natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
We hope that NATO will gradually reduce its reliance on nuclear weapons and will advocate this approach in the broader discussion on NATO’s Strategic Concept.
We hope that NATO will gradually reduce its reliance on nuclear weapons and will advocate this approach in the broader discussion on NATO’s Strategic Concept.
Fourthly, the total elimination of nuclear weapons is dependent on a much more robust and credible non-proliferation regime than the one we have today.
Fourthly, the total elimination of nuclear weapons is dependent on a much more robust and credible non-proliferation regime than the one we have today.
This will require expansion of the regime and closure of the current loopholes.
This will require expansion of the regime and closure of the current loopholes.
Existing nuclear material must be secured, and assistance must be provided to countries that are not able to fulfil their non-proliferation obligations due to limited resources.
Existing nuclear material must be secured, and assistance must be provided to countries that are not able to fulfil their non-proliferation obligations due to limited resources.
Fifthly, we cannot make genuine progress on non-proliferation unless we can ensure that all NPT states have the opportunity to benefit from nuclear energy and technology.
Fifthly, we cannot make genuine progress on non-proliferation unless we can ensure that all NPT states have the opportunity to benefit from nuclear energy and technology.
The right to peaceful use must not undermine our non-proliferation efforts, nor our efforts to ensure human safety and protect the environment.
The right to peaceful use must not undermine our non-proliferation efforts, nor our efforts to ensure human safety and protect the environment.
One way of accommodating peaceful use in connection with non-proliferation is through multilateral cooperation on handling the whole nuclear fuel cycle.
One way of accommodating peaceful use in connection with non-proliferation is through multilateral cooperation on handling the whole nuclear fuel cycle.
As a first step, we should set up a fuel bank under IAEA auspices to ensure supply of nuclear fuel to all bona fide NPT states.
As a first step, we should set up a fuel bank under IAEA auspices to ensure supply of nuclear fuel to all bona fide NPT states.
This might discourage a number of countries from building their own fuel production capacity, which is both expensive and, more importantly, could increase proliferation.
This might discourage a number of countries from building their own fuel production capacity, which is both expensive and, more importantly, could increase proliferation.
Norway will contribute USD 5 million to such a fuel bank and is engaged in building broad international support for this initiative.
Norway will contribute USD 5 million to such a fuel bank and is engaged in building broad international support for this initiative.
There is no ban against nuclear weapons.
There is no ban against nuclear weapons.
But for most nations of the world, an effective prohibition is already in place in the form of the NPT.
But for most nations of the world, an effective prohibition is already in place in the form of the NPT.
We marked the 40th anniversary of the NPT in July this year.
We marked the 40th anniversary of the NPT in July this year.
The treaty has served us well.
The treaty has served us well.
It has saved us from the frightening scenario of a world with several dozen nuclear weapon states.
It has saved us from the frightening scenario of a world with several dozen nuclear weapon states.
It has enabled non-nuclear weapon states to benefit from civilian nuclear applications.
It has enabled non-nuclear weapon states to benefit from civilian nuclear applications.
It has committed nuclear weapon states to disarm.
It has committed nuclear weapon states to disarm.
Despite its solid record, the NPT is under growing strain.
Despite its solid record, the NPT is under growing strain.
There are a number of reasons for this highly unfortunate state of affairs.
There are a number of reasons for this highly unfortunate state of affairs.
There can be no doubt that the current outstanding proliferation challenges are a major factor.
There can be no doubt that the current outstanding proliferation challenges are a major factor.
It is furthermore deplorable that so many countries are failing to take the appropriate steps to sustain the global non-proliferation regime.
It is furthermore deplorable that so many countries are failing to take the appropriate steps to sustain the global non-proliferation regime.
Finally, there is a widespread perception that the nuclear weapon states have not delivered on their disarmament commitments.
Finally, there is a widespread perception that the nuclear weapon states have not delivered on their disarmament commitments.
The path towards a nuclear weapon free world is difficult.
The path towards a nuclear weapon free world is difficult.
We cannot make progress unless we are able to define common ground among the nations of the world.
We cannot make progress unless we are able to define common ground among the nations of the world.
Such consensus has been lacking for too long.
Such consensus has been lacking for too long.
Norway is working actively through the Seven-Nation Initiative on nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation to build bridges over past differences and to define the elements that could form a new international consensus.
Norway is working actively through the Seven-Nation Initiative on nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation to build bridges over past differences and to define the elements that could form a new international consensus.
The other countries taking part in this Initiative are Australia, Chile, Indonesia, Romania, South Africa and the UK, i.e. countries from all the regional and political groupings in the world.
The other countries taking part in this Initiative are Australia, Chile, Indonesia, Romania, South Africa and the UK, i.e. countries from all the regional and political groupings in the world.
