natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Stort set samme udvikling gjorde sig gældende i USA og i EFTA-landene.
Much the same was true of the US and the EFTA countries.
I alle lande, bortset fra Storbritannien, er arbejdsløsheden væsentligt højere blandt kvinder end blandt mænd og — med Tyskland som eneste undtagelse — langt højere blandt unge under 25 år end blandt andre arbejdstagere.
In all countries, apart from the UK, unemployment is significantly higher among women than men and, with the sole exception of Germany, much higher among young people under 25 than among others.
Men siden midten af 1980'erne er for skellen mellem mændenes og kvin dernes arbejdsløshed indsnævret ganske betydeligt i størsteparten af EF, men dog først og fremmest i de mere udviklede egne.
Since the mid-1980s, however, the gap between male and female un employment rates has narrowed significantly over much of the Community, though mainly in the more developed parts.
I de mindre udviklede områder, er forskel len generelt øget.
In the less de veloped areas it has tended to widen.
11991 kunne for første gang i man ge år to EF-lande — Storbritannien og Danmark — registrere en markant nedgang i beskæftigelsen i servicesektoren.
In 1991, for the first time for many years, two Member States — the UK and Denmark — experienced a significant reduction in employ ment in services.
Mange af de jobs, der gik tabt, lå desuden i service aktiviteter såsom bankvæsen og forsikring eller sundhedsvæsen og undervisning, hvor væksten i be
Many of the jobs lost, moreover, were in service activities like banking and insurance or health and education where job
Ungdomsarbejdsløsheden er også faldet i forhold til arbejdsløsheden blandt de ældre aldersgrupper.
The rate of youth unemployment has also fallen relative to the rate for older age groups.
Men dette synes dog i højere grad at skyldes den demografiske ud vikling — idet der bliver færre ny
This achieve ment, however, seems to have been due more to demographic trends — in the shape of fewer people coming of working age — than to the various measures introduced in
EF er fortsat én af de rigeste regioner i verden.
The present recession has intensified concerns, however, about the Community's ability to compete in
Resumé voksende arbejdsløshed og social fattigdom.
Summary while the share of employment in industry — a reasonable indicator of the stage of development — hardly changed in most countries, though Morocco was an exception.
Det var fortsat kun en meget lille del af befolkningen i den arbejdsdygtige alder, der var i beskæfti gelse — kun halvdelen eller endnu mindre — mens industriens andel af beskæftigelsen — en ganske god indikator for udviklingsstadiet — næsten ikke ændrede sig i nogen af landene, idet Marokko dog udgjorde en undtagelse.
Like other countries, the Community's share of trade varies markedly from one part of the world to another, largely reflecting geographical proximity and traditional links.
Den nuværende recession har dog øget bekymringen for, om EF vil være i stand til at konkurrere på verdensmarkederne med højteknologiske producenter i Japan og USA og lavteknologiske producenter i udviklingslandene.
world markets with high-tech producers in Japan and the US, and with low-tech producers in developing countries.
Den har også skabt øget opmærksomhed omkring virkningerne i EF af ned gang i den økonomiske aktivitet i resten af verden.
It has also drawn attention to the repercussions on the Community of downturns in economic activity in the rest of the world.
Samtidig har de økonomiske resultater her på grund af EF's betydning for ver denshandelen direkte indvirkning på den verdensøkonomiske situation og på den fortsatte globale re cession.
At the same time, because of its importance in the global trading system, Community performance has a direct effect on the state of the world economy and on the persistence of global recession.
I 1980'erne var der også kun tale om en meget lille stigning i ind komsten pr. indbygger i landene øst for EF, i Central- og Østeuropa — i modsætning til tidligere tiår.
During the 1980s, there was also little growth of income per head in countries to the East of the Community in Central and Eastern Europe — in contrast to earlier de cades.
Men beskæftigelsen blev fastholdt på et højt niveau gennem en be vidst politik med henblik på at be vare arbejdspladser.
Employment, however, was maintained at a high level through deliberate policies of preserving jobs.
EF's store andel af verdens ind komst skyldes i vidt omfang dets førende stilling i den internationale samhandel, specielt handelen med industriprodukter, der fortsat er det største område inden for samhandelen, tre gange større end handelen med tjenesteydelser.
