natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Last but not least, I have decided to place Citizenship under the responsibility of Dimitris Avramopoulos Commissioner in charge of Migration and Home Affairs – issues, very close to the heart of Europe's citizens – who will work in close cooperation on this matter with Justice and Consumers Commissioner Vera Jourova.
Naposlijetku, odlučio sam da građanstvo bude u nadležnosti Dimitrisa Avramopoulosa, povjerenika zaduženog za migracije i unutarnje poslove koji su Europljanima vrlo važni, koji će u tom području blisko surađivati s povjerenicom za pravosuđe i potrošače Verom Jourovom.
I wish at the same time to reiterate my confidence and trust in Tibor Navracsics who performed excellently in his hearing and demonstrated a strong European commitment – which is why you considered him qualified as Commissioner."
Istovremeno želim ponovno naglasiti svoje puno povjerenje u Tibora Navracsicsa koji je bio izvanredan tijekom saslušanja i koji je pokazao snažnu predanost europskim ciljevima te ste ga zato i prihvatili kao povjerenika.”
Investor-to-state disputes
Sporovi između ulagača i države
I took note of the intense debates around investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) in the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) negotiations.
Primijetio sam žustre rasprave o rješavanju sporova između ulagača i države u okviru pregovora o Transatlantskom trgovinskom i investicijskom partnerstvu (TTIP).
Let me once again state my position clearly, that I had set out on 15 July in front of this House and that you will find in my Political Guidelines: My Commission will not accept that the jurisdiction of courts in the EU Member States be limited by special regimes for investor-to-state disputes.
Želio bih još jednom jasno izraziti svoje stajalište, koje sam iznio ovdje pred vama 15. srpnja i koje možete pronaći u mojim političkim smjernicama: moja Komisija neće prihvatiti da je nadležnost sudova država članica EU-a ograničena posebnim režimima za sporove između ulagača i države.
The negotiating mandate foresees a number of conditions that have to be respected by such a regime as well as an assessment of its relationship with domestic courts.
Pregovaračkim mandatom predviđaju se brojni uvjeti koji se moraju poštovati takvim režimom te ocjena njegova odnosa s domaćim sudovima.
There is thus no obligation in this regard: the mandate leaves it open and serves as a guide.
Stoga u ovom pogledu nema obveza: mandat to ostavlja otvorenim i služi nam kao vodič.
I had thought my commitment on this point was very clear but I am happy to clarify and reiterate it here today as a number of you have asked me do so: In the agreement that my Commission will eventually submit to this House for approval there will be nothing that limits for the parties the access to national courts or that will allow secret courts to have the final say in disputes between investors and States.
Smatrao sam da je moje stajalište po tom pitanju vrlo jasno, no sa zadovoljstvom ću ga pojasniti i ponoviti ovdje pred vama jer su mnogi od vas to zatražili: u sporazumu koji će moja Komisija naposljetku dostaviti Parlamentu na odobrenje neće biti ničega što strankama ograničava pristup nacionalnim sudovima ili što će tajnim sudovima omogućiti donošenje konačne odluke u sporovima između ulagača i država.
I have asked Frans Timmermans, in his role as First Vice-President in charge of the Rule of Law and the Charter of Fundamental Rights, to advise me on the matter.
Od Fransa Timmermansa, kao prvog potpredsjednika Komisije nadležnog za vladavinu prava i Povelju o temeljnim pravima, zatražio sam da me savjetuje o tom pitanju.
There will be no investor-to-state dispute clause in TTIP if Frans does not agree with it too.
Neće biti klauzule o sporovima između ulagača i države u TTIP-u ako se i Frans s time ne složi.
I am confident that – with your support – we can negotiate an ambitious trade agreement with the U.S. along these lines, with full respect of European interests and the rule of law.
Siguran sam da, uz vašu potporu, možemo završiti pregovore o ambicioznom trgovinskom sporazumu sa SAD-om u tim okvirima, uz potpuno poštovanje europskih interesa i vladavine prava.
Bridging the Investment Gap
Suočavanje sa smanjenim ulaganjima
It is time we had a real 'grand bargain', a broad coalition of countries and the main political parties who will work together on a three pillar structure: structural reforms, fiscal credibility and investment.
Vrijeme je da imamo istinski „veliki dogovor“, veliki savez zemalja i glavnih političkih stranaka koje će zajedno surađivati na strukturi s tri stupa: strukturnim reformama, fiskalnoj vjerodostojnosti i ulaganjima.
The response to the current economic challenges cannot be top-down.
Odgovor na trenutačne gospodarske izazove ne može biti usmjeren odozgo prema dolje.
