natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
EF skulle have ansvar for en fælles sikkerheds- og forsvarspolitik (66% for og 15% imod); tre ud af fire ønskede en fælles europæisk centralbank med en bestyrelse omfattende de enkelte landes centralbankdirektører (56% for og 18% imod).
By four to one, they wanted the EC to be responsible for a common policy in matters of security and defence (66% for; 15% against); by three to one, that it should have a common European Central Bank, with heads of national central banks on its board of
To ud af tre mente, at der i løbet af fem til seks år bør Indføres en fælles valuta i stedet for de forskellige medlemslandes valutaer (55% for og 23% Imod). Og ligeledes to ud af tre mente, at EF skal være ansvarlig for udenrigspolitikken, dvs. politikken over for lande uden for EF (51% for og 26% imod) (kapitel 5 indeholder nærmere oplysninger om forslagene om udvidelse af Europa-Parlamentets beføjelser).
EUROBAROMETER 34 directors (56% for; 18% against); and by two to one that a single common currency should replace the different currencies of EC member states in five or six years' time (55% for; 23% against); and that the EC be responsible for foreign policy towards countries outside the EC (51% for; 26% against) (see Chapter 5 for details on proposals to extend the European Parliament's powers).
Et absolut flertal i alle lande gik ind for, at EF får en fælles sikkerheds- og forsvarspolitik - selv i det hidtil neutralt Indstillede Irland gik 49% ind herfor og kun 27% imod.
A majority of people from all countries was in favour of the EC having a common security and defence policy - even the formerly neutrally-minded Irish were 49% to 27% in favour of it.
De fleste af dem, der gav udtryk for en holdning, gik ligeledes ind for de tre andre skridt, undtagen danskerne, der med et snævert flertal afviste (45% mod 40%) at give EF ansvar for udenrigspolitikken. Også spørgsmålet om en fælles valuta blev afvist af danskerne (50% mod 35%) og, med en snæver margen, af briterne (43% mod 38%) (Diagram 2.7).
Most of those expressing an opinion were supportive of the other three measures as well, except the Danes, who narrowly refused (45% versus 40%) to give the Community responsibility for foreign policy outside EC countries; and the rejection of the single common currency by the Danes (50% versus 35%) and, more closely, by the British (43%'versus 38%) (Figure 2.7).
Ikke desto mindre mente et flertal af både briterne og danskerne, at der er behov for en europæisk centralbank.
Nevertheless, a majority of British and Danes accepted the need for a European Central Bank.
Det skal bemærkes, at folks holdning til udenrigs- og forsvarspolitik var en smule forskellig, alt efter om der var tale om "EF-beslutnlnger kontra nationale beslutninger" og "støtte til Rom-forslagene", måske pá grund af spørgsmålenes formulering og deres kontekst.
It should be noted that people's views on foreign policy and defence were slightly different on the measures "Community versus national decision-making" and "support for Rome proposals", probably because of question wording and question context reasons.
Svarene pá begge spørgsmål viser dog, at et flertal af EF-borgerne går ind for, at EF beskæftiger sig med disse to temaer.
Nevertheless, both answers still show a majority of EC citizens backing the Community dealing with the two issues.
Det forhold, at et flertal af EF-borgerne går ind for en fælles sikkerheds- og forsvarspolitik, fik en omfattende mediedækning i Europa efter den første offentliggørelse af resultaterne af Eurobarometers standardundersøgelse nr. 34.
The fact that a majority of EC citizens were in favour of a common policy in security and defence received substantial media coverage in Europe after the early release of the results of the standard Eurobarometer survey N° 34.
Emnet indtog også en fremtrædende plads i drøftelserne på topmødet i Rom forud for åbningen af reger¡ngskonferencerne.
The issue was also prominent in discussions at the summit in Rome prior to the opening of the IGC's.
The Assoociatlon for Monetary Union in Europe, der medvirkede ved Eurobarometers flash-undersøgelse nr. 3 i begyndelsen af oktober**, spurgte EF-borgerne om konsekvenserne af at erstatte de nationale valutaer med ecuen (Diagram 2.8, tabel 31).
