natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
In 1980 Brundtland had become member of the Independent Commission on Disarmament and Security Issues, chaired by Swedish Prime Minister Olof Palme.
Brundtland var i 1980 kommet med i den internasjonale kommisjonen som skulle finne en vei ut av det kjernefysiske kappløpet, ledet av Sveriges statsminister Olof Palme.
The commission’s report was presented in 1982.
Rapporten kom i 1982.
In the wake of the report Brundtland contributed to a unified Labour policy on how NATO could secure peace and promote east-west cooperation.
I kjølvannet av rapporten bidro Brundtland til å samle Arbeiderpartiet om en politikk for hvordan NATO kunne sikre freden og fremme samarbeidet øst-vest.
This policy gained support also on the non-socialist side.
Også på borgerlig side vant denne politikken støtte.
In December 1983 the UN secretary-general asked Brundtland to chair a World Commission on Environment and Development.
I desember 1983 ba FNs generalsekretær Brundtland lede en verdenskommisjon for miljø- og utviklingsspørsmål.
She was here able to combine her experience as former minister of the environment with her morerecent experience in other fields of politics, and came to make strong impact on the commission’s work.
Hun kunne her kombinere sine erfaringer som miljøvernminister med sine senere erfaringer på andre politikkområder, og kom til å sette sitt klare preg på arbeidet.
The commission’s report, ”Our Common Future”, was presented in London in April 1987, after Brundtland had returned to the post of prime minister ten months earlier.
Kommisjonens rapport, ”Our Common Future”, ble lagt fram i London i april 1987, etter at Brundtland var kommet tilbake som statsminister et snaut år tidligere.
In the 1985 elections the Labour Party increased its support to 41 per cent of the votes, while Willoch’s coalition representing the Conservative Party, the Christian Democratic Party and the Centre Party lost its majority and became dependent of the right-wing Progress Party.
Ved valget i 1985 gikk Arbeiderpartiet fram til 41 prosent av stemmene, mens Willochs koalisjonsregjering av Høyre, Kristelig Folkeparti og Senterpartiet mistet sitt flertall og ble avhengig av Fremskrittspartiets støtte.
Early 1986 saw a drastic fall in oil prices, and Willoch’s Government now proposed a package of restrictive economic measures.
Tidlig i 1986 kom det et kraftig fall i oljeprisen, og regjeringen Willoch la fram en pakke med innstramningstiltak.
Labour found the social profile insufficient, and decided to oppose the package.
Arbeiderpartiet mente pakken hadde dårlig sosial profil og bestemte seg for å gå mot den.
One proposals was to increase the price of petrol, which was also opposed by the Progress Party.
Et av forslagene var høyere bensinavgift, noe også Fremskrittspartiet var imot.
Willoch demanded a vote of confidence on the issue, and the Storting majority voted against.
Willoch stilte kabinettsspørsmål på innstramningspakken, og fikk stortingsflertallet mot seg.
On 9 May 1986 Brundtland’s Second Government was appointed.
9. mai 1986 overtok Brundtlands andre regjering.
Of the 18 members of Brundtland’s new government eight were women – the highest percentage in any government at any time until then.
Av de 18 medlemmene i Brundtlands nye regjering var det 8 kvinner – den største andelen kvinner i noen regjering noen gang.
At Sakai girls’ school in Osaka, Japan, the Norwegian ”women’s government” had its own monument.
Ved Sakai pikeskole i Osaka i Japan fikk denne ”kvinneregjeringen” sin egen bauta.
However, it was a brutal economic reality the new Government had to face.
Samtidig var det en brutal økonomisk virkelighet regjeringen måtte forholde seg til.
During the year from 1985 to 1986 Norway’s foreign balance had gone from a 26-billion kroner surplus to a 30 billion kroner deficit.
På det ene året fra 1985 til 1986 hadde Norge gått fra 26 milliarder i overskudd på utenriksøkonomien, til 30 milliarder i underskudd.
Parallel to demanding tasks in Norway these years Brundtland was busy presenting the World Commission’s report internationally.
Samtidig med det krevende arbeidet hjemme var Brundtland i disse årene også opptatt med å presentere verdenskommisjonsrapporten internasjonalt.
