natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Then it is much more difficult to achieve democratic development.
Da blir det mye vanskeligere å få til en demokratisk utvikling.
Because of isolation, few Burmese receive any stimulus from the outside world, and even fewer are aware of how far Burma is lagging behind in relation to neighbours like Thailand and China, both economically and technologically.
Isolasjon gjør at færre burmesere får impulser fra omverdenen, og dermed at langt færre vet hvor langt bak Burma ligger i forhold til naboer som Thailand og Kina, både økonomisk og teknologisk.
If Burma’s military leaders are given more opportunity to travel abroad, some of them will be more likely to say as Mikhail Gorbachev once did: “we cannot live like this any longer.”
Hvis Burmas militære ledere i større grad får mulighet til å reise til utlandet, øker sannsynligheten for at noen av dem en gang skal si som Gorbatsjov, at «slik kan vi ikke lenger leve».
I am proud that one of the hallmarks of Norway today is that we are nearly always willing to talk to everyone.
Jeg er stolt over at det i dag er et særtegn ved Norge at vi nesten alltid snakker med alle.
This has given us a special role in a number of conflicts.
Det har gitt oss en spesiell rolle i en rekke konflikter.
Because we could talk to Hamas and were thus among the first to establish contact with the Palestinian National Unity Government, we have had unique access to the negotiations in the Middle East conflict.
At vi har kunnet snakke med Hamas og dermed var blant de første som opprettet kontakt med den palestinske samlingsregjeringen, har gitt oss en spesiell tilgang i forhandlingene i Midtøsten-konflikten.
In Sri Lanka we were among the few who had contact with both the Tamil Tigers and the authorities.
På Sri Lanka har vi vært blant de få som har hatt kontakt både med de tamilske tigrene og myndighetene.
We met with the Nepalese Maoists before anyone else.
Vi møtte de nepalske maoistene før noen andre.
We talk to communist guerrillas in the Philippines, and have contact with rebel groups in Burundi and Sudan.
Vi snakker med kommunistgeriljaer på Filippinene, og har kontakt med opprørsgrupper i Burundi og Sudan.
The fact that we talk to someone doesn’t mean that we agree with them on all issues.
Ved å snakke med noen betyr ikke det at vi er enige i alt.
This was a fundamental break with US tradition.
Det var et grunnleggende brudd med USAs tradisjon.
Even during the Cold War, the Americans had extensive contacts with the Russians at various levels.
Selv under den kalde krigen hadde amerikanerne et vell av kontakter med russere på forskjellige nivåer.
If we have contact with regimes and armed groups, this doesn’t mean that we accept their views.
Kontakt med regimer og væpnede grupper betyr jo ikke at vi aksepterer deres standpunkter.
It means that we have an opportunity for dialogue.
Det betyr at vi har en mulighet for dialog.
This enables us to avoid misunderstanding and put forward alternative ideas.
Slik kan vi unngå misforståelser og fremme alternative ideer.
Last year Burma was hit by the devastating cyclone Nargis.
I fjor ble Burma truffet av den voldsomme syklonen Nargis.
The emergency relief effort in its wake showed that it was possible to get much-needed aid to the people of Burma.
Nødhjelpen som kom inn i landet etterpå viste at det er mulig å nå folk i Burma med verdifull bistand.
The participants in the relief effort described the situation as a “humanitarian space”.
Deltakerne i hjelpearbeidet etter syklonen beskriver situasjonen som et «humanitært rom».
Together with many other Western and Asian countries, Norway has helped to fill this space, which opened up after the UN Secretary-General and the regime talked together.
Sammen med mange andre vestlige og asiatiske land har Norge bidratt til å fylle dette rommet som åpnet seg etter at FNs generalsekretær og regimet snakket sammen.
In this case dialogue worked.
I dette tilfellet virket dialogen.
Now it is essential that we help to preserve this space and that it is eventually extended to the rest of the country.
Det er nå livsviktig at vi bidrar til at det humanitære rommet opprettholdes, og at det etter hvert utvides til resten av landet.
Burma is facing major challenges because of the financial crisis.
Burma står overfor store utfordringer som følge av finanskrisen.
The military regime is planning elections, which are bound not to be free and fair.
Militærregimet planlegger valg som helt sikkert ikke blir frie og rettferdige.
Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi is still being kept under strict house arrest.
Fredsprisvinner Aung San Suu Kyi holdes i streng husarrest.
