natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Some commentators have argued that a neo-liberal, non-interventionist model of capitalist development remains the hegemonic discourse and practice within the EU.
Neki kritičari tvrde da je neoliberalni, neintervencionistički model kapitalističkog razvoja ostao dominantnim pristupom unutar EU.
In this sense, social policy is conceived, primarily, in productive terms, with particular emphasis on employment policies.
U tom se smislu socijalna politika smatra produktivnim čimbenikom, ali s posebnim naglaskom na politiku zapošljavanja.
Where other social policies are discussed, these tend to be viewed in terms of minimalist support for the most vulnerable, and are, in any case, governed by the subsidiarity principle so that member states remain largely free to pursue social policies of their own choosing, with little power given to the EU itself.
Kada su druga područja socijalne politike u pitanju, na njih se gleda kao na minimalnu potporu najranjivijima te na područje koje je, vođeno načelom supsidijarnosti, u nadležnosti članica sa slobodom izbora socijalne politike prema vlastitom nahođenju, pri čemu razina EU nema gotovo nikakvu moć.
These commentators see the OMC as a weak instrument in comparison with the tougher regulatory powers within the acquis communitaire (cf. inter alia Taylor-Gooby, 2003; Begg and Bergham, 2002; Ferrera, Matsaganis and Sacchi, 2002).
Takvi komentari vide OMC kao slab instrument u usporedbi sa snažnijom regulatornom moći pravila uključenih u acquis communautaire (o tim raspravama i kritikama vidi, primjerice, Taylor-Gooby, 2003; Begg i Bergham, 2002; Ferrera, Matsaganis i Sacchi, 2002).
Others, whose views we share, have suggested that the EU is today much more involved in social policy issues than ever before, that these issues are discussed at the European level where an appropriate policy is formulated, and that they are part of the core of EU concerns.
Drugi autori, s čijim se mišljenjem i mi slažemo, smatraju da je EU danas mnogo uključeniji u pitanja socijalne politike nego ikada prije, da se ona raspravljaju na europskoj razini, na kojoj se formulira odgovarajuća politika, te da su u središtu zanimanja EU.
Since 2000 the spring European Council meetings each year have discussed the interrelationships between economic, employment and social policies; this means that social issues are placed high on the European agenda.
Od 2000. godine svako proljetno zasjedanje Europskog vijeća fokusira odnos ekonomske i socijalne politike te politike zapošljavanja, a to znači da je socijalna politika visoko na listi prioriteta EU.
Indeed, the use of the OMC is being extended as a means of EU governance to areas such as pensions and health, hence covering the wider social policy arena.
Osim toga, OMC se širi kao način nove strategije upravljanja na područja kao što su mirovine i zdravstvo, pokrivajući šire područje socijalne politike.
Consequently, a number of influential commentators have begun to see the EU as a regional force countering globalization pressures, with no evidence of social dumping or a race to the welfare bottom (Graziano, 2003; Alber and Standing, 2000; Vaughan-Whitehead, 2003).
Posljedično, sve je više onih koji EU vide kao regionalnu silu koja se suprotstavlja globalizacijskim pritiscima, a to se potkrepljuje činjenicom da nema dokaza o socijalnom dampingu ili utrci prema nižoj razini socijalne zaštite (Graziano, 2003; Alber i Standing, 2000; Vaughan-Whitehead, 2003).
Social dialogue in the European Union
Socijalni dijalog u Europskoj uniji
The Treaty of Rome (1957) established a partnership between the Commission and social partners (Hantrais, 1995; European Communities, 1999; Vaughan-Whitehead, 2003).
Rimskim je ugovorom (1957) uspostavljeno partnerstvo između Komisije i socijalnih partnera (Hantrais, 1995; European Communities; 1999; Vaughan-Whitehead, 2003).
