natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
unges — uddannelsesproces, men van skelighederne ved at formalisere denne uddannelseskomponent kan ikke skjule hverken dens eksistens eller betydning.
I regret that I have not found a more felicitous label for this aspect of the education of many young people (and those of us who are no longer so young), but the difficulty of formalizing it cannot conceal its existence and importance.
Som eksempel kan vi reflektere over, hvilken rolle sådanne erfaringer har spillet og fortsat spiller i sociale og politiske lederes og virksomhedslederes uddannelse i det mo derne Spanien, og ganske givet også i alle andre EF-lande.
Their results tell us that this factor is becoming a new type of 'diffuse training' (Segantini, T. and Colombo, F., 1986) with a growing presence in the real training processes of many young people and the continuing training of the population as a whole.
Der findes talrige undersøgelser og rapporter vedrørende kulturforbrug samtidig med og efter fasen »overgang fra skole til arbejdsliv« og den grundlæggende uddannelsesperiode i bred betydning i
Recent studies (Ucar, X. and Ferrer, F., 1989; Puig, T., 1985) carried out in the same geographical area as that covered by the research cited above at least con­firm the importance of cultural ex­perience in young people's lives during their initial training.
De foreliggende data indicerer, at for at udarbejde en model til analyse af unges uddannelsesvaner må følgende aspekter tages med i betragtning: a) En model til analyse af nutidens unges uddannelsesvaner, af hvordan de lærer, hvad de kan, må (som et minimum) om mange lande og byområder i Det Euro uddannelseskomponenter: pæiske Fælleskab.
The importance and present and future significance of this aspect of training and its tendency to grow make further discus­sion unnecessary, except to appeal for more thorough analysis of its significance and better information on its qualitative and quantitative dimensions.
Formel uddannelse: såvel afsluttede stu
Do they work while in regulated or non­regulated education?
Desuden findes der præcise oplysninger, der støtter min påstand, om erfaringer af denne type, der indgår som del af uddannelsesprogrammerne for tyske virksomhedsledere på højt niveau og mellemledere, organiseret af universiteterne (CEDEFOP 1989).
ponents do not occur in any predeter­mined order (regulated training ­** non­regulated course ­*■ employment) but rather affect one another and alternate over time. Indeed, the parallel structure of informal training (non­regulated courses, life experience, experience of culture) is initiated during pre­school education and, for many, in an intense fashion.
dietrin med eksamensbevis som ikke-af-sluttede; desuden må gentagelser, afbrydelser og genoptagelser af studieforløb medtages.
■ Regulated training, including courses not completed, courses which have led to
Jeg beklager ikke at have fundet en hen sigtsmæssig etiket at klistre på denne komponent i mange unges — og knap så denne del af uddannelsen er ved at blive en ny form for »diffus uddannelse« (Se gantini T. og Colombo F., 1986), som gør sig stadig mere gældende i en stor del af de unges reelle uddannelsesprocesser og i
(b) As well as considering training volumes, interpreted (as a minimum) through the five training components
Ikkeformel uddannelse (korte kurser): Tre aspekter må her analyseres: a) sammenhæng med den formelle uddannelse og/eller med det nuværende eller det ønskede arbejde, b) samtidighed eller ej med den formelle uddannelse og/eller lønnet arbejde eller arbejde i hjemmet og c) ud dannelsens institutionelle karakter og re lation til de aktive beskæftigelsespolitikker. tikker.
From an examination of reality it is ra­tional to conclude, as we have already noted, that what has value when young people make the transition to working and adult life is the combination of train­ing experiences rather than each taken separately. What matters is thus coherence between the various com­ponents, constructed around the capaci­ty to develop an occupational and social project appropriate to the young person and taken up by him or her.
Arbejde: de første arbejdserfaringers rolle i den grundlæggende uddannelse, arbejdets samtidighed med formel eller ikkeformel uddannelse, komplementaritet eller interferens mellem studier og arbejde i ungdomstiden, i hvilken grad den studerende interesserer sig for arbejdet samt relevans for senere erhvervsarbejde.
The range of training available, in most cases provided in places other than schools and colleges, is growing and will continue to grow in spectacular fashion. The problem which today faces the ma­jority of young people, whether or not they are conscious of it, concerns not so much their access to the range of training on offer in our societies as their capacity to use it coherently and in a manner that is rational and saleable in the labour market.
