natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Der er dog en fare for, at denne ændring uden mere detaljeret og stærkere lovgivning fra regeringsside kan være diskriminerende over for arbejdstagere, der ofte er syge, og som virksomhederne kun tøvende ansætter eller beholder, samt over for dem, der er ansat i små virksomheder, som måske ikke kan betale.
Nevertheless, there is a danger that without more detailed and stronger regulation by govern ment, the change will discriminate against workers with records of poor health whom firms will be reluctant to take on or to retain, as well as against those employed in small firms which may fail to pay.
Øget støtte en politiske hovedtanke har i hele Unionen været at fastfry
Extensions in support
D er har været en udtalt tendens Di retning af privatisering inden for sundhedsvæsenet.
While the main thrust of policy throughout the Union has vision of health care.
Dette er sket på to måder: vækst i omfanget af privat behandling som sådan og vækst i omfanget af fælles finansiering af recepter og konsultationer (for eksempel patienter, der selv be taler en stigende andel af omkostningerne).
This has taken two related forms: the growth of private treatment per se and an increase in the extent of co-payment for pres criptions and consultation (ie of patients paying an increasing proportion of the costs).
Udgifterne til sygehjælp er steget betydeligt i forhold til BNP siden 1980 i de fleste medlemsstater — dog bestemt ikke i alle (i Irland og Sverige er de faldet, i Danmark og Tyskland er de stort set uændrede) — men en stor del af denne stigning skyldes en stigning i ydelserne fra den private sektor, der i høj grad har øget sin andel af de samlede udgifter i de fleste medlemsstater, hvor den eneste undtagelse er Belgien og Nederlandene.
While expenditure on health care has risen significantly in relation to GDP since 1980 in most Member States — though by no means all (in Ireland and Sweden, it has declined and in Denmark and Germany, it has remained unchanged) — much of this has been due to an increase in private sector provision, which increased its share of total spending markedly in most parts of the Union, the only exceptions being Belgium and the Netherlands.
Den for holdsmæssige stigning var særlig udtalt i begyndelsen af 90'erne, da presset på de offentlige udgifter blev større.
The relative rise was particularly pronounced during the early 1990s when restraints on public expenditure were intensified.
Der har dog på dette område været flere diskussioner end initiativer, til dels på grund af problemer med at få gennemført grundlæggende ændringer uden at sænke støtteniveauet for trængende, til dels på grund af den rodfæstede opfattelse af det ønskelige i et omfattende vel færdssystem.
Debate in this area, however, has pro ceeded further than action, partly be cause of the difficulties involved in making fundamental changes with out reducing the level of support for those in need, partly because of the entrenched popular belief in the de sirability of an extensive welfare system.
Man har i mange med lemsstater tilskyndet til udvikling af private pensionsordninger inden for de seneste år, omend dog i vid udstrækning som et supplement til statspensionerne, ikke som erstatning.
In many Member States, the development of private pension schemes has been encouraged in re cent years, though largely to supplement public provision rather than to replace it.
På den anden side har man fra politisk hold i Storbritannien be vidst søgt at udvikle den private sektors ansvar for supplerende pensioner, tilskynde den enkelte til at oprette private pensionsordninger og øge omfanget af disse ved at be grænse grundpensionens rolle.
In the UK, on the other hand, it has been an explicit policy aim to devolve responsibility for supplementary pensions to the private sector, to encourage individuals to have personal pension schemes and to increase the importance of such pensions by limiting the role of the basic pension.
Det har skabt rent lovgivningsmæssige vanskeligheder (navnlig i forbindelse med skruppelløse arbejdsgivere, der forvalter midlerne) og også pro blemer med høje bidrag, til dels på grund af behovet for at dække frem se eller reducere udgifterne, men der er dog eksempler på, at flere medlemsstater har øget støtteniveauet, navnlig i det sydlige Europa, hvor systemerne fortsat udvikles og forbedres.
been directed at cost containment, there are, nevertheless examples of increased levels of support in a number of countries, especially in Southern Member States where systems have continued to develop and improve.
