natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
An explanation of sudden change can more convincingly be based on one of the approaches using changing social phenomena, such as perception of the domestic government, trust in domestic or European institutions or perception of the harms and benefits of EU accession.
Objašnjenje nagle promjene prije može biti utemeljeno na nekom od pristupa koji se koriste promjenjivijim društvenim fenomenima kao što je percepcija domaće vlade, povjerenje u domaće ili europske institucije ili percepcija koristi i šteta od ulaska u EU.
An unsystematic analysis of Croatian public discourse about European integration leaves the impression that the utilitarian perspective is one of the dominant angles from which the process of European accession is observed.
Nesustavna analiza hrvatskoga javnog diskursa o europskim integracijama ostavlja dojam da je utilitaristička perspektiva jedna od dominantnih perspektiva iz kojih se promatra proces hrvatskog priključenja EU.
If an analysis of the contents of newspaper articles and the public statements of politicians and analysts were made, probably it would be found that in the context of EU accession, most of the discussion is couched in terms of harms and benefits, even when the many motives for a negative attitude are actually to be found in the sphere of political views.
Kada bi se provela analiza sadržaja novinskih tekstova i javnih istupa političara i analitičara, vjerojatno bi se pokazalo da se u kontekstu priključenja EU najviše govori u terminima štete i koristi, pa čak i kada su glavni motivi za negativan stav u sferi političkih stavova.
Political actors expect citizens to perceive the harms and benefits of entry into the EU and therefore think that in the event of a referendum on this issue they would make their decisions pursuant to rational cost-benefit calculations.
Politički akteri očekuju da građani percipiraju koristi i štete od ulaska Hrvatske u EU te da u slučaju referenduma o ulasku u EU svoj sud donesu na temelju racionalne kalkulacije koristi i šteta.
The possibility of forming a rational viewpoint (understood as a viewpoint founded on a calculation of cost-benefits) concerning entry into the EU depends to a very great extent on the atmosphere in which a decision is made, that is, on the vigour and character of public debate about the topic.
Mogućnost formiranja racionalnog stava (shvaćenoga kao stava utemeljenoga na kalkulaciji koristi i šteta) o ulasku u EU uvelike ovisi o atmosferi u kojoj se odluka donosi, odnosno o intenzitetu i karakteru javne rasprave o toj tematici.
When we speak of public debate, it is important to distinguish public debates among stakeholder groups and experts and public debate that the ordinary person can take part in and can understand.
Kada govorimo o javnim raspravama, važno je razlikovati javne rasprave među zainteresiranim skupinama ili stručnjacima i javne rasprave u kojima sudjeluju i koje mogu pratiti građani.
The first kind of public debate is important and essential, but has little effect on the formation of citizen viewpoints.
Prva vrsta javnih rasprava značajna je i nužna, ali ima malo utjecaja na stavove građana.
The second kind, which we might call public debates in front of the citizens and aimed at them is much more important for the formation of public opinion about EU membership.
Druga vrsta, koju bismo mogli zvati javnim raspravama pred građanima i za građane, bitno je važnija za javno mnijenje o članstvu u EU.
The vigour of public debates performed in front of the public to date (meaning above all else debates in the media) concerning the importance and consequences of EU accession has been relatively slight, and they have been mainly of a superficial and generalised nature.
Intenzitet dosadašnjih javnih rasprava pred građanima (što prije svega znači javne rasprave u medijima) o značenju i posljedicama ulaska u EU u Hrvatskoj je relativno nizak, a uglavnom su površne i općenite.
We can expect in consequence that the views and expectations of citizens themselves are also relatively generalised and hazy, and that they are more under the influence of political point-scoring than of serious discussion and rational cost-benefit analysis.
Kao posljedicu toga možemo pretpostaviti da i stavovi i očekivanja samih građana budu relativno općeniti i magloviti, te da će više biti pod utjecajem dnevnopolitičkih argumenata nego ozbiljne argumentacije i racionalne analize koristi i šteta.
The objective of the present paper is to analyse current expectations of people in Croatia about the harms and benefits for them personally and for the country as a whole from EU accession and to establish just how consistent they are and to what extent they explain the current viewpoints.
Cilj ovog rada jest analizirati trenutačna očekivanja hrvatskih građana u smislu šteta i koristi za njih osobno i za zemlju u cjelini od ulaska u EU te utvrditi koliko su ona konzistentna i u kojoj mjeri objašnjavaju aktualne stavove.
