natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Jeg kunne imidlertid godt tænke mig at vide, når problemet nu er rejst, om det ikke er klart, at man må undersøge betydningen af artikel 201 i traktaten om oprettelse af Det Europæiske Økonomiske Fællesskab?
During the meeting held by the Chamber of Deputies' Committee of Foreign Affairs in Rome on 31 March, Mr. Fanfani, Minister of Foreign Affairs, promised, at the Commission's request (a request upon my initiative), that during the meeting of 8 April he would put forward the thesis that it was essential that signature of the Treaty be accompanied by a reform of the Parliament's powers.
Kan Fællesskabets Kommission undlade at gøre det?
According to information in the press, Mr. Fanfani did in fact express this point of view before the Council of Ministers.
Fra det øjebUk hvor Rådet gav Kommissionen mandat til at undersøge, hvordan medlemsstaternes økonomiske bidrag kunne erstattes af egne indtægter, er det klart, at det også må fremlægge forslag på de punkter, der mere generelt henhører under artikel 201.
When one remembers how many times these governments have publicly undertaken to study in detail the serious question of the Parliament's powers, it is impossible to understand why there was no response to this very restrained suggestion by the Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs.
Der er ingen, der har gjort indvendinger over, at Kommissionen havde forelagt dem for tidligt, og på det tidspunkt var det tUstrækkeugt at stille forslag for de sektorer, hvor Fællesmarkedet allerede var trådt i kraft, og vente med at forelægge andre bagefter, når FæUesmarkedet havde iværksat dem i de andre sektorer.
There is an attempt to explain it at present by saying that the six governments have agreed to put back the examination and solution of this important issue until the merger of the Communities.
Det er i virkeUgheden det, Kommissionen har gjort: Den har på ingen måde foreslået straks at indføre det nye system i de sektorer, hvor FæUesmarkedet endnu ikke eksisterer, men at indføre det pr. 1. juU 1967 i den hensigt, der måske er mere optimistisk end Rådets, at FæUesmarkedet på denne dato vil være i kraft i aUe sektorerne, det vil sige ikke alene i den landbrugsøkonomiske sektor, men også i den erhvervsøkonomiske sektor.
In my opinion, this is profoundly wrong, in that during the necessarily long period before the Communities are merged, the European Parliament would lack effective powers to work efficiently, even in the principal sphere of activity common to all parliaments, namely preparation of the Community institutions' budgets.
Et andet kritikpunkt, som Kommissionen har fremkaldt, vedrører det faktum, at den har givet sig i kast med spørgsmålet om Parlamentets beføjelser, og at den har fremlagt forslag i den for bindelse.
It is therefore essential that the Parliament's powers be extended immediately so that the collective will can act in the preparation of the budget and the Community's financial administration. tration.
Men er dette spørgsmål om Parlamentets beføjelser imidlertid ikke nødvendigvis for bundet med gennemførelsen af artikel 201 i traktaten om oprettelse af Det Europæiske Økonomiske FæUesskab?
This issue is entirely separate from the issue of the European Parliament's derivation. You all know that I have fought endlessly for direct universal suffrage.
Er det ikke naturligt i ethvert demokrati, at når FæUesskabets økonomiske og budgetmæssige uafhængighed er opnået, får Parlamentet muUghed for at udøve sin kontrol?
However, as Mr. Vals correctly remarked a few minutes ago, the question of powers is independent of that of the Parliament's derivation.
Kan Kommissionen undlade at gøre det? Kan den lukke øjnene for virkeligheden?
In my opinion, the issue has been intentionally distorted by confusing the two con cepts.
Dette problem henhører ikke kun under traktatens logik, men er også en logisk nødvendighed i det, vi står over for.
It is said that it is not possible to elect the Parliament by direct universal suffrage because it does not have sufficient powers, but it is also said that it is not possible to give the Parliament further powers because it is not elected by direct universal suffrage.
Kunne Kommissionen undlade at tage højde for den beslutning, som det nederlandske parlament har vedtaget for nylig? SkuUe den begrave hovedet i sandet for ikke at blive tvunget tU at se, med andre ord følge en strudsepolitik?
Therefore when I proposed at Val Duchesse — as Mr. Hallstein will confirm, since he was present — that the European Parliament should be elected immediately by direct universal suffrage and when I subsequently insisted that at least a date should be set for the beginning of election by direct universal suffrage, this was certainly not in order to increase its powers.
