natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Den går ud pá gradvis at gå bort fra de høje garanterede priser til landmændene og I højere grad yde direkte støtte til små og mellemstore (andbrug.
It suggests that the high prices guaranteed to farmers should be progressively abandoned in favour of direct income support for small and medium-size farmers.
Når det drejer sig om at vurdere resultaterne af den nuverende feiles landbrugspolitik, mener 21% af de adspurgte, at de har veret "gode", 35% at de har veret "dårlige", og 16% at de har veret "hverken gode eller dårlige".
When asked to assess the actual results of the Common Agricultural Policy, 21% of people interviewed find it "good", 35% "bad" and 16% "neither good nor bad".
Mange (27%) giver Ikke udtryk for nogen holdning.
A large number (27%) could not say.
I forhold til foråret 1989, hvor spørgsmålet sidst blev stillet, kan der konstateres en nedgang pá 3 point i andelen af positive svar, der l forvejen ikke var seri ig stor.
Compared to Spring 1989, the last time this question was asked, there has been a fall of three points in positive responses, which were already not numerous.
De mest negative var i dette tilfælde borgerne I Storbritannien (57% "dårlige"), Danmark (44%), Vesttyskland (43%) og Frankrig (41%) (Tabel 16, Diagram 8, Kort 4).
In this case, the citizens who were the most negative came from the United Kingdom (57% "bad"), Denmark (44%), West Germany (43%) and France (41%) (Table 16, Figure 8, Map 4).
Det er Ikke nødvendigvis landmændene, der har den mest negative opfattelse af den feiles landbrugspolitik.
It is not necessarily farmers who are the most critical of CAP.
25% af kategorien landmænd, der hér også omfatter fiskerne, mener, at resultaterne har veret gode, mod 19% blandt mellemledere og 20% blandt arbejdere (Tabel 18).
25% of them (aggregated with fishermen) think the results good, as opposed to 19% of middle managers and 20% of workers (Table 18).
Den seneste reform af den feiles landbrugspolitik, udformet i 1991, modtages positivt af 54% af EF-borgerne.
The new reform of the CAP, developed in 1991, is well-received by 54% of European citizens.
12% mener, at det er en "dårlig ting", 11% at det er en "hverken god elier dårlig ting", og 23% giver ikke udtryk for nogen holdning (Tabel 17, Diagram 8).
12% y find it a "bad thing", 11% "neither good nor bad" and 23% are without an opinion (Table 17, Figure 8).
Det er grekerne, (65%), portugiserne og briterne (64%) og hol tenderne (62%), der mest massivt går ind for reformen.
The Greeks (65%), Portuguese and British (64%), as well as the Dutch (62%), approve of it the most.
De mest negative er danskerne, idet 34% af dem mener, at det er en "dårlig ting".
The most negative are the Danes, 34% of whom think it is a "bad thing".
Det er landmændene, der er mest imod reformen. To ud af ti er imod.
Farmers are the group who are the most opposed to the reform, by two to ten.
De erhverv, hvor der er flest med en positiv holdning, er de liberale erhverv (62%) og funktionererne (68%).
The most favourable people are independent (62%) and employed (68%) professionals.
46% af landmændene (ganske vist inklusive fiskerne) mener, at reformen er en "god ting" (Tabel 18).
46% of farmers (including, it is true, fishermen) think it a "good thing" (Table 18).
Princippet indeberer, at områder, der ikke kan forvaltes effektivt pá nationalt plan, skal varetages af EF.
This means that areas that cannot be managed effectively at the national level should fall under the aegis of the European Community.
Til gengeld skal alt det, der kan klares pá nationalt plan, udelukkende varetages af medlemsstaterne, regionerne og kommunerne.
However, anything that can be dealt with at the national level should only come under the auspices of Member States, regions or the local level.
EF­borgerne er flere gange blevet spurgt om, hvad de mener om sagen. De er i varierende grad indstillet pá at lade EF afgøre visse spørgsmål, men er tilbageholdende med at overlade det visse andre spørgsmål.