This was amplified by the Val Duchesse process which established an intensive bipartite cross-industry social dialogue on a series of social issues, including the further economic and monetary integration of the EU and acceptance of The Charter of Fundamental Social Rights of Workers (1989).
Ono je ojačano tzv. procesom Val Duchesse, kojim je uspostavljen intenzivni bipartitni međuindustrijski socijalni dijalog o nizu socijalnih pitanja, uključujući daljnju ekonomsku i monetarnu integraciju EU te prihvaćanje Povelje o osnovnim socijalnim pravima radnika (1989).
In the course of preparation of the new Treaty in 1991 the social partners agreed about their new role, even extending to legislative oversight, but this agreement was not incorporated into the Maastricht Treaty as a result of the UK objection.
Tijekom pripreme novog ugovora EU 1991. godine socijalni su se partneri dogovorili o njihovoj novoj ulozi, uključujući i legislativnu, ali taj dogovor nije bio uvršten u Ugovor iz Maastrichta zbog otpora Velike Britanije.
Rather, it was adopted as a separate Social Protocol with binding force on eleven of the then twelve member states.
Umjesto toga, on je prihvaćen kao poseban Socijalni protokol, koji je obvezivao 11 od tadašnjih 12 članica EU.
Some years later, it was incorporated into the Amsterdam Treaty which became effective in 1999.
Nekoliko godina kasnije uključen je u Ugovor iz Amsterdama, koji je stupio na snagu 1999. godine.
The Treaty gives the social partners the right to be consulted on a series of social and economic issues, and gives them a legislative and regulatory role in the application of certain EU directives.
Ugovor daje socijalnim partnerima pravo da budu konzultirani o nizu socijalnih i ekonomskih pitanja te im priznaje legislativnu i regulatornu moć u primjeni određenih direktiva EU.
In the context of agreements on a range of issues such as parental leave; part-time and fixed-term employment contracts; work councils; and working time, social dialogue has developed from consultation to social governance.
Može se reći da se, u kontekstu postizanja niza dogovora socijalnih partnera - o roditeljskom dopustu, ugovorima o radu na djelomično i određeno radno vrijeme, radničkim savjetima te radnom vremenu - socijalni dijalog razvio od konzultacija do modela socijalnog upravljanja.
Today, it is impossible to envisage policy processes being implemented in any parts of the EU without the serious involvement of the social partners.
Danas je nemoguće zamisliti da se neka politika u EU osmišljava i primjenjuje bez ozbiljne uključenosti socijalnih partnera.
Social dialogue is seen as a key force for innovation and change (Commission of the European Communities, 2002a).
Socijalni se dijalog smatra glavnom snagom inovacija i promjena (Commission of the European Communities, 2002a).
More broadly, social dialogue is increasingly seen as a part of a comprehensive civil dialogue, which involves different civil society actors, such as associations, foundations, non-profit institutions, and civil initiatives.
U širem smislu, socijalni dijalog postaje dio sveobuhvatnoga civilnog dijaloga koji uključuje različite subjekte civilnog društva kao što su udruge, zaklade, neprofitne institucije te različite civilne inicijative.
In order to commit itself to a new way of dealing with public issues the Commission issued recently two important documents: The White Paper on European Governance and Towards a reinforced culture of consultation and dialogue (Commission of the European Communities, 2002b).
Kako bi se obvezala na novi način upravljanja javnim poslovima, Komisija je nedavno objavila dva važna dokumenta: The White Paper on European Governance i Towards a reinforced culture of consultation and dialogue (Commission of the European Communities, 2002b).
These reinforce the idea that social dialogue and extensive consultation are interconnected and that minimal standards are prescribed for the consultation process (cf. Zrinšcak, 2004).
To je ojačalo shvaćanje da su socijalni dijalog i opsežna konzultacije međusobno povezani te su propisani minimalni standardi konzultacijskog procesa (cf. Zrinščak, 2004).
Essentially, the Commission is now committed to publishing all open public consultations through a single access point on the Internet.