På Den Liberale Gruppes vegne vil jeg gerne sige, at vi mener, at disse tre dele er uadskillelige.
At that time, the idea of linking these two issues never crossed our minds.
De udgør en helhed og et samlet forslag, selv om de for klarhedens skyld er delt i tre kapitler i Kommissionens tekst.
I fervently maintained that it was necessary to elect the Parliament by direct universal suffrage simply because I saw this as the only way of achieving effective participation by the collective will — in other words the popular will — in the process of European construction.
Det drejer sig om et samlet hele, der absolut er udeleligt, og Den Liberale Gruppe modsætter sig ethvert forsøg på at adskiUe det.
It is senseless to think that Europe could be construct ed on a political level solely through the will of the governments and plain and cold and reasons of State.
Finansieringen af den fælles landbrugspolitik ved hjælp af egne indtægter, finansieringen af aUe FæUesskabets aktiviteter ved hjælp af egne indtægter og Parlamentets beføjelser - aUe disse punkter udgør én uopløselig enhed.
Two attempts had already failed — the European Political Community and the European Defence Community — through lack of the popular inspiration which is such a significant aspect of political construction.
Jeg vil gerne nu personligt rose Kommissionen for den besindighed, den har udvist.
This is why I believe that the European Parliament should be elected by direct universal suffrage.
Den har vist stor klogskab og mådehold ved at fremsætte forslag med mellemrum med henblik på en gradvis iværksættelse af det nye system.
This is why I have constantly said that it is one of the most urgent requirements for European construction, particularly its political construction.
Jeg må sige (her drejer det sig om min personlige vurdering, må jeg understrege), at Den Liberale Gruppe er ikke enstemmig på dette punkt.
But to move from there to refusing to grant greater powers to the Parliament while it is still not elected by direct universal suffrage is an idea which I find quite frankly incomprehensible.
Det er faktisk i dem bestemt, at enhedsprocessen skulle udvikle sig gradvist og langsomt.
It is obviously therefore entitled to the same powers as any other Parliament which expresses the will of the people.
Der er fastsat en overgangsperiode på 12 år, som eventuelt kunne forlænges til 15 år, netop for at undgå voldsomme forstyrrelser i medlemsstaternes økonomi og for at lette iværksættelsen af et nyt system, der klart vender op og ned på det, der har hersket hidtU.
I would add that it is odd that it is precisely those who fight at every opportunity with so much determination — and, I have to say, so much success — against the appearance and establishment of a European technocracy, who, by so obstinately opposing giving the Parliament the necessary powers, have given rise to the appearance of technocratic centres in Brussels which have no democratic basis and which reject the most fundamental principles of the primacy of the law.
Jeg synes således, at Kommissionen i sine forslag lever op tü logikken i traktaterne.
Is it really necessary to revise the Treaties of Rome to achieve effective parliamentary control?
Jeg mener ikke, at det kan bestrides, at Parlamentets beføjelser - der er det egentUge emne, som vi skal beskæftige os med her (og som de tidligere talere allerede har behandlet, og som de efterfølgende også vil) - Parlamentets aktueUe beføjelser er utilstrækkelige til at leve op til de nye forpligtelser, der venter det i forbindelse med de forslag, som Det Europæiske Økonomiske FæUesskabs Kommission har fremsat.
Is it not sufficient for the Council of Ministers to lay down a rule of procedure defining — in accordance with Article 203 — the procedure to be followed for the adoption of budgets or for the Parliament' essential involvement? I don't know, but what I do know is that the reason the Parliament is insisting that an amendment to the Treaties should provide a method for its final approval of budget decisions is because the Council of Ministers has not so far had the political will to recognise that parliamentary involvement in the budget adoption procedure is essential.
Jeg mener, at de er utilstrækkeUge ikke alene i forhold til Rom-traktatens bogstav, men også i forhold til den fortolkning, der er givet af det.
It is for this reason that we are under the obligation to propose amendments to the Treaties of Rome, although we are well aware of the disadvantages of this.
Hvad angår Parlamentets beføjelser, har Fællesskabet ikke givet den fortolkning af traktater nes bogstav, der var passende og efter min mening nødvendig.
I consider that the timing of the initiative taken by the Commission of the European Economic Community should also be commended.
På dette punkt har Ministerrådet vist en klar manglende vilje, det må jeg sige utvetydigt.
It appeared at the very moment that the attempt to 'restart' European political union had failed and when the conference in Venice proposed by the Italian government had fallen through.
