natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
We must strive to avoid the perception that acquiring nuclear weapons is a sign of international strength and prestige.
We must strive to avoid the perception that acquiring nuclear weapons is a sign of international strength and prestige.
All the other serious dangers we face in the world today pale in comparison with the devastation that nuclear weapons could cause.
All the other serious dangers we face in the world today pale in comparison with the devastation that nuclear weapons could cause.
Against this backdrop, it was worrying to see the lack of public attention in the last decades.
Against this backdrop, it was worrying to see the lack of public attention in the last decades.
The general public seemed to have thought that the nuclear threat somehow disappeared with the Cold War.
The general public seemed to have thought that the nuclear threat somehow disappeared with the Cold War.
My generation is at the forefront here.
My generation is at the forefront here.
We grew up with the nuclear threat, we fought against it, but then we dropped that agenda when the Cold War came to an end.
We grew up with the nuclear threat, we fought against it, but then we dropped that agenda when the Cold War came to an end.
We moved on to more imminent issues such as climate change, poverty, development and globalisation.
We moved on to more imminent issues such as climate change, poverty, development and globalisation.
But the problem is that nuclear weapons didn’t go away.
But the problem is that nuclear weapons didn’t go away.
The huge danger they represent persists.
The huge danger they represent persists.
We urgently need the nuclear file back on the agenda.
We urgently need the nuclear file back on the agenda.
We need broad-based, international political determination to achieve total nuclear abolition.
We need broad-based, international political determination to achieve total nuclear abolition.
We cannot afford any more years of nuclear complacency.
We cannot afford any more years of nuclear complacency.
The good news is that for the first time in several years, there are signs that there is reason for optimism.
The good news is that for the first time in several years, there are signs that there is reason for optimism.
We see a clear shift in international politics towards a substantial disarmament agenda, with public awareness and support for disarmament efforts on the rise.
We see a clear shift in international politics towards a substantial disarmament agenda, with public awareness and support for disarmament efforts on the rise.
In a number of countries, including my own, former heads of government and foreign ministers are advocating the elimination of nuclear weapons – nothing less.
In a number of countries, including my own, former heads of government and foreign ministers are advocating the elimination of nuclear weapons – nothing less.
Many of those who are now speaking out were the hawks of yesterday.
Many of those who are now speaking out were the hawks of yesterday.
Who would have believed, way back then, that they would see Henry Kissinger and Ole Kopreitan fighting for the same noble cause?
Who would have believed, way back then, that they would see Henry Kissinger and Ole Kopreitan fighting for the same noble cause?
I have been sitting at the same table as Kissinger and Senators Nunn, Perry and Shultz on more than one occasion – and I could hardly believe what I heard.
I have been sitting at the same table as Kissinger and Senators Nunn, Perry and Shultz on more than one occasion – and I could hardly believe what I heard.
They all called for setting the course towards the elimination of nuclear weapons.
They all called for setting the course towards the elimination of nuclear weapons.
By simple logic, they stated that the alternative was unacceptable.
By simple logic, they stated that the alternative was unacceptable.
And, they went on, when that is the answer we can proceed to the right question: How do we get the process of elimination started?
And, they went on, when that is the answer we can proceed to the right question: How do we get the process of elimination started?
Their standpoint, you will agree, does not stem from mere altruism, but rather a sudden outbreak of common sense based on thorough analysis of new and unpredictable security challenges.
Their standpoint, you will agree, does not stem from mere altruism, but rather a sudden outbreak of common sense based on thorough analysis of new and unpredictable security challenges.
Now, from the Obama administration we are seeing a renewed commitment to multilateral processes in disarmament and increased support for the UN Security Council.
Now, from the Obama administration we are seeing a renewed commitment to multilateral processes in disarmament and increased support for the UN Security Council.
In Prague in April last year (as I mentioned) President Obama stated clearly, with conviction “America’s commitment to seek the peace and security of a world without nuclear weapons”.
In Prague in April last year (as I mentioned) President Obama stated clearly, with conviction “America’s commitment to seek the peace and security of a world without nuclear weapons”.
Shortly after, President Medvedev responded to the challenge, and today Russian and US negotiators may be in the final phase towards a new agreement on deep cuts in nuclear arsenals.
Shortly after, President Medvedev responded to the challenge, and today Russian and US negotiators may be in the final phase towards a new agreement on deep cuts in nuclear arsenals.
Combined, these international developments could give new impetus to nuclear disarmament.
Combined, these international developments could give new impetus to nuclear disarmament.
Still, we know from past experience that positive momentum can be halted and even rolled back.
Still, we know from past experience that positive momentum can be halted and even rolled back.
