natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Joint support for the various subregional integration systems such as MERCOSUR, CAN, or SICA (the Central American Integration System) enables the partners to safeguard their interests, engage in dialogue, and exert mutual influence; it strengthens the multilateral approach advocated by Europeans and Latin Americans alike; and, above all, it shifts the focus of attention away from the question whether the membership of the different blocs might be enlarged or changed, or whether new initiatives might emerge to promote integration (these would have greater prospects of taking root if they were founded on practical achievements of the kind that could be brought about by intensive relations between the Union and the established regional groupings).
Joint support for the various subregional integration systems such as MERCOSUR, CAN, or SICA (the Central American Integration System) enables the partners to safeguard their interests, engage in dialogue, and exert mutual influence; it strengthens the multilateral approach advocated by Europeans and Latin Americans alike; and, above all, it shifts the focus of attention away from the question whether the membership of the different blocs might be enlarged or changed, or whether new initiatives might emerge to promote integration (these would have greater prospects of taking root if they were founded on practical achievements of the kind that could be brought about by intensive relations between the Union and the established regional groupings).
Finally, regional integration would benefit from two highly necessary material improvements to be made at Vienna regarding the institutional machinery of the partnership: firstly, a Euro-Latin American Permanent Secretariat should be set up to encourage partnership activities between summits, and, most importantly, a Euro-Latin American Transatlantic Assembly should be established, as called for by the EP as long ago as November 2001, and composed of members drawn in equal numbers from the EP on the one hand and from Parlatino, Parlacen, Parlandino, the MERCOSUR Joint Parliamentary Committee, Mexico, and Chile on the other.
Finally, regional integration would benefit from two highly necessary material improvements to be made at Vienna regarding the institutional machinery of the partnership: firstly, a Euro-Latin American Permanent Secretariat should be set up to encourage partnership activities between summits, and, most importantly, a Euro-Latin American Transatlantic Assembly should be established, as called for by the EP as long ago as November 2001, and composed of members drawn in equal numbers from the EP on the one hand and from Parlatino, Parlacen, Parlandino, the MERCOSUR Joint Parliamentary Committee, Mexico, and Chile on the other.
The latter initiative would amount to an immense advance for the parliamentary dimension of the strategic partnership, but it needs an express declaration by the Summit in order to be set in motion.
The latter initiative would amount to an immense advance for the parliamentary dimension of the strategic partnership, but it needs an express declaration by the Summit in order to be set in motion.
A summit decision would enable the joint parliamentary assemblies to deal with the specific organisational details.
A summit decision would enable the joint parliamentary assemblies to deal with the specific organisational details.
For comparison, the procedure involved has already been successfully employed to set up the Euro-Mediterranean Parliamentary Assembly, building on the foundations of the Euromed parliamentary forums held since 1995 and acting on an EP proposal supported and strongly encouraged at the time by the Commission and the successive Council presidencies.
For comparison, the procedure involved has already been successfully employed to set up the Euro-Mediterranean Parliamentary Assembly, building on the foundations of the Euromed parliamentary forums held since 1995 and acting on an EP proposal supported and strongly encouraged at the time by the Commission and the successive Council presidencies.
The proceedings of the new assembly should enable the current EU-AL interparliamentary relations to be rationalised and placed on a systematic footing and ultimately constitute the parliamentary dimension of the bi-regional strategic partnership.
The proceedings of the new assembly should enable the current EU-AL interparliamentary relations to be rationalised and placed on a systematic footing and ultimately constitute the parliamentary dimension of the bi-regional strategic partnership.
That should be the aim which the assembly should seek to achieve by acting as a policy forum (along the same lines as the earlier EP-Parlatino interparliamentary conferences that began in 1974) and as the parliamentary institution of the bi-regional strategic partnership (at present confined to the ministerial level) and by bringing parliamentary control and scrutiny to bear on the association agreements (this being the raison d’être of the joint parliamentary committees set up under the agreements).
That should be the aim which the assembly should seek to achieve by acting as a policy forum (along the same lines as the earlier EP-Parlatino interparliamentary conferences that began in 1974) and as the parliamentary institution of the bi-regional strategic partnership (at present confined to the ministerial level) and by bringing parliamentary control and scrutiny to bear on the association agreements (this being the raison d’être of the joint parliamentary committees set up under the agreements).
The assembly would thus become the keystone of the EU-LAC parliamentary political dialogue, operating alongside an updated ministerial-level dialogue and the role to be played by civil society.
The assembly would thus become the keystone of the EU-LAC parliamentary political dialogue, operating alongside an updated ministerial-level dialogue and the role to be played by civil society.
