natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Stenalderfolkene levede af jagt og fiskeri.
Palaeo-Eskimos lived by hunting and fishing.
Arkæologer har fundet en lang række bopladser, især langs kysten syd for Ilulissat, men ingen af stenalderbopladserne er så store eller vigtige som Sermermiut og Qajaa ved isfjorden.
Archaeologists have investigated a large number of settlements, especially along the coast south of Ilulissat, but none of them are as large or as important as Sermermiut and Qajaa near Kangia.
De store bopladser og det tætte bopladsmønster tyder på, at de lokale ressourcer ved isfjorden både var rigelige og stabile.
These large settlements, and the dense pattern of smaller settlements, indicate that the resources available around the icefjord were both rich and stable.
Sælknogler fra en køkkenmødding ved Sermermiut.
Seal bones from a midden at Sermermiut.
En 3500 år gammel stikkel fra Saqqaq kulturen, som blev fundet på Qajaa.
A 3500 years old burin from the Saqqaq culture, found at Qajaa.
Flintbladet er hæftet til et træskaft med en surring af hvalbarde.
The flint blade is attached to the wooden handle with baleen.
Stikler blev brugt til spaltning af ben og træ.
Burins were used for splitting bone and wood.
(Foto: Erik Holm)
(Photo: Erik Holm)
Til jagt brugte stenalderfolkene letvægtsharpuner, som nogle gange var forsynet med en stenspids, samt lanser, knive og buer; bue og pil blev dog ikke brugt i Dorsettiden.
For hunting, the Palaeo-Eskimos used lightweight harpoons, sometimes fitted with a tip of stone, as well as lances, knives and bows; bows and arrows are not known from the Dorset period.
På bopladserne blev der brugt redskaber som skrabere, bor, knive og nåle af ben, mens knive og stikler blev brugt både ude og hjemme.
At the settlements, tools such as scrapers, augers, knives and needles of bone were used, while knives and burins were used both at home and outside.
Våbenspidser og skærende redskaber blev lavet af skifer i Saqqaqtiden og af kalcedon i Dorsettiden.
Weapon tips and cutting tools were made of silicified slate in the Saqqaq period and of chalcedony in the Dorset period.
De fleste redskaber havde træskafter, men i nogle tilfælde var skafterne fremstillet af knogler med surringer af sener eller hvalbarder.
Most of the tools had wooden shafts, but in some cases the shaft was made of bone with lashings of sinew or baleen.
Midt i teltet var et ildsted, som nogle gange var anbragt i midten af en rektangulær stenramme med plads til bål og brænde, og som delte teltet i to lige store dele.
In the centre of the tent was a fireplace, sometimes placed in the middle of a rectangular stone framework with room for the fire and firewood, and which divided the tent into two equally large parts.
I tilgift til ildstedet blev der brugt små cirkulære (Saqqaq) eller ovale (Dorset) lamper af fedtsten.
The Saqqaq people used small round lamps of soapstone, while those of the Dorset people were oval.
Ved Sermermiut er knogler og redskaber af træ i de nedre lag dårligt bevarede.
At the midden at Sermermiut, bones and tools made of wood and bone in the lower layers were poorly preserved.
Arkæologisk udgravning ved Qajaa.
Archaeological excavations at Qajaa.
Lagene i køkkenmøddingen stammer fra Saqqaq, Dorset og Thule kulturerne.
The layers in the midden date from the Saqqaq, Dorset and Thule cultures.
Thulefolket ved isfjorden
Thule people at the icefjord
Thulefolket ankom til Grønland omkring år 1100 og bosatte sig ved Sermermiut 100 år senere.
The Thule people arrived in Greenland about 1100 AD, and settled at Sermermiut 100 years later.
Deres vinterhuse var bygget af sten og tørv med en tagkonstruktion af drivtømmer eller ribben fra hvaler.
Their winter houses were built of stone and peat with a roof construction of driftwood or whale ribs.
Om sommeren boede de i telte.
