natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Kompetence pà det udenrigs- og forsvarspolitiske område
3.2 Competence in foreign policy and defence matters
Alle EF-lande deltog i blokaden, og Storbritannien, Frankrig, Italien, Belgien, Spanien og Holland deltog desuden i selve den væbnede konflikt i Golfen som følge af deres forpligtelser inden for rammerne af Vestunionen, som de er medlemmer af.
All EC member countries took part in the embargo and the United Kingdom, France, Italy, Belgium, Spain and the Netherlands also participated in the armed conflict in the Gulf, bound by their obligations towards the Western European Union (WEU), to which they belong.
Nogle af landene ønsker nu, at Vestunionen under regeringskonferencen om Den Politiske Union fortsat skal spille en vis rolle, og at den skal integreres i unionen. Dette kunne vere kimen til et feiles europeisk sikkerheds- og forsvarssystem.
Some of these countries now believe that the WEU should continue to play a role and be integrated within the framework of the Inter-Governmental Conference on Political Union.
Pá det tidspunkt mente et flertal af EF-borgerne (61%), at EF bør danne en feiles europeisk interventlonsstyrke, således at det effektivt kan løse lignende kriser i fremtiden; 25% var imod denne Idé.
Asked just after the end of the war, a sizeable majority of European citizens (61%) want the EC to have a common European military intervention force to deal effectively with such crises.
I forhold til dengang er der nu 11% flere, der går ind for oprettelsen af en sådan styrke (Tabel 25, Diagram 15).
The question was posed a little differently just before war erupted ("set up a European rapid deployment force"), but this new version obtained 11% more favourable responses (Table 25, Figure 15).
I de to medlemsstater, hvor der er den kraftigste anti arner i kanske holdning (se tabel 28), nemlig Spanien og Grekenland, går henholdsvis 26% og 23% flere ind for en sådan styrke, end det var tilfældet før krigen.
In the two Member States where anti-Americanism is the strongest (see Table 28), Spain and Greece, it went up +26 and +23 respectively.
Også l andre lande som Italien (4-15), Holland (+14), Tyskland og Irland (+11) er opbakningen bag idéen blevet betydeligt større.
In other countries, the rise in support for this idea is considerable - Italy (+15), the Netherlands (+14), Germany and Ireland (+11).
Det skal bemærkes, at 68% af hollænderne går ind for forslaget, pá trods af, at deres regering har veret sterkt imod det under drøftelserne om en pol it i sk union.
It should be noted that 68% of Dutch people are favourable to the proposal which their Government firmly opposes in the framework of the discussions taking place on Political Union.
Hvad angår indførelsen af en feiles udenrigspolitik, der ville sette EF i stand til mere effektivt at klare situationer som f.eks. Golf-krigen, så ønsker 75%, at EF får en sådan feiles udenrigspolitik.
There is also 75% support for the European Community adopting a common foreign policy to deal more effectively with such crises as the Gulf War.
Tilslutningen er endog pá 81% i det tidligere DDR og 80% i Storbritannien (Tabel 25).
This reached 81% in exGDR and 80% in the United Kingdom (Table 25).
Felles sikkerheds-, forsvars- og udenrigspolitik har veret vigtige emner under regeringskonferencen om Den Politiske Union, der blev sammenkaldt i december 1990.
Security, defence and a common foreign policy are important themes under discussion in the framework of the Inter-Governmental Conference on Political Union called in December 1990.
Spørgsmålene er blevet endnu mere aktuelle efter begivenhederne i Den Persiske Bugt.
It has taken on more prominence after events in the Persian Gulf.
I et andet spørgsmål presenteres en rekke forslag, der drøftes pá regeringskonferencen. Her går to ud af tre EF-borgere (62%) ind for, at EF skal vere ansvarlig for en feiles politik I sager vedrørende sikkerhed og forsvar, mens 19% er imod (Tabel 26, Diagram 11).
In the question presenting the proposals at the conference, two European citizens out of three (62%) are in favour of the European Community being responsible for a common policy in matters of security and defence, while 19% are not in favour of it (Table 26, Figure 11).
