natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
We made our contribution to restoring the driving force of the engine, and signalled the others, that we are a vital nation.
Me andsime oma panuse veduri veojõu taastamisse ja läkitasime aktiivse riigi signaali teistele.
And we also bring up problems that haven't disappeared.
Kuid me teadvustame ühtlasi ka probleeme, mis pole kadunud.
The Constitutional Treaty dispute has, for instance, focussed attention upon one of Europe’s serious problems – not only is there a split between the public opinion and the politicians’ opinion, but also between the opinions of the various nations, and then comes the aforementioned split.
Põhiseaduse leppe dispuudi kaudu avaldub näiteks üks Euroopa probleem: mitte üksnes lõhe rahva arvamuse ja poliitikute arvamuste vahel, vaid lõhed rahvaste arvamuste vahel ja alles siis too esimesena mainitu.
There are no recipes for this in Grandmother’s cookbook, but the journey towards a solution, is always launched, by precisely defining the problem.
Retsepte vanaema kokaraamatust siin ei leia, kuid tee lahendusteni algab alati probleemi täpsest sõnastamisest.
Quite justifiably, there is concern over the fact that, in Estonia, one can confront isolationist thinking, which discards the wisdom of others, and has no regard for what is happening elsewhere in Europe or the rest of the world.
Õigustatud on mure selle üle, et Eestis esineb enesessesulgumist, eraldatust, soovi elada iseenese tarkusest ja mitte märgata ega mõista, mis mujal Euroopas ja laiemas maailmas toimub.
Just ten years ago, we believed, that floods just devastated far away foreign lands, until, quite unexpectedly, Pärnumaa and Läänemaa were also under water.
Me arvasime veel kümne aasta eest, et uputused puudutavad vaid kaugeid võõraid maid, kuni ootamatult olid ka Pärnu- ja Läänemaa vee all.
This winter’s incidents concerning oil pollution on the Estonian coast came as a nasty surprise for many, although they should have been well aware of the increase in shipping.
Selletalvised õlireostused Eesti rannikul tabasid paljusid valusa üllatusena, ehkki olid laevaliikluse kasvust ammu selgelt ennustatavad.
If an outstandingly brilliant curriculum was formulated, but all generations lacked a desire to constantly continue educating themselves, then we would have to talk about a national security crisis brought about by a lack of education.
Kui valmiks ka hiilgav õppekava koolidele, aga kõigil põlvkondadel puuduks soov end pidevalt edasi harida, siis peaksime kõnelema harimatuse kaudu avalduvast julgeolekuriskist.
But, fortunately, this threat is full of holes like Swiss cheese.
Õnneks on see oht auguline nagu Emmentali juust, see ei ole totaalne kamakas.
Nevertheless, take note that incompetence, ignorance, and the lack of obtaining information are, in a certain context, synonymous with the term security risk.
Kuid nentigem, et ebakompetentsus, ignorantsus ja informeerimatus on teatud kontekstis sünonüümid julgeolekuriskile.
For years, there has been talk in Estonia about the need for keeping foreign, security, and defence policy separate from everyday politics.
Eestis on aastaid räägitud vajadusest hoida välis-, julgeoleku- ja kaitsepoliitika lahus päevapoliitikast.
The stressing of this position is even occurring today.
Selle nõude allakriipsutamine on ka täna aktuaalne.
We must make all decisions and take all actions for their own sake, meanwhile realising, the wider panorama of phenomena, and the chain reactions brought about by decisiveness, or the lack of it.
Me peame kõiki otsuseid ja tegusid tegema iseenda pärast, mõistes samal ajal nähtuste laiemat panoraami ja otsustavuse või otsustusvõimetuse põhjustatud ahelreaktsioone.
And further.
Ja veel.
Estonia must always be aware of worldwide realities.
Eesti peab endale alati üleilmsetest realiteetidest aru andma.
Estonia is not a superstate.
Eesti ei ole superriik.
In accordance with this fact, we have to be flexible when adapting to situations, when looking for partners to cooperate with, and when making use of those spheres in which we can actually exert some influence.
