natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Trods den stigende interesse i at begrænse eller nedsætte beskatningen af arbejdsindtægter faldt de sociale bidrags relative betydning i Unionen under ét kun marginalt i perioden 19901996 (fra lidt under 64,5 % af de samlede udgifter til lidt over 63 %).
Despite the increasing concern to limit or reduce the charges falling on income from employment, the rela tive importance of social contributions over the Union as a whole, declined only marginally between 1990 and 1996 (from just under 6414% of the total to just over 63%).
Det skal understreges, at selv om sociale sikringsbidrag tegner sig for størstedelen af den samlede beskatning af arbejdskraften, er der andre skatter, der tegner sig for mere end en tredjedel heraf i EU.
It should be emphasised that while social contributions represent the major part of total taxes on employed labour, there are other taxes account ing for more than one third of this total in the EU.
lille stigning i deres relative andel.
tive importance.
Det samme var tilfældet for så vidt angår arbejdsgiverbidragene, idet deres andel af den samlede finansiering faldt fra 42 % i 1990 til lige under 39,5 % i 1993, men forblev på dette niveau i de tre efterfølgende år, mens det offentliges indtægter fra skatter steg fra 30 % af de samlede indtægter i 1990 til 33 % i 1993 for derefter at falde til 32 % i 1996.
This was also the case as regards employers' contributions, their share of total funding falling from 42% in 1990 to just under 3914% in 1993, but remaining at this level over the subsequent three years while revenue from taxes increased from 30% of the total in 1990 to 33% in 1993 and then fell to 32% in 1996.
Den andel af det offentliges indtægter, der hidrørte fra sociale bidrag, ændrede sig imidlertid sig nifikant i en række medlemsstater i løbet af denne periode, dog ikke alle steder i nedadgående retning og mere i lande, hvor andelen var relativt lille end i lande, hvor den var stor.
Nevertheless, the share of revenue collected from social contributions changed significantly in a number of Member States over this period, though not uniformly downwards and more in countries where the share was relatively small initially rather than in those where it was large.
I Portugal faldt den fra 57 % til 43 % i løbet af denne periode og i Irland og Det Forenede Kongerige med 4 procentpoint.
In Portugal, it declined from 57% to 43% over the period and in Ireland and the UK, by some 4 per centage points.
Omvendt blev sociale bidrag en mere betydningsfuld finansieringskilde i Danmark (hvor andelen steg fra 13 % til 25 %) og i Nederlandene (fra 59 % til 67,5 %), og det samme gjorde sig gældende, om end i mindre målestok, i Finland, Belgien og Østrig.
On the other hand, social contributions became a more important source of funding in Denmark (where their share rose from 13% to 25%) and the Netherlands (from 59% to 6714%), as well as, more modestly, in Finland, Belgium and Austria.
Alt i alt er der således ikke meget, der tyder på konvergerende tendenser med hensyn til den andel af det offentliges indtægter, der stammede fra sociale bidrag i den omhandlede periode.
Overall, therefore, there is little sign of any convergence in the proportion of revenue yielded by contributions over this period.
Siden 1996 har der været tegn på øgede bestræbelser i en række med lemsstater, specielt i de lande, hvor bidragssatsen er høj, på at omlægge finansieringen af social beskyttelse fra sociale bidrag til skatter, i nogle tilfælde til øremærkede skatter og afgifter, der opkræves specielt med henblik på finansiering af bestemte ydelser.
Nevertheless, since 1996, there is evidence of increased efforts in a number of Member States, especially those where rates of contribution are high, to shift the source of financing of social protection from contributions to taxes, in some cases to 'earmarked' taxes levied specifically to fund certain benefits.
Dette gælder især i Frankrig, hvor CSG (Contribution Sociale Généralisée), der indførtes som en solidaritetsafgift i 1991 til erstatning for en del af de sociale bidrag, og som er blevet forhøjet flere gange siden da, nu er højere end indkomstskatten.
This is particularly the case in France, where the CSG (contribution sociale généralisée), introduced as a 'solidarity tax' in 1991 to replace part of the social contributions and extended several times since then, now is higher than income tax.
Samtidig er CRDS (contribution au remboursement de la dette sociale), en til lægsafgift på 0,5 % af indkomsten, indført i 1995 som et bidrag til at nedbringe underskuddet i det sociale beskyttelsessystem, blevet for længet indtil 2014, og afgiften på tobak er af samme grund blevet sat op.