The Association for Monetary Union in Europe, participating in the Flash Eurobarometer survey N° 3 in early October6, asked EC citizens about the consequences of replacing national currencies by the ECU (Figure 2.8, Table 31).
Over to tredjedele af alle de interviewede mente, at en fælles valuta vil gøre EF stærkere og mere samlet (76%), at alle lande vil fá en stabil og stærk valuta (76%), at priser vil være sammenlignelige i hele Fællesskabet (75%), at det indre marked vil fungere bedre (74%), at det vil blive lettere at rejse i Fællesskabet (71%), og at det vil være en fordel, hvis det ikke længere er nødvendigt at veksle penge (65%).
More than two-thirds of all those interviewed agreed that a single currency would make the European Community stronger and more united (76%); all countries would have a stable and strong currency (76%); prices would be comparable throughout the Community (75%); the Single Market would function better (74%); travel would be easier within the Community (71%); and that it would be advantageous if there was no longer a need to exchange money (65%).
Eurobarometers flash-undersøgelse nr. 3 blev udført af EOS Gallup Europa pr. telefon i de 12 EF-medlemsstater fra den 26. september til den 9. oktober 1990.
Flash Eurobarometer survey N* 3 conducted by EOS Gallup Europe by telephone in the 12 meetoer states of the European Community during the period 26 September - 9 October 1990.
Nærmere tekniske oplysninger i bilagene.
See Annexes for technical inforaation.
"- & $WmSSfri? OCTOBER 1990
OCTOBER 1990
Pá minussiden mente folk, at afskaffelse af de nationale valutaer til fordel for ecuen ville være risikabel (57%) og bekostelig for virksomhederne (55%), at det ville være for omstændeligt at omregne priser til ecu (47%), og at deres land ville miste en del af sin suverænitet (46% anså dette for "vigtigt", 44% ikke).
On the negative side, people thought replacing their national currencies by the ECU would be risky (57%); costly for business (55%); mental calculations would have to be made to convert prices into ECU (47%); and that their country would lose part of its sovereignty (46% "important" versus 44% "not important").
En Eurobarometer flash-undersøgelse I fem lande7, der blev gennemført umiddelbart før åbningen af regeringskonferencerne, viste, at briternes holdning til den fælles valuta kan have ændret sig, siden Margaret Thatcher trådte tilbage som britisk premierminister (Diagram 2.9).
A five-country Flash Eurobarometer survey7conducted on the eve of the IGC's showed British opinion towards the single currency may have changed since the resignation of Mrs. Thatcher as British Prime Minister (Figure 2.9).
Mens adskillige målinger i oktober og november 1990 havde bekræftet briternes modstand mod den fælles valuta, viste flash-undersøgelsen midt i december, at briterne nu for første gang var positivt indstillet til den (49% mod 43%).
While several polls over October and November 1990 had confirmed British public opposition to the single currency, the Flash of mid-December showed the British in favour of it (49% versus 43%) for the first time.
Eurobarometers standardundersøgelse nr. 35, der skal gennemføres i foråret 1991, vil vise, om dette omsving er en varig foreteelse eller ej, da den offentlige debat i Det Forenede Kongerige om dette emne sandsynligvis vil fortsætte i den umiddelbare fremtid.
The standard Eurobarometer survey N° 35, to be conducted in Spring 1991, will confirm whether this change is sustained or not, as public debate within the UK is likely to continue on the issue for the immediate future.
2.4 DET INDRE MARKED OG SOCIALPAGTEN PA RETTE SPOR
2.4 SINGLE MARKET AND SOCIAL CHARTER ON TRACK
Med den intense debat i medierne om de mange problemer, EF i øjeblikket står over for, kunne man have forventet, at virkeliggørelsen af det indre marked efter 1992 ville have fået en ret perifer plads i nyhedsdækningen.
