level.
According to standard economic theory this should not perform well, because of lack of initiatives to education and working hard.
According to standard economic theory this should not perform well, because of lack of initiatives to education and working hard.
But in practice the model gives us strong results when it comes to growth, high level of employment and living conditions.
But in practice the model gives us strong results when it comes to growth, high level of employment and living conditions.
We must move beyond the structural conditionality of the 1990s.
We must move beyond the structural conditionality of the 1990s.
Today we must address and respond to the current IMF conditionality practice.
Today we must address and respond to the current IMF conditionality practice.
The streamlining initiative launched in 2002 was intended to bring parsimony and criticality to IMF conditionality.
The streamlining initiative launched in 2002 was intended to bring parsimony and criticality to IMF conditionality.
Has it been effective?
Has it been effective?
The IEO report shows signs of progress.
The IEO report shows signs of progress.
It is encouraging to note that conditionality has shifted towards areas where the Fund has its core competence.
It is encouraging to note that conditionality has shifted towards areas where the Fund has its core competence.
This is in line with a clearer division of responsibility between the World Bank and the Fund.
This is in line with a clearer division of responsibility between the World Bank and the Fund.
From our perspective, it is also very encouraging to note the drop in conditions relating to privatisation and trade liberalisation.
From our perspective, it is also very encouraging to note the drop in conditions relating to privatisation and trade liberalisation.
However, the IEO report also reveals limited progress in other areas.
However, the IEO report also reveals limited progress in other areas.
For instance, the number of conditions has not declined as a result of the streamlining initiative.
For instance, the number of conditions has not declined as a result of the streamlining initiative.
Even though a numerical target only is an imperfect measure of the extent of conditionality, 17 is a very high number of average annual conditions per programme.
Even though a numerical target only is an imperfect measure of the extent of conditionality, 17 is a very high number of average annual conditions per programme.
The number indicates that there is scope for further streamlining of structural conditionality, especially as many of the conditions do not appear to be critical to programme objectives.
The number indicates that there is scope for further streamlining of structural conditionality, especially as many of the conditions do not appear to be critical to programme objectives.
Furthermore, the general compliance rate remains low, at a mere 54 per cent of conditions.
Furthermore, the general compliance rate remains low, at a mere 54 per cent of conditions.
The IEO report contains several important recommendations.
The IEO report contains several important recommendations.
Let me here comment on five of them.
Let me here comment on five of them.
First, and most importantly, the report suggests strengthening the streamlining initiative principles of parsimony and criticality in designing IMF programmes.
First, and most importantly, the report suggests strengthening the streamlining initiative principles of parsimony and criticality in designing IMF programmes.
I fully agree with the report.
I fully agree with the report.
Further streamlining is very necessary to improve ownership, compliance, and the effectiveness of reform.
Further streamlining is very necessary to improve ownership, compliance, and the effectiveness of reform.
National ownership to the development and reform strategy is also a virtue by itself, as it will allow countries policy space to design and decide on policies that are best tailored to their own particular circumstances.
National ownership to the development and reform strategy is also a virtue by itself, as it will allow countries policy space to design and decide on policies that are best tailored to their own particular circumstances.
IEO suggests setting a notional cap on the number of conditions.
IEO suggests setting a notional cap on the number of conditions.
Some fear this could lead to a superficial number’s game.
Some fear this could lead to a superficial number’s game.
And of course it could, if the willingness to reduce the number of condition is not strong enough.
And of course it could, if the willingness to reduce the number of condition is not strong enough.
The problem is: It seems to be necessary to apply stronger pressure.
The problem is: It seems to be necessary to apply stronger pressure.
Setting a cap could be one way, among several, to encourage all parts to be more sensitive to which conditions are the most necessary and effective to achieve programme goals.
Setting a cap could be one way, among several, to encourage all parts to be more sensitive to which conditions are the most necessary and effective to achieve programme goals.
Second, the IEO suggests developing a better framework for documenting not only the specific goals of each programme, but also how each condition being set is critical to the achievement of the programme goals.
