natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Hvilke metoder er de mest effektive til atforbedre samordningen af udviklingen og det politiske tilbud mellem regeringen ogarbejdsmarkedets parter. Hvilke typer af mekanismer � individualiserede uddannelsesplaner,
What new approaches are needed in the way in which policies are formulated and programmeprovision is defined if there is to be a full range of services and their distribution is to becoordinated?
Uddannelseskontekster
The contexts of training
Inden for uddannelsesforskning er mange forskere enige om (jf. Jobert, Marry, Tanguy 1995),at visse foruds�tninger er n�dvendige for at kunne analysere forholdet mellem uddannelse ogarbejde.
Educational research has shown (see Jobert, Marry and Tanguy 1995) that there is widespreadconsensus among scholars as to some of the basic assumptions which are needed to analysethe relationship between training and work.
Kvalifikationer opn�s b�de gennem uddannelse og arbejde, og disse to elementer kankun vurderes, hvis det er klart, hvad der forst�s ved "kvalifikationer", ikke kun faglige, menogs� sociale.
Skills are acquired through both training andwork, and these two elements can only be assessed once it is clear what is meant by �skills�,both work-related and social.
Formidling, dannelse og opn�else af viden sker b�de inden for og uden foruddannelsessystemerne som et resultat af bevidste handlinger og naturlige processer.
The communication, creation and acquisition of knowledgehappen both inside and outside education systems; they are the result of both intentionalactions and natural processes.
Man kanuddanne sig hvor som helst og p� et hvilket som helst tidspunkt i sit liv. Deltagelsen iuddannelse er afh�ngig af betingelserne p� arbejds- og bop�lssted.
People are educated in every place and at every stage of theirlives, and participation in an educational process is governed by circumstances at the place ofwork and at home.
Uddannelsesforskningen har tendens til at fastl�gge en dialektisk relation mellemuddannelsesdimensioner, som tidligere betragtedes s�rskilt: den dimension, der vedr�rer"dereguleringsprocesserne" for de forskellige livsforl�b, arbejdets dimension med tiltagendeutypisk besk�ftigelse og den voksende usikkerhed omkring ans�ttelsesforhold, som tidligereblev anset som stabile, samt den "kontekstuelle" dimension i erhvervelsen af kompetence.
Research usually tries to establish a dialectical relationship between thevarious aspects of learning, which used to be seen in isolation: the �breakdown� in the patternof life's stages, developments in employment, with less regular work patterns, and a sense ofinsecurity in jobs which were always thought to be stable, and the �contextual� aspect of theacquisition of skills.
Dette indl�g besk�ftiger sig med disse dimensioner og forbindelsen mellem dem, som jeganser for yderst vigtige.
This article concentrates on these aspects of the analysis, focusing on theconnections between them.
Deregulering af livsforløb
The breakdown in the pattern of life's stages
Den demografiske udvikling i alle europ�iske lande er i l�bet af de seneste ti�r kendetegnet afen nedgang i f�dselstallet og en stigning i levetiden.
Demographic developments in all European countries in recent decades have seen a reductionin the birth rate and an increase in life expectancy.
Denne struktur�ndring i livsforl�bet, m�nstre og i graden af livsforl�bets normativitet har haftalvorlige f�lger for menneskets m�de at leve og handle p�, p� det sociale system, arbejdsmarkedet og arbejdets tilrettel�ggelse.
There have been fundamental changes inthe accepted stages of a person's life, and in their duration, and this has had considerablerepercussions on people�s way of living and behaving, and on the social system, the market,and the organisation of work.
Der har p� forskellige tidspunkter fundet to processer sted i Europa i l�bet af de sidste ti �r(Saraceno 1991). Den f�rste proces er en gradvis institutionalisering og regulering,demografisk og normativ, gradvis mere ensartede m�nstre og tidssekvenser hos enkeltpersonerog sociale grupper.
Two processes have taken place at different times in Europe inrecent decades (Saraceno 1991).
Den anden proces, som endnu ikke er afsluttet, drejer sig om enderegulering af tidligere g�ldende normative modeller.
There followed thesecond process, as yet unfinished, of the breakdown of these established norms.
De begr�nsninger,der opst�r ud fra alle sociale og kulturelle kontrolmekanismer forbundet med disse modeller,har v�ret ledsaget af forskellige former for sikring mod sociale risici som sygdom, arbejdsledighed og arbejdsudygtighed.
cultural control mechanisms were compensated by forms of security against illness,unemployment and inability to work.
