natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Man kender hverken antallet af oprørere eller antallet af døde i oprørsbevægelsen den 28. april 1789, kendt som Reveillon-affæren, der gik forud for indtagelsen af Bastillen, da historikerne aldrig har kunnet blive enige om tallene, der varierer mellem 25 og 900 døde.
We know neither the names of the rioters nor the number of dead in the uprising of 28 April 1789, known as the Réveillon Affair, which preceded the Bastille. Historians have never agreed on the exact number, which varied from 25 to 900 dead.
Derimod er der ingen tvivl om den rolle, de provokatører spillede, der blev betalt af hertugen af Orléans. I Rue de Montreuil i forstaden Saint-Antoine angreb horden Réveillon, tapetfabrikken.
On the other hand, there is no longer any doubt about the role of agitators, most likely in the pay of the Duke of Orleans.
Generelt siges det, at dette oprør startedes af pris stigningen på brød, men hertuginden af Orléans, der kom forbi, blev hyldet, medens de andre adelige blev mishandlet og udplyndret.
The origin of this riot is generally attributed to the price of bread, but the Duchess of Orleans was cheered as she went by while other nobles were mistreated and robbed.
Hvordan det end har været, finder man også her kun navnet på én kvinde, Marie-Jeanne Trumeau, som regnedes for at være en af lederne af oprørsbevægelsen.
In any case, we have the name of just one woman, Marie-Jeanne Trumeau, who was recognised as one of the leaders and condemned to be hanged at the Place de la Grève.
Hun dømtes til hængning på Place de Grève, men blev benådet, fordi hun var gravid.
She was pardoned because she was pregnant.
Blandt oprørerne den 10. august 1789 var der 90 føderalister og ca. 300 medlemmer af parisiske valgkredse, der blev såret eller dræbt: Deriblandt kun tre kvinder, bl.a.
Among those who participated in the attack of 10 August 1789, 90 Federates and close to 300 Parisian sectionnaires were killed or wounded.
Louise-Reine Audu, som man allerede havde set 5. oktober. 600 schweizere omkom samme dag.
There were only 3 women among them, including Louise-Reine Audu, who was also listed as participating in the events of 5 October.
Deraf skal man alligevel ikke kon kludere, at kvinderne blev holdt uden for kamp, at de ikke startede noget oprør, og at de kun var passive vidner til Revolutionen.
Nevertheless, we should not conclude that women were exempt from combat, that they led no revolts or that they were passive witnesses to the Revolution.
Man kan ikke få nogen til at tro på, at man har kunnet undgå Hallernes kvinders retfærdige hævn.
Who could believe it was possible to escape the legitimate anger of the fishwives of the Halle?
Kan man forestille sig, at man kunne bremse 70 000 prostituerede, arbejdsløse, fattige og syge kvinders, tiggende kvinders og forpryglede kvinders indestængte had.
And imagine trying to curb the simmering hatred of 70,000 prostitutes (without counting those who gave in to the "promiscuity" of the times, food had to be found one way or another).
Og hvis man beklager sig over vandalismen og brutaliteten, må man vide, at disse kvinder gennem deres selvopofrelse reddede flere liv, end de tog.
And even when we deplore the acts of vandalism and cruelty, we also know that women, through their devoted efforts, saved many more lives than they took.
De gemte de præster, der ikke ville aflægge ed på forfatningen, de lavede mad til hærene, alle hærene: Royalisterne, føderalisterne og katolikkerne.
They hid priests who refused to swear fealty to the Republic, fed armies, all the armies - Royalists, Federates, and Catholics.
Med ord, stemmer og fagter opildnede de til plyndring og til mord, men de grusomheder, man tilkender dem, er lige så sjældne, som historien husker dem.
In their battle cries and in their acts they incited the crowds to loot and murder, but the atrocities attributed to women are so rare that history remembers them.
I Montauban nåede kvinderne grænsen af det tålelige, men det er det eneste eksempel i hele Revolutionen, og det kommer vi tilbage til senere.