I den tale, som et af de mest kompetente medlemmer af Ministerrådet, Joseph Luns, holdt den 2. december sidste år i Ministerrådet, omtalte han for øvrigt den manglende vilje og den fejlagtige fortolkning af bestemmelserne i Rom-traktaterne, idet han erklærede: "Vi må i al anstændighed erkende, at det er rigtigt, at Parlamentet har været hørt flere gange, man har dog næsten aldrig taget hen syn til de udtalelser, det er kommet med".
This failure made a profound impression on all firm believers in Europe, because it revealed the need for far more time for true European economic and political construction, even though we had all constantly pointed out — the President of the French Republic being the first — the need to form new instruments for political union to shore up the present economic construction.
Ved sin tendens til at tilsidesætte Parlamentets udtalelse og dermed begrænse høringen tU et formelt aspekt beviser Ministerrådet med åbenbar tydelighed sin manglende vüje på et væsentligt punkt for FæUesskabets og for enhedsprocessens fremtid, nemUg med hensyn tU dets lovgivningsmæssige funktion.
'In truth, we cannot guarantee Europe's economic development without political union', said General de Gaulle at the time.
Ministerrådet har givet et nyt bevis på sin manglende vilje ved undertegnelsen i BruxeUes den 8. april af traktaten, der vedrører fusionen af Fællesskabets eksekutive organer.
Why then the refusal to attempt to find, in Venice, a formula for achieving political union of the peoples of Europe?
Det var i udpræget grad anledningen til at gøre opmærksom på problemet med Parlamentets beføjelser, da regeringernes repræsentanter bare ved at underskrive denne traktat i virkeUgheden god kendte en reduktion af Parlamentets beføjelser i forhold til dem, som de gældende traktater giver det.
When — as you will remember — Mr. Couve de Murville, the President of the Council of Ministers gave his report to this Assembly in March on the work of the Council during the previous year, I asked him whether the French government intended to support the Italian initiative concerning the conference in Venice and he replied that he was leaving on the following day for Rome to discuss this question with the Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs.
Men dette udvalg forsvinder på grund af fusionen af de eksekutive organer.
I was naive enough to believe that this meant that Mr. Couve de Murville was assuring me that
give Parlamentet en af de vigtigste forpligtelser, nemlig de budgetmæssige beslutninger.
the French government was in favour of this initiative.
På mødet, som udenrigsudvalget i det ItaUenske Deputeretkammer holdt i Rom den 31. marts, lovede udenrigsminister Amintore Fanfani efter anmodning fra udvalget (denne anmodning var på mit initiativ), at han på mødet den 8. aprU viUe støtte påstanden om, at det var absolut nødvendigt, at undertegnelsen af traktaten ledsagedes af en reform af systemet med Parlamentets beføjelser.
I was, however, taken in by his reply and did not interpret it in terms of the diplomatic reservation which habitually veils statements made by Ministers of Foreign Affairs.
Ifølge de informationer, der har været i pressen, har Amintore Fanfani virkeUg forsvaret dette synspunkt over for Ministerrådet.
I therefore searched in the parliamentary debates where I discovered, to my great surprise, that it appeared in the following form, isolated moreover from the explicit question which I had raised: 'I must in fact return to Paris this evening because I am leaving tomorrow for a visit to the capital of the country of which Mr. Martino is a distinguished representative'.
Han har gjort det på en meget behersket måde, idet han ganske enkelt har bedt regeringerne i de seks lande om at udfærdige en hensigtserklæring.
The failure of the Italian proposal to hold a conference in Venice aroused concern, in that it appeared to confirm a very clear trend towards restricting the process of unification solely to the economic sphere.
Man forsøger nu at forklare det ved, at de seks regeringer har aftalt at udsætte såvel behandUngen som løsningen af dette vigtige problem tU tidspunktet for fusionen af Fællesskaberne.
This is a serious error in that the unification process will be unable to continue in the long term if it is exclusively limited to the economic sphere.
Det er altså absolut nødvendigt straks at udvide Parlamentets beføjelser, så den kollektive vilje kan medvirke effektivt gennem Parlamentet til udarbejdelsen af budgettet og den økonomiske forvaltning af FæUesskabet.
Economic unity has never been considered as an end in itself but as a means of attaining political unity. True European unity is essential in that the national States are not and cannot claim to be in a position to face alone the dramatic problems of the modern world.
Dette spørgsmål er fuldstændigt uafhængigt af spørgsmålet om Europa-Parlamentets sammensætning.
