natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
This autumn, they will take part in a competition on one of the national TV stations in a program about new products and new ideas.(Skaperen på TV2).
This autumn, they will take part in a competition on one of the national TV stations in a program about new products and new ideas.(Skaperen på TV2).
Finally, we have the young enterprise “Flush SB”.
Finally, we have the young enterprise “Flush SB”.
This is a student-company located in University college of Telemark.
This is a student-company located in University college of Telemark.
This is the advanced example of a entrepreneurship in higher education.
This is the advanced example of a entrepreneurship in higher education.
The four students from engineer-studies in Telemark have invented a new, environmental system for cleaning toilets.
The four students from engineer-studies in Telemark have invented a new, environmental system for cleaning toilets.
They have recently established their own “real” company in order to bring the prototype into production.
They have recently established their own “real” company in order to bring the prototype into production.
They won the European competition in Maastricht this summer.
They won the European competition in Maastricht this summer.
So - If you are interested in these four “soon to be multi-national companies”, I can inform you that they will be present tomorrow with stands.
So - If you are interested in these four “soon to be multi-national companies”, I can inform you that they will be present tomorrow with stands.
Ladies and gentlemen; With this presentation of four young enterprises I wish to thank you for your attention, and wish you all good luck with the conference!
Ladies and gentlemen; With this presentation of four young enterprises I wish to thank you for your attention, and wish you all good luck with the conference!
Primary and Secondary Education
Skole og videregående opplæring
The importance of entrepreneurship in Norwegian education and training
The importance of entrepreneurship in Norwegian education and training
Article in Dagbladet (Oslo, Norway) 6 December 2006
Kronikk i Dagbladet, 6. desember 2006
Article in Dagbladet (Oslo, Norway) 6 December 2006
(06.12.06)
By Foreign Minister Jonas Gahr Støre and International Development Minister Erik Solheim
Utenriksminister Jonas Gahr Støre og utviklingsminister Erik Solheim
[Translation from Norwegian]
Engasjementet hjelper.
Engagement makes a difference Norway’s peace and reconciliation efforts are not just symbolic.
Norges arbeid for fred og utvikling er ikke symbolpolitikk
Norway’s peace and development policy – its “policy of engagement” – must be constantly seeking new insights and ideas.
”Engasjementspolitikk”: Norges politikk for fred og utvikling må være søkende.
We are open to input and criticisms that can improve our policy in terms of both content and method.
Vi er åpne for innspill og kritiske syn for å gjøre politikken bedre, både på innhold og metode.
Much of our peace and reconciliation policy is still at the pioneering stage, and needs to be reviewed with a critical eye on an ongoing basis.
Mye av politikken for fred og forsoning er fortsatt å regne som nybrottsarbeid og må løpende vurderes kritisk.
Professor Øyvind Østerud presented a critical review of Norway’s peace and development policy in an article in the December edition of Nytt Norsk Tidsskrift.
I en artikkel i desemberutgaven av Nytt Norsk Tidsskrift presenterer professor Øyvind Østerud en kritisk gjennomgang av den norske politikken for fred og utvikling.
He suggests that the rhetoric of Norwegian foreign policy warrants critical examination, and maintains that development, peace and reconciliation efforts are a powerful demonstration of good intentions – a forceful, symbolic policy both in and outside Norway.
Han hevder at den norske utenriksretorikken trenger kritiske søkelys og at ”bistand, fred og forsoning” er en ”sterk demonstrasjon av gode hensikter, det er offensiv symbolpolitikk innad og utad”.
Nevertheless, he doubts that the “policy of engagement” contributes to a better world.
Likevel er han kommet til at han tviler på at ”engasjementspolitikken” bidrar til en bedre verden.
We disagree.
Vi er ikke enige.
Professor Østerud puts forward a number of interesting points of view.
Østerud har mange interessante vurderinger.
However, his conclusion gives the distinct impression that all engagement is futile.
Men hans konklusjon er et etterlatt inntrykk av at alt engasjement er fånyttes.
Unless the conditions for success are already present, for example in the form of institutions that are capable of pursuing a development-oriented policy, development cooperation will have little effect.
Dersom ikke betingelsene for at utviklingshjelp skal lykkes er til stede, blant annet i form av institusjoner som kan føre en utviklingsorientert politikk, vil ikke innsatsen hjelpe.
