natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Hvor tit falder man ikke i s�vn grublende over et problem, som �benbarter ul�seligt, men som ved et trylleslag er l�st, n�r vi v�gner?
How often do we fall asleep worrying about some apparentlyinsoluble problem only to find the answer, as if by magic, when we wake up?
Ganske enkelt,at teori uden praksis er som en dr�m, der aldrig g�r i opfyldelse, rent dr�mmeri, en dagdr�m;og at praksis uden teori er som den ufuldendte handling, en verden, der uafladeligt skalopfindes p� ny, en uforklaret verden.
Simply, that theory without practice is a dream never realised,mere fantasising, a waking dream; and that practice without theory is an unfinished act, aconstant reinventing of the world, a world unexplained.
Det er s�ledes n�dvendigt at forene tilegnelse af almenviden, teoretiske kundskaber og gennemf�relsen af arbejdsopgaver.
This being so, there has to be somecommon ground between the learning of general practical knowledge, theoretical knowledgeand the performance of working tasks.
Almen viden og pr�cise,h�jt kvalificerede, specifikke kompetencer er ikke kun to videnpoler, som begge eruundv�rlige for at opn� ligev�gt i den enkeltes liv, men ogs� komplement�re elementer i enl�ringsproces.
General knowledge and precise, dedicated, one-offskills are not merely two poles of knowledge that are equally indispensable to the balancedfunctioning of the individual, but are also complementary aspects of the learning process.
Erhvervsrettet uddannelse af kvalitet foruds�tter �benhed, fleksibilitet, tilpasnings- oganalyseevne, som er karakteristisk for den almene uddannelse.
that moment, when people become aware of the importance of theory, mathematics, languageand so on at work, that they may discover an interest in learning and may acquire themotivation to pursue general education.
Det er dog ofte sv�rt for den enkelte at f�lge en almen uddannelse, som synes forvirkelighedsfjern, som ikke er praktisk nok, som er for langt v�k fra det, der kan kaldes detvirkelige liv, uden at kende alle de n�rmere omst�ndigheder.
Individuals differ greatly from one another in this regard, some needing to know why thingshappen before setting them going, others needing to handle something before they can beginto wonder about its characteristics.
Derfor er b�de erhvervs- ogskolevejledning vigtig.
But this does not matter, as we have said, since we do notall learn the same things at the same time.
Erhvervsrettet uddannelse kan s�ledes v�re et middel til at fremme �nsket om en bredereuddannelse. Selv om det er nemmere for nogle at koncentrere sig om l�ring i enarbejdssituation, gennem bev�gelser, praksis, handling, snarere end om teoretisk l�ring,udelukker det alligevel ikke risikoen for hele tiden at st�de p� vanskeligheder og problemer,som ikke kan overvindes uden at anvende teori, analyse og beregninger.
In consequence, schools, educational institutions and places of work have complementary roles.While general basic knowledge is acquired at school, skills are unquestionably learnt at work.This does not mean that schools are not places where skills can also be learnt � life skills, forexample � or that places of work are incapable of broadening the mind.
Det er p� dettidspunkt i forbindelse med det praktiske arbejde, at man bliver klar over betydningen af teori,matematik, sprog osv., at man kan opdage, at man gerne vil l�re noget herom, at man kanblive motiveret til almen uddannelse.
We shall no doubt havethis entire debate about the respective roles of the workplace and the school, the dialecticbetween working time and training time, at this Agora, and Mr Klaus Schedler in particularwill address this topic in the second session.
Som altid er praksis og teori alts� uadskilleligtforbundne.
This brings us to the whole issue of learning processes, and many practices in Europe are ofgreat relevance to this question.
Mennesker er meget forskellige i denne henseende, nogle har behov for at vide, hvordantingenefungerer, f�r de s�tter dem i bev�gelse, andre har behov for at holde genstande ogmaterialer i h�nderne, f�r de er i stand til at g�re sig tanker om deres egenskaber.