De beskrevne og andre relaterede f�nomener har dannet grundlag for udviklingen af detlivsforl�b, der defineres som "normalt", hvor man kommer frem til en "egnet alder" og"regelm�ssige" eller "ikke-regelm�ssige" levnedsforl�b (m.h.t. arbejde, familie og uddannelse).Adgang til et "normalt livsforl�b", som er et krav for social accept, er betinget af enkeltpersonerseller gruppers �konomiske situation, selv om forskelle forbundet med social lagdeling erfastsl�et, idet uddannelses- og arbejdsforl�b er kortere og aldringsprocessen indtr�der tidligerefor de lavere sociale klasser.
Access to a �normal pattern of life�,which was a requirement for social respectability, was dependent on the economic situation ofthe individual or the group, although differences associated with social stratification remained,educational and working careers being shorter and the ageing process occurring earlier amongthe lower classes.People such as the under-employed, the unemployed, both youth andadult, workers in the black economy, some rural workers, and almost all immigrants, wereexcluded, either partly or wholly, from the main effects of this regularisation of the labourmarket by external factors, making it difficult to establish an ideal model after which to strive.Furthermore, the family system and the division of labour between the sexes came to be seenas complementary to the organisation of work and the social structure, women taking on thegreater part of essential domestic work.
Den hele eller delvise udelukkelse fra arbejdsmarkedet af de v�sentligste ressourcer tilopn�else af denne regelm�ssighed (underbesk�ftigede og arbejdsl�se unge og voksne,arbejdere i den sorte �konomi, en del landarbejdere og n�sten alle indvandrere) viser sig nu atv�re et problem med hensyn til fastl�ggelsen af en tilstr�belsesv�rdig idealmodel.
The second process, the de-institutionalisation of the stages of life, is seen in elements ofdifferentiation and individuality within these stages, along with a relaxation of the restrictionsimposed by conventionality and stability, and runs counter to the first process.
Desudener systemet med familie og fordeling af arbejdsopgaver mellem k�nnene, blevet et yderligereaspekt, b�de med hensyn til arbejdets tilrettel�ggelse og samfundets struktur, hvor kvindernehar p�taget sig st�rstedelen af de n�dvendige familieopgaver.
Faced withgrowing unemployment, there has been in general less certainty that a job will last, lesspredictability of certain stages and career opportunities, a greater requirement for flexibleworking hours, less well defined working conditions, and a continuing weakening of theconditions, resources and forms of social security.
Den anden proces, den s�kaldte deinstitutionalisering af livsforl�b, som er kendetegnet ved disseforl�bs differentierede og individuelle elementer parallelt med en sl�kkelse af de lovm�ssigeforpligtelser og stabilitet, viser en tendens�ndring i forhold til den f�rstn�vnte proces.
Other models have gradually beendeveloping alongside the earlier model founded on security, stability and regularity; some ofthese have been the result of the wishes and interests of individuals and groups, but in generalthey are the result of the development of flexibility and de-institutionalisation of the stages oflife.
Den voksende arbejdsl�shed har i almindelighed medf�rt mindre arbejdspladssikkerhed,mindre forudsigelighed i karrieremulighederne, st�rre krav om arbejdsfleksibilitet, f�rremuligheder for medbestemmelse vedr�rende arbejdsvilk�r, tiltagende sv�kkelse af betingelser,ressourcer og former for social sikring.
Typically, the �usual order� of stages and sequences of study, work, and social and familylife has broken down, the �conventional� idea of what is suitable and �right� for a given agehas changed, and the various forms of social security are inadequate for the new conditions oflife, particularly in relation to employment.
Parallelt med den tidligere model baseret p� sikkerhed, stabilitet og regelm�ssighed, er derefterh�nden opst�et andre modeller, som delvis er forbundet med enkeltpersoners og gruppers�nsker og interesser, men som i almindelighed er resultatet af fleksibilisering og deinstitutionalisering af livsforl�b. Ud fra dette synspunkt er bruddet i "r�kkef�lgen" af studieforl�b,arbejdsforl�b, det sociale liv og familielivet betegnende.
The result of the above-mentioned factors may be not only a reinforcement (Rossi 1997) ofold inequalities, but also the creation of new ones, between the sexes, classes, and groups ofdifferent ethnic origin, geographical location or age.
Der er sket en �ndring i opfattelsenaf "normalitet" med hensyn til, hvad der er passende og "rigtigt" for en given alder, og deforskellige former for social sikkerhed passer ikke til de nye livsbetingelser, specielt ikke denye arbejdsbetingelser.