At the same time, the CRDS (contribution au remboursement de la dette sociale) an additional charge levied at a rate of 0.5% on income, introduced in 1995 to contribute to reducing the deficit of the social protection system, has been extend ed until 2014, while the tax levied on tobacco for a similar reason has been increased.
Nedgangen i de sociale bidrags relative betydning fandt sted i løbet af de første tre år, mens der efter 1993 endog kunne registreres en
The reduction in the relative importance of social contributions occurred in the first three years of the period, and after 1993 there was even a small increase in their rela
Eftersom lønningernes andel af BNP er faldet i løbet af 1990'erne,
Since the share of wages and salaries in GDP has tended to fall over the 1990s, particularly since 1993 and the end of the recession, the revenue from contributions has risen
Finansiering af sociale udgifter
Similarly, in Belgium, employers' contributions have recently been reduced, while in
I Italien er det planlagt at omlægge finansieringen af familieydelser, herunder moderskabsydelser, fra sociale bidrag til skatten.
Moreover, in Italy, it is
Nylige ændringer i socialpolitikken
Recent changes in policy
både med hensyn til de arbejdsløses adgang til understøttelse og de mod tagne beløb, idet hovedskellet for det førstnævnte aspekt går mellem de nordlige og de sydlige medlems stater.
Member States, the main divide in the case of the former being be tween the north and south of the Union.
Dette synes at blive bekræftet af en nylig empirisk undersøgelse, som Det Europæiske Fællesskabs Husholdningspanel (ECHP) har foretaget af erstatningssatser fra de første to bølger af panelet, baseret på en sammenligning mellem folks reelle indkomst som arbejdsløse og deres nettoindtægt, når de er i beskæftigelse.
This seems to be confirmed by a recent empirical study of replacement rates, based on what people actually receive when unemployed as compared with their net earnings when in work as reported in the first two waves of the European Community Household Panel (ECHP).
Resultaterne, som vedrører 1993 og 1994, må betragtes som foreløbige.
The results, which relate to 1993 and 1994 are exploratory.
De skal sammenlignes med resultaterne af andre undersøgelser og analyseres yderligere, når data fra nye bølger bliver tilgængelige for analyse.
They will need to be compared with evidence from other studies and to be further investigated as data from new waves become available for analysis.
Det skal endvidere understreges, at det er vanskeligt at indsamle pålidelig information om indtægter og over førselsindkomst gennem interviews.
It should also be kept in mind that it is always difficult to gather high quality information on income and transfers through interviews.
sociale beskyttelsessystemer skal sikre, at de ledige og andre uden for arbejdsmarkedet har økonomiske incitamenter til at søge og tage arbejde, at de ikke er så længe væk fra arbejdsmarkedet, at det skader deres muligheder for at finde arbejde og skaber en afhængighedsmentalitet, og at beskæftigelsesegnetheden skal styrkes og ikke forringes i en ledighedsperiode.
In most cases, the aims have been: to increase the incentive for people not in employment to find jobs if they are capable of working and to support them in their efforts to so, while trying to ensure that those unable to work have area sonable level of income; to reduce the numbers dependent on State benefits and to encourage and help them to become integrated into society; to seek to safeguard future pensions both by limiting the transfers which will be required and by increasing the finance which will be available to fund them; and to contain the cost of health care whilst improving the standard of service provided.
Dette har ført til bestræbelser på at sikre, at understøttelsesniveauet sammenlignet med indtjeningsudsigterne ikke fjerner incitamentet til at søge arbejde, og at der ydes hjælp til jobsøgningen gennem passende aktive foranstaltninger. staltninger.
This has led to efforts to ensure that levels of benefits in rela tion to prospective earnings do not represent a financial disincentive to find a job and that people are helped to do this through appropriate active measures.
Med den beskrevne omlægning af politikken, således at vægten, i tråd med beskæftigelsesretningslinjerne, i højere grad lægges på aktive foranstaltninger end passive overførselsindkomster, vil social beskyttelse komme til at spille en mere betydningsfuld rolle inden for de overordnede rammer for den økonomiske politik og beskæftigelsespolitikken i Unionen, hvor den vil understøtte og supplere i stedet for at spærre for tiltag, der iværksættes på andre områder.
Through the shift in the emphasis of policy from income support alone to active measures, in line with the employment guidelines, social pro tection is coming to represent a more important factor in overall economic and employment policy in the Union, supporting rather than obstructing the action taken in other areas.
Samtidig skal understøttelsen sikre et rimeligt indkomstniveau i jobsøgningsperioden.