If the countries in the Seven-Nation Initiative can reach agreement on key steps, that would greatly facilitate consensus building on a larger scale.
If the countries in the Seven-Nation Initiative can reach agreement on key steps, that would greatly facilitate consensus building on a larger scale.
Nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation must go hand in hand.
Nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation must go hand in hand.
Norway will continue its strenuous efforts to implement Security Council resolution 1540 and to persuade all other countries to follow suit.
Norway will continue its strenuous efforts to implement Security Council resolution 1540 and to persuade all other countries to follow suit.
We will also continue our commitment to other non-proliferation initiatives such as the G8 Global Partnership against the Spread of Weapons and Materials of Mass Destruction, the EU strategy in the same area, the Proliferation Security Initiative and the Global Initiative to Combat Nuclear Terrorism.
We will also continue our commitment to other non-proliferation initiatives such as the G8 Global Partnership against the Spread of Weapons and Materials of Mass Destruction, the EU strategy in the same area, the Proliferation Security Initiative and the Global Initiative to Combat Nuclear Terrorism.
Although biological and chemical agents are generally considered to be of less military utility, the prospects of terrorist groups using such materials are frightening.
Although biological and chemical agents are generally considered to be of less military utility, the prospects of terrorist groups using such materials are frightening.
Norway will therefore continue to strengthen the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention and promote its universal ratification.
Norway will therefore continue to strengthen the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention and promote its universal ratification.
We will also continue our efforts to ensure full implementation of the Chemical Weapons Convention by all states parties.
We will also continue our efforts to ensure full implementation of the Chemical Weapons Convention by all states parties.
Conventional arms control and disarmament
Conventional arms control and disarmament
However, most of those killed or wounded in modern wars and armed conflict are victims of conventional weapons, particularly small arms and other light weapons, landmines and cluster munitions.
However, most of those killed or wounded in modern wars and armed conflict are victims of conventional weapons, particularly small arms and other light weapons, landmines and cluster munitions.
The vast majority of these victims are civilians.
The vast majority of these victims are civilians.
The overwhelming share of global military spending is on conventional weapons and equipment.
The overwhelming share of global military spending is on conventional weapons and equipment.
In many cases, the trade in such weapons – particularly small arms – is very poorly controlled and often veiled in secrecy and lack of transparency.
In many cases, the trade in such weapons – particularly small arms – is very poorly controlled and often veiled in secrecy and lack of transparency.
This paves the way for corruption, crime, violent conflict and war.
This paves the way for corruption, crime, violent conflict and war.
In turn, this is hampering social and economic development.
In turn, this is hampering social and economic development.
Therefore an important motivation for disarmament is to reduce human suffering by contributing to good governance and redirecting military expenditure to more productive areas.
Therefore an important motivation for disarmament is to reduce human suffering by contributing to good governance and redirecting military expenditure to more productive areas.
This is disarmament as humanitarian action.
This is disarmament as humanitarian action.
International treaties in the field of humanitarian disarmament will further enhance regional and global cooperation and strengthen international law.
International treaties in the field of humanitarian disarmament will further enhance regional and global cooperation and strengthen international law.
For all these reasons, Norway is a strong supporter of arms control and disarmament accords.
For all these reasons, Norway is a strong supporter of arms control and disarmament accords.
We are working towards our disarmament objectives through a number of global and regional organisations.
We are working towards our disarmament objectives through a number of global and regional organisations.
Foremost among these are the UN, NATO and the OSCE.
Foremost among these are the UN, NATO and the OSCE.
In all these forums we work closely with countries that share our mind-set and ambitions, such as Germany.
In all these forums we work closely with countries that share our mind-set and ambitions, such as Germany.
To an increasing degree, we are seeing that it can be useful to cooperate more closely with countries that belong to other regional or political constellations.
To an increasing degree, we are seeing that it can be useful to cooperate more closely with countries that belong to other regional or political constellations.
We are doing this through the Seven-Nation Initiative, as I mentioned above.
We are doing this through the Seven-Nation Initiative, as I mentioned above.
The UN is the world’s most important normative organisation.
The UN is the world’s most important normative organisation.
This also applies to arms control and disarmament.
This also applies to arms control and disarmament.
We should therefore place great emphasis on strengthening the UN’s role as regards both norms and specific measures in this area.
We should therefore place great emphasis on strengthening the UN’s role as regards both norms and specific measures in this area.
Norway wants the Security Council to retain its authority in the area of arms control, and to give it more visibility, but we would also like to see the General Assembly playing a stronger role.
Norway wants the Security Council to retain its authority in the area of arms control, and to give it more visibility, but we would also like to see the General Assembly playing a stronger role.
We believe that the best way to enable the General Assembly to play the key role originally envisaged for it is to reach agreement on specific disarmament and non-proliferation measures.
