natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
In 1925, the international community agreed on the Geneva Protocol banning the use of poisonous gases in warfare, such as chemical and biological weapons.
In 1925, the international community agreed on the Geneva Protocol banning the use of poisonous gases in warfare, such as chemical and biological weapons.
So, although the concept of “humanitarian disarmament” has emerged over the last few years, the idea of making inhuman weapons illegal is far from new.
So, although the concept of “humanitarian disarmament” has emerged over the last few years, the idea of making inhuman weapons illegal is far from new.
Now, what does “humanitarian disarmament” mean in practice, on the ground?
Now, what does “humanitarian disarmament” mean in practice, on the ground?
What have we learned from these new approaches to disarmament?
What have we learned from these new approaches to disarmament?
Let me use the cluster munitions process as an example.
Let me use the cluster munitions process as an example.
We learned new, valuable lessons of how powerful alliances can be created when governments and NGOs work well together.
We learned new, valuable lessons of how powerful alliances can be created when governments and NGOs work well together.
No veto to the least willing – those who want to make progress can and must do so!
No veto to the least willing – those who want to make progress can and must do so!
Some would ask: Can the approach exemplified by the Oslo Process and the Ottawa process that produced the Mine Ban Treaty in 1997 be relevant to other areas of disarmament?
Some would ask: Can the approach exemplified by the Oslo Process and the Ottawa process that produced the Mine Ban Treaty in 1997 be relevant to other areas of disarmament?
In certain respects I would think so.
In certain respects I would think so.
First of all, (as I mentioned) these processes have forced us to rethink the concept of disarmament.
First of all, (as I mentioned) these processes have forced us to rethink the concept of disarmament.
We have moved beyond the traditional understanding of disarmament solely as a means of reducing armed forces and eliminating weapons.
We have moved beyond the traditional understanding of disarmament solely as a means of reducing armed forces and eliminating weapons.
Although this remains crucial, we have now increased focus on the rights of victims and the prevention of humanitarian tragedy, in short, the rights of civilians, the human factor.
Although this remains crucial, we have now increased focus on the rights of victims and the prevention of humanitarian tragedy, in short, the rights of civilians, the human factor.
Disarmament seen from this perspective has an important norm-setting function, and it is clear that it concerns us all.
Disarmament seen from this perspective has an important norm-setting function, and it is clear that it concerns us all.
This is easily seen in relation to small arms, landmines and cluster munitions, where nearly all the victims are civilians.
This is easily seen in relation to small arms, landmines and cluster munitions, where nearly all the victims are civilians.
The uncontrolled use of small arms and light weapons is an immense threat to development and basic human rights.
The uncontrolled use of small arms and light weapons is an immense threat to development and basic human rights.
Small arms are in fact the real mass destructive device, killing up to 2000 people every day.
Small arms are in fact the real mass destructive device, killing up to 2000 people every day.
Disarmament at this level is essential.
Disarmament at this level is essential.
Not only to avoid the threat to international peace and security, but also to realise individual rights to life and health – the right to development.
Not only to avoid the threat to international peace and security, but also to realise individual rights to life and health – the right to development.
We recognise, of course, the right of states to acquire weapons for self-defence.
We recognise, of course, the right of states to acquire weapons for self-defence.
Norway does so and will continue to do so.
Norway does so and will continue to do so.
But at the same time, states also have the right – and the obligation - to defend themselves against the loss of civilian lives due to
But at the same time, states also have the right – and the obligation - to defend themselves against the loss of civilian lives due to
unexploded ordnances,
unexploded ordnances,
uncontrolled proliferation of arms, and
uncontrolled proliferation of arms, and
the use of explosives in populated areas.
the use of explosives in populated areas.
In shaping a modern foreign and security policy we need to ask: How can we – Norway – make a difference?
In shaping a modern foreign and security policy we need to ask: How can we – Norway – make a difference?
Let draw some other lessons from the Convention on Cluster Munitions.
Let draw some other lessons from the Convention on Cluster Munitions.
Cluster munitions were developed in the Cold War era.
Cluster munitions were developed in the Cold War era.
They were intended as area weapons to prevent large troop concentrations from moving forward.
They were intended as area weapons to prevent large troop concentrations from moving forward.
Many believed them to be crucial to military operations.
Many believed them to be crucial to military operations.
It was also maintained that modern munitions were reliable in use and would self-destruct.
It was also maintained that modern munitions were reliable in use and would self-destruct.
However, research and tests undertaken by the Norwegian Defence Research Establishment – as well as documentation from the 2006 war in Lebanon – proved that cluster munitions were inaccurate and unreliable.