Asked about this issue on many occasions, European Community citizens are happy to submit some policy areas to Community decision-making, while being reticent about other areas, all to differing degrees.
De områder, hvor EF­borgerne er mest tilbøjelige til at gå med til, at beslutningerne treffes i fællesskab inden for EF er: samarbejde med udviklingslandene (79%, +2), v i denskabel Ig og teknologisk forskning (77%, +2), miljøbeskyttelse (73%, +2), udenrigspolitikken (71%, +2), valutaforhold (59%, +3), sikkerhed og forsvar (51%, ­), momssatser (51% +1) og grundleggende regier for radio, fjernsyn og presse (48%. +4) (Tabel 19, Diagram 9).
Cooperation with third world countries (79%, +2), scientific and technical research (77%, +2), protection of the environment (73%, +2), foreign policy towards countries outside the European Community (71%, +2), currency (59%, +3), security and defence (51%, =), rates of VAT (51%, + 1) and basic rules for broadcasting and press (48 %, +4) are the domains which Europeans are most likely to accept decisions concerning them taken jointly within the European Community (Table 19, Figure 9).
Pá følgende områder foretrekker borgerne, at det fortsat er de nationale regeringer, der treffer beslutning.· uddannelse (56%, ­4), sundhed og social forsorg (54%, ­4), medarbejderrepræsentanters deltagelse i firmaernes bestyrelse (47%, ­2) og beskyttelse af personoplysninger i edb­registre (44%, ­2). Der er dog inden for alle de nevnte sektorer tendens til en mindre udpræget "national" holdning.
Those issues which people prefer to be decided at the national level are education (56%, -4), health and social security (54%, -4), the participation of workers' representatives on company boards of directors (47%, -2) and the protection of computer-based information on individuals (44%, -2), even if the "national" vote has tended to diminish in all these sectors.
Under den første regeringskonference om Den Politiske Union, der blev afholdt i Rom den 14. december 1990, forelagde den spanske regering et forslag om indførelse af begrebet "europeisk statsborgerskab" i den nye unionstraktat.
At the first session of the Inter-Governmental Conference on Political Union, convened in Rome on 14th December 1990, the Spanish Government put on the table a proposal for the introduction of the idea of "European citizenship" in the new Union treaty.
Overgangen til en politisk union, hvilket bI.a. indebærer en feiles udenrigs- og sikkerhedspolitik og en økonomisk og moneter union, bevirker Ifølge forslaget en grundleggende endring af de hidtidige forhold, og det gør det nødvendigt, at der oprettes et feiles integreret område, hvor EF-borgeren kommer til at spille en central rol le.
According to this document, moves towards a Political Union comprising of a common foreign and security policy as well as an Economic and Monetary Union would radically overturn how things were done until now. It requires the creation of an integrated common space, where the European citizen will play a central and fundamental role.
Forslaget vedrører definitionen af unionsstatsborgerskabet, der skal vere en personlig og umistelig ret for statsborgere i medlemsstaterne, idet de gennem deres tilhørsforhold til unionen har en rekke ganske ser I ige rettigheder og pligter, som udtrykkeligt gelder og beskyttes inden for EF's grenser, men som også kan gøres geldende uden for dettes grænser .
The proposal deals with the definition of citizenship in the European Political Union as "a personal and inalienable status of nationals of Member States who, because of membership of the Union, have special rights and duties specific to the framework of the Union, which are exercised and protected specifically within the borders of the Community, without prejudice to the possibility of that same quality of European citizenship being equally valid outside the above-mentioned borders".
Man har flere gange i forbindelse med EUROBAROMETER stillet borgerne det spørgsmål, om de opfattede sig ikke blot som franskmænd, danskere eller grekere, men også som europæere.
On many occasions, the EUROBAROMETER has asked a question to find out whether citizens interviewed think of themselves as not only French, Danes or Greeks but also as Europeans.
