natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Participants also insisted that a prerequisite for major progress is personal engagement by national leaders of all states, nuclear and non-nuclear alike; their leadership is imperative for engaging key stakeholders and building public support.
Participants also insisted that a prerequisite for major progress is personal engagement by national leaders of all states, nuclear and non-nuclear alike; their leadership is imperative for engaging key stakeholders and building public support.
They also agreed that taking disarmament seriously requires that we begin now in taking concrete steps in that direction.
They also agreed that taking disarmament seriously requires that we begin now in taking concrete steps in that direction.
One of the most important steps is anticipating future ones.
One of the most important steps is anticipating future ones.
When we envision a world with scores of weapons, rather than hundreds, we will have had to resolve some of the most difficult dilemmas surrounding deterrence and verification.
When we envision a world with scores of weapons, rather than hundreds, we will have had to resolve some of the most difficult dilemmas surrounding deterrence and verification.
Effective answers to these questions will demand a consistent pattern of confidence and cooperation, among nuclear-weapon states and between nuclear- and non-nuclear-weapon states, far more developed than that of today.
Effective answers to these questions will demand a consistent pattern of confidence and cooperation, among nuclear-weapon states and between nuclear- and non-nuclear-weapon states, far more developed than that of today.
There are at least five challenges that we can and should begin addressing now.
There are at least five challenges that we can and should begin addressing now.
The first concerns regional conflicts in which states with nuclear weapons still consider them vital to regional stability.
The first concerns regional conflicts in which states with nuclear weapons still consider them vital to regional stability.
We need much more regional dialogue in the Middle East, South Asia, and East Asia regarding the possible strategic consequences of a move toward nuclear disarmament.
We need much more regional dialogue in the Middle East, South Asia, and East Asia regarding the possible strategic consequences of a move toward nuclear disarmament.
This challenge also invites us to reassess whether, in light of a powerful contemporary norm of nonuse, nuclear weapons continue to maintain a viable asymmetric role to superior conventional forces.
This challenge also invites us to reassess whether, in light of a powerful contemporary norm of nonuse, nuclear weapons continue to maintain a viable asymmetric role to superior conventional forces.
The bottom line is this: How can we ensure that nuclear disarmament amid volatile regional dynamics serves to mitigate, rather than heighten, the risk of deadly conflict?
The bottom line is this: How can we ensure that nuclear disarmament amid volatile regional dynamics serves to mitigate, rather than heighten, the risk of deadly conflict?
Second, how can we achieve nuclear elimination while preserving alliances at the heart of the international security architecture?
Second, how can we achieve nuclear elimination while preserving alliances at the heart of the international security architecture?
NATO is the foremost case.
NATO is the foremost case.
My government, collaborating with Germany, has sought to begin a candid discussion of this question within NATO.
My government, collaborating with Germany, has sought to begin a candid discussion of this question within NATO.
We hope and will advocate that NATO gradually reduce its reliance on nuclear weapons in its security policy.
We hope and will advocate that NATO gradually reduce its reliance on nuclear weapons in its security policy.
That would mean continued nuclear reductions and more emphasis on conventional deterrence.
That would mean continued nuclear reductions and more emphasis on conventional deterrence.
The third and familiar challenge is that the genie is out of the bottle.
The third and familiar challenge is that the genie is out of the bottle.
With the possibility of nuclear breakout, steps toward elimination require a global verification regime both for reductions in nuclear arsenals and for accounting of nuclear material that can provide adequate confidence among nuclear- and non-nuclear-weapon states alike.
With the possibility of nuclear breakout, steps toward elimination require a global verification regime both for reductions in nuclear arsenals and for accounting of nuclear material that can provide adequate confidence among nuclear- and non-nuclear-weapon states alike.
This is a tall order.
This is a tall order.
This challenge implies the hard truth that there will never be full “nuclear elimination” per se.
This challenge implies the hard truth that there will never be full “nuclear elimination” per se.
Nuclear-weapon elimination must be reconciled with civilian nuclear perpetuity.
Nuclear-weapon elimination must be reconciled with civilian nuclear perpetuity.
