natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Sammenligninger mellem regioner i hver ende af spektret tjener til at understrege ulighedernes om fang (Tabel 13).
Comparisons of regions at opposite extremes serve to emphasise the scale of the disparities (Table 13).
I de 10 værst ramte regioner var le digheden i 1997 28,1 %, eller næsten 8 gange højere end i de 10 mindst berørte regioner, hvor gennem snittet kun var 3,6%.
In the 10 worst affected regions, average unemployment was 28.1% in 1997 or nearly 8 times higher than in the 10 least affected regions, where the average was just 3.6%.
Mens ledigheden i EU i 1997 kun var en smule højere end i 1987, var den i de 10 værst ramte regioner mere end 4 procentpoint højere.
While unemployment in the EU in 1997 was only slightly higher than in 1987, in the 10 worst affected re gions it was up by more than 4 percentage points.
Sammensætningen af de 10 værst ramte regioner har ændret sig mere end for BNP pr. indbygger.
The composition of the 10 worst affected regions has changed more than for GDP per head.
I 1987 indgik der udelukkende regioner i Spanien (hvoraf Ceuta y Meilila, Andalucía og Extremadura var be mærkelsesværdige eksempler.
In 1987, they were entirely composed of regions in Spain, Ceuta y Meilila, Andalucía and Extremadura being notable ex amples.
Selv om disse stadig var blandt de 10 øverste i 1997, havde de fået selskab af franske oversøiske områder DOMs, og her især Réunion, samt regioner i Syditalien.
While these were still in the top ten in 1997, they were joined by the French overseas territories (DOMs), most notably Réunion, and regions in the South of Italy.
Et slående træk, der har vist sig, er, at mens ledigheden i nogle regioner har ændret sig forholdsvis lidt si den først i 1970-erne, er den i andre fordoblet eller endog tredoblet.
A striking feature to emerge is that while in some re gions unemployment has changed relatively little since the early 1970s, in others it has doubled or even trebled.
Tendensen til, at uligheder i be skæftigelse bliver større over tid, bekræftes af det samlede mål for spredning, især ved standardafvigelsen (vægtet for befolkningstal).
The tendency for disparities in unemploy ment to widen over time is confirmed by summary measures of dispersion, in particular by the standard deviation (weighted for population).
Det viser, at ten densen til, at uligheder på længere sigt blev større, blev midlertidigt standset sidst i 1980-erne, hvor der var stor vækst i beskæftigelsen, men fortsatte ¡gen fra 1992 og frem (Graf 5).
This shows that the longterm trend towards a widening of disparities was halted temporarily during the years of high em ployment growth in the late 1980s, but continued from 1992 onwards (Graph 5).
Ledighedens strukturelle element ses særlig tydeligt i disse 10 regioner, hvor antallet af folk, der var ledige i et år eller længere udgjorde 56% af den samlede le
The structural element of unemployment is particularly evident in these 10 regions, the number unemployed for a year or more amounting to 56% of the total as against 34% in the ten least affected regions.
Selv om der på tværs af regionerne var en hel del lig heder i den relative ledighedsprocent i 1987 og 1997
While there is a fair amount of similarity in the relative level of unemployment across regions in 1987 and 1997, in the sense that the ordering of regions in terms of unemployment was not dramatically differ ent, there was, nevertheless, a far greater movement up and down the order than in the case of GDP per head (the Spearman's rank correlation coefficient was 0.58 as opposed to 0.91 ).
1.2 Arbejdsløshed og arbejdsmarked britannien) en procent, der ligger over EU­gennemsnit — i så henseende et spejlbillede af Spa­nien.
1.2 Unemployment and the labour market
Hvad arbejdsmarkedskarakteristika angår, fremkom­mer der nogle interessante mønstre mellem byområ­der og landdistrikter, defineret på samme måde som i det foregående afsnit 1.1 (Tabel 6).
(Table 6).