Community producers are dominant in the European market — accounting for twothirds of both in ternal trade in manufactures and imports by EFTA countries — as well as in the African and Middle Eastern markets (accounting for 60% of manufactured imports in the former case, 45% in the latter).
Ligesom for andre lande varierer EF's andel af samhandelen ganske betydeligt mellem de for skellige egne af verden, hvilket hovedsagelig afspejler geografisk nærhed og historisk betingede forbindelser.
Moreover, although a relatively low proportion of Central and Eastern European output is traded, a grow ing proportion is with Community countries. In all of these markets, the Community share has risen or remained broadly unchanged over the past 20 years.
Krisen har desuden været med til at understrege EF's geografiske placering i en region, som mod syd — i Nordafrika og Mellemøsten — er præget af tilbagestående økonomisk udvikling og en akut mangel på jobs kombineret med en voldsom befolkningstilvækst. Mod øst
It has, in addition, served to high light the Community's geographic location in a region characterised, in areas to the South — in North Africa and the Middle East — by retarded economic development and an acute shortage of jobs combined with rapid population growth.
De første stadier i overgangen til markedsøkonomi var dog ledsaget af et sammenbrud i produktionen og en voldsom stigning i arbejdsløsheden overalt i regionen.
The early stages of transition were, however, accompanied by a collapse in output and a rapid rise in unem ployment throughout the region.
Selv om der nu er tegn på en vis forbedring af økonomien i de central- og østeuropæiske lande — bortset fra Polen — faldt produktionen fortsat ganske betydeligt overalt i regionen i 1992.
Although there are now signs of improvement in the economic fortunes of the Central and Eastern European countries, apart from in Poland, output continued to fall markedly throughout the region in 1992.
Antallet af personer i beskæftigelse faldt også på trods af stigningen i antallet af private virksomheder, og arbejdsløsheden steg til ganske høje niveauer de fleste steder.
The numbers in employment declined, despite the growth of private firms, and unemployment rose to high levels in most parts.
EF's producenter har en fremtrædende stilling på det europæiske marked — de tegner sig for to tredjedele både af den interne samhandel med industriprodukter og af EFTA-landenes import — samt på markederne i Afrika og Mellem østen (hvor de tegner sig for 60% af importen af industriprodukter i det førstnævnte område og 40% i det sidstnævnte område).
On the other hand, Community ex porters account for a much smaller share of markets outside the wider European area — for under 25% of US imports of manufactures and for only just over 15% of Asian imports.
Selv om en forholdsvis lille del af produktionen i Central- og Østeuropa ind går i handelen, foregår en stadig større del af denne regions handel nu med EF-landene.
In these markets, the Community share of trade declined during the 1980s.
På alle disse markeder er EF's andel enten vokset eller forblevet stort set uændret i de sidste 20 år.
They were also the markets, however, which expanded by most over this period, whereas those where the Community share was much higher grew relatively slowly — partly reflecting slow growth in the Community itself.
Mens væksten i produktionen i EF i 1980'erne var lavere end i noget tidligere tiår siden Anden Ver denskrig, var den dog væsentligt højere end i mange udviklingslande.
While output growth in the Community over the 1980s was lower than over any previous decade since the war, it was, nevertheless, significantly higher than that achieved in many parts of the developing world.
I mange af de fattigste lande faldt realindkomsten pr. indbygger, målt i BNP, rent faktisk mel lem 1980 og 1990 — med 10% i de afrikanske lande syd for Sahara og med 5% i Latinamerika som helhed.
Indeed in many of the poorest countries, real income per head, as measured by GDP, actually declined between 1980 and 1990 — by 10% in sub-Saharan Africa and by 5% in Latin America as a whole.
Resultatet er, at forskellen mellem rige og fattige er blevet større.
As a result, the gap between rich and poor widened.
Der er tilsyneladende ikke større udsigt til et økonomisk opsving af betydning i regionen i nær fremtid.
The prospects for significant economic recovery in the region in the near future seem bleak.
Omorganiseringen og omstruktu reringen af de store statslige virksomheder i regionen — en proces, som kun lige er begyndt — vil be virke yderligere tab af arbejdspladser af et ganske betydeligt omfang.
The reorganisation and restructuring of large state enterprises in the region — a process which is only just beginning — stands to cause further job losses on a substantial scale.