3) Clear-cut commitments regarding social cohesion
3) Clear-cut commitments regarding social cohesion
Per capita GDP has failed to increase substantially over the past 20 years or else has risen very slowly, especially compared to the Far Eastern countries.
Per capita GDP has failed to increase substantially over the past 20 years or else has risen very slowly, especially compared to the Far Eastern countries.
Inequality, matched only by sub-Saharan Africa, is today still one of the fundamental problems for Latin American development, as was pointed out in the most recent UNDP report in 2005.
Inequality, matched only by sub-Saharan Africa, is today still one of the fundamental problems for Latin American development, as was pointed out in the most recent UNDP report in 2005.
Out of the 550 million Latin Americans, more than 220 million are poor, and some 100 million are extremely poor, with less than $1 a day to live on.
Out of the 550 million Latin Americans, more than 220 million are poor, and some 100 million are extremely poor, with less than $1 a day to live on.
Inequality should consequently be a central topic in a bi-regional dialogue aimed at laying down objectives and joint lines of action, which could also be encompassed within the association agreements in force or in the process of conclusion.
Inequality should consequently be a central topic in a bi-regional dialogue aimed at laying down objectives and joint lines of action, which could also be encompassed within the association agreements in force or in the process of conclusion.
The Commission makes some very interesting proposals in this area.
The Commission makes some very interesting proposals in this area.
The EP believes that, in addition to joint action to bring about more just and more cohesive societies, the following practical measures could be adopted in Vienna:
The EP believes that, in addition to joint action to bring about more just and more cohesive societies, the following practical measures could be adopted in Vienna:
(a) Firstly, a bi-regional solidarity fund should be set up, as repeatedly called for by the EP and advocated by several stakeholders.
(a) Firstly, a bi-regional solidarity fund should be set up, as repeatedly called for by the EP and advocated by several stakeholders.
A modest injection of funds, not constituting an additional allocation, from the Union budget for Latin America could act as a catalyst which, if combined with the budgetary resources allocated by the bodies (the EIB, the IDB, the ADC, the CABEI, the World Bank, etc.) and countries concerned, could provide the necessary budgetary support.
A modest injection of funds, not constituting an additional allocation, from the Union budget for Latin America could act as a catalyst which, if combined with the budgetary resources allocated by the bodies (the EIB, the IDB, the ADC, the CABEI, the World Bank, etc.) and countries concerned, could provide the necessary budgetary support.
The fund could be coordinated by the Commission in collaboration with donor bodies and countries and also include a ‘Ferrero-Waldner facility’ based on exclusively financial contributions from the EIB and other institutions involved.
The fund could be coordinated by the Commission in collaboration with donor bodies and countries and also include a ‘Ferrero-Waldner facility’ based on exclusively financial contributions from the EIB and other institutions involved.
The operations of the fund as such should be intended to manage and finance sector-based programmes relating initially to the eradication of extreme poverty and to health, education, and infrastructure in countries and regions where per capita income is lower and social inequalities are greater, and subsequently covering the Latin American countries as a whole.
The operations of the fund as such should be intended to manage and finance sector-based programmes relating initially to the eradication of extreme poverty and to health, education, and infrastructure in countries and regions where per capita income is lower and social inequalities are greater, and subsequently covering the Latin American countries as a whole.
(b) Secondly, joint commitments should be adopted with a view to halting the political instability and governance crises affecting a number of Andean countries and, in this context, countering the emergence of ethnonationalist movements which in some cases are challenging the existence of these countries.
(b) Secondly, joint commitments should be adopted with a view to halting the political instability and governance crises affecting a number of Andean countries and, in this context, countering the emergence of ethnonationalist movements which in some cases are challenging the existence of these countries.
Given that it fosters democratic consolidation, regional integration is part of the solution.
Given that it fosters democratic consolidation, regional integration is part of the solution.
True to its origins, the Union is itself endeavouring to tackle the same problems in the Balkans and other neighbouring areas, offering the prospect of future accession to all the opposing forces and thereby gradually defusing the current conflicts and instability.
True to its origins, the Union is itself endeavouring to tackle the same problems in the Balkans and other neighbouring areas, offering the prospect of future accession to all the opposing forces and thereby gradually defusing the current conflicts and instability.
In the Latin American context, the phenomenon can be said more accurately to have resulted from the centuries of neglect that indigenous populations have suffered in several countries.
In the Latin American context, the phenomenon can be said more accurately to have resulted from the centuries of neglect that indigenous populations have suffered in several countries.
The best solution, therefore, is to advocate full and genuine integration of indigenous populations into the politics, economy, and society of each country.