I do not believe in miracles - there is no magic bullet or growth button to push in Brussels.
Ne vjerujem u čuda, ne postoji čarobni lijek ili dugme za rast koje se može pritisnuti u Bruxellesu.
Structural reforms, fiscal credibility and investment at national and EU level have to go hand in hand."
Strukturne reforme, fiskalna vjerodostojnost i ulaganja na nacionalnoj razini i razini EU-a moraju se zajednički odvijati.“
We have to work to bridge that gap.
Taj jaz moramo premostiti.
Europe can help make this happen.
Europa može u tome pomoći.
As you know, I intend to present an ambitious €300 billion Investment package for Jobs, Growth and Competitiveness.
Kao što znate, namjeravam predstaviti ambiciozan paket za ulaganja u zapošljavanje, rast i konkurentnost u vrijednosti od 300 milijardi eura.
I will not now tell you all the details of what this package will contain.
Neću vam sada iznijeti sve pojedinosti o tome što će taj paket sadržavati.
How can I when my new Team has yet to even meet to discuss it?
Kako bih i mogao kad se moj novi tim tek treba sastati da bi o njemu raspravljao?
You will just have to have a little faith.
Morat ćete jednostavno imati povjerenja u nas.
You have my word that my College will start working on this day and night from the moment we take office.
Dajem vam svoju riječ da će moj tim na tome početi danonoćno raditi čim stupimo na dužnost.
If you give us your support today, we will present the Package before Christmas.
Ako nam danas date svoju potporu, predstavit ćemo paket prije Božića.
This is not a promise, it is an affirmation."
To nije obećanje, to je svečana izjava.“
The First legislative initiatives of the Juncker Commission
Prve zakonodavne inicijative Junckerove Komisije
"Every day, Europe is losing out by not unlocking the great potential of our huge digital single market.
„Europa je svakog dana na gubitku jer ne iskorištavamo veliki potencijal našeg golemog jedinstvenog digitalnog tržišta.
Jobs that should be there are not being created.
Radna mjesta koja bi trebala postojati nisu otvorena.
Ideas – the DNA of Europe's economy! – do not materialise to the extent they should.
Ideje — DNA europskog gospodarstva! — ne ostvaruju se u mjeri u kojoj bi trebale.
Let us change this for the better."
Promijenimo to nabolje.“
"In tomorrow's increasingly competitive world, Europe will only be able to thrive if we get it right on Energy Union.
„U sve konkurentnijem svijetu sutrašnjice, Europa će moći napredovati samo ako odmah osnujemo energetsku uniju.
In view of the discussions that will take place in the coming days on this, I would plead with Member States to find an agreement in the European Council so that we can go to Paris with a clear mandate.
S obzirom na rasprave koje će se po tom pitanju odvijati u predstojećim danima, apeliram na države članice da postignu dogovor u Europskom vijeću tako da možemo otići u Pariz s jasnim mandatom.
We all have to be pulling in the same direction if progress is to be made."
Svi moramo imati isti cilj ako želimo postići napredak.“
"Citizens are losing faith, extremists on the left and right are nipping at our heels, our competitors are taking liberties.
„Građani gube nadu, ekstremisti s lijeva i s desna su nam za vratom, naši konkurenti su se previše osilili.
It is time we breathed a new lease of life into the European project.
Vrijeme je da damo novi poticaj europskom projektu.
Huge challenges await us.
Pred nama su golemi izazovi.
It is up to us to shape these challenges.
Na nama je da te izazove oblikujemo.
If we want a role to play in the future we have to play it now.
Ako želimo igrati ulogu u budućnosti moramo ju odigrati sada.
It is up to us to ensure that the handwriting of the European Social Model is clearly visible in everything we do.
Na nama je da osiguramo da se rukopis europskog socijalnog modela jasno vidi u svemu što radimo.
Because Europe is the protective shield for all of us who can call this magnificent continent their home.
Jer Europa je zaštitni štit za sve nas koji ovaj veličanstveni kontinent zovemo svojim domom.
I stand here in front of you, in this House that is the beacon of European democracy, and call upon you to set Europe in motion again ."
Stojim ovdje pred vama u Europskom parlamentu koji je zvijezda vodilja europske demokracije i pozivam vas da ponovno pokrenemo Europu .“
President of the European Commission
Predsjednik Europske komisije
Valedictory speech by President Barroso
Oproštajni govor predsjednika Barrosa
Strasbourg, 21 October 2014
Strasbourg, 21. listopada 2014.