Krisen i EF gør blot problemerne endnu større for de politiske beslutningstagere, der skal forsøge at afbalancere en frem skyndelse af reformprocessen imod
Recession in the Community merely adds to the problems faced by governments trying to balance accelerated reform against mounting unemployment and social deprivation.
I de nordafrikanske lande syd for EF — Maghreb- og Machrak-landene — steg BNP pr. indbygger næsten slet ikke i 1980'erne, og i størsteparten af regionen var der kun få tegn på fremgang med hen
Community producers also hold a leading position in trade in services. Although their importance has de clined over the past 20 years, they still accounted for around 45% of total world exports in 1990.
På den anden side tegner EF's eksportører sig for en langt mindre andel af markederne uden for det større europæiske område — under 25% af USA's import af industriprodukter og kun godt 15% af de asiatiske landes import.
In the North African countries to the South of the Community — Maghreb and Machrek — GDP per head barely increased at all in the 1980s and, over much of the region, there was little sign of progress in terms of economic development. The proportion of population of workingage in employment remained small — only half or less —
På disse markeder faldt EF's andel afhandelen i 1980'erne. Men det var samtidig de markeder, der ekspanderede
The Community's high share of world income owes much to its lead ing position in international trade, particularly in trade in manufac
er forholdsvis lav, er der meget be grænsede muligheder for at fordele det disponible arbejde mere jævnt.
Differences in employment intensity
På samme måde, hvor det er vanskeligt at skabe vækst i produktionen, eventuelt på grund af en svag handelsbalance, er det vanskeligt at tilvejebringe den indkomst, der er nødvendig for at skabe øget be skæftigelse.
Major differences exist between Member States in the level of em ployment they sustain, in the level of taxation and expenditure, in the way they finance it, and in their systems of labour market organisation. tion.
EF's producenter indtager også en førende stilling i handelen med tjenesteydelser.
employed in sectors where a major proportion of output is exported.
Selv om deres position er gået noget tilbage i de sidste 20 år, tegner de sig stadig for ca. 45% af verdens samlede eksport af tjene steydelser i 1990.
For most services activities, international trade is either non-existent or of minor importance.
pæiske arbejdsmarked fungerer ef fektivt.
Even in manufacturing, however, a relatively small number of jobs depend directly on exports.
For at sikre effektivitet i produktionen skal der være ar bejdskraft til rådighed i EF med de færdigheder, som arbejdsgiverne har brug for, og til en pris, som sikrer et rimeligt afkast.
Nevertheless, some 5% of the total numbers in employment in the Community in 1990 worked in industries where more than 40% of output was ex ported and 15% in industries where more than 25% was exported.
Men lønniveauer, ansættelsesvilkår og ar bejdsbetingelser skal også være forenelige med de sociale målsætninger, som den økonomiske union har til formål at sikre.
The extent of government intervention in the labour market, and the role of the state more generally, also differ widely between Member States. Again, however, there is no clear relationship between this and the level of employment.
De store for skelle mellem lønninger og arbejdskraftomkostninger på den ene side forskellige steder i EF og på den anden side arbejdsstyrkens uddannelsesmæssige kvalifikationer — og dermed den produktivitet — giver anledning til bekymring.
Nevertheless, the scale and pace of structural change have progressively in creased the importance of adaptability and made it more difficult to maintain stability — and security — of employment and, therefore, pose problems for at tempts to regulate labour markets.
Forskelle i beskæftigelsesintensiteten
Variations in labour costs
Der er store forskelle EF-landene imellem både med hensyn til det samlede beskatningsniveau og selve beskatningsstrukturen, men disse forskelle skyldes først og fremmest omfanget af de offentlige udgifter og har tilsyneladende in gen klar og entydig indvirkning på produktionens arbejdskraftintensitet.
The number of people in employ ment in any part of the Community not only depends on economic factors like the level of GDP. It also depends on the trade-off between work and leisure, and the distribution of employment and income between individuals and social groups.
Et højt beskæftigelsesniveau i Danmark eksisterer side om side med et højt beskatningsniveau — og store udgifter på det sociale område — i forhold til nationalindkomsten, medens høj beskæftigelse i Portugal er forbundet med lave skatter og lave offentlige udgifter.
Even in similar countries, such as between the Netherlands and Belgium or between Denmark and Germany, average hours worked and the number of people in employment differ significantly.