I am thinking of course of all that we have learnt from Denmark and particularly of thedevelopment of the ideas of Grundtvig, the pastor-politician who was the creator of thefolkehøjskole (folk high school) in Denmark.
Skolen, uddannelsesinstitutioner og virksomheder har ud fra denne betragtningkomplement�re roller.
I am thinking of the role of the economy in integrating people into society.
Den grundl�ggende almene viden tilegnes i skolen, medenskompetence utvivlsomt erhverves i virksomheden.
Trainingenterprises are in my view schools of life.
Dette betyder ikke, at skolen ikke er etsted, hvor man kan opn� personlighedsrelaterede kompetencer, og heller ikke, atvirksomheden er ude af stand til at sk�rpe forstanden.
In training enterprises, people who no longer havethe slightest idea what work is, what a timetable is, what hard work means, learn or re-learnabout work and how to live their lives as workers.
Vi genfinder her hele debatten om l�ringsprocesser, og her findes der mange yderstinteressante eksempler i Europa.
I am thinking finally of the Spanish Escuelas Taller, and of experiments such as Bertrand S c h war t z � s Nouvelles qualifications in France.
Ideen her er n�stenden samme som med produktionsskolerne. Praktisk g�ren og praktisk l�ring byder her p� enlejlighed til at skabe forbindelse med teorien.
desperately needed if there is social cohesion is to be restored; a social cohesion which is alltoo often threatened by social and technological changes and the rise in social inequalities.
Uddannelse er et middel til strukturering af rum og tid
Learning is a way of structuring space and time
Det sociale og det erhvervsaktive liv forl�ber mindre og mindre line�rt.
Social and working life is increasingly non-linear.
Det sammens�ttesmere og mere af en vekslen mellem arbejdsperioder, hvor man slider sig ihjel, og andres�kaldte frie perioder, som desv�rre ofte ikke er optaget (arbejdsl�shed, ferie).
It is more and more made up of alternatingperiods of employment, when people wear themselves out in frantic activity, and periods ofso-called free time, which is often unfortunately empty time (unemployment and holidays).
Problemet er at n� frem til at benytte sig af denne vekslen mellem perioder med produktivtarbejde og uden arbejde for igen at skubbe gang i l�ringsprocessen, som i virkeligheden aldrigf�r ende.
The real question is how to make use of these alternating periods of productive employmentand non-employment to restart the educational process which, in fact, never ends.
Heri ligger hele problematikken omkring det, vi kalder tilbagevendende uddannelse, omkringdet, vi kan kalde livslang l�ring eller almen eller erhvervsrettet videreuddannelse.
This is at the heart of what is termed recurrent or lifelong education.
Forskellenmellem alle disse koncepter er undertiden temmelig stor, undertiden subtil, i hvert fald altid afstor betydning, men det vil vi ogs� komme ind p� i l�bet af denne Agora, is�r i forbindelsemed det tredje m�de.
The differences betweenthese concepts are frequently considerable, sometimes subtle, and always very significant.This Agora, particularly the third session, looks more closely at this issue.
Arbejds- og uddannelsesstedet i nutidenssamfund
The Place of work and education incontemporary society
"Maskinens funktion er at spare arbejde(...).Man forestiller sig, at [menneskene] befries for "arbejdet"for at kunne foretage sig noget, som ikke er "arbejde".Men hvad er arbejde, og hvad er ikke arbejde?[N�vner en r�kke meget forskellige aktiviteter]Alt dette er for nogle personer arbejde,mens det for andre er fritidsbesk�ftigelse.Der er meget f� aktiviteter, som ikke kan betragtessom arbejde eller som fritidsbesk�ftigelse,alt efter hvordan man ser p� dem".