Endvidere har man i Tyskland udvidet systemet til at om fatte en obligatorisk socialforsikring, der dækker langtidspleje (Pflegeversicherung), og både i
In Germany, moreover, the scope of the system has been ex tended to include compulsory social insurance cover for longterm care (PlegeverSicherung), while in the Scandinavian countries as well as in Belgium, new entitlements to leave for employees have been introduced, to enable more time for training as well as for child care. Given the
Tendensen i retning af større deltagelse fra den private sektors side er blevet ledsaget af en øget indsats for at gøre udgifter, behandling og
The trend towards more private sec tor involvement has been accompanied by increased efforts to raise the effectiveness of expenditure and the efficiency of the provision of treat ment and care without jeopardising standards.
Arbejdsløshedsydels e og incitamenter til at søge arbejde
lthough expenditure on unemployment compensation in
Uden et marked, som kan fortælle leverandører og købere om ydelsernes pris, som tilskynder førstnævnte til at reducere sådanne priser og samtidig sikrer sidstnævnte, hvad de har brug for, og giver køberne mulighed for at tage hensyn til disse faktorer, når de beslutter, hvad de skal købe.
A incentives for the former to seek to minimise such costs while supplying to the latter what they need and for purchasers to take these into account when deciding what to buy, a common tendency has been to introduce cost signals where possible and to strengthen contractual arrangements where not.
I mange lande har målet været at udvikle kontrakter, hvori man specificerer niveau og standard for den ydelse, som hospitalet eller lægerne skal levere, samt det beløb, der vil blive betalt herfor, og som samtidig indeholder et incitament for dem, der er ansvarlige for udgifterne (de regionale eller lokale myndigheder og forsikringskasserne i forsikringsbaserede systemer), til at allokere disse så effektivt som muligt og i overensstemmelse med for brugernes behov.
In many countries, the aim has been to develop contracts which specify more precisely the level and standard of service required of hospitals and doctors and the amount that will be paid for this and which, at the same time, incorporate incentives for those responsible for expenditure (the regional or local authorities in national health systems and the insurance funds in insurancebased systems) to allocate this efficiently and in line with consumer needs.
Et vigtigt problem, der stadig ikke er blevet løst i Unionen, og som i nogle tilfælde end ikke er blevet be handlet, vedrører sundhedssystemernes rækkevidde og det grundlag, som ressourcerne allokeres på mellem forskellige former for pleje og behandling, hvis levering af ydelser er begrænset og ligger under det niveau, det ellers ville have været på (på grund af fastfrosne budgetter el ler bidragslofter).
One key issue which largely remains unresolved throughout the Union, and, in some cases, unaddressed. concerns the scope of health care systems and the basis on which re sources are allocated between alternative kinds of care and treat ment if the provision of service is limited below what it otherwise would be (whether by means of fixed budgets or of ceilings on contributions).
Det bliver stedse oftere tilfældet i takt med den teknologiske udvikling og udviklingen i, hvad der kan ydes og også med, at behandlingerne typisk bliver dyre re.
This is becoming particularly acute as advances in technology and know-how expand what it is possible to provide as well as typically raising the cost of treatment.
Det understreges endvidere af, at antallet af meget gamle, der stiller uforholdsmæssigt store krav til ydelserne, vil stige kraftigt i de kommende tiår.
It is likely, moreover, to become even more so as the number of very elderly people who impose disproportionately high demands on services increase sharply over the coming decades.
relativt beskeden del af udgifterne til social beskyttelse (kun i Danmark, Spanien og Irland mere end 10%) og kun udgjorde 2% af Unionens samlede BNP i 1993, er den et centralt emne i mange med lemsstater.
most countries accounts for a relatively low proportion of what is spent on social protection (over 10% only in Denmark. Spain and Ireland) and amounted to only 2% of GDP in the Union as a whole in 1993, it has been a major focus of policy in many Member States.
(Disse tal giver dog ikke et korrekt billede af det reelle om fang af overførsler i forbindelse med arbejdsløshed, da der ikke er taget hensyn til overførsler til personer, der forsørges af en arbejdsløs, eller personer, der er registreret som syge eller handicappede og derfor ikke som arbejdsløse, samt personer, der går på førtidspension på grund af manglende arbejde).
(These figures, how ever, understate the true scale of transfers associated with unemployment, since they leave out of account transfers to the dependants of the unemployed as well as those to people who are classed as sick or disabled rather than unemployed and those who take early retirement because of lack ofjobs.)
Det skyldes ikke alene den kraftige stigning, der er indtruffet i takt med arbejdsløsheden, men også et ønske om at undgå høje understøttelsessatser, der ikke tilskynder de arbejds løse, navnlig de dårligt uddannede og mindre produktive og som derfor vil få relativt lave lønninger til at være aktive arbejdssøgende.