Sellest tõsiasjast johtuvalt peame olema paindlikud olukordadega kohanemisel, koostööpartnerite leidmisel ja nende tegevusniššide kasutamisel, kus me saame tõepoolset mingit mõju avaldada.
That is a realistic road guide for conducting an external security policy.
See on välisjulgeoleku poliitika käsulaud tegelikkuses.
Honourable parliament,
Austatud Riigikogu,
Estonia's constant and permanent objective could be to help increase security in the world.
Eesti püsiv ja alatine eesmärk võiks olla kaasa aidata julgeoleku suurenemisele maailmas.
That is a great objective.
See on suur eesmärk.
In any case, we produce security by participating in military operations.
Igal juhul toodame julgeolekut osalusega sõjalistes operatsioonides.
Whereas, the European Union produces security just by existing.
Aga Euroopa Liit toodab julgeolekut ka lihtsalt oma olemasoluga.
By today, the younger generation, in the older Member States, seems to have forgotten this altogether.
See on vanade liikmesriikide nooremal põlvkonnal tänaseks vist üldse ununenud.
But, in the new Member States, the European Union is, primarily, seen as an additional guarantee against more distant external pressures.
Aga ka uutes liikmesriikides nähakse Euroliitu eeskätt lisagarantiina kaugema välise surve ees.
It is also clear, that the more states there are that are strong and democratic, the less chances there are for military conflicts.
Kuid selge on, et mida rohkem tugevaid demokraatlikke riike, seda vähem võimalusi sõjalisteks konfliktideks.
Every additional new Member State produces security just by fulfilling the accession criteria.
Iga järgmine uus liikmesriik toodab julgeolekut juba sissesaamiskriteeriumide täitmisega.
This is the very reason why Estonia supports enlargement.
See ongi põhjus, miks Eesti toetab laienemist.
Plus, the Neighbourhood Policy – the constant enlarging of the area where the development of democracy, economic welfare, a general sense of security, and the rule of law dominate, produces additional security.
Pluss naabruspoliitika – demokraatia arengu, majandusliku heaolu, üldise turvalisuse ja õiguskorra ala pidev laiendamine toodavad julgeolekut juurde.
Therefore, Estonia, within the limit of its resources, is continually supporting democratic processes in the Caucasian states as well as in Moldova, Ukraine, and Belarus.
Seepärast on Eesti oma ressursside piires jätkuvalt Kaukaasia riikide ja Moldova, Ukraina ja ka Valgevene demokraatlike protsesside toetaja.
Therefore, we attach great importance to the European Union's Northern Dimension Programme, which is focussing attention upon the uniqueness of Europe’s north-eastern region as a whole, and is creating an additional opportunity for solving basic lifestyle problems, which often ignore borders, such as the spreading of contagious diseases, or economic activity which endangers the environment.
Seepärast tähtsustame Põhjamõõtme programmi Euroopa Liidus, mis koondab tähelepanu Euroopa kirdepiirkonna eripärale tervikuna ning loob lisavõimaluse eluprobleemide lahendamiseks, mis tihti ei hooli piiridest, nagu nakkushaiguste levik või keskkonda ohustav majandustegevus.
More extensive everyday relations and pragmatic cooperation between neighbouring states, as well as the creation of conditions conducive to economic activities on both sides of the border, are also essential factors from the aspect of ensuring international security.
Tihedam igapäevane suhtlemine ja pragmaatiline koostöö naaberriikide vahel ning soodsate tingimuste loomine majanduslikuks aktiivsuseks mõlemal pool piiri on oluliseks teguriks ka rahvusvahelise julgeoleku kindlustamise aspektist.
And now, to deal with our immediate tasks.
Nüüd lähemalt meie kohestest ülesannetest.
Let us first focus upon joining the Schengen area.
Fookusesse peab tõusma ühinemine Schengeniga.
For states party to the Schengen Agreement, the disappearance of internal borders does not mean an increase in security risks.
Schengeni lepinguga liitunud riikide jaoks ei tähenda sisepiiride kadumine julgeolekuriskide suurenemist.