Second, the IEO suggests developing a better framework for documenting not only the specific goals of each programme, but also how each condition being set is critical to the achievement of the programme goals.
This is a sensible proposal, and it seems to enjoy widespread support, including mine.
This is a sensible proposal, and it seems to enjoy widespread support, including mine.
Third, the IEO suggests that the Fund should play a subsidiary role to the World Bank in setting structural conditions outside Fund core areas.
Third, the IEO suggests that the Fund should play a subsidiary role to the World Bank in setting structural conditions outside Fund core areas.
Today, one third of conditions are set in non-core areas, and this share seems to be in conflict with the intentions of the streamlining initiative.
Today, one third of conditions are set in non-core areas, and this share seems to be in conflict with the intentions of the streamlining initiative.
I support the IEO in suggesting that conditions only exceptionally should be set in non-core areas, and then with the explicit approval of the Fund’s Executive Board.
I support the IEO in suggesting that conditions only exceptionally should be set in non-core areas, and then with the explicit approval of the Fund’s Executive Board.
Fourth, the report has a very relevant analysis of the Fund’s use of structural benchmarks and conditions with so-called low structural depth.
Fourth, the report has a very relevant analysis of the Fund’s use of structural benchmarks and conditions with so-called low structural depth.
Structural benchmarks may be defined as reform criteria where lack of compliance in itself would not be sufficient to set the programme off track.
Structural benchmarks may be defined as reform criteria where lack of compliance in itself would not be sufficient to set the programme off track.
Conditions with low structural depth are criteria where the completion in itself would not foster structural changes to the economy, but may be mere stepping stones in a wider reform programme.
Conditions with low structural depth are criteria where the completion in itself would not foster structural changes to the economy, but may be mere stepping stones in a wider reform programme.
It is difficult to give a precise definition of these types of conditions, and their status remains unclear.
It is difficult to give a precise definition of these types of conditions, and their status remains unclear.
In my view, the Fund should be very specific about the criteria upon which a country programme is conditional, leaving as little grey space as possible.
In my view, the Fund should be very specific about the criteria upon which a country programme is conditional, leaving as little grey space as possible.
Accordingly, I am critical to the continued use of both structural benchmarks and conditions with low structural depth.
Accordingly, I am critical to the continued use of both structural benchmarks and conditions with low structural depth.
Finally, Fund conditionality should not be developed for the purpose of being a monitoring tool for donor-led programmes or other initiatives.
Finally, Fund conditionality should not be developed for the purpose of being a monitoring tool for donor-led programmes or other initiatives.
Instead, it would seem useful to develop a clearer distinction between the role of conditionality and the Fund’s policy advice and assistance, as suggested by the IEO.
Instead, it would seem useful to develop a clearer distinction between the role of conditionality and the Fund’s policy advice and assistance, as suggested by the IEO.
However, further clarification is needed on how such a distinction should be put into practice.
However, further clarification is needed on how such a distinction should be put into practice.
In conclusion: We generally support the IEO recommendations.
In conclusion: We generally support the IEO recommendations.
The government will emphasise in particular the need for national ownership and policy space so that each country can develope policies suited to their particular circumstances.
The government will emphasise in particular the need for national ownership and policy space so that each country can develope policies suited to their particular circumstances.
We hope the IEO report can help us to move further.
We hope the IEO report can help us to move further.
IMF needs to move towards true parsimony and away from conditionality being set in non-core areas, such as for instance Fund-initiated privatisation and liberalisation.
IMF needs to move towards true parsimony and away from conditionality being set in non-core areas, such as for instance Fund-initiated privatisation and liberalisation.
In my view, a more streamlined conditionality policy should not only focus more on fiscal transparency and anti-corruption measures, but also on democrazy.
In my view, a more streamlined conditionality policy should not only focus more on fiscal transparency and anti-corruption measures, but also on democrazy.
To ensure an open and instructive political democratic process the national parliaments in the borrowing countries should be consulted in deciding on the conditionality to be set.
To ensure an open and instructive political democratic process the national parliaments in the borrowing countries should be consulted in deciding on the conditionality to be set.
Maybe that could be a condition in itself?