Mr President, Honourable Members,
Gospodine predsjedniče, poštovane zastupnice i zastupnici,
First of all, I would like to thank you for the invitation to address this Parliament in what would be the last time I have this opportunity.
na početku bih vam želio zahvaliti na pozivu i mogućnosti da se posljednji put obratim ovom Parlamentu.
In fact, we are coming to the end of my second mandate as the President of the European Commission and I am very happy to be here with you and my colleagues to present to you our bilan, since this is my second Commission, I think I can also refer to the last ten years.
Naime, približavamo se kraju mojeg drugog mandata kao predsjednika Europske komisije i veliko mi je zadovoljstvo biti ovdje s vama i sa svojim kolegama kako bih vam predstavio našu bilancu, a budući da je ovo moja druga Komisija, mislim da se mogu osvrnuti na proteklih deset godina.
I want to share with you my feelings, my emotions, what I think about the way the European Union has responded to these very challenging times and what I think are the most important challenges for the future.
Htio bih s vama podijeliti svoje osjećaje i emocije, svoje mišljenje o načinu na koji je Europska unija reagirala na ova teška vremena i svoje viđenje najvažnijih izazova za budućnost.
I think you can agree with me that these have been exceptional and challenging times.
Mislim da se sa mnom slažete da su ovo bila iznimna i teška vremena.
Ten years of crisis, and response of the European Union to this crisis.
Deset godina krize i odgovor Europske unije na nju.
So we had a constitutional crisis, we had a sovereign debt and financial crisis, and in the most acute terms we now have a geopolitical crisis, as a result of the conflict between Russia and Ukraine.
Dakle, prošli smo kroz ustavnu krizu, kroz onu dužničku i financijsku, a sada prolazimo kroz goruću geopolitičku krizu koja je nastala zbog sukoba Rusije i Ukrajine.
The constitutional crisis that we had was in fact solved through the Lisbon Constitutional Treaty.
Ustavna kriza zapravo je riješena Ustavnim ugovorom iz Lisabona.
The reality is that at that time, many people were saying that it would be impossible for the European Union to find a new institutional setting.
U to doba mnogi su govorili da Europska unija neće moći promijeniti institucijsko ustrojstvo.
And in fact there were moments of ambiguity and doubt.
Uistinu, bilo je trenutaka dvojbi i sumnja.
But basically, we could keep most of the acquis of the European Union, including most of the new elements of the Lisbon Constitutional Treaty, which was ratified by all Member States including those that today seem to have forgotten that they have ratified the Lisbon Treaty.
No bili smo u stanju zadržati najveći dio pravne stečevine Europske unije i uključiti većinu novih elemenata Ustavnog ugovora iz Lisabona, koji su ratificirale sve države članice, čak i one koje danas zaboravljaju da su to učinile.
More recently – because I learned to leave to the end the economic issues because they are still with us – we had this very serious challenge and threat to our stability, in Europe, coming from the unacceptable behaviour of Russia regarding Ukraine.
Nedavno se – gospodarska pitanja ostavimo za kraj jer nas i dalje prate – pojavio ozbiljan izazov i prijetnja našoj stabilnosti u Europi zbog neprihvatljiva ponašanja Rusije prema Ukrajini.
And we took a principled position.
Mi smo zauzeli načelno stajalište.
At the moment I am speaking to you, this crisis is not yet solved – we know that.
Svi znamo da u ovom trenutku kada vam se obraćam ta kriza nije riješena.
It is in the interest of all the parties to have a political agreement, but a political agreement that respects the principles of international law, a political agreement that respects the right of country that is our neighbour to decide its own future and a political agreement that respects the sovereignty, the independence of that country.
U interesu je svih strana da se dođe do političkog dogovora, ali takvog kojim će se poštovati načela međunarodnog prava, prava susjedne zemlje na odlučivanje o vlastitoj budućnosti te suverenitet, neovisnost te zemlje.
So, we should be proud of what we have been doing in this very challenging geopolitical crisis.
Mislim da možemo biti ponosni na ono što poduzimamo u toj teškoj geopolitičkoj krizi.
And we also had the financial and sovereign debt crisis.
Prolazili smo, dakle, i kroz financijsku i dužničku krizu.
The reality is that the crisis was not born in Europe, but the fact is that because we were not prepared, because the Euro-area had not yet the instruments, we were very much affected by it – not only in financial terms, in economic terms, in social terms and in political terms.
Kriza zapravo nije nastala u Europi, no činjenica je da nismo bili pripremljeni, da europodručje još nije raspolagalo potrebnim instrumentima, pa smo njome uvelike bili pogođeni – ne samo u financijskom već i u gospodarskom, društvenom i političkom smislu.