Quite the opposite.
Vastupidi.
It means greater cooperation between the various police forces and immigration services, a better exchange of data, a sharing of information.
See tähendab enam koostööd politsei ja immigratsiooniametite vahel, paremat andmevahetust, info jagamist.
And the realistic hope of avoiding terrorist attacks lies specifically in the latter factor.
Aga reaalne lootus terroristlike rünnakute vältimiseks peitub just viimases.
This has been testified to by both those states that have suffered as well as those that have prevented catastrophes, this being testified to by the European Union.
Seda on tunnistanud need riigid, kes on nii kannatanud kui ka katastroofe ära hoidnud, seda on tunnistanud Euroopa Liit.
Information is shared with those that are trusted.
Infot jagatakse nendega, keda usaldatakse.
This trust must be earned.
Usaldus aga tuleb välja teenida.
The Estonian authorities are already being assessed.
Juba käibki Eesti riigi hindamine.
The first to be tested was our Consulate General in St. Petersburg on 17 May.
Esimeseks hinnati meie Peterburi peakonsulaati, 17. mail.
Our Embassy in Kiev will be evaluated on 22 June, the maritime border in July, and the eastern border at the beginning of September.
Meie saatkonda Kiievis hinnatakse 22.juunil, merepiiri juulis ja idapiiri septembri alguses.
Joining the Schengen area is not an activity that is limited to a narrow circle of officials, but is, rather, a national assignment, and quite awe inspiring in scope.
Schengeniga liitumine ei ole kitsalt ametkondlik aktsioon, vaid see on riiklik ülesanne ja oma mastaabilt aukartustäratav.
Here, the Riigikogu has a very essential role.
Riigikogul on siin oma väga oluline roll.
Upon joining the Schengen visa space, our concepts of internal security will be transformed.
Ühinedes Euroopa ühtse viisaruumiga ehk Schengeni õigusruumiga muutuvad meie arusaamad sisejulgeolekust.
Figuratively speaking, Estonian security will also be determined by what is happening at every kilometre of the European Union’s external border, which extends for thousands of kilometres.
Piltlikult öeldes hakkab ka Eesti julgeolekut määrama olukord tuhandete kilomeetrite pikkuse Euroopa Liidu välispiiri igal kilomeetril.
And vice-versa.
Ja vastupidi.
The solving of problems created by illegal migration, which has to be dealt with by Italy, Spain, and other Mediterranean Member States, effects Estonia’s internal security, to the same extent, as our national preparations for joining the Schengen area.
Ebaseadusliku migratsiooni tekitatud probleemide lahendamine, millega tegelevad Itaalia, Hispaania ja teised Vahemere-äärsed liikmesriigid, mõjutavad Eesti sisejulgeolekut samal määral kui meie rahvuslikud ettevalmistused Schengeniga ühinemisel.
Even today, I’m speaking separately about NATO and the European Union, but, NB!, we do not have separate units for the operations of either organisation.
Kõnelen tänagi NATO-st ja Euroopa Liidust eraldi, kuid, NB!, meil ei ole eraldi üksusi kummagi ühenduse operatsioonide tarbeks.
It is this common point concerning security that is worth noting.
Siin ongi tähelepanuväärne julgeolekuline ühenduskoht.
This cooperation must begin on the political level, since, that is precisely where the problems lie.
See koostöö peab algama poliitilisel tasandil, kuna ka probleemid on just seal.
Estonia is among those states, which, out of need for more intense cooperation, has promoted it on both the political as well as the diplomatic levels.
Eesti on nende riikide seas, kes koostöö tihendamisvajadust on toonitanud nii poliitilisel kui diplomaatilisel tasandil.
If the present formal frameworks are inadequate for satisfying our needs for cooperation, then, it should not be excluded, that the need for reforming them will be placed on the agenda.
Kui praegused formaalsed raamid on meie koostöövajaduste rahuldamiseks puudulikud, siis ei maksa välistada nende muutmise päevakorda võtmist.
The improving of NATO and European Union cooperation will mean, in addition to greater efficiency, among other things, savings in manpower and money.