Spørgsmålet blev pá ny stillet i foråret 91, og ser man bort fra svarene i det tidligere DDR kan der konstateres en vesentlig stigning i antallet af personer, der "ofte" (21%, +8) eller "af og til" (32%, +1) opfatter Sig som europæere.
This question has been asked again in Spring 1991 and, compared to Spring 1990 and excluding the responses from the ex-GDR, there has been a significant rise in the number of people who say they consider themselves to be "often" (21%, +6) or "sometimes" (32%, +1) Europeans.
44% (7) indrømmer, at de "aldrig" opfatter sig selv som verende også europæere (Tabel 20).
44% (7) acknowledge they "never" think of themselves as Europeans as well (Table 20).
En af Golf-krigens virkninger pá EF-borgerne har været, at de er blevet sig det europeiske og deres tilhørsforhold til EF bevidst.
One of the effects of the Gulf War on the citizens of the Twelve has been to make them aware of their "European-ness" and of their membership of the European Community.
I alle lande, undtagen Grekenland (-6), kan der konstateres en stigning i procentdelen af dem, der foruden deres nationale identitet også siger at de føler en europeisk identitet. Der har pá dette område veret betydelige stigninger i Luxembourg (+18), Spanien (+13), i Italien (+9), i Belgien (+8) og I Frankrig (+6).
In all countries except Greece (-6), there is an increase in the percentage of those who, over and above their national identity, say they feel deeply "European", especially in Luxembourg (+18), Spain (+13), Italy (+9), Belgium (+8) and France (+6).
I de fem nye Østtyske delstater er det formodentlig endnu for tidligt at stille spørgsmålet.
In the five new Eastern Länder of Germany, the question is rather premature.
Kun 9% af borgerne her siger, at de "ofte" opfatter sig som europeere, og 25%, at de "undertiden" gør det; 60% hevder, at de aldrig gør det.
Only 9% of its citizens say they feel "often" European, 25% "sometimes"; 60% confirm they never hold that sentiment.
Sidstnævnte tal er dog endnu lavere i Storbritannien, hvor 69% siger, at de aldrig tenker pá, at de har en europeisk Identitet.
That last figure is, however, not as low as in the United Kingdom, where 69% say they never think about their European identity.
Hvad angår det mere konkrete forslag om at indføre et europeisk statsborgerskab, dvs. at definere rettigheder og pligter, der skal vere feiles for borgerne i alle EF-Iandene, mener 60%, at det vil vere "en god ting", 14% at det vil vere "en dårlig ting" og 16%, at det vil vere "hverken godt eller dårligt" (Tabel 21, Diagram 10).
Concerning the more detailed proposal of establishing a European citizenship, that is defining the rights, freedoms and obligations common to all citizens of member countries of the European Community, 60% think it would be "a good thing", 14% "a bad thing" and 16% something "neither good nor bad" (Table 21, Figure 10).
Spanierne er dem, der er mest positive over for tanken om et sådant statsborgerskab (78%). Derefter følger grækerne og italienerne (73%).
Spaniards come first in favouring such a citizenship (78%), followed by Greeks and Italians (73%).
Danmark er det eneste land, hvor et flertal er negativt indstillet (54% mener, det er en "dårlig ting").
Denmark is the only country where a majority of people are unfavourable (54% "bad thing").
Jacques Delors sagde, at det var en positiv begivenhed, der måtte ses som endnu et skridt hen imod et monetært Europa.
Mr. Delors confirmed that this event was a new, positive step towards a monetary Europe.
Efter Indkaldelsen i forbindelse med topmødet i Rom har regeringskonferencen om Den Økonomiske og Moneterò Union (ØMU) allerede veret samlet flere gange.
Indeed, since the session of the Rome Summit, the Inter-Governmental Conference on Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) has already reconvened many times.