With all the debate in the media about the many issues facing the Community at the present time, one might have thought that awareness of the advent of the Single European Market in 1992 would have been pushed to the periphery of news reporting.
Dette synes ikke at have været tilfældet.
This does not seem to have been the case.
To tredjedele af EF-borgerne (66%) sagde, at de i medierne havde set eller hørt noget om det indre marked efter 1992, og dette tal er det samme som seks måneder tidligere.
Two-thirds of EC citizens (66%) said they had read in the papers, seen on television or heard on the radio something about the Single European Market of 1992, the same as six months ago.
Antallet af adspurgte, der havde hørt noget om det indre marked, var højest blandt danskere (82%), grækere og belgiere (begge 79%).
Those who said they had heard most about it were Danes (82%), Greeks and Belgians (both 79%).
De fleste borgere i hvert enkelt land havde hørt noget om det indre marked i denne periode, undtagen spanierne (49%), hvis bevidsthed om "1992" udviste et kraftigt fald fra det hidtil højeste niveau, nemlig 66% i foråret 1989.
Most of the citizens of each country had heard about it during that time with the exception of the Spaniards (49%), whose awareness of '1992' had registered a major fall from an all-time high of 66% in Spring 1989.
Andelen af portugisere, der havde hørt om det indre marked, faldt også i forhold til seks måneder tidligere, nemlig fra 70% til 61%.
The percentage of Portuguese aware also dropped from 70% to 61% in the past six months.
Og kun 44% af østtyskerne sagde, at de havde hørt om det indre marked (Diagram 2.10, tabel 32).
Only 44% of East Germans said they had heard about it (Figure 2.10, Table 32).
Eurobarometers flash-undersøgelse nr. 4 blev udført af EOS Gallup Europe pr. telefon i Frankrig, Spanien, Tyskland, Italien og Det Forenede Kongerige i december 1990. Svarpersoner: 500 pr. land.
Flash Eurobaroaeter survey H* 4 conducted by EOS Gallup Europe by telephone in France, Spain, Germany,
Omkring halvdelen af EF-borgerne (51%) mente, at "1992" for deres vedkommende ville blive en god ting, hvorimod kun 7% mente, at det ville blive en dårlig ting, og 31% mente, at det ikke ville gøre nogen forskel. Dette er en betydelig forbedring i forhold til seks maneder tidligere (Diagram 2.11, tabel 33).
Around half of EC citizens (51%) thought '1992' was a good thing for them personally, compared to only 7% who believed it was a bad thing and 31% who thought it would make no difference.
Da dette spørgsmål blev stillet første gang i efteråret 1987, udtalte 57% af de adspurgte, at virkeliggørelsen af det indre marked ville være en god ting.
When the question was first asked in Autumn 1987, 57% of EC citizens said the completion of the Single Market would be a good thing.
Tilslutningen faldt derefter langsomt Indtil foråret 1990, hvor det nåede helt ned pá 45% inden det nu konstaterede opsving.
Support then slowly ebbed away until Spring 1990 when it reached a low of 45% before the current upswing.
I samme periode steg andelen af de adspurgte, der ikke havde nogen mening om spørgsmålet, fra 25% til 31%, mens de, der udtalte, at det indre marked var en dårlig ting, konstant lá mellem 6% og 8%.
During the same period of time, the percentage of people indifferent to the issue increased from 25% to 31% while those saying the Single Market was bad remained constant at the 6%-8% level.
Støtten til 1992 var fortsat særlig udtalt blandt folk i EF's sydlige medlemsstater -Italien, Spanien, Grækenland og Portugal - samt i Irland.
Support for 1992 continued to be particularly strong from people living in the southern member countries of the Community - Italy, Spain, Greece and Portugal - as well as Ireland.
De fleste af dem håbede, at deres levestandard i det større marked ville komme op pá den levestandard, man kender i de rigere dele af Europa.
A majority of them could be hoping that their standards of life would be brought up to the level of the richer parts of Europe in a larger market.