Det mest signifi­kante træk er, at på trods af byområdernes relativt høje BNP pr. indbygger er den gennemsnitlige ledig­hed højere her end andre steder.
The most significant feature is that, despite their relatively high GDP per head, unemployment in urban areas is higher on average than elsewhere.
Det gælder dog ikke over hele linjen.
This, however, is not uniformly the case.
Hvor nogle områder er under omstil­ling og/eller oplever en høj grad af social udstødning, er ledigheden forholdsvis lav i andre områder.
While some areas are undergoing restructuring and/or experi­ence a high level of social exclusion, in others, unem­ployment is relatively low.
Uligheden i ledighed EU­regioneme imellem er paral­lel til en tilsvarende stor forskel i de fleste med­lemslande (Graf 9).
enee in most Member States (Graph 9).
Endvidere, som på EU­niveau, er forskellene blevet uddybet over tid (Tabel 13).
Moreover, as at the EU level, the difference has widened over time (Table 13).
Regio­nale forskelle er størst i Frankrig (hvis DOMs medreg­nes), Italien og Spanien.
Regional differences are greatest in France (if the DOMs are included), Italy and Spain.
I 1997 var ledigheden i Fra­nkrigs værst ramte region Réunion) på næsten 37%, mens den i den mindst påvirkede (Alsace) var 29 pro­centpoint lavere.
In 1997, un­employment in the worst­affected region in France (Réunion) was nearly 37%, while in the least­affected (Alsace), it was 29 percentage points lower.
I Italien var afstanden mellem Cam­pania (i Syditalien) og Trentino­Alto Adige (i Norditali­en) over 22 procentpoint.
In Italy, the gap between Campania in the South and Trentino­Alto Adige in the North was over 22 percentage points.
I Spanien var procenten i Andalucía på over 32% (den højeste på det vesteuro­pæiske fastland) og i den anden ende af spektret Na­varra (den eneste region i Spanien med en ledig­hedsprocent under EU­gennemsnit), hvor den var ca. 10%.
In Spain, the rate in Andalucía was over 32% (the highest in mainland Western Europe) and, at the other extreme, in Navarra (the only region in Spain with unemployment below the EU average), it was around 10%.
Desuden er ledigheden næsten lige så høj i landdi­strikter (I gennemsnit 11,3% i 1997 som i byområder (11,5%), mens den i 'mellemområder' ligger væsent­lig lavere end i de to andre (9,1 %).
Moreover, unemployment is almost as high in rural ar­eas (averaging 11.3% in 1997) as in urban ones (11.5%), whereas in intermediate areas, it is signifi­cantly lower than in both (9.1%).
Dette mønster af­spejler sig i ungdoms­ kvinde­ og langtidsledigheds­procenterne, om end med små forskelle.
This pattern is re­flected in youth, female and long­term unemployment rates, though with slight differences.
Kvinderne har den højeste ledighedsprocent i landdistrikterne (13,8%), mens langtidsledigheden er alvorligst i byområder (6% af arbejdsstyrken), hvilket tyder på, at strukturproblemer er særlig akutte disse steder.
Unemployment of women is highest in rural areas (13.8%), while long­term unemployment is at its most serious in urban ar­eas (6% of the labour force), suggesting that struc­tural problems are particularly acute in such places.
Til gengæld er ledigheden i alle regioner i Holland, Østrig og Portugal under EU­gennemsnittet.
On the other hand, unemployment in all the regions in the Netherlands, Austria and Portugal is below the EU average, as it is in Denmark, Ireland and Luxembourg, where there are no regional data because of the size of the country.
Det samme gælder for Danmark, Irland og Luxembourg, hvor der ikke foreligger regionale data grundet lande­nes størrelse.
Similarly, in the UK, only Merseyside has a rate above the EU average, the mirror image of Spain in this respect.