However, research and tests undertaken by the Norwegian Defence Research Establishment – as well as documentation from the 2006 war in Lebanon – proved that cluster munitions were inaccurate and unreliable.
It turned out that on the battlefield, cluster munitions had a failure rate at least ten times higher than what was claimed by their producers, whose tests apparently had been set up to provide the best possible – but highly unrealistic – conditions.
It turned out that on the battlefield, cluster munitions had a failure rate at least ten times higher than what was claimed by their producers, whose tests apparently had been set up to provide the best possible – but highly unrealistic – conditions.
In the course of the process, we also found that there were many further reasons to get rid of these weapons, including their highly indiscriminate area effect, and the enduring humanitarian problem created by unexploded remnants.
In the course of the process, we also found that there were many further reasons to get rid of these weapons, including their highly indiscriminate area effect, and the enduring humanitarian problem created by unexploded remnants.
In short, through the Oslo Process, cluster munitions were found to be inappropriate for modern warfare.
In short, through the Oslo Process, cluster munitions were found to be inappropriate for modern warfare.
The Convention on Cluster Munitions therefore prohibits the use, production and trade of these weapons.
The Convention on Cluster Munitions therefore prohibits the use, production and trade of these weapons.
Contrary to what some pessimists and cynics expected, we achieved a ban on all cluster munitions that have ever been produced, and we set very strong criteria for future substitute weapons.
Contrary to what some pessimists and cynics expected, we achieved a ban on all cluster munitions that have ever been produced, and we set very strong criteria for future substitute weapons.
The Convention strengthens international humanitarian law and it provides a framework for implementation.
The Convention strengthens international humanitarian law and it provides a framework for implementation.
The entire stockpile of Norwegian cluster munitions will be destroyed before the end of this year – long before the timeframe set out in the Convention.
The entire stockpile of Norwegian cluster munitions will be destroyed before the end of this year – long before the timeframe set out in the Convention.
The vast majority of our NATO allies – 20 out of 28 so far – have made similar commitments.
The vast majority of our NATO allies – 20 out of 28 so far – have made similar commitments.
It should also be noted that although NATO used cluster munitions against Serbia in 1999, such weapons have not been used by ISAF forces in Afghanistan for several years.
It should also be noted that although NATO used cluster munitions against Serbia in 1999, such weapons have not been used by ISAF forces in Afghanistan for several years.
Their detrimental effect in a complex stability operation like the one in Afghanistan was actually recognised even before the Convention was in place.
Their detrimental effect in a complex stability operation like the one in Afghanistan was actually recognised even before the Convention was in place.
On 3 December 2008, a majority of UN member states signed the Convention on Cluster Munitions here in Oslo (some of you, Ambassadors, were there).
On 3 December 2008, a majority of UN member states signed the Convention on Cluster Munitions here in Oslo (some of you, Ambassadors, were there).
Today 104 states have signed, and the Convention will enter into force later this year.
Today 104 states have signed, and the Convention will enter into force later this year.
While looking ahead to this milestone, we already see that the Convention on Cluster Munitions – like the Mine Ban Convention before it – has set a new standard for the conduct of warfare.
While looking ahead to this milestone, we already see that the Convention on Cluster Munitions – like the Mine Ban Convention before it – has set a new standard for the conduct of warfare.
Although large producers and potential users of cluster munitions have neither signed nor ratified the Convention, the use of cluster munitions is highly stigmatised and would entail major political risk for all states, whether they are party to the Convention or not.
Although large producers and potential users of cluster munitions have neither signed nor ratified the Convention, the use of cluster munitions is highly stigmatised and would entail major political risk for all states, whether they are party to the Convention or not.
The key here is that the Convention reinforces the international norm of the protection of civilians in armed conflicts.
The key here is that the Convention reinforces the international norm of the protection of civilians in armed conflicts.
It clearly extends beyond the states that have ratified the relevant treaties, such as the Geneva Conventions.
It clearly extends beyond the states that have ratified the relevant treaties, such as the Geneva Conventions.
And, maybe most interestingly, according to industry representatives, it appears that the international market for cluster munitions has basically collapsed.
And, maybe most interestingly, according to industry representatives, it appears that the international market for cluster munitions has basically collapsed.
When hardly anyone seeks to purchase these munitions, the weapon producers will follow the money – the law of the market – as they always do, and adapt their research and development accordingly.
When hardly anyone seeks to purchase these munitions, the weapon producers will follow the money – the law of the market – as they always do, and adapt their research and development accordingly.
My point is that international efforts to ban or regulate a particular weapon must also address the effects of the weapon, and not just its intended use.
My point is that international efforts to ban or regulate a particular weapon must also address the effects of the weapon, and not just its intended use.
In this way, the focus has turned to the humanitarian consequences.