Unfortunately there is little hope of any democratic breakthrough in the near future.
Dessverre er det lite håp om demokratisk omveltning i nærmeste framtid.
We must take a longer, historical perspective.
Vi må legge an et lengre, historisk perspektiv.
In the long term openness and dialogue are bound to be more effective than isolation.
På sikt virker åpenhet og dialog nesten sikkert mer effektivt enn isolasjon.
Why boycotts just make things worse
Derfor gjør boikott vondt verre
Awards in APA 2007
TFO 2007 – tilbud om andeler
The awards for APA 2007 – Awards in Predefined Areas - have been decided by the Cabinet.
Regjeringen har behandlet forslaget til tildelinger i forhåndsdefinerte områder 2007, TFO 2007.
The offers being sent out to the companies include a total of 52 production licenses.
Tilbudet som sendes ut til selskapene innebærer tildeling av 52 utvinningstillatelser.
These areas are already open to petroleum activities and where conditions relating to environmental concerns and fishery interests are implemented.
Dette er områder som allerede er åpnet for petroleumsvirksomhet og der fiskeri- og miljøfaglige råd er fulgt.
The production licenses are divided between the North Sea (24) the Norwegian Sea (21) and the Barents Sea (7).
Utvinningstillatelsene fordeler seg på Nordsjøen (24), Norskehavet (21) og Barentshavet (7).
There has been a major interest for this licensing round, and the competition for several of the blocks has been intense.
Det har vært stor interesse for denne konsesjonsrunden og hard konkurranse om flere av blokkene.
113 application were submitted within the deadline 28 September last year.
113 søknader kom innen fristen 28. september.
There is a large potential in proving new, smaller resources close to existing infrastructure in the mature areas of the North Sea, the Norwegian Sea and the Barents Sea.
Det er et stort potensial for å påvise nye mindre, infrastrukturnære ressurser i de modne delene av Nordsjøen, Norskehavet og Barentshavet.
The Ministry of Petroleum and Energy has layed down conditions for a rapid exploration and progress towards a possible Plan for development and operation for the potential resources to be found in the licenses, to ensure an effective exploration of oil and gas in the mature areas on the shelf.
Departementet vil i utvinningstillatelsene sette vilkår om en rask utforsking og fremdrift i arbeidet frem mot eventuell innlevering av plan for utbygging og drift for mulige ressurser som måtte påtreffes i tillatelsene, for å få en effektiv utforsking etter olje og gass i de modne områdene på sokkelen.
Centrica Resources Norge AS (5)
Centrica Resources Norge AS (5)
Dana Petroleum Norway AS (1)
Dana Petroleum Norway AS (1)
Det norske oljeselskap ASA (3)
Det norske oljeselskap ASA (3)
Discover Petroleum AS (1)
Discover Petroleum AS (1)
DONG Norge AS (1)
DONG Norge AS (1)
E.ON Ruhrgas Norge AS (4)
E.ON Ruhrgas Norge AS (4)
Eni Norge AS (2)
Eni Norge AS (2)
NOIL Energy ASA (4)
NOIL Energy ASA (4)
Norwegian Energy Company AS (Noreco) (3)
Norwegian Energy Company AS (Noreco) (3)
OMV Norge AS (1)
OMV Norge AS (1)
Revus Energy ASA (5)
Revus Energy ASA (5)
StatoilHydro ASA (9)
StatoilHydro ASA (9)
Wintershall Norge AS (2)
Wintershall Norge AS (2)
Offer to 37 companies: (number of shares, included where the companies are operators, in paranthesis)
Tilbud til 37 rettighetshavere: (antall andeler, inkludert der selskapene er operatør, i parentes)
Aker Exploration AS (6)
Aker Exploration AS (6)
AS Norske Shell (1)
AS Norske Shell (1)
Bayerngas Norge AS (1)
Bayerngas Norge AS (1)
Bridge Energy AS (3)
Bridge Energy AS (3)
Centrica Resources Norge AS (6)
Centrica Resources Norge AS (6)
Concedo ASA (2)
Concedo ASA (2)
Det norske oljeselskap ASA (11)
Det norske oljeselskap ASA (11)
Discover Petroleum AS (4)
Discover Petroleum AS (4)
Eni Norge AS (5)
Eni Norge AS (5)
Esso Norge AS (3)
Esso Norge AS (3)
Faroe Petroleum Norge AS (5)
Faroe Petroleum Norge AS (5)
Gaz de France Norge AS (4)
Gaz de France Norge AS (4)
Genesis Petroleum Norway AS (3)
Genesis Petroleum Norway AS (3)
Hess Norge AS (2)
Hess Norge AS (2)
Maersk Oil Norway AS (2)
Maersk Oil Norway AS (2)
NOIL Energy ASA (6)
NOIL Energy ASA (6)
