natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
What does that do to our confidence in institutions and politicians?
Hva skjer da med tilliten til institusjonene og politikerne?
We could end up with a generation that is actually afraid of the future.
Vi kan få en generasjon som faktisk frykter fremtiden.
What consequences could that have?
Hva blir konsekvensene av det?
Another worrying effect of the crisis is that a populist far right movement has gained momentum in Europe.
Det er også en urovekkende effekt av krisen at en populistisk ytre høyrefløy har fått vind i seilene i Europa.
At times like these, it is all too easy to look for scapegoats – a role that is too often assigned to minorities.
I slike tider letes det ofte etter syndebukker – en rolle som minoriteter altfor ofte tildeles.
We must meet this challenge with political discussion and public debate, with openness and respect for other people’s points of view, with discussions and debates in universities, colleges and schools.
Vi må møte denne utfordringen med politisk diskusjon og offentlig debatt, med åpenhet og respekt for andres syn, diskusjoner og debatter på høyskoler og skoler.
But we must also have the courage to counter generalisations and scaremongering based on disinformation and xenophobia.
Men vi må også våge å konfrontere gruppetenkningen og skremselsbilder basert på uriktige virkelighetsfremstillinger og fremmedfrykt.
This is a question of protecting fundamental European values: openness, tolerance and equality.
Dette handler om å slå ring om europeiske grunnverdier: åpenhet, toleranse og likeverd.
With equality as a cornerstone, we must also acknowledge that all modern European societies are full of diversity.
Når vi legger likeverd til grunn, kan vi også erkjenne at alle moderne europeiske fellesskap er mangfoldige.
And that is our strength.
Og at nettopp det er vår styrke.
In my lecture here last year, I said that the economic crisis in Europe was reinforcing the global shifts in power.
I mitt foredrag ved høyskolen i fjor sa jeg at den økonomiske krisen i Europa bidro til å forsterke de globale maktforskyvninger.
“The crisis has catapulted the world into its future,” wrote Martin Wolf in the Financial Times.
”Krisen har fremskyndet fremtiden”, skrev Martin Wolf i The Financial Times.
Policy areas that are traditionally promoted by Europe in international forums (and by us in Norway) – like the principles of the rule of law and human rights – are increasingly clashing with the interests of other powers.
Politikkområder som tradisjonelt fremmes av Europa i internasjonale fora – og av oss i Norge – som rettsstatsprinsipper og menneskerettigheter, brytes nå i økende grad mot andre makters interesser.
States that are enjoying economic growth have always converted their economic and technological power into political influence.
Det har aldri hendt at stater i vekst ikke har vekslet inn sin økonomiske og teknologiske kapital i politisk innflytelse.
This is what China, India, Brazil and Turkey are doing today – in different ways.
Det gjør Kina, India, Brasil og Tyrkia i dag – på ulikt vis.
This brings me to my fourth question: How will Europe position itself in international forums in the future?
Derfor, til mitt fjerde spørsmål: Hvordan vil Europa klare å posisjonere seg i internasjonale fora fremover?
Will Europe maintain its position as a global source of inspiration and norms, demonstrating that welfare and security can be reconciled with democracy and openness?
Vil Europa beholde sin stilling som global inspirator og normgiver – som dokumenterer at velferd og sikkerhet kan forenes med demokrati og åpenhet?
Europe’s voice and engagement are absolutely decisive for finding good solutions to global challenges such as climate change, energy access, development and the fight against poverty.
Europas stemme og engasjement er helt avgjørende for å finne gode løsninger på globale utfordringer som klima, energi, utvikling og fattigdomsbekjempelse.
These are areas where Norway and the EU have interests and viewpoints in common.
Dette er områder hvor Norge og EU gjerne har sammenfallende interesser og synspunkter.
We are best served by an EU that succeeds, by Europe’s voice being heard.
Vi er tjent med at EU lykkes, at Europas stemme høres.
I am concerned that the crisis is concentrating so much energy and decision-making on internal affairs that Europe will have less impact in the global arena.
Jeg er urolig for at krisen i Europa trekker så mye beslutningskraft og energi mot interne forhold at Europas fotavtrykk blir svakere på den globale arena.
This is not in our interests.
Det er vi ikke tjent med.
As reflected in the Lisbon Treaty, the EU has the ambition to become a stronger global actor.
EU har gjennom Lisboa-traktaten ambisjoner om å bli en sterkere global aktør.