Tilsvarende har kun Merseyside (Stor­
Urban, rural and sectoral issues
Arbejdsløshedsprocent fordelt på medlemsstater og regionale yderpunkter, 1997
Unemployment rates by Member State and regional extremes, 1997
1.2 Arbejdsløshed og arbejdsmarked
1.2 Unemployment and the labour market success in manufacturing as a means of supporting job creation in other sectors, especially business services.
En fortsat koncentration af fremstillingsvirksomheder i disse regioner, hvoraf mange lig ger I Sydtyskland og Norditalien, betyder, at de sandsynligvis vil få yderlige fordele i fremtiden, efter hånden som andre regioner, hvor fremstillingsvirksomhed er mindre vigtig, sakker agterud.
Continuing concentration of manufacturing in these regions, many of which are located in Southern Germany and the North of Italy, implies that they are likely to benefit further in the future as other regions, where manufacturing is less important, lose out.
Sektormæssigt faldt beskæftigelsen i både landbrug og produktion mellem 1987 og 1997, men steg betydeligt indenfor serviceerhverv, der følgelig omfattede meget mere end den samlede stigning på 5 millioner, i det samlede antal beskæftigede i perioden (se Tabel 17).
In terms of sectors, employment declined in both ag riculture and manufacturing between 1987 and 1997 but increased significantly in services, which accordingly accounted for much more than all of the rise of 5 million in the total number employed over the period (see Table 17).
Denne forskel i mønsteret i forskydningerne mellem sektorerne afspejles i erfaringerne hos de re gioner, der har beskæftigelsen koncentreret i de for skellige sektorer (Tabel 7, 8 og 9). [Check foregående sætn.!]
This differential pattern of sectoral change is reflected in the experience of regions which have concentrations of employment in the different sectors (Tables 7, 8 and 9).
Hvis man sammenholder erfaringerne fra de 25 førende service- og fremstillingsregioner med erfaringerne fra byområderne mht. ledighed, antyder de lave le dighedstal i regioner, der stadig (trods betydelige tab af arbejdspladser i sektoren som helhed) klarer sig godt, at de høje ledighedstal i andre regioner er knyttet til omstilling af industrien.
If the experience of the top 25 service and manufacturing regions is compared with the experience of urban areas in terms of unemployment, the low rates shown by regions which are still doing well in manufacturing, despite the substantial job losses in the sector as a whole, suggest that the high rates in other regions are linked to industrial restructuring.
Det bekræftes af den høje langtidsledighed i de fleste af de pågældende områder.
This is borne out by the high level of longterm unemploy ment in most of the areas concerned.
Ekspansionen var særlig markant i dele af service sektoren med høj værditilvækst (og her især er hvervsservice), samt i offentlige tjenesteydelser (sundhed og undervisning).
Expansion was particularly marked in high valueadded parts of the service sector (business services, especially), as well as in communal services (health and education).
Alligevel lå beskæftigelsen i disse serviceerhverv (og i servicesektoren som sådan) stadig langt under niveauet i USA (især sammenholdt med befolkning i erhvervsaktiv alder): I USA omfattede beskæftigelsen i serviceerhverv godt 54% af befolkningen mellem 15 og 54 år, mens den i EU kun lå på knap 40%.
Nevertheless, employment in these services, and in the service sector as a whole, re mains substantially below the level in the US (especially when related to workingage population — in the US, employment in services amounted to just over 54% of population aged 15 to 64, whereas in the EU, the figure was only just under 40%).
Trods disse tendenser er ledighedsprocenten i de mest service-intensive regioner kun en smule under gennemsnittet (9,6% i 1997).
Despite these trends, unemployment rates in the most service-intensive regions are only slightly below average (9.6% in 1997).
Hvor fremstillingsvirksomhed har haft en tendens til at ekspandere mest i de områder, hvor den allerede er bedst repræsenteret (dvs. at den regionale koncentration er steget), ser det ud til, at de højeste vækstrater i serviceerhvervene er sket uden for regionerne, hvor de allerede står for en stor del af jobbene.