This demands a nonproliferation regime far more robust than that of today.
This demands a nonproliferation regime far more robust than that of today.
Our fourth challenge is to develop a better understanding of how, as we move toward elimination, strategic stability would function and how it could be strengthened in a world with low numbers of nuclear weapons.
Our fourth challenge is to develop a better understanding of how, as we move toward elimination, strategic stability would function and how it could be strengthened in a world with low numbers of nuclear weapons.
It is not clear that we yet have an adequate framework for assessing those risks.
It is not clear that we yet have an adequate framework for assessing those risks.
Many Cold War-era assumptions about stability, whether about command and control or conventional deterrence, need revision.
Many Cold War-era assumptions about stability, whether about command and control or conventional deterrence, need revision.
Fifth, we would profit from a full re-evaluation of nuclear risk in today’s world.
Fifth, we would profit from a full re-evaluation of nuclear risk in today’s world.
The risk calculus that evolved between the United States and the Soviet Union arguably privileged survivability over accidents.
The risk calculus that evolved between the United States and the Soviet Union arguably privileged survivability over accidents.
The benefits of survivability, which a large arsenal provided, were considered more important than the risk of accidents, which arguably increased with a larger arsenal.
The benefits of survivability, which a large arsenal provided, were considered more important than the risk of accidents, which arguably increased with a larger arsenal.
Yet, this logic has never been universal.
Yet, this logic has never been universal.
Alternative understandings of deterrence have emphasized the deterrent value of a small nuclear arsenal, concerning themselves less with weapon-for-weapon survivability.
Alternative understandings of deterrence have emphasized the deterrent value of a small nuclear arsenal, concerning themselves less with weapon-for-weapon survivability.
In assessing all of these risks, whether those posed by small numbers of nuclear weapons or by nuclear breakout, we must always ask, “Relative to what?”
In assessing all of these risks, whether those posed by small numbers of nuclear weapons or by nuclear breakout, we must always ask, “Relative to what?”
We too often assume that our nuclear luck to date will endure indefinitely and that the status quo is inherently stable.
We too often assume that our nuclear luck to date will endure indefinitely and that the status quo is inherently stable.
Equally, many critics of abolition too unhesitatingly assume that, absent nuclear weapons, the 21st or 22nd centuries might be as vulnerable to major war as the 20th.
Equally, many critics of abolition too unhesitatingly assume that, absent nuclear weapons, the 21st or 22nd centuries might be as vulnerable to major war as the 20th.
We must calculate the risks of moving toward nuclear elimination with clear-headed analysis that reflects today’s world, not that of easy, convenient, or cherry-picked historical analogies.
We must calculate the risks of moving toward nuclear elimination with clear-headed analysis that reflects today’s world, not that of easy, convenient, or cherry-picked historical analogies.
These are enormous challenges, and we should begin confronting them now.
These are enormous challenges, and we should begin confronting them now.
At the same time, I am cognizant of the danger that we might focus so much on elimination, whether with zeal or scepticism, that we neglect steps that can and should be undertaken now.
At the same time, I am cognizant of the danger that we might focus so much on elimination, whether with zeal or scepticism, that we neglect steps that can and should be undertaken now.
Those steps are clear.
Those steps are clear.
We must effectively deny, deter, and punish proliferators.
We must effectively deny, deter, and punish proliferators.
We must come to terms with the dual-use dilemma of nuclear energy by fostering a sustainable multilateral regime of fuel cycle management.
We must come to terms with the dual-use dilemma of nuclear energy by fostering a sustainable multilateral regime of fuel cycle management.
To prevent nuclear arms races in the 21st century, we must give top priority to entry into force of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty and negotiation of an effectively verifiable fissile material cutoff treaty.
To prevent nuclear arms races in the 21st century, we must give top priority to entry into force of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty and negotiation of an effectively verifiable fissile material cutoff treaty.
We also must consolidate existing nuclear-weapon-free zones and work toward a new one in the Middle East, and no matter what the numbers of nuclear weapons, we must reduce their role in our security policies.
We also must consolidate existing nuclear-weapon-free zones and work toward a new one in the Middle East, and no matter what the numbers of nuclear weapons, we must reduce their role in our security policies.