During the summer they lived in tents.
Thulefolket udnyttede de samme dyr som tidligere kulturer, men de jagede også store hvaler og fiskede med snøre lavet af hvalbarde.
The Thule people exploited the same animals as earlier cultures, but they also hunted large whales and fished with long lines and nets made of baleen.
Thulefolkene var langt mere mobile end deres forgængere takket være deres sofistikerede kajakker, deres hundeslæder og den store skindbåd, umiaqen, som blev anvendt til transport af hele lejren eller ved hvalfangst.
The Thule people were much more mobile than their predecessors thanks to their sophisticated kayaks, their dog sledges and the large skin boat, the umiaq, which was used during whale hunting, or for transporting the whole camp from place to place.
Sermermiutdalen med Isfjeldsbanken i baggrunden.
View of the Sermermiut valley, with Isfjeldsbanken in the background.
(Foto: Hans Kapel)
(Photo: Hans Kapel)
Fund fra Sermermiut og Qajaa viser, at Thulefolket havde kontakt med Nordboerne, som kom fra Island og Nordeuropa, og som bosatte sig i Sydvestgrønland omkring år 985.
Finds from Sermermiut and Qajaa indicate that the Thule people had contact with the Norse, who came from Iceland and northern Europe and who lived in South-West and western Greenland from about 985 AD.
Et vigtigt materiale var jern, som inuit dels fik fra Nordboerne, dels fra meteoritter i Thuleområdet.
The Inuit probably obtained iron partly from the Norse, and partly from meteorites in the area south of Thule.
Begge grupper havde kontakt med de lokale folk, og i området omkring Disko Bugt fandtes mødesteder, hvor man drev handel.
Both groups had contact with the local Inuit, and around Disko Bugt there were several meeting places where trade was carried out.
Nogle få bopladser langs Grønlands vestkyst blev til centre med en ret stor befolkning, og Sermermiut var det største af dem alle.
A few settlements along Greenland's west coast became centres with quite large populations, and that at Sermermiut was the largest of them all.
Klik på billedet for stor udgave.
Click on the map to enlarge it.
På grønlandsk betyder Sermermiut gletscherfolkets sted - og det var et godt sted.
Sermermiut in Greenlandic means ‘the place of the glacier people', and it was a good place.
Det højproduktive og stabile økosystem ved isfjorden skabte grundlaget for Sermermiuts og Qajaas succes gennem årtusinder.
The highly productive and stable eco-system of the icefjord formed the foundation for the success of Sermermiut and Qajaa for thousands of years.
Med sin beliggenhed udfor isfjordens centrale del var Qajaa mere sårbar over for fremstød af gletscherfronten, og bosætningerne på stedet afspejler perioder med optimale livsbetingelser for mennesker, fordi gletscheren havde trukket sig tilbage.
With its location at the central part of the icefjord, Qajaa was vulnerable to the advances of the glacier front, and the settlements here coincide with periods when the glacier had retreated, and living conditions were most favourable for human existence.
Den lange, men sporadiske kontakt med europæere blev mere stabil efter den danske kolonisation, som begyndte i 1721 i Nuuk.
The long but sporadic contact with Europeans became more regular after the Danish colonisation, which started in 1721 with the foundation of Godthåb, the present day Nuuk.
Ilulissat blev etableret som en koloni i 1741, og den nye by lå et par kilometer nord for Sermermiut.
Jakobshavn, now Ilulissat, was established as a colony in 1741 a few kilometres north of Sermermiut.
Inuit ved deres vinterhus.
Inuit at their winter house.
I forbindelse med etableringen af kolonierne efter 1721 blev det almindeligt, at inuit blev i deres vinterhuse året rundt.
After the Danish colonisation of 1721, it became more common for the Inuit to use their winter houses throughout the year.
Rige arkæologiske fund
Rich archaeological finds
Arkæologiske udgravninger ved Sermermiut og Qajaa har spillet en hovedrolle i forståelsen af menneskets bosætningshistorie i Vestgrønland.