Efter dens sjette samling pä ministerniveau, I april 1991, udarbejdede medlemsstaternes centralbankchefer et udkast til vedtægter for den kommende europeiske centralbank.
The day after its sixth session at the ministerial level in April 1991, the Governors of the Central Banks of the Member States finalised a draft proposal defining statutes for a future European Central Bank.
Det skulle efter planen vedtages pá Det Europeiske Råds møde I Luxembourg i Juni 1991.
It is expected to be adopted by the European Council of Luxembourg in June 1991.
Den første Januar 1994 er i princippet sat som frist for overgangen til den anden af ØMU's tre faser.
1st January 1994 is the date which has been set aside in principle for the start of the transition to the second of the three stages of the EMU process.
Der er blandt EF-borgerne stor tilslutning t i I at overdrage EF forvaltningsopgaver pá det økonomiske og moneterò område samt til at indføre en feiles EF-valuta.
There is a very broad consensus among citizens of Member States to entrust the Community with the task of economic and monetary management as well as creating a single European currency.
56% af EF-borgerne går således ind for oprettelsen af en "feiles europeisk centralbank med de enkelte landes nationalbankdirektører som medlemmer af bestyrelsen", og 60% går Ind for en "feiles valuta, der i løbet af fem til seks år skal erstatte de forskellige medlemslandes valuta" (Tabel 22, Diagram 11).
Indeed, 56% of Europeans are in favour of having "a common European Central Bank with the heads of National Central Banks on its board of directors", and 60% are in favour of "a single common currency replacing the different currencies of the Member States in five or six years' time" (Table 22, Figure 11).
Siden den meningsmåling, der blev foretaget nogle uger før indledningen af regeringskonferencerne, er der kun sket ubetydelige endringer i holdningen til oprettelsen af en europeisk centralbank.
Since the time of the survey conducted a few weeks before the start of the Inter-Governmental Conferences, opinion about the creation of a Central European Bank has undergone very little change.
Det er i Storbritannien (8) og Grekenland (-6), at banken har mistet mest af sin tiltrækningskraft. I Luxembourg og Holland (+5) er tilslutningen derimod blevet større.
The Bank lost its attraction the most in the United Kingdom (8) and in Greece (-6), while it has, by contrast, gained in support in Luxembourg and the Netherlands (+5).
Seks måneder efter den seneste meningsmåling og nogle fá uger før Det Europeiske Råds møde i Luxembourg går altså et større antal borgere end tidligere ind for indførelsen af en feiles europeisk valuta. De mest drastiske stigninger pá dette område har kunnet konstateres i Storbritannien (+16) og Luxembourg (+12), hvor der er sket et skift fra et flertal imod til et flertal for.
Six months after the previous survey and a few weeks before the European Council of Luxembourg, the idea of creating a single European currency is endorsed by a greater number of citizens.
I Spanien (+8) og Frankrig (+7) er der sket betydelige stigninger. Det samme gelder Danmark, hvor der har veret en stigning pá 11 point i antallet af personer, der har en positiv holdning til en feiles valuta, men hvor denne dog endnu ikke kan samle et positivt flertal.
Increases are considerable in Spain (+8) and France (+7); Denmark also saw a rise of 11 points in positive attitudes towards a common currency, although one cannot yet speak of a majority of people in favour of it there.
Det viser sig, at mange EF-borgere, uanset deres holdning til de emner, der drøftes pá konferencen om Den Økonomiske og Moneterò Union, er overbevist om, at den feiles valuta rent faktisk vil vere en realitet i Europa omkring år 2000.
Whatever the opinion on the themes under discussion at the Conference on Economic and Monetary Union, Europeans show themselves to be more confident in their belief that the single currency will be a reality in Europe in the year 2000.
Det mener 64% af borgerne i de tolv lande taget under ét, og i samtlige lande har et flertal denne holdning, også i Storbritannien og Danmark (64%) (Tabel 24, Diagram 12).
