natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
All states parties are encouraged to implement the IAEA Additional Protocol. o Furthermore, the Conference paved the way for more discussion on cooperative arrangements on production of nuclear fuel for civilian reactors and handling nuclear waste.
All states parties are encouraged to implement the IAEA Additional Protocol. o Furthermore, the Conference paved the way for more discussion on cooperative arrangements on production of nuclear fuel for civilian reactors and handling nuclear waste.
Germany and Norway strongly urged that we should find ways to ensure that countries producing nuclear energy have access to fuel - without having to develop their own capacity. o And finally, the Conference clearly called for continued efforts to reduce the use of highly enriched uranium in civilian nuclear research reactors, and to convert these reactors to run on low-enriched uranium.
Germany and Norway strongly urged that we should find ways to ensure that countries producing nuclear energy have access to fuel - without having to develop their own capacity. o And finally, the Conference clearly called for continued efforts to reduce the use of highly enriched uranium in civilian nuclear research reactors, and to convert these reactors to run on low-enriched uranium.
So, the way I see it, the nuclear weapons states have been given a short “delay” by the vast majority of NPT states parties before moving to zero.
So, the way I see it, the nuclear weapons states have been given a short “delay” by the vast majority of NPT states parties before moving to zero.
There is no doubt that the division between the small number of nuclear weapons states and the much larger number of non-nuclear weapons states is not sustainable in the long run.
There is no doubt that the division between the small number of nuclear weapons states and the much larger number of non-nuclear weapons states is not sustainable in the long run.
My view, if the nuclear weapons states do not live up to expectations, it is likely that the political pressure to move faster towards a legally binding instrument will be significant.
My view, if the nuclear weapons states do not live up to expectations, it is likely that the political pressure to move faster towards a legally binding instrument will be significant.
As non-nuclear weapons states, we have a responsibility to do our part so that the outcome of the NPT Review Conference is implemented.
As non-nuclear weapons states, we have a responsibility to do our part so that the outcome of the NPT Review Conference is implemented.
One arena where Germany and Norway could make a footprint is NATO.
One arena where Germany and Norway could make a footprint is NATO.
I fully recognise that NATO is a security organisation and not a disarmament agency.
I fully recognise that NATO is a security organisation and not a disarmament agency.
Yet, NATO acknowledged already in the Harmel Report in 1967 that arms control was part of its security policy.
Yet, NATO acknowledged already in the Harmel Report in 1967 that arms control was part of its security policy.
Indeed, the best safeguard against any use of nuclear weapons is undeniably their full elimination.
Indeed, the best safeguard against any use of nuclear weapons is undeniably their full elimination.
When former “cold warriors” such as Henry Kissinger and George Schultz have called for a world without nuclear weapons, they have done so out of security concerns.
When former “cold warriors” such as Henry Kissinger and George Schultz have called for a world without nuclear weapons, they have done so out of security concerns.
In the coming months, NATO will give shape to its new strategic concept.
In the coming months, NATO will give shape to its new strategic concept.
One of the key issues is the nuclear doctrine.
One of the key issues is the nuclear doctrine.
In February, Germany, Belgium, the Netherlands, Luxembourg and Norway asked the Secretary General of NATO to put nuclear issues on the agenda of the informal meeting of Foreign Ministers in Tallinn in April.
In February, Germany, Belgium, the Netherlands, Luxembourg and Norway asked the Secretary General of NATO to put nuclear issues on the agenda of the informal meeting of Foreign Ministers in Tallinn in April.
It was encouraging that our initiative received widespread support, but judging from our discussions in Tallinn, it is evident that we are far from consensus on the future nuclear policy of the Alliance.
It was encouraging that our initiative received widespread support, but judging from our discussions in Tallinn, it is evident that we are far from consensus on the future nuclear policy of the Alliance.
