natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Den livslange uddan nelses målsætninger spænder lige fra af hjælpning af uddannelses- og socialpolitiske mangler til vidtfavnende nyskabende eller endog revolutionære tiltag; det spænder fra radikal-egalitær samfundsfilosofi til konservativ' bekræftelse af den eksisterende samfundsorden: målgrupperne om fatter bade unge og ældre, erhvervsaktive og pensionister; strukturelt spænder modellerne fra netværk af liberale voksen uddannelsesprogrammer over jobrelaterede efter- og videreuddannelsesordninger (inden for rammerne af virksom hedsinterne uddannelser) til modeller, som omfatter enhver form for almen uddannelse og erhvervsuddannelse.
Its legitimations reach from simple corrections to educational and social policy to all-embracing innovatory or even revolutionary inspirations; its societal aims range from radical-egalitarian to conservatory and confirming the existing order; its target groups embrace the young and the old, the workers and the retired; its structural models reach from a network of liberal adult education programmes to workbased or work-related schemes for pro fessional training (the present "corporate learning" sector) to models that embrace all education and training.
Nedenstående tegnes er korr rids af der livslange uddannelseskonceprs udvikling, og der vil blive knytter et par kommenrarer til ders rolle i den aktuelle internationale og nationale uddannelsespolitik.
In the following, the history and the de velopment of the "lifelong learning" con cept in its several main configurations will be briefly retraced and a few comments made as to their role in present international and national educational policy.
En kort fremstilling af et så facetteret og sammensat aspekt af uddannelsens hisrorie ma nødvendigvis blive ufuldstændig og partiel.
Inevitably, a brief representation of such a diversified and complex part of educa tional history risks being incomplete and partial.
I det folgende retres søgelyser mod den polirik pa området, der føres af tre mellemstatslige organisationer, alle med hjemsted i Europa: Europarådet. L'NESCO og OECD.
The following text focuses on the relevant policies of three intergovernmental organisations, all three based in Eu rope, that are active in the field of educa tion: the Council of Europe.
Men dette er pa samme tid deres akilleshæl, idet de risikerer at miste deres sjæl og blive fremmede for dem, der oprindelig udformede dem.
But at the same time that is their great weakness: they risk losing their soul in the process and estranging those who conceived them.
"(...) de tre overordnede paradigmer for livslang ud dannelse, som stadig er ret ningsgivende for tænkningen på dette område, er ud viklet af Europarådet, UNESCO og OECD. (...)
"(...) the three major life long learning paradigms that still guide all relevant thinking were developed by the Council of Europe, UNESCO and the OECD. (...)
Set i bakspejlet er det bemærkelsesværdigt, at alle tre organisationer næsten samtidig udviklede et koncept for livslang uddannelse, som forfulgte de samme globale mål. (...) 1990'ernes politiske og økonomiske klima er meget forskelligt fra 1960'ernes.
It is with hindsight remarkable that all three developed almost at the same time a lifelong learning concept that pursued the same global purposes. (...) The political and the eco nomic climate of the 1990s is very different from that of the 1960s.
Det er ikke gunstigt for den noget utopiskidealistiske filosofi, der karakteriserede det oprindelige livslange uddannelseskoncept.
It is not fa vourable to the somewhat utopian, idealistic philosophy of the earlier lifelong learning paradigms.
Det er derimod fremmende for arbejds- og beskæftigelsesrelaterede -fortrinsvis private - uddannelsesprogrammer, som ikke lægger det store beslag på offentlige midler.
It is propitious for plainly work and employment related "lifelong training" pro grammes, preferably private and with little claim on public money."
Det er da også kort fortalt, hvad der er sket med de tre hovedkoncepter, som vil blive diskuteret i det følgende, og dette er maske også en af hovedårsagerne til, at ingen af dem er kommet överst pã den politiske dagsorden.
The genesis of the concept of lifelong learning is in itself an interesting example of the simultaneous appearence of new ideas: in the early 1970s, a variety of educational policy- concepts saw the light of day that had in common the principle of learning as a lifelong activity, not re stricted to the first stage of a human be ing's existence.
Hvad der er endnu værre er. at de elementer, som har op nået tilstrækkelig politisk modenhed og rent faktisk er blevet implementerer, i bedste fald er yderst reducerede udgaver af de oprindelige koncepter.
The idea as such that life and learning go - or should go - together was not new. It goes back to the earliest known texts that have guided humanity.