1 besvarelserne af disse spørgsmål er der nogle åbenlyse selvmodsigelser.
There are a number of contradictions apparent in answers to this question.
Formodentlig leder dette spørgsmål (Tabel 26) I højere grad tanken hen pá suverænitetsafgivelse, hvilket mange borgere er imod, end det er tilfældet med spørgsmålet om, hvorvidt en feiles europeisk militerIntervention i Golfen var nødvendig.
This question (Table 26) probably has a clearer connotation of a transfer of sovereignty which is not to the liking of some citizens and which was absent from the question related to the Gulf concerning the need for a common military intervention force.
Samme forhold forklarer formodentlig, hvorfor 44% af de adspurgte ønsker, at beslutninger om sikkerhed og forsvar treffes pá nationalt plan, mens 51% mener, at de bør træffes pá EF-plan (Tabel 19, Diagram 9).
The same reason is probably why 44% of those interviewed want decisions on security and defence to be taken at the national level and 51% at the Community level (Table 19, Figure 9).
Helt anderledes forholder det sig med udenrigspolitikken: 57% af EF-borgerne ville i forbindelse med en traktat om en politisk union gå med til, at EF bliver ansvarlig for udenrigspolitikken over for lande uden for EF (Tabel 26).
Nothing of the kind concerning foreign policy : 57% would accept the EC being responsible for foreign policy towards countries outside the EC within the same framework of a treaty for Political Union (Table 26).
I nesten alle lande er svarene pá spørgsmålet mere positive end ved meningsmålingen i efteråret 1990 (forøgelse af EF-gennemsnittet pá +6).
In almost all countries, the question received more favourable responses than in the Autumn 1990 survey (+6 at the European level).
I Spanien har der veret en drastisk stigning (+20). I de andre lande er der ligeledes sket en betydelig stigning.
The rise is spectacular in Spain (+20) and equally substantial in other countries.
Kun I Danmark har der veret en nedgang I antallet af personer med en positiv holdning til dette spørgsmål (-6).
Only in Denmark did the number of favourable responses fall (-6).
71% af danskerne mener, at udenrigspolitikken over for lande uden for EF bør besluttes af EF, mens 21% mener, at den slags spørgsmål bør afgøres pá nationalt plan (Tabel 19).
71% of Danes think that "foreign policy towards countries outside the EC" should be the responsibility of the Community, while 21 % think this kind of decision should be made at the national level (Table 19).
Tilliden til russerne og amerikanerne
3.3 Trust in Russians and Americans
Sideløbende med liberaliseringen af regimerne i Central- og Østeuropa, der er resultatet af Mikhall Gorbatjovs politiske arbejde, har de vesteuropelske folks tillid til russerne veret i stadig stigning de seneste år.
Western Europeans' trust in Russians has not ceased to improve over the last few years after Central and Eastern Europeans gained their freedom as a result of Mikhail Gorbachev's policies.
Sovjetregimets interne vanskeligheder og undertrykkelsen af uafhængighedsbevægelserne i flere republikker har dog udhulet tilliden noget.
However the Soviet Regime's internal problems, coupled with the repression of many of the Soviet Union's Republics' moves towards freedom, have eroded this trust somewhat.
Pá spørgsmålet om, hvor meget tillid de har til russerne, svarer 38% af EF-borgerne, at de har "meget tillid" eller "nogen tillid" til dem.
Asked about how much trust they have in Russians, 38% of European Community Member States' citizens say they have "a lot of trust" or "some trust" in them.
55% siger, at de har "ikke ret meget tillid" eller "slet ingen tillid".
55% said they have "very little trust" or "no trust at all".
De tilsvarende procentsatser var i foråret 1990 46% og 40%.
The result was 46% and 40% respectively in Spring 1990.
Svarenes gennemsnitsverdi6) er faldet fra 2,4 i foråret 1990 til 2,3 i foråret 1991 (Tabel 27, Diagram 16).