I think this crisis was probably the biggest since the beginning of the European integration process in the 50s of the last century.
Ta je kriza vjerojatno najveća kriza od početka procesa europskih integracija pedesetih godina prošlog stoljeća.
Let's now put things into perspective.
Osvrnimo se sada na pozadinu stvari.
Dear Members of Parliament,
Poštovane zastupnice i zastupnici,
Let's remind ourselves what was the main opinion of most analysts in the economic and financial media, or even many of our countries or outside of Europe, about what could happen: everybody was predicting Greek exit, Greece exiting the Euro, and, of course, Greece exiting Euro would certainly, immediately have had a cascading effect in other countries, a domino effect that was indeed already felt in countries such as Ireland or Portugal.
prisjetimo se prevladavajućeg stava većine analitičara u ekonomskim i financijskim medijima ili čak u mnogim našim članicama, a i izvan Europe, o onome što se moglo dogoditi: svi su predviđali da će Grčka napustiti europodručje i, naravno, njezinim bi se izlaskom izazvao domino-efekt u drugim zemljama, što se uistinu i osjetilo primjerice u Irskoj ili Portugalu.
But let's not forget, Spain was also under very heavy pressure, and Italy.
A nemojmo zaboraviti i da su pod velikim pritiskom bili Španjolska i Italija.
We were staring into the abyss.
Pred nama se otvorio ponor.
I remember well what happened in discussions in the margins of G20 in Cannes in 2011, I remember well when analysts were predicting with almost unanimity a Greek exit and at least 50% of them were predicting the implosion of the Euro.
Dobro se sjećam što se događalo 2011. na rubu sastanka G20 u Cannesu: analitičari su gotovo jednoglasno predviđali izlazak Grčke, a najmanje ih je 50 % predviđalo imploziju eura.
And what happened?
I što se dogodilo?
Not only was there no exit of the Euro, now we are to welcome the 19th member of the Euro, Lithuania will join us in the 1st of January 2015.
Ne samo da Grčka nije napustila europodručje nego danas možemo zaželjeti dobrodošlicu Litvi, od 1. siječnja 2015. devetnaestoj članici europodručja.
And not only did Greece not leave the Euro area, it has enlarged and the European Union has been enlarging as well.
Dakle, Grčka nije napustila europodručje i, naprotiv, ono se proširilo i još se širi.
This is a point that has been very much underestimated in our analysis.
Ta se činjenica u našim analizama često podcjenjuje.
2004, the year I had the pleasure and the honour to assume the leadership of the European Commission, do you remember that we were 15?
Sjećate li se da nas je, kad sam 2004. imao zadovoljstvo i čast preuzeti predsjedanje Europskom komisijom, bilo 15?
Today, we have 28 countries.
Danas imamo 28 članica.
So we have almost doubled the membership of the European Union during this crisis.
Znači da se za vrijeme krize članstvo u Europskoj uniji gotovo udvostručilo.
Is there a better proof of the resilience and the capacity of adaptation of our Union?
Ima li boljeg dokaza otpornosti i sposobnosti prilagodbe naše Unije?
The fact that we were able to remain united and open during the crisis I think confirms the extraordinary resilience and the strength of the European Union and this should not be underestimated.
Mislim da je činjenicom da smo ostali ujedinjeni i otvoreni tijekom krize potvrđena iznimna otpornost i snaga Europske unije, što se ne smije podcijeniti.
I know that, for some, these things do not count for much.
Znam da nekima te činjenice nisu toliko bitne.
They are in a way making an idealisation of the past; they dream probably of a closed Europe; they think Europe was better when half of Europe was under totalitarian communism.
Oni na neki način idealiziraju prošlost, vjerojatno sanjare o zatvorenoj Europi, smatraju da je Europa bila bolja kada je njezina polovina bila pod totalitarističkom čizmom komunizma.
I don't think that.
Ne dijelim to mišljenje.
I think Europe today is better than when half of Europe was under communism.
Mislim da je Europa danas bolja nego kada je pola nje bilo pod komunizmom.
The fact that the European Union was able, during all this crisis, to open, to consolidate and to unite on a continental scale almost all of Europe around the values of peace, of freedom and of justice, I think it is a great thing we should commemorate and not to be ashamed of, as some seem to be.
Na činjenicu da je Europska unija uspjela tijekom cijele krize biti otvorena, ojačati i ujediniti gotovo cijeli kontinent na temelju vrijednosti mira, slobode i pravde, trebamo biti ponosni i ne trebamo je se, kako to neki čine, sramiti.
So, this is I think also a reason to commemorate.
Dakle, imamo razloga za slavlje.
