natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
I deres værker frigør alle enten et klart politisk had, såsom Burke eller Taine, kontrarevolutionære historikere, der afskyede "horderne af banditter, tyve, mordere, befolkningens afkast" og alt, hvad de repræsenterede, eller de reagerer som Mortimer-Ternaux, en aristokrat i 1792, der om Revolutionen kun huskede Rædselsherredømmet og dets udsugning af befolkningen.
All of them expressed in their works either obvious political hostility, as did Burke and Taine, counter-revolutionary historians who execrated "the crowds of brigands, thieves, assassins, the dregs of the population" and everything that they represented, or Mortimer-Ternaux, who treated the Revolution from the standpoint of an aristocrat in 1792 who remembered only the Terror and its exactions.
1789-revolutionen var for meget i folks tanker til ikke at oplyse Frankrigs nærmeste fremtid.
The French Revolution was too close to be useful in shedding light on the immediate future of France.
Hvorfor udsendte Michelet de to første bind af sin Revolutionshistorie i 1847? Hvorfor offentliggjorde Lamartine samme år L'histoire des Girondins, Louis Blanc det første bind af sin Revolutionshistorie og Alphonse Esquiros i 1848 L'histoire des Montagnards?
Why did Michelet publish the first two volumes of his history of the revolution in 1847?
Når de skriver historien om revolutionen i 1789 efter begivenhederne i 1847, beskriver de historikere, der vidner om deres egen tid, denne nye re volution, der går imod en uundgåelig fiasko, blot på grundlag af den politiske historie, for indtil da havde den franske revolution ikke inspireret til undersøgelse af skikke.
In writing the history of the 1789 Revolution under the weight of the events of 1847, the historians who were witnesses of their time painted this new revolution heading to its inevitable doom from the vantage point of political history only, for until then the French Revolution had never inspired a study of morals or standards of behaviour.
I forordet til Comédie Humaine foreholder Balzac dem det i 1848, for man udelod faktisk det, der var den virkelige revolutionære motor i 1789: Horderne og folket, der især bestod af kvinder og det tragiske og menneskelige, der fandt sted.
As for the rest, Balzac, in his preface to The HumanComedy, made this reproach in 1848, for the real revolutionary driving force of 1789—the mob and the populace, composed mainly of women, and their tragedy and humanity—was left almost completely aside.
Hvem indtog Bastillen? "Folket, hele folket", svarer Michelet.
Who stormed the Bastille?
Dette folk, der for Taine er et "beskidt dyr på et purpurfarvet tæppe", består først og fremmest af fortvivlede kvinder.
The majority of this people, likened by Taine to a "beast sprawling on a crimson carpet," consisted of desperate women.
Det er bemærkelsesværdigt, at historisk sammenholder man hele tiden ideen om horder og masser med kvinder, selv om det i de dage var mændene, der skød.
It is remarkable that, historically, the notion of crowds and masses has irremediably been associated with women, even though men were the ones who fired the first shots on those days.
Hvem fandtes i de horder, der gik mod Versailles og fældede monarkiet?
Yet of what were the crowds that marched on Versailles and overthrew the monarchy made up?
Især kvinder.
Mostly women.
Hvem ledede dem?
Who led them?
Kvinderne fra Hallerne.
The women of the market district (la Halle).
20. juni 1791, efter kon gens flugt, erklærede kvinderne: "Kvinderne førte kongen til Paris og mændene lod ham undslippe".
On 20 June 1791, after the king's flight, the women declared, "Women were the ones who brought the king back to Paris and men were the ones who let him escapé'.
Var kvinderne virkelig vektor i den revolutionære folkeopstand? Ja!
Were women indeed the vectors of the revolutionary uprising of the people?
Det er der ingen tvivl om.
This is unquestionable.
Michelet, der beundrer kvinderne og af og til lovpriser deres fortrin eller deres mod, forstod deres stærke motivering: "Kvinderne var forrest i vores revolution", skriver han, "Man skal ikke blive overrasket over det.