Those citizens� rights which wereacquired with such effort, and the recent � though partial � guarantees of equality between thesexes or of lifelong economic security have begun to break down, and the result is not onlyirregularities in the pattern of life, but also an inevitable conflict between the generationswhen it comes to the use of facilities and to access to social, economic and job-relatedopportunities.
Situationen synes at blive forv�rret af det stadig ul�ste problem iforbindelse med fordelingen af familieopgaver mellem de to k�n.
The mere fact of belonging to a particular generation group, which may be
Indf�relsen af nye "normalitetsmodeller" er ikke uden virkning p� kvindernes karriereforl�b,som resulterer af kvindernes forventning om st�rre lighed med hensyn til fordelingen afarbejdsopgaver og nye ressourcer til planl�gning af deres eget livsforl�b.
In this context, consideration of training will be more precise if it is linked not only toa specific occupational skill, but also to people�s ability to cope with the changes in their ownlives and work, and relations with other people of different ages, gender, culture and ethnicorigin.
Tilh�rsforhold til en bestemt generation bliver s�ledes til en meget ufuldst�ndig beskrivendefaktor for betingelser, holdninger, adf�rd, opfattelser og realitetsforestillinger.
The �natural� behaviour of humans is conditioned by beliefs, customs, and written andunwritten rules.
Variabler somk�n, uddannelse, uddannelsesgrad og bop�l h�rer faktisk sammen med familieforpligtelser,faserne i den erhvervsm�ssige karriere, deltagelse eller manglende deltagelse p� arbejdsmarkedet i forbindelse med fuldtids- eller deltidsarbejde, fast eller usikker ans�ttelse.
It is tied closely to cultural changes and, of course, defined by social context.In advanced modern societies this interdependence, which we may define as anthropological,can be identified by means of what we have called the �institutionalisation� and, conversely,the �de-institutionalisation� of people�s lives.
Foruden de n�vnte faktorer skal ogs� fortid, nutid og forestillingen om en fremtid tages ibetragtning, hvor de arbejdsm�ssige betingelser og de sociale og familiem�ssige forhold ikkemere er adskilte.
These processes depend on and interact with acombination of changes in society and work.
I denne forbindelse har en analyse af uddannelsestiden en afg�rende betydning (Cevoli 1998),hvis man skal forbinde en bestemt faglig kvalifikation og en persons evne til at im�deg� en�ndring af bestemte livsbetingelser og arbejdsm�ssige betingelser og s�tter dem i forhold tilandre faktorer s�som alder, k�n, kultur og etnisk tilh�rsforhold.
In the same way, the changes in the amounts of time devoted tosocially necessary work in various activities is related to the crisis in systems of public care.Throughout the entire economic system there are more flexible patterns of employment, andnew terms and conditions of employment are gradually spreading; these vary widely fromsector to sector, company to company and, particularly, person to person.
De faglige kvalifikationer er st�rkt kendetegnet ved den sociale dimension, og dekompetencer, der skal udvikles, b�r bestemmes af n�dvendigheden af at udvide referencerammerne frem for en uddybning af de enkelte omr�der.
These relationships vary in their approach to basic conditions, and to opportunities for trainingand for professional development at work. The nature and length of this training, and theinfluence employers and, less usually, workers, have on it will determine workers� conditionsof employment.
I moderneveludviklede samfund identificeres denne indbyrdes afh�ngighed, der kan defineres somantropologisk, ved hj�lp af faktorer defineret som enten "institutionalisering" eller "deinstitutionalisering" af livsforl�bet.
The more workers are able to control their own training, the greatertheir power in relation to employers and the market itself.
S�danne faktorer afh�nger af og interagerer med en kombinationaf �ndringer i sociale og faglige faktorer.
Thus, in a climate of marketderegulation, different types of balance will be are achieved.
som anvendes til socialt og n�dvendigt arbejde inden for forskellige aktiviteter, forbundet medkrisen i de offentlige sikringssystemer.
Young people with a low level of education probably account for the majority of this sector ofthe labour market.
I hele det �konomiske system er der mere fleksiblebesk�ftigelsesm�nstre, og nye arbejdsbetingelser vinder efterh�nden udbredelse; de er vidtforskellige fra sektor til sektor, fra virksomhed til virksomhed og frem for alt fra person tilperson. Inden for det samme markedssegment kan der p� samme tid v�re mange forskelligeformer for uddannelse, besk�ftigelsesforhold, adgang til eller manglende adgang til arbejde.