She became internationally known and received a number of prizes for her work on the commission.
Hun ble en kjent person i mange land og fikk mange priser for arbeidet i Verdenskommisjonen for miljø og utvikling.
The Conservatives, the Christian Democratic Party and the Centre Party were now in majority in the Storting.
Høyre, Kristelig Folkeparti og Senterpartiet fikk sammen flertall på Stortinget.
Efforts to make Norway and other EFTA countries part of the inner market of the EU were successful when the Storting adopted the EEA Treaty in 1992.
Arbeidet med å gjøre Norge og andre EFTA-land til del av EUs indre marked, kom i havn da Stortinget i 1992 vedtok EØS-avtalen.
At the same time EFTA countries like Sweden and Finland decided to apply for membership in the EU.
Samtidig bestemte imidlertid EFTA-land som Sverige og Finland seg for å søke medlemskap i EU.
An important reason for this was the new situation in Europe after the fall of Soviet communism and the dissolution of the Eastern bloc.
En viktig årsak til dette var den nye situasjonen i Europa etter kommunismens fall i Sovjetunionen og oppløsningen av østblokken.
This once more raised the issue of EU membership also for Norway.
Dette satte også spørsmålet om norsk medlemskap i EU på kartet igjen.
After a process in the Labour Party, Brundtland in April 1992 said Norway should apply for EU membership.
Etter behandling i Arbeiderpartiet gikk Brundtland i april 1992 inn for at Norge burde søke medlemskap i EU.
At the same time she decided to leave the post as Labour’s leader, as her youngest son had taken his own life.
Samtidig bestemte hun seg for å gå av som partileder, etter at hennes yngste sønn hadde tatt sitt eget liv.
Labour’s secretary, Thorbjørn Jagland, now took over as party leader while Brundtland continued as prime minister.
Partisekretær Thorbjørn Jagland overtok nå som partileder, mens Brundtland fortsatte som statsminister.
In the Storting elections in 1993 the Labour Party increased its support to 36.9 per cent of the votes.
Ved stortingsvalget i 1993 gikk Arbeiderpartiet fram til 36,9 prosent.
Brundtland and Centre Party leader Anne Enger Lahnstein now emerged as the main adversaries in the period up to the referendum on Norwegian EU membership on 29 November 1994.
Brundtland og Senterpartiets leder, Anne Enger Lahnstein, ble dermed hovedmotstandere i valgkampen fram mot folkeavstemningen om norsk EU-medlemskap 29. november 1994.
The outcome was a scarce majority against.
Den viste et knapt nei-flertall.
Brundtland had made it clear that the Government would follow the people’s advice.
Brundtland hadde på forhånd gjort det klart at regjeringen ville følge folkets råd.
Brundtland’s position remained strong also after the defeat in the EU issue, but gradually the question was being raised as to how long she intended to remain prime minister.
Brundtlands posisjon var fortsatt sterk etter nederlaget i folkeavstemningen, men etter hvert spurte man seg hvor lenge hun tenkte å fortsette som statsminister.
In October 1996, less than a year before the next national elections, she announced at short notice that she would tender her resignation.
I oktober 1996, et snaut år før neste stortingsvalg, kunngjorde hun på kort varsel at hun ville søke avskjed.
On 25 October Thorbjørn Jagland’s Labour Government took over.
25. oktober overtok Thorbjørn Jaglands arbeiderpartiregjering.
She was elected with solid majority, and took up the post in 1998.
Hun ble valgt med stort flertall, og overtok denne posten i 1998.
In the WHO she carried through major organisational changes, and stood out as a strong leader.
I WHO gjennomførte hun større organisasjonsendringer og markerte seg som en tydelig leder.
When her period at the WHO was over in 2003, she retired – after some time to the family’s new home in the south of France.
Da hennes periode i WHO var over i 2003, trakk hun seg tilbake – etter hvert til familiens nye bolig nær Nice i Sør-Frankrike.