Betydningsfulde vitale erfaringer: disses betydning for den generelle uddannelses proces, aspekter af uddannelsen, hvor de har en væsentlig indvirkning på og for bindelse med de øvrige uddannelseskomponenter og med struktureringen af den faglige karriere.
A new form of discrimination that is emerging is based not on access (or lack of access) to regulated training but on the capacity to make use of the training on offer, the growing range and diversity of which makes it all the more difficult for it to be used coherently.
Kulturforbrug: intensitet og kvalitet, umiddelbar og dybere forbindelse med de øvrige uddannelseskomponenter og den faglige karriere.
This poses an additional challenge to young people in transition, that of mak­ing the various, currently unconnected training components coherent and saleable.
03 H b) Ud over mængden af uddannelse, for tolket (som et minimum) gennem de fem omtalte uddannelseskomponenter, må der fastsættes kriterier for kvalitet eller rettere sagt f or kohærens eller dysfunktion mellem komponenterne.
(c) If we relate the quantity and coherence of the training processes young people undergo we find that train­
Hermed bliver det stadig vanskeligere (og formodentlig unødvendigt) at forstå, »hvor?« de unge har er hvervet de kundskaber, praktiske færdigheder og holdninger, som de har, når de integreres på arbejdsmarkedet.
Despite the general growth of participation in education, some young people still receive a poor
Det Europæiske Center for Udvik­ling af Erhvervs­uddannelse D 1000 Berlin 15 Bundesallee 22 Tel.: (030) 88 41 20 Telex: 184 163
Ucar, X., and Ferrer, F., La infância i les iniciatives socioculturales a Barcelona, unpublished, Barcelona City Council, 1988.
CEDEFOP den unges evne til at profilere et relevant erhvervsmæssigt og socialt projekt, som han selv kan tage ansvaret for.
Internal incoherence exists in three fairly common forms: 1. students working long hours in a job which has no educational content and indeed is a major obstacle to the continuation of their education; 2. 'survival' routes within public programmes of paid training and employment for young people, the various aspects of which lack any common training logic beyond that of survival; and 3. routes based on 'fashionable subjects', lack­ing any capacity for critical discrimination, characteristic of families possessing adequate economic but scant cultural resources.
Således vil de i denne artikel indeholdte betragtninger ikke forældes, men tværtimod tendere mod at få endnu større be tydning i den nærmeste fremtid.
Routes marked by a wide range (generally wider than in the preceding category) of coherent training. Their components are linked and lead towards an implicitly or explicitly defined training objective.
Der sker en hastig vækst i uddannelsestilbuddene, der i de fleste tilfælde afvikles uden for skolens rammer, og denne ten dens vil fortsætte.
The Community itself has been helping directly, with its various initiatives to provide more and more varied training for young Europeans in the various Member States.
Det problem, der i dag melder sig for de fleste unge, uanset om de er sig det bevidst eller ej, er ikke så me get at få adgang til uddannelsestilbuddene i vore samfund som evnen til at udnytte disse på en kohærent, rationel måde, der er »salgbar« på arbejdsmarkedet.
With the free movement of labour from 1993 onwards, the range of training available to all Europeans will grow, as will the range of skills needed to gain access to it and use it to the full.
Mange uddannelsesforløb (generelt flere end de tidligere nævnte), der samtidig er kohærente, og hvis komponenter supplerer hinanden i forhold til et eksplicit eller implicit uddannelsesmål.
Routes of transition, 14 to 25], with the support of the Ministry of Education and Science's Educational Research and Documentation Centre (CIDE) and the Na­tional Employment Agency (INEM) in the Pro­vince of Barcelona.
Der gør sig således en ny form for uddannelsesmæssig forskelsbehandling gældende, ikke baseret på adgang eller manglende adgang til det formelle uddannelsessystem, men på evnen til at »kunne bruge« de uddannelsestilbud, der findes i stadig større mængde og af forskelligartet karakter, og som dermed bliver vanskeligere at »bruge« kohærent.
An advance report on the results of this research was published by ICE­UAB and CIDE under the title Inserción profe­sional y social de los jóvenes. Itinerarios de tran­sición entre los 14 y los 25 años.
Dette rejser et yderligere problem for de unge i »overgangsfasen«, nemlig at gøre de forskellige uddannelseskomponenter, der i øjeblikket ser usammenhængende ud, »kohærente« og »salgbare«.