At the same time, benefits still need to provide an acceptable level of income while people look for work.
Udfordringen for medlemsstaterne består i at fastsætte ydelsesniveauet og kriterierne for tildeling af understøttelse på en sådan måde, at begge disse mål opfyldes.
The challenge facing Member States is to set benefit levels and the regulations governing entitlement to them so that these two objectives are achieved simultaneously.
I praksis er der betydelige forskelle medlemsstaterne imellem
In practice, both access of those unemployed to benefits and the amount they get differ significantly between
Resultaterne viser, at i Italien, Grækenland og Portugal modtog over halvdelen af dem, der havde været ledige i mindst tre måneder i løbet af de to år, ingen form for arbejdsløshedsunderstøttelse, og de fleste af dem heller ingen social bistand, og i Spanien modtog ca. en fjerdedel af denne kategori ikke nogen form for sociale overførsler.
The findings show that in Italy, Greece and Portugal, over half of those in the Union who were unemployed for at least three months over the two years did not receive any unemployment benefit at all and most of these no social assistance either, while in Spain around a quarter received no form of social trans fer.
I Danmark, Tyskland og Belgien var det kun 10 % eller mindre af de ledige, som ikke modtog arbejdsløs-
In Denmark, Germany and Belgium, by contrast, only 10% or less of the unemployed received no unemployment benefit and hardly anyone no State support of any kind, the latter being the case also in
Nylige ændringer i socialpolitikken under 10 % i Italien, Det Forenede Kongerige og Grækenland for både mænd og kvinder.
Recent changes in policy
hedsunderstøttelse, og der var ikke nogen, som ikke modtog offentlig støtte af en eller anden art; det sidst nævnte var også tilfældet i Frankrig, Irland og Det Forenede Kongerige, hvor færre dog modtog egentlig arbejdsløshedsunderstøttelse. telse.
In-work benefits rate of under 65% or did not receive any benefit at all.
kombineret med foranstaltninger, der skal gøre det mere lønsomt at arbejde.
France, Ireland and the UK, despite fewer receiving unemployment ben efit as such.
l-arbejde-ydelser enne ordning er længst fremme i Det Forenede Kongerige,
his approach has been pushed furthest in the UK, where
Disse data tyder på, at de økonomiske incitamenter til at undlade at tage arbejde var relativt svage for størsteparten af de ledige i de fleste medlemsstater i 1993-1994.
This evidence suggests that the financial disincentive to work was relatively weak for a majority of the unemployed in most Member States in 1993-94.
Denne generelle konklusion skal vurderes med forsigtighed.
This broad conclusion has to be taken with some caution.
Yderligere under søgelser bør navnlig rette opmærksomheden mod specifikke grupper, herunder lavindkomstgrupper, som eventuelt kan have et økonomisk incitament til at forblive arbejdsløse eller til ikke aktivt at søge arbejde.
Further investigation should notably pay attention to specific groups, such as low paid people, who may face financial incentives to be unemployed or not actively look for work.
Siden 1993-1994 har flere regeringer desuden i forlængelse af diskussionen om incitamentsaspektet strammet betingelserne for retten til at modtage understøttelse.
Furthermore, since 1993-94, the discussion on incentive issues has led several governments to tighten benefit entitlement conditions. tions.
Den gennemsnitlige understøttelsessats (inklusive de ledige, der ikke modtog nogen form for ydelse) svingede mellem lidt under 80 % af nettoindtjeningen i Irland, 70 % eller derover i Tyskland, Belgien og Danmark til under 25 % i Italien og Det Forenede Kongerige og under 10 % i Grækenland, mens Frankrig (omkring 60 %), Spanien og Portugal (omkring 35 %) ligger midt imellem.
The average level of unemployment benefit (including those receiving no benefit at all) varied from almost 80% of net earnings when the per son was working in Ireland and 70% or above in Germany, Belgium and Denmark to under 25% in Italy and the UK and under 10% in Greece, with France (around 60%), Spain and Portugal (around 35%) in be tween.
For navnlig Det Forenede Kongeriges vedkommende undervurderer disse tal imidlertid det faktisk modtagne beløb, da de ikke omfatter boligydelser til husholdninger, som er en betydelig post i Det Forenede Kongerige.