At a slightly higher level are activities which, although not requiringtraining, demand reliability and trustworthiness, and are compensated by conditions ofemployment which provide conventional guarantees but do not exclude the possibility ofredundancy.
Den strategiske ressource for denne type forhold kendetegnes af afgangsbetingelserne,mulighederne for l�ring og for faglig udvikling p� arbejdspladsen.
This group consists mainly of people of middling age and education, and olderworkers.
Kvaliteten og varighedenaf denne l�ring og den indflydelse, som virksomhederne og mere sj�ldent arbejdstagerne hari denne forbindelse, er bestemmende for arbejdstagernes arbejdsbetingelser.
For a fairly consistent number of workers, the advantages and commitmentassociated with considerable investment in technical and organisational training are balancedby stability of employment, access to careers of reasonable length, and positions ofresponsibility.
Jo l�ngere, merekompleks og sj�ldnere en uddannelse er p� arbejdsmarkedet, desto mere har arbejderne adgangtil ans�ttelsesforhold, som beskytter dem mod konkurrence, og til yderligere uddannelsesmuligheder.
Swift and remunerative career progress and fewer bars to promotion withinorganisations are offered to those who have qualifications which are a rarity in the market andcan perform expert technical and management functions.
Jo mere arbejderne er i stand til at styre deres egne uddannelsesforl�b, desto bedrekan de �ge deres styrke i forhold til virksomhederne og selve arbejdsmarkedet.
The skills in these cases are acquiredthrough complex training courses, and the careers develop through mobility, with the workermoving between enterprises, between employment and self-employment, and betweenindustry and the tertiary sector.
P� denne m�deetableres der forskellige byttestrategier i et klima med deregulering af arbejdsmarkedet.
Here, job stability depends more on the wishes of the workerthan on those of the employer.
P� det laveste niveau st�r ud fra virksomhedernes synspunkt aktiviteter, som kr�ver enbegr�nset uddannelse og ingen regelm�ssighed, og som har tendens til at frembringe ustabilearbejdsforhold.
This variety of approach on the part of employers is reflected in the use of various methods ofrecruitment (both general and particular) and of different criteria (collective and individual),according to the qualities and skills that are required in different fields.
Unge med begr�nset skolegang udg�r sikkert st�rstedelen af dette arbejdsmarked.
It is also reflected inthe differing amounts of money invested by enterprises in training, and the varying quality ofthat training.
Denne gruppe best�r hovedsageligaf midaldrende personer med en mellemlang uddannelse samt af �ldre arbejdere.
However, none of this takes account of the growing �irregular� work which isdeveloping outside the formal business economy.
For etbetydeligt antal arbejdstagere kan evnen til eller mulighederne for at investere betydeligt iteknik og organisatorisk uddannelse opvejes af stabile besk�ftigelsesforhold og adgang tilkortere eller l�ngere karriereforl�b og ansvarsfulde stillinger.
Indeed, the simple difference betweenemployment and unemployment appears to have been superseded, and it must be rememberedthat many forms of work and possible work situations are often temporary and insecure,particularly for people with little education and no qualifications.
En hurtig og vell�nnet karriereog mindre forpligtende arbejdsorganisatoriske sammenh�nge tilbydes personer, som harkvalifikationer, der er sj�ldne p� arbejdsmarkedet, og som kan udf�re komplicerede tekniskeopgaver og ledelsesopgaver.
Work, or lack of it, isdefined in practice by the way in which time is organised in the long and the short term, theshape of the individual's various relationships and thoughts, the kind of identity conferred bywork experience, and work itself.
I disse tilf�lde erhverves kompetencen gennem kompleksefaglige uddannelsesforl�b og erhvervserfaring, og i forbindelse med karriereforl�bet tr�dermobilitet i forgrunden, idet arbejdstageren g�r fra den ene virksomhed til den anden, fraselvst�ndig virksomhed til fastans�ttelse eller fra industrien til den terti�re sektor.
Studies of the different forms of education (Accornero 1997; Reyneri 1997) have clarified therelations between the various economic sectors, the ways in which inequalities betweengeographical areas are cumulative, the methods of distributing resources between the differentsectors of the population, and their attendant cultural and social changes.
I dissetilf�lde afh�nger arbejdets stabilitet i h�jere grad af arbejdstagerens valg end af virksomhedernes �nsker.
This has led to asearch for methods of analysing the increasing links between the composition of the socialclasses and those elements of the labour market which have remained outside the traditionalcategories.