Maybe that could be a condition in itself?
There are many questions to address, and I look forward to a lively debate on these issues!
There are many questions to address, and I look forward to a lively debate on these issues!
Norway strengthens efforts to prevent torture
Norge styrker det forebyggende arbeidet mot tortur
Norway has ratified the Optional Protocol to the UN Convention against Torture.
Norge ratifiserte 27. juni den valgfrie protokollen til FNs torturkonvensjon.
It is therefore vital that we support efforts to strengthen international rules relating to the prevention of torture,” said Foreign Minister Espen Barth Eide.
Det er derfor viktig at vi bidrar til å styrke de internasjonale reglene for å forebygge tortur, sier utenriksminister Espen Barth Eide.
Norway has on 27 June ratified the Optional Protocol to the UN Convention against Torture.
Norge har 27. juni ratifisert den valgfrie protokollen til FNs torturkonvensjon.
Prisons and other places of detention may also be visited by the UN’s Subcommittee on Prevention of Torture.
Fengsler og andre steder for frihetsberøvelse vil også kunne bli besøkt av FNs underkomité for forebygging av tortur.
Whereas 153 states are party to the Convention against Torture itself, only 68 are party to the Optional Protocol.
Mens 153 stater er part i selve torturkonvensjonen, er kun 68 part i den valgfrie protokollen.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs takes a two-track approach in its work to prepare Norway to meet the challenges of the future.
I det vitale arbeidet for å fremtidssikre Norge følger Utenriksdepartementet to spor.
Both tracks involve promoting Norway’s interests and safeguarding the values we share with our allies and international partners, writes Minister of Foreign Affairs Børge Brende.
Begge handler om å fremme norske interesser og de verdiene vi deler med allierte land og samarbeidspartnere globalt, skriver utenriksminister Børge Brende.
The year 2014 was a year of crises, and it has left a deep impression.
Kriseåret 2014 har gjort dypt inntrykk.
So far, 2015 looks set to continue in the same vein.
2015 peker i samme retning.
Russia’s violations of international law and destabilisation of Ukraine are spreading uncertainty throughout Europe.
Russlands brudd på folkeretten og destabilisering av Ukraina sprer usikkerhet i hele Europa.
The terror attacks in Paris show that Europe is being directly affected by the global conflict landscape.
Terroren i Paris viser at Europa rammes direkte av det globale konfliktbildet.
Not since the Second World War have so many people had to flee their homes.
Ikke siden andre verdenskrig har så mange mennesker vært på flukt.
Half of the population of Syria has been internally displaced.
Halve Syrias befolkning er på flukt i eget land.
The very integrity of the nation state is being challenged, from Nigeria in the west to Iraq and Afghanistan in the east.
Selve nasjonalstatens integritet utfordres fra Nigeria i vest til Irak og Afghanistan i øst.
From Norway’s perspective, this is cause for grave concern.
Dette er svært alvorlig sett fra et norsk ståsted.
Both tracks involve promoting Norway’s interests and safeguarding the values we share with our allies and international partners:
Begge handler om å fremme norske interesser og de verdiene vi deler med allierte land og samarbeidspartnere globalt:
The second track is making Norway more robust.
Å fremtidssikre Norge.
The first of these concerns our fundamental values.
Den første hovedlinjen handler om verdier.
Over the last year, we have learnt that we cannot take universal values for granted.
Det siste året har lært oss at vi ikke kan ta universelle verdier for gitt.
The second main strand concerns security.
Den andre hovedlinjen er sikkerhet.
We must safeguard Norway’s future.
Vi skal trygge Norges fremtid.
Norway must continue to be a safe country to live in.
Norge skal fortsatt være et trygt land å leve i.
Our security policy must be adapted to new and existing threats.
Vi må ha en sikkerhetspolitikk tilpasset etablerte og nye trusler.
We need to be able to deal with ever more complex threat scenarios, as well as multiple threats.
Vi må kunne håndtere parallelle og stadig mer komplekse trusselscenarier.
We will invest heavily in NATO and our own armed forces, and we will also support other relevant actors, both at the bilateral and multilateral level.