We are also interested in the relation between concrete and general (principled) expectations, at a personal and a national level.
Također nas zanima i odnos konkretnih i općenitih (načelnih) očekivanja, kako na osobnoj, tako i na nacionalnoj razini.
The goal is better to understand the mechanism of expectation formation, and to define how much expectations are influenced by general and superficial impressions, and how much the consequence of an analysis of changes in individual aspects of social and economic life.
Cilj je bolje razumjeti mehanizam formiranja očekivanja te utvrditi koliko su ona pod utjecajem općih površnih dojmova, a koliko su posljedica analize promjena u pojedinim aspektima društvenoga i gospodarskog života.
An understanding of the character and structure of citizen expectations can clearly indicate the need to step up public debate in front of and for the citizens and the directions in which such a debate should be led.
Spoznaja karaktera i strukture očekivanja građana može jasno uputiti na potrebu intenziviranja javnih rasprava pred građanima (za građane) te naznačiti smjerove u kojima bi takvu javnu raspravu valjalo voditi.
If it should be shown that the views of citizens are generalised, and that concrete expectations have no strong influence on the creation of viewpoints about EU accession, this might be understood as a clear evaluation of the previous efforts of government and the line ministry to provide public information.
Ako bi se pokazalo da su stavovi građana općeniti, te da konkretna očekivanja nemaju jak utjecaj na formiranje odnosa prema ulasku u EU, to bi mogla biti jasna ocjena dosadašnjih napora Vlade i resornog ministarstva u informiranju građana.
Also discussed in the paper are the factors that influence the general expectations of respondents, as well as concrete analyses of harms and benefits in given areas, primarily from the perspective of political viewpoints.
U radu se također tematiziraju činitelji koji utječu na opća očekivanja ispitanika, osim konkretne analize koristi i šteta u pojedinim područjima, i to ponajprije iz perspektive političkih stavova.
We are interested how much principles expectations of profits and losses from EU accession are in fact rationalisations of other motivations for supporting or not supporting EU entry.
Zanima nas koliko su načelna očekivanja dobiti i gubitaka od ulaska u EU zapravo racionalizacije drugih motiva (ne)potpore ulasku u EU.
For the purpose of analysing hypotheses concerning general expectations as expression of a rationalisation of political viewpoints, we decided to measure perceptions of the attitude of the EU to Croatia.
Za potrebe analize hipoteze o općim očekivanjima kao izrazu racionalizacije političkih stavova odlučili smo se za mjerenje percepcije odnosa EU prema Hrvatskoj.
THE THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK: THE UTILITARIAN APPROACH TO EXPLAINING THE ATTITUDES TO MEMBERSHIP OF THE EUROPEAN UNION
TEORIJSKI OKVIR: UTILITARNI PRISTUP OBJAŠNJENJU ODNOSA PREMA ČLANSTVU U EUROPSKOJ UNIJI
The utilitarian approach to an explanation of public support for European integration is one of the most highly-investigated theoretical perspectives and hence appears in several variants.
Utilitarni pristup objašnjenju javne potpore europskim integracijama jedna je od najistraživanijih teorijskih perspektiva pa se stoga i pojavljuje u nekoliko varijanti.
In the first one, which we will call objective, the focus is directed on immediate economic gains that individual groups will have from the integration processes.
U prvoj varijanti, koju možemo nazvati objektivnom, fokus se usmjerava na direktne ekonomske interese koje pojedine skupine imaju od integracijskih procesa.
It can be hypothesised that in any society certain groups can be identified that have a greater immediate benefit than others, as well as groups that will have to pay heavier losses.
Pretpostavka je da se u svakom društvu mogu prepoznati određene skupine koje imaju veću direktnu korist od drugih, ali i skupine koje imaju veću direktnu štetu od drugih.
In line with this hypothesis, and with the theoretical model of economically motivated voting behaviour, it is expected that between these there will be an important difference in support to European integration (Gabel and Palmer, 1995; Gabel and Whitten, 1997; Gabel, 1998).
U skladu s takvom pretpostavkom, ali i teorijskim modelom ekonomski motiviranoga glasovanja, očekuje se da će među njima postojati značajna razlika u potpori europskim integracijama (Gabel i Palmer, 1995; Gabel i Whitten, 1997; Gabel, 1998).