While manufacturing has tended to expand most in areas where it is already best represented — ie regional concentration has in creased — the highest rates of growth in services seem to have occurred outside the regions where they already account for a high proportion of jobs.
Landbruget har haft det største fald I beskæftigelse af alle sektorer.
Agriculture has experienced the greatest decline in employment of all sectors.
Selv om faldet i absolutte tal kun var en smule mindre end for fremstillingserhvervene (knap 4 millioner, tabte job), betød det i relative tal, at en tre djedel af de job, der fandtes i 1987, var forsvundet i 1997.
Although in absolute terms the reduction was only slightly less than in manufacturing (just under 4 million jobs lost), in relative terms, it meant that a third of the jobs which existed in 1987 had disappeared by 1997.
Det kan måske ikke overraske, at de 25 regio ner med den højeste koncentration af beskæftigelse i landbruget havde en gennemsnitlig ledighedsprocent på 14,7% i 1997, 4 procentpoint over EU-gennemsnittet.
Perhaps not surprisingly, the 25 regions with the highest concentration of em ployment in agriculture had an average unemploy ment rate of 14.7% in 1997, 4 percentage points above the EU average.
Der er en reel fare for, at deres situation vil blive endnu dårligere, grundet deres store af hængighed af sektoren, der står for næsten en fjerde del af alle job i de pågældende områder.
There is a real risk that their position will deteriorate further given their high de pendence on the sector, which accounts for nearly a quarter of all jobs in the areas concerned.
Det gælder især mange af de græske regioner, hvor ledigheden p.t. er under gennemsnittet. Her er 30-40% beskæftiget ved landbrug, hvilket viser, at den økonomiske omstilling har lang vej igen.
In particular, in many of the Greek regions, where unemploy ment is below average at present, 30-40% of employment is in agriculture, indicating that economic restructuring has a long way to go.
Mellem 1987 og 1997 gik ca. 4 millioner job i fremstillingsindustrien tabt, og selv om de var koncentreret på industrier i tilbagegang, oplevede selv mere te knologisk avancerede og dynamiske sektorer med ekspanderede output, ringe eller ingen vækst i be skæftigelsen på grund af den mere langsigtede ten dens til, at produktionen bliver mere kapitalkrævende og at der ansættes færre folk pr. outputenhed.
Some 4 million jobs were lost in manufacturing be tween 1987 and 1997 and while these were concentrated in declining industries, even the more technologically advanced and dynamic sectors, which expanded in terms of output, experienced little if any growth in employment because of the longterm tendency for the capital intensity of production to in crease and for fewer people to be employed per unit of output.
På trods heraf har de 25 førende fremstillingsregioner den laveste ledighed blandt de sektoropdelte regio
If the experience in these regions is compared with that in rural areas as a whole, where unemployment is just below the EU average, it is evident that such ar eas include many with very low rates of unemploy ment.
Hvis erfaringerne i disse regioner sammenlignes med, hvad man som helhed finder i landdistrikter, hvor ledigheden ligger lige under EU-gennemsnit, er det tydeligt, at der blandt disse områder er mange med meget lave ledighedsprocenter.
This is even more marked for the top 10 regions, where unemployment averaged only 6.2% in 1997. As in the case of their GDP per head, this in part reflects the fact that the re gions with the highest concentration of employment in manufacturing are, almost by definition, the most successful ones.
1.2 Arbejdsløshed og arbejdsmarked grupper er der dog en signifikant mindre gruppe af regioner og områder i disse med meget høje ledig hedsprocenten, hvor en økonomisk omstilling er i gang.
1.2 Unemployment and the labour market result, unemployment among women is much higher than for men in most parts of the Union, averaging time in rural areas (42%) would prefer a fulltime job, representing a form of hidden unemployment.
