natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Det skal imidlertid bemærkes, at de politiske interessemodsætninger ikke alene fordelte sig på en venstre- og højrefløj, men også mellem landområder, fiskeri områder og isolerede områder på den ene side og byerne på den anden side.
Fourth, the essential strength of the so cial democratic movement in the Nordic countries resided in its advocacy of and capacity for reform which gave genuine substance to the Scandinavian model in its national variants.
Med den aktuelle debat om internationalise ring og europæisering af de nordiske økonomiske systemer dukker denne interesse modsætning mellem by og land op igen med fornyet kraft.
In exchange for acquiescing to technological development, the rationalization of industry, mobility on the labour market and wage moderation with a view to contributing towards active economic growth and price stability, the reformist programme of the social democratic movement, the fruit of a so cial compromise between trade unions, employers and the state, was proposing full employment, income solidarity and the benefits of a welfare state.
"Historisk set blev de nordiske modeller i deres forskellige nationale varianter og følgelig også arbejdsmarkedsmodellen etableret på grundlag af et klasseforlig mellem arbejdsgivere og fagforeninger (...)"
"One must add (...) that political interests were (also) traditionally divided (...) between rural regions, coastal fishing regions and remote, isolated regions and the built-up, urban regions.
Til gengæld for accept af teknologisk udvikling, virksomhedsrationaliseringer, mobilitet på arbejds markedet og løntilbageholdenhed til fremme af aktiv vækst ogprisstabilitet, tog socialdemokratiets reformistiske projekt, der var resultatet af et socialt kompromis mellem fagforeninger, arbejdsgivere og stat, sigte på fuld beskæftigelse, løn solidaritet og velfærdsstatens sociale goder. der.
The situation in Finland was different again: un til World War II, management in Finland had been intimately linked with the par ties of the political right - in an economy dominated until 1950 by the forestry in dustry, it had been the employers in the wood pulp sector whose voice was strongest and who, in the 1930s, teamed up with governments of the political right to repress the trade unions.
Foruden den politiske dimension skal oprindelsen til de nordiske modeller og den sociale kontrakt, de bygger på, ses i lyset af, at der allerede ved århundredets
Apart from these political considerations, the origins of the Nordic models and the social contract underlying them can also be traced back to the existence, since the beginning of the 20th century, of centralized and powerful organizations of management and labour.
Det første landsforbund oprettedes i Sverige i 1898 (LO), i Norge i 1899 (LO), i Finland i 1907 (SAK) og i Island i 1916 (FTI).
The first trade union confederation appeared in Sweden in 1898 (LO), in Norway in 1899 (LO), in Finland in 1907 (SAK) and in Iceland in 1916 (FTI).
Truslen fra de stærke arbejdstager organisationer fik snart arbejdsgiverne til i lighed med fagforeningerne at organisere sig i centralorganisationer såvel i Sverige (oprettelse af SAF i 1902), Norge (NAF i 1900), Finland (STK i 1907), som i Island (FEI i 1934).
The menace of strong trade union movements induced employers to organize themselves at an early stage and on a centralized basis similar to that of the blue-collar unions set up in Sweden (SAF established in 1902), Norway (NAF established in 1900), Finland (STK established in 1907) and Iceland (FEI established in 1934).
I Finland fandt en egentlig centralisering af arbejdsgiverorganisationerne dog først sted i 1950'erne.
In Finland though, employers or ganizations did not become truly central ized until the 1950s.
Også i Finland er situationen for skellig fra de øvrige nordiske lande, idet arbejdsgiverne indtil den anden verdenskrig havde tætte forbindelser til højre partierne.
1) This article is based mainly on the conclusions of a more extensive com parative study on the Nordic countries which was funded by the Com mission of the European Communities. Les modèles nordiques à l'épreuve de l'Europe, La Documentation Française, Paris 1994, 147 p.
J Centraliseringen af fagforenings- og arbejdsgiverorganisationerne gjorde det muligt at udøve en høj grad af intern disciplin over for medlemmerne, hvilket var en organisatorisk forudsætning for den meget omtalte nordiske model, som man ønskede at udvikle. Central organisering var imidlertid på ingen måde ensbetydende
Second, in order to strengthen their positions into and through the 20th century, the social democratic movement in all these four Nordic countries had sought and secured valuable alliances with the so-called agrarian parties representing the interests of the farming and fishing com munities and forestry workers.
ERHVERVSUDDANNELSE NR. 4
VOCATIONAL TRAINING NO. 4
En forudsætning for at opretholde såvel den økonomiske lige vægt som lønsolidaritetspolitikken var centrale overenskomstforhandlinger.
If success was to be achieved in sustaining overall economic equilibrium and in policies of wage soli­darity, negotiation had to be centralized.
"Til gengæld for accept af teknologisk udvikling, virksombedsrationaliseringer, mobilitet pd ar bejdsmarkedet og løn tilbageholdenhed (...) tog socialdemokratiets reformistiske projekt (...) sigte pd fuld beskæftigelse, lønsolidaritet og velfærdsstatens sociale goder." med mangel på internt demokrati.
"Apart from (...) political considerations, the ori­gins of the Nordic models and the social contract underlying them can also be traced back to the existence, since the begin­ning of the 20th century, of centralized and power­ful organizations of management and labour. "
Et af de særtræk, man ofte glemmer, når man analyserer de nordiske fagforeningsbevægelsers historie, beror netop på deres evne til med relativ succes at forene centralisering og decentralisering i den interne beslutningsproces.
On the contrary, one of the characteristic features often forgotten in analyses of the Nordic trade union movements has been their relative success in associating struc­tural centralization with decentralization in internal decision­making.
Det interne demokrati i fagforeningsapparaterne udøves ganske vist forskelligt i de enkelte lande.
The internal democracy within the trade union struc­tures is exercised differently from one country to another.
Hvis man skulle gruppere fagforeningsbevægelserne efter centraliseringsgrad ved f.eks. at un dersøge den interne procedure for god kendelse af de kollektive aftaleresultater, ville Sverige komme på førstepladsen, ef terfulgt af Norge og dernæst Finland og Island.
If one were to classify the trade union movements by their de­gree of centralization, for example by ex­amining the procedures for obtaining in­ternal endorsement of collective bargain­ing activities, Sweden would hold the lead­ing position followed by Norway, Finland and Iceland.
Nogle forskere mener, at denne større grad af internt fagforeningsdemokrati i Norge, Finland og Island, hvor synspunkternes mangfoldighed kommer til udtryk, også forklarer, at staten i disse lande hyppigere griber ind i de kollektive forhandlinger for at få indgået overenskomster og forsone de forskellige interesser gennem forlig eller tvungen voldgift.
Some authors have main­tained that the more democratic internal functioning of the trade unions in Norway, Finland and Iceland which has allowed a multitude of viewpoints to be expressed also explains the more frequent need in these countries for the state to intervene in collective bargaining activities to arrive at compromise on central issues and rec­oncile divergent interests by means of me­diation or indeed obligatory arbitration.
"Foruden den politiske dimension skal oprindelsen til de nordiske model ler og den sociale kon trakt, de bygger pd, ses i lyset af, at der allerede ved århundredets begyndelsefandtes stærke, centrale fagforenings- og arbejdsgiver organisationer. "
"(...) one of the character­istic features often forgot­ten in analyses of the Nordic trade union move­ments has been their relative success in associ­ating structural centrali­zation with decentraliza­tion in internal decision­making. "
Generelt er fagforeningernes centraliseringsgrad forblevet meget høj, for så vidt angår genforhandling af de såkaldte "rammeaftaler", der fastsætter de arbejds markedsmæssige spilleregler på en lang række områder, indflydelse på regeringen på det politisk-økonomiske og lovgivningsmæssige område samt i de offentlige og halvoffentlige instanser af trestrenget eller tostrenget karakter.
In a general way, trade union centraliza­tion has remained very pronounced, as is evidenced by the renegotiation of the so­called basic agreements which lay down the rules of the social game on a large number of issues, and also by the power exerted both on government in the field of economic policy and legislation and within public or semi­public bodies with a tripartite or bipartite composition.
"Et af de særtræk, man ofte glemmer, når man analyserer de nordiske fagforeningsbevægelsers historie, beror (...) pd deres evne til med relativ succes at forene centralisering og decentralisering i den interne beslutningsproces." proces."
The "(..) high levels of unionization are unique worldwide: currently over 85% in Iceland, 85% in Finland, 81 % in Sweden, and 57% in Norway."
Hvori bestod de specifikt nordiske mål for lønsolidaritetspolitikken? Der var fire typer målsætninger: a) det drejede sig først og fremmest om at udvikle en lønstruktur, der ikke var baseret på de forskellige erhvervssektorers eller virksomheders økonomiske formåen, men på arten af det udførte arbejde og de arbejdsmæssige krav, med henblik på at mindske løn forskellene mellem erhvervssektorer med henholdsvis høj og lav profitrate, mellem rentable og mindre rentable virksomheder, mellem faglærte og ufaglærte job (sidstnævnte mål dukkede op lidt senere med politikken til fordel for lavtlønnede); b) gennem fastsættelse af centrale gennemsnitslønnormer skulle solidaritetspolitikken bidrage til lønmoderation, der gjorde det muligt at holde lønkravene nede i de rentable og dynamiske eksportsektorer, der er underlagt den internationale konkurrences betingelser; disse sektorer vejede ofte tungt i de omhandlede landes økonomier; c) fastsættelsen af en tværfaglig gennemsnitsløn skulle bidrage til at få nedlagt ineffektive virksomheder, der ikke kunne afholde disse udgifter, og tilskynde virksomhederne til hurtigst muligt at rationalisere produktion og administration; d) lønsolidaritetspolitikken skulle endvidere fremme arbejdsmarkedsmobiliteten: i et system, hvor der kun er små lønforskelle mellem de forskellige sektorer og virksomheder, er tabet af er hvervede fordele mindre for en lønmodtager, der skifter virksomhed, og geografisk og sektoriel mobilitet var netop en af hjørnestenene i politikken til fremme af fuld beskæftigelse.
What were the specifically Nordic objec­tives of the policy of wage solidarity' Four types of reason motivated this policy: a) first, to develop a wage structure based not on the economic performance of in­dividual sectors or companies but on the nature and demands of the work per­formed with a view to narrowing wage differentials between high­profit and low­profit industries, between highly profit­able and less profitable companies, be­tween skilled and unskilled jobs (this lat­ter objective was added somewhat later in connection with policies to support low­wage groups); b) by calling for the fixing of mean standards, the policy of solidarity was to be a factor of wage mod­eration helping to "contain" wage de­mands in the dynamic, profitable, export­oriented sectors which were exposed to the vicissitudes of international competi­tion, sectors which in some cases ac­counted for an important part of the na­tional economy; c) the mean standard fixed at inter­industry level was to con­tribute towards eliminating inefficient companies which were unable to with­stand the associated financial burden and thereby to encourage companies to ration­alize production and management at an early point in time; d) the policy was also to facilitate workforce mobility­ with a wage system allowing for only slight wage differentials between industries and com­panies, the advantages lost by a change of job would be minimal; it should be noted that geographical and sectoral mo­
J De nordiske fagforbund er stærke på grund af den meget høje organiseringsgrad, som til stadighed stiger. Den høje organiseringsgrad er enestående i verden: p.t. 85% i Island, 85% i Finland, 81% i Sverige, 57% i Norge.
□ The Nordic trade union confederations are powerful by virtue of their very high and constantly increasing membership rates.
I modsætning til de øvrige europæiske lande er der ikke sket en nævneværdig nedgang i fagforeninger nes medlemstal i Skandinavien i de sid ste femten år.
In contrast to else­where in Europe, there has been no real crisis in Scandinavian trade union mem­bership over the past 15 years.
* privat sektor, offentlig sektor) og det landsdækkende tværfaglige niveau.
Collective bargaining in fact takes place at four levels: company level, industry level, inter-industry level by sector (for example private sector, public sector), and inter-industry level nationwide.
De nordiske modellers særtræk beror på vil­jen til at dæmpe kravene i forbindelse med lønforhandlingerne på de underliggende niveauer gennem centrale tværfaglige for­handlinger, der på et veldefineret grund­lag fastsætter den globale lønstignings­ramme.
The specificity of the Nordic models resides in a desire to check, to restrain any wage negotiation which might take place at lower levels by providing for centralized, inter-industry negotiation which firmly establishes an overall framework for wage increases.
"De nordiske modellers særtræk beror pd viljen til at dæmpe kravene i forbindelse med løn­forhandlingerne pd de underliggende niveauer gennem centrale tværfag­lige forhandlinger, derpå et veldefineret grundlag fastsætter den globale lønstignings ramme. " stærkest, er statsindgreb især forekommet i 1980'erne som følge af en opsplitning af lønmodtagerinteresserne og for at imø­degå det stigende pres fra arbejdsgiver­side for en decentralisering af forhand­lingerne.
the traditionally more interventionist role of the state in economic, industrial and social affairs was the scale and importance of foreign investment during the industrialization era, particularly in the export sectors (shipping, forestry, semi-manufactures, chemicals). It is Norway and Finland that have most often and repeatedly adopted genuinely proactive income policies.
De svenske arbejdsgivere havde vurderet, at den legalistiske bølge i 1970'erne som følge af fagforeningernes overvældende indflydelse på den social­demokratiske regering, markerede afslut­ningen på arbejdsmarkedsparternes auto­nomi, og som følge heraf begyndte de at ændre strategi.
In Sweden, where the social partners' autonomy in regulating economic affairs has proved to be greater, government in terference was strongest in the 1980s when the interests of the workforce fragmented and efforts were made to counteract in creasing pressure from employers to de centralize the negotiation process.
Medens det centrale kollektive forhand­lingssystem fungerede relativ godt i 1960'erne og 1970'erne, har det til gen­gæld været ude i stærk modvind i de to efterfølgende tiår (1980'erne og 1990'erne), hvor der fra mange sider er udtrykt ønske om decentralisering.
Although this centralized system of collec tive bargaining functioned relatively well in the 1960s and 1970s, the subsequent two decades brought numerous system modifications in response to a range of different pressures for decentralization.
"Medens det centrale kollektive forhandlings­system fungerede relativ godt i 1960erne og 1970'erne, bar det til gengæld været ude i stærk modvind i de to efterføl­gende tiår (1980'erne og 1990'eme), hvor derfra mange sider er udtrykt ønske om decentralise­ring."
Nordic countries are characterized simultaneously by extensive social partner autonomy and very strong state intervention.
Det kan konstateres, at såvel de oprindelige økonomiske forhold som den industrielle udviklingstakt har været yderst forskellige.
One must note that the economic conditions of the time and the pace of industrial development differed very much from country to country.
Medens Sverige meget tidligt var karakteriseret ved en åben, eksportorienteret økonomi, der for at bevare konkurrenceevnen opererede med en model baseret på løntilbage­holdenhed, arbejdskraftmobilitet og ac­cept af den teknologiske udvikling, var situationen en anden i de tre andre lande. I Norge, Finland og Island er det sna­rere de beskyttede økonomier, som har fremmet etableringen af nationale kom­promiser.
Whereas Sweden had an open economy very early on, an economy aiming for export business which, in order to remain competitive, had a vision of a model based on wage moderation, workforce mobility and accept ance of technological progress, the con text was different in the other three Nor dic countries.
I de fleste tilfælde har arbejdsmarkedspar­terne organiseret sig i en autonom struk­tur netop for at undgå statsindgreb.
Conventionally, social partners arrange for autonomy specifically to avoid state in terference.
Men statsindgreb i lønforhandlingerne fore­kommer hyppigt i alle fire lande, gene­relt med det formål at gøre stramme løn­politikker acceptable gennem modydelser i form af sociale overførsler, skatte­politiske foranstaltninger, boligpolitiske tiltag, priskontrol, beskæftigelsesfrem­mende politikker osv. Det politiske og økonomiske sigte med de stramme løn­politikker er at bevare den fulde beskæf­tigelse og forbedre erhvervslivets konkur­renceevne.
However, state interference in the system of wage negotiation has proved to be relatively pronounced in the four Nordic countries, its aim generally being to make wage austerity policies accept able within the framework of a broader political trade-off over which the state alone has control (in exchange for social transfers, a modified fiscal policy, a better housing policy, a guarantee of con trolled prices, policies to promote employment, etc.). The political and economic foundation of these austerity policies was the twofold concern to safeguard both full employment and the competitiveness of the national economy.
En historisk analyse af arbejdsmarkeds­forholdene i de fire lande frem til 1970'erne viser, at Sverige og Norge har mange fælles træk, medens udviklingen i Finland og Island har været specifik.
A glance at the history of the establishment and functioning of the industrial relations system of each of the four Nor dic countries up to the 1970s would suggest that Sweden and Norway can be seen as similar but that Finland and Iceland are somewhat different cases.
I årenes løb er udviklingen imidlertid gået i retning af større konvergens mellem de fire lande.
But over the years the four systems have shown an increasing degree of convergence.
Statsindgreb har efter alt at dømme været hyppigst i de lande, hvor fagforeningerne er mindre enhedsprægede, som i Norge ­ hvor funktionærernes fagforeninger er mere opsplittede og den faglige organi­seringsgrad lavere ­ eller i Finland, hvor fagforeningsbevægelsen i højere grad har været opdelt efter politiske kriterier.
It follows that state intervention has been more frequent in the countries with less unitarian trade union movements, for example Norway, where the white-collar trade unions are more fragmented and unionization rates lower, or indeed Finland, where the trade union movement is more divided along political lines.
Situationen i Finland er specifik som følge af en sen industrialiseringsproces, en situation præget af klassekamp indtil efter den anden verdenskrig, splittede arbejdstagerorganisationer, mere kom­plekse politiske forhold og et splittet so­cialdemokrati, senere organisering af arbejdsgiversiden og ligeledes en senere indførelse af kollektive overenskomstfor­handlinger. Finlands særlige situation skyldtes primært klassekampsrelaterede og politiske forhold.
Finland is a specific case because it was late to industrialize, its class struggle per sisted into the post-war period, its political situation was more complex, its so cial democratic party was disunited, its
EUROPEISH TIDSSHRIFT eksportindustrier inden for metal og tekstil.
-* * employers were tardy in becoming organized and it lagged behind in establishing collective bargaining practices.
Norge, Finland og Island er således yderst følsomme overfor udviklingen på råstofmarkedet og udsvingene i fiskeri sektoren.
It was essentially the factors associated with the class struggle and the political situation which explain why Finland was a specific case.
Siden midten af 1960'erne er den offentlige sektor i øvrigt vokset støt i de fire lande, navnlig i Sverige og Norge og i mindre grad i Finland og Island.
Nonetheless, since the post-war period Finland's system has progressively moved closer into line with the Swedish and Norwegian systems because of a change in employer attitudes in favour of a centralized negotiation system, the reunification of the trade union movement since 1969 and a relaxation of tensions within the political left.
"En historisk analyse af arbejdsmarkedsforholdene i de fire lande frem til 1970'erne viser, at Sverige og Norge bar mange fælles træk, med ens udviklingen i Finland og Island bar været specifik.
The Nordic countries can in fact be characterized as having open, export-oriented economies in which raw materials (oil, gas in Norway), the forestry sector (Finland) and fishing (Iceland) continue to play a crucial role; Sweden is a contrast in this respect because of the greater im portance of its manufacturing industry for finished goods.
I drenes løb er udviklingen imidlertid gået i retning af større konvergens mellem de fire lande."
Moreover, since the mid1960s the public sector has continued to expand, especially in Sweden and Norway but also, at a slower pace, in Finland and Iceland.
Også i Island var arbejdsmarkeds forholdene i starten karakteriseret ved et mindre indflydelsesrigt socialdemokrati og en mindre udviklet velfærdsstat og navn lig ved mere uformelle arbejdsmarkeds relationer som følge af virksomhedernes ringe størrelse.
Turning to Iceland, its system of industrial relations likewise initially reflected a weak social democratic movement and a less developed welfare state but the main factor of influence here was the existence of rather informal industrial relations owing to the small size of Finnish com panies.
Men også for Islands ved kommende er der sket en gradvis tilnærmelse til de øvrige nordiske lande; denne tilnærmelsesproces kulminerede i de meget omtalte nationale sociale pagter fra 1989 og 1990, hvorved det for første gang lykkedes at stabilisere en økonomi, der på grund af fiskerisektorens iboende karakter pr. definition er ustabil.
But Iceland, too, has moved closer into line with the other Nordic countries; the finishing line in this alignment pro cess was reached in 1989 and 1990 with the signing of the famous national social agreements which, for the first time, succeeded in stabilizing an economy which is inherently unstable because of the un stable nature of the fishing industry.
Alle fire lande har i slutningen af 1980'erne og begyndelsen af 1990'erne oplevet en alvorlig recessionsperiode.
At the end of the 1980s and beginning of the 1990s, each of the four Nordic countries underwent a period of severe recession.
Den mest alarmerende faktor i forbindelse med den pågående internationalisering af de nordiske økonomier er de hidtil højeste arbejdsløshedsprocenter, 19,9% i Finland, 10,4% i Sverige, 5,6% i Norge (1994: Nor disk Råds statistik).
The most alarming factor in this new phase in the internationalization of the Nordic economies is the unprecedented increase in their unemployment rates·. 19.9% in Finland, 10.4% in Sweden, 5.6% in Norway (1994, statistics of the Nordic Council).