Groups that can be supposed to have greater benefits from the integration processes, because they will be more competitive in the single market, are relatively young, well educated and have higher social and professional positions, with higher incomes.
Skupine za koje se pretpostavlja da imaju veće koristi od integracijskih procesa jer su konkurentnije na zajedničkom tržištu jesu mlađi, obrazovaniji i oni koji zauzimaju više socijalno-profesionalne pozicije te oni s višim prihodima.
On the other hand, people who have less education, manual workers and persons with lower incomes will have more harms than benefits from the process of European integration (because of their lower direct competitiveness), and it is expected that they will accordingly be less inclined to support the integration processes (Gabel and Palmer, 1995).
Suprotno tome, niže obrazovani, fizički radnici i osobe s nižim prihodima imaju više štete nego koristi od procesa europskih integracija (zbog manje direktne konkurentnosti) pa se očekuje da će stoga biti manje spremni podržati procese integracije (Gabel i Palmer, 1995).
Transition winners are defined as those groups that have profited from the transition processes, who have enjoyed benefits from the concomitant economic and political reforms.
Kao prilagodbu tog modela objašnjenja uvjetima tranzicijskih zemalja Tucker, Pacek i Berinsky (2002) nude teoriju o tranzicijskim “pobjednicima” i “gubitnicima”.
Here the main emphasis is placed on perception instead of on the objective position of a person in the social structure and hence it is called subjective.
Pritom je glavni naglasak na percepciji umjesto na objektivnom položaju osobe u društvenoj strukturi te je stoga i nazivamo subjektivnom.
Research in the Baltic countries shows that it is possible to predict views on integration more precisely on the basis of expectations of personal losses or benefits than on the basis of personal competitiveness as measured by social-professional position.
Istraživanja u baltičkim zemljama pokazuju da se na temelju očekivanja osobne koristi ili štete od ulaska u EU može preciznije predvidjeti stav o europskim integracijama nego na temelju osobne konkurentnosti koja je mjerena socio-profesionalnom pozicijom.
This tends to lead to the conclusion that the subjective dimension of expectations is independent of the objective market position of the person (Ehin, 2001).
To upućuje na zaključak da je subjektivna dimenzija očekivanja neovisna o objektivnoj tržišnoj poziciji osobe (Ehin, 2001).
In essence, the utilitarian model of explanation does not stick to economic arguments alone.
U biti, utilitaristički model objašnjenja ne ograničava se samo na ekonomske argumente.
Cichowski (2000) also includes in this group of explanations arguments that take for granted that entry into the EU means, for transition countries, a guarantee of the continuation of political reforms and political stability, that is the guarantee that totalitarian and communist regimes have been abandoned forever.
Cichowski (2000) u tu skupinu objašnjenja svrstava i argumente koji podrazumijevaju da ulazak u EU za tranzicijske zemlje znači jamstvo za nastavak političkih reformi i političku stabilnost, odnosno jamstvo za udaljavanje od totalitarnih komunističkih režima.
From this point of departure, researchers in some eastern European countries have investigated the relation between satisfaction with democracy and support to democratisation and development of the free market as predictors of support to European integration (Mishler and Rose, 1997; Cichowski, 2000).
Polazeći od te pretpostavke, istraživači su u nekim istočnoeuropskim zemljama istraživali odnos zadovoljstva demokracijom i potpore demokratizaciji i razvoju slobodnog tržišta kao prediktorima potpore europskim integracijama (Mishler i Rose, 1997; Cichowski, 2000).
The utilitarian model of explaining public support for European integration in more recent time has met with two-pronged criticisms.
Utilitaristički model objašnjenja javne potpore europskim integracijama u novije vrijeme nailazi na kritike koje primarno idu u dva smjera.
The first criticism emphasises political factors, above all from the point of view of the impact of the perception of the national government and national institutions and party affiliation, which is a continuation of a line of reasoning familiar earlier in the older members.
Prvi smjer naglašava političke činitelje, i to prije svega u smislu utjecaja percepcije nacionalne vlade i nacionalnih institucija te stranačke pripadnosti, što je nastavak argumentacije već poznate i u starim članicama.
Thus Cichowski (2000) demonstrates that party preferences are a key factor in the explanation of support in five of the new members of the EU just before accession.