In Montauban the women reached the limits of cruelty, but this was the sole case in the whole Revolution. We shall come back to this later.
Det er lige så overraskende at konstatere overlapningen af historien og le genden, når det drejer sig om revolutionære kvinder.
It is also surprising to see how history and legend intertwine when you speak about revolutionary women.
Theroigne de Méricourt er uden tvivl det mest sørgelige eksempel, til trods for Baudelaire.
Théroigne de Mèricourt is undoubtedly the sorriest example, with all due deference to Baudelaire.
Hun havde først og fremmest været offer for kontrarevolutionen og blev også offer for historiens uretfærdighed.
More than anything, she was a victim of the counterrevolution and a victim of History's injustice.
Man havde kaldt hende og mange andre for hysteriske.
She was dismissed as a hysteric, like so many other women.
Det er ikke så under ligt i sig selv, for på den tid regnedes denne psysiske tilstand endnu for noget feminint.
In itself this is not surprising, for at the time this psychic manifestation was still considered an excess of morbid feminine eroticism.
Men Michelet og Carlyle skriver dog flere sider om den mandlige hysteriske feber.
Notwithstanding, Michelet and Carlyle devoted reams of paper to the excesses of feverish male hysterics.
10. august 1792 modtog Clarie Lacome, en skuespillerinde, der var kommet til Paris fra provinsen i 1792, sammen med Pauline Léon, tidligere chokoladesælgerske, ligesom Théroigne en borgerkrone for at have deltaget i indtagelsen af Tuileries.
On 10 August 1792, Claire Lacombe, an actress who arrived in Paris from the French provinces in 1792, and Pauline Leon, former chocolate-maker, received civic laurels, like Théroigne, for their participation in the fall of the Tuileries.
I maj 1793 danner disse kvinder SOCIETE DES CITOYENNES REPUBLICAINES-REVOLUTIONAIRES, den berømteste kvindeklub under revolutionen, under ledelse af forkvinden, Pauline Léon.
In May 1793 these women founded the Société Républicaines-Révolutionnaires (Society of Revolutionary Republican Women), the most famous women's revolutionary club of the time.
De installerede sig i Club Jacobins bibliotek.
With Pauline Leon as its president, the club installed itself in the library of the Jacobins Club, and adopted strict rules of procedure.
De ville først og fremmest forpurre republikkens fjenders planer. Deres regler var meget strikse.
The Revolutionary Republicans' primary mission was to foil the aims of the republic's enemies.
Det var på gaden, at man kunne mærke deres magt.
Participating in
2. juni, den dag jakobinerne med hjælp af mængden fjernede de 29 girondinske deputerede fra Nationalkonventet, overtog de vagten foran bygningens porte, så ingen af de medlemmer, der ville gå i protest, kunne slippe væk.
On 2 June the Jacobins, with the crowd's assistance, threw the 29 Girondin Deputies out of the National Convention. The Revolutionary Republicans guarded the entry so that no members could leave to protest the act.
For Girondinerne var det nogle frygtelige mennesker.
The Girondins considered these women to be despicable characters.
I sine memoirer beskriver Buzot dem som pariaer, kvinder fra gaden, "kvindelige uhyrer med hele svaghedens brutalitet og deres køns lastefuldhed".
In his memoirs, Buzot described them as pariahs, women of the streets, "female monsters with all the cruelty of weakness and all the vices of their sex".
I juli og august blev Républicaines-Révolutionnaires anerkendt i rådene i de parisiske valgområder, og efter en tordnende kampagne blev der endog vedtaget en lov, der tvang kvinderne til at bære revolutionskokarden of fentligt.
In July and August, the Revolutionary Republicans were accepted on the councils of the Parisian sections. They even managed to pass a law, after vigorous campaigning, that obliged women to wear the revolutionary cockade in public.
Ligesom Théroigne krævede Clarie Lacombe retten til at bære våben.