Archaeological excavations at Sermermiut and Qajaa have played a major role in our understanding of the history of human settlement in West Greenland.
Sermermiut er enestående, fordi stedet har været beboet under alle de faser, hvor der har levet mennesker i Grønland.
Sermermiut is exceptional because the site had been inhabited during all three of the cultural phases of West Greenland.
Indbyggerne ved Sermermiut var udmærket selv klar over, at de levede på et helt specielt sted.
The former inhabitants of Sermermiut were very much aware that they lived in a special place.
I 1737 skrev den danske missionær Poul Egede i sin dagbog:
In 1737, the Danish missionary Poul Egede wrote in his diary:
"Her fandt jeg den største gruppe folk, jeg har set noget sted i Grønland, omkring 20 temmelig store huse, som en lille landsby.
“I found here the largest group of people I have seen anywhere in Greenland, with about 20 very large houses, like a little village.
De pralede af dette og spurgte, om jeg andre steder havde set så mange folk på et sted.
They boasted about this and asked if I had seen so many people at one place elsewhere.
Jeg følte øjeblikkelig ud fra deres tale og manerer, at de var stolte af deres mængde og den gode fangst, de havde".
I felt immediately from their speech and manners that they were proud of their number and the good catches they had.”
Skilte guider de besøgende rundt i det følsomme og værdifulde Sermermiut område.
Visitors to the sensitive and valuable Sermermiut site are guided by information posters.
(Foto: Kirsten Strandgaard)
(Photo: Kirsten Strandgaard)
Køkkenmøddingerne ved Sermermiut og Qajaa rummer en enestående sekvens med tre kulturlag adskilt af sterile tørvelag.
The middens at Sermermiut and Qajaa contain an outstanding sequence of three cultural layers separated by sterile peat layers.
I bunden er lag fra Saqqaqfolket klart adskilt fra den mellemste kultur, Dorsetkulturen.
The bottom layer, from the Saqqaq people, is clearly separated from the middle Dorset culture layer.
Efter et nyt sterilt lag følger lag med rester fra Thulekulturen.
A new sterile layer follows, and is succeeded by a layer with remains from the Thule culture.
Ved Sermermiut er jordlagene synlige i en lav kystklint, som langsomt er ved at blive eroderet bort af bølger.
At Sermermiut the stratigraphy is visible in a low coastal cliff that is slowly being eroded by the sea.
Arkæologiske udgravninger ved Sermermiut begyndte efter Anden Verdenskrig.
Archaeological excavations at Sermermiut started after the Second World War.
På det tidspunkt troede man, at Grønlands forhistorie var omkring 1000 år gammel.
At that time it was believed that Greenland's pre-history was only about 1000 years old.
Udgravningerne ved Sermermiut viste uden nogen tvivl, at Grønlands forhistorie var meget længere og mere kompliceret end tidligere antaget, hvilket blev understøttet af samtidige undersøgelser i Nordgrønland.
The excavations at Sermermiut showed without doubt that Greenland's cultural history was much longer and more complex than previously thought, a conclusion supported by contemporary investigations in North Greenland.
De ældste lag ved Sermermiut viste sig dengang at være næsten 4000 år gamle.
The oldest layer at Sermermiut was dated to be almost 4000 years old.
Opdagelsen af, at der havde levet tre forskellige kulturer i Vestgrønland, blev bekræftet af senere udgravninger ved Qajaa.
Later excavations at Qajaa confirmed the existence of three different cultures in West Greenland.
Faktisk blev forhistoriske kulturer opdaget ved Qajaa allerede i 1871, da grønlænderen Carl Fleisher fra Ilulissat lavede de første udgravninger på stedet.
The pre-historic cultures at Qajaa were actually discovered as early as 1871, when a Greenlander, Carl Fleisher from Ilulissat, made the first excavations there.
Samme sommer rapporterede han om flere møddingslag og skrev om sine fund fra bunden af møddingen, at de repræsenterede en tid, hvor de 'gamle grønlændere brugte sten til deres værktøj'.