The mean score of responses6 changed from 2.4 in Spring 1990 to 2.3 in Spring 1991 (Table 27, Figure 16).
6) Gennemsnitsverdien af de svar, der er afgivet af svarpersonerne i de enkelte lande, er blevet beregnet ved at give svaret "meget tillid" pointtallet 4, svaret "nogen tillid" pointtallet 3. svaret "ikke ret meget tillid" pointtallet 2 og endelig svaret "slet ingen tillid" pointtallet 1.
The mean score is calculated by each national sample being given a score of A for the response "a lot of trust", a score of 3 for the response "some trust", 2 for "not very much trust" and 1 for "no trust at all".
En gennemsnitsverdi i nærheden af 4 betyder således et højt ti 11idsniveau, mens en gennemsnitsverdi i nærheden af 1 betyder et lavt t i 11idsniveau.
A mean score tending towards 4 signifies a high level of trust while a mean score tending towards 1 signifies a low level of trust.
Efter den af USA ledede militerò indsats i Golf­krigen, der hurtigt sluttede med befrielsen af Kuwait, og efter samarbejdet og forståelsen mellem den amerikanske her og de europeiske here, der var til stede i Saudi­Arabien, kan det ikke undre, at europeerne stadig har ret stor tillid til arner I kanerne.
After the military campaign undertaken by the United States in the Gulf War and its rapid resolution by the liberation of Kuwait, and after the collaboration and alliance between the American and the other European armies present in Saudi Arabia, it can come as no surprise that Europeans continue to hold Americans in quite high regard.
Men det amerikanske lederskab under krigen har utvivlsomt også bidraget til en svag stigning i mistilliden til amerikanerne blandt de europeere, der traditionelt har veret anti­amer i kanske.
Nevertheless, American leadership during the war also clearly contributed towards a slight increase in distrust towards them by those Europeans who have traditionally been the most anti-American.
Tilliden til amerikanerne ligger meget stabilt.
The degree of trust in Americans remains very stable.
66% siger, at de har "meget tillid" eller "nogen tillid". 30% (mod 26% i 1990) siger, at de har "ikke ret meget tillid" eller "slet Ingen tillid".
66% say they have "a lot of trust" or "some trust" in them, while 30% (as against 26% in 1990) say they have "not very much trust" or "no trust at all".
Gennemsnitsværdien ligger fortsat pá 2,8 (Tabel 28, Diagram 16).
The mean score remains 2.8 (Table 28, Figure 16).
Det er Iser irlenderne (hvor gennemsnitsværdien er faldet fra 3.0 til 2.7), grækerne (fra 2.5 til 2.2) og belgierne (fra 3.0 til 2.8), der har mistet en del af tilliden til arner i kanerne.
The Irish (whose score moved from 3.0 to 2.7), Greeks (2.5 to 2.2) and Belgians (3.0 to 2.8) lost the most trust in Americans.
Økonomisk hjælp til USSR
3.4 Economic assistance to the Soviet Union
Sovjetunionen anmodede i 1990 EF og de andre industrilande om hjælp til gennemførelsen af de økonomiske og politiske reformer.
In 1990, the Soviet Union asked for financial aid from the European Community and other industrialised countries to support its economic and political reforms.
Under topmødet i Rom i december 1990 fik Kommissionen mandat til at undersøge mulighederne for at indgå en bredt defineret aftale, der skulle omfatte en politisk dialog og dekke alle aspekter af et udvidet økonomisk samarbejde og et samarbejde pá det kulturelle område.
During the Rome summit in December 1990, the Commission received a mandate to explore the "idea of a broad agreement comprising a political dialogue covering all aspects of increased economic cooperation and cooperation in the cultural domain".
Der er nu truffet en rekke beslutninger desangående, om end med nogen forsinkelse, ikke mindst pá grund af undertrykkelsen i Litauen og Estland.
There was some delay in decisions being taken in this respect, not unconnected with the repression of Lithuania and Estonia.
Kommissionen yder I år Sovjetunionen 400 mio. ECU i faglig bistand og 250 mio. ECU i fødevarehjælp.