Like Théroigne, Claire Lecombe called for the right to bear arms.
Hendes regelmæssige taler i den jakobinske klubs debatter og i Nationalforsamlingen kostede hende indignerede protester fra et af medlemmerne: Denne kvinde blander sig i alt.
Her frequent interventions in Jacobins Club debates and at the National Assembly earned the wrath of at least one member, who said that this woman meddled in everything.
En anden var sikker på, at hun var agent for kontrarevolutionen.
Another was convinced she was an agent of the counter-revolution.
Alle disse kvinder, samt Constance Evrard (23 år, kokkepige, fra Club des Cordeliers), der blev arresteret 17. juli 1791 for at have fornærmet hustruen til en soldat ved Garde Nationale, der havde deltaget i massakren på Champs de Mars, havde farlige talegaver.
Like Constance Evrard (23 years old, cook, Club des Cordeliers), who was arrested on 17 July 1791 for insulting the wife of a National Guard militiaman who had participated in the Champ-de-Mars massacre, these women were considered dangerous because they were outspoken.
Efter at have givet dem stemmer fik revolutionen dem til at tie.
The Revolution, after giving women the right to speak, would soon silence them.
I 1793 var der kun en stemme mod forbuddet mod kvindeklubber, der regnedes som en fare for republikken.
In 1793, there was only one vote against outlawing women's clubs, which were considered to be dangerous for the republic.
Der blev stillet tre spørgsmål til de deputerede: rede:
The deputies were asked three questions:
- Skal man tillade kvinderne at samles i Paris?
- Should assemblies of women be allowed in Paris?
- Kan kvinderne udøve politisk ret og deltage aktivt i regeringens arbejde?
- Should women be allowed to exercise political rights and take an active part in the affairs of State?
- Kan de tage beslutninger, når de er samlede i politiske sammenslutninger eller folkeforeninger?
- Should they be allowed to deliberate in political associations or popular societies?
Konventionsmedlemmerne svarede klart "nej" til disse tre spørgsmål og gen nemførte således "det politiske mord" på kvinderne, medens Code Civil for beredte deres "borgerlige død".
The Convention members replied with a resounding "no", thus sealing the "political death" of women as the Civil Code was preparing their "civic death".
Med de berømte røde huer præsenterede en delegation, ledet af Claire Lacombe, sig for Paris' kommunalråd.
Wearing their famous red bonnets, a delegation led by Claire Lecombe went before the Paris Council.
Men dens formand, Pierre Chaumette, affærdigede dem med disse ord: "Det er horribelt, det er mod naturens orden, når en kvinde vil være en mand. Siden hvornår er det sømmeligt at se en kvinde forsømme de fromme pligter i husholdningen, deres børns vugger, for at tage til offentlige steder og holde tale i gallerierne.
However, the Council president, Pierre Chaumette, denounced them saying: "It is horrible—unnatural—for a woman to want to become a man.. .Since when has it been decent for women to abandon their pious household tasks and their children's cradles, to meet in public places yelling from the galleries?"
Hvad vil I mere?
What more do you want?
Jeres despotisme er det eneste, vores magt ikke kan modstå, da det er kærlighedens despotisme og derfor naturens værk.
Your despotism is the only force we cannot resist, for it is the despotism of love, thus the work of nature.
I denne samme naturs navn, bliv hvor I er.
In the name of nature itself, stay as you are.
I stedet for at misunde os et bevæget livs farer, burde I være tilfredse med at få os til at glemme dem i familiens skød, når vi ser på vores børn, der er gjort lykkelige gennem Je res omsorg".
Instead of envying our perilous, busy lives, you should be content to help us forget all this at home in our families, where we can rest our eyes with the enchanting sight of our children made happy through your cares."
Kvinderne i klubber i provinsen eller visse parisiske broderfællesskaber fortsatte en tid at beskæftige sig med de fattige, de syge og de trængende, men i det skjulte, for man måtte bremse ethvert initiativ: Rædselsherredømmet slog blindt ned.