This is not only because of the significant increase which has occurred as unemployment has risen, but also because of a concern to avoid high benefit levels deterring those out of work from actively looking for a job, especially the less skilled and less productive among them, who are capable of commanding only relatively low rates of pay.
Dette er ikke alene motiveret i ønsket om at begrænse afhængigheden af systemet og dermed udgifterne, men også i behovet for at forsikre dem, der finansierer denne indkomststøt-
Such a con cern is motivated not only by the desirability of reducing dependency on the system and reducing costs but also by a need to reassure those in work who provide the finance for income support that excessive amounts are not being transferred unnecessarily.
En større hindring for forbedret ef fektivitet i alle systemerne er monopollignende tilstande hos dem, der finansierer systemerne, og dem, der leverer tjenesterne, sammen med en indbygget inerti med hensyn til at ændre på disse forhold (og også hemmelige aftaler mellem parter ne).
A major obstacle to improving efficiency in all systems is the prevalence of monopoly elements among both providers of finance and suppliers of service coupled with in built inertia to change (as well as collusion between those involved).
På grund af ufuldstændige oplysninger og behovet for et lokalt udbud er der for eksempel proble mer med at give patienterne reel frihed til at vælge læge eller forsik ringsordning og med at give myndighederne mulighed for at vælge mellem hospitalerne, når det enkelte hospital måske har specialiseret sig i behandling af en særlig sygdom, eller hvor de rent geografisk ligger
Partly because of incomplete information and the need for local supply, problems exist, for example, in giving patients effective freedom to choose between doctors or between insurance funds, and spending authorities to choose between hospitals when each one may specialise in treating a particular illness or ailment or where these are geographically dispersed.
Et ofte fremsat løsningsforslag er at begrænse ydelserne fra det offentlige til grundlæggende behov og til kun at lade dem omfatte personer, der ikke har råd til privat behandling, og så lade den private sektor opfylde andre behov og dække and re dele af befolkningen.
One commonly suggested solution to this is to limit the provision of public health care to basic needs and to those who cannot afford private treatment and to leave the private sector to meet other needs and to cover other sections of the population.
En sådan løsning kan, således som erfaringer ne fra USA viser, medføre en forøgelse af de ressourcer, der absorberes af sundhedssektoren,
Nevertheless, such an approach, on US experience, is likely to result in an expansion in the overall re sources absorbed by health care as well as a diversion of resources (medical expertise and equipment) towards treatment and care which people are most willing to pay for, which is not necessarily those which are most desirable from a social perspective.
Ovenstående skal dog afvejes imod formålet med at sikre de arbejdsløse en tilstrækkelig indkomst, så de kan bevare en acceptabel levestandard for sig selv og deres familie, og også at de har tilstrækkelig tid til at søge et arbejde, som svarer til deres evner og kvalifikationer, hvilket er vigtigt, hvis arbejdsmarkedet skal fungere effektivt.
Summary and conclusions work can maintain an acceptable standard of living for themselves and their families and, moreover, that they have sufficient time to look for a job in line with their skills and aptitudes, which is important for the efficient functioning of the labour market.
(Analysen omfatter ikke de tre nye medlemsstater; en nylig OECD-un-dersøgelse viser, at dækningsgraden for arbejdsløse i Sverige typisk lå en anelse under den danske ved en ind komst under gennemsnittet, men lidt højere end i Finland over størstedelen af indkomstspektret, und tagen ved meget lave og meget høje niveauer).
the three new Member States; a recent OECD study suggests that replace ment rates in Sweden were typically slightly lower than in Denmark at earn ings below the average, but slightly higher than in Finland over most of the earnings range, except at very low and very high levels.)
De fleste arbejdsløse tjener dog i mange tilfælde mindre end gennem snitslønnen, fordi de er relativt dårligt kvalificerede, kvinder (der gennemsnitligt kun tjener ca. 75% eller mere af den gennemsnitlige løn til mænd) eller unge under 25 år uden tilstrækkelig stor erhvervserfaring til at være kvalificeret til at modtage ydelser.
However, most of the unemployed earn less than the average wage, in many cases, because they are relatively unskilled, women (who on average earn only around 75% of the male average wage) or young people under 25 without a sufficient employment record to qualify them for benefits.