To secure a sustained effort for nuclear disarmament, we need to do two things:
To secure a sustained effort for nuclear disarmament, we need to do two things:
First, we need to reframe the nuclear issue to include all relevant aspects.
First, we need to reframe the nuclear issue to include all relevant aspects.
We need to review our strategic, doctrinal approach to national and international security.
We need to review our strategic, doctrinal approach to national and international security.
As Obama said in Prague, “to put an end to Cold War thinking, we will reduce the role of nuclear weapons in our national security strategy, and urge others to do the same”.
As Obama said in Prague, “to put an end to Cold War thinking, we will reduce the role of nuclear weapons in our national security strategy, and urge others to do the same”.
And I would add: We need to make use of the conceptual insights gained through the humanitarian disarmament processes of recent years.
And I would add: We need to make use of the conceptual insights gained through the humanitarian disarmament processes of recent years.
Second, we need to take a fresh look at how multilateral negotiations are being conducted, and in particular pay more attention to the increasing role of new and emerging powers on the global stage.
Second, we need to take a fresh look at how multilateral negotiations are being conducted, and in particular pay more attention to the increasing role of new and emerging powers on the global stage.
For, as we saw on climate in Copenhagen, and as we see in the ongoing discussions about world trade in the Doha (development) round – there can be no substantial global agreement today without their active participation.
For, as we saw on climate in Copenhagen, and as we see in the ongoing discussions about world trade in the Doha (development) round – there can be no substantial global agreement today without their active participation.
NATO too has a role to play in helping to reduce the prominence of nuclear weapons in security policy and re-examining the security strategies based on nuclear deterrence.
NATO too has a role to play in helping to reduce the prominence of nuclear weapons in security policy and re-examining the security strategies based on nuclear deterrence.
Three years ago, Norway and Germany took the initiative to raise NATO’s profile in arms control, and more importantly to ensure that disarmament was viewed as an essential component of the Alliance’s security policy.
Three years ago, Norway and Germany took the initiative to raise NATO’s profile in arms control, and more importantly to ensure that disarmament was viewed as an essential component of the Alliance’s security policy.
The initiative mobilised broad support and will hopefully have an impact on NATO’s new Strategic Concept to be agreed later this year (the main theme for this conference).
The initiative mobilised broad support and will hopefully have an impact on NATO’s new Strategic Concept to be agreed later this year (the main theme for this conference).
However, let me be clear: NATO is not a disarmament organisation.
However, let me be clear: NATO is not a disarmament organisation.
It is a political military alliance for the defence of its member states.
It is a political military alliance for the defence of its member states.
A key responsibility of any government is to provide security for its people.
A key responsibility of any government is to provide security for its people.
We acknowledge the importance of military forces – for our defence and for our security.
We acknowledge the importance of military forces – for our defence and for our security.
The essential and enduring purpose of NATO is to deter armed attacks on its member states by sharing a collective defence clause, as expressed in Article V of the North Atlantic Treaty.
The essential and enduring purpose of NATO is to deter armed attacks on its member states by sharing a collective defence clause, as expressed in Article V of the North Atlantic Treaty.
But we must be ready to discuss and adapt the strategies by which this goal is achieved.
But we must be ready to discuss and adapt the strategies by which this goal is achieved.
That is why we see NATO as a relevant arena for our disarmament policies as well.
That is why we see NATO as a relevant arena for our disarmament policies as well.
We never subscribed to the simple thesis that more weapons equals more security.
We never subscribed to the simple thesis that more weapons equals more security.
Real security is a broader notion, where political commitment and binding agreements – based on both trust and verification – must have centre stage.
Real security is a broader notion, where political commitment and binding agreements – based on both trust and verification – must have centre stage.
The last time NATO discussed its Strategic Concept was in 1999.
The last time NATO discussed its Strategic Concept was in 1999.
At that time, NATO maintained its Cold War nuclear doctrine in principle, but with fewer weapons and a lower alert status.
At that time, NATO maintained its Cold War nuclear doctrine in principle, but with fewer weapons and a lower alert status.
It underlined that the likelihood of nuclear weapons being used or threatened to be used was remote, but nevertheless the nuclear option remained open.
It underlined that the likelihood of nuclear weapons being used or threatened to be used was remote, but nevertheless the nuclear option remained open.
The current process to revise NATO’s Strategic Concept must include a reconsideration of the Alliance’s deterrence doctrine.
The current process to revise NATO’s Strategic Concept must include a reconsideration of the Alliance’s deterrence doctrine.
We cannot credibly expect others to renounce the nuclear option, while we maintain that nuclear deterrence is still vital to our own security, twenty years after the end of the Cold War.
We cannot credibly expect others to renounce the nuclear option, while we maintain that nuclear deterrence is still vital to our own security, twenty years after the end of the Cold War.