We believe that the best way to enable the General Assembly to play the key role originally envisaged for it is to reach agreement on specific disarmament and non-proliferation measures.
During our chairmanship of the UN First Committee in 2006, Norway’s main priority was to improve the committee’s effectiveness and efficiency.
During our chairmanship of the UN First Committee in 2006, Norway’s main priority was to improve the committee’s effectiveness and efficiency.
I believe that discussions in the First Committee today are more focused and consensus-oriented than they used to be.
I believe that discussions in the First Committee today are more focused and consensus-oriented than they used to be.
It is clear that the work of the UN Disarmament Commission and the Conference on Disarmament is not satisfactory.
It is clear that the work of the UN Disarmament Commission and the Conference on Disarmament is not satisfactory.
These two UN bodies used to play important roles in achieving broad-based agreement on important arms control issues.
These two UN bodies used to play important roles in achieving broad-based agreement on important arms control issues.
It is totally unacceptable that they have been obstructed in their efforts in recent years by a small number of countries.
It is totally unacceptable that they have been obstructed in their efforts in recent years by a small number of countries.
Such methods are damaging both to the UN and to global disarmament efforts.
Such methods are damaging both to the UN and to global disarmament efforts.
Some of the most successful disarmament accords are regional in nature.
Some of the most successful disarmament accords are regional in nature.
The 1992 Treaty on Conventional Forces in Europe has played a key role in safeguarding stability in post-Cold War Europe.
The 1992 Treaty on Conventional Forces in Europe has played a key role in safeguarding stability in post-Cold War Europe.
For Norway, the so-called flank limitations have been of particular importance, both in military terms and as confidence-building measures.
For Norway, the so-called flank limitations have been of particular importance, both in military terms and as confidence-building measures.
The CFE Treaty, in its adapted version, should continue to be a cornerstone of European security in the future.
The CFE Treaty, in its adapted version, should continue to be a cornerstone of European security in the future.
Norway therefore deeply regrets the unilateral Russian suspension of the CFE Treaty.
Norway therefore deeply regrets the unilateral Russian suspension of the CFE Treaty.
At a time when there is increased tension between the Russian Federation and the West, the CFE Treaty is more important than ever.
At a time when there is increased tension between the Russian Federation and the West, the CFE Treaty is more important than ever.
Neither the Vienna Document of 1999 nor the Open Skies Treaty of 2002 can compensate for the suspension of the CFE Treaty.
Neither the Vienna Document of 1999 nor the Open Skies Treaty of 2002 can compensate for the suspension of the CFE Treaty.
I therefore urge Russia to return to the negotiating table so that we can find a mutually acceptable solution.
I therefore urge Russia to return to the negotiating table so that we can find a mutually acceptable solution.
Ban on weapons that cause unacceptable human suffering
Ban on weapons that cause unacceptable human suffering
Certain types of conventional weapons have particularly serious humanitarian consequences.
Certain types of conventional weapons have particularly serious humanitarian consequences.
Ten years ago, attention was focused on the humanitarian- and development-related challenges posed by anti-personnel mines.
Ten years ago, attention was focused on the humanitarian- and development-related challenges posed by anti-personnel mines.
Efforts in this field led to the Mine Ban Treaty, which was adopted in Oslo in 1997.
Efforts in this field led to the Mine Ban Treaty, which was adopted in Oslo in 1997.
Norway will continue to actively promote and facilitate the fulfilment by all states parties of their obligations under the Mine Ban Treaty.
Norway will continue to actively promote and facilitate the fulfilment by all states parties of their obligations under the Mine Ban Treaty.
The Treaty is a key instrument for both disarmament and humanitarian efforts.
The Treaty is a key instrument for both disarmament and humanitarian efforts.
It prevents human suffering and ensures assistance for many landmine victims.
It prevents human suffering and ensures assistance for many landmine victims.
Recently, the humanitarian agenda witnessed another landmark decision.
Recently, the humanitarian agenda witnessed another landmark decision.
In Dublin, on 30 May 2008, 107 states agreed to the Cluster Munitions Convention, thus fulfilling the commitment they made in Oslo the previous year.
In Dublin, on 30 May 2008, 107 states agreed to the Cluster Munitions Convention, thus fulfilling the commitment they made in Oslo the previous year.
The new convention prohibits all use, stockpiling, production and transfer of cluster munitions.
The new convention prohibits all use, stockpiling, production and transfer of cluster munitions.
Separate articles in the Convention address assistance to victims, clearance of contaminated areas and destruction of stockpiles.
Separate articles in the Convention address assistance to victims, clearance of contaminated areas and destruction of stockpiles.
The Convention is a result of the Oslo process, an open process that was launched in 2006 and included states, civil society, the International Committee of the Red Cross and the UN.