This includes those non-nuclear-weapon states currently under a nuclear umbrella; non-nuclear-weapon states must realize that our disarmament objectives are not for the nuclear-weapon states alone to fulfil.
This includes those non-nuclear-weapon states currently under a nuclear umbrella; non-nuclear-weapon states must realize that our disarmament objectives are not for the nuclear-weapon states alone to fulfil.
My government is committed to these near-term imperatives and to the longer-term challenges of achieving a world free of nuclear weapons.
My government is committed to these near-term imperatives and to the longer-term challenges of achieving a world free of nuclear weapons.
Norway established and continues to lead the Seven-Nation Initiative on nuclear disarmament and nonproliferation, which includes Australia, Chile, Indonesia, Romania, South Africa, and the United Kingdom.
Norway established and continues to lead the Seven-Nation Initiative on nuclear disarmament and nonproliferation, which includes Australia, Chile, Indonesia, Romania, South Africa, and the United Kingdom.
Our coalition has a substantive agenda that reflects the possibility of common ground among a diverse range of actors.
Our coalition has a substantive agenda that reflects the possibility of common ground among a diverse range of actors.
The initiative will not and is not intended to replace other existing cooperation arrangements.
The initiative will not and is not intended to replace other existing cooperation arrangements.
Members will continue their active roles in other groupings and coalitions.
Members will continue their active roles in other groupings and coalitions.
However, the initiative can serve as a bridge between these groups in the NPT review process.
However, the initiative can serve as a bridge between these groups in the NPT review process.
It also can promote a constructive, long-term agenda to address some of the disarmament challenges I have outlined.
It also can promote a constructive, long-term agenda to address some of the disarmament challenges I have outlined.
The challenges confronting the NPT are considerable.
The challenges confronting the NPT are considerable.
Yet, it remains our only avenue toward a world without nuclear weapons.
Yet, it remains our only avenue toward a world without nuclear weapons.
Call it the light at the end of the tunnel, or call it the mountaintop [3]; but 40 years on, we might be catching a glimpse of it.
Call it the light at the end of the tunnel, or call it the mountaintop [3]; but 40 years on, we might be catching a glimpse of it.
Endnotes
Endnotes
These former officials have called for the United States to champion the eventual elimination of nuclear weapons and outlined several immediate steps toward achieving this goal.
These former officials have called for the United States to champion the eventual elimination of nuclear weapons and outlined several immediate steps toward achieving this goal.
A13.
A13.
Both essays can be read on the Nuclear Threat Initiative’s Web site at www.nti.org/c_press/c3_opeds.html.
Both essays can be read on the Nuclear Threat Initiative’s Web site at www.nti.org/c_press/c3_opeds.html.
Michael Quinlan, “Abolishing Nuclear Armouries: Policy or Pipedream?”
Michael Quinlan, “Abolishing Nuclear Armouries: Policy or Pipedream?”
Survival, Vol.
Survival, Vol.
Nunn used the analogy of climbing a mountain in relation to the task of nuclear disarmament.
Nunn used the analogy of climbing a mountain in relation to the task of nuclear disarmament.
Envisioning a World Free of Nuclear Weapons
Envisioning a World Free of Nuclear Weapons
With this plan, the Norwegian government wants to improve the efforts to combat radicalisation and violent extremism.
Med denne planen ønsker Regjeringen å styrke arbeidet med å forebygge radikalisering og voldelig ekstremisme.
Terrorism is the most extreme consequence of radicalisation and violent extremism.
Terror er den ytterste konsekvens av radikalisering og voldelig ekstremisme.
Thus, preventative efforts are a key element for ensuring fundamental values such as democracy, human rights and security.
Forebyggingsarbeidet er således sentralt for å sikre grunnleggende verdier som demokrati, menneskerettigheter og trygghet.
Many sectors shall contribute in the follow-up of these measures.
Flere sektorer skal bidra i oppfølgingen av tiltakene.