Michelet, who admired women and sometimes exalted their virtues or courage, understood their powerful motivations.
De havde det hårdest.
"Women were in the forward ranks of our revolution," he wrote.
Den store nød er grusom, den rammer oftest de svageste og maltrakterer børnene og kvinderne meget mere end mændene".
The greatest, adversities are ferocious, they strike the wealt hardest; they mistreat children and women much more than they do men."
Men historien husker altså meget få kvinder, selv om man har skrevet meget om den rolle, de spillede under revolutionen, eller om deres følelsesmæssige udbrud.
Despite this, few women were remembered by history, although much was written about their roles in the Revolution and their impassioned rages.
Man kaldte dem mageløse, vulgære, heltinder eller "gadepiger", furier eller hystader, men selv om de måske var alt dette, var de også mødre og hustruer, der led under det gamle regime.
Sublime or fishwife, heroines or "crossroads Venuses", furies or hysterical individuals, while they were undoubtedly all this, they were also mothers and wives who suffered from being women under the ancien régime (old regime).
Vi sagde, at revolutionen var en romantisk periode, og der er ingen tvivl om, at kvinderne forbitrede historieforskerne i det 19. århundrede, som med anekdotisk historie gjorde det sådan, at kvinden både bliver offer for re volutionen og offer for historien.
The Revolution, we have said, was a romantic epic and it is certain that women exacerbated the pens of the 19th-century historians to the confines of legend, to the point that, in relegating women to the anecdotes of history, the historians turned women into victims of the Revolution and victims of History in alternation.
Hvad er der til overs af de sociale anlæg, man tilkæmpede sig med blodsudgydelse? Intet!
What of the sketchy social justice conquered at the price of much blood would remain under the Directory?
Faktisk lærer det os, at kvinderne selv startede kvinderevolutionen, og det tilgiver mændenes historie dem ikke.
The major lesson to be remembered is that these women attempted to conduct the women's revolution alone. The history of men will never forgive them this.
KVINDERNE OG HISTORIEN
WOMEN AND HISTORY
Lad os så læse historien. Mirabeau, der ville give tronen til hertugen af Orléans, opildner til oprør og betaler med hertugens penge, de demagoger, som Choderlos de Laclos, hertugens grå eminence, rekruterede på slottet.
Let us then read history.
"For 25 Louis d'or", sagde Mirabeau, "kan man få et pænt oprør ..."
"Twenty-five louis," Mirabeau used to say, "will get you a very nice riot."
Samtidig med at man foreslog de franske vagter at hente Kongen på Versailles og at føre ham til Paris, fik de den ide at standse forsyningerne til Paris i to dage, før de sendte kvinderne mod Versailles: Man skød ikke på kvinder.
P. 4 fetch the King at Versailles and bring him back to Paris, they had the idea of paralysing the flow of food supplies to Paris for two days before setting the women on Versailles. After all, the soldiers would not fire on women.
Louis XVI selv svarede de Narbonne og hertugen af Guiché, der indtrængende bad ham indsætte vagterne: "Altså, krig mod kvinder?
Louis XVI himself would meet the insistance of Monsieur de Narbonne and the Duke of Guiché, who wanted to call out the guard, with cries of "Come, come! orders of war against women?
Hvem gør I grin med?"
Are you mocking me?"
5. oktober 1789 gik mellem 5 000 og 6 000 kvinder mod Versailles.
On Monday, 5 October 1789, five to six thousand women marched on Versailles, with the women of la Halle leading the way.
Forrest kom kvinderne fra Hallerne, bag dem mændene, hvoraf de yngste var klædt ud som kvinder.
Behind them came the men, with the youngest disguised as women.
Dækket af mudder, gennemblødt af regn og sved, udmattede, fulde, i de fleste tilfælde vulgære, skreg de trusler mod Marie-Antoinette.
Covered with mud, soaked by the rain and sweat, worn out, drunk, most of these coarse women shrieked threats at Marie Antoinette.
Faktisk skrev 100 til 150 furier historie.