Disse forskellige virksomhedsstrategier afspejles i anvendelsen af forskellige rekrutteringsmetoder(almene og specielle) og af forskellige kriterier (kollektive eller individuelle) i henhold til dentype kvalitet og kompetence, som kr�ves inden for forskellige omr�der.
Particular reference has been made (Wilson 1997) to the extent of the problem forthose who in certain geographical areas are likely to remain in unemployment, underemployment or semi-employment for long periods of time, and to the highest rates ofdevelopment that are theoretically possible.
Faktisk synes der ikke l�ngere at v�re en enkel forskel mellem besk�ftigelse og ledighed, ogdet er n�dvendigt at huske, at mange former for arbejde og mulige arbejdssituationer ofte ermidlertidige og usikre, specielt for personer med kort skoleuddannelse og uden erhvervsuddannelse eller kvalifikationer.
the ways in which people may be included in or excluded from training and a labour marketwhich is ever more complicated by the links between place and type of production and thepattern of distribution at national and international level.
I denne forbindelse blev det bl.a. fors�gt atopstille koncepter, der giver mulighed for at beskrive en mere og mere kompleks sammen-s�tning af de samfundsklasser og arbejdsmarkedssegmenter, som ligger uden for de traditionellekategorier.
The changes taking placein the Western economies are encouraging welcome new practices and cultures at work, anddifferent kinds of workers may have acquired a range of choices in the various phases of theirlives.
Is�r blev omfanget af det problem tydeliggjort, som personer stilles over for(jf. Wilson 1997), der i bestemte regioner selv under antagelse af de st�rste udviklingstaksterrisikerer at blive arbejdsl�se i kortere og l�ngere tid eller m� n�jes med underbesk�ftigesleeller ufrivilligt deltidsarbejde.
However, we must recognise the difficulties in that flexible and discontinuous working,by its very nature and because of the characteristics of the present welfare system, does notguarantee the security or remuneration provided by continuous employment.
Af en analyse af den sociale struktur fremg�r det, at dele afarbejdsstyrken har forladt eller er blevet udelukket fra produktionsprocessen, har mistet modeteller er blevet foranlediget til senere indtr�den p� arbejdsmarkedet.
Negotiation between the social partners is hindered by the problem of rights, which extend(Rainbird 1990) from the safeguarding of income (guarantees of equal pay for �ordinary� and�flexible� workers, and various forms of insurance benefit in times of unemployment) to allthe other forms of insurance which protect the worker indefinitely (illness, maternity,pensions, union representation � paid leave for union business and general rights and powersof representation).
I sidstn�vnte tilf�ldedrejer det sig hovedsagelig om ikke-besk�ftigede personer, der er besk�ftigelsesegnede,nemlig kvinder og unge over 18 �r, som udg�r det store omr�de omfattende sort arbejde,usikker besk�ftigelse og det gr� arbejdsmarked.
Flexible forms of employment for those who are highly skilled can lead toan increase in their employability, while those with little education generally find thatdiscontinuous working leaves them unskilled, unrecognised, and deprived of opportunities foroccupational development.
I unders�gelserne er disse data medtaget for(jf. is�r Gelpi 1997) at kunne beskrive de forskellige former for deltagelse i og udelukkelsefra uddannelse og fra et arbejdsmarked, hvis egenskaber bliver mere og mere komplekse medhensyn til forbindelsen mellem produktionssted og -former samt distribution, b�de p� nationaltog internationalt plan.
To summarise: if we wish to discuss the relationship betweentraining and work, we have to state clearly the nature of that work, specify the training whichwill benefit people in the labour market, see what conditions are required for the developmentof more interesting kinds of work, and identify opportunities and methods for occupationaldevelopment and social progress.
Fleksible besk�ftigelsesformer kan for personer med h�je
They are reinforced by the continual self-monitoring by the individual of hisor her own resources, and develop through the use of knowledge, subject to such monitoring,in situations different from those in which it was acquired; and they are enriched by workwhich in its various forms is decodified, reinterpreted and reconstructed in the mind.
kvalifikationer medf�re st�rre besk�ftigelsesevne, mens afbrudt besk�ftigelse for personermed kort skolegang i almindelighed er ensbetydende med lave kvalifikationer, manglendeanerkendelse og ingen muligheder for videreuddannelse.
However, �competency� can be defined as thepossession of skills suitable for carrying out a particular task, or the ability to decide, using therequisite abilities and acquired knowledge, how to tackle a particular situation.