64% of the Twelve as a whole believe it will be so, with positive majorities apparent in all countries, including the United Kingdom and Denmark (64%) (Table 24, Figure 12).
Virkningen af den tyske genforening
2.6 The impact of German unification
Det forenede Tyskland giver anledning til "megen optimisme" eller "nogen optimisme" hos et stort flertal af borgerne i alle medlemsstater (64%), når det drejer sig om virkningen pá EF og EF's fremtid.
A big majority of citizens of Member States, excluding Germany, (64%) are "very hopeful" or "rather hopeful" about a unified Germany, the Community and its future.
24% føler sig "noget engstel Ige" eller "meget engstel ige" (Tabel 23, Diagram 13).
24% feel "rather fearful" or "very fearful" (Table 23, Figure 13).
Der blev stillet et lignende spørgsmål, men vedrørende genforeningens virkning pá svarpersonens land og dets fremtid.
The same question was asked concerning the future of the respondent's country.
Her svarede i gennemsnit 59% af EF-borgerne, at de i den henseende sá pá den tyske genforening med "megen optimisme" eller "nogen optimisme".
On average, 59% of the Member States' citizens view German unification as "very hopeful" or "rather hopeful" for their own country.
77% af østtyskerne var optimistiske i så henseende mod 62% af deres landsmænd i vest.
77% of East Germans are optimists in this respect, compared to 62% of their compatriots in the West.
I de lande, der grenser op t i I Tyskland, er den optimistiske holdning til genforeningens virkning pá deres eget land mindre udpreget end i lande, der ligger lengere vek.
People from countries bordering Germany are less optimistic about the impact of reunification on their own country compared to those which are further away.
Antallet af personer, der ser pá genforeningen med forhåbninger, svinger mellem 70% i Italien og 46% i Luxembourg (Tabel 23, Diagram 14).
The sentiment of hope fluctuates from 70% in Italy to 46% in Luxembourg (Table 23, Figure 14).
Fel Iesskabets udvidelse
2.7 The enlargement of the Community
Når man beder EF-borgerne forestille sig Europa i år 2000, viser svarene, at der er forskellige opfattelser af, hvorledes en eventuel udvidelse kan ske.
If one asks Europeans to imagine the architecture of Europe in the year 2000, some differences are found concerning the possible nature of Community enlargement.
Hvad angår lande i Central- og Østeuropa som f.eks. Polen, Ungarn og Tjekkoslovakiet, mener 55% af de adspurgte, at disse lande i år 2000 vil vere medlemmer af EF.
55% of people believe that certain Central and Eastern European countries such as Poland, Hungary and Czechoslovakia would have become members of the European Community by that time.
28% tror det ikke.
28% do not think so.
De mest skeptiske er danskerne (42%), franskmændene (37%), vesttyskerne og hol tenderne (36%). I Grekenland tror 36%, at det vil vere en realitet, mens 35% svarer "ved ikke" (Tabel 24, Diagram 12).
The most sceptical are the Danes (42%), French (37%) West Germans and Dutch (36%).
I drøftelserne om indgåelse af associeringsaftaler mellem EF og Polen, Ungarn og Tjekkoslovakiet har der allerede veret tale om, at der i preamblen skal Indføjes en bestemmelse om eventuel senere tiltrædelse af EF.
During the discussions being held to conclude "European Treaties" of Association between the EC and Poland, Hungary and Czechoslovakia, there has already been discussion about including a clause about membership in the preamble.
Borgerne i de tre lande ser yderst positivt pá denne mulighed.
The opinions of the citizens of these three countries are very positive in this respect.
I EUROBAROMETER 34 fra december 1990 ses det, hvorledes de forskellige holdninger er representeret.
Details of their opinions can be found in EUROBAROMETER N°34 of December 1990.
Men når det drejer sig om optagelsen i EF af andre europeiske stater som f.eks. Østrig, Schweiz, Norge, Sverige eller Finland, der for Øjeblikket alle er medlemmer af EFTA, mener 63% af de adspurgte, at det vil vere en realitet Inden år 2000, mens 18% ikke mener, at det vil vere tilfældet (Tabel 24).