I de fleste med lemsstater stiger dækningsgraden (disponibel indkomst for arbejdsløse i forhold til disponibel arbejds indkomst) indkomst for arbejdsløse, jo lavere lønningerne er, hvilket dog ikke gælder for hele lønspektret i Tyskland, Spanien, Luxembourg, Nederlandene og Portugal, og om fanget varierer i høj grad (hvor stigningen er størst i lande med faste og ikke indkomstafhængige ydelser som i Danmark, Irland og Storbritannien).
In most Member States, replacement rates (disposable in come when unemployed relative to that in work) increase when earnings fall, though not over the entire earn ings range in Germany, Spain, Luxembourg, the Netherlands and Portugal, and the extent varies con siderably (the rise being greatest in countries where benefits are flatrate rather than related to earnings, such as Denmark, Ireland and the UK).
— men under 90% i alle medlemsstater undtagen i Danmark — og 75% eller mere i tre andre — Spanien, Italien og Nederlandene; kun i Irland og Storbritannien var den under 60%. For et par med to børn var den dog ca. 80% i hele Unionen.
At 65% of average earnings, the re placement rate for a single person qualifying for benefit was over 80% in five Member States — Belgium, Denmark, France, Luxembourg and Portugal — but below 90% in all but Denmark — and 75% or above in another three — Spain, Italy and the Netherlands; only in Ireland and the UK was it below 60%.
Det er et åbent spørgsmål, i hvor høj grad den disponible indkomst for en arbejdsløs skal stå i forhold til den disponible indkomst for en arbejds tager for at udgøre en betydelig hindring for jobsøgning.
How high the level of disposable in come when out of work needs to be in relation to that when in work to constitute a significant disincentive to look for a job is open to question.
Når man har en lav indtægt, kan en stigning på selv 20% virke tiltrækkende.
At low levels of income, even the possibility of increasing income by 20% could well prove attractive.
Endvidere viser nogle undersøgelser og betragtninger, at selv med samme indkomst foretrækker mange oftest at arbejde i stedet for at være ar bejdsløse, hovedsagelig fordi deres karriere- og indkomstsperspektiver afhænger af, at de er i arbejde, og generelt er deltagelse i samfundet tæt forbundet med arbejde.
Moreover, some survey evidence and observation seem to suggest that, even for similar levels of income, a substantial number of people tend to prefer to be in work rather than be unemployed, largely because career and income prospects depend on being employed and, in general, participation in society is closely linked to working.
Andre undersøgelser viser risikoen i lande med høj dækningsgrad og langvarige ydelsesperioder, at mange af fornuftsbestemte årsager beslutter sig for at forblive arbejdsløse.
Other research points to the risk in countries with high re placement rates and long duration of benefit that people might rationally decide to remain unemployed.
Det øge de pres på dem, der modtager ydelser, for at finde arbejde, som inden for de seneste år har gjort sig gældende i de fleste medlemsstater, vil sandsynligvis gøre det vanskeligt
In practice, the increased pressure on those in receipt of benefit to take up employment, which has been imposed in many Member States in re cent years, is likely to make it difficult to go on receiving income support for any length of time with out seriously seeking a job.
I praksis er det vanskeligt at sammenholde det indkomstniveau, man har som arbejdsløs, og den nettoløn man får, når man er i arbejde, til dels på grund af forskellige begrænsninger i retten til at modtage ydelser, hvilket gør det vanskeligt at vurdere, hvad der i realiteten udbetales til en given arbejdsløs.
In practice, there is a good deal of difficulty in comparing the level of income received when unemployed with take-home pay when in work, in part because restrictions on entitle ment to benefit of varying severity across the Union make it hard to assess what will be paid in reality to any given person out of work.
Understøttelsessatseme i medlemsstaterne me dio 1993 samt bestemmelserne for retten til at modtage ydelser tyder på, at en person, der har en gennem snitlig løn for en arbejdstager i pro duktionen, og som har ret til at modtage forsikringsbaserede ydelser, ville, hvis den pågældende blev arbejdsløs, få en disponibel ind komst på mindre end halvdelen af lønnen i Grækenland, Irland og Storbritannien — mindre end i USA — og omtrent 60% i Tyskland og Italien.
The rates of compensation prevailing in mid-1993 in Member States, together with the rules governing eligibility, suggest that a single person on the average wage of a production worker qualifying for in surance-based benefits would have re ceived disposable income if they became unemployed of less than half that when in work in Greece, Ireland and the UK — less than in the US — and around 60% or less in Germany and Italy.