Norsk Biografisk Leksikon
1981
Go back
Gå tilbake
Prime Minister since 1814
Statsminister siden 1814
Gro Harlem Brundtland's Second Government 1986-1989
Gro Harlem Brundtlands andre regjering 1986-1989
Prime Minister 1981, 1986 - 1989 and 1990 - 1996
Statsminister 1981, 1986 - 1989 og 1990 - 1996
Sources: i.a.
Kilder: bl. a.
Norsk Biografisk Leksikon
Norsk Biografisk Leksikon
Go back
1981
“Threat images and NATO’s neighbourhood - a Norwegian perspective”
“Threat images and NATO’s neighbourhood - a Norwegian perspective”
Minister of Defence Anne-Grete Strøm-Erichsen The Military Power Seminar, 6 December 2012
Forsvarsminister Anne-Grete Strøm-Erichsen Foredrag ved militærmaktseminaret, 6. desember 2012
From "out of area" to "in area"
From “out of area” to “in area”
First, I would like to thank the organisers for the invitation to open this traditional seminar.
First, I would like to thank the organisers for the invitation to open this traditional seminar.
Today's theme is very relevant indeed.
Today’s theme is very relevant indeed.
A NATO member state bordering an armed internal conflict, has recently called for allied support.
A NATO member state bordering an armed internal conflict, has recently called for allied support.
The security needs of Turkey, brings NATOs neighbourhood policy to our attention.
The security needs of Turkey, brings NATOs neighbourhood policy to our attention.
It illustrates how the Alliance works.
It illustrates how the Alliance works.
The security concern of one Ally is the concern of all.
The security concern of one Ally is the concern of all.
This is allied solidarity in practice.
This is allied solidarity in practice.
And it is part of the complex security outlook NATO is facing and which I am going to talk about this morning.
And it is part of the complex security outlook NATO is facing and which I am going to talk about this morning.
You will recall that since the early 1990s, the Alliance has been devoted to international crisis management.
You will recall that since the early 1990s, the Alliance has been devoted to international crisis management.
From 2003 this has become an almost all absorbing strategic assignment.
From 2003 this has become an almost all absorbing strategic assignment.
The question is, at what cost?
The question is, at what cost?
In my opinion, it has affected NATO in a fundamental way.
In my opinion, it has affected NATO in a fundamental way.
As "In area" for many years has been replaced by "out of area", the capability for collective defence of NATOs core area has gradually crumbled away.
As “In area” for many years has been replaced by “out of area”, the capability for collective defence of NATOs core area has gradually crumbled away.
With the ISAF mission is coming to an end this needs to be corrected.
With the ISAF mission is coming to an end this needs to be corrected.
I am pleased to say that this issue is now being revisited, not least due to Norwegian arguments over several years.
I am pleased to say that this issue is now being revisited, not least due to Norwegian arguments over several years.
A process is underway to re-establish regional competence and responsibilities at NATO commands.
A process is underway to re-establish regional competence and responsibilities at NATO commands.
Furthermore, we are reviving defence planning for the NATO area.
Furthermore, we are reviving defence planning for the NATO area.
I believe there are three objective reasons that underpin this work.
I believe there are three objective reasons that underpin this work.
Firstly, we are observing new trends in our security environment.
Firstly, we are observing new trends in our security environment.
We see a return of geopolitics and the return of more classical symmetric challenges.
We see a return of geopolitics and the return of more classical symmetric challenges.
Secondly, with the increased attention to challenges at home, including in NATOs neighbourhood, it is important to ensure continued public support for the Alliance in member countries.
Secondly, with the increased attention to challenges at home, including in NATOs neighbourhood, it is important to ensure continued public support for the Alliance in member countries.
And finally, there is a growing awareness in many nations that the logic of defence planning must have NATOs core area as its point of departure.
And finally, there is a growing awareness in many nations that the logic of defence planning must have NATOs core area as its point of departure.
Our transformed National Armed Forces is primarily built and organised for the defence of Norway.
Our transformed National Armed Forces is primarily built and organised for the defence of Norway.
Additionally, they are dedicated to the collective defence of NATO member states.
Additionally, they are dedicated to the collective defence of NATO member states.
The capabilities of our forces is however well suited for operations abroad.
The capabilities of our forces is however well suited for operations abroad.