The report from the group of experts appointed by the NATO Secretary General on the Alliance’s Strategic Concept, could also have been more forward-looking with respect to reducing the salience of nuclear weapons in NATO’s security posture.
The report from the group of experts appointed by the NATO Secretary General on the Alliance’s Strategic Concept, could also have been more forward-looking with respect to reducing the salience of nuclear weapons in NATO’s security posture.
And it could have been more up-to-date in integrating the disarmament perspective into the security policy framework of the Alliance.
And it could have been more up-to-date in integrating the disarmament perspective into the security policy framework of the Alliance.
Furthermore, it is important that NATO takes fully into account the commitments made in the NPT Review Conference.
Furthermore, it is important that NATO takes fully into account the commitments made in the NPT Review Conference.
There should be less emphasis on the nuclear component in NATO’s deterrence policy, and a readiness to expand the scope of negative security assurances.
There should be less emphasis on the nuclear component in NATO’s deterrence policy, and a readiness to expand the scope of negative security assurances.
Here I fully share the US view that the only condition for non-nuclear weapons states to obtain guarantees should be compliance with their NPT non-proliferation obligations.
Here I fully share the US view that the only condition for non-nuclear weapons states to obtain guarantees should be compliance with their NPT non-proliferation obligations.
Nuclear deterrence only makes sense in deterring others states from using nuclear weapons against us.
Nuclear deterrence only makes sense in deterring others states from using nuclear weapons against us.
Using nuclear weapons to counter other threats, such as conventional weapons, would in the long run lead to further proliferation.
Using nuclear weapons to counter other threats, such as conventional weapons, would in the long run lead to further proliferation.
The debate has just begun.
The debate has just begun.
Few countries support NATO as strongly as Germany and Norway do.
Few countries support NATO as strongly as Germany and Norway do.
It is all the more important that we join other like-minded allies and consider seriously how to develop NATO’s strategy in a way that is credible and relevant in view of today’s security challenges.
It is all the more important that we join other like-minded allies and consider seriously how to develop NATO’s strategy in a way that is credible and relevant in view of today’s security challenges.
This involves reconsidering the role we have given nuclear weapons.
This involves reconsidering the role we have given nuclear weapons.
Knowing the immense destructive power of such weapons – the horrendous humanitarian, economic and environmental consequences – it is very difficult indeed to contemplate any situation where they might actually be employed.
Knowing the immense destructive power of such weapons – the horrendous humanitarian, economic and environmental consequences – it is very difficult indeed to contemplate any situation where they might actually be employed.
They are simply not very relevant from a military point of view.
They are simply not very relevant from a military point of view.
This will eventually have a negative spin-off effect on their political relevance.
This will eventually have a negative spin-off effect on their political relevance.
For NATO, it would make good sense to find a means of withdrawing all sub-strategic nuclear weapons from Europe and subsequently eliminating them.
For NATO, it would make good sense to find a means of withdrawing all sub-strategic nuclear weapons from Europe and subsequently eliminating them.
It is also vital to engage Russia on sub-strategic nuclear weapons.
It is also vital to engage Russia on sub-strategic nuclear weapons.
This should be on the agenda in the next round of negotiations between the US and Russia, the follow-on to the new START.
This should be on the agenda in the next round of negotiations between the US and Russia, the follow-on to the new START.
In the meantime, these negotiations could be facilitated by enhanced dialogue with Russia on these weapons systems.
In the meantime, these negotiations could be facilitated by enhanced dialogue with Russia on these weapons systems.
Norway and Poland have just called for such a step-wise and balanced approach, starting with increased transparency and confidence-building measures.
Norway and Poland have just called for such a step-wise and balanced approach, starting with increased transparency and confidence-building measures.
I am pleased that this initiative has received widespread support.
I am pleased that this initiative has received widespread support.
But, while both Germany and Norway are committed to reducing and eventually eliminating the role of nuclear weapons in NATO’s security policy, it is apparent that some allied countries do not share our view.