Italienerne var langt de mest positive (69% sammenlignet med spanierne, der lá næsthøjst med 57%).
The Italians were by far the most supportive (69% compared to 57% for Spaniards, the runners-up).
Der blev registreret kraftige stigninger i tilslutningen til det indre marked f forhold til foråret 1990 blandt danskere (et spring fra 31% til 44%), tyskere (36% til 48%), portugisere (47% til 54%) og franskmænd (36% til 42%).
Major increases in support for the Single Market since Spring 1990 occured among Danes (a leap of faith from 31% to 44%), Germans (36% to 48%), Portuguese (47% to 54%) and the French (36% to 42%).
Blandt de adspurgte i alle lande var der en øget tilslutning til "1992" med undtagelse af spanierne, hvor tilslutningen var stort set uændret (57%-58%).
People from all countries increased support for '1992' with the exception of Spaniards, whose support stayed roughly the same (57%-58%).
Selv om den fornyede tilslutning til "1992" var et meget vigtigt element i denne undersøgelse, var tilslutningen i visse lande stadig langt under det niveau, der kom til udtryk, da spørgsmålet blev stillet første gang, især blandt luxembourgerne (61% i 1987 og 38% i dag) og belgierne (66% I 1987 og 43% i dag).
Although recovery of support for '1992' was a major highlight of this survey, some people still fell far short of the levels of support expressed when the question was first asked, especially Luxembourgers (61% in 1987; 38% today) and Belgians (66% in 1987; 43% today).
Derimod forholdt det sig sådan, at med undtagelse af luxembourgerne (16%), danskerne (15%) og briterne (11%) var der ingen lande, hvor mere end hver tiende forholdt sig negativt til "1992".
Nevertheless, with the exceptions of Luxembourgers (16%), Danes (15%) and British (11%), in no country did more than one in ten citizens feel negative about '1992'.
Især i opinionsdannende kredse øgedes tilslutningen i forhold til seks måneder tidligere, nemlig fra 57% til 64%, og kun 9% var fortsat imod.
Opinion-leaders, in particular increased their support from six months ago from 57% to 64%, while only 9% continued to be against it.
En positiv holdning til "1992" var mest udtalt blandt mænd, yngre mennesker, personer under uddannelse, veluddannede og personer med højere indkomster.
Those in favour of '1992' were more likely to be men, younger people, those still studying, the better educated and those with higher incomes.
Ikke overraskende var de mest positive erhvervskategorier personer i liberale erhverv (63%), ansatte akademikere og virksomhedsledere (begge 60%).
Unsurprisingly, professionals (63%), employed professionals and general managers (both 60%) were the most supportive of the socio-professional groups.
Dette giver "1992" et stærkt grundlag, især i de kredse, der præger opinionen pá det økonomiske område (Diagram 2.12, tabel 34).
This gives '1992' a strong foundation, especially with those who lead public opinion in the economic field (Figure 2.12, Table 34).
Tre ud af fem (61%) EF-borgere sagde, at de nærede store eller i hvert fald visse forhåbninger til det indre marked, mens 19% sagde, at de nærede "en vis frygt", og kun 4%, at de nærede "stor frygt".
Three out of five (61%) EC citizens said they felt "very" or "rather hopeful" about the Single European Market while 19% declared themselves "rather fearful" and only 4% "very fearful".
Denne holdning har været ret stabil for EF som helhed, siden den første gang blev målt i begyndelsen af 1988.
This point of view has remained fairly steady for the Community as a whole since it was first measured at the beginning of 1988.
De, der nærede forhåbninger, udgjorde et flertal i alle lande undtagen Luxembourg, hvor holdningerne ligesom sidste gang er nogenlunde ligeligt repræsenteret (42% nærede forhåbninger og 44% nærede frygt), måske pá grund af frygten for de virkninger, en harmonisering af momssatserne og bank lovgivningen ville få for økonomien i skattelyet Luxembourg.