NATO ja Euroliidu koostöö parandamine tähendab lisaks suuremale tõhususele muuhulgas ka inimtööjõu ja raha kokkuhoidu.
In accordance with this, Estonia plans to continue contributing to the development of European Union and NATO relations.
Eelöeldust tulenevalt kavatseb Eesti jätkata panustamist Euroliidu ja NATO suhete arendamisse.
Members of the parliament,
Head parlamendiliikmed,
Who of us hasn't encountered a carefree attitude towards life!
kes meist poleks kohanud muretut suhtumist ümbritsevasse!
After the 11 September 2001, the phrase "it's sooo September the tenth!" has come into use in America, which refers to unwarranted recklessness.
Pärast 2001. aasta 11. septembrit on Ameerikas ilmunud kasutusele kõnekäänd "it's sooo september tenth!", mis viitabki põhjendamatule hoolimatusele.
An Estonian diplomat has, in store, an anecdote from his own life, which he's willing to tell quite openly, and now, with the thoughtful tone of one with an appropriate experience behind him:
Ühel Eesti diplomaadil on varuks lugu tema enda elust, mida ta ise räägib avameelselt ja nüüd juba kogenud inimese mõtlikul toonil.
The Estonian Embassy in Washington had just moved into its temporary quarters.
Eesti saatkond Washingtonis oli just kolinud ajutistesse ruumidesse.
On 10 September 2001, the Embassy chauffer asked our diplomat whether he should also bring a TV to the Embassy.
10. septembril 2001 küsis saatkonna autojuht meie diplomaadilt, kas ei peaks saatkonda ka televiisori tooma.
The diplomat answered spontaneously: "I don't think there’s any great necessity, since a TV is needed in an embassy only when something major is happening, but at the moment, nothing significant seems to be on the horizon,,,"
Diplomaat vastas spontaanselt: "Arvan, et selleks pole suurt vajadust, sest saatkonnas on telekas vajalik vaid siis, kui midagi suurt on juhtumas, hetkel aga tundub, et millegi erilise juhtumist nagu ette näha ei ole..."
Thus, "sooo September the tenth!", in the true sense of the word.
Seega sõna otseses mõttes sooo september 10th!
Are we all so sure, that such an attitude cannot be encountered in Estonia right at this moment?
Kas me kõik oleme veendunud, et täna Eestis sellist meeleolu ei leidu?
Let us hope so!
Tahaks loota!
Honourable parliament,
Lugupeetud Riigikogu liikmed,
The dramatic intertwining of economics and security, and, separately, of energy and security, is a contemporary phenomenon.
Majanduse ja julgeoleku ning eraldi energeetika ja julgeoleku dramaatiline põimumine on üks tänapäeva tõsiasju.
With references to the efforts of Russian capital to influence political decisions in the other Baltic states, there are questions in the air concerning the possible influence that investments from abroad might have on our security.
Viidetega Vene kapitali püüetele mõjutada poliitilisi otsuseid teistes Balti riikides on õhus küsimusi välisinvesteeringute võimalikust mõjust meie julgeolekule.
Yes, we are curious, if investors have any other objectives than just investing.
Jah, meid huvitab, kas investoritel on muid eesmärke lisaks investeeringutele.
We talk about the relationship between economics and politics in Estonia.
Me kõneleme majanduse ja poliitika suhtest Eestis.
We are not indifferent to who invests in Estonia.
Meile pole ükskõik, kes Eestisse investeerib.
Attention must be paid, primarily, to those spheres, in which, security is a concern – energy and the infrastructure.
Tähelepanu tuleb pöörata ennekõike julgeolekuliselt tundlikele valdkondadele – energeetikale ja infrastruktuuridele.
But often, the true source of the investment cannot even be discerned, since the investor’s country of origin is not, necessarily, the whole story.
Kuid sageli polegi näha investeeringu tegelikku allikat, sest investeerija kodumaa ei ole veel kogu tõde.
We, of course, have to believe in Estonia’s progress, and in the openness, which has brought us this progress.