It now has its own foreign service – the European External Action Service – which will make it easier to speak with one voice in its dealings with the rest of the world.
En egen utenrikstjeneste er på plass (EEAS) – redskapet som skal gjøre det lettere å snakke med én stemme utad.
This is an advantage from a Norwegian perspective.
Det er bra fra et norsk ståsted.
We are in close contact with the EEAS.
Vi har god kontakt med det tilblivende EEAS.
But the way forward will be challenging: enabling 27 member states – with different interests and different degrees of assertiveness – to chisel out a common foreign policy.
Men veien videre er krevende – å finne rom for en felles utenrikspolitikk av 27 medlemsstater – med ulike interesser og markeringsbehov.
The structure is there.
Byggverket står der.
The challenge is to fill it with a policy that is not just the lowest common denominator.
Utfordringen er å fylle bygget med felles politikk og unngå at kompromisser blant de 27 ender opp som kraftløse minste felles multiplum.
And what about the EU’s relations with its neighbouring countries?
Hva så med EUs rolle i sine nærområder?
Will Europe include or exclude its neighbours?
Vil Europa ekskludere eller inkludere sine nærmeste?
There are those who think clear boundaries should be drawn, for example at the borders to Russia and Turkey.
Noen vil sette grenser, som ved Russland og Tyrkia.
We – as a non-member – should not think we have the answers.
Vi skal – som ikke medlem – slett ikke være skråsikre.
For we are at a considerable distance from these debates in the EU.
Vår egen avstand til europadebattene i EU er stor.
But I see the enlarged EU more as concept than a geographical entity – to return to the title of my lecture.
Men jeg ser det utvidede EU mer som en politisk størrelse enn en geografisk enhet – for å komme tilbake til forelesningens tittel.
It was the EU’s political strength that made it possible to include countries in Central and Eastern Europe.
Det var den politiske kraften som gjorde at man kunne ta med landene i Sentral- og Øst-Europa.
A region where the EU could have a similar impact is the Balkans.
En region der EU virkelig kan gjøre enn liknende forskjell er på Balkan.
To the south, the Arab spring – now summer and soon autumn – is both a historic opportunity and a challenge for Europe and European cooperation.
I sør er den arabiske våren – nå sommer og snart høst – en historisk mulighet og en utfordring for Europa og det europeiske samarbeidet.
Why shouldn’t Tunisia and Egypt eventually be invited in?
Hvorfor ikke tenke seg at Tunisia og Egypt gradvis kunne inviteres inn?
Or what about letting them into the European human rights framework – including Council of Europe conventions?
Eller gjøre det europeiske bindingsnettverket på menneskerettighetsområdet – altså Europarådets konvensjoner – tilgjengelig for dem?
Turkey is a key country.
Tyrkia er et nøkkelland.
It has formal candidate status.
Det har formelt kandidatstatus til EU.
But it has received a clear signal that there is no easy way into the EU.
Men det utvetydige signalet til Tyrkia er at det ikke finnes noen enkel vei inn.
This is bringing about changes in the Turkish mindset and identity.
Dette bidrar til endringer i tyrkisk mentalitet og identitet.
We see Turkey becoming more aware of its regional role – a role that is not European, but due to its position between continents, balancing between Europe, the Caucasus, the Middle East and Central Asia.
Vi ser en identitet og en styrket bevissthet om Tyrkias regionale rolle – ikke europeisk, men midt i mellom kontinentene et sted – balanserende mellom Europa, Kaukasus, Midtøsten og Sentral-Asia.
Turkey is both full of self-confidence, and full of frustrations – to put it bluntly.
Tyrkia har både størst selvtillit og flest frustrasjoner, for å sette det på spissen.
It is experiencing growth and progress, and Turkish leaders are suggesting that, “The EU will soon be needing us more than we need the EU”.
Tyrkia opplever vekst og fremgang, og tyrkiske ledere sier lakonisk: ”Om ikke lenge vil EU trenge oss – mer enn vi trenger dem”.
Further north, the Balkans are home to Europe’s unresolved process of reconciliation.
Lenger nord på Balkan ligger Europas uforløste forsoning.
It is as though we are hearing the reverberations from the fall of the Berlin Wall, or the last bits of reconstruction work after the collapse of Yugoslavia and the wars of the 1990s.
Det er som om vi hører etterdønningene av Berlinmurens fall, eller de siste tak av oppryddingen etter Jugoslavias sammenbrudd og krigene på 1990-tallet.
Slovenia is already a member of the EU.