Actually, between 100 and 150 furies made history.
Ledet af Maillard fornærmer kvinderne fra rue du Pélican og rue des Porcheron bourgøjserne, og de fromme kvinder blev rykket ud af deres mænds arme, eller husholdersker blev rekruteret med magt, når de ikke blev slået eller truet med at blive kronraget.
Led by Maillard, the women of Pelican Street and les Porcherons insulted the bourgeois ladies, devout women, the women torn from their husbands' arms or housewives recruited by force when they were not struck or enrolled by the threat of having their hair cut off.
De piger, der samledes på Palais Royal, lokkede soldaterne fra det flamske regiment.
The women packed before the royal palace flirted with the soldiers of the Flanders Regiment.
En ukendt kvinde uddelte ecu'er og Louis d'or.
An unknown woman distributed ecus and gold louis.
En hest, der blev slået ned på Place d'Armes, blev straks parteret af disse stakkels sultne kvinder.
A horse felled in the square (place des Armes) was immediately cut up by these poor, starving women.
Et stort antal kvinder fulgt af mænd bevæbnet med ca. 700 geværer, som le derne havde stjålet i Rådhusets våbenarsenaler, med spyd, med økser, med hager, med jernbeslåede knipler, besatte Nationalforsamlingen, der dengang havde til huse i Hôtel des Menus-Plaisirs.
A large number of women, joined by men armed with some 700 muskets that the women ringleaders had stolen from the town hall's arms stores, picks, axes, hooks and iron bars, swarmed into the national assembly, which was housed at the time in the Hôtel des Menus-Plaisirs.
De deputerede forsøgte at berolige de kvinder, der skubbede dem, kyssede dem, fornærmede dem, der tog kjolerne af for at tørre dem, lagde sig på bænkene, kastede op, sang eller skrålede "Ned med præsteskabet, ikke så megen snak, vi vil have brød, kød for seks sou!"
The Deputies strove to calm the women who pushed them about, kissed them, insulted them, took off their dresses to dry them, lay down on the benches, vomited, sang or brayed "Down with the cloth/church party, not so many speeches, bread, meat at six sols!"
Taine beskriver dem som en gruppe "vaskekoner, tiggere, kvinder uden sko, vulgære kvinder, der gennem flere dage var blevet hvervet for penge".
Taine depicted them as an army of "laundresses, beggars, barefoot women, coarse women solicited for several days with the promise of silver!"
Hvad angår mændene var de vagabonder, nyligt løsladte, udskuddet fra Faubourg Saint-Antoine, nogle af dem var schweizere eller tyskere, ifølge Greven af Fersen.
As for the men, they were vagabonds, criminals, the dregs of the Faubourg Saint-Antoine neighbourhood, some, according to Count de Fersen, were Swiss and Germans.
Mange kilder (ca. 400) angiver ligeledes, at et vist antal mænd var klædt ud som kvinder for at give kvinderne et dårligt ry.
Many sources (about 400) also indicate that many of the men were disguised as women to discredit them.
Omkring kl. 6 modtog kongen så en delegation på 5 eller 6 repræsentanter for "de vulgære kvinder", ledet af Louise Chabry, der dog ikke var en af disse, for hun var arbejder inden for skulptur og meget følsom og følte sig "dårlig tilpas", da hun blev præsenteret for kongen.
Finally, around six o'clock, the king received a delegation of five or six representatives of the "fishwives" led by Louise Chabry, a worker in sculpture and obviously endowed with sensitivity who definitely did not belong to their "guild" for she felt "ill at ease" when she was introduced to the king.
Han gav ordre til, at man skulle servere vin for kvinderne og lyttede så til dem.
The king served them wine and heard them out.
Louise Chabry bad kongen om det, alle kongerigets kvinder krævede: Brød og fødevarer til pøblen, medens Louison og Rosalie, der solgte fisk på Marché Saint-Paul, skrigende krævede Marie-Antoinettes hoved.
Louise Chabry asked the king for that which all the women of the kingdom were clamouring, bread and food for the populace, while Louison and Rosalie, fish merchants at Saint Paul's market, shrieked their demand for Marie-Antoinette's head.
De andre kvinder, der var fåtallige i forhold til "de vulgære", viste en fuldstændig anderledes opførsel.
The other women, who were few in comparison with the fish wives, behaved completely differently.
Men i denne anledning skal vi fjerne en af de mange legender, som kvinderne var de største ofre for.
Here, too, we must destroy one of the many legends of which women were the main victims.
De, der gjorde sig bemærket under oprøret, var hverken klædt i laser eller uanstændigt påklædt, sådan som historien oftest giver indtryk af.
Those who distinguished themselves in the riots were neither in rags nor slovenly, as history has too often suggested.
Under Marchen mod Versailles den 5. oktober 1789 så vidner "velklædte borgere", "kvinder med hat" ifølge Hardy, der tilføjer, medens han beskriver massen af kvinder foran Assemblée de Versailes: "Dette mærkelige skue blev endnu mærkeligere, når man så flere af kvindernes påklædning, de eleganteste havde jagtknive eller halvsabler hængende ved deres skørter".
Witnesses of the marchers of 5 October 1789 saw "well-dressed gentlewomen", "women wearing hats" according to Hardy, who added, in describing the women massed in the Assembly at Versailles, "this strange spectacle was made even stranger by the dress of several of them who, while wearing rather elegant women's clothing, had hung hunting knives and half-sabres along their skirts".
I Faubourg Saint-Antoine samme dag tvang kvinderne degnen ved Eglise Sainte Marguerite til at ringe med stormklokken.
The same day the women forced the beadle of Saint Margaret's church in Faubourg Saint-Antoine to sound the tocsin.
Han bemærkede en velklædt kvinde, der "ikke så almindelig ud".
His attention was caught by a welldressed woman "who did not seem a commoner".
Seks kvinder blev udvalgt til at møde kongen og ifølge Marguis de Paroy "var to af dem kønne".
Six women were chosen to give their respects to the king and, according to the Marquis de Paroy, "two of them were rather handsome".
Dette vil ikke sige, at de andre var "uanstændige", klædt i "laser" eller, som Taine siger: "Hovedstaden syntes at være overladt til de sidste plebejer og banditter, vagabonder samt halvnøgne lazaroner", for vidnesbyrd fra øjenvidner om "den grove beklædning af pøblens mænd og kvinder bar" drejer sig mere om de ma terialer, de i mangel af bedre var lavet af, end om påklædningen eller klipningen.
This does not mean that the others were "slovenly", "in rags" or, as Taine asserts, "the capital seemed to have been given up to the lowest of plebians, bandits, vagabonds who were in tatters, almost naked", for eyewitnesses of the "coarse clothing of the men and women of the populace" were referring more to the fabric of which they were made, for lack of means, than their condition or "rag cut".
Under "levebrøds-oprøret" i 1793 bemærker en rapport fra våbenkommissæren "en ret veklædt kvinde i en hjemmedragt af blåt linned med moderne mønster, et kort slag af sort taft og et guldur i stålkæde".
During the food riots of 1793 a report of the Arsenal's commissar mentioned "a woman who was not bad.. .wearing a neglige (dress) of blue cloth with a running design, a short, black taffeta cape and a gold watch on a silver chain."
Agnès Bernard arbejdede i Hallerne.
Yet Agnes Bernard was a "fishwife" at the central market.
Faktisk passer ingen af de 148 kvinder blandt de 1 683 arresterede oprørere i de 11 oprør i Paris mellem 1775 og 1795 til Byrkes udtalelser: "Alle de mest ubeskrivelige grusomheder udført af helvedes furier inkarneret i de mest simple kvinder".
In any event, of the 1,683 arrests made after the 11 Paris riots that occurred from 1775 to 1795, none of the 148 women who were arrested fit the description given by Burke, "all the unspeakable abominations of the furies of Hell incarnated in the fallen form of the most debased women. "
Beskrivelserne af kvinderne, deres beklædning og opførsel, deriblandt også pøblen - "rakket", som Taine kalder dem - giver de revolutionære horder og især kvinderne, det pinligste og det mest uretfærdige omdømme.
The descriptions of women, their clothing and their behaviour, including that of the populaœ—'the rabble', as Taine put it—most harshly and unjustly discredited the revolutionary mobs, especially the women.
På trods af beviser, utallige vidnesbyrd og især politiets rapporter skriver historikeren George Rude, "at de dårlige vaner har det svært og almenhistorikeren er for tilbøjelig til at erstatte sine mangler med et slapt ordbrug, sikkert og helliget traditionen, men alligevel snyder det og er meget lidt adækvat."
Despite evidence to the contrary, the wealth of testimony and, above all, police reports, "bad habits," the historian George Rude wrote, "are tenacious and the general historian is only too inclined to make up for his shortcomings by using a convenient, it is true, vocabulary that has been consecrated by tradition but is nevertheless misleading and rather incorrect."
Ved generalstaberne i 1789 skriver kvinderne omkring 30 besværinger med deres krav, hvor de forklarer deres ønsker, ofte anonymt, i forskellig stil for at gøre opmærksom på kvindernes situation.
On the occasion of the 1789 Estates-General women prepared some 30 files of grievances and complaints in which they expressed their demands, often anonymously and in highly varied styles, and denounced the condition of women.
Deri kræver de stemmeret, skilsmisse, at repræsentere sig selv, men insisterer især på deres livsbetingelser og de lidelser, de er udsat for.
They asked for the right to vote, to divorce, and to have their own representatives, but mainly stressed their living conditions and the suffering they had to endure.
Brochuren "La lettre au Roi" viser den virkelige årsag til revolutionen, sulten: "Sire, de seneste hændelser skal tillægges manglen på brød".
The pamphlet "La Lettre au Roi" reveals the real motive behind the Revolution - hunger: "Your Highness, our latest troubles should be attributed to the high cost of bread'.
Altså: I Paris var der på dette tidspunkt mere end 70 000 arbejdsløse og et fire-punds-brød kostede 8. november 1788 12 sous, 13 sous den 28., 14 sous den 11. december og 14,5 sous i februar 1789, og det holdt sig på denne pris indtil slaget om Bastillen.
And this is plain to see: at that time Paris harboured more than 70,000 people without work, and a 4-pound loaf of bread cost 12 sous on 8 November 1788, 13 sous on the 28th, 14 sous on 11 December, and 14.5 sous in February 1789. It remained at this price until the fall of the Bastille.
En mandlig arbejder tjente mellem 18 og 20 sous om dagen, en kvinde mellem 10 og 15.
A worker earned between 18 and 20, a woman between 10 and 15 sous a day.
Prisen på brød var kvindernes hovedkrav, for selv om prisen nedsattes med 1 og senere 2 sous, kostede brød mellem 40'/. og 80% af indkomsten.
The price of bread was the women's main demand for, despite token decreases of 1, then 2 sous, a loaf of bread cost between 40 to 80% of a woman's wages.
Mændene spildte tid i lange køer og lod det gå ud over kvinderne, siger George Rude, der citerer Hardy: "For at få brød forsøgte de mænd, der havde mest travlt, at skubbe kvinderne til side, ja, endog maltraktere dem, for at blive betjent først". Kvinderne kunne ikke længere udstå disse afsavn: Der var ingen brænde dette år, og vinteren 1788-89 skulle blive meget hård.
Men lost time waiting in long lines and they blamed the women says George Rude, quoting Hardy's journal: "to have bread, the more hurried men tried to push the women away and even bullied them to be first in line. "
Hver gang man må kræve brød eller bede om, at prisen sættes ned, er kvinderne i første række og altid de mest udsatte for de uundgåelige repressalier.
Each time there was a demonstration for more bread or lower prices, women led the ranks, and they were always the first targets of the inevitable repression.
Lægerne konstaterede faktisk et stort antal lidelser, der kom af frygt, især hos børn og kvinder. Der var mange aborter.
Doctors noted a large number of medical disorders resulting from the intense fear of the times, especially among children and women.
I slutningen af det 18. århundrede boede 16-18% af den franske befolkning i byer. Der kom hvert år 14 000 nye beboere til Paris (mod 28 mio franskmænd, 9 mio englændere, 7 mio russere). Der var omkring 20 mio bønder, deraf halvdelen kvinder. I Frankrig var der 80% analfabeter.
At the end of the 18th century, 16 to 18% of the French population lived in cities, and the population of Paris alone increased by 14,000 new arrivals each year (as an indication there were 28 million French at the time, compared with 9 million in England, and 7 million Russians).
20 000 kvindelige og mandlige vandbærere gik rundt i de 900 gader i Paris blandt 200 000 katte og lige så mange hunde, men franskmændene drak gennem snitligt 122 liter vin om året pr. person, medens man spiste tre gange mere brød end englænderne.
Some 20,000 water carriers (women and men) wended their way through 900 streets among 200,000 cats and as many dogs. Each year the French consumed an average of 122 liters of wine per person, but ate three times less bread than the English.
Det skal siges, at der ikke var andet, og at denne situation ikke var ny.
But this was all they had to eat, and unfortunately the situation was not new.
Før revolutionen var der mere end 300 revolter.
More than 300 revolts preceded the Revolution.
I Grenoble den 7. juni 1788, der kaldes "tagstensdagen", fordi vrede kvinder brugte dem som kasteskyds mod garnisonstropperne, hørte Stendhal en gammel kvinde sige: "Jeg gør oprør"; hun var sulten.
In Grenoble on 7 June 1788, called "tile day" because angry women hurled tiles at garrisoned troops, Stendhal heard an old woman say "I'm in revolt"; she was hungry.
Og den smule penge, fransk mændene havde, mistede sin værdi, lige så snart de udstedtes, i november 1789 var der pengesedler eller "assignater", som man vekslede: For 50 pund i mønter fik man 100 pund i assignater.
And the little money the French had left became worthless with the appearance, in November 1789, of bank notes or "assignats " that were exchanged at the rate of 50 pounds of money for 100 pounds of assignats.
På det tidspunkt, hvor Louis XVI ophævede censuren, skrev Axel de Fersen til sin fader: "Den ulmende misfornøjelse er generel. Man taler kun om en forfatning.
Once Louis XVI abolished censorship, Axel de Fersen wrote to his father: "All minds are in ferment.
Kvinderne blander sig især i det, og De ved lige så godt som jeg, hvilken indflydelse de har i dette land".
Now women are getting involved, and you know as well as I do the influence they have in this country. "
De indeholder navnene på dem, der -med bevisstøtte - havde vedkendt en aktiv deltagelse i indtagelsen af Bastillen.
These lists contain the names of those whose active participation in the storming of the Bastille could be proven.
På den ene af dem, der opstilledes af Stanilas Maillard, erobrernes sekretær, hvor man finder navn, adresse og profession på 662 personer, er der kun en kvinde, Marie Charpentier, Madame Hanserne, vaskekone fra Saint-Hippolyte sogn i forstaden Saint-Marcel.
One list—drawn up by Stanislas Maillard, secretary of the Victorious—contains the names, addresses and professions of 662 participants; there is only one woman: Marie Charpentier, wife of Hanserne, laundress from the parish of St. Hippolyte in the Faubourg St. Marcel.
Michelet taler om en kvinde, der senere, klædt som mand, bliver kaptajn ved artilleriet, men vi kan ikke finde andet om hende.
Michelet also wrote of another woman who, dressed as a man, would later become an artillery captain, but we find no trace of her in these lists.
Der er kvinder og børn blandt ofrene.
Many of the victims were women and children.
Når der ikke kæmpedes, sørgede de for forsyningen af våben og mad.
Working behind the lines, they ensured the constant supply of food and arms.