Ikke én af de mellemstatslige organisationer, som var med til ar udforme den livslange uddannelsesmodel, har giver den en central pla
The Old Testament, the Koran, the Tal mud and many other sacred books are, to varying degrees, explicit about the need for man to learn throughout all his life.
Det livslange uddannelseskoncepts oprindelseshistorie er i sig selv et interessant eksempel på en samtidig frem komst af nye ideer; i begyndelsen af 1970erne så en række forskellige uddannelsespolitiske konceprer saledes dagens lys. konceprer. som havde der ril fælles, ar de opfattede uddannelse som en livslang aktivitet, der ikke kunne begrænses til den forsre fase i er menneskes liv.
In short, this is what has happened to the three main lifelong learning concepts that will be discussed in the following and this is perhaps also one of the main reasons why none of them has made it to the top of the political agenda.
Den Tanke, at liv og læring gar hånd i hand - eller burde gore det - var ikke i sig selv ny.
Worse still: those elements that have reached political ma turity and that have indeed been implemented, are at best much reduced ver sions of the original concepts.
Den kan spores tilbage til de Tidligste kendte teksler. der har fungerer som rettesnor for menneskeheden. Det Gamle Testamente.
Not one of the intergovernmental organisations that participated in their birth has given its life long learning model a substantive place in its own programme - a fact that is some times bitterly commented on by those who were its "founding fathers". Thus Paul
Koranen, Talmud og mange andre hellige boger understreger pa forskellig vis menneskets behov for at lære hele livet igennem.
Gruntvig. the "father of the tolk high school", laid the foundations in Denmark for an emancipatory-, liberal
"I det 19. århundrede op stod de første organiserede bevægelser, som for fægtede tanken om voksenuddannelse uden for skolesystemet. (...)
EUROPEAN JOURNAL model based largely on voluntarism that rapidly spread throughout Scandinavia.
Hovedsigtet med disse initiativer var ikke at forberede voksne på deres arbejdsopgaver." gaver."
In the major industrialised European nations, movements in favour of educational pro grammes for the new industrial working class sprang up.
I det 19. århundrede opstod de forste or ganiserede bevægelser, som forfægtede tanken om voksenuddannelse uden for skolesystemet.
"The 19th century saw the first organised movements that advocated and pro moted learning for adults in out-ofschool environments. (...)
"Heller ikke forbindelsen til det formelle uddannelsessystem havde nogen særlig høj prioritet i det oprindelige koncept om livslang uddannelse. "
The main thrust of these initiatives was not to prepare adults for their working tasks."
Udviklingen af voksenuddannelse har i historiens lob været stærkt determineret af specifikke sociale og økonomiske faktorer: industrialiseringen og den massive etablering af beboelseskomplekser for indusrriarbejdere og minearbejdere i der 19. århundrede, den srore økonomiske krise i 1920erne og 1930erne. og i de angelsaksiske lande millioner af unge menneskers Tilbagevenden fra krigen.
"The connection with for mal education is another element that did not occupy an important place in these early concepts." nomic factors: industrialisation and the creation of massive housing complexes for industrial workers and miners in the 19th century, the great economic crisis in the twenties and thirties, and in Anglo-Saxon countries the return of millions of demobilised young people from the war.
Sidslnævnre er inleressanr i ro henseender.
The latter case is interesting in two re spects.
På den ene side fordi der berød, ar mange unge mennesker vendre Tilbage og genoptog en formel uddannelse efter krigsårenes afbrydelse. For forste gang skulle universiteterne arbejde med studerende, hvis erfaringer, familiesituation og alder afveg fra deres normale klientels.
On the one hand because it led to the return of great numbers of young people to formal education after the in terruption of the war-years.
På den anden side skulle de tilbagevendende gores bekendt med nye teknikker og færdigheder som følge af den enorme teknologiske udvikling, der havde fundet sted i krigsperioden.
On the other hand, those who returned had to be made familiar with new techniques and competences, due to the fantastic tech nological progress that had been achieved during the war period.
Det var således før ste gang, man erfarede nødvendigheden af at give unge en ny uddannelseschance. og det var første gang, at behovet for struktureret omskoling af arbejdstagere anerkendtes.
Thus for the first time experience was gained with "second chance" or "recurrent " education and for the first time the need for organised re training of workers was recognised.
Hovedsigtet med disse initiativer var ikke at forberede voksne på deres arbejdsopgaver.