Slovenia er inne i EU.
Croatia is on its way.
Kroatia er på vei.
More countries in this part of Europe are considering joining.
Stadig flere i denne delen av Europa spør seg om de er ønsket inn i fellesskapet?
This enlargement will be one of the EU project’s greatest tests.
En av EU-prosjektets virkelig store tester, vil handle om hvorvidt utvidelsen kan lykkes også her.
So finally, some reflections about Norway and Europe.
Så – til sist, noen sluttrefleksjoner om Norge og Europa:
I am foreign minister of a country that is not a member of the EU, and where opinion polls show that there is still a majority against membership.
Jeg er utenriksminister i en regjering i et land som ikke er medlem av EU – der vedvarende målinger viser at det ikke er opinion for medlemskap.
But at the same time a country that is closely integrated into European cooperation because our closest allies are in Europe, our trading partners are in Europe, and more than 80% of our exports are to EU countries.
Men – samtidig: et land som er tett integrert i europeisk samarbeid, fordi våre nærmeste allierte er i Europa, fordi våre handelspartnere er i Europa, fordi over 80 % av all vår eksport går til EU-land.
Is there any country that is more dependent on the EU due to exports, common rules and respect for these rules than we are?
Er det noe land som er mer avhengig av EU, gjennom sin eksport, gjennom felles regelverk og ved gjennomføring og respekt for regelverk, enn oss?
We are certainly at the top of the league.
Vi kommer i alle fall på en klar medaljeplass.
And at the same time we see ourselves as doing very well outside the EU.
Og dette kombinert med forestillingen om at vi klarer oss så godt utenfor.
And we are at present – in terms of figures.
Vi gjør det i dag – om vi legger tallrekker til grunn.
But life – even for a state – is not just about numbers.
Men tilværelsen – selv for stater – er mer enn tall.
And my job is to ensure that Norway is not out of sight and out of mind in relation to Europe.
Min jobb er å sikre at Norge ikke er ute av syne og ute av sinn i Europa.
Are there any new opportunities for Norway to engage politically in Europe in the present situation?
Har Norge nå noen nye eller andre muligheter til politisk inngrep i den tiden Europa er inne i?
This is something we must consider more closely.
Det er noe vi ser nærmere på.
Norway’s expertise and experience are in demand in many areas – ranging from maritime policy, the Arctic, the High North, natural gas and fisheries, to the situation in Sudan, Afghanistan and the Middle East.
Norges kompetanse og erfaringer etterspørres på en lang rekke områder – enten det er maritim politikk, Arktis, nordområdene, naturgass, fiskeri, utviklingen i Sudan, Afghanistan eller Midtøsten.
When we have something to offer, we are listened to.
Når vi har noe å fare med blir vi lyttet til.
We constantly bear this in mind in our meetings and talks with European colleagues, both in and outside the EEA.
Dette er vi oss bevisst – i alle våre møter og samtaler med europeiske kolleger, både i og utenfor EØS.
Our challenge is to be relevant at all times.
Vi har en permanent utfordring å være relevante.
So to the EEA Agreement.
Så til EØS-avtalen.
Not many political actors in Norway have declared their love for the EEA Agreement.
Det er få i det politiske Norge som har erklært sin ”kjærlighet” til EØS-avtalen.
As Jacques Delors put it in the 1980s, “No one falls in love with a market!”
Som Jacques Delors sa det på 1980-tallet: Ingen blir forelsket i et marked!
But I still maintain that EEA Agreement is the cornerstone of our relationship with the EU.
Men jeg vil fastholde dette: EØS-avtalen er bærebjelken i hele vårt forhold til EU.
It gives us access to the very platform for stability in Europe today: common rules and enforcement of these rules.
Den sikrer oss tilgangen til det som er plattformen for stabilitet i dagens Europa: Felles regler og håndhevelse av reglene.
It means that students, researchers, employees in the private sector and others can travel, work, live and cooperate anywhere in Europe without any obstacles.
Slik at studenter, forskere, bedrifter og alle andre kan reise, arbeide, bo og samarbeide i Europas geografi uten at noen hindrer dem.
The Agreement has proved itself to be robust.
Avtalen har vist seg slitesterk.
This has been possible because a large political majority has considered the Agreement to generally be in Norway’s interests.
Det har vært mulig fordi et stort politisk flertall i Norge har sett at EØS-avtalen samlet sett tjener norske interesser.
But will the EEA Agreement work equally well in the years to come?