Štoviše, Komisija se obvezala na javno objavljivanje svih javnih konzultacija koje će biti lako dostupne na internetu.
SOCIAL POLICY REFORMS AND EUROPEAN UNION ENLARGEMENT
SOCIJALNOPOLITIČKE REFORME I PROŠIRENJE EUROPSKE UNIJE
The fall of the Berlin Wall represented a new historical moment for Europe.
Pad Berlinskog zida simbolizira početak novoga povijesnog razdoblja Europe.
It quickly became clear, however, that the building of a democratic political society with a fully functioning market economy was not going to be without social consequences.
Ubrzo je, međutim, postalo jasno da će izgradnja demokratskoga političkoga društva s funkcionirajućom tržišnom ekonomijom biti praćena nizom socijalnih posljedica.
In the field of social policy, capitalist-democratic Europe's existing three (liberal, socialdemocratic, conservative-corporatist) or four (South-European) major social policy models (Esping-Andersen, 1990; Ferrera, 1996), could not be simply applied to post-communist experiences, given their historical and cultural specificities.
S obzirom na povijesne i kulturne specifičnosti, nemoguće je u socijalnoj politici postkomunističkih zemalja jednostavno primijeniti jedan od postojeća tri - liberalni, socijaldemokratski, konzervativno-korporativni - ili četvrti - južnoeuropski model (Esping-Andersen, 1990; Ferrera, 1996).
In addition, of course, the 1990s were not only the years of post-communist transition, but also the years in which trends of globalization, economic pressures, rising unemployment and inequality, and unfavourable demographic patterns limited the space for the construction of “new” welfare states.
Usto, 1990e godine nisu bile samo godine postkomunističke tranzicije, već i godine u kojima su trendovi globalizacije, ekonomskih pritisaka, rastuće nezaposlenosti i nejednakosti te nepovoljnih demografskih obrazaca ograničili prostor stvaranju “novih” socijalnih država.
The increased range of supra-state actors influencing social policy also made any notion of welfare regime models problematic, since social reforms were influenced, in varying ways, by the mix of international actors, including the EU, the OECD, the WTO, the Council of Europe, the ILO, and, often crucially, the World Bank and the IMF (cf. Deacon, Hulse and Stubbs, 1997).
Sve veći utjecaj nadnacionalnih organizacija koje utječu socijalnu politiku također čini upitnima modele socijalnih režima jer su socijalne reforme na različite načine pod utjecajem različitih međunarodnih aktera, uključujući EU, OECD, WTO, Vijeće Europe, MOR i, često najvažnije, Svjetsku banku i MMF (Deacon, Hulse i Stubbs, 1997).
Looking back, it is clear that the formal influence of the EU on accession states and new members has always been somewhat limited.
Gledajući unatrag, jasno je da je formalni utjecaj EU na zemlje kandidatkinje i nove članice dijelom ograničen.
For the first group of countries, the post-authoritarian states of Portugal, Spain and Greece, the most significant factor was their own orientation to become more “European” in all aspects of social life (Guillen and Matsaganis, 2000).
Za prvu grupu zemalja, postautoritarne države Portugal, Španjolsku i Grčku, najvažniji je čimbenik bio sadržan u njihovoj orijentaciji da postanu “europskije” u svim aspektima društvenog života (Guillen i Matsaganis, 2000).
This pointed to what has now been termed “cognitive Europeanization”, or “the incorporation of the EU discourse on the fight against poverty and social exclusion, gender equality, conciliation of family and working life, and active employment policies into ... national ... discourse, preferences and aspirations” (Guillen and Alvarez, 2004:298).
To naglašava ono što je kasnije nazvano “kognitivnom europeizacijom” ili “inkorporacijom EU diskursa u borbi protiv siromaštva i socijalne isključenosti, rodne jednakosti, pomirenja obiteljskih i radnih obveza te aktivne politike zapošljavanja u ... nacionalni ... diskurs, preferencije i aspiracije” (Guillen i Alvarez, 2004:298).