Hence, we will continue to take our responsibility in promoting international peace and security.
Hence, we will continue to take our responsibility in promoting international peace and security.
We will do this in a world that is rapidly changing.
We will do this in a world that is rapidly changing.
Allow me therefore to say a few words on our strategic environment.
Allow me therefore to say a few words on our strategic environment.
The Strategic Environment
The Strategic Environment
In the new world order that emerge, we must recognize that the position for Europe has been significantly changed.
In the new world order that emerge, we must recognize that the position for Europe has been significantly changed.
We have over the past few years seen how emerging economic great powers, such as China, India, Brazil and Indonesia have altered the global balance of power.
We have over the past few years seen how emerging economic great powers, such as China, India, Brazil and Indonesia have altered the global balance of power.
We also see a revitalized and self-confident Russia.
We also see a revitalized and self-confident Russia.
This is a world in which the traditional political and economic dominance of the West is in decline.
This is a world in which the traditional political and economic dominance of the West is in decline.
The United States will for many years continue to be the world's only true military superpower.
The United States will for many years continue to be the world’s only true military superpower.
But the lead is diminishing.
But the lead is diminishing.
This is something the US political leaders clearly recognize and has begun to adapt to.
This is something the US political leaders clearly recognize and has begun to adapt to.
We see a world in which China emerges as a potential new superpower.
We see a world in which China emerges as a potential new superpower.
Accordingly, we are witnessing a markedly new phase in US policy towards China.
Accordingly, we are witnessing a markedly new phase in US policy towards China.
The US new defence strategy confirms that their focus will turn to Asia and the Pacific region.
The US new defence strategy confirms that their focus will turn to Asia and the Pacific region.
In this situation, relations between the US and China will be of crucial importance to the future international climate.
In this situation, relations between the US and China will be of crucial importance to the future international climate.
In my view, the reduction of US static military presence in Europe is quite logical given the prevailing development.
In my view, the reduction of US static military presence in Europe is quite logical given the prevailing development.
However, this does not have to entail a weakening of the transatlantic cooperation.
However, this does not have to entail a weakening of the transatlantic cooperation.
Current plans suggest that permanent bases are substituted by a more dynamic presence.
Current plans suggest that permanent bases are substituted by a more dynamic presence.
Such presence will most likely include more frequent and large-scale exercises, prepositioning of equipment, increased intelligence sharing and situational awareness.
Such presence will most likely include more frequent and large-scale exercises, prepositioning of equipment, increased intelligence sharing and situational awareness.
This actually fits well with the recent re-emergence of a focus on NATOs Article 5-commitments that we have been promoting.
This actually fits well with the recent re-emergence of a focus on NATOs Article 5-commitments that we have been promoting.
The prevailing economic crisis in Europe is also part of this changing strategic environment.
The prevailing economic crisis in Europe is also part of this changing strategic environment.
It is without doubt the greatest challenge facing NATO today.
It is without doubt the greatest challenge facing NATO today.
We need to prepare ourselves to be in this dire situation for the long haul.
We need to prepare ourselves to be in this dire situation for the long haul.
The crisis in Europe has over time developed into a crisis of emerging social distress and mistrust in governments and financial institutions.
The crisis in Europe has over time developed into a crisis of emerging social distress and mistrust in governments and financial institutions.
This defies our very idea of Europe and its international role.
This defies our very idea of Europe and its international role.
The crisis affects most EU- and NATO-member states, not least their defence budgets.
The crisis affects most EU- and NATO-member states, not least their defence budgets.
These are often seen as easy targets when cuts are made.
These are often seen as easy targets when cuts are made.
Any negative effects of a reduction in defence spending are widely perceived as something abstract in nature that might be felt only in the longer term.
Any negative effects of a reduction in defence spending are widely perceived as something abstract in nature that might be felt only in the longer term.
It hurts much more for governments to cut spending in critical societal areas close to everyone's hearts, like health, education and infrastructure.
It hurts much more for governments to cut spending in critical societal areas close to everyone’s hearts, like health, education and infrastructure.
This is the logic of politics and it is hard to disagree.
This is the logic of politics and it is hard to disagree.