Vil så EØS-avtalen også fungere godt i årene som kommer?
Does it give Norwegian citizens, businesses and institutions the opportunities, framework conditions and predictability that we want – in a Europe that is undergoing rapid change?
Gir avtalen norske borgere, næringsliv og institusjoner fremdeles de muligheter, rammebetingelser og forutsigbarhet som vi ønsker oss – i et Europa som vi ser er i rask endring?
This is what we must discuss.
Dette må vi debattere.
On the whole, we need to get better at discussing Europe, the EU and Norway without reducing the debate to a question of yes or no to Norwegian membership, although that too must be debated.
I det hele tatt må vi bli bedre på å debattere Europa og EU og Norge – uten å redusere alt til et spørsmål om ja eller nei til norsk medlemskap – selv om også det gjerne må debatteres.
Again, asking questions is a key element of an open democracy.
Igjen; det ligger i demokrati og åpenhet å stille spørsmål.
We must also take part in the great European debate, the development of European ideas.
Vi må også være en del av det store europeiske ordskiftet, de europeiske ideene.
Twenty years ago, when the Berlin Wall fell and the US became the dominant world power, what we called the “Washington consensus” – privatisation, reducing the public sector, export-driven growth, etc. – was the standard prescription.
For 20 år siden, da Berlinmuren falt og USA ble den dominerende verdensmakten, så var det vi kalte ”Washington-konsensus” ganske enerådende: privatisering, redusert offentlig sektor, eksportdrevet vekst, osv.
Today the playing field is broader.
I dag er feltet bredere.
Developing countries are seeing China achieve a growth rate of around 8% year after year, as well as substantial growth in India, Brazil, Turkey and others.
Utviklingslandene ser at Kina leverer vekst på rundt 8 %, år etter år, India vokser, Brasil, Tyrkia og flere.
What generates growth and lifts people out of poverty?
– hva gir vekst og veier ut av fattigdom?
This year, one of the main themes at the World Economic Forum in Davos was the Nordic Model.
I år var et av hovedtemaene under World Economic Forum i Davos nettopp den nordiske modellen.
New approaches to preventing climate change.
Om tilnærmingen til å hindre klimaendringer.
Remember that just the day before an incident occurs, most people have no idea it is going to happen.
Husk at vi bare dagen før en hendelse kan leve nærmest intetanende om den.
No one could have predicted the May 1968 riots in Paris earlier that spring.
Tidlig på våren 1968 var det ingen som kunne forutse mai ’68 i Paris.
Social tensions in many European cities today are greater than they were then.
De sosiale spenningene i mange europeiske byer er større nå enn da.
You are privileged to be able to follow all this from the Norwegian School of Economics and Business Administration – a recognised centre for insight, overview and analysis.
Dere er heldige som får følge alt dette fra Norges Handelshøyskole – et anerkjent sted for innsikt, utsyn og analyser.
For although – or perhaps because – Norway is a prosperous nation in both economic and political terms, in a world where deficits are growing, we must be open to new ideas, promote new visions, and look for new opportunities.
For selv om – eller kanskje på grunn av – at Norge er en økonomisk og politisk overskuddsnasjon, i en verden der underskuddene vokser, må vi være åpne for å tenke den nye tanken, fremme den nye ideen, se etter den nye muligheten.
The Kristofer Lehmkuhl Lecture 2011
Kristofer Lehmkuhl-forelesning 2011
The third EU-Norway Energy Conference
The third EU-Norway Energy Conference
Ministry of Petroleum and Energy E-mail: Postmottak@oed.dep.no Phone: + 47 22 24 90 90 Address: Akersgata 59, 0033 Oslo, Postboks 8148 Dep, 0033 Oslo
Olje- og energidepartementet E-post: Postmottak@oed.dep.no Telefon: 22 24 90 90 Adresse: Akersgata 59, 0033 Oslo, Postboks 8148 Dep, 0033 Oslo
Letter to the European Commission
Brev til EU-kommisjonen
Letter to EU Commissioner Miguel Arias Cañete and Vice President Maroš Šefčovič on the Energy Union and Norwegian Gas Exports.
Regjeringens brev til EU-kommissær Miguel Arias Cañete og visepresident Maroš Šefčovič om EUs energiunion og norsk gasseksport.