På trods af samhandelens betyd ning for EF er det en forholdsvis lille del af arbejdsstyrken i EF-landene, der er beskæftiget i sektorer, hvor en større del af produktionen eksporteres.
Moreover, although the majority of people employed in the Community work in jobs where international competitiveness is not a major factor, a great many jobs depend on the success of Community exporters — both in supplying industries and in activités supported by the income generated by export earnings — as well as on the ability of Community producers to compete effectively with importers.
De fleste serviceaktiviteter indgår ikke — eller kun i yderst begrænset omfang — i den internationale samhandel.
To increase employment at any given level of output has implications for the distribution of both working-time and income.
Selv in den for industrien er der forholdsvis få jobs, der direkte afhænger af eksporten.
For coun tries where average earnings are relatively low, there are clear constraints on sharing the available work more evenly.
Men ca. 5% afalle i beskæf tigelse i EF i 1990 arbejdede dog i industrier, hvor over 40% af produktionen blev eksporteret, og 15% i industrier, hvor over 25% af produktionen gik til eksport.
Similarly where there are constraints on output growth, perhaps because of weak nesses in trade performance, it is difficult to generate the income required to support job creation.
Der er store forskelle EF-landene imellem med hensyn til beskæfti gelsesniveau, beskatningsniveau og niveauet for de offentlige udgifter og den måde, hvorpå de finansierer disse udgifter, samt i den måde, hvorpå deres arbejdsmarked er organiseret. ganiseret.
As demonstrated in Chapter 4, there are large variations in wages and labour costs across the Community, as there are in the division of labour costs between the wages paid to employees and the nonwage element, comprising social contributions, payments to pensions schemes and so on.
Der er også store forskelle mellem EF-landene med hensyn til det of fentliges engagement på arbejdsmarkedet og statens rolle mere generelt.
In 1990, the nonwage element amounted to around 30% of total labour costs in manufacturing in France, Belgium and Italy but only 13% in the UK and only 3% in Denmark.
Men heller ikke her er der nogen klar sammenhæng mellem dette og beskæftigelsesniveauet.
These two countries apart, this element in creased by more than wages in all Member States over the 1980s.
Hvor mange, der er i beskæftigelse et givet sted i EF, afhænger ikke kun af økonomiske faktorer såsom BNP.
To ensure efficiency in production, labour needs to be available in the Community with the skills demanded by em ployers and at a price which ensures a reasonable rate of return.
Det afhænger også af afvejningen mellem arbejde og fritid og fordelingen af beskæftigelse og ind komst mellem enkeltpersoner og sociale grupper.
Equally, however, levels of pay and terms and conditions of employ ment need to be compatible with the social objectives which economic union is intended to secure.
Selv i lande, der ligner hinanden, såsom Nederlandene og Belgien eller Danmark og Tyskland, varierer det gennemsnit lige antal arbejdstimer og antallet af personer i beskæftigelse ganske betydeligt.
The ex tent of variation, on the one hand, in wages and labour costs between different parts of the Community and, on the other, in the educational qualifications of the labour force — and, therefore, its inherent productivity — are of concern.
Forskelle i arbejdskraft omkostninger
While Member States vary widely in terms of both the overall level and structure of taxation, these differences largely reflect the scale of public spending and seem to have no clear and unambiguous effect on the employment intensity of production.
Det er en afgørende forudsætning for at opfylde målsætningerne om den økonomiske union, at det euro
A high level of employment in Denmark goes along with a high level of taxes — and social expenditure — relative to national income, while in Portugal high employment
En forøgelse af beskæftigelsen på et givet produktionsniveau har konsekvenser for fordelingen af både ar bejdstid og indkomst.
This disparity, however, does not mean that labour costs are necessarily higher in the countries where the nonwage element is largest.
For lande, hvor den gennemsnitlige indtjening
In practice, differences in the size of this element largely reflect the fact that, in the countries concerned, the social welfare system is funded by contributions rather than from general taxation.
Som det fremgår af kapitel 4, er der store forskelle i EF med hensyn til lønninger og arbejdskraftomkost ninger, og det samme gælder ar-
As a result, the taxes which employees have to pay out of their earnings tend to be
Resumé udviklingsniveau, og kun en ganske lille smule højere end i Spanien og Irland.