But, while both Germany and Norway are committed to reducing and eventually eliminating the role of nuclear weapons in NATO’s security policy, it is apparent that some allied countries do not share our view.
This was clearly illustrated at the recent meeting of ministers of defence, where France blocked all language on nuclear disarmament in the final communiqué.
This was clearly illustrated at the recent meeting of ministers of defence, where France blocked all language on nuclear disarmament in the final communiqué.
It is also a fact that some of the new members of NATO consider the continued deployment of US nuclear weapons as a transatlantic “superglue”, a fundamental bond.
It is also a fact that some of the new members of NATO consider the continued deployment of US nuclear weapons as a transatlantic “superglue”, a fundamental bond.
I do not see nuclear weapons, or the Alliance for that matter, in this way.
I do not see nuclear weapons, or the Alliance for that matter, in this way.
In my view, the cohesion of NATO is founded on a joint commitment to democracy, the rule of law, human rights, political solidarity and joint decision-making - and not on the continued presence of a particular category of weapons of mass destruction.
In my view, the cohesion of NATO is founded on a joint commitment to democracy, the rule of law, human rights, political solidarity and joint decision-making - and not on the continued presence of a particular category of weapons of mass destruction.
Therefore, from my perspective, the Strategic Concept should not stand in the way of the NPT objective of the elimination of nuclear weapons.
Therefore, from my perspective, the Strategic Concept should not stand in the way of the NPT objective of the elimination of nuclear weapons.
It is important that NATO’s new nuclear posture is changed to reflect new realities.
It is important that NATO’s new nuclear posture is changed to reflect new realities.
Finally, let me add some thoughts on what I call new arenas – new methods or new partners.
Finally, let me add some thoughts on what I call new arenas – new methods or new partners.
While NATO and the NPT are important forums, I do not believe it will be possible to reach the goal of abolishing nuclear weapons unless we engage a much broader spectrum of society.
While NATO and the NPT are important forums, I do not believe it will be possible to reach the goal of abolishing nuclear weapons unless we engage a much broader spectrum of society.
In sum, it is crucial to involve humanitarian actors.
In sum, it is crucial to involve humanitarian actors.
They were key partners in the process that led to banning anti-personnel mines and cluster munitions, as they will be in our efforts to eliminate nuclear weapons.
They were key partners in the process that led to banning anti-personnel mines and cluster munitions, as they will be in our efforts to eliminate nuclear weapons.
The Norwegian Government has over the years developed a comprehensive approach to what I call humanitarian disarmament: recognising disarmament as a humanitarian and developmental imperative, in addition to being a security issue.
The Norwegian Government has over the years developed a comprehensive approach to what I call humanitarian disarmament: recognising disarmament as a humanitarian and developmental imperative, in addition to being a security issue.
Armed violence caused by conventional weapons is an important part of this picture: Every day more than 2 000 people die as a direct or indirect result of armed violence.
Armed violence caused by conventional weapons is an important part of this picture: Every day more than 2 000 people die as a direct or indirect result of armed violence.
Armed violence:
Armed violence:
prevents development,
prevents development,
causes human rights violations and individual trauma,
causes human rights violations and individual trauma,
creates an atmosphere of fear and insecurity,
creates an atmosphere of fear and insecurity,
fosters a culture of impunity,
fosters a culture of impunity,
undermines trust in key public institutions,
undermines trust in key public institutions,
and undermines development efforts and the fabric of society.
and undermines development efforts and the fabric of society.
The endorsement of the so-called Oslo Commitments on Armed Violence by more than 60 states in Geneva in May, proves that targeted efforts to address armed violence are beginning to bear fruit.
The endorsement of the so-called Oslo Commitments on Armed Violence by more than 60 states in Geneva in May, proves that targeted efforts to address armed violence are beginning to bear fruit.
In partnership with other states, the UN, civil society and organisations such as the International Red Cross Committee (ICRC), Norway will give top priority to working towards preventing and reducing armed violence.