Human awareness lies behind the fact that the entire world now aspires to unity.
Som alle ved, har jeg uophørUgt kæmpet for valg tU Parlamentet ved almindelige direkte valg.
Attempts at unification are not confined to Europe.
Som Francis Vals så rigtigt har mindet om for lidt siden i sit indlæg, er spørgsmålet om beføjelserne uafhængigt af spørgsmålet om Parlamentets sammensætning.
They are to be found elsewhere in the world, proving that humanity is realising that only large groups of nations, only States on a continental scale, are in a position to resolve the immense problems of the present and the future.
Efter min mening har man forsætligt forvansket problemet ved at blande disse to spørgsmål sammen.
Unity is the only way of increasing freedom, guaranteeing world peace and realising the ideal of human fraternity, the oldest and most noble human ideal.
Det er blevet sagt, at det ikke var muligt at vælge Parlamentet ved almindelige direkte valg, fordi det ikke havde tUstrækkelige beføjelser, men man har også erklæret, at det ikke var muligt at give Parlamentet nye beføjelser, fordi det ikke var valgt ved almindeUge direkte valg.
This is, as very justly observed, the only way which will allow racial and spiritual bonding — homonoia or concordia.
Men da jeg i Val Duchesse foreslog - som Walter Hallstein, der var tü stede, kan bevidne - at Europa-Parlamentet vælges umiddelbart ved almindeUge direkte valg, og da jeg senere insisterede på, at man straks fastsatte datoen for, hvornår Parlamentet skulle vælges ved almindelige direkte valg, var det sandelig ikke, for at det skulle have flere beføjelser.
Nationalism therefore cannot meet this ideal. Quite the reverse, it goes against this ideal of human fraternity because, as Benedetto Croce so aptly put it, nations are constantly trying to tear one another apart.
Tanken har aldrig på det tids punkt strejfet os at forbinde disse to spørgsmål.
This is why so much hope had been placed in the revival of political union offered by the Venice conference.
Når jeg ivrigt fastholdt, at det var nødvendigt at vælge Parlamentet ved almindelige direkte valg, var det udelukkende, fordi det efter min mening var det eneste middel tü at få egentUg deltagelse af den kollektive vUje - med andre ord den folkelige vUje - i processen med opbygningen af Europa.
This is why we thought that if it were impossible to create new political structures to accelerate the process of political union, we could take refuge in the haven provided by the current Treaties, which contain all the provisions needed to advance the unification process and move it from the economic to the political level.
To forsøg er allerede mislykkedes - Det europæiske politiske Fællesskab og Det Europæiske ForsvarsfæUesskab - netop fordi den folkelige sjæl ikke
It is our responsibility to ensure that the provisions of the existing Treaties are applied correctly and in full so that there is no transgression of the commitments, either the letter or the spirit, entered into by our nations when their respective parliaments ratified the Treaties.
Det er derfor, jeg dengang mente, at Europa-Parlamentet skulle vælges ved almindelige direkte valg, og derfor jeg konstant har hævdet, at det var et af de vigtigste krav tU den politiske opbygning af Europa.
This is why we are pleased that the Commission of the European Community has taken this initiative, an initiative which we totally support.
Er det virkeUg nødvendigt at revidere Romtraktaterne for at opnå denne reelle parlamentariske kontrol?
It is courageous. It can be adopted or rejected, but it is not possible to prevaricate or evade the issue.
Jeg mener, at initiativet fra De Europæiske Fællesskabers Kommission også fortjener ros på grund af det tidspunkt, det kom på. Det kom netop i det øjeblik, hvor forsøget var mislykkedes med at få Europas politiske union til "at genopstå", og hvor den itaUenske regerings forslag om en konference i Venedig mislykkedes.
A positive or negative response to this initiative to my mind amounts to the acceptance or rejection of European construction.
dige bestemmelser for at fremme enhedsprocessen og dens overgang fra det økonomiske plan til det politiske plan.
It was, moreover, acknowledged by Plato that governments had the right not to speak the truth in order to mislead the enemy or conceal something from the public in the interests of the State.
Vi står her over for en af disse bestemmelser.
These must be justly recognised and acknowledged.
Det er således derfor, vi glæder os over det initiativ, som Det Europæiske FæUesskabs Kommission har taget, og som vi giver hele vores støtte.
I believe, therefore, that we can commend all the governments of the Community member countries, even though our concerns have not yet been removed.