The best solution, therefore, is to advocate full and genuine integration of indigenous populations into the politics, economy, and society of each country.
The responsibility for giving effect to such integration rests, logically, with the Latin American partners, which, if they fail to meet it, will continue to be deprived of much of their political, economic, and trading potential, as well as running serious risks in terms of national cohesion and social divides with extremely serious consequences for their democratic stability and, in the most serious cases, the very survival of the state.
The responsibility for giving effect to such integration rests, logically, with the Latin American partners, which, if they fail to meet it, will continue to be deprived of much of their political, economic, and trading potential, as well as running serious risks in terms of national cohesion and social divides with extremely serious consequences for their democratic stability and, in the most serious cases, the very survival of the state.
However, this matter also has decisive implications for the fundamental shape of the bi-regional strategic partnership, since, like ethnonationalism in Europe, it affects internal and external stability, security, and the ability of both partners to allocate resources.
However, this matter also has decisive implications for the fundamental shape of the bi-regional strategic partnership, since, like ethnonationalism in Europe, it affects internal and external stability, security, and the ability of both partners to allocate resources.
It is consequently to be hoped that the Vienna Summit will adopt specific recommendations to deal with it.
It is consequently to be hoped that the Vienna Summit will adopt specific recommendations to deal with it.
4) Verifiable commitments regarding migration and human interaction
4) Verifiable commitments regarding migration and human interaction
The Vienna Summit should afford a suitable opportunity to adopt practical decisions on migration and human interaction, proceeding from a proper, constructive, and effective debate on what is an extraordinarily far-reaching subject, as recent United Nations reports have highlighted.
The Vienna Summit should afford a suitable opportunity to adopt practical decisions on migration and human interaction, proceeding from a proper, constructive, and effective debate on what is an extraordinarily far-reaching subject, as recent United Nations reports have highlighted.
The decisions should relate to matters such as regulation of migration, including the fight against illegal migration and the mafias that exploit it, and joint migration management.
The decisions should relate to matters such as regulation of migration, including the fight against illegal migration and the mafias that exploit it, and joint migration management.
Other decisions might cover temporary immigration policies, the introduction of a special short-stay travel visa for entrepreneurs, university teachers, researchers, students, journalists, and trade unionists involved in the Euro-Latin American partnership, the use of immigration to foster development in countries of origin (assistance for immigrants’ projects in their countries of origin etc.), and clearly defined integration policies in host countries for legally resident immigrants.
Other decisions might cover temporary immigration policies, the introduction of a special short-stay travel visa for entrepreneurs, university teachers, researchers, students, journalists, and trade unionists involved in the Euro-Latin American partnership, the use of immigration to foster development in countries of origin (assistance for immigrants’ projects in their countries of origin etc.), and clearly defined integration policies in host countries for legally resident immigrants.
Although the Commission has not put forward specific proposals on the above points for the Vienna Summit, its recent communication of 30 November 2005 to follow up the Hague programme and the decisions taken at the informal Hampton Court meeting and, more recently still, the decisions of the December 2005 Brussels European Council undoubtedly contain proposals and priority courses of action that could also be geared to the needs of Latin America.
Although the Commission has not put forward specific proposals on the above points for the Vienna Summit, its recent communication of 30 November 2005 to follow up the Hague programme and the decisions taken at the informal Hampton Court meeting and, more recently still, the decisions of the December 2005 Brussels European Council undoubtedly contain proposals and priority courses of action that could also be geared to the needs of Latin America.
The Vienna Summit will undoubtedly constitute a key and particularly propitious moment for strengthening relations between the European Union and Latin America, thanks to an Austrian Council Presidency which has made the Summit one of the highlights of its term of office, a Commission which, in the person of Benita Ferrero-Waldner (Commissioner), is quite open in its determination to help foster relations between the two regions, and a European Parliament which is united in its desire to make the Vienna Summit a real success.
The Vienna Summit will undoubtedly constitute a key and particularly propitious moment for strengthening relations between the European Union and Latin America, thanks to an Austrian Council Presidency which has made the Summit one of the highlights of its term of office, a Commission which, in the person of Benita Ferrero-Waldner (Commissioner), is quite open in its determination to help foster relations between the two regions, and a European Parliament which is united in its desire to make the Vienna Summit a real success.
It is, of course, to be hoped that the partner countries' shared interest in overcoming the major challenges facing them all will do the rest.
It is, of course, to be hoped that the partner countries' shared interest in overcoming the major challenges facing them all will do the rest.
This report - like its November 2001 predecessor - is both ambitious and hard-hitting and it contains many of the same proposals and recommendations.