Norwegian Energy Company AS (Noreco) (9)
Norwegian Energy Company AS (Noreco) (9)
PA Resources Norway AS (1)
PA Resources Norway AS (1)
Petro-Canada Norge AS (4)
Petro-Canada Norge AS (4)
Revus Energy ASA (7)
Revus Energy ASA (7)
Rocksource ASA (3)
Rocksource ASA (3)
RWE Dea Norge AS (6)
RWE Dea Norge AS (6)
Sagex Petroleum Norge AS (1)
Sagex Petroleum Norge AS (1)
Skagen44 AS (2)
Skagen44 AS (2)
Skeie Energy AS (1)
Skeie Energy AS (1)
StatoilHydro ASA (12)
StatoilHydro ASA (12)
Total E&P Norge AS (3)
Total E&P Norge AS (3)
Wintershall Norge AS (5)
Wintershall Norge AS (5)
Links Map APA 2007 (pdf format) The press release from the announcement of APA 2007 of 29 January 2007
Lenker Kart tildelinger TFO 2007 (pdf format) Oversikt over selskaper, blokker og arbeidsforpliktelser i TFO 2007 (pdf format) Pressemelding fra utlysningen av TFO 2007 fra 29. januar 2007
'British leadership is needed to help Europe become stronger, more free and more prosperous', writes Minister of EEA and EU Affairs Vidar Helgesen in this article.
- British leadership is needed to help Europe become stronger, more free and more prosperous, skriver statsråd Vidar Helgesen i denne artikkelen.
Britain's influence in Europe, and even its membership of the European Union, are now the subject of robust argument in the country.
Britain's influence in Europe, and even its membership of the European Union, are now the subject of robust argument in the country.
There are divergent views on the best ways forward.
There are divergent views on the best ways forward.
This contribution is not intended to take part in the British debate, but is a perspective on the larger issues guided by my judgment of what serves Norway best, and what I believe will serve Europe best.
This contribution is not intended to take part in the British debate, but is a perspective on the larger issues guided by my judgment of what serves Norway best, and what I believe will serve Europe best.
Quite possibly, Norway's longest-standing and most consistent foreign policy tradition is not to part ways with the British.
Quite possibly, Norway's longest-standing and most consistent foreign policy tradition is not to part ways with the British.
It stems from the Napoleonic wars and the famine caused by the British blockade of Denmark-Norway.
It stems from the Napoleonic wars and the famine caused by the British blockade of Denmark-Norway.
This was a harsh lesson, but we have since been well served by our close ties to the UK and benefit from its influence in Europe and beyond.
This was a harsh lesson, but we have since been well served by our close ties to the UK and benefit from its influence in Europe and beyond.
We believe our interests are still served by being closely aligned with Britain, and by Britain being inside the EU.
We believe our interests are still served by being closely aligned with Britain, and by Britain being inside the EU.
In the diary of his years as President Kennedy's ambassador to India, eminent economist John Kenneth Galbraith mentioned a brief meeting in the White House.
In the diary of his years as President Kennedy's ambassador to India, eminent economist John Kenneth Galbraith mentioned a brief meeting in the White House.
The president asked Galbraith to prepare a memo on what relations the United States should seek with "the sixes and the sevens" - the informal names often used at the time for the European Economic Comminity (EEC, or "Common Market") and the European Free Trade Association (EFTA).
The president asked Galbraith to prepare a memo on what relations the United States should seek with "the sixes and the sevens" - the informal names often used at the time for the European Economic Comminity (EEC, or "Common Market") and the European Free Trade Association (EFTA).
Three points strike me about the fact that this actually happened.
Three points strike me about the fact that this actually happened.
First, there used to be a time when EFTA had more members than the proto-EU (and among them, the UK!).
First, there used to be a time when EFTA had more members than the proto-EU (and among them, the UK!).
Second, there was a time when the president of the United States discussed EFTA with his closest advisers.