Det er modigt: Man kan vedtage det eller forkaste det, men man kan ikke komme med undskyldninger eller komme uden om spørgsmålet.
These concerns remain despite what we have heard this morning, more as a result of what was not said than of what was said.
Ved at svare ja eller nej til dette initiativ mener jeg, at det er opbygningen af Europa, man accepterer eller forkaster.
From this viewpoint, Mr.Werner's speech was very eloquent, despite its extreme caution,which — I have committed myself to speak the truth — could be described as reticence.
Tale holdt den 20. ¡anuar 1966
The other question which worries us in this respect is the following.
Dagene den 17. og 18. januar blev af nogle forudset som sandhedens dage.
Who will be responsible to the European Parliament?
Man mente dermed, at de ville give anledning til en fri og åben meningsudveksling i Fællesskabets Ministerråd, så enhver fik mulighed for at lægge kortene på bordet: Der ville have været det, som englænderne kalder et showdown.
If the members of the Commission become Community officials, I do not think it could be claimed that they were responsible to the European Parliament.
Begivenhederne viste desværre, at forudsigelserne var forkerte, for det, der skete i Luxembourg den 17. og 18. januar, var en forhandling mellem Frankrig på den ene side og de fem andre regeringer på den anden, og man ved godt, at sandheden aldrig kommer for en dag i løbet af nogle forhandlinger.
I know of no examples of democratic countries where the officials are personally responsible to the parliament.
For resten tillagde Platon regeringerne retten tU ikke at sige sandheden, hvis det tjente tU at narre fjenden eller skjule noget for offentUgheden i statens interesse.
Political responsibility is always and everywhere the responsibility of the government.
Men vi, som ingen regeringsfunktioner har, vi har det privilegium at kunne sige hele sandheden.Vi kan her helt tydeUgt give udtryk for vores tanker og blotlægge vores sjæl.
Is the Council of Ministers, which intends to be the Community's sole political institution, prepared to be responsible to this Parliament, to appear before this Parliament and possibly to suffer the effects of our censure motion?
Vi opmuntres i høj grad hertü af Pierre Werners velkendte belevenhed. Jeg er glad for at se ham her i Parlamentet ved siden af to kolleger fra Belgien og Nederlandene, forenet i en slags "Benelux"-solidaritet, der forekommer mig at være et smukt eksempel og et lykkeligt varsel for FæUesskabet.
This would evidently amount to asking the impossible.
Når jeg siger aUe regeringerne, betyder det, at jeg ikke har tU hen sigt at udelukke Frankrig fra denne ros.
I consider that the rule of the qualified majority will never in practice be applied to decisions by the Council of Ministers.
Man kan konstatere nogle positive elementer i den franske holdning.
It is inconceivable for a State to be placed in a minority position by the others.
Det må man ærligt erkende og tage ad notam.
Hodic mihi eras tibi, today, me, tomorrow you.
Et af disse positive elementer er efter min mening, at man har accepteret det ekstraordinære ministerrådsmøde for at finde midlerne tü at overvinde de nuværende vanskeligheder.
It should, however, be added that the rule of the qualified majority, provided under the Treaty cannot be removed.
Der er endnu et: Man har fra 1. januar gennemført de tarifnedsættelser, der er fastsat i traktaterne.
The rule must exist because it is there to dissuade any possibility of a veto being used to prevent certain rules being applied or to form obstacles to the unification process.
Det tredje element er beslutningen om at acceptere den fælles eksterne tarif, når tiden er inde.
This rule correctly exists as a warning that it is not possible to prevent progress by the use of a simple veto.
Jeg tror således, at vi kan give denne ros til alle regeringerne i FæUesskabets medlemslande, selv om vores betænkeligheder ikke af den grund forsvinder.
This is the main function of this rule.
De er der stadig trods det, vi har hørt i dag, og mere på grund af det, der ikke blev sagt, end det, der blev sagt.
It is a type of deterrent, a dissuasive force, which no-one intends to use, but which must be available to deter potential aggressors.
I den henseende er Pierre Werners tale meget udtryksfuld, trods hans store besindighed, som - jeg har forpligtet mig til at sige sandheden - jeg ikke ville tøve med at betegne som tübageholdenhed.
Above all, however, it would be outrageous to claim that this rule can be removed on the basis of what is called, incorrectly in my opinion, a gentleman's agreement. How?
Jeg undlader at tale om tidsplanen, som uden tvivl kun er resultatet af en mindre "bommert".
This would be unbelievable and intolerable.