The main thrust of these initiatives was not to prepare adults for their working tasks.
Formalet var primært af kulturel, social og indirekte politisk art. nemlig ar give de nye industriarbejdere adgang til kulturen ved at bibringe dem den for nødne viden og indsigt til ar rage deres skæbne i egne hænder i forhold ril ar bejdsgivere, administration og bureau krati.
Their legitimation was primarilycultural, social and, indirectly, political: giving the new workers access to culture, endowing them with the knowledge and insight needed to take their destiny in their own hands, vis-à-vis their employ ers and vis-à-vis administration and bureaucracy.
"Social og kulturel emancipation", "kulturel styrke", en "demokratisk og folkelig kulrur", "en ny humanisme" var nogle af folkeoplysningsbevægelsernes slagord.
"Social and cultural emancipation", "cultural power", a "democratic and popular culture", "a new humanism" were among the catchwords of the "popular education" and "workers education" movements.
Disse bevægelser befandr sig nattirligr nok som regel til venstre i der poliriske spekrrum og ofre med tæt til knytning til fagforeningerne og de nye venstrefløjspartier - måske var det mere rammende at sige, at initiativet udelukkende kom fra denne side.
Naturally, they were mostlysituated to the left of the political spectrum and often closely associated with the trade unions and with the new left-wing political parties - if the initiative did not come entirely from these sources.
Arbejdsrelaterede mal spillede kun en sekundær rolle - og i mange tilfælde in gen rolle overhovedet.
Adaptation to work and work-related goals played at best a secondary role - and more often than not no role at all.
Den eneste relation ril arbejdsliver vedrørte arbejdstagernes evne til at forsvare deres interesser, og tilknyrningen Til den opsraende fagforeningsbevægelse skal ses i denne sammenhæng.
The only link with adults' working life concerned the ability of workers to defend their interests. The frequent association with the emerging trade union movement fitted within this context.
Heller ikke arbejdsgiverne inTeresserede sig pa daværende ridspunkr for voksenuddannelse som en metode til at opretholde eller forbedre erhvervsmæssige kvalifikationer.
On the other hand, employers at that time showed little sign of initiative or even interest in adult education as a means to maintain or improve professional quali fications.
" (...) i de angelsaksiske lande (vendte) millioner af unge mennesker tilbage fra krigen (...) og det var (...) første gang, man erfarede nødvendigheden af at give unge en ny uddannelseschance, og det var første gang, at behovet for struktureret omskoling af ar bejdstagere anerkendtes. "
"(...) in Anglo-Saxon countries (with) the return of millions of demobilised young people from the war (...)for the first time experience was gained with 'second chance' or 'recurrent' education and for the first time the need for organised retraining of workers was recognised. "
Heller ikke forbindelsen til det formelle uddannelsessystem havde nogen særlig høj prioriter i det oprindelige koncept om livslang uddannelse.
The study circles in the Scandinavian countries and the "Volkshochschulen" in Germany became organised, recognised, and on the whole publicly financed undertakings of adult education.
Ganske vist kunne mange af de akriviteter. der afvikledes inden for folkeoplysningens rammer si ges at være af uddannelsesmæssig karakter.
In England, adult and fur ther education witnessed an enormous expansion. From predominantly voluntaryundertakings many of them now became semi-public and received public support.
I nogle tilfælde tilstræbtes det at for bedre deltagernes beherskelse af grund læggende færdigheder, såsom læsning, skrivning og talbehandling. Men i de fle-
In all respects a certain "rapprochement" took place with formal education that made it possible to envisage a common policy framework for all education, initial and adult, formal and informal.
I efterkrigstidens forste årtier skete der en stærk ekspansion og institutionalisering af forkrigstidens liberale voksenuddannelsestiltag.
The connection with formal education is another element that did not occupy an important place in these early concepts.
Saledes udviklede stu diekredsene i de skandinaviske lande og de tyske "Volkshochschulen" sig til organiserede, anerkendte og offentligt finansierede voksenuddannelsesforetagender.
Certainly, many of the activities that were organised in the framework of adult or popular education could be termed "educational".
I England vandt voksenuddannelse og ef ter- og videreuddannelse kolossal udbredelse.
Occasionally', attempts were made to improve the participants' mastery of the basic skills, reading, writing and numeracy in particular.
Fra at være blevet drevet pa hovedsagelig frivillig basis fik mange af disse foretagender nu halvoffentlig status øg blev drevet med statstilskud.