Download the action plan (pdf)
Last ned handlingsplanen (pdf)
Tony Blair’s appointment as new envoy for Middle East Quartet
Tony Blair ny utsending for Kvartetten
The International Quartet on the Middle East (composed of the UN, the EU, Russia and the US) announced on 27 June that it had appointed Mr Blair as its envoy.
Den internasjonale Kvartetten for Midtøsten (FN, EU, Russland og USA) kunngjorde onsdag 27. juni at den har utnevnt Blair til sin utsending.
Illustrasjonsfoto: Demonstrasjon i Bucuresti, Romania.
Illustrasjonsfoto: Demonstrasjon i Bucuresti, Romania.
Foto: Donald Weber Credit: Donald Weber
Foto: Donald Weber Foto: Donald Weber
Mid-term evaluation of NGO-programmes
EØS-midlene: Evaluering av NGO-programmene
Today, the Government and the EU signed the agreements on Norway's new contributions to the least prosperous countries in the EEA.
I dag signerte regjeringen og EU avtalene om nye norske bidrag til de mindre velstående landene i EØS.
The EEA and Norway Grants have helped to strengthen ties and cooperation between Norway and the beneficiary countries.
EØS-midlene har bidratt til å styrke forbindelsene og samarbeidet mellom Norge og mottakerlandene.
In the new period, emphasis will be placed on further developing bilateral cooperation.
Videreutvikling av det bilaterale samarbeidet skal vektlegges i denne nye perioden.
This gives Norwegian actors the opportunity to gain international experience and access to important networks in Europe, our largest export market,' Ms Aspaker said.
Dette gir norske aktører internasjonal erfaring og tilgang til viktige nettverk i Europa som er vårt største eksportmarked, sier Aspaker.
Fundamental rights
Grunnleggende rettigheter
The Government will also continue to use the EEA and Norway Grants to strengthen democratic processes and respect for human rights in Europe.
Regjeringen vil også fortsette å bruke EØS-midlene på å styrke demokratiske prosesser og respekten for menneskerettigheter i Europa.
This includes improving living conditions for the Roma.
Dette inkluderer å bedre romfolks levekår.
A regional fund of EUR 100 million is also being established.
Det opprettes også et regionalt fond på 100 millioner euro.
There are a number of challenges in Europe that affect several countries or regions and that can only be tackled through cross-border efforts.
Det er en rekke utfordringer i Europa som gjelder flere land eller regioner og krever innsats over landegrensene.
This opens up opportunities for cooperation with other countries such as Ukraine and Moldova.
Dette åpner opp for samarbeid med for eksempel Ukraina og Moldova.
Approximately two-thirds of the fund will be earmarked for efforts to reduce youth unemployment.
Om lag 2/3 av fondet er øremerket tiltak mot ungdomsledighet.
The EEA and Norway Grants scheme consists of two financial mechanisms.
EØS-midlene består av to ordninger.
One is funded solely by Norway (the Norway Grants), and amounts to EUR 179.1 million a year for the 2014–2021 period.
Den ene ordningen er finansiert av Norge alene (Norway Grants) og utgjør 179,1 millioner euro per år for perioden 2014-21.
The other (the EEA Grants) amounts to EUR 221.2 million a year, and includes a combined contribution from Iceland and Liechtenstein of around 4 % of the total.
Den andre ordningen (EEA Grants) utgjør 221,2 millioner euro per år, og inkluderer bidrag fra Island og Liechtenstein på tilsammen om lag fire prosent av beløpet.
The beneficiary countries for the new funding period are: Bulgaria, Croatia, Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Greece, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia.
Landene som mottar EØS-midler i denne perioden er Bulgaria, Estland, Hellas, Kroatia, Kypros, Latvia, Litauen, Malta, Polen, Portugal, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia, Tsjekkia og Ungarn.
The Government will submit a proposition to the Storting in the near future, requesting ratification of the agreements that have been signed today.
Regjeringen vil om kort tid oversende en proposisjon til Stortinget og be om ratifisering av avtalene som er signert i dag.
Parallel to the negotiations with the EU on the EEA and Norway Grants, the Government has negotiated an agreement on better market access for Norwegian seafood that has resulted in new tariff-free quotas for certain types of fish products.