In its details and formal aspects (educa­tional phases, etc.) this analysis un­doubtedly relates to the Spanish — and, in some respects, only to the Catalan — situation, but beyond such details and formal aspects the phenomenon of young people constructing their training pro­cess from numerous components and the
På det sociale plan er problemet, hvem der skal have den funktion »at bringe or den i« dette store og spredte uddannelsesforbrug.
2 In this article we do not differentiate young peo­ple's training activities on the basis of sex, since in the area of the training models as here defined they present no substantial differences.
Der findes ikke et enkelt og utvetydigt svar, men hidtil har familien spillet en central og differentierende rolle for ad gangen til de forskellige uddannelses komponenter og en kohærent brug af disse eller det modsatte. Hvis vi ønsker at de mokratisere disse muligheder i fremtiden, kunne grundskolen og de grundlæggende erhvervsuddannelser, der ser deres funktion som universel vidensformidler for flyttet, spille den centrale rolle for for midlingen af adgang til de øvrige uddannelsesressourcer. nelsesressourcer.
Readers interested in the results of our research as regards sex­related differences in the links bet­ween training and entry into working life are referred to a recently published article by J. Casal, J. M. Masjuan and J. Planas, Educación e inserción social de las mujeres y los hombres de 25 años: estudios, valores, expectativas y modelos de inserción [The education and entry into adult life of women and men aged 25: studies, values, expectations and models of en­try], in: Revista de Educación, Madrid, 1989.
Opbygningen af beskæftigelsesmarkeder for unge gennem uddannelsespolitik i Forbundsrepublikken Tyskland og i Frankrig et afgørende punkt i debatten om erhvervsuddannelsessystemerne er disses evne til at frembringe
The construction of youth employment markets by the training policies of the Federal Republic of Germany and France he focal issue in the debate on vocational training systems is their ability to produce skills
Unges indslusning på arbejdsmarkedet: stat over for erhvervsliv føres, medtænkes.
Young people entering the labour market: the respective roles of the State and the employer and the Certificat d'aptitude (CAP), vocational training certificate, and Brevet d'études professionnelles (BEP), vocational training diploma, in France).
Hvad betyder det rent faktisk, at over 70% af unge tyskere ud­dannes inden for det duale system, me­dens unge franskmænd hovedsageligt (bortset fra ca. 13%, hvis erhvervsuddan­nelse i nogen grad kan sammenlignes med det duale system) uddannes inden for skolesystemet? Man kan skelne mindst fire typer svar:
What is the real significance of the observation that over 70% of young Germans are trained in the dual system, whereas virtually all young French people train in the school system (except for about 13%, who are in apprenticeship, which is more or less comparable to the dual system)?
Organiseringen af adgangen til det første arbejde sker med især statens og virksom­hedernes intervention.
The main parties involved in organizing young people's access to their first jobs are the government and the employers.
En stærk mod­sætning gør sig her gældende i sammen­ligningen mellem de to lande: skolesyste­mets kraftige andel i Frankrig (over 85%), det duale systems dominerende, men temmelig differentierede, rolle (over 70%) i Tyskland.
The comparison here is influenced by a single clear­cut finding: in France the role of the school system is overwhelming (over 85%), whereas in the Federal Republic the dual system predominates (over 70%), although its role may be somewhat different.
Dette billede må dog straks nuanceres.
Nevertheless, the comparison should immediately be qualified.
■ Virksomheden, som er det sted, hvor arbejdsmarkedet konkretiseres, har ikke samme betydning for den første ansættel­se i de to lande, eftersom den i det ene til­fælde selv uddanner i hvert fald en del af de unge, som den ansætter, medens de unge i det andet tilfælde, i Frankrig, kom­mer fra skolen, der ikke har direkte for­bindelse til virksomheden.
that are directly job­related. It is no sim­ple matter, however, to analyse the train­ing situation on the first­jobs market, as account must be taken of the influence of three highly disparate institutions: the State, the employers and the unions.
kvalifikationer med direkte forbindelse til beskæftigelsen.
Fur­thermore, the logic underlying the ways in which vocational training systems classify their target groups cannot be understood solely from within training systems or within the company.
Betingelserne for at skabe et marked for førstegangsansættel­se er imidlertid ikke enkle at analysere, da man skal tage højde for forskellige sociale aktørers intervention: staten, arbejdsgi­verne og fagforeningerne.