But there was in most cases no explicit intention to com plement initial education and training, nor was there an all-embracing education concept.
Med offentlig støtte fulgte mindstebestemmelser ved rørende undervisningsplaner, adgangsbetingelser og godkendelse.
"With public money came minimum rules and regulations as to programmes, admission of participants and possibly accreditation. "
Lærere og an dre medarbejdere skulle aflønnes efter de offentlige tariffer.
The development of adult education has in the course of history been stronglydetermined by specific social and eco
I alle henseender skete der en vis tilnærmelse til den formelle ud dannelse, og hermed var der åbnet for en fælles politisk ramme for al uddannelse, grund- og voksenuddannelse, formel som uformel.
The 1960s led to much debate and reflection on the future of adult education, on the merits of what existed and on the best way to satisfy the rapidly increasing needs. Planning and rationalisation had
ERHVERVSUDDANNELSE NR. 8/9
VOCATIONAL TRAINING NA. 8/9
De tre grundprincipper i Europarådets nye politik var "lige muligheder", "medbestemmelse" og "globalisering".
* * had failed to effectively meet the needs of a large proportion of their pupils, in part due to an insufficient diversity of their programme offer.
I 1960erne førtes der en heftig debat om voksenuddannelsens fremtid, fordele og ulemper ved det eksisterende og den bedste metode til at imødekomme det hurtigt voksende uddannelsesbehov.
"The Council of Europe had in the 1960s introduced the theme of permanent educa tion ('éducation permanente') in its programmes (...)
Plan lægning og rationalisering var blevet standardrræk pa den politiske scene, og forudsætningerne var nu til stede for at give voksenuddannelsen en veldefineret plads inden for den generelle uddannelses- og kulturpolitik savel som i den socioøkonomiske politik.
Permanent education was expected to represent a more effective strategy than the current educa tional system for promoting equality of educational opportunity (...)." become standard features of the policy making scene and the conditions had been created for assigning to adult education a well-defined place in overall educational, cultural and socioeconomic policy-making.
Der blev taget mange initiativer pa nationalt plan, og si deløbende hermed så de store mellem statslige organisationer sig nødsaget til at skabe storre sammenhæng i deres egne programmer og navnlig at skabe en sa dan sammenhæng mellem uddannelse pa den ene side og deres aktivirerer på der sociale, kulturelle og økonomiske omrade på den anden side. Organisationernes medlemslande forventede, at de fremkom med nye ideer og koncepter, som kunne etablere den nødvendige sammenhæng.
Parallel to pertinent efforts undertaken at the national levels, the major intergovernmental organisations were faced with the challenge of bring ing more coherence into their own pro grammes and in particular of outlining a new relationship between education and training on the one hand and their activities in the social, cultural and economic domains on the other.
"Europarådet havde i 1960'erne indført temaet livslang uddannelse (éducation permanente) i sine programmer (...)
The three principles or "fundamentals" of the new Council of Europe policy were "equalisation", "participation" and "globalization".
Livs lang uddannelse forvente des at repræsentere en mere effektiv strategi end det traditionelle uddannelsessystem med hensyn til at fremme lige adgang til ud dannelse (...)"
Permanent education was expected to represent a more effective strategy than the current educational system for promoting equality of educational opportunity; it would be organised with the full agreement and participation of the participants and it would bring together theory and practice, knowledge and com petence, learning and doing (see the just quoted 1970 publication and also: Council of Europe, 1977 and Council of Eu rope, 1978).
Det var i denne situation, at de tre over ordnede paradigmer for livslang uddan nelse, som stadig er retningsgivende, blev udviklet af Europarådet. UNESCO og OECD.
It is in this context that the three major lifelong learning paradigms that still guide all relevant thinking were developed by the Council of Europe, UNESCO and the OECD.
Hver af disse organisationer havde sine egne motiver, målgrupper og præferencer pa de forskellige politiske områder.
Each of these organisations had its own reasons, its own constituencies, its own focal points as to policy making in these sectors.
Set i bakspejlet er det bemærkelsesværdigt, at de alle tre pa næsten samme tid udviklede et koncept om livs lang uddannelse med praktisk talt identiske målsætninger.
It is with hindsight remarkable that all three developed almost at the same time a lifelong learning concept that pursued the same global purposes.
UNESCO stod i sin egenskab af verdensomspændende organisation over for en lignende eftersporgsel efter et mobiliserende globalt uddannelsespolitisk kon cept.