‘Work is now the function of the machine….It is supposed that [men] will be freed from ‘work’in order to do something that is not ‘work’.But what is work and what is not work?[He lists a very varied set of activities.]All these things are work for some people,while for others they are amusement.There are very few activities that cannot be regardedeither as work or as amusement depending on how they are looked at’.
For 180 �r siden henvendte Robert Owen sig til sine "fellow manufacturers", sinemedfabrikanter, for at delagtigg�re dem i sine egne ledelseserfaringer fra "fors�get" i New Lanark i Skotland, som senere skulle blive verdensber�mt. Han opfordrede dem til at plejederes "levende maskiner", s�dan som de gjorde det med de andre maskiner, fordi det villev�re til stor gavn for dem, for arbejdsgiverne som fabrikanter.
One hundred and eighty years ago, Robert Owen addressed his 'fellow manufacturers', tellingthem about his management experiment and inviting them to join it. The New Lanarkexperiment in Scotland became famous throughout the world.
Det er klart, at det ogs� for arbejderne var en positiv politik.
Obviously, this policy was also advantageous for the workers.
Men Owen gik som bekendtl�ngere, idet han gjorde det til New Lanarks kendem�rke at prioritere undervisning h�jt, og i1816 blev "Instituttet til Karakterdannelse" oprettet.
But Owen, as is well known,went further, the distinctive feature of New Lanark being the priority given to education: in1816 he built the Institution for the Formation of Character.
En komplet og moderne uddannelse tillivet og til arbejdet, som er blevet rost, studeret og beskrevet i �n uendelighed.
This provided a complete moderneducation for life and work which was widely praised and has been the subject of innumerablestudies and publications.
Og som i dagkan beundres i de smukke omgivelser ved Clyde-floden, hvor dens fysiske rammer ergenetableret.
And today, its physical remains have been restored and can beadmired in the exquisite surroundings of the River Clyde.
"For os [er uddannelse] et borgerretssp�rgsm�l", var en af aftalerne p� Den III Nationale Metalarbejderkongres, som CUT afholdt i S�o Paulo i august 1995.
At the 3rd CUT National Congress of Metalworkers held in S�o Paulo in August 1995, therewas general agreement that �to us, [training is] an element of citizenship�.
Den akademiske middelm�dighed og arbejdsgivernes banale opfattelse af, at det er nemt atfinde en enkel sammenh�ng mellem viden, arbejde og uddannelse, b�r man sky som pesten.De er grobund for d�rlig ledelsespolitik, s�vel p� det sociale som p� det virksomhedsm�ssigeplan, med alvorlige skader til f�lge, b�de for virksomheden og for de individer eller grupper,der indg�r i den.
We need to shun like the plague the mediocre and trivial notion common in academic andbusiness circles that it is easy to find straightforward relationships between knowledge, workand the training that brings them together. This belief breeds management policies that are badfor both society and business and cause serious damage to both enterprises and the individualsand groups involved in them.
Jeg skal her blot fremh�ve 4 ting:
I shall make four observations here:
(a) Den bedste forskning inden for arbejdssociologien s�ger n�dvendigvis ud over den�jeblikkelige sociale virkelighed, i dybden, for at kunne give en forklaring p� begrebetarbejde.
(e) The best social science research into work must look in depth at and beyond theimmediate social situation in order to understand work.
Et godt eksempel herp� er et v�rk af en stor fransk forsker, hvis opfattelse viplejer at dele: Philippe Zarifian: Éloge de la civilité (1997), for at kunne "integrere" hansarbejder vedr�rende arbejdsbegrebet.
A good example is the great French researcher, with whom we usually agree: Philippe Zarifian: �loge de la civilit�(1997).
(b) De mennesker, der forsker i arbejde, s�ger stadig videre rammer for deres r�sonnementerfor at "indpasse" analyserne af arbejdsbetingelser og erhvervs- eller uddannelsesm�ssigeforhold i de samfundsm�ssige �ndringer. Et godt eksempel herp� er den seneste bog af Pierre Rolle: Le travail dans les révolutions russes (1988). Den handler ikke alene om denuv�rende omskiftelser og forstyrrelser, men ogs� om den klassiske tendens til atforklare 1917-revolutionens fiasko ved den arbejdspolitik, som bolsjevikkerne s� sign�dsaget til at udvikle.