In partnership with other states, the UN, civil society and organisations such as the International Red Cross Committee (ICRC), Norway will give top priority to working towards preventing and reducing armed violence.
We have asked ourselves: What must be done over the next five years if we are to achieve our goal of protecting civilians from armed violence?
We have asked ourselves: What must be done over the next five years if we are to achieve our goal of protecting civilians from armed violence?
There is already a legal framework for the protection of civilians in armed conflict.
There is already a legal framework for the protection of civilians in armed conflict.
However, while both the Mine Ban Convention and the Convention on Cluster Munitions strengthen international humanitarian law, the legal framework of international humanitarian law has come under pressure.
However, while both the Mine Ban Convention and the Convention on Cluster Munitions strengthen international humanitarian law, the legal framework of international humanitarian law has come under pressure.
Core obligations are circumvented, unilaterally redefined or simply ignored, and conflict zones are sealed off to avoid public scrutiny.
Core obligations are circumvented, unilaterally redefined or simply ignored, and conflict zones are sealed off to avoid public scrutiny.
One important challenge is the upcoming negotiations on an Arms Trade Treaty (ATT).
One important challenge is the upcoming negotiations on an Arms Trade Treaty (ATT).
The international arms trade must be controlled and regulated because of the human suffering caused by the use of conventional arms, including small arms.
The international arms trade must be controlled and regulated because of the human suffering caused by the use of conventional arms, including small arms.
The ATT must be designed to prevent and reduce violations of international humanitarian and human rights law caused by the use of such weapons.
The ATT must be designed to prevent and reduce violations of international humanitarian and human rights law caused by the use of such weapons.
The abolishment of nuclear weapons would be a major preventive humanitarian action.
The abolishment of nuclear weapons would be a major preventive humanitarian action.
For this reason, I am pleased that the International Red Cross Committee (ICRC) has raised awareness about the humanitarian dimension of nuclear arms.
For this reason, I am pleased that the International Red Cross Committee (ICRC) has raised awareness about the humanitarian dimension of nuclear arms.
Nuclear weapons are the most destructive, inhuman and indiscriminate weapons ever created.
Nuclear weapons are the most destructive, inhuman and indiscriminate weapons ever created.
International humanitarian law has evolved dramatically since the end of World War II and the Cold War.
International humanitarian law has evolved dramatically since the end of World War II and the Cold War.
We have banned the two other categories of weapons of mass destruction: biological and chemical weapons.
We have banned the two other categories of weapons of mass destruction: biological and chemical weapons.
We have prohibited certain conventional weapons that cause unacceptable harm to civilians.
We have prohibited certain conventional weapons that cause unacceptable harm to civilians.
In the long run, it is hard to justify an exemption for nuclear weapons.
In the long run, it is hard to justify an exemption for nuclear weapons.
It is therefore encouraging that the humanitarian dimension was included in the final document of the NPT 2010 Review Conference.
It is therefore encouraging that the humanitarian dimension was included in the final document of the NPT 2010 Review Conference.
We should also forge new partnerships with the business community.
We should also forge new partnerships with the business community.
Lastly, as I have underlined, we need the critical and impatient voices of the NGO community.
Lastly, as I have underlined, we need the critical and impatient voices of the NGO community.
We should support international networks of NGOs that monitor the implementation of the outcome of the NPT Review Conference.
We should support international networks of NGOs that monitor the implementation of the outcome of the NPT Review Conference.
They hold us accountable.
They hold us accountable.
In concluding, my main message is this: - Nuclear disarmament is essential for building and sustaining a robust non-proliferation regime.
In concluding, my main message is this: - Nuclear disarmament is essential for building and sustaining a robust non-proliferation regime.
- While nuclear deterrence might have worked – albeit uneasily – during the Cold War, it is very difficult to argue in its favour today.