On becoming members, they posed significant questions about the speedy resolution of significant social problems, such as high poverty rates, lack of social services, the poor position of women in the labour market, and so on.
U procesu ulaska u EU na visoku su razinu prioriteta postavljena pitanja o brzom rješavanju visoke razine siromaštva, nedostatka socijalnih usluga, lošeg položaja žena na tržištu rada i sl.
For the second group, the wave of post-communist accession countries, the EU's direct influence on the contents and overall structure or model of policy has been limited, and certainly low key, whereas the influence on the enhancement of institutional capabilities has been much more intense and meaningful (Guillen and Palier, 2004:206).
Za drugu grupu postkomunističkih zemalja, novih članica EU, utjecaj EU na sadržaj i strukturu reformi bio je ograničen, dok je utjecaj na razvoj institucionalnih kapaciteta bio izrazitiji (Guillen i Pallier, 2004:206).
The Hungarian social policy scholar Zsuzsa Ferge has argued, persuasively, that the EU was largely silent in the face of neoliberal social policy reforms that certainly appeared to be some distance away from the European social model (Ferge, 2000).
Mađarska analitičarka socijalne politike Zsuzsa Ferge temeljito je obrazlagala kako je utjecaj EU bio vrlo slab naspram neoliberalnih socijalnih reformi koje su donekle udaljene od europskoga socijalnog modela (Ferge, 2000).
The social acquis is, therefore, for this group, much less important than the wider project that “transforms perceptions, identities, policy substance and policy formation, institutional structures, discourse and most of all policy meanings” (Lendvai, 2004:330).
Stoga socijalni acquis za tu grupu zemalja ima manje značenje nego cjelokupni proces “transformacije percepcija, identiteta, sadržaja i oblikovanja politike, institucionalnih struktura, diskursa i većine političkih značenja” (Lendvai, 2004:330).
The third case is that of Bulgaria and Romania where, throughout the process of negotiations, social issues, including the extremely high numbers of children in institutions, as well as the issues of street children, people with disabilities, people suffering from mental health problems, juvenile justice, minority (especially Romany) rights, international adoption, and social dialogue, have been high on the EU agenda.
Treći su primjer Bugarska i Rumunjska, u kojima su neka socijalna pitanja tematizirana kao prioritetna u procesu pregovaranja s EU: izuzetno visok broj djece smještene u institucijama, djeca beskućnici, invalidi, oboljeli od mentalnih bolesti, dječji kriminalitet, prava manjina (posebice Roma), usvajanje djece od roditelja iz drugih zemalja te socijalni dijalog.
Whilst none of these concerns were sufficient, in themselves, to defer the membership of Bulgaria or Romania in the EU, they certainly contributed to the decision, taken at the European Council meeting in December 2002, following the Commission's recommendation in October 2002, to conclude negotiations with ten candidate countries but not with Bulgaria and Romania.
Iako nijedno od tih pitanja samo za sebe nije bilo dovoljno da odgodi ulazak u EU, sva su zajedno sigurno pridonijela odluci Europskog vijeća iz prosinca 2002. godine, a slijedom preporuke Komisije iz listopada 2002. godine, da se zaključi proces pridruživanja s deset zemalja kandidatkinja, ali ne i s Bugarskom i Rumunjskom.
Crucially, the severity of the problems, combined with high visibility and successful lobbying by a range of organisations, including international NGOs, succeeded in raising the issues from chapter 13 of the acquis to more crucial questions of human rights and political freedoms.
Pri tome je bilo bitno da su ozbiljnost problema, u kombinaciji s njihovom visokom javnom vidljivošću i uspješnim lobiranjem niza organizacija, uključujući međunarodne nevladine organizacije, doveli do toga da se socijalna pitanja koja inače pokriva poglavlje 13. acquisa definiraju kao ključna pitanja ljudskih prava i političkih sloboda.