Tako Cichowski (2000) pokazuje da je stranačka preferencija jedan od ključnih elemenata koji objašnjava potporu u pet novih članica EU u vremenu prije ulaska.
The existence of such a correlation does not exclude the possibility that in the background of political inclinations there is some hidden utilitarian orientation in the sense that groups that have greater benefits from the integration processes will have more positive views on European integration and hence will support pro-European parties.
Postojanje takve veze ne isključuje mogućnost da se u pozadini političkih sklonosti ne kriju utilitarističke orijentacije u smislu da skupine koje imaju veće koristi od procesa integracija imaju pozitivnije stavove prema europskim integracijama pa stoga češće podržavaju i proeuropski orijentirane stranke.
A second type of political counter-argument to the utilitarian explanation is provided by Sanchez-Cuenca (2000), who suggests that there is a strong correlation between the perception of national and supranational institutions and views about European integration.
Drugi tip političkog protuargumenta utilitarističkom objašnjenju nudi Sanchez-Cuenca (2000), koji smatra da postoji jaka veza između percepcije nacionalnih i nadnacionalnih institucija i mišljenja o europskim integracijama.
In a situation in which citizens have a highly positive view about national institutions and a bad view of supranational (European) institutions there is a greater likelihood of a negative viewpoint about European integration and vice versa.
U situaciji kada građani imaju izrazito pozitivan odnos prema nacionalnim institucijama i loš prema nadnacionalnim (europskim) veća je vjerojatnost negativnog stajališta o europskim integracijama, i obrnuto.
As in the previous line of reasoning, here too it can be noticed that the viewpoint concerning national and supranational institutions can be the consequence of a utilitarian analysis of the consequences of membership.
Kao i u prethodnom argumentu, i za ovaj se može primijetiti da stav o nacionalnim i nadnacionalnim (europskim) institucijama može biti posljedica utilitarističke analize učinaka članstva u EU.
The other line of criticism stresses the importance of national identity, national exclusiveness and openness to other cultures (McLaren, 2002).
Drugi smjer kritike naglašava važnost nacionalnog identiteta, nacionalne isključivosti i otvorenosti prema drugim kulturama (McLaren, 2002).
The EU does not after all mean just free trade and economic integration, but it has, increasingly, a cultural and symbolic dimension, as well as a political, in the sense of impacts on national identity and sovereignty.
Unija ipak ne znači samo ekonomsku integraciju i slobodnu trgovinu nego ima (sve više) i svoju kulturnu i simboličku dimenziju, kao i političku u smislu utjecaja na nacionalni identitet i suverenitet.
McLaren (2002) showed that pursuant to openness to other cultures the strength of support for the EU can be predicted extremely well, while Carey (2002) showed that the attitude to the EU is conditioned by a feeling of national identity almost just as much by utilitarian motivations (see Štulhofer, 2006).
McLaren je (2002) pokazao da se na temelju otvorenosti prema drugim kulturama može precizno predvidjeti jačina potpore EU, dok Carey (2002) smatra da je odnos prema EU uvjetovan i osjećajem nacionalnog identiteta, gotovo podjednako kao i utilitarističkim motivima (o toj temi više vidjeti Štulhofer, 2006).
But irrespective of the critical attitudes to utilitarian explanations of public support for the EU, most investigations have shown that such considerations do play an important role in the process of explicating public support for European integration and trust in the EU.
No bez obzira na kritički odnos prema utilitarističkom objašnjenju javne potpore EU, većina istraživanja pokazuje da ono ima važnu ulogu u procesu objašnjavanja javne potpore europskim integracijama i povjerenja u EU.
Some methodological and epistemological criticisms may be directed at the utilitarian model or the various versions of it, criticisms that are not to be found in the literature to any great extent.
Utilitarističkom modelu, odnosno njegovim različitim varijantama, mogu se uputiti neke metodološke i epistemološke zamjerke, koje inače u literaturi nisu jače izražene.
For example, how can it be proved that people with higher educations and with higher professional status are more supportive of EU membership because of the utilitarian motivations related to their supposed greater competitiveness and not because of different value orientations, better levels of informedness or some other reason again?
Primjerice, kako dokazati da obrazovanije osobe i osobe s višim profesionalnim statusom jače podržavaju članstvo u EU zbog utilitarističkih motiva koji proizlaze iz veće konkurentnosti, a ne zbog drugačijih vrijednosnih orijentacija, bolje informiranosti ili nekog trećeg razloga?