Vi vil investere tungt i Nato og vårt eget forsvar samt andre relevante aktører, bilateralt og multilateralt.
We need to be better equipped to deal with unforeseen events.
Vi må ruste oss bedre for uventede hendelser.
Our development policy and our efforts to promote peace and reconciliation must also help to secure a safer future for Norway.
Vår utviklingspolitikk og vårt arbeid for fred og forsoning skal bidra til å skape en tryggere fremtid også for Norge.
The third strand relates to Norway’s economic interests.
Den tredje hovedlinjen er å fremme norske økonomiske interesser.
Few things are more important for the Norwegian economy than ensuring stable and predictable conditions for Norwegian companies.
Knapt noe er så viktig for norsk økonomi som solide og forutsigbare rammevilkår for norske bedrifter.
We must enhance our understanding of global economic development, promote global free trade and global frameworks for trade and investment, and we must promote Norway’s interests in our dealings with the WTO and the EU.
Vi må styrke vår forståelse av global økonomisk utvikling, fremme global frihandel og globale rammeverk for handel og investeringer, arbeide for norske interesser inn mot WTO og EU.
We will present a white paper on this topic, which will set out the framework for our work, and we will intensify our efforts to support Norwegian companies that have operations abroad and to promote Norway as a destination for investment.
Vi vil fremme en egen stortingsmelding som rammeverk for dette arbeidet, og styrker innsatsen for å støtte norsk næringsliv globalt og fremme av Norge som destinasjon for investeringer.
The fourth strand of foreign policy focuses on Norway’s efforts to promote peace and development and provide humanitarian relief.
Den fjerde hovedlinjen er norske bidrag til fred, utvikling og å avhjelpe humanitær nød.
Our extensive engagement in these areas enjoys broad support among the Norwegian population and is based primarily on the needs of people in the affected areas.
Vår omfattende innsats på disse områdene har stor støtte i befolkningen og er først og fremst basert på menneskers behov.
However, this does not mean that we are placing less emphasis on results and performance.
Det betyr ikke mindre vekt på effektivitet og resultater, snarere tvert imot.
Pursuing an effective policy in these areas also directly promotes Norway’s interests.
Samtidig ser vi at en effektiv politikk på disse områdene også styrker norske interesser mer direkte.
For example, we are witnessing how wars and conflicts in other regions are spreading to Europe, Norway included, and we are seeing new migration flows and increased terrorism.
Vi ser hvordan konflikt og krig i andre regioner sprer seg til Europa og Norge gjennom nye migrasjonsstrømmer og økt terrorfare.
Moreover, a successful development policy can lead to a rapidly growing and increasingly globalised middle class, which in turn results in greater demand for Norwegian goods and services.
Og hvordan en vellykket utviklingspolitikk kan bidra til en raskt voksende globalisert middelklasse som etterspør norske varer og tjenester.
Climate change is threatening the very foundation for global development.
Klimaendringene truer selve fundamentet for global utvikling.
That is why the fight against climate change is a key foreign policy priority, and it is why we must succeed in reaching a new climate change agreement in Paris in December 2015.
Derfor er klima en hovedlinje i utenrikspolitikken, og derfor må vi lykkes i Paris i desember 2015.
A time for tough decisions and clear priorities
Hard prioritering nødvendig
Article in Dagens Næringsliv, 2 February 2015
Innlegg i Dagens Næringsliv, 2. februar 2015
WHO is calling on its Member States to prepare for plain packaging with the slogan; "Get ready for plan packaging".
WHO ber i dag medlemsland om å gjøre seg klare for standardiserte tobakkspakninger, med slagordet «Get ready for plain packaing».
Australia, United Kingdom, France and Ireland have passed laws to implement plain packaging, and other countries are considering the same.
Australia, Storbritannia, Irland og Frankrike har innført standardiserte tobakkspakninger, mens flere andre land vurderer å innføre det.
The objective of the bill is to protect new generations against tobacco addiction, says Høie.
Forslaget beskytter nye generasjoner mot å bli avhengige tobakk, sier Høie.