Most felt hopeful in all countries except Luxembourg, where people, as last time, continues to be split down the middle (42% "hopeful" versus 44% "fearful"), possibly because of fears about the effect of harmonisation of VAT rates and banking laws on the economy of that tax-haven.
Italienerne (72%), ¡rerne (70%) og hollænderne (68%) nærede de største forhåbninger til "1992", og den største stigning i forhåbningerne kunne registreres blandt tyskerne (fra 52% til 61%, blandt østtyskerne 69%) og danskerne (51% til 58%).
The Italians (72%), Irish (70%) and Dutch (68%) had the highest expectations for '1992', with the greatest increases in "hope" registered among Germans (52% to 61%, including 69% East Germans) and Danes (51% to 58%).
Den eneste kraftige tilbagegang i forhåbninger kunne konstateres blandt belgierne (fra 69% til 62%) (Diagram 2.13, tabel 35).
The only significant drop in hope came from the Belgians (69% to 62%) (Figure 2.13, Table 35).
I december 1989 vedtog Det Europæiske Råd en erklæring om en Fællesskabspagt for Grundlæggende Arbejdsmarkedsmæssige og Sociale Rettigheder eller, som den kaldes, "Socialpagten", der tager sigte på iværksættelse af de procedurer, der skal udvirke disse fordele.
In December 1989, the European Council adopted a Declaration constituting a Community Charter of Fundamental Social Rights or 'Social Charter' to set in motion the procedures to bring this about.
To tredjedele af EF-borgerne (67%) var positive heroverfor, og der var tilslutning fra mere end syv ud af t i i Italien (76%), Nederlandene (75%), Grækenland (72%) samt Irland og Det Forenede Kongerige (begge 71%).
Two-thirds of EC citizens (67%) were in favour of it, including more than seven out of ten people in Italy (76%), the Netherlands (75%), Greece (72%), Ireland and the United Kingdom (both 71%).
En så kraftig tilslutning fra de britiske borgere er særlig interessant i betragtning af den britiske regerings modstand mod dette skridt (Diagram 2.14, tabel 36).
Such strong backing from British citizens is particularly relevant considering the UK Government's opposition to this measure (Figure 2.14, Table 36).
Den eneste betydelige modstand mod Socialpagten registreredes hos danskerne, og 20% af befolkningen - dobbelt så mange som i andre lande - tog afstand fra den.
The only significant opposition to the Social Charter came from the Danes, where 20% of the population - twice the number of other countries - believed it was a bad thing.
Men alligevel var mere end to ud af tre positive.
Nevertheless they were still more than two to one in favour of it.
I de forløbne seks måneder er tilslutningen til Socialpagten øget kraftigst blandt tyskerne (fra 60% til 67%) og franskmændene (fra 56% til 63%), mens den største tilbagegang konstateredes blandt grækerne (fra 80% til 72%).
Over the previous six months, the Germans (60% to 67%) and French (56% to 63%) increased their support the most for the Social Charter, while the greatest decline was among Greeks (80% to 72%).
1989 havde været helt oppe pá 77%, derefter faldt kraftigt til 56% i foråret 1990.
The French increase is particularly significant as they had been 77% in favour of the Charter in Spring 1989 before dropping steeply to 56% in Spring 1990 before the current rally.
Der var også kraftig støtte blandt fagforeningsfolk, idet 76% af disse var for, mens kun 5% var imod.
It also received the strong endorsement of trade unionists, 76% of whom were in favour of it, with only 5% against.
84% af de britiske fagforeningsfolk og 52% af de danske fagforeningsfolk var positivt indstillet over for Socialpagten.
84% of British trade unionists and 52% of Danish trade unionists agreed with the idea.
Generelt er forudsætningerne for en europæisk union fortsat gunstige.
In general, the conditions for European union continue to be favourable.
Tysklands forening synes at have styrket både den vesttyske og østtyske tilslutning til Fællesskabet.
German unity seems to have enhanced and strengthened both West and East German support for the Community.
Der er generel tilslutning til mange foranstaltninger med henblik pá en politisk, økonomisk og monetær union.