The situation becomes even more critical, knowing that cuts are made just at a time when the need for further military transformation is coming to the fore.
The situation becomes even more critical, knowing that cuts are made just at a time when the need for further military transformation is coming to the fore.
In several countries it has been impossible to reach the broad political consensus which has been the basis for our own restructuring process.
In several countries it has been impossible to reach the broad political consensus which has been the basis for our own restructuring process.
This is regrettable as such times of austerity provide a good opportunity to take the necessary steps.
This is regrettable as such times of austerity provide a good opportunity to take the necessary steps.
As Minister of Defence and responsible for the current long term plan, I know the tremendous efforts required.
As Minister of Defence and responsible for the current long term plan, I know the tremendous efforts required.
It takes time for the benefits of a restructuring process to become evident.
It takes time for the benefits of a restructuring process to become evident.
The process is long term and painful.
The process is long term and painful.
I am satisfied that we have been able to take tough, but necessary decisions for our national defence sector in favourable economic times.
I am satisfied that we have been able to take tough, but necessary decisions for our national defence sector in favourable economic times.
After more than ten years of hard work, we find ourselves in a situation in which we can make choices out of wisdom and not out of necessity.
After more than ten years of hard work, we find ourselves in a situation in which we can make choices out of wisdom and not out of necessity.
Many of my allied colleges are not so fortunate.
Many of my allied colleges are not so fortunate.
It is of great concern that many European countries are being forced to cut entire elements from their defence structures.
It is of great concern that many European countries are being forced to cut entire elements from their defence structures.
There is no doubt that cuts especially made at the high end of capabilities will critically affect NATO over time.
There is no doubt that cuts especially made at the high end of capabilities will critically affect NATO over time.
We must, therefore, make sure that cuts are made in a way that takes account of our collective security requirements.
We must, therefore, make sure that cuts are made in a way that takes account of our collective security requirements.
If not, this will represent a serious challenge in the context of burden sharing and in maintaining the transatlantic ties.
If not, this will represent a serious challenge in the context of burden sharing and in maintaining the transatlantic ties.
Unfortunately, there are signs to the contrary.
Unfortunately, there are signs to the contrary.
Allies, in dire economic straits, feels compelled to cut quickly and in many cases, unilaterally.
Allies, in dire economic straits, feels compelled to cut quickly and in many cases, unilaterally.
We also see that common funded or multilateral projects come under pressure.
We also see that common funded or multilateral projects come under pressure.
The total defence expenditure in NATO is certain to drop further in the short term.
The total defence expenditure in NATO is certain to drop further in the short term.
Obviously, we cannot simply continue business as usual.
Obviously, we cannot simply continue business as usual.
The Chicago Summit earlier this year launched Smart Defence and the Connected Forces initiative as a response to reduced budgets and reduced operational cooperation in Afghanistan.
The Chicago Summit earlier this year launched Smart Defence and the Connected Forces initiative as a response to reduced budgets and reduced operational cooperation in Afghanistan.
In such times of austerity, multinational solutions are the apparent answer, both in relation to capabilities and training.
In such times of austerity, multinational solutions are the apparent answer, both in relation to capabilities and training.
Norway will continue to argue in favour of these efforts, both within the Alliance and elsewhere.
Norway will continue to argue in favour of these efforts, both within the Alliance and elsewhere.
Even if the bulk of our multinational cooperation happens in the framework of NATO, the Nordic Defence Cooperation has grown steadily stronger and more substantial.
Even if the bulk of our multinational cooperation happens in the framework of NATO, the Nordic Defence Cooperation has grown steadily stronger and more substantial.
We will use the best options available to close our own capability gaps, as well as those of the Alliance.
We will use the best options available to close our own capability gaps, as well as those of the Alliance.
The way forward in this regard is through pooling and sharing of mission critical capabilities and their support systems, both between Allies and with close partners like Sweden and Finland.
The way forward in this regard is through pooling and sharing of mission critical capabilities and their support systems, both between Allies and with close partners like Sweden and Finland.
At the core of these efforts, is the need to refurbish and reorient the Alliance.
At the core of these efforts, is the need to refurbish and reorient the Alliance.