In this way, the focus has turned to the humanitarian consequences.
This, in turn, reflects a new understanding of security, as an issue that directly affects human beings and their communities.
This, in turn, reflects a new understanding of security, as an issue that directly affects human beings and their communities.
In other words, we have to address today’s threats against human security from armed violence at all levels – locally, nationally and globally – with both remedial and preventive measures.
In other words, we have to address today’s threats against human security from armed violence at all levels – locally, nationally and globally – with both remedial and preventive measures.
In order to do this, we must involve all states and not only weapon possessors and producers in cross-regional partnerships.
In order to do this, we must involve all states and not only weapon possessors and producers in cross-regional partnerships.
It is crucial to involve civil society, both as advocates, and as field experts on the effects of the weapons on the ground.
It is crucial to involve civil society, both as advocates, and as field experts on the effects of the weapons on the ground.
In general, civil society will continue to have a key role to play in our efforts to achieve conventional arms control and disarmament.
In general, civil society will continue to have a key role to play in our efforts to achieve conventional arms control and disarmament.
Norway will actively promote the inclusion of armed violence on the UN agenda in the upcoming review process of the Millennium Development Goals.
Norway will actively promote the inclusion of armed violence on the UN agenda in the upcoming review process of the Millennium Development Goals.
With this is in mind, I will host a conference on armed violence here in Oslo in April together with the UNDP leader Helen Clark.
With this is in mind, I will host a conference on armed violence here in Oslo in April together with the UNDP leader Helen Clark.
The protection of civilians has been on the UN Security Council’s agenda since the late 1990s, and a broader understanding of the issue now seems to be emerging.
The protection of civilians has been on the UN Security Council’s agenda since the late 1990s, and a broader understanding of the issue now seems to be emerging.
We recognise the need to address the protection of civilians in a way that includes peacekeeping, the rule of law, security, development and disarmament.
We recognise the need to address the protection of civilians in a way that includes peacekeeping, the rule of law, security, development and disarmament.
UN operations are increasingly given mandates that focus on the protection of civilians as their core task.
UN operations are increasingly given mandates that focus on the protection of civilians as their core task.
And – interestingly – this is now at the centre of General McChrystal’s new strategy for ISAF in Afghanistan.
And – interestingly – this is now at the centre of General McChrystal’s new strategy for ISAF in Afghanistan.
As a consequence, allied reliance on air power, which has been the primary cause of unintended civilian harm inflicted by the international forces, has been significantly reduced.
As a consequence, allied reliance on air power, which has been the primary cause of unintended civilian harm inflicted by the international forces, has been significantly reduced.
Again, the humanitarian impulse is fully in line with the political purpose of the mission.
Again, the humanitarian impulse is fully in line with the political purpose of the mission.
A top priority for the Norwegian Government is the urgent need – internationally - to control the flow of small arms and light weapons.
A top priority for the Norwegian Government is the urgent need – internationally - to control the flow of small arms and light weapons.
We need to make states responsible for the trade in weapons.
We need to make states responsible for the trade in weapons.
We must promote multilateral efforts to this end, including the role of regional institutions.
We must promote multilateral efforts to this end, including the role of regional institutions.
And we need an Arms Trade Treaty.
And we need an Arms Trade Treaty.
The negotiations for such an important tool will start this year and our ambitions are high.
The negotiations for such an important tool will start this year and our ambitions are high.
With reference to the three categories of weapons I have mentioned – small arms, cluster munitions and mines – I should also underline that the full implementation of the Mine Ban Convention remains a continued priority for the Norwegian Government.
With reference to the three categories of weapons I have mentioned – small arms, cluster munitions and mines – I should also underline that the full implementation of the Mine Ban Convention remains a continued priority for the Norwegian Government.
We hold the Presidency of the Meeting of the States Parties this year.
We hold the Presidency of the Meeting of the States Parties this year.
Again, our goal is to keep a sharp focus on the humanitarian objectives of the Convention in terms of compliance with its obligations and realities in the field, including victim assistance.
Again, our goal is to keep a sharp focus on the humanitarian objectives of the Convention in terms of compliance with its obligations and realities in the field, including victim assistance.
There are of course some critical differences between the nuclear disarmament agenda and the agenda that led to the ban on land mines and cluster munitions.
There are of course some critical differences between the nuclear disarmament agenda and the agenda that led to the ban on land mines and cluster munitions.
But at the same time, there are some key, shared lessons to be learned.
But at the same time, there are some key, shared lessons to be learned.
For example, experience from humanitarian disarmament should guide us on how to pursue and negotiate disarmament issues in general.
For example, experience from humanitarian disarmament should guide us on how to pursue and negotiate disarmament issues in general.