For a time the women of the provincial clubs continued to take care of the poor, the sick and the needy, but only passively, as all initiatives were discouraged. The Terror executed blindly.
Robespierres idé om den "republikanske ærbare kvinde" gjorde rent bord, de prostituerede blev bortvist fra Paris' gader, alle kvinder blev sendt til bage til deres familier, med nogle få undtagelser: Fornuftens gudinder, der blev opkaldt efter den nye statsreligion, der netop var blevet indført, blev over hele Frankrig præstinder for den nye "Culte de l'être suprême".
Robespierre's "virtuous republic" cleared the situation up by clearing people out. Prostitutes were banned from the streets of Paris, women were sent back to their homes, and only a few exceptions escaped this ostracism from public life: all over France the goddesses of Reason, named for the new state religion, became the priestesses of the new "cult of the Supreme Being".
Denne periode så også indførelsen af Fabre d'Eglantines revolutionære kalender .
This period was also hallowed in Fabre Eglantine's revolutionary calendar.
Under en tidagesfest i Castres sang man, temmelig sikkert efter arrestationen af Louis XVI (10 august 1791) foran republikkens statue, sangen "Garrisou de Marianno" af Guillaume Lavabre.
Nonetheless, during a décadaire ("decimal") celebration in Castres, most likely after the arrest of Louis XVI (10 August 1791), the crowd gathered before the statue of the Republic sang the melody "Garrisou de Marianno" written by the shoemaker-troubadour Guillaume Lavabre.
Statuen havde så massive former, at man havde kaldt den "La" (hunkønspronomen) "Marianno" (mandligt fornavn); den blev i karrikaturer til billedet af den første republik med en kvindes træk.
A statue so massive it was nicknamed "la" (feminine pronoun) "Marianno" (masculine suffix), it became the allegory of the First Republic, in the form of a woman.
Den første Deesse de la Raison ved den første revolutionære fest, der fandt sted ved Notre Dame, var den berømte skuespillerinde Mademoiselle Maillard.
The first Goddess of Reason at the first celebration of the Revolution, held in Notre Dame cathedral, was the famous actress Mademoiselle Maillard.
Hun var klædt i hvidt, med en lang blå kappe oy frihedens hue.
She was dressed in white, with a long blue cape and the bonnet of liberty.
Til tonerne af "Ca Ira" og" "Marseillaisen" blev hun båret i procession og senere ført op på tronen. I Les Femmes de la Revolution kommenterede Michelet ceremonien med disse ord: "En ærbar ceremoni, trist, tør 05 kedelig". Kvindernes revolution var forbi.
To the refrain of " Ca irá' and the "Marseillaise', she was carried in procession and installed on the throne.
KVINDEBEVÆGELSERNES OPRINDELSE *
ORIGINS OF THE FEMINIST MOVEMENT1
Det er ikke tilfældigt, at epoken omkring den første entusiasme for l'Emile (J.J. Rousseau) er tidspunktet for revolutionens heltes fødsel og barndom, Robespierre, Danton, Desmoulins og andre.
It is not just mere chance that the first enthusiasm for Emile (J.J. Rousseau) was contemporary with the birth and childhood of the heros of the revolution, Robespierre, Danton, Desmoulins and others.
"Le Contrat Social" havde også været i deres mødres hænder, og Rousseau havde således vist dem den foragt, hvori man havde holdt moderskabet i hele det 18. århundrede.
The. Social Contract was also read by their mothers and Rousseau had thus shown them the disdain for maternity demonstrated throughout the 18th century.
De opfostrede dem i frihedens og lighedens kærlighed: "Mennesket er født frit ... hvis man opgiver sin frihed, opgiver man sin kvalitet som menneske, retten til menneskeheden og' selv sine pligter ..".