Second, there was a time when the president of the United States discussed EFTA with his closest advisers.
And third: that was quite a while ago.
And third: that was quite a while ago.
Norway and Britain's European paths split when the UK joined the then European Community in 1973, while Norway has remained part of EFTA, and since 1994, the European Economic Area agreement (EEA).
Norway and Britain's European paths split when the UK joined the then European Community in 1973, while Norway has remained part of EFTA, and since 1994, the European Economic Area agreement (EEA).
But in several ways, we are no less integrated.
But in several ways, we are no less integrated.
Norway's trade with EU countries accounts for a greater share of our foreign trade than of Britain's alone.
Norway's trade with EU countries accounts for a greater share of our foreign trade than of Britain's alone.
In relative terms we have more EU labour immigrants than does the UK.
In relative terms we have more EU labour immigrants than does the UK.
We are part of the Schengen system.
We are part of the Schengen system.
We implement more than three-quarters of EU legislation.
We implement more than three-quarters of EU legislation.
We regularly align ourselves with EU positions on foreign and security policy.
We regularly align ourselves with EU positions on foreign and security policy.
And our financial contributions are on par with comparable EU member-states.
And our financial contributions are on par with comparable EU member-states.
Essentially, with the exception of our agricultural policies, Norway is part of the same European integration process as the UK.
Essentially, with the exception of our agricultural policies, Norway is part of the same European integration process as the UK.
What really sets Norway apart is that we don't have the right to vote in Europe.
What really sets Norway apart is that we don't have the right to vote in Europe.
The EEA agreement entails systematically accepting EU legislation, while being also firmly anchored in our national democratic process.
The EEA agreement entails systematically accepting EU legislation, while being also firmly anchored in our national democratic process.
It is vital to Norway.
It is vital to Norway.
Without the access the EEA agreement gives us to our largest market, our economy would suffer.
Without the access the EEA agreement gives us to our largest market, our economy would suffer.
The free movement of people has been particularly important.
The free movement of people has been particularly important.
Among EU member-states, only Luxembourg has a higher proportion of EU labour immigrants.
Among EU member-states, only Luxembourg has a higher proportion of EU labour immigrants.
I have visited many rural communities in Norway where local businesses tell me the same story: they cannot survive without skilled workers from Europe.
I have visited many rural communities in Norway where local businesses tell me the same story: they cannot survive without skilled workers from Europe.
No one falls in love with a market, Jacques Delors once said.
No one falls in love with a market, Jacques Delors once said.
Well, at least Norway is pleased to be lawfully joined to the single market, whether love is involved or not.
Well, at least Norway is pleased to be lawfully joined to the single market, whether love is involved or not.
It is crucial for Norway's economy, for our companies, our jobs and our welfare.
It is crucial for Norway's economy, for our companies, our jobs and our welfare.
And the EEA agreement is our lifeline to this market.
And the EEA agreement is our lifeline to this market.
During the past twenty years we have incorporated more than 10,000 EU rules into the EEA agreement.
During the past twenty years we have incorporated more than 10,000 EU rules into the EEA agreement.
That means roughly five acts of EU legislation for each day the Norwegian parliament has been sitting.
That means roughly five acts of EU legislation for each day the Norwegian parliament has been sitting.
We see the results of these rules every day - in our daily lives, in our work, in our public sector and in business.
We see the results of these rules every day - in our daily lives, in our work, in our public sector and in business.
They have brought about a profound Europeanisation of Norwegian society.
They have brought about a profound Europeanisation of Norwegian society.
However, we have had little direct influence over these rules.
However, we have had little direct influence over these rules.
Yes, the EEA agreement requires that Norway, and our partners Liechtenstein and Iceland should be consulted in the early stages of EU decision-making.
Yes, the EEA agreement requires that Norway, and our partners Liechtenstein and Iceland should be consulted in the early stages of EU decision-making.
But we are merely consulted.
But we are merely consulted.
The EU is under no obligation to listen.
The EU is under no obligation to listen.
We have to work hard to make our voice heard.
We have to work hard to make our voice heard.
We do.
We do.
That's why as a non-EU member we have a minister for EU affairs.
That's why as a non-EU member we have a minister for EU affairs.
But honestly, I have a hard time seeing the UK, with its global ambition, dedication and contributions, being comfortable with such an arrangement.
But honestly, I have a hard time seeing the UK, with its global ambition, dedication and contributions, being comfortable with such an arrangement.