Me peame muidugi uskuma Eesti edusse ja avatusse, mis on meile selle edu toonud.
But we have to interfere when, using a free market economy as a cover, we are actually being offered foreign political interests and influences, or even criminality and corruption.
Aga me peame sekkuma siis, kui vaba turumajanduse varjus pakutakse meile võõrriikide poliitilist otsustusõigust ja mõjutamisvahendit või kriminaalsust ja korruptsiooni.
We have to think about ensuring the greater transparency of the Estonian economy, so that there could be no participants with hazy backgrounds, who might want to influence the domestic or foreign policy decisions of Estonian government agencies.
Me peame mõtlema, kuidas tagada enam läbipaistvust Eesti majanduses, et seal ei tekiks olulisi peidetud tagamaadega osalisi, kes võivad tahta mõjutada Eesti riigiasutuste sise- või välispoliitilisi otsuseid.
We can presume, that energy is a sphere of economics in which the well-known principle holds true, that the less regulating there is, the easier it is for us and for our economy to be flexible.
Energeetikast võime ju arvata, et see on pelgalt üks majandusharu, kus kehtib tuntud põhimõte, et mida vähem regulatsiooni, seda lihtsam on meil ja meie majandusel olla paindlik.
But, there are at least three reasons why this is not so.
Siiski on vähemalt kolm põhjust, miks see nii ei ole.
Energy, more than any other economic activity, is emotionally connected with our sense of security.
Isikliku turvatundega on energeetika tunnetuslikult otsesemalt seotud kui muu majandustegevus.
Secondly, in the sphere of energy, the market forces and mechanisms do not function between nations and firms in a balancing manner that would provide the best terms and conditions for the consumer.
Teiseks, energeetikas ei toimi turujõud riikide ja firmade vahel sellisel tasakaalustaval viisil, mis annaks automaatselt parima tulemuse igale tarbijale.
Thirdly, the economic activities associated with energy have a multiple times further time-horizon than almost all other spheres of economic activity.
Kolmandaks on energeetikaga seotud majanduslikud tegevused kordades pikema ajahorisondiga kui pea kõikides muudes majandusharudes.
Energy is a sphere in which both the state, as well as cooperation between states, are needed to a greater, rather than a lesser degree.
Energeetika on valdkond, kus nii riiki kui ka riikidevahelist koostööd on vaja pigem rohkem kui vähem.
Various global trends, like the depletion of resources by ever-increasing consumption, environmental problems, and the use of energy as a political weapon, are constantly becoming nastier.
Globaalsed tendentsid, nagu varude ammendumine üha kasvava tarbimise juures, keskkonnaprobleemid ja energia kasutamine poliitilise relvana on teravdunud.
But unfortunately, in connection with energy, in Estonia, as well as in all of the European Union, there is still a lack of will to take concrete steps.
Kahjuks aga on energia asjus nii Eestis kui terves Euroopa Liidus ikka veel puudu valmidusest konkreetseid samme astuda.
We, for instance, need a common position for dealing with OPEC, Russia, and other suppliers.
Näiteks vajame me ühist positsiooni suhetes OPECi, Venemaa ja muude tarnijatega.
We need the economy to be regulated in a manner that would orient us towards a new energy era.
Vajame sellist majanduse reguleerimist, mis orienteeriks uuele energiaajastule lahtiste silmadega vastu astuma.
There is probably no need to prove that a new era is just around the corner.
Et uus ajastu on ukse ees, seda ei pea vist tõestama hakkama.
No alternative is superfluous in the dangerously one-sided field of contemporary energetics.
Ükski alternatiiv pole ülearune, et tänasesse ohtlikult üksluisesse energeetikapilti lisa tuua.
Thus, the Baltic Sea Ring, the Estling Cable, the gas pipeline between Estonia and Finland, as well as various other projects are of vital importance for us.
Läänemere ring, Estlingi kaabel ja gaasijuhe Eesti ja Soome vahel, ja mõndagi veel on meile eluliselt tähtsad.
In matters concerning energy, the Baltic states are all in a very similar situation, and need to cooperate.