For the UK, in particular, however, these figures understate the amount received because they exclude housing benefits paid to households, which are important in the UK.
hvor »Family Credit«, der gik ud på at supplere nettoindkomsten for lavindkomstfamilier med børn, i 1999 blev afløst af »Working Families' Tax Credit«, der garanterer alle beskæftigede forsørgere, herunder også enlige forsørgere, en højere mindsteindkomst end før og giver dem et tilskud til dækning af børnepasningsudgifter.
Family Credit, aimed at supplementing the net income of people in low-paid jobs with children, was replaced in 1999 by Working Families' Tax Credit, guaranteeing all people in employment with dependent families, including lone parents, a higher minimum level of income than before and giving them an allowance towards the costs of child care.
En tilsvarende foranstaltning er blevet indført for mennesker med nedsat arbejdsevne, og et pilotforsøg af samme art er blevet iværksat for arbejdsløse over 50 år med henblik på at tilskynde dem til at finde arbejde. de.
In addition, a similar measure has been introduced for people with disabilities and a pilot scheme of the same kind has been launched for people over 50 who are unemployed, with the aim of encouraging them to work.
Et fremherskende politisk træk i hele Unionen i de sidste par år har været en nyvurdering af kriterierne for retten til at modtage støtte med hensyn til det incitament til at finde arbejde, den pågældende støtte indebærer.
A prominent feature of policy across the Union in the past few years has been a re-examination of benefit entitlement conditions. As a result, measures have been taken in many Member States to tighten the qualifying conditions for eligibility for benefit and to increase the activation of the unemployed to find a job.
Som et resultat heraf er der i mange medlemsstater truffet foranstaltninger til at stramme kriterierne for tildeling af arbejdsløshedsydelser og at øge aktiveringen af de ledige for således at tilskynde dem til at søge arbejde.
These measures have not been confined to unemployment benefits but have also been applied to disability benefits and early retirement schemes, which had come to be used as effective substitutes for unemployment compensation in a number of countries.
Sådanne foranstaltninger gælder ikke kun for arbejdsløshedsydelser, men også for invaliditetsydelser og førtidspensionsordninger, som i stigende grad blev anvendt i stedet for arbejdsløs hedsunderstøttelse i en række lande.
The only other country in the Union in which in-work benefits are important is Ireland, where Family Income Supplement has existed for some time and has covered an increased number of people in recent years as qualifying income levels have been raised and the conditions of eligibility and receipt made more favourable.
Disse gennemsnitstal giver kun en yderst partiel indikation af, i hvor høj grad der gives økonomiske incitamenter til at søge arbejde.
These averages give only a very par tial indication of the extent of the financial incentive for people unemployed to look for work.
En mere relevant indikator er, hvor stor en andel af de ledige, der modtager relativt høje ydelser sammenlignet med, hvad de tjener, når de er i arbejde, selv om der ikke hersker enighed om, hvad der skal betragtes som »høje ydelser«.
A more relevant indicator is the proportion receiving relatively high benefits compared with earnings in employment, though there is no general agreement on what should be regarded as 'high'.
I de fleste med lemsstater fik kun en lille procentdel af de ledige en erstatningssats på 80 % eller derover.
In most Member States, for example, only a small proportion men and women who were unemployed had a replacement rate of 80% or above.
Med undtagelse af Danmark (27 %), Tyskland (25 %) og Frankrig (24 %) for mænd og Danmark (49 %), Tyskland (21 %), Frankrig (30%), Belgien (23 %) og Irland (21 %) for kvinder fik mindre end 20 % af de ledige en så høj støttesats.
Except in Denmark (27%), Germany (25%) and France (24%) for men, and Denmark (49%), Germany (21%), France (30%), Belgium (23%) and Ireland (21%) for women, less than 20% of unemployed persons had a rate as high as this in all Member States.
Andelen var kun 10 % i Spanien og noget
This proportion was only around 10% in Spain and well under 10% in Italy, the UK and in Greece both for men and women.
Ændringerne i understøttelsesordningerne er i mange lande blevet
Elsewhere, in-work benefits have also been introduced in a number of countries to assist people make the transition from unemployment into work but equally to encourage them to take part-time or temporary jobs, as in Austria, Germany and Portugal, where the main aim is to help the unemployed gain work
Nylige ændringer i socialpolitikken
Recent changes in policy fit has recently been lengthened for people in all age groups.
ændringer med henblik på at forbedre sikkerhedsnettet i forbindelse med ledighed.