This report - like its November 2001 predecessor - is both ambitious and hard-hitting and it contains many of the same proposals and recommendations.
Generally speaking, it stresses once again that an overall strategic vision for the partnership must be preserved at all costs - a vision which does not confine itself to isolated proposals or activities and which enshrines as an ultimate objective the establishment of a genuine political and security partnership, the creation of a Euro-Latin America Free-Trade Area by 2010 and the development of a genuine partnership in the fields of social affairs, knowledge and a common search for sustainable development.
Generally speaking, it stresses once again that an overall strategic vision for the partnership must be preserved at all costs - a vision which does not confine itself to isolated proposals or activities and which enshrines as an ultimate objective the establishment of a genuine political and security partnership, the creation of a Euro-Latin America Free-Trade Area by 2010 and the development of a genuine partnership in the fields of social affairs, knowledge and a common search for sustainable development.
In the political sphere its main proposals include a Euro-Latin America Charter for Peace and Security , the setting up of a Bi-regional Conflict Prevention Centre , the systematic search for a Euro-Latin America consensus within international organisations and at international negotiations, an updating of the ministerial political dialogue and the setting up of a Euro-Latin America Transatlantic Assembly .
In the political sphere its main proposals include a Euro-Latin America Charter for Peace and Security , the setting up of a Bi-regional Conflict Prevention Centre , the systematic search for a Euro-Latin America consensus within international organisations and at international negotiations, an updating of the ministerial political dialogue and the setting up of a Euro-Latin America Transatlantic Assembly .
In economic and trade matters an earlier proposal is resubmitted: namely, the establishment of a Euro-Latin America Free-Trade Area by 2010 (or, at least, as close as possible to that date) in two stages, the first of which would involve the conclusion in Vienna of the negotiations on the EU-Mercosur Association Agreement , the start of negotiations on association agreements with the Andean Community and Central America , the application to all parties of the new GSP 'plus' until such time as the agreements come into force, and the deepening of the existing EU-Mexico and EU-Chile agreements in order to enable their potential to be exploited in full.
In economic and trade matters an earlier proposal is resubmitted: namely, the establishment of a Euro-Latin America Free-Trade Area by 2010 (or, at least, as close as possible to that date) in two stages, the first of which would involve the conclusion in Vienna of the negotiations on the EU-Mercosur Association Agreement , the start of negotiations on association agreements with the Andean Community and Central America , the application to all parties of the new GSP 'plus' until such time as the agreements come into force, and the deepening of the existing EU-Mexico and EU-Chile agreements in order to enable their potential to be exploited in full.
The second stage would be concerned with the achievement of a Comprehensive Inter-regional Partnership Agreement .
The second stage would be concerned with the achievement of a Comprehensive Inter-regional Partnership Agreement .
The report also restates proposals concerned with establishing a genuine partnership in the areas of social affairs, knowledge and the search for sustainable development , using measures and tools such as a Bi-regional Solidarity fund and a Latin America Facility (also known as the Ferrero-Waldner Facility ), the adoption of a specific legislative framework to regulate differential EU cooperation with Latin America , the opening of EU programmes concerned with vocational training, education, culture, health and migration to Latin American countries, and the allocation of budget funding commensurate with the stated ambitions.
The report also restates proposals concerned with establishing a genuine partnership in the areas of social affairs, knowledge and the search for sustainable development , using measures and tools such as a Bi-regional Solidarity fund and a Latin America Facility (also known as the Ferrero-Waldner Facility ), the adoption of a specific legislative framework to regulate differential EU cooperation with Latin America , the opening of EU programmes concerned with vocational training, education, culture, health and migration to Latin American countries, and the allocation of budget funding commensurate with the stated ambitions.
Last but not least, other significant proposals relate to the establishment of a public-private Europe-Latin America Foundation similar to those which have already been set up for Asia and the Mediterranean, and a structure for cooperation with the Ibero-America Secretariat and with the Ibero-American Conferences .
Last but not least, other significant proposals relate to the establishment of a public-private Europe-Latin America Foundation similar to those which have already been set up for Asia and the Mediterranean, and a structure for cooperation with the Ibero -America Secretariat and with the Ibero -American Conferences .
OPINION OF THE COMMITTEE ON DEVELOPMENT
OPINION OF THE COMMITTEE ON DEVELOPMENT
on enhanced cooperation between the European Union and Latin America
on enhanced cooperation between the European Union and Latin America
The Committee on Development calls on the Committee on Foreign Affairs, as the committee responsible, to incorporate the following suggestions in its motion for a resolution:
The Committee on Development calls on the Committee on Foreign Affairs, as the committee responsible, to incorporate the following suggestions in its motion for a resolution: