natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
De indledes med kvalitative interviews af tilfældigt udvalgte i den pågældende region, kræver i 2. fase fortolkning og løsningsforslag fra de relevante grupper og munder til slut ud i en "Planungszelle" (P.C. Dienel), hvor tilfældigt udvalgte borgere udarbejder løsningsforslag ("Bürgergutachten").
The relevant groups then consider the issues at hand and put forward possible solutions. The final stage is the setting up of a 'planning cell' (P.C. Dienel) in which a randomly selected group of citizens work out proposed solutions ('popular examination').
Denne metode anvendtes med succes efter fremmedfjendtlige voldshandlinger i Buxtehude i Niedersachsen for at udvikle hensigtsmæssige foranstaltninger og forbedre det sociale klima i den lille by.
This method was used to good effect, for example, in Buxtehude in Lower Saxony following outbursts of xenophobic violence. It helped ensure that appropriate action was taken and also improved social harmony in this small town.
De enkelte former for medindflydelse har forskellige fordele, men også mangler (Eissel 1997).
The various participatory schemes have different specific advantages, but also blind spots (Eissel 1997).
De politiske ansvarlige har desuden ikke tilstrækkelige offentlige finansielle midler til at udbrede dem og anvende dem systematisk.
Paucity of public funds also means they are less widespread and not used by policy movers as systematically as might be hoped.
Langfristede og målrettede planer som den Lokale Agenda 21 kunne give anledning til en videreudvikling af mulighederne for medindflydelse.
Longer-term, systematic participatory projects such as Local Agenda 21 could prove the catalyst for further development.
Det politiske liv blev domineret af en vestlig demokratiopfattelse.
The western idea of democracy prevailed in political life.
Elementer af direkte demokrati blev derfor indført i de nye delstatsog kommunalforfatninger.
That said, elements of direct democracy did find their way into the newly drafted Lander and localauthority constitutions.
Men den østtyske befolknings hverdag bestemmes af andre erfaringer.
For the people living in eastern Germany, however, the experience of everyday life is somewhat different.
Den stadig ekstremt høje østtyske arbejdsløshed, i gennemsnit over 15%, truer mange steder med at slå over i politisk ligegyldighed eller protestbevægelser (som f.eks. ved delstatsvalget i april 1998 i Sachsen-Anhalt, hvor det højre radikale parti Deutsche Volksunion DVU fik over 13% af stemmerne).
In many places in eastern Germany the persistence of extremely high unemployment—with an average of over 15 per cent—is threatening to turn into political apathy or protest voting (as witnessed at the April 1998 election to the Saxony-Anhalt Land parliament in which the extreme right-wing Deutsche Volksunion (DVU, German People's Union) secured over 13 per cent of the vote).
Alligevel er det åbenbart stadig de ansvarlige på kommunalt og regionalt plan, der nyder den største politiske anseelse (Benzler, Bullmann og Eissel 1995; Wollmann 1997).
Nonetheless, it is evidently still local and regional decisionmakers who are most likely to enjoy political standing.
Det politiske flemiveausystem i den tyske føderalisme er præget af stor inerti og reagerer langsommere på nye impulser end centralistiske statsformer.
As it is, the multilevel political system of German federalism tends to be marked by inertia and is slower to react to new stimuli than centralized forms of government.
Dets styrke ligger i udligningen af forskelle og i en forsigtig, men mangeartet afprøvning af "best practices", som betinges af delstatemes indbyrdes konkurrence.
Its strengths lie in the fact that it balances out disparities; makes it possible, by exploiting the pattern of rivalry among the federal Länder, to test out best practices in a multifaceted, if cautious way.
Men der er fare for, at reformer, der er påtrængende nødvendige på nationalt plan, som f.eks. ændring af det finansielle system og nødvendige foranstaltninger til afbureaukratisering eller frigørelse af innovativt potentiale i samfundets basis, trækker i langdrag.
On the other hand, however, current arrangements mean that urgent nationwide reforms, such as reform of the finance system and the action needed to loosen red tape or to tap into grassroots potential for innovation, are more likely to encounter delay.
Det er usikkert, hvorledes befolkningen i delstaterne og kommunerne vil bruge de nye muligheder for direkte demokrati.
It remains to be seen how people in the Lander and local authorities deal with the new possibilities for direct democracy.
Netop i de sydtyske delstater er befolkningens accept af og interesse for de nye demokratiske udtryksformer mærkbar, uden at de etablerede mekanismer for politisk meningsdannelse i partier og forvaltninger dog har ændret sig varigt.
In southern Germany in particular, there is palpable acceptance of, and interest in, new forms of democratic expression, without, as yet any lasting change in the established mechanisms of raising public opinion on politics in terms of parties and administration.
De "præsidentielle" direkte valg til de ledende positioner i kommunerne er nu udbredt til hele Tyskland, men det er ikke helt overskueligt, hvilke virkninger de vil få.
Equally unclear is the impact of the direct, presidential-style election of those holding top positions in local government; a practice which has now spread across Germany.
Den nye mulighed for direkte valg ledsages i store byer af et skræmmende fald i valgdeltagelsen.
The new opportunity for direct elections has, in larger towns and cities especially, been accompanied by an alarming decline in turnout.
I denne sammenhæng er det også et spørgsmål, om direkte valg og en sammensætning af lokale parlamenter efter valgprocedurer, der i højere grad går på personer og dermed svækker de politiske partier, virkelig fører til en styrket medindflydelse.
It is also debatable whether direct elections and the formation of local parliaments on the basis of a more personalised election process—thereby weakening the position of political
82 overtager på disse områder stadig hyppigere rollen som konceptudviklere og initiativtagere, der styrer aktiviteterne i såvel en lang række virksomheder som bevægelser og institutioner i samfundet.
parties—really makes for enhanced public influence on decisionmaking. Such a development might also be a populist sign of an increasingly symbolic way of tackling now overly complex issues, replacing debate on political alternatives by differing elements of style.
Tyske delstaters og kommuners entydige styrke, også i sammenligning med forvaltningsenheder i andre europæiske stater, ligger i deres dominerende position i de decentrale politiske netværk.
Over the past few decades, decentralized levels of government in the Federal Republic have successfully launched reforms mainly on the basis of innovations in subnational politics—the result of (i) clearly defined party political rivalry, (ii) pressure from popular initiatives and new movements, and (iii) impetus from committed experts.
Også i Tyskland sker der privatiseringer og udflytning af offentlige opgaver til nye agenturer.
Over the past fifteen years, for example, new forms of economieand employment policy have been tried out at decentralized level; environmentally sound approaches to energy and waste policy have also been promoted.
Denne proces rummer helt sikkert risikoen for alvorlige tab i den offentlige funktion.
Compared with territorial units in other European countries, the clear strength of the German Länder and local authorities is their dominant position in the decentralized political network.
Men kommunerne råder over betydelige strategiske ressourcer til påvirkning af de lokale aktører, således at en omorganisering af kommunale tjenesteydelser dog ikke altid eller nødvendigvis resulterer i tab af offentlig kontrol eller indflydelse.
Although in Germany too, some public services are being privatized and outsourced as newly created agencies, this does not always, or necessarily, involve a loss of public control or influence.
Mere fleksible organisationsformer kan omvendt også bidrage til, at der udvikles handlingsorganer, der er bedre tilpasset problemerne.
On the contrary, more flexible forms of organization can help create machinery more able to respond to difficulties.
De tyske kommuner og regioner er med deres institutionelle forudsætninger ikke dårligt rustede til de fremtidige opgaver i et udvidet politisk system med flere niveauer.
The German local authorities and regions are well placed to tackle the tasks ahead in an expanded multilevel political system with their existing institutional framework.
De afgørende udfordringer i et integreret Europa har de dog stadig til gode.
However, the critical challenges they face in a Europe that is growing ever closer together are still to come.
I det givne spændingsforhold mellem konkurrence og samarbejde mellem de europæiske regioner må de i stigende grad organisere grænseoverskridende institutionel læren.
In their current, strained relationship of competition and cooperation, Europe's regions must increasingly work at crossborder, interinstitutional learning.
Det vil kræve yderligere eksperimenter med effektive former for medindflydelse indadtil, hvis man vil udnytte hele det innovative potentiale produktivt.
This will require further trials with effective forms of participation in internal affairs if the potential for innovation is to be tapped fully and productively.
En afgørende betingelse herfor er sociale og økonomiske garantier for en demokratisk medindflydelseskultur.
A prerequisite is the firm establishment both within society and in the economy of a culture of democratic participation.
DEN DEMOKRATISKE UDVIKLING OG DEMOKRATIOPFATTELSEN
HISTORY AND CONCEPT OF DEMOCRACY IN GREECE
Grækenland blev sammen med resten af Balkanhalvøen en del af Det Osmanniske Rige i det 15. århundrede.
Greece became part of the Ottoman Empire, along with the rest of the Balkan peninsula, in the fifteenth century.
Grækerne levede ligesom de andre balkanfolk under tyrkisk overherredømme i ca. 400 år.
Like the other Balkan peoples, the Greeks lived under Turkish rule for some four centuries.
Grækerne var det første balkanfolk, der opnåede delvis frihed fra det tyrkiske overherredømme med Londonprotokollen af 7. maj 1832, efter at de havde gjort oprør i 1821. Protokollen anerkendte en ny, uafhængig græsk stat, der dog kun omfattede en del af det nuværende Grækenland.
The Greeks were the first of all the Balkan peoples to win partial liberation, with the London Protocol of 7 May 1832, which recognized the independence of a new Greek state, though only for one part of Greece, after the uprising that started in 1821 against the Turkish occupation.
Under den første balkankrig i 1912 blev Thessalien, Kreta, Makedonien, Epiros, Thrakien, øerne i det østlige Ægæerhav og Dodekaneseme befriet. I den nye uafhængige græske stat indførtes' et centralt styre, der på lokalt plan var delt op i 10 præfekturer, 42 provinser og 457 kommuner.
With the first Balkan War in 1912, Thessaly, Crete, Macedonia, Epirus, Thrace, the islands of the eastern Aegean and finally the Dodecanese were liberated.
Den nye græske stat var centralistisk bygget op: vigtige beslutninger blev truffet centralt, og statsorganerne, der havde ansvaret for lokalforvaltningen, fik som regel direkte instruks fra centralregeringen.
The new Greek state had a centralized system of government, which meant that important decisions were taken at the centre and that State bodies were responsible for local administration, generally following the instructions of central government.
Ved uafhængigheden omfattede Grækenlands areal kun ca. 36% af det nuværende Grækenland.
On independence, the Greek state's surface area consisted of only 36 per cent of the present Greek territory.
Resten er blevet føjet til lidt efter lidt - sidste gang i 1947. De territoriale udvidelser bragte sommetider Grækenland i konflikt med nabolandene, f.eks. med Tyrkiet, som gjorde krav på De Ægæiske Øer og Dodekaneseme.
The remainder was added in a piecemeal way, the most recent addition took place in 1947.
Disse forhold fremmede også en stærk statsmagt, som ikke desto mindre har været kendetegnet af institutionel og organisatorisk skrøbelighed.
It has also acted as a catalyst for a strong governmental authority which, nevertheless, has been hallmarked by institutional and organisational fragility.
Dette styrkede på sin side klient-patron-relationeme mellem de forskellige dele af statsapparatet.
This has in turn led to intensified clientelistic relations between different levels of government.
Det betød også, at der ikke udviklede sig et stærkt civilsamfund, men snarere et samfund, der var domineret af de politiske partier.
It also meant that a strong civil society did not develop, but rather one that has been dominated by the political parties.
Samtidig rettede man blikket mod det glorværdige antikke Grækenland med særlig vægt på de ting, der adskilte Grækenland fra resten af Europa (undertiden omtalt som "græcisering") (Wenturis 1997).
It has also tended to look back to the glorious past of the Hellenic period stressing what made Greece different from the rest of Europe (sometimes called 'Hellenism' or 'Grecianism') (Wenturis, 1997).
Den græske stat overtog i 1833 det centralistiske franske statssystem med magten placeret centralt og kontrol med det omgivende territorium igennem et præfektoralt system, som tidens nationalister anså for den perfekte form for statsorganisation.
The 1833 state adopted the French system of centralized state with power vested in the centre and control exercised over the periphery by a prefectoral system that was thought by nationalists of that period to be the last word in state organization.
Det græske politiske system har således været præget af magtkoncentration.
Thus, the Greek political system has been marked by the concentration of power at the centre.
85 afstand mellem regeringen og parlamentet og mellem stat og samfund, hvor de centrale statsorganer førte nøje kontrol med alle andre forvaltningsniveauer og politiske niveauer.
Thus a distance developed between government and parliament and between the state and society, with the central organs of the state exercising a tight control over all other levels of administration and politics.
Det politiske system i Grækenland i det 19. og 20. århundrede er blevet kaldt "oligarkisk parlamentarisme" (Mouzelis 1995).
The Greek political system of the nineteenth and early twentieth century has been called 'oligarchic parliamentarism' (Mouzelis 1995).
Nogle få fremtrædende familier kontrollerede parlamentet og dominerede de politiske partier i denne periode.
A small number of families of notables controlled the parliament and dominated the political parties during this period.
Stormændene havde deres magtbaser i hvert deres område og praktiserede et "decentralt klientela­system" (Ibidem).
The notables had their power bases in specific areas and operated a system of 'decentralized clientelism' (ibid.).
Da Eleuthérios Venizelos' liberale parti kom til magten ved et militærkup i 1909, måtte de traditionelle stormænd slippe deres greb om det politiske system, og det lettede fremkomsten af centralistiske politiske partier.
However, after the military coup in 1909, the Liberal Party of Eleuthérios Venizelos rose to power, and this broke the grip of the traditional notables over the political system and facilitated the emergence of centralized political parties.
Partierne videreførte traditionen med individuelle patron­klient forhold helt op til juntatiden 1967­1974 (ibidem).
Nevertheless, these parties continued to have a particularistic/clientelistic character right up to the 1967-74 military dictatorship (ibid.).
Borgerkrigen mellem kommunister og ikke­kommunister i 1946­49 efterlod bitre følelser og forstærkede den regerende konservative elites mistænkelighed over for enhver form for afvigende meninger.
The Civil War (1946-49) fought between Communists and anti-Communists left bitter memories and accentuated the suspicion of the conservative ruling elites of any form of dissent.
Først da militærjuntaen faldt i 1974 begyndte udviklingen at gå i retning af et demokratisk system med skiftende venstre­ og højreregeringer.
It was only in 1974, after the fall of the colonels' dictatorship that there was some movement toward a democratic system marked by a left/right alternance in government.
Ifølge Paparrigopoulos kan man tale om en ubrudt tradition for lokalt selvstyre i Grækenland. Middelalderens lokalsamfund var således kun en variant af antikkens selvstændige bystater tilpasset en ny situation.
According to Paparrigopoulos, the tradition of local self-government has continued uninterrupted in Greece, and the communities of the Middle Ages were just a variation on the ancient autonomous city-states adapted to the new situation in which Greece found itself.
Alle besættelsesmagter accepterede græsk selvstyre i store dele af Grækenland, enten fordi de ikke havde andet valg, eller fordi de derved kunne spare på de administrative omkostninger og udnytte deres undersåtter mest effektivt.
All the occupying powers accepted Greek self-government in many parts of the country, either because they had no choice or in order to reduce administrative costs and more effectively exploit their subjects.
Lokalsamfundet blev således en lille etnisk lomme, hvor undersåtterne kunne færdes og handle frit, hjælpe hinanden, vise solidaritet, opretholde etniske traditioner og lokalstyre og bidrage til den fælles frihedskamp frem til den store nationale opstand mod den tyrkiske besættelsesmagt i 1821.
The community thus became a small ethnic pocket in which the subject peoples moved and acted freely, helping each other, showing solidarity, maintaining ethnic traditions and self-government and joining forces in the concerted fight for freedom until the great national uprising against the occupying power was launched in 1821.
Med en lov af 27. december 1833 oprettedes kommuner i stedet for de hidtidige lokale administrative enheder i hele landet.
Under a law of 27 December 1933, municipalities were established throughout the country, replacing the communities, and with a wider administrative area.
Kommunerne var større end de hidtidige enheder.
In 1834 a total of
86 parlamentariske styre.
457 municipalities, of which there were three types, were set up under the abovementioned law.
Dette var ensbetydende med en svækkelse af de lokale magtfigurer, dvs. borgmestrene.
This council elected three candidates, one of whom was appointed mayor by the King or the prefect, depending on the type of municipality.
Opdelingen i by- og landkommuner blev formelt indført i 1912. Begrundelsen for opdelingen var, at der var forskel på, hvordan man forvaltede i by og på land.
The division into municipalities and communities was formalized in 1912, based on the fact that the administration of rural and municipal areas was organized differently.
De kommunale myndigheder har det meste af tiden været folkevalgte.
The municipal and community authorities are elected by the people.
En undtagelse var perioden fra 1936 (hvor der indførtes militærdiktatur) til 1949 (under Anden Verdenskrig og den græske borgerkrig); mere præcist blev de kommunale myndigheder ikke valgt på normal vis fra den 11. februar 1934 til den 15. april 1951.1 denne periode blev de kommunale myndigheder udpeget af den siddende regering.
The only exceptions were the period from the establishment of dictatorship in 1936, through the Second World War (1940-4) and the civil war (1945-9); thus municipal and community authorities were elected normally on 11 February 1934 and not again until 15 April 1951. Throughout this time, municipalities and communities were run by authorities appointed by the government in power at the time.
En anden undtagelse var juntatiden fra 1967-1974, hvor folkevalgte kommunale myndigheder blev skiftet ud med regeringsrepræsentanter.
Another exception was the junta period from 1967 to 1974, when the elected municipal and community authorities were replaced by government appointees.
Det sidste valg før militærstyret blev afholdt den 5. juli 1964, og det første valg efter juntaens fald den 30. marts 1975.
The last elections before the dictatorship were held on 5 July 1964, and the first elections after the fall of the junta took place on 30 March 1975.
Siden er de kommunale myndigheder blevet valgt direkte af lokalbefolkningen hvert fjerde år ved almindelige, direkte valg med hemmelig afstemning.
Since then, municipal and community authorities have been directly elected every four years by the local population on the basis of a secret ballot and universal suffrage.
Efter grundlæggelsen af den græske stat har præfekturet været en lokal administrativ enhed i hele landet.
Since the foundation of the Greek state, the prefecture has been a tier of local government covering the whole country.
Indtil 1994 blev præfekturerne styret af en præfekt udnævnt af statsforvaltningen.
Until 1994, prefectures were governed by a prefect appointed by central government.
En anden teori, som man støder på i græske historikeres og samfundsforskeres værker, er, at det græske lokalstyre har sin oprindelse i det administrative system, som fandtes i Det Osmanniske Rige.
Another interpretation found in the literature written by Greek historians and social scientists sees Greek local government as having its origins in the administrative system that existed during the Ottoman Empire.
Efter denne opfattelse har lokalstyret været domineret af lokale stormænd og fungeret via patron-klient forhold, men under centralmagtens kontrol.
According to this view, it has been under the control of local magnates and operated in a clientelistic manner, but controlled by the centre.
Højreregeringerne efter borgerkrigen betragtede det lokale styre med mistænksomhed, eftersom det blev en højborg for den tabende part i borgerkrigen: dvs. de venstreorienterede, især kommunisterne.
The right-wing governments that ruled Greece after the Civil War regarded local government with suspicion, as this became a stronghold of the left, especially of the Communists who were on the losing side of the war.
Under juntaen (1967-74) afskaffede obersterne de folkevalgte borgmestre og lod i stedet borgmestrene udpege af regeringen.
During the military dictatorship (1967-74) the colonels abolished the post of elected mayor and replaced it with government appointees.
De folkevalgte borgmester vendte tilbage med demokratiets genindførelse.
The post of elected mayor was restored with the transition to democracy.
Det hæmmer lokalstyrets demokratiske dimension, at mange er optaget på valglister i kommuner, hvor de ikke længere bor (mange er flyttet ind til de store byer).
Another factor limiting the democratic character of local government is that many of those registered on the electoral rolls of the municipalities live elsewhere in the large
87 regionalisme som politisk bevægelse næsten ikke eksisterer12
The intermediate tier of government in Greece is the prefecture.
- end ikke på øerne.
This is true even of large islands such as Crete.
Det er først de senere år, at man har kunnet se tendenser i retning af en regionalisering under påvirkning fra Europa, selv om dette snarere har pragmatiske årsager end skyldes et ønske om et mere demokratisk styre.
Only in recent years, has there been some moves towards régionalisation as a result of Europeanisation, although this has occurred primarily for pragmatic reasons rather than out of concern for improved democratic governance.
Grækenland er et parlamentarisk demokrati med en præsident som statsoverhoved. Rygraden i dette system er folkestyret. Alle beføjelser udspringer af folket, tjener folkets og statens interesser og udøves som beskrevet i den græske forfatning.
Greece is a parliamentary democracy with a president as head of state.
Styreformen er beskrevet i artikel 1 i forfatningen af 1975, som revideret i 1986.
This is the system of government set out in Article 1 of the 1975 Constitution, as revised in 1986.
Den lovgivende magt ligger hos parlamentet og præsidenten.
The parliament and president of Greece form the legislature.