They instilled in their children the love of liberty and equality: "All men are born free.. .Renouncing man's liberty is tantamount to renouncing his humanity, his rights to humanity, and even his duties..." These pages of
Disse sider af Rousseau, samt Vol taires skrifter og encyclopedisterne Dederots og D'Alemberts skrifter, fin der blandt kvinder en genklang, der er så meget større, som den indeholdt spirerne til reformen af kvindernes situation, selv om Voltaire og Montesqieu ikke var særligt feministiske, og man ikke skal overdrive deres ind flydelse.
Rousseau, like the writings of Voltaire and the Encyclopaediasts Diderot and D'Alembert, were even closer to the souls of women because they carried the seeds of a reform in their condition, even though Voltaire and Montesquieu were not particularly feminist and their influence should not be exaggerated.
Det er ikke mindre sandt, at den ledende klasse fyldt med. glæde aspirerede til andre filosofiske idealer, ligesom arbejderklassen, der levede i den frygteligste misere, i filosoferne så de første resultater af kulturrevolutionen, der fremkalder den revolutionære omvæltning.
It is no less true, however, that, saturated with pleasure, the dominant classes yearned for other philosophies. Likewise the working class, plunged in the deepest misery, found in these philosophers the first fruits of the cultural revolution that would later mature into the torment of the revolution.
Tænkernes teorier, filosofernes drømme, kalder på følelserne, "på en måde, det aldrig før var sket", skriver Lily Braun, og desuden var kvinderne deres mest ivrige for kæmpere.
The theories of the thinkers and the dreams of the philosophers spoke to the emotions, "such as had never been done before," wrote Lily Braun. And the women became their most ardent partisans.
Der fødtes altså en "revolutionær romantisme", der hos revolutionens kvinder forstærkede den antikke tragedie ved at blande naturen og fri heden, døden og terroren.
This was the time of "revolutionary romanticism" which, for the women of the Revolution, exalted the Antique tragedy in a mixture of nature and liberty, death and terror.
Læste Manon Philipon, senere Madame Roland, ikke Collins romanske historie, og kom for det meste ind på Flutarque? Sophie de Crouchy, Marquise de Condorcet, havde læst Marc Aurèles Meditations.
Manon Philipon, the future Mme Roland, not only read Collin's history of Rome, she constantly read and reread Plutarch.
Revolutionens kvinder lærte den fælles aktion under oprørene og revolterne.
The women of the revolution learned about collective action in the riots and revolts.
De lærte også ved at "tænke i termer af sociale bevægelser", som Sheila Rowbotham skriver, at forsvare deres køn som en diskrimineret gruppe og ikke som et individ.
They also learned how to "think in terms of social movements" according to Sheila Rowbothan, and to defend their sex as a disadvantaged group and no longer as an individual destiny.
En anden indflydelse, amerikansk, kommer også til at markere den fremkommende feministiske bevægelses karakter.
Another influence, American this time, also stamped the character of the budding feminist movement.
De amerikanske kvinder opildnede til kampen mod slaveriet, som Olympe de Gouges også var en indædt protagonist imod, og mod det britiske overherredømme.
The women of America kindled the resistance to slavery—a movement of which Olympe de Gouges was also a most vehement supporter—and also became involved in movements against British sovereignty.
Mercy Otis Warren, søster til James Otis (amerikansk frihedskæmper), bad endog ledere som George Washington om frihed på et tidspunkt, hvor de ikke var forkæmpere for frigørelsen fra hovedlandet.
Mercy Otis Warren, the sister of James Otis (an American revolutionary), even appealed to leaders such as Washington for the Colonies' independence at a time when they were not yet advocating separation from England.
Mercy Otis havde også forbindelser med Thomas Jefferson, og frihedsdeklarationen viser tegn på hendes indflydelse.
Mercy Otis was also a close friend of Thomas Jefferson's and the Declaration of Independence shows traces of her influence.
Abigail Smith Adams (1744-1818), feminist, patriot og den amerikanske præsidents hustru, var sammen med Mercy en af de første kvinder, der bad om lighed for kvinderne.