Summary ceptions seem to have been the UK and Greece, where labour costs relative to other Member States hardly changed but where productivity declined.
viklede EF-lande. I 1990 var de højere i Spanien og Irland end i Frankrig og Nederlandene og væsentligt højere end i Storbritannien, hvor de lå endnu længere under EF-gen-nemsnittet, end det var tilfældet for industrien.
lower in these countries than in others and, therefore, the wage required to yield a given level of real income is also lower. High nonwage costs, in other words, tend to be compensated by low wage costs.
bejdskraftomkostningernes fordeling på lønninger til arbejdstagerne og det ikke-lønmæssige element, der omfatter sociale bidrag, betalinger til pensionsordninger osv. I 1990 udgjorde det ikke-lønmæssige element ca. 30% af de samlede ar bejdskraftomkostninger i industri en i Frankrig, Belgien og Italien, men kun 13% i Storbritannien og kun 3% i Danmark.
In the UK, where the regional variation in labour costs was less than in France or Italy, manufacturing costs in the high wage South-East were some 35% below the average in Germany in 1988 and at a similar level to those in Southern Italy.
Bortset fra disse to lande steg det ikke-lønmæssige element mere end lønningerne i alle EF-landene i løbet af 1980'erne.
In Northern Ireland, they were around 30% below those in the latter region and only slightly less than in Spanish regions outside of Madrid, where costs were much the same as the UK average.
Disse forskelle i arbejdskraftom kostninger afspejler i vidt omfang lige så store forskelle i arbejdskraftens produktivitet.
In Northern Portugal, where labour costs are lower than anywhere else in the Community, they were only just 11% of the average level in Hamburg, the highest cost region, in 1988.
I en række EF-lande er der store regionale forskelle i arbejdskraft omkostningerne, som har stor indvirkning på omfanget af omkostningsforskelle i EF som helhed.
For individual industries within manufacturing, both the pattern and scale of variation in labour costs between Member States are much the same as for manufacturing as a whole.
For skellene mellem regionerne inden for industrien var mindst i Tyskland i 1988, der er det seneste år, for hvilket der foreligger data — det kan muligvis tilskrives det forhold, at landsdækkende lønaftaler for de enkelte sektorer har forholdsvis stor betydning i dette land.
For banking and insurance, however, two of the few service activities for which labour cost data are available, there is much less difference in average labour costs between the more developed and less developed Member States.
Forskel lene var størst i Italien, hvilket skyldes et markant skel mellem om kostningerne i det velstående Norditalien og det mindre udviklede Syditalien.
In Spain and Ireland in 1990, they were higher than in France or the Netherlands and considerably higher than in the UK, where they were even further below the Community average than in the case of manufacturing.
Denne forskel er dog ikke ensbetydende med, at arbejdskraftomkost ningerne nødvendigvis er højere i de lande, hvor det ikke-lønmæssige element er størst.
Average labour costs in manufac turing were higher in Germany in 1990 than anywhere else in the Community, 15% more than in Belgium, the next highest wage economy, and almost six times higher than in Portugal, the country with the lowest wages.
I praksis afspejler forskelle i størrelsen af det ikke-lønmæssige element i vidt omfang blot, at det sociale velfærdssystem i de pågældende lande i højere grad fi nansieres med sociale bidrag end over skatten.
In the UK, labour costs — and average wage levels — were substantially (25-40%) less than in other Northern Community countries, ostensibly at a similar stage of economic development, and only marginally above those in Spain and Ireland.
Resultatet er, at den skat, som arbejdstagerne skal betale ud af deres løn, generelt vil være lavere i disse lande end i de øvrige, og derfor er den løn, der skal til for at nå op på et bestemt realindkomstniveau, også lavere.
These differences in labour costs largely reflect equally large differences in labour productivity.
Høje ikke-lønmæssige omkostninger vil med andre ord generelt blive opvejet af lavere lønomkostninger.
In terms of its contribution to valueadded, labour appears to be relatively cheap in the Netherlands and Luxembourg, despite their high wages, as well as in Portugal and Ireland, and relatively expensive in Germany and Denmark.
I Frankrig var arbejdskraftomkost ningerne i industrien i Ile de France omkring Paris større end i alle de tyske regioner — bortset fra Hamburg — men kun halvt så store som i Bretagne.
In principle, the regions with the highest labour costs in any Member State should also be expected to have the lowest rates of unemployment — otherwise labour costs should normally be lower to reflect labour market conditions. This is, however, by no means generally the case.