There is no immediate consensus now on this approach in the Alliance.
There is no immediate consensus now on this approach in the Alliance.
The nuclear dimension of deterrence is emphasised differently among allies.
The nuclear dimension of deterrence is emphasised differently among allies.
But the strength of NATO is that we pool our perspectives and then reach consensus.
But the strength of NATO is that we pool our perspectives and then reach consensus.
Our view is that both the scope and credibility of NATO’s approach to nuclear weapons need to be reconsidered in a much more realistic way than was the case ten years ago.
Our view is that both the scope and credibility of NATO’s approach to nuclear weapons need to be reconsidered in a much more realistic way than was the case ten years ago.
We need to ask some fundamental questions: What possible contribution to security can these weapons conceivably make?
We need to ask some fundamental questions: What possible contribution to security can these weapons conceivably make?
What security considerations are now being outdated by globalisation of interests - and by the development of political norms and more cooperative patterns?
What security considerations are now being outdated by globalisation of interests - and by the development of political norms and more cooperative patterns?
And how can security gaps, where nuclear deterrence is still considered to be warranted, be filled by other means, since the use of nuclear weapons would obviously be utterly devastating?
And how can security gaps, where nuclear deterrence is still considered to be warranted, be filled by other means, since the use of nuclear weapons would obviously be utterly devastating?
Or to put it this way: If we want to reduce the salience of nuclear weapons, we need to make sure that the Alliance’s conventional capacities are structured in such a way that they maintain the collective defence purpose in a credible manner.
Or to put it this way: If we want to reduce the salience of nuclear weapons, we need to make sure that the Alliance’s conventional capacities are structured in such a way that they maintain the collective defence purpose in a credible manner.
We should not forget that for several allies, the US nuclear umbrella is still perceived as their primary security guarantee.
We should not forget that for several allies, the US nuclear umbrella is still perceived as their primary security guarantee.
Norway’s core area initiative in NATO should, therefore, also be viewed in light of this fact, as it suggests practical steps to improve NATO’s planning, situational awareness, command structure and conventional capacities in and around the Euro-Atlantic area.
Norway’s core area initiative in NATO should, therefore, also be viewed in light of this fact, as it suggests practical steps to improve NATO’s planning, situational awareness, command structure and conventional capacities in and around the Euro-Atlantic area.
The security doctrines – not only of NATO but also those of states outside NATO – must be considered in this perspective, whether the frame of reference is regional or global.
The security doctrines – not only of NATO but also those of states outside NATO – must be considered in this perspective, whether the frame of reference is regional or global.
For NATO, it is vital to strengthen the overall dialogue and cooperation with Russia.
For NATO, it is vital to strengthen the overall dialogue and cooperation with Russia.
The NATO–Russia Council resumed its work last year.
The NATO–Russia Council resumed its work last year.
An important NRC workshop on nuclear doctrines was held in Oslo last November, and we should take this agenda forward together.
An important NRC workshop on nuclear doctrines was held in Oslo last November, and we should take this agenda forward together.
Russia is Norway’s big neighbour; we share a 192-kilometre border.
Russia is Norway’s big neighbour; we share a 192-kilometre border.
For Norway it is vital that Russia is an integral part of global nuclear disarmament talks.
For Norway it is vital that Russia is an integral part of global nuclear disarmament talks.
Close to our border we still find one of the world’s largest concentrations of nuclear capabilities.
Close to our border we still find one of the world’s largest concentrations of nuclear capabilities.
The nuclear arsenal on the Kola Peninsula is enormous.
The nuclear arsenal on the Kola Peninsula is enormous.
This is also NATO’s neighbourhood.
This is also NATO’s neighbourhood.
And that is why the Norwegian Government actively pursues a dialogue about the High North in NATO circles; we do this not to raise an alarm, but as a continued reminder of a strategic reality.
And that is why the Norwegian Government actively pursues a dialogue about the High North in NATO circles; we do this not to raise an alarm, but as a continued reminder of a strategic reality.
The broader security issues in Europe, including the general security architecture, the development of missile defence, and the various issues concerning conventional forces, should all be the subject of dialogue and cooperation.
The broader security issues in Europe, including the general security architecture, the development of missile defence, and the various issues concerning conventional forces, should all be the subject of dialogue and cooperation.
And we need to create a basis for implementing the Adapted Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe.
And we need to create a basis for implementing the Adapted Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe.
There are today important windows of opportunity for progress in global disarmament diplomacy.
There are today important windows of opportunity for progress in global disarmament diplomacy.
We encourage continued nuclear arms reduction talks between the US and Russia.
We encourage continued nuclear arms reduction talks between the US and Russia.
We urge other nuclear weapons states to join these efforts.