But when membership of the European Community is envisaged for other European states such as Austria, Switzerland, Norway, Sweden or Finland, all members of EFTA at the moment, 63% of respondents think that it will be a reality in the year 2000, while 18% do not think so (Table 24).
Det er I Danmark (91%), Luxembourg (73%) og Holland (70%), at man finder de største positive flertal, og i Intet af landene har et flertal en negativ holdning.
The biggest majorities in favour can be found in Denmark (91%), Luxembourg (73%) and the Netherlands (70%), negative opinion being in a minority in all countries.
Her midt i 1991 afsluttes forhandlingerne mellem EF og de seks EFTA-lande med henblik pá Indgåelse af en aftale om et såkaldt "Økonomisk Integreret Europa".
We are witnessing, in the middle of 1991, the end of negotiations between the European Community and the six countries of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) for a treaty calling for a "European Economic Space".
Visse af EFTA-landene viger tilbage for at underskrive en sådan traktat, der under alle omstændigheder ikke vil give ikke-medlemslande de samme fordele som medlemslande. De overvejer derfor at ansøge om medlemskab af EF. Østrig har allerede ansøgt, og Sverige er i ferd med det.
Some EFTA Member States are hesitant about signing such a treaty which does not in any way offer non-Member States the same benefits as Member States, and has encouraged demands for EC membership.
EF-borgerne er af den opfattelse, at det slet ikke er usandsynligt, at disse lande kan tiltrede i ner fremtid.
In the opinion of the citizens of Member States, their joining the Community is not at all improbable in the near future.
Golf-krigens virkninger for EF
The effects of the Gulf War on the European Community
Den største begivenhed 1 begyndelsen af 1991 var utvivlsomt de allierede styrkers militerò Intervention mod Irak for at tvinge landet til at trekke sig ud af Kuwait.
Without a doubt, the major event at the start of 1991 was the military intervention of allied forces against Iraq to force her out of Kuwait.
Som understreget i rapportens første del blev det før og under Golf-konflikten helt tydeligt, at der I EF mangler en feiles udenrigs- og forsvarspolitik.
As stressed at the beginning of this report, the absence of a common foreign and defence policy within the European Community was clearly felt before and during the Gulf conflict.
Det lykkedes dog EF-Kommlssionen at fá grønt lys t i I en omfattende humanitær hjælp I forbindelse med repatrieringen af flygtninge fra Kuwait og hjælp til Jordan, Tyrkiet og Egypten for dér at afhjælpe problemerne som følge af blokaden mod Irak.
Nevertheless, in a display of common spirit, the Commission of the European Communities cleared a very important emergency humanitarian assistance package to repatriate refugees fleeing Kuwait and to assist Jordan, Turkey and Egypt tackle difficulties caused by the embargo against Iraq.
Det var Ikke ret meget set med borgernes øjne. De havde gerne set EF spille en større rolle og reagere samlet som modvegt mod de enorme diplomatiske og senere militerò midler, der blev iverksat af USA.
This was small-fry compared to public expectations, which would have hoped for a far greater display of leadership by the Community and a collective will to counterbalance the enormous diplomatic and (later) military means deployed by the United States.
To ud af tre EF-borgere (64%) ønsker, at EF skal sette mere fart pá sin politiske, Økonomiske og moneterò integration, således at det kan klare situationer som Golf-krisen.
Two European out three wish that the European Community would speed up its political, economic and monetary integration to deal effectively with such crises (64%).
Da samme spørgsmål blev stillet inden krigen, var resultatet 61%.
61% gave the same answer when the same question was asked before the war.
De kraftigste ændringer ses i Spanien (18) og Frankrig (+6) (Tabel 25, Diagram 15).
The most important changes took place in Spain (+8) and France (+6) (Table 25, Figure 15).