Resultatet er, at ledigheden blandt kvinder er meget højere end for mænd i størstedelen af Unionen, i gennemsnit 12,5% mod 9,5% i 1997.
% in 1997. Despite the fact that
På trods af, at kvinder udgør lidt mere end 40% af Europas arbejdsstyrke, står de for næsten halvdelen af ledigheden og godt halvdelen af de langtidsledige.
2 women form just over 40% of Europe's labour force, they account for nearly half of the unemployed and slightly over half of the longterm unemployed.
Beskæftigelses frekvensen for kvinder er stadig signifikant lavere end for mænd, kun 50% i hele Unionen mod 70% for mændene.
Employ ment rates for women remain significantly Icwer than for men, at only 50% over the Union as a whole as op posed to 70%. Moreover, many of these work part-time
Ydermere har mange deltidsarbejde (32,5% mod 6% af mændene).
% as against 6% of men).
Dertil kommer, at landdistrikterne i gennemsnit står tilbage for byerne, hvad angår arbejdsstyrkens kvalifikationer.
In addition, rural areas on average lag behind cities in terms of the skills of the work force.
Andelen af indbyggere i byområderne, der har en uddannelse over gennemsnitsniveauet (54%) er højere end i 'mellemområderne' (50%) og meget højere end i landdistrikterne (41%).
The proportion of the population in urban areas with an above average education level (54%) is higher than in intermediate areas (50%) and much higher than in rural ones (41 %).
Det ses af det for holdsmæssige antal med mere kvalificerede job, f.eks. ledere, teknikere eller liberale erhverv, der ud gør 39% af alle beskæftigede i byområderne, mod kun 26% i landdistrikterne.
This is reflected in the relative number working in the more skilled occupations, as managers, technicians or professionals, which is 39% of all those em ployed in urban areas as against only 26% in rural ones.
Ikke desto mindre har en delområderi byregioneren ret lavtuddannetarbejdsstyrke, og i sådanne områder er der et betydeligt ud dannelsesunderskud.
Nevertheless, a number of areas within urban regions have a relatively lowskilled work force and a significant skills gap exists in such areas.
Den største udfordring for at skabe lige muligheder for mænd og kvinder på arbejdsmarkedet ligger i be hovet for at gøre arbejde mere foreneligt med familiemæssigt ansvar end i dag.
The greatest challenge to equalising opportunities for women and men in the labour market lies in the need to enable both to reconcile work and family responsibilities in a better way than at present.
Selv om det er lige så svært for mænd og kvinder at forene de to ting, forholder sig stadig sådan, at langt flere kvinder end mænd er tvunget til at vælge til fordel for familien og på ud sætte deres karriere på arbejdsmarkedet.
Although reconciling the two is as difficult for men as it is for women, it remains the case that vastly more women than men are forced to make a choice in favour of their family and have to suspend their working careers.
Følgelig har de virksomheder, der er indstillet på at være fleksible og mere familievenlige (f.eks. ved at tillade folk at arbejde på del- eller flekstid) sandsynligvis en for del, når det drejer sig om at tiltrække og fastholde kvindelige ansatte.
As a result, firms which are willing to be flexible and make themselves more family-friendly, allowing, for example, people to work part-time or flexible hours, are likely to be at an advantage in attracting and re taining women employees.
Det er måske en af de vigtigste grunde til koncentrationen af kvinder i servicesektoren. toren.
This is perhaps a major reason for the concentration of women in the service sector.
Befolkningens alderssammensætning lader også til at gå landdistrikterne imod.
The age structure of the population also seems to work against rural areas.
Hvor antallet af folk fra 65 år og opefter i byområderne udgør 22% af befolkningen i den erhvervsaktive alder (15 til 64) er tallet i landdistrikterne 27%, dvs. flere end 1 ud af 4.
Whereas the number of people aged 65 and over amounts to 22% of those of working age (15 to 64) in urban areas, in rural ones, the figure is 27%, over 1 in 4.