I Danmark, Spanien og Nederlandene er tallet over 70%, og i Frankrig, Luxembourg og Portugal 80% eller mere.
In Denmark, Spain and the Netherlands, however, the figure was above 70% and in France, Luxembourg and Portugal, 80% or higher.
Efter to års arbejds løshed ligger tallet på over 70% i fire af seks sidstnævnte lande med Luxembourg og Portugal som und tagelser, selv om satsen ville være 55% eller derunder i de øvrige med lemsstater.
After two years of unemployment, in four of the latter six countries — the exceptions being Luxembourg and Portugal — the figures would still have been above 70%, though in all other Member States, it would have been 55% or less.
Social sikring for selvstændige erhvervsdrivende de fleste medlemsstater træffes der foranstaltninger for at
Social protection and caring responsibilities s the population ages and as more women take up paid em
I tilskynde folk. navnlig arbejdsløse, til at starte deres egen virksomhed.
A less skilled, then perhaps the focus of policy attention might switch to in troducing or extending in-work benefits, aimed at keeping labour costs down whilst ensuring that in come from work is sufficiently higher than income when unemployed to attract people into employ ment.
Den sociale sikring for selvstændige erhvervsdrivende, hvoraf der var 22 millioner i Unionen i 1994, dvs. 15% af samtlige i beskæftigelse, er i mange medlemsstater imidlertid ikke nær så omfattende som for arbejdstagere, og dette til trods for, at det har vist sig, at et betydeligt antal selvstændige erhvervsdrivende har meget lave indtægter og/eller befinder sig i en aktivitetssektor, hvor indtægterne svinger meget.
The difficulty here, however. is that such benefits, because they are targeted on a relatively small group at the bottom end of the pay scale and are, therefore, withdrawn or reduced significantly as earnings increase, tend to result in very high marginal effective tax rates for these (in the UK, the rate for those in receipt of Family Credit can often exceed 90% — see Employment in Europe, 1995, Part 3, Section 1).
De måske største huller vedrører dog perioder, hvor de pågældende ikke kan arbejde eller er arbejdsløse. I fire lande — Frankrig. Irland.
Although efforts have been made in many Member States in recent years to improve the position, a number of gaps remain.
I andre lande betragtes det som en alvorlig hindring at sondre mellem reel arbejdsløshed, der skyldes konkurs, og tilfælde, hvor aktiviteten frivilligt ophører.
France and the UK, for example — the total amount received is typically less, in some cases significantly, and in Ireland, no benefit is payable at all.
Social beskyttelse og plejeforpligtelser takt med at befolkningen bliver ældre, og flere kvinder finder ud
Social protection position of the selfemployed
Samtidig bør man være opmærksom på faren for at øge fattigdommen, hvis ydelsesniveauet sænkes betydeligt.
In most Member States, measures are in place to encourage people, ployment, the issue of the effect on the social protection rights of those who need to look after young child ren, disabled adults or elderly in valids of having to interrupt their working careers is becoming more important.
Hvis ydelsesniveauet i så danne tilfælde betragtes som en hindring for, at lønningerne falder tilstrækkeligt til at stimulere jobskabelsen for mindre kvalificerede, kan det politiske fokus måske skifte, således at der indføres ydelser for borgere, der oppebærer en arbejds løn, eller det allerede eksisterende omfang af disse øges med det formål at holde lønudgifterne nede, samtidig med at man sikrer, at ar bejdsindkomsten er tilstrækkeligt meget højere end arbejdsløshedsydelsen, således at folk ønsker at få et arbejde.
Indeed the problems many face in this respect are increasingly recognised across the Union, and in many Member States, measures have been introduced in recent years to improve the position.
Problemet er her, at sådanne ydelser, da de er rettet mod en relativt lille gruppe, der befinder sig nederst på lønskalaen og derfor bortfalder eller reduceres markant i takt med, at indkomsten stiger, har tendens til at resultere i meget høje marginale skattetræk (i Storbritannien er skatteprocenten for dem, der modtager den såkaldte Family Credit, ofte over 90% — se Beskæftigelsen i Europa 1995, del 3, afsnit 1).
Nevertheless, most of the focus has so far been on caring for children and in many cases difficulties remain for those caring for the disabled and in valid.