The same summer he reported the presence of several midden layers, and of his finds from the bottom of the midden wrote that they represented a time when ‘the old Greenlanders used stones for their tools'.
Carl Fleisher var den første, der formulerede idéen om, at en anden livsform var gået forud for den traditionelle livsstil.
Carl Fleisher was the first to formulate the idea that another cultural lifestyle had preceded the traditional lifestyle of his day.
Uheldigvis var der ingen, der fik kendskab til hans vigtige fund og fortolkning før mere end 100 år senere, da hans breve blev genopdaget.
Unfortunately, no-one had knowledge of his important finds and interpretations until his letters were rediscovered more than 100 years later.
Qajaa blev fraflyttet i begyndelsen af det 18. århundrede, mens Sermermiut var beboet indtil omkring 1850.
Qajaa was abandoned at the beginning of the 18th century, while Sermermiut was inhabited until about 1850.
Ruinerne af tørvehusene, som stadig kan ses ved Sermermiut, afspejler den sidste tid.
The ruins of the turf houses that can still be seen at Sermermiut reflect the latest period.
Fra et arkæologisk synspunkt er husene særligt værdifulde, fordi fund fra udgravninger kan sammenholdes med oplysninger om datidens livsform fra skriftlige danske kilder og fra inuit befolkningens mundtlige tradition.
From an archaeological point of view these houses are especially valuable, because finds from excavations can be compared with information from written Danish sources and the oral traditions of the Inuit.
Både Sermermiut og Qajaa byder stadig på et stort potentiale for studier af Grønlands forhistorie.
Both Sermermiut and Qajaa still offer great potential for studies of the pre-history of Greenland.
Kysten ved Sermermiut.
The coastal cliff at Sermermiut.
Hustomt ved Sermermiut.
Ruin of winter house at Sermermiut.
(Foto: Joel Berglund)
(Photo: Joel Berglund)
Eqi - en boplads ved isfjordens munding
Eqi - a settlement at the mouth of the icefjord
Der findes flere mindre bopladser omkring isfjorden, som ikke har været underkastet gennemgribende udgravninger.
There are several smaller settlements around the icefjord that have not yet been thoroughly excavated.
Stederne er ofte kun kendt fra fund på jordoverfladen af redskaber, der giver et fingerpeg om, at Saqqaqfolket og eller Dorsetfolket har været på stedet.
These sites are often only known from surface finds of tools that give an indication that the Saqqaq or the Dorset people have been at the place.
De mindre bopladser findes især på isfjordens sydlige bred nær mundingen, samt ned ad kysten forbi bygden Ilimanaq.
The smaller settlements are found in particular on the south side of Kangia near its mouth, and down along the coast to the far side of the village of Ilimanaq.
Et af stederne er Eqi, der ligger på sydsiden af isfjordens munding over for Sermermiut.
One of these sites is Eqi, which lies on the south side of Kangia's mouth opposite Sermermiut.
Beliggenheden var meget praktisk for jagt og fangst i isfjorden.
The location was very well situated for hunting and fishing in the icefjord.
Den forladte boplads ligger på en smal afsats lige ud til vandet med ryggen mod det kuperede bagland.
The deserted settlement of Eqi lies on a small ledge beside the fjord, with its back to the undulating hinterland.
Man kan stadig se sammensunkne ruiner af de sidste tørvebyggede huse, som ligner lave græsbevoksede tuer.
One can still see the collapsed ruins of the last turf houses, which resemble low grassy hillocks.
Hele det tidligere beboede område er én enorm mødding, der omfatter tiden fra for 4000 år siden til omkring 1950.
The whole of the former settlement area is one enormous midden that dates from the period from 4000 years ago up to about 1950.
I 1933 besøgte arkæologen Therkel Mathiassen bopladsen.
In 1933, the archaeologist Therkel Mathiassen visited Eqi.