(f) Researchers in labour studies look for ever broader frameworks for their theories in orderto �locate� analyses of conditions of employment, industrial relations or training in thecontext of social changes.
(c) Det bliver mere og mere vigtigt at fastholde, at det er n�dvendigt at kende den"samfundsm�ssige brug" af de "teoretiske" muligheder for forandring, der findes i dag.Man m� se p� praksis og ikke p� teori.
(g) It should be stressed that it is right to acknowledge the increasing �social usefulness� ofthe current �theoretical� potential for change.
Den evindelige snak om teknologiens muligheder"i teorien" og begr�nsningerne i den konkrete, mulige og station�re praksis. Denteoretiske store eftersp�rgsel efter kvalifikationer og den ringe anvendelse af arbejdernesviden, der derefter finder sted (4).
But words are not deeds; the theoreticalpotential of technology should not be confused with the constraints of actual practice,which is contingent on a given situation; the theoretical wide demand for training is notthe same as the meagre use that is made of workers� knowledge (4).
(d) Endelig vil jeg fremh�ve, at man kan sige, at det i socialforskningen i dag er"obligatorisk" at gennemf�re en reel tv�rfaglig forskning: den, der ikke forbinder anden
(h) Lastly, it could be said to be �obligatory� in social research to use an interdisciplinaryapproach: anyone who fails to consider work and education in our contemporary societiesin the light of other fields of knowledge and problems will have little to contribute butplatitudes (5).
Udviklingen af arbejdets rolle og betydningen heraf: sådansom opfattelsen er af arbejdet i livsforløbet, sådan eropfattelsen af uddannelsen (6)
The changing role and meaning of work: the perception ofeducation and training depends on the perception of workas part of life (6).
Den futuristiske litteratur, der er revet ud af sin sociale sammenh�ng, har v�nnet os til atopfatte arbejdet som noget, der tilsyneladende vil forsvinde i umiddelbar fremtid (7).
Futurist literature, which is not rooted in a social context, has accustomed us to a vision ofwork in which its only future seems to be its immediate disappearance (7).
Forestillingerne om arbejdet, dets betydning for folk, den rolle, det spiller i struktureringen afsamfundet, �ndres og dermed helt klart den rolle, man till�gger uddannelse, det v�re sigerhvervsuddannelse, efteruddannelse, eller simpelthen "almen" uddannelse.
The images of work, its meaning for people, and the role that it plays in structuring society, are changing, andwith them, obviously, the role given to education and training, whether this is vocational,continuing or merely �general�.
Den betydning, vi till�gger disse forestillinger � hvad enten de svarer til virkeligheden eller ej� g�r, at de netop er grundlaget for en retf�rdigg�relse af alle former for politik: det v�re sigarbejdspolitik, �konomisk politik eller uddannelsespolitik.
The importance we accord to these images � whether they reflect reality or not � is that theyprovide the foundations on which policies of all kinds are based, in the fields of employment,the economy and training.
P� grundlag af disse forestillingerskabes der forventninger hos folk; der skabes social eftersp�rgsel.
They provide the basis for people�s expectations and socialdemand.
Det er kort sagt der, hvoruddannelsen er forankret.
They are, in short, the basis for training.
Og takket v�re forestillingerne ogideologien om arbejde siger det sig selv, at n�r de er "�ldre", m� de n�dvendigvis v�re d�rligtuddannede og ikke i stand til at tilpasse sig de nye informationsteknologier.
Thanks to the images and ideology of work, it is saidwith assurance that because they are older they must be untrained and unable to adapt to thenew information technologies.