We agree with this point, but it is hardly an original one.
Vi er enige, men dette kan knapt kalles noe nytt funn.
Of course, development cooperation works better if the recipient country has professional institutions that are free from corruption.
Selvsagt vil utviklingshjelp fungere bedre dersom mottakerlandet har profesjonelle institusjoner som ikke er korrupte.
But can we just assume that this is a natural law that cannot be challenged?
Men kan vi slå oss til ro med at dette er en slags naturlov vi ikke kan utfordre?
This is not how we view the political scope of action.
Det er ikke slik vi vurderer politikkens handlingsrom.
Engagement builds on the desire to challenge the status quo and support peace and development processes.
Et engasjement bygger på ønsket om å utfordre tingenes tilstand og gi støtte til prosesser for fred og utvikling.
Various groups and countries ask Norway to become engaged.
Grupper og land ber Norge om å engasjere seg.
We consider carefully whether this is appropriate in each case, particularly in light of whether we believe Norway can make a real contribution.
Vi vurderer vår deltakelse i ulike prosesser nøye, ikke minst i lys av om vi mener Norge har noe å bidra med.
Professor Østerud points out that the “Norwegian model”, where NGOs and independent research institutes are involved in the authorities’ efforts, does not leave room for critical voices.
Østerud viser til at ”den norske modellen”, det at frivillige organisasjoner og uavhengige forskningsinstitutter er trukket med i norske myndigheters arbeid, bidrar til at norsk fred- og utviklingspolitikk mangler kritiske røster.
This is not how we experience the day-to-day work in practice.
Det er ikke slik vi opplever hverdagen.
There is a high level of knowledge and expertise in Norway, as a result of our engagement, and it is well distributed between the authorities, NGOs, research institutes and others.
I Norge er kompetansen og kunnskapsnivået høyt som følge av vårt engasjement, fordelt på myndigheter, organisasjoner, forskningsinstitutter og andre.
Norway’s engagement in peace and development is underpinned by the population’s sense of solidarity, the understanding that we have a responsibility that extends beyond our borders.
Norsk engasjement for fred og utvikling er forankret i nordmenns solidaritet og forståelse av at vi har et ansvar utover egne grenser.
One expression of this solidarity is the Norwegian people’s contribution of more than NOK 200 million to this year’s TV appeal for Médecins Sans Frontières.
Denne solidariteten kom til uttrykk ved at det norske folk ga over 200 millioner under årets tv-aksjon til Leger Uten Grenser.
This is part of the effort to make the world more just, fight poverty strengthen the protection of human rights, and promote democracy, peace and reconciliation.
Det handler om å bidra til en mer rettferdig verden, for å bekjempe fattigdom, styrke vern om menneskerettigheter, demokrati, fred og forsoning.
But it is an uphill struggle.
Men det er en innsats i oppoverbakke.
After several decades of development cooperation, one billion people still live in extreme poverty.
Etter flere årtier med utviklingshjelp er det fortsatt 1 milliard mennesker som lever i dypeste fattigdom.
International peace brokering efforts have not succeeded in bringing about peace in the Middle East, Sudan or Sri Lanka.
Internasjonale fredsmeklingsforsøk har ikke lykkes i å skape fred i Midtøsten, Sudan eller på Sri Lanka.
For we also have to ask ourselves what would have happened without our engagement.
For vi må også spørre hva effekten ville vært dersom vi ikke hadde engasjert oss.
What would have happened in South Africa if the international community had not condemned apartheid and supported the liberation struggle until wise leaders like Mandela and de Klerk joined forces in the reconciliation efforts?
Hva ville skjedd i Sør Afrika om ikke det internasjonale samfunn hadde fordømt apartheid og støttet opp om frigjøringskampen liketil kloke politiske ledere som Mandela og de Klerk samlet seg i forsoningsarbeidet?
We believe that a proper review of our efforts would show that international engagement has prevented wars, and has resulted in fewer people living in absolute poverty today than ten years ago.
Vi tror en slik gjennomgang ville vise at internasjonalt engasjement har bidratt til å forhindre kriger, og til at færre mennesker i dag lever i absolutt fattigdom enn for ti år siden.
According to The Human Security Report 2005, the number of armed conflicts and the number of people killed in conflicts and genocide has fallen dramatically since the Cold War.
I følge ”The Human Security Report 2005” har antallet væpnede konflikter, drepte i konflikt og folkemord gått dramatisk ned siden slutten på den kalde krigen.
The report maintains that this is due to increased international engagement in peace and reconciliation.
Årsaken er, ifølge samme rapport, økt internasjonalt engasjement for fred og forsoning.
We also know that development cooperation contributes to economic growth.
Vi vet også at bistand bidrar til økonomisk vekst.
Figures from the World Bank show that the GDP per inhabitant in the most debt-burdened countries has increased since 1990.
Tall fra Verdensbanken viser at BNP per innbygger for de mest gjeldstyngede landene har økt siden 1990.
The UN has established that in 2003 there were two million fewer children who died before the age of five than in 1990.
FN fastslår at det i 2003 er 2 millioner færre barn som dør før fylte 5 år enn i 1990.
The number of people living below the poverty line of one dollar a day has been reduced from 29% to 23%.
Mennesker som lever under fattigdomsgrensen på 1 dollar om dagen er redusert fra 29 % til 23 %.
Professor Østerud and others maintain that it is nearly impossible to influence a country’s institutions and political development from outside.
Østerud og andre hevder at det er nær umulig å påvirke et lands institusjoner og politiske utvikling utenfra.
He believes that well-functioning states develop from within over a long period of time, as has been the case in Europe over the last couple of centuries.
Velfungerende stater vokser frem «innenfra» og over lang tid, slik dette har skjedd i Europa gjennom et par hundre år.
This is too simplistic a view.
Dette er for enkelt.
In today’s globalised world, conflicts that do not directly involve us are moving increasingly closer.
I dagens globaliserte verden kommer andres konflikter stadig nærere på.
Conflicts elsewhere are also increasingly linked to the challenges we ourselves are facing.
Konflikter ute kobler seg også oftere opp mot våre egne utfordringer.
The cartoon controversy just under a year ago was a powerful illustration of this development.
Karikaturstriden for et snaut år siden illustrerte dette på en kraftfull måte.
The publication of the cartoons in Denmark and Norway evoked violent reactions in the Middle East.
Trykking av karikaturer i Danmark og Norge skapte voldsomme reaksjoner i Midtøsten.
Suddenly old and new lines of conflict in the Middle East became directly linked to us at home.
Med ett ble gamle og nye konfliktlinjer i Midtøsten koblet direkte opp mot oss her hjemme.
The reactions and the debate branched off in every imaginable direction, including rebounding to our own society, which has become multi-cultural and multi-religious in a quite different way than previously.
Reaksjonene og debatten forgrenet seg i alle mulige retninger - også tilbake til vårt eget samfunn som i dag er flerkulturelt og flerreligiøst på en helt annen måte enn tidligere.
The opportunities to influence a country’s development – for better or worse – are far, far greater than Professor Østerud suggests.
Mulighetene til å påvirke et lands utvikling - på godt og vondt - er uendelig mye større.
For example, most African countries today hold democratic elections.
For eksempel holder i dag de fleste afrikanske land demokratiske valg.
The process of democratisation has been strongly influenced by international development cooperation.
Denne demokratiseringsprosessen har vært sterkt påvirket av internasjonalt engasjement.
We agree that good intentions are not enough.
Vi er enige: Gode hensikter er ikke nok.
We must constantly seek better ways of working.
Vi må hele tiden søke etter bedre måter å arbeide på.
We must ask more questions and listen more carefully.
Vi må spørre mer og lytte bedre.
Self-criticism – rather than complacency –must be the rule.
Selvkritikk snarere enn selvgodhet må være vår rettesnor.
If we are to become better, we have to find out what does and what does not work.
Skal vi bli bedre må vi finne ut hva som virker og hva som ikke virker.
We have therefore strengthened our efforts to evaluate and measure results through the Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation (Norad).
Vi har derfor styrket arbeidet med evaluering og resultatmåling gjennom Norad.
We are working purposefully on improving and systematising our engagement in peace processes.
Vi arbeider målrettet med å forbedre og systematisere engasjementet i fredsprosesser.
Professor Østerud makes an important point, when he highlights that misrule, corruption and the absence of dialogue between the ruling elite and the population are often an obstacle to peace and development.
Østerud har et godt poeng når han hevder at vanstyre, korrupsjon og mangel på dialog mellom den styrende elite og folket ofte er et hinder for fred og utvikling.
This is a key challenge in all peace and development efforts.
Dette er en hovedutfordring i alt freds- og utviklingsarbeid.
We are seeking to make politicians more aware of their responsibility towards their citizens.
Vi arbeider for å styrke politikernes ansvarlighet overfor sine borgere.
This is all about strengthening parliaments, improving control functions and promoting transparency in the use of public funds.
Det handler om å styrke parlamentene, bedre kontrollfunksjonene og å bidra til større åpenhet om offentlig pengebruk.
There is a need for better coordination of international development efforts.
Det er behov for bedre koordinering av internasjonal bistand.
As Professor Østerud points out, there have been many examples of donors’ being guided by their own economic and political interests.
Som Østerud påpeker har vi sett at givere ofte følger egne økonomiske og politiske interesser.
International development cooperation can sometimes impede the development of sustainable local institutions.
Internasjonal bistand hemmer av og til utvikling av lokale bærekraftige institusjoner.
This is a challenge in Afghanistan.
Dette er en utfordring i Afghanistan.
We have therefore taken the initiative for greater focus on civil efforts in the country.
Vi har derfor tatt initiativ til et større fokus på den sivile innsatsen i landet.
We have won ground within the NATO community.
Vi har vunnet fram i NATO-kretsen.
The UN must be the main actor.
FN må være hovedaktøren.
The UN must be given greater responsibility for coordination, both in Afghanistan and elsewhere.
FN må få et utvidet ansvar for bedre koordinering, både i Afghanistan og andre steder.
It is people who create conflicts, and only people can resolve them.
Det er mennesker som skaper konflikter - og det er bare mennesker som kan gjøre noe med dem.
The choices we take have an effect.
De valgene vi gjør har betydning.
We cannot sit and wait until a list of conditions for successful nation-building have been fulfilled in countries where everyday life is coloured by terrible conflicts, poverty and destitution.
Vi kan ikke sitte og vente til en rad betingelser for vellykket nasjonsbygging er til stede, i land der menneskers hverdag preges av grufulle konflikter, fattigdom og nød.
We welcome debate on and analysis of Norway’s peace and development policy, because this helps us to improve our efforts.
Men vi ønsker velkommen debatt og analyse om Norges politikk for fred og utvikling fordi det bidrar til at arbeidet blir bedre.
But the best debate will be on how we best can contribute, not on whether we should contribute at all.
En god debatt bør dreie seg om hvordan vi best kan bidra, ikke om hvorvidt vi skal bidra i det hele tatt.
• He claims there are not enough critical voices to challenge the symbolism of Norway’s development, peace and reconciliation policy.
Han etterlyser kritiske røster som utfordrer «symbolpolitikken» rundt bistand, fred og forsoning.
Engagement makes a difference
Engasjementet hjelper.
Breakfast meeting (arr: Civita, Progressiv, Europabevegelsen), Café Christiania, 10 December 2012
Frokostmøte arrangert av Civita, Progressiv og Europabevegelsen på Café Christiania i Oslo 10. desember 2012
“I cannot think of a candidate that better embodies the intention of Alfred Nobel: to forge fraternity between nations and reduce standing armies”, Minister of Foreign Affairs Espen Barth Eide said in his introductory remarks at a breakfast meeting in Oslo 10 December 2012.
“I cannot think of a candidate that better embodies the intention of Alfred Nobel: to forge fraternity between nations and reduce standing armies”, sa utenriksminister Eide i sin tale ved et frokostmøte arrangert av Civita, Progressiv og Europabevegelsen i Oslo 10. desember.
Dear audience, friends, and representatives of the European Union, this year’s Nobel Peace Prize laureate,
Dear audience, friends, and representatives of the European Union, this year’s Nobel Peace Prize laureate,
Congratulations.
Congratulations.
This is a prize you very much deserve.
This is a prize you very much deserve.
As far as the timing of the prize is concerned, I would say that it was bad, because in my view the EU should have received the prize many years ago.