We urge other nuclear weapons states to join these efforts.
But this cannot be left to the few nuclear states alone; it is a matter for all of humanity.
But this cannot be left to the few nuclear states alone; it is a matter for all of humanity.
All states – nuclear and non-nuclear alike - have a responsibility to create the conditions for eliminating nuclear weapons, as we all have a stake in securing our planet for future generations.
All states – nuclear and non-nuclear alike - have a responsibility to create the conditions for eliminating nuclear weapons, as we all have a stake in securing our planet for future generations.
Norway will seek to exert its influence in different arenas.
Norway will seek to exert its influence in different arenas.
With our allies we will promote changes in NATO.
With our allies we will promote changes in NATO.
We will reach out to non-aligned states.
We will reach out to non-aligned states.
We will engage civil society.
We will engage civil society.
Our aim is to forge a new and more lasting international understanding of how to set a lasting course towards ridding ourselves of the nuclear menace.
Our aim is to forge a new and more lasting international understanding of how to set a lasting course towards ridding ourselves of the nuclear menace.
Let us then further broaden our perspectives.
Let us then further broaden our perspectives.
Still we have much work to do if we are to make substantial progress on the issues of nuclear weapons – be it in the NPT framework or in other arenas.
Still we have much work to do if we are to make substantial progress on the issues of nuclear weapons – be it in the NPT framework or in other arenas.
I believe we need to identify the links between different spheres of disarmament, to let lessons from one field inspire the efforts in another.
I believe we need to identify the links between different spheres of disarmament, to let lessons from one field inspire the efforts in another.
Let us take into account the fact that as progress on the nuclear agenda stalled, progress in disarmament was made elsewhere.
Let us take into account the fact that as progress on the nuclear agenda stalled, progress in disarmament was made elsewhere.
Remember that the nuclear standstill did not shut other windows of opportunity.
Remember that the nuclear standstill did not shut other windows of opportunity.
Let me explain, and let me recall the basic fact: that disarmament is a tool to enhance international, national and human security, for states and for people.
Let me explain, and let me recall the basic fact: that disarmament is a tool to enhance international, national and human security, for states and for people.
In order to employ this tool in a productive manner adapted to present-day realities, we have been engaged in expanding the state-to-state framework of balances, deterrence and reassurance.
In order to employ this tool in a productive manner adapted to present-day realities, we have been engaged in expanding the state-to-state framework of balances, deterrence and reassurance.
We have come to the understanding that only by approaching disarmament in the broadest sense – including the humanitarian and development aspects – can we achieve real progress.
We have come to the understanding that only by approaching disarmament in the broadest sense – including the humanitarian and development aspects – can we achieve real progress.
In short, there was a need to reframe the challenge of disarmament, and this is the main message to you this morning.
In short, there was a need to reframe the challenge of disarmament, and this is the main message to you this morning.
In an otherwise – I would say - non-productive disarmament landscape during the last decades, we do find two real success stories:
In an otherwise – I would say - non-productive disarmament landscape during the last decades, we do find two real success stories:
the Mine Ban Convention of 1997 and
the Mine Ban Convention of 1997 and
the Convention on Cluster Munitions of 2008.
the Convention on Cluster Munitions of 2008.
These two treaties stand out by setting new international legal norms in a comprehensive package of weapon-specific measures.
These two treaties stand out by setting new international legal norms in a comprehensive package of weapon-specific measures.
They were the result of innovative processes and conceptual approaches.
They were the result of innovative processes and conceptual approaches.
But they also sprang from a strong undercurrent in international affairs in recent years concerning the norms governing the conduct of war.
But they also sprang from a strong undercurrent in international affairs in recent years concerning the norms governing the conduct of war.
When we compare the situation today with the world twenty years ago, two factors stand out:
When we compare the situation today with the world twenty years ago, two factors stand out:
First, we have seen a significant strengthening of international humanitarian law.
First, we have seen a significant strengthening of international humanitarian law.
Increased focus on the protection of civilians sets limits for what weapons may be used - and how.
Increased focus on the protection of civilians sets limits for what weapons may be used - and how.
And the norm governing what is acceptable in the conduct of war has become considerably more restrictive.
And the norm governing what is acceptable in the conduct of war has become considerably more restrictive.
Second, there is now far greater understanding of the relationship between military means and political goals.
Second, there is now far greater understanding of the relationship between military means and political goals.
The use of military force may be necessary to achieve legitimate political objectives.
The use of military force may be necessary to achieve legitimate political objectives.
However, certain weapons, and the use of weapons in certain ways, may also be counterproductive to these objectives.
However, certain weapons, and the use of weapons in certain ways, may also be counterproductive to these objectives.
This way of thinking is not completely new.
This way of thinking is not completely new.