Han opdagede flere husruiner, hvorfra der var taget materiale til opførelse af senere bygninger, og han fandt også rester af hvalbarder og knogler.
He recorded several ruins of winter houses from which material had been taken to construct later buildings, and he also found bone remains of whales and other animals.
I 1953 gravede arkæologerne Helge Larsen og Jørgen Meldgaard en hastig prøvegrøft, hvori de ikke uventet fandt flere flintafslag, men ingen redskaber.
In 1953, the archaeologists Helge Larsen and Jørgen Meldgaard dug a quick test trench in which they, not unexpectedly, found flint refuse but no tools.
Tæt ved grøften, hvor havet vasker jord-en bort i tidevandszonen, fandt arkæologerne resterne af et ildsted og adskillige redskaber af et flintlignende materiale og af skifer.
Close to the trench, in the tidal zone where the sea washes the soil away, the archaeologists found the remains of a fireplace and numerous tools of slate and a flint-like material.
Langt de fleste af redskaberne er fra Dorsettiden.
By far the majority of the tools found are from the Dorset period.
Det drejer sig om knive, stikler og mikroflækker.
They include knives, burins and micro-flakes.
Kun to ting stammer fra Saqqaqkulturen, nemlig en stikkel og et smalt knivsblad.
Only two items dating from the Saqqaq culture were recovered, a burin and a narrow knife blade.
Stedet er sandsynligvis valgt ud fra de gode muligheder for fangst, men man kan ikke se bort fra, at den fantastiske udsigt og en fascination af isen har spillet ind.
The locality was probably chosen primarily on the basis of the good hunting possibilities, but one cannot ignore the possibility that the majestic view and the fascination of the ice played a role in the selection of this site.
Den mundtlige tradition i Grønland er rig og blomstrende og kan ofte give flere detaljer end videnskabelig historie baseret på skriftlige kilder og arkæologiske fund.
Apparently some people believed the moon had taken her, while others more prosaically thought that her husband had got rid of her by pushing her under the ice.
For eksempel navngiver en fortælling den første mand, der bosatte sig ved Sermermiut.
During his visits, Poul Egede told them about Christianity, and the people of Eqi were reportedly eager to hear the word of God.
Hans navn var Qingernilik, og han og hans familie oplevede en hård første vinter.
Egede describes a large sacrificial stone, which some boys showed him.
På grund af sult måtte de krydse isfjorden for at komme til bygden Eqi.
Sacrifices were made by spreading blubber on the stone, and placing sealskin and fish in cracks in the stone.
Qingernilik vendte tilbage til Sermermiut, og han besøgte aldrig Eqi igen, fordi han ikke igen ville risikere at dø ved at forspise sig.
Unfortunately Poul Egede says nothing about how many houses there were at Eqi, nor how many people lived there, but just reports that the place was populous.
Det skete, da inuit fra Sermermiut var på vej hjem fra Eqi ved isfjordens sydlige bred.
Now nobody lives at the icefjordâ€™s â€˜southern corner of the mouthâ€™, the English translation of Eqi.
Pludselig faldt angakkoq'en om på isen med et højt brag.
Excavations at Qajaa, seen from the leader's tent where the finds are registered and drawn.
Alle, der levede i området var klar over, at Kangia havde betydning for hele verden, for her opstod solen og månen.
Qingernilik returned to Sermermiut, but he never visited Eqi again because he did not want to take the risk of dying through over-eating.
Før de blev måne og sol, boede de to ved isfjorden.
He told the people travelling with him that they should fish at this point.
Han er mere foranderlig end noget andet himmellegeme, når han vokser, bliver rund og svinder ind for helt at blive væk for en tid.
Their transformation arose because Anningat lusted after his beautiful sister, and he continued to hunt Ajut until they were both sucked up into the air where he, the moon, still hunts her, the sun.
At månen fremkalder tidevandets skiften og har indflydelse på kvindernes menstruation var en iagttagelse, man havde gjort allevegne i Grønland.