It may be objected in principle to the subjective version of the utilitarian explanation (apart from the choice of indicators in some research - as in Tucker, Pacek and Berinsky, 2002) that it is based on an expressed viewpoint that does not necessarily have to be the expression of real expectations but can rather be the result of a process of rationalisation of other motives for anti-European stances.
Subjektivnoj se varijanti utilitarnog objašnjenja, osim odabira indikatora u nekim istraživanjima (primjerice u Tucker, Pacek i Berinsky, 2002), načelno može prigovoriti zbog činjenice da se temelji na iskazanom odnosu koji ne mora biti odraz stvarnih očekivanja nego može biti rezultat procesa racionalizacije drugih motiva antieuropskih stavova.
The whole process of European integration is presented in public within the framework of the primarily economic cost-benefits, and all other kinds of reasoning are put out of court as undesirable.
Cjelokupni proces europskih integracija u javnosti se stavlja u okvir primarno ekonomskih koristi i šteta, a sve se ostale vrste argumenata diskvalificiraju kao nepoželjne.
This can lead to the rationalisation of real motivation through the assertion of utilitarian grounds.
To može dovesti do racionalizacije stvarnih motiva putem utilitarističke argumentacije.
On the other hand, an advantage of the subjective version of the utilitarian model is the possibility that some of the members of the public who at the moment have no benefit from the transition process can view the EU in the light of a saviour that will solve their key problems.
Osim toga, kao prednost subjektivne varijante utilitarnog modela može se navesti mogućnost da dio građana koji inače trenutačno nemaju koristi od tranzicijskih procesa mogu EU smatrati spasiteljem koji će riješiti njihove ključne probleme.
Another weakness of the utilitarian model is that it is on the whole focused on egoistic utilitarianism, at the personal level.
Kao slabost utilitarističkog modela može se navesti i činjenica da se on uglavnom fokusira na sebični utilitarizam, dakle na utilitarizam na osobnoj razini.
Little attention has been devoted to a broader understanding of cost-benefits, not focused only on interests and benefits of the individual, but on those of the broader society or particular groups in it, which can also be a subject for analysis of the advantages and disadvantages of EU membership.
Relativno malo pozornosti pridaje se širem shvaćanju šteta i koristi, koje nije fokusirano samo na interese i koristi pojedinca nego na interese šireg društva ili društvenih skupina, što također može biti predmet analize prednosti i nedostataka članstva u EU.
• The general expectations of citizens from EU accession are a powerful predictor of support for entry into the Union.
• Općenita očekivanja građana od ulaska u EU snažan su prediktor potpore ulasku u EU.
Since in most transition countries this hypothesis proved to be correct, we expect that it will also be shown to be so in Croatia.
S obzirom na to da se u većini tranzicijskih zemalja ta hipoteza pokazala ispravnom, očekujemo da će se slično pokazati i u Hrvatskoj.
It is a truism to hypothesise that those citizens who expect more positive effects from EU entry at a personal or national level will support accession to a greater extent.
Gotovo je banalno pretpostaviti da oni građani koji očekuju više pozitivnih učinaka od ulaska u EU na osobnoj ili na nacionalnoj razini snažnije podržavaju ulazak u EU.
The question arises however as to what part of the variance of the total attitude to the EU is explicable by these utilitarian expectations, and which part remains inexplicable and can be related to some of the other models for explaining support to EU membership.
Postavlja se ipak pitanje koji je dio varijance ukupnog odnosa prema EU objašnjiv tim utilitarnim očekivanjima, a koji dio ostaje neobjašnjen te može biti doveden u vezu s nekim od drugih modela objašnjenja potpore članstvu u EU.
The question also arises of whether the attitude to membership can be predicted more accurately on the basis of general or concrete expectations.
Također se postavlja pitanje može li se bolje predvidjeti stav o članstvu na temelju općih ili konkretnih očekivanja.
Concrete expectations would be closer to the theoretical model of the utilitarian explanation since it can be supposed that they are to a greater extent based on a cost-benefit analysis, and less influenced by general impressions or political viewpoints.
Naime, konkretna bi očekivanja bila bliža teorijskome modelu utilitarnog objašnjenja s obzirom na to da bi se za njih moglo očekivati da su više utemeljena na analizi troškova i koristi, a manje su pod utjecajem općih dojmova ili političkih stavova.