The Convention is a result of the Oslo process, an open process that was launched in 2006 and included states, civil society, the International Committee of the Red Cross and the UN.
Countries like Norway and Germany engaged in cross-regional partnerships with affected countries and stockpilers, and achieved a result no one thought possible only a few years ago.
Countries like Norway and Germany engaged in cross-regional partnerships with affected countries and stockpilers, and achieved a result no one thought possible only a few years ago.
The Cluster Munitions Convention will be open for signature in Oslo in December 2008.
The Cluster Munitions Convention will be open for signature in Oslo in December 2008.
It is our ambition that the Convention will be signed by more than 100 states to ensure rapid entry in to force.
It is our ambition that the Convention will be signed by more than 100 states to ensure rapid entry in to force.
Now that the Cluster Munitions Convention has been established as the international norm, we expect that states that are not party to the Convention will also respect its norms and principles and refrain from using cluster munitions in the future.
Now that the Cluster Munitions Convention has been established as the international norm, we expect that states that are not party to the Convention will also respect its norms and principles and refrain from using cluster munitions in the future.
International organisations and civil society played important roles during the processes leading to the Mine Ban Treaty and the Cluster Munitions Convention, alongside the states that took part in the negotiations.
International organisations and civil society played important roles during the processes leading to the Mine Ban Treaty and the Cluster Munitions Convention, alongside the states that took part in the negotiations.
They are also essential actors in securing implementation of the conventions.
They are also essential actors in securing implementation of the conventions.
It is my belief that the engagement of civil society will be crucial if we are to overcome the huge challenges we face in our efforts to achieve both nuclear and conventional arms control and disarmament.
It is my belief that the engagement of civil society will be crucial if we are to overcome the huge challenges we face in our efforts to achieve both nuclear and conventional arms control and disarmament.
This will be a vital step towards a world in which the security of countries, as well as individuals, is based more on international cooperation and international law, and less on fear and military force.
This will be a vital step towards a world in which the security of countries, as well as individuals, is based more on international cooperation and international law, and less on fear and military force.
Arms control, disarmament and non-proliferation.
Arms control, disarmament and non-proliferation.
NATO, Russia and Tactical Nuclear Arms
NATO, Russia and Tactical Nuclear Arms
Article in the International Herald Tribune, 15 May 2012
Artikkel i International Herald Tribune, 15. mai 2012
The Chicago summit should send a strong signal of NATO’s resolve to engage with Russia on nuclear issues.
The Chicago summit should send a strong signal of NATO’s resolve to engage with Russia on nuclear issues.
Our aim is to strengthen the partnership between NATO and Russia, and to contribute to Euro-Atlantic security, writes Foreign Minister Støre together with Poland's Foreign Minister Radoslaw Sikorski.
Our aim is to strengthen the partnership between NATO and Russia, and to contribute to Euro-Atlantic security, skriver utenriksminister Støre og Polens utenriksminister Radoslaw Sikorski i denne artikkelen.
At the 2010 Lisbon summit, NATO committed itself to the goal of creating conditions for a world without nuclear weapons.
At the 2010 Lisbon summit, NATO committed itself to the goal of creating conditions for a world without nuclear weapons.
NATO should honor this commitment and seize the opportunity of the upcoming Chicago summit to look at its nuclear policy — and engage with Russia.
NATO should honor this commitment and seize the opportunity of the upcoming Chicago summit to look at its nuclear policy — and engage with Russia.
Tactical nuclear weapons are not covered by any existing arms control regimes.
Tactical nuclear weapons are not covered by any existing arms control regimes.
Thus, over two decades after the Cold War ended, thousands of tactical nuclear weapons remain in Europe.
Thus, over two decades after the Cold War ended, thousands of tactical nuclear weapons remain in Europe.
We have still not managed to establish any credible system of accounting for these weapons.
We have still not managed to establish any credible system of accounting for these weapons.
We do not know the exact size of the U.S. and Russian arsenals, nor are we certain of their storage locations.
We do not know the exact size of the U.S. and Russian arsenals, nor are we certain of their storage locations.
It is true that, as a matter of policy, the alliance has been reducing its reliance on nuclear weapons and that the United States and Russia have cut their inventories of tactical nuclear weapons in Europe.
It is true that, as a matter of policy, the alliance has been reducing its reliance on nuclear weapons and that the United States and Russia have cut their inventories of tactical nuclear weapons in Europe.
But the main dilemma lingers on: the uncontrolled continued existence of these weapons undermines the credibility of our commitment to a nuclear-weapons-free world.
But the main dilemma lingers on: the uncontrolled continued existence of these weapons undermines the credibility of our commitment to a nuclear-weapons-free world.
In Chicago, NATO will conclude its Deterrence and Defense Posture Review.
In Chicago, NATO will conclude its Deterrence and Defense Posture Review.