Men n�r mangriber til frivillig afgang (i det mindste af navn) eller f�rtidspensionering, forhindrer man demimidlertid i at arbejde med deres erhverv for en anden virksomhed, dvs. man forhindrer dem iat anvende deres formodede ikke-uddannelse hos Telef�nicas konkurrenter.
And of course, when they accept voluntary redundancy(voluntary at least in name) or early retirement, they are forbidden to work in their existingoccupations for another company. That is, they are forbidden to offer their supposed lack oftraining to Telef�nica�s competitors.
S�ledes misterman en kilde til viden og uddannelse, som det spanske samfund ikke burde kunne tillade sig.
Thus, a fund of knowledge and training is squandered;Spanish society should not allow this waste.
Jeg skal kort illustrere mit argument ved at minde om, hvilken rolle uddannelse spillede i deseneste 3 historiske perioder.
I shall briefly illustrate my argument by referring to the place of training in three recenthistorical periods.
1968-1973: Arbejdskrise, overfølsomhed over for arbejde, krise i arbejdssamfundet.
What, then, was the pointin providing training for work, to say nothing of people�s personal development as citizens?
Hvis udviklingen af den kapitalistiske produktion ikke kr�vede mere almen uddannelse af densamlede arbejderstand, hverken i industrien eller i servicefagene, og det, der skete, var enreduktion af behovet for dygtigg�relse eller en polarisering af kvalifikationerne (mereuddannelse for nogle f�, mindre uddannelse og forringelse af kvalifikationerne for flertallet),hvilken rolle ville man s� tildele uddannelse, navnlig i forbindelse med arbejde, for slet ikke attale om folks personlige udvikling som borgere?
The �new ways of organising work� of that time can be explained in part as a political attemptat change in the workplace, rather than as a technical necessity. And the best Europeanexamples of how those social changes were reflected in national and European institutions arecertainly the European Foundation for the Improvement of Conditions of Living and Work,and the European Centre for the Development of Vocational Training.
De dav�rende "nye former for organisering af arbejdet" forklares bl.a. som en politiskbestr�belse p� at indf�re �ndringer i virksomhederne, ikke som en teknisk n�dvendighed.
Besides being forever associated with Orwell�s �Big Brother�, the year 1984 may be taken asthe turning point or boundary between two eras in the analysis of society, work and education.Three key works of sociology were published in 1984: Divisions of Labour by Ray Pahl, inthe United Kingdom, The End of the Division of Labour?
Ogdet bedste europ�iske eksempel p� disse sociale �ndringer, som kommer til udtryk i nationaleog europ�iske institutioner, er Den Europ�iske Fond til Forbedring af Livs- og Arbejdsbetingelser og Centret for Udvikling af Erhvervsuddannelse.
By Horst Kern and Michael Schumann, in Germany, and The Second Industrial Breakthrough by Michael Piore and Charles Sabel, in the United States.
1984 og derefter: Omlægning af produktionen, outsourcing, virksomhedsnetværk: henimod et net af små virksomheder (SMV'er)
The geographical dispersal of places of work, the dislocation of the major concentrations ofindustry which had been the �great proletarian metropolises�, not only completely upset thesocial fabric and location of work, but also obviously faced training with new challenges,forcing it to recognise the complexity of production and foster local knowledge (9).
Der udgives faktisk i 1984 tre mesterv�rker inden for densociologiske litteratur om arbejde: Arbejdsdelinger af Ray Pahl, i Storbritannien.
The field was thus to be perceived as a social space for the activity of training andfor the potential of working citizens.
Formåletmed arbejdsdeling? af Horst Kern og Michael Schumann, i Tyskland; og Det andetindustrielle gennembrud af Michael Piore og Charles Sabel, i USA.
Second, the new pattern of production, based onoutsourcing of activities, sub-contracting and asymmetric chains of production, mightexacerbate the destruction of knowledge by downgrading the relationship between the
Se min Sociolog�a del Trabajo (Arbejdssociologi): et undervisningsprojekt, 1996.