The Commission has set aside this year ECU 400 million for technical assistance and ECU 250 million in food aid for the Soviet Union.
Borgerne er nu en smule mere tilbageholdende med at ville yde økonomisk h Je I ρ til USSR, end de var for seks måneder siden.
Public opinion is now a little more reticent about granting aid than it was six months ago.
Lidt over halvdelen (58%) af EF­borgerne har en positiv holdning mod 62% i efteråret 1990.
Slightly more than half (58%) of European Community citizens are favourable - 62% was the figure in Autumn 1990.
Tilslutningen har bl.a. veret faldende i Vesttyskland (­12), Østtyskland (­9), Belgien og Luxembourg (­8).
West Germans (-12), East Germans (-9), Belgians and Luxembourgers (8) were among those whose support fell.
Men i Spanien (72%), Østtyskland (70%) og Italien (68%) er borgerne fortsat meget positivt Indstillede over for idéen (Tabel 29, Diagram 17).
Nevertheless, the citizens of Spain (72%), East Germany (70%) and Italy (68%) remain very favourable to this idea (Table 29, Figure 17).
Kendskab til og opfattelse af Parlamentet
Awareness and image of Parliament
Mange af de forslag, der er pá dagsordenen for regeringskonferencen om Den Politiske Union, vedrører Europa-Parlamentet, dets rolle, dets lovgivningsmæssige beføjelser og dets forbindelser med Kommissionen og Rådet I fremtiden.
Numerous proposals on the agenda of the Inter-Governmental Conference on Political Union deal with the European Parliament, its role, legislative powers and future relations with the Commission and the Council.
Under flere af Parlamentets møder i første halvår af 1991 drøftedes forskellige forslag fra det luxembourgske formandskab.
Many parliamentary sessions have been held during the first six months of 1991 in order to debate the proposals of the Luxembourg Presidency.
En tilsvarende debat fandt sted i de nationale parlamenter, der ønsker at medvirke ved fast legge Isen af Europa-Parlamentets nye beføjelser.
Debate also took place within national Parliaments, concerned with participating fully in defining the direction of the new powers of the European Parliament.
Skønt politikerne i de forskellige medlemsstater interesserer sig meget for spørgsmålet, har borgerne ikke fået nær så grundig information herom gennem medierne, der i den periode, hvor undersøgelsen blev gennemført, fokuserede pá Gol f-krigen og dens følger.
Despite the level of interest shown in this subject by political elites in each state, public opinion is far from following events because the Gulf War and its aftermath dominated the mass media during the period of the survey.
Mindre end halvdelen af EF-borgerne (44%) siger, at de "for nylig har set eller hørt i aviser, radio eller tv noget om Europa-Parlamentet", i efteråret 1990 var det 49%.
Less than half of the European public (44%) declare they have "recently read or heard in the papers, on the radio or on TV, anything about the European Parliament".
Kun i Luxembourg og Portugal overstiger antallet af informerede 50% og udviser en stigning.
The figure was 49% in Autumn 1990. Only Luxembourg and Portugal saw awareness go over the 50% mark and rise.
I Luxembourg steg kendskabet med +10, formodentlig pá grund af "formandskabs-effekten".
"Presidential effect" probably caused a +10 rise in Luxembourg, while, by contrast, the level ofinformation about Parliament diminished in almost all other countries.
Til gengeld var kendskabet til Parlamentet dalende i nesten
The British (37%), French (38%) and Dutch (39%) are the least informed (Table 30, Figure 5).
Flittig brug af de forskellige medier (aviser, radio og fjernsyn) giver en stigning pá 8 point i EF's gennemsnitlige informationsniveau, når det drejer sig om Parlamentet.
Those who have the most regular contact with the various media (press, radio and television) are 8 points more likely to receive news about Parliament than the European average.
Blandt de personer, der siger, at de ofte benytter sig af de store massemedier, er der 52%, der har lest, hørt eller set noget om Parlamentet.