There is general support'for many measures concerning political, economic and monetary union.
Det indre marked vurderes også igen mere positivt.
The Single European Market is also being seen in a better light than has been the case recently.
Der synes også at være en øget tilslutning i den britiske offentlighed til især den monetære union og
More favourable winds also seem to be blowing concerning British public attitudes towards monetary union and the Social Charter in particular.
Den vigtigste storpolitiske begivenhed i 1990 var utvivlsomt Iraks invasion af Kuwait den 2. august.
The main news story of 1990 was undoubtedly the invasion of Kuwait by Iraq on 2nd August.
EF spillede allerede fra starten en vigtig rolle i krisen.
The European Community played a major role in the crisis at that time.
Umiddelbart efter invasionen vedtog De Tolv inden for Det Europæiske Politiske Samarbejdes rammer en resolution, hvori der blev stillet krav om de irakiske troppers tilbagetrækning.
Immediately following the invasion, the Twelve adopted a resolution in the framework of European Political Cooperation demanding the withdrawal of Iraqi troops.
To dage senere gav de meddelelse om en handelsembargo og suspendering af alle samarbejdsaftaler med Irak.
Two days later, they also announced a trade embargo and suspension of all cooperation agreements with Iraq.
Adskillige medlemsstater fulgte USA's eksempel og sendte krigsskibe til Golfen for at gennemtvinge handelsembargoen, og både Frankrig og Det Forenede Kongerige sendte betydelige landstyrker til beskyttelse af Saudi-Arabien mod et eventuelt angreb.
Following the lead given by the United States, several member states sent warships to the Gulf to help enforce the trade embargo, while both France and the United Kingdom provided substantial ground forces to protect Saudi sovereign territory from possible attack.
8 blev gennemført pr. telefon i den første uge af
8 was conducted by telephone during the first week of October
Eurobarometers flash-undersøgelse nr. 3 oktober for at mâle EF-borgernes bevidsthed om - og reaktion på - EF's engagement i
Flash Eurobarometer survey N° 3 to gauge EC citizens' awareness of -and reaction to - the Community's involvement in the Gulf crisis.
Eurobarometers flash-undersøgelse nr. 3 blev gennemført af EOS Gallup Europe pr.
Flash Eurobaroneter survey N* 3 conducted by EOS Gallup Europe by telephone in the 12 »ember states of the European Comuni ty during the period 26 Septeaber­9 October 1990.
I Grækenland, Spanien, Irland og Portugal blev undersøgelsen kun gennemført i større byområder på grund af den ringe telefondækning i landdistrikterne.
Only ■ajor urban areas were polled in Greece, Spain, Ireland and Portugal because of poor telephone penetration in rural areas.
Af samme grund blev undersøgelsen ikke gennemført i Østtyskland.
East Germany was not polled for the saw reasons.
Yderligere tekniske oplysninger er anført i bilagene.
See Annexes for technical details.
Næsten to ud af tre EF-borgere (64%) havde hørt, at EF spillede en aktiv rolle i Golfkrisen (Diagram 3.1, tabel 37).
Almost two out of three EC citizens (64%) said that they had heard that the European Community was playing a role in the Gulf crisis (Figure 3.1, Table 37).
Bevidstheden om EF's engagement var størst blandt spanierne (83%), måske pá grund af uoverensstemmelserne om landets militære tilstedeværelse i Golfen.
Awareness of the Community's involvement was highest among Spaniards (83%), perhaps because of the controversy surrounding its military presence in the Gulf.
Kun i Luxembourg (49%) og Vesttyskland (40%) havde mindre end halvdelen hørt om dette engagement.
Only in Luxembourg (49%) and West Germany (40%) had less than half of the people heard about it.
Den hjemlige debat om Tysklands forening (der begrænsede mediernes dækning af mange andre problemer) kan måske forklare det ret lave vesttyske resultat.
Domestic excitement about German unification (to the reduction of many other issues in the media) may be a plausible explanation for the rather low West German result.