UNESCO faced from its worldwide mem bership a similar demand for a mobilising global educational policy concept.
L'dviklingslandene oplevede, at der skabres en stadig dybere uddannelseskloft mellem de unge generarioner og en for en stor dels vedkommende analfabetisk voksenbefolkning.
Its developing member countries witnessed a rapidly widening educational gap be tween a growing part of their younger generations and a largely illiterate adult population.
Af hensyn til den de mokratiske udvikling og landenes økonomiske udvikling var der nodvendigr ar finde veje og metoder til at bibringe i hvert fald en stor del af den voksne befolkning et minimum af viden og kunnen.
On behalf of democracy and of their economic development, ways and means had to be found to equip at least a large part of the adult population with a minimum of knowledge and competence.
Desuden havde UNESCO's uddannelsesmæssige, videnskabelige, sociopolitiske og kulturelle programmer udvikler sig ad forskel lige veje. og der var nu et stort behov for en fælles begrebsramme.
On the other hand, the organisation's educational, scientific, sociopolitical and cultural programmes had followed separate developments and the need was felt for a common conceptual framework.
Europarådet havde i 1960'erne indfort remaer livslang uddannelse (éducarion permanente) i sine programmer, og dette kom snart til at spille en overordnet rolle i organisationens uddannelsesmæssige, kulturelle og politiske aktivirerer.
The Council of Europe had in the 1960s introduced the theme of permanent education ("éducation permanente") in its programmes and it was soon called on to play a major role in the organisation's educational, cultural and political activities.
I en af Europarådets publikationer om livslang uddannelse hedder det, at "indførelsen af konceptet livslang uddannelse som over ordnet tema i forbindelse med den generelle politiske debat i Rådet for Kulturelt Samarbejde i 1966 markerede et vende punkt i Europarådets uddannelsespolitiske historie" (Europarådet 1970. s. 9).
In one of its publications on permanent education it is said that "the introduction of the general theme of permanent education during the CCC's (Council for Cultural Cooperation) general policy debate in 1966 marked a turning point in the his tory of educational policy within the Council of Europe framework" (Council of Europe 1970. p.
Europa rådet havde i arene forud uden större held forsøgt ar sætte skub i harmoniseringen og Tilpasningen af medlemslandenes rraditionelle uddannelsessysremer. Livslang
9)- The Council had in the preceding years attempted, not very successfully, to accelerate the harmonisation and adaptation of the traditional educational systems of Member countries.
Den stærkeste impuls til organisationens politik og akrivirerer pa området livslang uddannelse kom fra "Learning to Be", den rapport, der var udarbejdet af Den Internationale Kommission om L'ddannelsesudvikling under Edgar Faures forsæde (Faure. 1972).
The strongest impulse for the organisation's policy and activities in the domain of lifelong education was provided by "Learning to Be", the report of the Inter national Commission on the Development of Education under the chairmanship of Edgar Faure (Faure, 1972).
Rapportens filosofi er i vid udstrækning præget af denne Kommissions meget dygtige formand, men er dog også baseret pã UNESCO's tidligere ind sats på dette område. Der var blevet af holdt flere store inrernarionale konferen-
They had laid the conceptual foundations and prepared the ground for a new. comprehensive policy concept that could inspire and guide UNESCO's entire educational programme, while at the same time al lowing it to establish the organic connec-
ERHVERVSUDDANNELSE NH. 8/9
VOCATIONAL TRAINING NR. 8/9
Den underliggendefilosofi i "Learning to Be" kan bedst karakteriseres som en "ny humanisme", der er forankret i menneskets medfødte lærelyst, og som gør det muligt at ar bejde hen imod et nyt, mere humant samfund (...)" eer om voksenuddannelse (bl.a. Helsingör så tidligt som i 1949 og Montreal I960).
The philosophy on which 'Learning to Be' is constructed can best be characterised as a "new humanism" that is rooted in man's innate desire to learn and that makes it possible to work towards a new, more humane society (...)."
Kritik af der eksisterende skolesystem spillede en sror rolle i OECD-filosofien. Der var opfattelsen, ar uddannelsens manglende effekrivirer for en sror del skyldres, ar skolen var "rig på informarion, men farrig på akrion" (udrrykker var lånr fra Coleman's publikarioner).
Criticism of the existing school system did indeed play a large role in the OECD thinking.