Indeed, these most frequent mass media users are 52% likely to have read or heard something about it.
For dem, der kun sjældent benytter sig af medierne, er det tilsvarende tal kun 18% (Tabel 10).
Only 18% of very low users can say the same (Table 10).
Blandt dem, der i medierne har set eller hørt noget om Parlamentet, har et flertal (54%) fået et positivt indtryk.
Among those having read or heard something in the media about Parliament, most (54%) had a favourable impression of it.
Det er pá ét procentpoint ner samme resultat som I efteråret 1990.
It is, give or take a percent, the same result as in Autumn 1990.
Lidt flere end tidligere har fået et negativt indtryk (+3), men de udgør fortsat under 20%, således som det har veret tilfældet siden 1988 (Tabel 31, Diagram 6).
Unfavourable impression increased a little (+3), but remain under 20%, as has been the case since 1988 (Table 31, Figure 6).
Det er i Luxembourg (+12) og Frankrig (+8), at holdningen til Europa-Parlamentet er mest positiv.
Attitudes towards the European Assembly became the most positive in Luxembourg (+12) and France (+8).
Det skal bemærkes, at ligesom det var tilfældet med Spanien I foråret 1989 og Irland i foråret 1990, så giver borgerne I det land, der har formandskabet for Rådet (i dette tilfælde Luxembourg), i formandsperioden udtryk for en langt mere positiv holdning over for de forskellige EF-institutIoner end før.
It should be noted that citizens of countries that assume the Presidency (in this case, Luxembourg) hold markedly more positive opinions about various Community institutions during the period of their Presidency than is the case beforehand, just as had been the situation for Spain in Spring 1989 and Ireland in Spring 1990.
Sammenligner man pá ny (Jf. kapitel 1, afsnit 1.4) kendskabet til og opfattelsen af Kommissionen henholdsvis Europa-Parlamentet, má det konstateres, at Parlamentet for Øjeblikket er lidt mere omtalt i medierne (44:39) og har et lidt bedre image (54:50) (Tabel 9, 11, 30 og 31, Diagram 5 og 6).
Comparing once again (see Chapter 1, Section 1.4) the awareness and image of the Commission of the European Communities with the European Parliament, it is clear that the Parliament is slightly more noticed in the media (44:39) and its image marginally better (54:50) at the present time (Tables 9, 11, 30 and 31, Figures 5 and 6).
Et flertal pá 56% af de adspurgte mener, at den rolle, Parlamentet spiller I dag, er "meget vigtig" eller "vigtig" for EF.
A majority of 56% of people interviewed say that the current role of the Assembly is "very important" or "important" in the life of the European Community.
29% mener, at dets rolle "Ikke er seri ig vigtig" eller "slet ikke er vigtig".
29% find it "not very important" or "not at all important".
Luxembourgerne (+7) og irlenderne (+6) ti Megger det tilsyneladende øget betydning. I Tysklands Østlige delstater ti I legges Parlamentet mindre betydning end hidtil (6) (Tabel 32, Diagram 18).
Luxembourgers (+7) and the Irish (+6) seem to grant it more importance.
De forskellige områder, hvor Parlamentet i den seneste tid har truffet beslutninger, er i varierende grad blevet bemerket af EF-borgerne.
The European public perceives differently the various areas that the Parliament has lately taken decisions on.
Det område, som borgerne mest har haft Øje for, og hvor de ser Parlamentets fornemste rolle, er miljøbeskyttelsen.
Environmental protection is the issue which sounds best to the citizens and is associated with a more important role for Parliament.
To ud af tre borgere (64%) mener, at Parlamentet spiller en rolle i miljøpolitikken.
Two citizens out of three (64%) think that Parliament plays a role in environment policy.
54% og 51% mener, at det spiller en rolle inden for henholdvis EF's socialpolitik og udvekslingen af studerende (Tabel 33).
54% and 51% agree with its role in European social policy and in student exchange policy respectively (Table 33).