I say this not out of fear for a return of the UK to EFTA - although that would alter Norway's relative position within the EFTA/EEA.
I say this not out of fear for a return of the UK to EFTA - although that would alter Norway's relative position within the EFTA/EEA.
After all, we are the great power in the Oslo–Reykjavik–Vaduz axis.
After all, we are the great power in the Oslo–Reykjavik–Vaduz axis.
While the EEA agreement is important to Norway, other matters are even more important.
While the EEA agreement is important to Norway, other matters are even more important.
And while issues like immigration, access to benefits, and EU red tape are important to the UK, I believe other matters are far more important and should be placed at the heart of the debate.
And while issues like immigration, access to benefits, and EU red tape are important to the UK, I believe other matters are far more important and should be placed at the heart of the debate.
Europe's security, and rising dangers
Europe's security, and rising dangers
Europe is a different place today than when the idea of a UK referendum was launched.
Europe is a different place today than when the idea of a UK referendum was launched.
Above all, Europe is a more dangerous place today than only a year ago.
Above all, Europe is a more dangerous place today than only a year ago.
We are experiencing the most serious security situation in Europe since the second world war.
We are experiencing the most serious security situation in Europe since the second world war.
Russia has annexed another country's territory and is using military force to destabilise its neighbour.
Russia has annexed another country's territory and is using military force to destabilise its neighbour.
This is a form of power politics that belongs in the past and must not be allowed to succeed in Europe.
This is a form of power politics that belongs in the past and must not be allowed to succeed in Europe.
As an outsider, Norway has aligned itself with the EU's restrictive measures.
As an outsider, Norway has aligned itself with the EU's restrictive measures.
We have done so because there must be a reaction to Russia's unacceptable and flagrant breach of international law.
We have done so because there must be a reaction to Russia's unacceptable and flagrant breach of international law.
It is vital that Europe and the transatlantic community have been united in their response to Russia's conduct.
It is vital that Europe and the transatlantic community have been united in their response to Russia's conduct.
NATO has confirmed its crucial role, combining deterrence with reassurance.
NATO has confirmed its crucial role, combining deterrence with reassurance.
But the predominant response has not been and should not be military.
But the predominant response has not been and should not be military.
In this situation we have seen the EU, long known for its lack of teeth in foreign policy, acting with remarkable resolve.
In this situation we have seen the EU, long known for its lack of teeth in foreign policy, acting with remarkable resolve.
The situation is very different from the Cold War.
The situation is very different from the Cold War.
Then, NATO was the only organisation that really mattered.
Then, NATO was the only organisation that really mattered.
It still does, and more so than only a year ago.
It still does, and more so than only a year ago.
But today, the continuous deliberations on and calibration of European policy towards Russia and Ukraine are primarily taking place within an EU framework.
But today, the continuous deliberations on and calibration of European policy towards Russia and Ukraine are primarily taking place within an EU framework.
In 2014 there were three meetings of NATO foreign ministers, and some twenty of EU foreign ministers.
In 2014 there were three meetings of NATO foreign ministers, and some twenty of EU foreign ministers.
For all its flaws, and the EU has many flaws, never has the role of the EU in an international crisis been more important.
For all its flaws, and the EU has many flaws, never has the role of the EU in an international crisis been more important.
Never have the consequences of EU leadership been more significant.
Never have the consequences of EU leadership been more significant.
For most European NATO members, this development might not raise eyebrows, since they are also EU members.
For most European NATO members, this development might not raise eyebrows, since they are also EU members.
For Norway however it is a dramatic development that we are not at the table when policies so critical to our security are determined.
For Norway however it is a dramatic development that we are not at the table when policies so critical to our security are determined.
And I believe it would be a major issue for Britain if the country were to leave the EU.
And I believe it would be a major issue for Britain if the country were to leave the EU.
I cannot really imagine the UK not being part of key discussions that matter for Europe's security.
I cannot really imagine the UK not being part of key discussions that matter for Europe's security.
Moreover, it is evident that without Britain in the EU, Europe will be far less effective and forceful in foreign relations, security and defence policy.
Moreover, it is evident that without Britain in the EU, Europe will be far less effective and forceful in foreign relations, security and defence policy.
This is serious indeed in relation to a more assertive and aggressive Russia.
This is serious indeed in relation to a more assertive and aggressive Russia.