Energiaküsimustes on Balti riikide olukord väga sarnane ja ühistegevus vajalik.
All three states have similar basic concerns – rising energy costs, the excessive connectedness of our power grids with monopolistic Russian firms, the isolation of Baltic power grids from those of the European Union Member States, the fact that energy is becoming a means for applying international political pressure, the increasing significance of environmental requirements.
Kõigil kolmel riigil on sarnased põhimured - energia kallinemine, meie energiavõrkude liiga suur seotus Venemaa monopoolsete firmadega, Balti energiasüsteemide eraldatus teiste Euroopa Liidu riikide omast, energiaküsimuste muutumine rahvusvahelise surve avaldamise vahendiks, keskkonnanõuete kasvav tähtsus.
The European Union should seriously contribute to major infrastructure construction, so that certain Member States would no longer be vulnerable due to their isolation.
Euroopa Liit peaks tõsiselt panustama kriitilise infrastruktuuri ehitamise toetamisele, et likvideerida mõne liikmesriigi isolatsioonist tulenev haavatavus.
Estonia is convinced, that when large-scale infrastructure construction projects are drawn up, the interests of all Member States must be taken into consideration.
Eesti on veendunud, et kõigi suurte infrastruktuuri projektide rajamisel peavad olema arvesse võetud kõigi liikmesriikide huvid.
Thanks to inadequate explanations, there are still unanswered questions concerning the Baltic Sea gas pipeline, since, before being announced, the project was never discussed with all the countries adjoining the Baltic Sea.
Ebapiisava selgituse tõttu on ikka veel vastuseta küsimusi, mis puudutavad Läänemere gaasijuhet, mille projekti ei arutatud enne väljakuulutamist läbi kõigi Läänemere äärsete riikidega.
Even an assessment of the potential environmental effects of the gas pipeline has not been started yet.
Gaasitrassi keskkonnamõjude hindamistki ei ole tänaseks algatatud.
And ask yourselves, whether we would want a branch line to come to Estonia?
Veel küsigem endalt, kas sooviksime saada sellest harutrassi Eestisse?
How much would we be willing to pay for this?
Kui palju oleme nõus selle eest maksma?
Or would it be more practical to invest this money in the further expansion of the gas storage facilities in Latvia?
Või oleks mõistlikum paigutada raha täiendavate gaasihoidlate kasutuselevõttu Lätis?
These questions require thorough analysis by appropriate experts.
Need küsimused nõuavad asjatundjate põhjalikku analüüsi.
At the same time, Estonia has maintained its clear position, that the gas pipeline project was launched improperly, since the interests of all the Baltic Sea countries were not taken into consideration.
Samas on Eesti olnud selgel positsioonil, et gaasitrassi projekti start ei olnud korrektne, sest ei arvestatud kõigi Läänemere-riikide huvidega.
Estonia is also stressing the necessity for environmental studies of the gas pipeline, and would like to participate in them.
Eesti rõhutab ka kõnealuse gaasijuhtme keskkonnauuringute vajalikkust ja tahab neis osaleda.
Those who deal with the European Union's political and security questions should also see to it that a much clearer attempt is made to explain the connection between energy and security, as is done in the United States.
Euroopa Liidu poliitika- ja julgeolekuküsimustega tegelejad peaksid senisest selgemini käsitlema energia ja julgeoleku vahelisi seoseid nagu seda tehakse Ameerika Ühendriikides.
In this matter, the European Union is much too passive.
Euroopa Liit on siin liiga passiivne.
It must be repeated in a booming voice, that, in the energy sphere, a long time, 8 – 10 years, lapses between the making of a decision, and the actual launching of a project.
Tuleb valju häälega korrata, et energeetika valdkonnas on aeg otsuste langetamisest projektide realiseerimiseni pikk, 8-10 aastat.
Estonia should be one of the motors that drives the European Union towards the creation of a common energy policy.
Eesti peaks olema üks mootoritest, mis veavad Euroopa Liitu ühtse energeetikapoliitika tekkimise poole.