Det vi ser dels tendensen til, at folk flytter ud på landet, når de går på pension (eller måske lidt før); men det af spejler også en afvandring af unge til byområderne, hvor beskæftigelsesmulighederne er bedre. Derved reduceres den disponible arbejdsstyrke.
This reflects in part the tendency for people to move into rural areas when they retire, or even just before, but it also reflects an exodus of young people to urban areas where job opportunities are greater, so reducing the available work force.
Der er andre forhindringer, der skal overvindes, f.eks. holdningen til kvinder (herunder kvindernes egen selvopfattelse), hvis man vil undgå, at kvinder koncentreres i nogle få traditionelle erhverv og i relativt ydmyge stillinger i den virksomhed eller organisation de arbejder for. Imidlertid er der nogle positive ten denser:
There are other obstacles to be overcome, such as perceptions of women, including women's perceptions of themselves, if women are to be less concentrated in a few traditional activities and in relatvely low positions within the company or organisation they work for.
Sammenfattende kan man fastslå, at selv om byområder normalt har en stærkere økonomisk basis end an dre regioner, har de i gennemsnit også højere ledig hed.
In sum, although urban areas tend to have a stronger economic base than other regions, they also have higher levels of unemployment on average.
I landdistrikterne er problemet lige så meget dårlige arbejdsforhold og lave lønninger.
In rural areas, the problem is as much of job quality and low wages.
I begge forskellene mellem mænd og kvinder mht. mulig heder for at arbejde mindskes med stigende ud-
Employment of women in the regions the difference between men and women in terms of the opportunity to work diminishes with rising educational levels and for university graduates the difference is relatively small.
kombinationen af øget uddannelse og holdningsændringer betyder, at kvindernes beskæftigelsesgrad konvergerer mod mændenes: Fra 1987 til 1997 steg den fra 46% til 50% af befolkningen i den erhvervsaktive alder, mens den for mændene faldt fra 74% til 68%.
1.2 Unemployment and the labour market for men declined from 74% to 68%.
Men selv om forskellen af tager, er den stadig stor;
Nevertheless, although the difference is diminishing, it remains large;
- kvinder er koncentreret i den voksende service sektor og har derfor mindre risiko for at miste job bet end mænd, hvor uforholdsmæssigt mange er beskæftiget ved landbrug og fremstillingsvirksomhed, hvor omstillingen finder sted.
• women are concentrated in the growing service sector and are, therefore, less at risk of losing their job than men, who are employed disproportionately in agriculture and manufacturing where restructuring is taking place.
I de mere tilbagestående regioner er det generelt mere sandsynligt, at kvinder bliver arbejdsløse end mænd, når de er på arbejdsmarkedet.
In lagging regions, in general, women are much more likely to be unemployed than men when they participate in the labour market.
I de fire Sam hørighedslande er kvindernes ledighed dobbelt så stor som i EU som helhed (22% mod 12,5%).
In the four Cohesion countries, unemployment among women is double that in the EU as a whole (22% as against 1272%).
Kvinder bliver derfor ofte ramt uforholdsmæssigt af stigende ledighed (Kort 9).
Women, therefore, tend to suffer disproportionately from in creasing unemployment (Map 9).
11997 var ledighedstallene for kvinder særlig høje i Spanien (fra 15% i Navarra til 42% i Andalucía), Syditalien (34% i Calabria og Campania) og Østtyskland (20-25%), samt dele af Grækenland og Finland, og disse regioner frembød de største stigninger i perioden 1987 til 1997.
In 1997, rates for women were particularly high in Spain (ranging from 15% in Navarra to 42% in Andalucía), Southern Italy (34% in Calabria and Campania) and Eastern Germany (20-25%) as well as parts of Greece and Fin land, and these regions showed the greatest increases over the period 1987 to 1997.
Det regionale mønster afspejler dette udviklingstræk.
The regional pattern reflects this pattern of change.