And if we are to achieve results within a reasonable timeframe, we cannot allow those who want the least to set the pace.
And if we are to achieve results within a reasonable timeframe, we cannot allow those who want the least to set the pace.
This is actually what is happening in most of the traditional negotiating bodies that were set up in the post-World War II era and during the Cold War, when the world was very different.
This is actually what is happening in most of the traditional negotiating bodies that were set up in the post-World War II era and during the Cold War, when the world was very different.
Some maintain that consensus is vital when it comes to nuclear disarmament.
Some maintain that consensus is vital when it comes to nuclear disarmament.
I am not fully convinced.
I am not fully convinced.
I believe it would be possible to develop norms against the use of nuclear weapons, and even to outlaw them, without a consensus decision, and that such norms will eventually be applied globally.
I believe it would be possible to develop norms against the use of nuclear weapons, and even to outlaw them, without a consensus decision, and that such norms will eventually be applied globally.
We cannot leave it to the nuclear weapon states alone to decide when it is time for them to do away with these weapons.
We cannot leave it to the nuclear weapon states alone to decide when it is time for them to do away with these weapons.
Their destructive power would affect us all if put to use – and their threat continue to affect us all – therefore they are everyone’s business.
Their destructive power would affect us all if put to use – and their threat continue to affect us all – therefore they are everyone’s business.
So, taking a comprehensive and innovative disarmament approach means that we do not allow ourselves to be at the mercy of an unwilling – and often small – minority.
So, taking a comprehensive and innovative disarmament approach means that we do not allow ourselves to be at the mercy of an unwilling – and often small – minority.
This leads to my second critique of today’s disarmament diplomacy: its frequently exclusive character.
This leads to my second critique of today’s disarmament diplomacy: its frequently exclusive character.
The most extreme example of this is, of course, the old-fashioned approach of bilateral or trilateral negotiations.
The most extreme example of this is, of course, the old-fashioned approach of bilateral or trilateral negotiations.
Don’t get me wrong, I sincerely hope that a follow-up to START will soon be agreed.
Don’t get me wrong, I sincerely hope that a follow-up to START will soon be agreed.
But is it fair to let the fate of our planet be determined by a handful of countries?
But is it fair to let the fate of our planet be determined by a handful of countries?
Furthermore, the traditional negotiating bodies are failing to include relevant stake-holders, such as civil society representatives with field experience.
Furthermore, the traditional negotiating bodies are failing to include relevant stake-holders, such as civil society representatives with field experience.
At the other end of the spectrum, NGOs have played and continue to play a very constructive role in the Mine Ban Convention and in the Convention on Cluster Munitions.
At the other end of the spectrum, NGOs have played and continue to play a very constructive role in the Mine Ban Convention and in the Convention on Cluster Munitions.
Unless civil society is included in the process, future arms control negotiations are in real danger of being out of touch with the concerns of people on the ground.
Unless civil society is included in the process, future arms control negotiations are in real danger of being out of touch with the concerns of people on the ground.
A more comprehensive and innovative approach to all types of disarmament must apply also to the weapons of mass destruction.
A more comprehensive and innovative approach to all types of disarmament must apply also to the weapons of mass destruction.
And disarmament must not be a process for the “enlightened few”, but an inclusive process, involving all relevant stakeholders.
And disarmament must not be a process for the “enlightened few”, but an inclusive process, involving all relevant stakeholders.
We must strive for broad-based international agreements, and not allow ourselves to be blocked by those wanting the least progress.
We must strive for broad-based international agreements, and not allow ourselves to be blocked by those wanting the least progress.
Norway has been an active player, and will continue to take initiatives in all regional and international forums, together with states that share our ambition to achieve concrete results.
Norway has been an active player, and will continue to take initiatives in all regional and international forums, together with states that share our ambition to achieve concrete results.
Disarmament – reframing the challenge
Disarmament – reframing the challenge
The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, Berlin, 22 June 2010
The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, Berlin, 22. juni 2010
While NATO and the NPT are important forums, I do not believe it will be possible to reach the goal of abolishing nuclear weapons unless we engage a much broader spectrum of society, Foreign Minister Støre said in his key note address at the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung.
While NATO and the NPT are important forums, I do not believe it will be possible to reach the goal of abolishing nuclear weapons unless we engage a much broader spectrum of society, sa utenriksminister Støre bl.a. da han innledet på møtet ved Friedrich Ebert Stiftung i Berlin.
The Minister based his address on the following points (check against delivery).
The Minister based his address on the following points (check against delivery).
I very much appreciate being invited.
I very much appreciate being invited.
The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung has been pivotal in shaping German politics over the last six decades.
The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung has been pivotal in shaping German politics over the last six decades.