CROATIAN SOCIAL POLICY AND THE PATH TO EUROPEAN UNION MEMBERSHIP
HRVATSKA SOCIJALNA POLITIKA I PUT PREMA ČLANSTVU U EUROPSKOJ UNIJI
The Stabilisation and Association Process
Proces stabilizacije i pridruživanja
“The EU is ultimately a union of values.
“EU je zasigurno zajednica vrijednosti.
Values do not change overnight, however, and we have to give the countries the time they need - and appreciate that the SAP will not be a quick-fix but it is a long-term policy which will bring about sustainable results” (Commission of the European Communities, 2003b).
Vrijednosti se, međutim, ne mijenjaju preko noći i zemljama moramo dati onoliko vremena koliko za to trebaju - i priznati da proces stabilizacije i pridruživanja nije čvrst i brz, već dugoročna politika koja će dovesti do održivih rezultata” (Commission of the European Communities, 2003b).
This quote very accurately describes the scope and even limits of the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) signed between Croatia and the EU in 2001.
Citat vrlo točno opisuje doseg, pa čak i ograničenja Sporazuma o stabilizaciji i pridruživanju (SSP) potpisanoga između Hrvatske i EU 2001. godine.
It was very important, but only the first step in a long-term transformation process.
On je vrlo važan, ali je samo prvi korak u dugoročnom transformacijskom procesu.
Therefore, it focuses primarily on the political and economic aspects of changes.
Stoga se on primarno fokusira na političke 1 ekonomske oblike promjena.
In EU reports on Croatia's progress in 2002 and 2003 only four social policy issues were mentioned, and then only briefly (***, 2002; 2003).
U izvješćima EU o hrvatskom napretku 2002. i 2003. godine spomenute su samo četiri socijalnopolitičke teme, i to vrlo sažeto (***, 2002; 2003).
In the first Report in 2002, some problems in civil society development were elaborated, and the view was expressed that co-operation between the Government and the trade unions could be better.
U prvom Izvješću, onome iz 2002. godine, spominju se neki problemi razvoja civilnog društva te se izražava mišljenje da bi suradnja između Vlade i sindikata mogla biti boljom.
In the second Report in 2003 the problem of the reduced financial support to civil society organisations was addressed.
U Izvješću iz 2003. godine ističe se problem smanjene financijske potpore organizacijama civilnog društva.
In addition, the fact that Croatia had ratified the European Social Charter with its three additional Protocols in February 2003 was mentioned.
Uz to se napominje da je Hrvatska u veljači 2003. godine ratificirala Europsku socijalnu povelju i njezina tri Protokola.
The statement was also made that in 2001 Croatia, with the help of the World Bank, had completed the institutional framework for financially sustainable pension system reform.
Konačno, konstatira se da je Hrvatska, uz pomoć Svjetske banke, kompletirala institucionalni okvir za financijski održivu reformu mirovinskog sustava.
These remarks were in accordance with the fact that the SAA itself was silent on social policy issues.
Te su napomene sukladne činjenici da SSP u načelu ne pokriva pitanja socijalne politike.
Only one article covers “cooperation in the field of social policy” and it stipulates (***, 2002):
Samo jedan članak govori o “suradnji u području socijalne politike” i on predviđa (***, 2002):
• improvements in services of unemployment, promotion of local development and help in restructuring the industrial market and the labour market;
• poboljšanje službi za nezaposlene, promociju lokalnog razvoja i pomoć u restrukturiranju industrijskoga tržišta i tržišta rada,
• adjustments of social security systems to new economic and social requirements;
• prilagodbu sustava socijalne sigurnosti novim ekonomskim i društvenim zahtjevima,
• adjustments of the legal system in respect of work conditions and equal opportunities for women and men;
• prilagodbu pravnog sustava u pogledu radnih uvjeta i jednakih mogućnosti za žene i muškarce,
• improvements in the protection of health and security of workers.