Abigail Smith Adams (1744-1818), a feminist and patriot and wife of the second President of the United States, was with Mercy one of the first women to demand equality of the sexes.
I 1776 skrev Abigail i forbindelse med Congres' diskussioner om forfatningen til sin mand: "Hvis den nye forfatning ikke tager specielt hensyn til kvinderne, har vi besluttet os til revolte, og vi er ikke indstillet på at underkaste os en lov, der end ikke giver os stemmeret, eller en repræsentant for vore interesser".
In 1776, while the Constitutional Congress was deliberating, Abigail wrote to her husband: "If the future Constitution does not pay particular attention to women, we are ready to revolt, and we shall not consider ourselves obliged to obey laws that do not give us a voice and a representative. "
Som følge heraf blev skolerne åbnet for kvinder og bare to stater, New Jer sey og Virginia, gav dem stemmeret.
As a consequence schools were opened to women, and only two states—New Jersey and Virginia—gave them the right to vote.
Denne juridiske disposition gav genlyd i Frankrig og gav ny glød til den "feministiske" entusiasme.
This legal measure made quite a bit of noise in France, to the point of inflaming "feminist" enthusiasm.
I 1786 blev der grundlagt et gymnasium specielt for kvinder, hvortil slut tede sig et lille antal mænd, så der snart var 700 personer.
In 1786 a Lycee was opened for women; a small number of men also enrolled, and the number of students soon grew to 700.
De sidste En cyclopédistes holdt foredrag, der hurtigt blev til voldsomme diatriber.
The last Encyclopaediasts gave lessons which quickly degenerated into violent diatribes.
Un der ledelse af Condorcet og Laharpe, der kom i rød jakobinerhue, blev eleverne hurtigt skuespillere i det drama, der fandt sted udenfor.
Under the leadership of Condorcet and La Harpe, who appeared wearing the phrygian bonnet, the students soon became actors in the drama played out in the streets.
Madame Roland og Marquise de Condorcet var blandt dem.
Mme Roland and the Marquise de Condorcet were among the group.
Med grundlæggelsen af gymnasiet havde man givet kvinderne ret til uddannelse.
In founding the Lycée, women's right to education was recognised.
De bad Nationalforsamlingen om, at staten anerkendte denne ret.
They then asked the National Assembly for the State to recognise this right.
Forfatningen af 1789 tog dette med i betragtning og Talleyrand, talsmand for reorganiseringen af den of fentlige undervisning, helligede et afsnit til spørgsmålet om uddannelse og oplæring af kvinder, samtidig med at han tog de forholdsregler at begrænse deres uddannelse til et minimum ved at sige, at naturen havde skabt kvinderne til at arbejde i hjemmet blandt deres børn: Ethvert brud på naturens lov ville være en stor fejl.
The 1789 Constitution took this into account, and Talleyrand, rapporteur for reorganizing public education, devoted a paragraph to the question of education and the teaching of women. He took the precaution of limiting
Nationalforsamlingen besluttede at give piger lov til at gå i de offentlige skoler, til de vår otte år gamle, og derefter skulle forældrene overtage deres opdragelse.
P. 11 their culture to the minimum, arguing that nature had created women for domestic life with their children, and it would be a serious error to violate any natural law.
I 1793 var alle børn mellem 5 og 12 elever i "maisons d'égalité".
In 1793 all children between 5 and 12 would be raised in "homes of equality".
Disse tanker var frugten af en håndfuld intellektuelles arbejde, der gennem nogen tid passioneredes for politik og som det blev skrevet, overgav sig til "intellektuelle glæder".
These preoccupations, however, were actually the fruit of a handful of women intellectuals who had just discovered politics and were absorbed in what was described as "intellectual enjoyments".
Der var kvinder fra arbejderklassen, der levede i en total armod.
The case was quite different for working class women, who were living in abject poverty.