Many people were predicting, as you probably remember, those of you following these issues at that time, that the European Commission would not be able to function with 25 or 27 or 28 Members, that the European Union would be blocked.
Vjerojatno se sjećate, vi koji ste tada pratili razvoj događaja, da su mnogi predviđali da Europska komisija neće moći funkcionirati s 25, 27 ili 28 članica i da će doći do blokade Europske unije.
So I think we should be proud of that as well, collectively, because the European Union was able to remain united and open during the crisis.
Mislim da bismo svi zajedno na to trebali biti ponosni jer je Europska unija tijekom krize uspjela ostati ujedinjena i otvorena.
And we are now leading in that sense, because I believe that trade can be one of the best ways to support growth globally and in the European Union.
Danas smo vodeći u tom smislu jer smatram da je trgovina jedan od najboljih načina poticanja rasta u svijetu i u Europskoj uniji.
Or when we, because it was an initiative of the European Union, went to the former President of the United States of America, inviting him and convincing him to organise the first G20 meeting at Heads of State or Government level, because that was a way of having a global cooperative approach and to avoid the return to ugly, nasty protectionism.
Ili kada smo se, na inicijativu Europske unije, susreli s bivšim predsjednikom SAD-a te ga pozvali i uvjerili da organizira prvi sastanak G20 na razini predsjednika država i vlada kako bismo ostvarili pristup globalnoj suradnji te izbjegli povratak u ružni i opaki protekcionizam.
That could be a temptation in times of crisis.
U to smo iskušenje u doba krize mogli upasti.
So we were able to keep Europe not only united and, in fact, enlarging its membership, but also open to the rest of the world.
Dakle, nismo samo uspjeli održati Europu ujedinjenom već smo i proširili njezino članstvo, pri čemu smo zadržali otvorenost prema ostatku svijeta.
But now, are we stronger or are we weaker?
I jesmo li sada jači ili slabiji?
I know that the most critical people today will say that we are weaker.
Znam da će najveći kritičari reći da smo slabiji.
But are we really?
No jesmo li uistinu?
In fact, when the crisis erupted, we had almost no instruments to respond to it.
Kada je izbila kriza, nismo zapravo imali gotovo nikakve instrumente kojima bismo na nju odgovorili.
We were facing, as it was said at that time, an unprecedented crisis.
Bili smo suočeni, kako se tada govorilo, s besprimjernom krizom.
Yet we had no mechanisms, for instance to support the countries that were facing the immediate threat of default.
Nismo imali mehanizama kojima bismo, primjerice, pomogli zemljama kojima je prijetila neposredna nesolventnost.
A lot has been done.
Od tada je mnogo toga učinjeno.
We have collectively, the Commission and the Member States and always with the strong support of the Parliament, we have created a new system of governance.
Zajedničkim smo snagama, Komisija, države članice i uvijek uz snažnu podršku Parlamenta, stvorili nov sustav upravljanja.
We have today a much more reinforced governance system than before, including with unprecedented powers for the community institutions, and we have done everything to keep the community method at the centre of our integration.
Danas imamo mnogo snažniji sustav upravljanja nego prije, uključujući besprimjerne ovlasti dane institucijama zajednice i učinili smo sve kako bismo metodu zajednice zadržali u središtu svoje integracije.
For instance, the Commission today has more powers in terms of governance of the Eurozone than before the crisis.
Primjerice, Komisija danas ima veće ovlasti u pogledu upravljanja europodručjem nego prije krize.
This is not in the Treaties'.
Ona se ne spominje u Ugovorima.”
And today we have a banking union.
Danas imamo bankarsku uniju.
If we look at things in perspective and we think where we were ten years ago and where we are now, we can say with full rigour and in complete observance of the truth that today the European Union, at least in the euro area, is more integrated and with reinforced competences, and we have now, through the community method, more ways to tackle crisis, namely in the euro zone.
Ako pogledamo gdje smo bili prije deset godina i gdje smo sada, možemo s potpunom uvjerenošću u to da govorimo istinu ustvrditi da je Europska unija, barem europodručje, integriranija i ojačana, a u europodručju sada zahvaljujući metodi zajednice imamo više načina rješavanja krize.
Not only in the system of governance in the banking union, but also in the legislation of financial stability, financial regulation, financial supervision.
I to ne samo u sustavu upravljanja u bankarskoj uniji već i u zakonodavstvu povezanom s financijskom stabilnosti, financijskom regulativom i financijskim nadzorom.
We have presented around 40 new pieces of legislation that were all of them approved by the European Parliament.
Predstavili smo 40 novih zakonodavnih akata koje je sve odobrio Europski parlament.