• poboljšanje zaštite zdravlja i sigurnosti radnika.
Notwithstanding its vagueness and level of generality, the SAA, together with the new reform-minded public climate, did provide a space for some new questions entering the public agenda, such as gender equality, family violence, and children's rights.
Neovisno o neodređenosti i općenitosti, SSP je, zajedno s novom, reformski orijentiranom javnom klimom, otvorio prostor novim javnim temama kao što su rodna jednakost, obiteljsko nasilje i dječja prava.
The decentralisation process, initiated in 2001, again notwithstanding its many problems, also opened a space for a range of non-state actors to be involved in provision, advocacy and, to a very limited extent, policy dialogue in social protection.
I proces decentralizacije, započet 2001. godine, također je, neovisno o mnogim problemima, otvorio prostor za djelovanje niza nedržavnih subjekata u osiguranju pojedinih usluga, zagovaranju određenih prava te, sasvim ograničeno, politički dijalog o socijalnoj zaštiti.
Beyond this, any broader influence of the EU in the field of social policy reforms is very hard to trace.
Svaki veći utjecaj EU u reformama socijalne politike izvan toga vrlo je teško identificirati.
As mentioned, in 2001 the Government completed the pension reform shaped in previous years and strongly influenced by World Bank ideas, with the EU very much a silent bystander.
Kao što je napomenuto, Vlada je 2001. kompletirala mirovinsku reformu, koja je u prethodnim godinama oblikovana pod snažnim utjecajem Svjetske banke, dok je EU bio samo šutljivi promatrač.
Welfare reforms in Croatia
Socijalne reforme u Hrvatskoj
At the same time, because of financial restraints and, in particular, IMF requirements, the Government reduced some social payments, particularly in the field of family policy.
U isto je vrijeme, ponajviše zbog financijskih poteškoća te, osobito, zbog zahtjeva MMF-a, Vlada smanjila neka socijalna davanja, posebice u području obiteljske politike.
The importance of this document should not be underestimated.
Važnost tog dokumenta ne bi trebala biti podcijenjena.
For the first time, an official document addressed the question of poverty and social exclusion and outlined the role and tasks of different state agencies in reducing the poverty rate.
Prvi je put jedan službeni dokument fokusirao pitanja siromaštva i socijalne isključenosti te ocrtao ulogu i zadatke različitih državnih tijela u smanjenju stope siromaštva.
However, several weaknesses of this document must be noted.
Međutim, moramo navesti i slabosti dokumenta.
The document was entirely drafted and adopted by state representatives with the support of some social policy experts and professionals.
Dokument su u cijelosti napisali predstavnici različitih državnih tijela, uz pomoć stručnjaka s područja socijalne politike.
No social partner or civil society representatives were included in the drafting process and there was no wider consultation process.
Socijalni partneri i predstavnici organizacija civilnog društva nisu bili uključeni u proces pisanja programa niti je bio organiziran široki konzultacijski proces.
The document remained merely declaratory in nature, in part because of a lack of evidence and data - by this time, still only one very limited and dated piece of research on poverty existed, the World Bank study published in 2000, based on a household survey from 1998 (World Bank, 2000).
Program je u svojoj biti ostao većinom deklarativan, dijelom i zbog pomanjkanja podataka - u to su vrijeme bili dostupni samo podaci istraživanja o siromaštvu koje je organizirala Svjetska banka i koje je bilo objelodanjeno 2000. godine, a utemeljeno je na istraživanju iz 1998. godine (World Bank, 2000).
The report appears not to have been written with the process of EU accession in central place - the process of the SAA and the wider Copenhagen criteria are noted only briefly.
Dokument nije bio pisan unutar procesa pridruživanja EU pa je SSP samo kratko spomenut.