Regjeringen har parallelt forhandlet om bedre markedsadgang for norsk sjømat som har resultert i nye tollfrie kvoter.
Working Together for a Green, Competitive and Inclusive Europe (fact sheet)
Sammen for et grønt, konkurransedyktig og inkluderende Europa (faktaark)
Agreements on the EEA and Norway Grants 2014-2021
Avtaletekster for EØS-midlene 2014-2021
EEA and Norway Grants: Working together for a green, competitive and inclusive Europe
EØS-midlene: Sammen for et grønt, konkurransedyktig og inkluderende Europa
EAIE-konferansen 2007 i Trondheim
EAIE-konferansen 2007 i Trondheim
It gives me great pleasure to welcome you to Norway and to the city of Trondheim.
It gives me great pleasure to welcome you to Norway and to the city of Trondheim.
I will also pay my tribute to Norwegian University of Science and Technology (NTNU) and the European Association for International Education (EAIE) who have made this conference possible.
I will also pay my tribute to Norwegian University of Science and Technology (NTNU) and the European Association for International Education (EAIE) who have made this conference possible.
My pleasure in doing this is largely increased by the fact that I am welcoming you to my native town.
My pleasure in doing this is largely increased by the fact that I am welcoming you to my native town.
And I have several reasons for being proud of my background as a citizen of Trondheim.
And I have several reasons for being proud of my background as a citizen of Trondheim.
It is a city with a rich and honourable position in the history of this nation, a city of kings and nation-builders, located in the heart of Norway.
It is a city with a rich and honourable position in the history of this nation, a city of kings and nation-builders, located in the heart of Norway.
It played a central role in the past as the medieval capital of Norway.
It played a central role in the past as the medieval capital of Norway.
Trondheim has in fact been the city of Kings since Harald the first, popularly known as Harald Hairfair because he sweared not to cut this hair until he had unified Norway into one kingdom at the end of the 9th century.
Trondheim has in fact been the city of Kings since Harald the first, popularly known as Harald Hairfair because he sweared not to cut this hair until he had unified Norway into one kingdom at the end of the 9th century.
And with the unification of the country Trondheim’s status as the capital of Norway was established.
And with the unification of the country Trondheim’s status as the capital of Norway was established.
However, the Viking king who is first and foremost linked to this city, and to this cathedral, is Olav Haraldsson or Olav the Saint.
However, the Viking king who is first and foremost linked to this city, and to this cathedral, is Olav Haraldsson or Olav the Saint.
He has become the symbol of this city.
He has become the symbol of this city.
King Olav was killed in a famous Viking battle some miles north of the city in the year 1030.
King Olav was killed in a famous Viking battle some miles north of the city in the year 1030.
In the aftermath of the battle some of his enemies started to regret that they had opposed him, and people began to think of him as a holy man.
In the aftermath of the battle some of his enemies started to regret that they had opposed him, and people began to think of him as a holy man.
Miraculous stories were told about his dead body.
Miraculous stories were told about his dead body.
A blind man had by coincidence entered into a little farmhouse where his body was laying after the battle, he rubbed his eyes with the king’s blood and recovered his sight.
A blind man had by coincidence entered into a little farmhouse where his body was laying after the battle, he rubbed his eyes with the king’s blood and recovered his sight.
The owner of the farm took the body, brought it to the city and buried it by the riverside.
The owner of the farm took the body, brought it to the city and buried it by the riverside.
When one year later the body was digged up again, rumours claims that a wonderful fragrance came out from his body, he still had red cheeks as if he had just been sleeping, and his beard, hear and nails had continued to grow.
When one year later the body was digged up again, rumours claims that a wonderful fragrance came out from his body, he still had red cheeks as if he had just been sleeping, and his beard, hear and nails had continued to grow.
The King was declared a saint, and pilgrims began to flock to Nidaros and to the King’s grave.
The King was declared a saint, and pilgrims began to flock to Nidaros and to the King’s grave.
So, according to tradition the High Altar of the Nidaros cathedral now stands on the burial site of the king.
So, according to tradition the High Altar of the Nidaros cathedral now stands on the burial site of the king.