In this article, we shall briefly discuss not just the differences but also the similarities between the policies of the government and both sides of industry on the subject of initial training in Germany and France, two countries which are more or less comparable.
Vi vil her frem­sætte nogle overvejelser over forskellene, men også lighederne, mellem statens og arbejdsmarkedets parters politik på de grundlæggende erhvervsuddannelsers område i to lande, der globalt er sammen­lignelige, samt over disse politikkers føl­ger for den erhvervsmæssige indslusning af størstedelen af unge, nemlig dem, der ikke opnår et studentereksamensniveau (hhv. baccalauréat og Abitur).
We shall also look at the effects of those policies on the entry into the working world of the majority of young people, i.e. those who do not attain the educational level of the baccalauréat or Abitur.
■ Den relative vægtning af henholdsvis eksamensbevis og socialisering til ar­bejdslivet er diametralt modsat i de to lan­de, hvilket i parentes bemærket, da dette ikke behandles i dette papir, ligeledes gi­ver sig udtryk i en forskellig vægtning af livslang uddannelse.
■ The place where the labour market takes its practical form, the workplace, is not related to the first job in the same way in the two countries: in Germany, at least some of the young people recruited by the employer have been trained in the same workplace, whereas in France young people arrive straight from school, which has had no direct contact with the employer's workplace.
Det forekommer yderst utilstrækkeligt kun at gøre uddannelsesniveauer, der af­sluttes med et eksamensbevis (Facharbei­terbrief eller CAP og BEP) til grundlag for kategorisering af den erhvervsaktive unge befolkning.
It would be inadequate to say that the structure of the young working popula­tion is related solely to the levels of train­ing they have achieved, as evidenced by a diploma (the Facharbeiterbrief, or skilled worker's certificates, in Germany
Man anser i alt for høj grad forskellene for givne, uden at den reelle indvirkning på den første ansættel­se af det sted, hvor uddannelsen gennem­
Incidentally, although this is not the subject of our article here, there is the same difference of emphasis on con­tinuing training in the two countries.
■ Statens intervention på uddannelses­området indebærer både forskelle og lig­heder, som ikke udelukkende har med de ovennævnte to punkter at gøre.
■ There are both differences and similarities in government intervention in matters of training, which are not en­tirely linked to the above two points.
I Frankrig tager de sidstnævnte også unge i lære.
In France, it is the latter group that tends to take young people on appren­ticeship.
I tiden før statens næsten totale overtagelse af uddannelsen, i begyndel­sen af 1950'erne, uddannede nogle store firmaer, navnlig inden for jern og metal i Parisområdet, ligeledes lærlinge ').
Furthermore, in the period before the State took virtual charge of training, in the early 1950s, a small group of large firms — especially in the engineering industry in the Paris region — consistently trained apprentices.'
Gen­nem deres brancheorganisation (UIMM) spiller de stadig en væsentlig rolle for iværksættelsen af foranstaltninger på ud­dannelsesområdet.
They are still playing an important part in the promotion of training measures, through the medium of their trade association (Union des Industries Métallurgiques et Minières de la Con­struction Mécanique Electrique et Métallique — UIMM).
■ Medens fagforeningerne på den ene si­de og arbejdsgiverne på den anden indly­sende nok har fælles interesser på uddan­nelsesområdet i de to lande, anvender de ikke samme strategi, navnlig i forhold til staten.
Large German companies that do train, however, offer apprenticeships roughly
De store tyske virksomheder, der uddan­ner lærlinge, tilbyder lærepladser, der svarer til deres forventede behov for ar­bejdskraft, og det er i øvrigt også disse, der hyppigst har midler til at iværksætte beskæftigelsespolitikker på mellemlang sigt. For så vidt som de især uddanner til
■ Although unions and employers have common concerns in matters of training in the two countries, their strategies, especially vis­à­vis the State, are not the same.
Man kan sige, at denne praksis ikke er så forskellig fra vis­se franske arbejdsgiveres med det vigtige forbehold, at de franske tal for denne type ansættelse er meget højere.
employers do not themselves use all the manpower they have trained,4other matching their own foreseeable man power requirements.
En anden mulighed — for unge mekanikere inden for automobilreparation f.eks. — er at til­byde dem en uddannelseskontrakt af kor­tere varighed end de normerede 3 1/2 år.
These companies are also more likely to have the resources to set up medium-term employment policies.