Forbrugerbeskyttelsespolitikken (49%), den gensidige anerkendelse af eksamensbeviser (45%) og familie-, kvinde- og ældrepolitikken (41%) er områder, hvor EF-borgerne i mindre grad er klar over, at Parlamentet medvirker (Tabel 33).
Consumer protection policy (49%), the common recognition of qualifications (45%) and policies in favour of families, women and old people (41%) are the areas where the work of the European Parliament is less visible in the eyes of public opinion (Table 33).
Bortset fra miljøbeskyttelsen, hvor mange giver udtryk for en holdning, har de adspurgte Ikke ret meget kendskab til de nevnte områder, og forholdsvis mange svarer "ved ikke".
Apart from environmental protection, on which subject many people gave an opinion, other policy areas asked were little known by respondents and elicited quite a high rate of non-response.
Skønt, eller måske netop fordi, der som bekendt ikke informeres seri ig meget om Europa-Parlamentet, ønsker to ud af tre EF-borgere (62%), at det kommer til at spille en større rolle i fremtiden.
Even so, or perhaps because of that, information on the European Parliamentary Assembly is poor. As has been shown previously, two Europeans out of three (62%) wish it would have a more important role in the future.
Det er den højeste procentsats, der er konstateret i den tid, dette spørgsmål er blevet stil let (siden 1983). 8% mener, at Parlamentet bør spille en mindre rolle, og 15%, at dets rolle bør vere uændret (Tabel 34, Diagram 18).
This is the highest level reached for this question since it was first asked (in 1983).
Der er en ret betydelig stigning i antallet af personer (+9), der ønsker, at Parlamentet skal spille en større rolle.
There is quite a large increase (+9) in people wanting the EP to play a more appropriate role.
En sådan stigning kan konstateres I alle landene.
Increases occurred in all countries.
I Spanien (+17), det tidligere DDR (+16) og Belgien (+15) er der tale om meget store stigninger.
The rises in Spain (+17), exGDR (+16) and Belgium (+15) were very large.
I flere lande når denne opfattelse et rekordhøjt niveau. Det gelder Belglen, Danmark, Tyskland, Spanien, Irland, Holland, Portugal og Storbritannien.
This encouraging response attained record levels in many countries - Belgium, Denmark, Germany, Spain, Ireland, the Netherlands, Portugal and the United Kingdom.
Aldrig før har borgerne i disse lande, selv ikke i perioder umiddelbart før eller efter et valg, i den grad givet udtryk for, at de ønsker at Europa-Parlamentet skal spille en større roiie(7)
Never have the citizens of these countries more supported an enhanced role for the Community Assembly, even during pre- and post election periods7.
De personer, der Ønsker, at EP skal spille en mere fremtredende rolle, er typisk folk i den erhvervsaktive alder (65% mellem 25 og 54 år), folk med lengere uddannelse (72%), opinionsledere (75%), folk med høje Indkomster (72%), mend (67%), folk pá venstrefløjen (69%) i henhold til skalaen over politisk ideologi (Tabel 35).
People who support a more leading role for the EP can be found among the employable population (65% of 25-54 year olds), those who have studied the most (72%), opinion-leaders (75%), high income earners (72%), males (67%) and those on the left of the political spectrum (69%) (Table 35).
(7) Sådanne sammenligninger over lengere tidsrum findes i EUROBAROMETER TRENDS, der udgives en gang om året af tjenesten "Meningsmålinger, Undersøgelser og Analyser" under EF-Kommisslonens Generaldirektorat for AV-sektoren, Information, Kommunikation og Kultur.
7 Such comparisons over time can be found in "EUROBAROMETER TRENDS" volume, edited once a year by the
Større beføjelser
Increase in powers
Borgerne går ind for, at Europa-Parlamentet sammen med Ministerrådet, som repræsenterer de nationale regeringer, skal have ret til at treffe beslutninger vedrørende lovgivning i EF (65% for og 13% imod).
Citizens are in favour of the European Parliament having to decide together with the Council of Ministers representing national Governments on the legislation of the Community (65% favourable and 13% unfavourable).