“Letters to Europe” – a book project (collage) by ICORN
“Letters to Europe” – a book project (collage) by ICORN
Launched in Brussels, 25 March 2011
Lansert i Brussel, 25. mars 2011
My message is this: our lessons from the north of Europe show that successful long-term cooperation needs to be based on people-to-people cooperation, cross-cultural exchange and partnerships between municipalities, regional authorities and the business community across borders, writes Foreign Minister Jonas Gahr Støre.
My message is this: our lessons from the north of Europe show that successful long-term cooperation needs to be based on people-to-people cooperation, cross-cultural exchange and partnerships between municipalities, regional authorities and the business community across borders, skriver utenriksminister Jonas Gahr Støre.
Full (*) version of the Minister’s article
Full (*) version of the Minister’s article
Letter from the North Pictures and images count.
Letter from the North Pictures and images count.
I recall watching the weather forecast for Europe on television during my years as a student in Paris in the 1980s, and seeing a continent that was cut off at 60 degrees north.
I recall watching the weather forecast for Europe on television during my years as a student in Paris in the 1980s, and seeing a continent that was cut off at 60 degrees north.
Oslo, Stockholm and Helsinki were as far north as the weather maps of Europe used to go.
Oslo, Stockholm and Helsinki were as far north as the weather maps of Europe used to go.
They were maps with large parts of Europe simply left out.
They were maps with large parts of Europe simply left out.
This was not only the case in France.
This was not only the case in France.
When I once asked a German scholar what he considered the High North to be, he replied “Schleswig-Holstein”.
When I once asked a German scholar what he considered the High North to be, he replied “Schleswig-Holstein”.
I am mentioning this as a reminder that Europe is much more than most Europeans, in the past, perceived it to be.
I am mentioning this as a reminder that Europe is much more than most Europeans, in the past, perceived it to be.
And because many of Europe’s peoples and resources – as well as its most vulnerable ecosystems – are to be found precisely in the parts of our continent above the 60th parallel north.
And because many of Europe’s peoples and resources – as well as its most vulnerable ecosystems – are to be found precisely in the parts of our continent above the 60th parallel north.
Fortunately, the High North now seems to be back on the map, at least on the political map, due to climate change, ice melting and increased human activity in the region.
Fortunately, the High North now seems to be back on the map, at least on the political map, due to climate change, ice melting and increased human activity in the region.
What, then, are the emerging perspectives of the High North that Europe needs to take into consideration?
What, then, are the emerging perspectives of the High North that Europe needs to take into consideration?
The Arctic Ocean links the North American, European and Asian continents together.
The Arctic Ocean links the North American, European and Asian continents together.
What was once purely the domain of polar heroes and expeditions, such as those of Fridtjof Nansen, Roald Amundsen and Umberto Nobile, is now attracting worldwide interest because the region’s resources – both renewable and non-renewable – have become more accessible.
What was once purely the domain of polar heroes and expeditions, such as those of Fridtjof Nansen, Roald Amundsen and Umberto Nobile, is now attracting worldwide interest because the region’s resources – both renewable and non-renewable – have become more accessible.
Moreover, the international shipping industry has seen the potential in dramatically reducing the sailing routes between the Far East and the West – via the Northern Sea Route.
Moreover, the international shipping industry has seen the potential in dramatically reducing the sailing routes between the Far East and the West – via the Northern Sea Route.
These opportunities may seem desirable, but they are caused by something far less so, namely climate change.
These opportunities may seem desirable, but they are caused by something far less so, namely climate change.
The High North offers front-row seats for studying the effects of climate change, although these effects may be more apparent elsewhere in the world, for instance in the form of desertification in African nations and disruptions of monsoon patterns in Asia.
The High North offers front-row seats for studying the effects of climate change, although these effects may be more apparent elsewhere in the world, for instance in the form of desertification in African nations and disruptions of monsoon patterns in Asia.
While governments such as Norway’s work to fight climate change, we also need to address its effects, in the Arctic and elsewhere – because these effects are already visible.
While governments such as Norway’s work to fight climate change, we also need to address its effects, in the Arctic and elsewhere – because these effects are already visible.
As the ice retreats in the Arctic, economic activity in the High North is already increasing in the areas of fisheries, maritime transport and petroleum.
As the ice retreats in the Arctic, economic activity in the High North is already increasing in the areas of fisheries, maritime transport and petroleum.
In the north we have learned from experience that we need to cooperate across borders in order to secure sustainable management of the rich resources in such a climatically vulnerable region.
In the north we have learned from experience that we need to cooperate across borders in order to secure sustainable management of the rich resources in such a climatically vulnerable region.