As far as the timing of the prize is concerned, I would say that it was bad, because in my view the EU should have received the prize many years ago.
But in Norway we can also almost share in your pride.
But in Norway we can also almost share in your pride.
Because there is no other country in the world that is as integrated into the EU as Norway – without being a member.
Because there is no other country in the world that is as integrated into the EU as Norway – without being a member.
We benefit greatly from the EEA Agreement.
We benefit greatly from the EEA Agreement.
That is also why we make a substantial contribution through the EEA and Norway Grants.
That is also why we make a substantial contribution through the EEA and Norway Grants.
But today is not about Norway, it is about the EU.
But today is not about Norway, it is about the EU.
It is a well-deserved prize.
It is a well-deserved prize.
An encouragement, a reminder of what the project is really about.
An encouragement, a reminder of what the project is really about.
This prize has been the subject of debate, in Europe and here in Norway.
This prize has been the subject of debate, in Europe and here in Norway.
There will always be debate about the role of the EU.
There will always be debate about the role of the EU.
Journalists measure the day-to-day successes and failures and may be sceptical.
Journalists measure the day-to-day successes and failures and may be sceptical.
But for historians, who see this project in a long-term perspective, the European Union is a tremendous success.
But for historians, who see this project in a long-term perspective, the European Union is a tremendous success.
It is unique in history in its ability to confront serious challenges.
It is unique in history in its ability to confront serious challenges.
Jean Monnet’s original idea in the aftermath of the Second World War has created the foundations for a different mode of cooperation.
Jean Monnet’s original idea in the aftermath of the Second World War has created the foundations for a different mode of cooperation.
What was established then were the foundations for enduring structural integration.
What was established then were the foundations for enduring structural integration.
The EU is unique, and it has clearly worked.
The EU is unique, and it has clearly worked.
What has been created is a security community; a cluster of countries that know they will never again use violence against each other.
What has been created is a security community; a cluster of countries that know they will never again use violence against each other.
I followed the integration processes of Spain, Portugal and Greece closely.
I followed the integration processes of Spain, Portugal and Greece closely.
Their entries into the EU and the institutional changes they had to go through had a unifying effect on various groups in those societies.
Their entries into the EU and the institutional changes they had to go through had a unifying effect on various groups in those societies.
This was of course also the case when the EU was enlarged to include countries of the former Eastern Bloc.
This was of course also the case when the EU was enlarged to include countries of the former Eastern Bloc.
NATO and the EU provided the institutional framework which made this possible.
NATO and the EU provided the institutional framework which made this possible.
The Copenhagen criteria, the need for economic reforms, the improved situation for minorities; all in all the enlargement process had a very positive impact on the societies that had aspirations of joining the EU.
The Copenhagen criteria, the need for economic reforms, the improved situation for minorities; all in all the enlargement process had a very positive impact on the societies that had aspirations of joining the EU.
In the early 1990s we were all deeply concerned about the Balkan states, about whether the countries would return to a state of chaos and border conflicts.
In the early 1990s we were all deeply concerned about the Balkan states, about whether the countries would return to a state of chaos and border conflicts.
But this did not happen.
But this did not happen.
It did not happen because of their vision of future EU membership.
It did not happen because of their vision of future EU membership.
The countries had massive internal disagreements on almost everything, apart from membership of the European Union.
The countries had massive internal disagreements on almost everything, apart from membership of the European Union.
In order to be granted EU membership, the countries need to meet criteria relating to democracy and respect for human rights and minorities.
In order to be granted EU membership, the countries need to meet criteria relating to democracy and respect for human rights and minorities.
So once they join, much of the work has already been done.
So once they join, much of the work has already been done.
To me, this proves that the EU has been, and still is, a peace project.
To me, this proves that the EU has been, and still is, a peace project.
And now, we are pleased to see that Croatia is about to join the EU as the 28th member state.
And now, we are pleased to see that Croatia is about to join the EU as the 28th member state.
The European Union is an active and influential international player.
The European Union is an active and influential international player.
The EU has a highly visible position in the multilateral arena, because it is itself a symbol of multilateralism.
The EU has a highly visible position in the multilateral arena, because it is itself a symbol of multilateralism.