- While nuclear deterrence might have worked – albeit uneasily – during the Cold War, it is very difficult to argue in its favour today.
It will be even more difficult in the future.
It will be even more difficult in the future.
Besides, a race is already on, between disarmament and proliferation.
Besides, a race is already on, between disarmament and proliferation.
- The choice is not, as some seem to think, between status quo and proliferation, but between a world with many more nuclear weapons states and none at all.
- The choice is not, as some seem to think, between status quo and proliferation, but between a world with many more nuclear weapons states and none at all.
- Disarmament will enhance European security and global security.
- Disarmament will enhance European security and global security.
We have a common interest and obligation to engage in the NPT, the UN, NATO and other, new arenas, to create the conditions that will enable us to abolish the nuclear threat.
We have a common interest and obligation to engage in the NPT, the UN, NATO and other, new arenas, to create the conditions that will enable us to abolish the nuclear threat.
Disarmament as a global challenge
Disarmament as a globale change
I would like to thank you for the invitation to open this unique exhibition.
I would like to thank you for the invitation to open this unique exhibition.
The works currently on display did not exist a few months ago.
The works currently on display did not exist a few months ago.
Eleven Norwegian and Polish artists, without any particular knowledge of Yiddish language or culture, were asked to create new works for this exhibition.
Eleven Norwegian and Polish artists, without any particular knowledge of Yiddish language or culture, were asked to create new works for this exhibition.
When modern artists are given the opportunity to express themselves through paintings, drawings, photographs and installations after only a brief introduction to Yiddish language and culture, the result is bound to be exciting.
When modern artists are given the opportunity to express themselves through paintings, drawings, photographs and installations after only a brief introduction to Yiddish language and culture, the result is bound to be exciting.
I look forward to seeing how they present their newly acquired understanding of this rich language and culture.
I look forward to seeing how they present their newly acquired understanding of this rich language and culture.
This exhibition is part of a three-year collaboration between Norwegian and Polish institutions financed through the EEA and Norway Grants.
This exhibition is part of a three-year collaboration between Norwegian and Polish institutions financed through the EEA and Norway Grants.
The project 'Yiddish for all' seeks to increase knowledge of Yiddish language and culture, to contribute to increased interest in this culture and to combat stereotypical perceptions of Yiddish culture as irrelevant for today's Europe.
The project 'Yiddish for all' seeks to increase knowledge of Yiddish language and culture, to contribute to increased interest in this culture and to combat stereotypical perceptions of Yiddish culture as irrelevant for today's Europe.
A prominent participant in the project in Poland is the Bente Kahan Foundation in Wroclaw; cooperating partners in Norway include the Oslo Jewish Museum, the Jewish Culture Festival in Trondheim and the Center for Studies of the Holocaust and Religious Minorities.
A prominent participant in the project in Poland is the Bente Kahan Foundation in Wroclaw; cooperating partners in Norway include the Oslo Jewish Museum, the Jewish Culture Festival in Trondheim and the Center for Studies of the Holocaust and Religious Minorities.
A few months ago, an exhibition at the Jewish Museum in Oslo focused on the role of women as culture bearers in Yiddish culture and the shtetl tradition before the Second World War.
A few months ago, an exhibition at the Jewish Museum in Oslo focused on the role of women as culture bearers in Yiddish culture and the shtetl tradition before the Second World War.
Europe's flourishing Yiddish culture was nearly wiped out in less than 100 years.
Europe's flourishing Yiddish culture was nearly wiped out in less than 100 years.
The bustling cultural life associated with Yiddish almost disappeared during the Holocaust.
The bustling cultural life associated with Yiddish almost disappeared during the Holocaust.
Extensive emigration from Europe before, during and after the Second World War also contributed to the process whereby Yiddish language and culture were about to be lost to oblivion.
Extensive emigration from Europe before, during and after the Second World War also contributed to the process whereby Yiddish language and culture were about to be lost to oblivion.