He is more changeable than any other heavenly body as he grows, becomes round and shrinks before disappearing for a period.
Men når han under seancen lod trommen gå, kunne han rette sit indre lys mod et andet menneske og se personens skjulte verden og indre tilstand, der kunne være dårlig og kræve behandling.
However, in a trance-like state induced by traditional drum ceremonies the angakkoq could direct his inner eye at another person and see that person's hidden world and inner circumstances, which could be in trouble and require treatment.
De dygtigste angakkoq'er kunne berejse den usynlige verden.
The most skilled angakkoqs could travel in the invisible world.
De to verdener var indbyrdes forbundne, og det var livet i den anden verden, som satte betingelserne i den synlige verden; manifesteret gennem himmellegemernes bevægelser og årstidernes skiften.
The two worlds were mutually connect­ed, and it was the life in the other world that put limitations on the visible world, manifested through the movements of the heavenly bodies and the changes of the seasons.
Alle inuit i Grønland havde stort set samme opfattelse af deres livsvilkår.
All the Inuit in Greenland had more or less the same understanding of their environment.
Når folk fra nær og fjern mødtes, kunne de underholde hinanden med fortællinger og deltage i samme åndemanerseancer uden problemer med forståelsen.
When people from near and far gathered, they would entertain each other with stories and participate in the same shamanatic seances without problems of understanding.
Inuit skelnede skarpt mellem nyere og gamle fortællinger.
The Inuit differentiate clearly between newer and older stories.
De nyere handlede om begivenheder, som man havde hørt om på anden eller tredje hånd fra den, som havde oplevet tingene.
The newer stories dealt with events that they had second-hand or third-hand knowledge about from the person who had experienced the events.
De gamle fortællinger var derimod overleveret fra forfædrene gennem mange generationer og skulle i modsætning til de nyere genfortælles uden de mindste ændringer.
On the other hand, the older stories (or legends) were handed down from their fore­-fath­ers through many generations and - unlike the newer stories - had to be told without any changes.
At fortællingerne alligevel udviklede sig, er uundgåeligt i en mundtlig tradition.
That the stories nevertheless developed is inevitable in a verbal tradition.
Man kan opdage ændringerne ved at sammenligne forskellige varianter, som blev nedskrevet i kolonitiden.
Different versions of the same basic story were written down in the colonial age.
Hver fortæller havde sin personlige stil, men det afgørende var, at fortælleren fortalte sin version, sådan som han eller hun selv havde opfattet den.
Every storyteller had his own personal style, but it was vital that the storyteller told his own version as he or she had understood it.
Kravet var ikke en ordret gengivelse, men en genfortælling med ubetinget respekt for forlægget.
The requirement was not so much a word-for-word rendition but a reproduction with unconditional respect for the original.
Ideen var, at de gamle fortællinger rummede forfædrenes visdom, som for alt i verden ikke måtte gå tabt.
The idea was that the legends contained the wisdom of their forefathers, which should not be lost under any circumstances.
De fjerne forfædre, som levede, da verden fik sin endelige udformning, blev opfattet som stærkere og klogere end nutidens mennesker.
The oldest of these forefathers, who lived when the world acquired its ­ final form, were considered to be stronger and cleverer than the people of today.
De havde medvirket til, at verden blev, som den er.
They had contributed to the world becoming what it is.
De gamle havde fundet ud af, hvordan man skulle leve med hinanden og med fangstdyrene, hvis verden skulle bestå og livet fortsætte for børn og børnebørn i al fremtid.
It was these respected forefathers who had discovered the secret of how people should live with each other and with their prey, so that the Earth could continue to exist and life continue for their children, and their children's children, for ever.
Kolonisation og Englandskrig (1800-1830)
Colonisation and the Napoleonic Wars (1800-1830)
Kolonien Jakobshavn blev oprettet i et område, hvor der allerede var adskillige bopladser.
The colony of Jakobshavn (now Ilulissat) was established in an area where there were already a number of settlements.