These matters are discussed more fully in the final chapter of Castillo, Juan Jos�. A la búsqueda del trabajoperdido.
I disse tilf�lde erdygtigg�relse/uddannelse lig med adf�rdskvalifikationer, og det, at arbejdet er inden forr�kkevidde, minder os om, at det igen er muligt at s�ge efter arbejdere, der ikke er s� dygtige,men som f�ler st�rre tilknytning til virksomheden.
In this case, training would be behavioural training,and once again, working arrangements remind us that compliant rather than capable workerswould be required.
1990 til i dag: "Lette" produktionsmodeller: medbestemmelse, kvalitet, stadig udvikling...Uddannelse: lære at lære...at cirkulere
The third period: 1990 to the present day.‘Slim’ models of production: participation, quality, continuous improvement... Training:learning to learn... and to be mobile.
De to mest i�jnefaldende tr�k i 90'erne er m�ske for os i �jeblikket to vedvarende debatter,der foregik samtidig, b�de i den sociologiske litteratur og i den almindeligt udbredte litteratur,og f�lgelig vedr�rende forestillingerne om arbejde.
For our present purposes, perhaps the two most outstanding features of the 1990s were thetwo different discourses about the image of work found in the sociological literature andproclaimed more widely.
Debatter, som i deres formulering erindbyrdes modstridende, men som i praksis finder l�sningen p� det paradoks, de indeholder.
These discourses appeared contradictory but sought to reconcile theparadox which they entailed in practice.
Den f�rste er talen om "arbejdets endeligt": vi er igen ved begyndelsen af en epoke, hvor detikke l�ngere vil v�re n�dvendigt at t�nke p� arbejdere, fordi arbejdet forsvinder.
The first was the �end of work�: we were once again at the dawn of an age when there wouldbe no need for workers because work would disappear.
Hvad entendet drejer sig om varsling af en materiel forsvinden eller om den efterf�lgende varsling afarbejdets forsvinden som en moralsk v�rdi hos folk, virker det ikke, som om arbejde l�ngereer hovedsp�rgsm�let i vores samfund, hvor den reformerede kapitalisme hersker.
Whether this was taken to mean itsphysical disappearance or its consequent disappearance as a moral value between people, itseemed that work would no longer be the central concern in our societies, now based onreformed capitalism.
Men sagen er, at man ikke holder op med at tale om og formulere politikker og udgive b�gerom noget, der er for nedadg�ende...
This did not stop anyone discussing and adopting policies and publishing books aboutsomething that was in terminal decline.
P� den anden side m� man konstatere, at dette 90'ernes ti�r har v�ret, er, og efter alt at d�mmestadig vil v�re uddannelsens, dygtigg�relsens ti�r, det ti�r, hvor man satsede stort p� socialepagter, hvor kernepunktet var uddannelse af arbejderne.
The second was that the 1990s were, and all the indications are that this trend will continue,the decade of training and skills, of major social agreements in which workforce training wasthe key item.
Skal man uddanne sig mere og mere for atopn� en viden, der ikke kan bruges til noget?
From the division of labour to concrete and complextraining.
Fra arbejdsdeling til konkret og kompleks uddannelse.
What training is needed for those who are pushed to the periphery of thecompany?
En stor virksomhed reorganiserer sig og outsourcer en (stor) del af sin produktion.
Is the intelligence applied to production being redistributed?
Hvilken uddannelse er n�dvendig for de medarbejdere, man har flyttet ud iperiferien af den store virksomhed?
Or are training needs concentrated in the major company,and do the dependent small businesses become deskilled?
Det, der i dag er produktionsfragmenter, m� n�dvendigvis genvinde en del af de kompetencer,der gik tabt ved den traditionelle arbejdsdeling.
How will people, work and training develop in future?