Changes in unemployment compensation schemes
I Italien er man ved at indføre en forsikringsbaseret støtteordning, der indebærer, at der udbetales trangsbaseret støtte, efter at retten til arbejdsløshedsunderstøttelse er udløbet, således at der sikres en mere vidtstrakt beskyttelse end hidtil, og i Portugal er understøttelsesperioden for nylig blevet forlænget for alle aldersgrupper. per.
In the UK, further measures are planned to tighten the qualifying conditions even more, while, as noted above, those moving into employment are now guaranteed a minimum income through a tax credit, though at the same time, bene fits to those who are really incapable of working have been raised.
begrænse retten til indvaliditetsydelser til de mennesker, der reelt er uarbejdsdygtige på grund af deres handicap.
While the recent focus of policy attention across the Union has been on ensuring that work pays, there are still circumstances in some countries where people may have little financial incentive to be in paid employment.
I Nederlandene og Det Forenede Kongerige, hvor der er flere invalidepensionister end arbejdsløse, blev der i midten af 1990'erne indført reformer med henblik på at præcisere og stramme lægeundersøgelsesprocedurerne og udvide definitionen af de job, som den pågældende har mulighed for at varetage.
This applies particularly to people, usually women, whose spouse is unemployed and in receipt of means-tested unemployment benefit related to household income, such as in the UK and Belgium.
Ændringer i understøttelses ordningerne ens ændringerne i understøt
Any additional earnings in these cases are liable to be offset by a loss of benefit.
M telsesordningerne i 1990'
Changes in disability benefits isability benefits have been used as a more 'acceptable'
I den senere tid har den politiske opmærksomhed i alle medlemsstaterne generelt været rettet mod at sikre, at det kan betale sig at arbejde, men der er stadig visse forhold i nogle lande, der indebærer, at det økonomiske incitament til at tage lønnet arbejde er meget ringe.
D hile the changes made to Wunemployment benefits over the 1990s have concentrated on containing the costs to public budgets, in recent years a wide concern has also been to integrate income support with active labour market measures to a greater extent and to encourage those in receipt of benefit to find a job as soon as possible.
Det gælder især for mennesker, sædvanligvis kvinder, hvis ægtefælle er arbejdsløs og modtager en trangsbaseret arbejdsløshedsydelse, der fast sættes i forhold til husholdningens indkomst, sådan som det et tilfældet i Det Forenede Kongerige og Belgien.
In a number of Member States, including Denmark, Germany, the Netherlands and the UK, the definition of what constitutes a suitable job for a person unemployed to take up has been broadened, to encompass jobs which they are capable of doing with a minimum of training rather than merely those they were doing before.
Yderligere indtjening vil da normalt blive udlignet af et tab af støtte. Både i Det Forenede Kongerige og i Belgien er der imidlertid truffet foranstaltninger til at mindske denne uønskede effekt.
Refusal to accept a suitable job after being unemployed for a time or unwillingness to parti
I Nederlandene blev en del af byrden desuden lagt over på arbejdsgiverne i 1998, idet de blev pålagt differentierede bidragssatser i forhold til risikoen for, at deres ansatte ville blive invalidepensionsansøgere, hvormed arbejdsgiverne fik et incitament til at begrænse antallet af ansøgere enten gennem forebyggelse eller ved at gøre det lettere for de pågældende at fortsætte med at arbejde.
Elsewhere, such as in Austria, Greece and Italy, eligibility for bene fit has also been made more restrict ed, while in Sweden, where spending is comparatively high, the system is in the process of being reformed.
I Det Forenede Kongerige er der planlagt yderligere stramninger af kriterierne for at modtage invalidepension samtidig med, at de, der går i arbejde — som tidligere beskrevet — nu er garanteret en mindsteindkomst via skattefradrag, og ydelserne til de reelt uarbejdsdygtige er blevet forhøjet.
In contrast, in Ireland, where spending on disability benefits is relatively low, social assistance disability allowance was extended in 1997 to those in part-time residential care and benefits were increased to couples who both have disabilities.
Ændringer i invalidepensions ordningerne nvalidepensioner er i en række medlemsstater blevet brugt som
cipate in active labour market pro grammes can lead to loss of benefit.
Afvisning af at acceptere et passende job efter en vis arbejdsløshedsperiode eller manglende villighed til at deltage i aktive arbejdsmarkedsprogrammer kan medføre tab af arbejdsløshedsstøtte.
Early retirement pensions long with recipients of disability benefit, the number of people
Endvidere er der i en række lande foretaget — eller planlagt —
A taking early retirement has also risen over the past 15-20 years, as noted above, for much the same reason.