Det franske modstykke hertil kan findes i videre­ og efteruddannelse, der får sta­dig større betydning i franske virksomhe­der.
To the extent that they tend to train people for high-skilled jobs, they also contribute, at least potentially, to the supply of skilled manpower for the labour market in the same sector of industry.2
En sidste mulighed, der får voksende betydning i de to lande, er at indføre vek­seluddannelse mellem virksomheden og skolen, enten på studentereksamensni­veau eller et højere niveau.
The case of the craft industries is very different, and it is only here that there are fairly marked resemblances between the two countries.
Denne situa­tion er hyppigere i tertiærsektoren, f.eks. inden for banker og handel.
Unlike the large com panies, in most of which the apprenticeship workshops are separate from the shop floor, craft firms take young (lowpaid), people and both train them and employ them in actual production.
veldefinerede fagområder, bidrager de potentielt til at forsyne arbejdsmarkedet inden for samme branche2).
Only a few of the trainees are taken on by the employer once they have completed their apprenticeship.
For hånd­værksvirksomhedernes vedkommende forholder det sig anderledes, og på dette område er lighederne mellem de to lande ret store.
The common factor in these two extremes is that both types of company, large and small, perform the function of pre-recruitment socialization — introducing young people to the work ing world.
I modsætning til de store virk­somheder, hvis uddannelsesværksteder oftest er adskilt fra produktionsstederne, uddanner og anvender håndværksvirk­somhederne i deres produktion en ung ar­bejdskraft — til lav løn — som de kun i meget ringe omfang ansætter bagefter.
In France, the school system cannot perform this function, in spite of the many 'work socialization' measures introduced by the government since the early 1970s.3 firms will benefit from the socialization acquired 'on the job', but in different ways depending on the types of training.
Fælles for disse to typer virksomheder er, at de begge socialiserer til arbejdet før an­sættelsen, hvorimod skolesystemet i Frankrig trods de talrige foranstaltninger vedrørende socialisering til arbejdet, som staten har truffet siden begyndelsen af 1970erne3), ikke kan udfylde denne funktion.
In the simplest case, the young person will be recruited directly at the same wage and job level if the end-of-appren-ticeship diploma is for a skill highly sought after in the industry; this is very much the same situation as with a number of 'good' CAPs or BEPs in France.5In other cases, employers recruit young trained people for jobs requiring lower skill levels; after training in a given industry they may find jobs in craft trades quite unrelated to that in dustry, as bakers for instance.
Sted og tid for socialisering til arbejdet ser ud til at være afgørende for organiseringen af markedet for den første ansættelse.
It could be argued that such practices are not unlike those of certain French employers, with the important reservation that the figures for this kind of recruitment in France are far higher.
er fuldstændig adskilte — bortset fra den tidligere omtalte ordning med praktik­pladser, som staten har etableret — sker socialiseringen udelukkende efter ansæt­telsen i virksomheden6).
Another possibility inGer many in the case of young car repair mechanics, for example — is to offer a training contract for a period shorter than the normal three and a half years.
Det kan være en af forklaringerne, men ikke den ene­ste, på den kraftigere udvikling i Frankrig end i Tyskland af midlertidigt arbejde for unge7).
The French equivalent here might be found in continuing training, which is in creasingly common in French com panies.
Denne »atypiske« beskæftigel­sesform får, men under ganske anderle­des omstændigheder, delvis samme funk­tion som det duale systems forhåndsse­lektering.
The final alternative, which is spreading in both countries, is to move back and forth between the workplace and the school, both at baccalauréat or Abitur level and at a higher level.
Dette gælder i hvert fald for arbejderuddannelserne, der så godt som udelukkende finder sted inden for det duale system, medens der findes flere forskellige uddannelsessystemer for funktionærer, herunder også fuldtids­uddannelser8).
This is usually found in the service sector, in banking and in the retail trades.
Selv om der findes flere lighedspunkter, end man umiddelbart skulle tro, synes det tyske duale system at spille en væsentlig rolle for adgangen til den første beskæfti­gelse.
Even though the points of comparison are more numerous than might be thought, socialization in the German dual system seems to play a more important role in all processes leading to a first job.
Evnen til at tilpasse sig virksomhe­den bliver testet i løbet af læretiden, der således i en vis forstand fungerer som prø­vetid.
A young person's ability to adapt to the workplace is tested during the period of apprenticeship, and to a certain extent his apprenticeship serves as a probation period.