natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Hvis østtyskerne havde figureret selvstændigt i tabeller og diagrammer, ville de have udvist den højste positive svarprocent pá alle spørgsmålene undtagen spørgsmålet om "fordel" (hvor de ville have været nr. 2).
On their own, they would have ranked first on all but the "benefits" measure (where they would have come second).
"erhvervskategori" er baseret pá folks erhvervsmæssige status som defineret i afsnittet om "Technical specification" i bilagene.
Q The ter* "socio-professional group" is based on socio-profess i store I status, as defined in the Technical specification section of the Annexes.
*l Luxembourg var der ¡sær en stigning i støtten til "forening" (fra 69% til 78%) og t i I spørgsmålet om "beklagelse af EF's eventuelle opløsning" (fra 55% til 61%).
* Luxembourgers increased their support for "unification" (69% to 78%) and on the "regret dissolution" measure (55% to 61%) in particular.
Det skal imidlertid bemærkes, at det lave antal interviewpersoner i Luxembourg (300) kan have ført til større udsving end i resultaterne fra de andre EF-lande, der indgår i
However, it should be cautioned that the low sample size in Luxembourg (N=300) could have caused greater fluctuation than the standard results in other Community countries surveyed by the Eurobarometer.
Den eneste større skuffelse var faldet i antallet af spaniere, der mente, at deres land havde haft fordel af EF-medlemskabet (fra 57% til 51%), og faldet i antallet af grækere, der ville være kede af, om Fællesskabet blev opløst (fra 62% til 57%).
The only major disappointment was a drop in the number of Spaniards who felt their country had benefited from Community membership (57% to 51%) and a decline in the number of Greeks who would be very sorry if the Community were dissolved (62% to 57% "very sorry").
Grækernes tilslutning til Fællesskabet nåede for atten måneder siden op pá sit hidtil højeste niveau og har siden været forbavsende stabil, når man tænker pá den intense indenrigspolitiske debat, der samtidig er foregået i landet.
UK attitudes towards the Community reached an all-time high 18 months ago : they have since remained remarkably stable against a background of intense domestic debate.
1.4 DET ITALIENSKE FORMANDSKAB
1.4 THE ITALIAN PRESIDENCY
De fleste italienere (54%) sagde, at de I medierne havde læst, set eller hørt noget om deres lands formandskab for Ministerrådet i andet halvår af 1990 (Diagram 1.12, tabel 21).
Most Italians (54%) said they had read, seen or heard something in the media about their country's Presidency of the Council of Ministers during the second half of 1990 (Figure 1.12, Table 21).
Uanset om de var bekendt med det eller ej, mente næsten tre fjerdedele (73%), at det var vigtigt, at deres land havde formandskabet.
Irrespective of whether they had heard about it or not, almost three-quarters (73%) felt it was important that their country held the Presidency.
Italienerne var lige så tilfredse med deres formandskab, som grækerne havde været for deres·(73%) I andet halvår af 1988.
The Italians were as proud of their Presidency as the Greeks had been of theirs (73%) during the second half of 1988.
Kun flere spaniere (78%) og irere (75%) fandt, at deres lands formandskab havde været vigtigt.
Only more Spanish (78%) and Irish (75%) felt their country's Presidency had been important.
Selv om Kommissionen iværksatte en række meget vigtige initiativer i de seks måneder forud for oktober 1990, fortsatte folks bevidsthed om mediernes omtale af Kommissionen med at falde fra det hidtil højeste niveau, nemlig 53% i efteråret 1989, og er nu nede pá 45% (Diagram 1.13, tabel 22).
Despite the important work undertaken by the Commission in the six months before October 1990, people's awareness of it in the media continued to decline from a peak of 53% in Autumn 1989 to 45% today (Figure 1.13, Table 22).
Det er nogenlunde det samme som sidst i 1987 og først i 1988 (43-44%), da medierne først for alvor begyndte at interessere sig for "1992".
Its current level is about where it was in late 1987/early 1988 (43%-44%), around the time when the media first began to take a major interest in '1992'.
Denne tilbagegang kan skyldes, at medierne samtidig omtalte relativt mange andre vigtige emner, samt mediernes generelle tendens til i deres reportager at fokusere mere pá problemerne end pá de institutioner, der har til opgave at løse dem.
The reason for the current decline may be the relative importance of other topics at that time as well as the media's general tendency to concentrate on the issues rather than the institutions tasked to deal with them in their reporting.
Folks bevidsthed om mediernes omtale af Kommissionen gik tilbage i alle lande undtagen Tyskland, hvor det øgedes (fra 50% til 53%), og Nederlandene, hvor den var uændret (44%45%).
People's awareness of the Commission in the media dropped in all countries except Germany, where it rose (50% to 53%) and the Netherlands, where it stood still (44%-45%).
Tilbagegangen var størst i Belgien (fra 55% til 43%), hvor Kommissionen har sit hovedsæde, og i Grækenland (fra 55% til 46%), måske pá grund af indenlandske begivenheder.
It fell the most in Belgium (55% to 43%), where the Commission's headquarters is located, and Greece (55% to 46%), perhaps because of domestic events.
Lidt over halvdelen (52%) af dem, der for nylig havde set eller hørt noget i medierne om Kommissionen, havde fået et positivt indtryk (Tabel 23), mens en sjettedel (17%) sagde, at indtrykket havde været negativt.
Just over half (52%) of those who were aware of media reporting recently had gained a favourable impression of the Commission from it (Table 23), while a sixth (17%) said it had been unfavourable.
Siden dette spørgsmål første gang blev stillet i efteråret 1987, er det positive image af Kommissionen blevet styrket fra 41% til 52% i foråret 1990, og det har siden holdt sig der.
Since the question was first asked in Autumn 1987, the positive image of the Commission has risen from 41% to a high of 52% in Spring 1990, at which point it has remained.
I samme periode faldt andelen af negative indtryk fra 27% i efteråret 1987 til 14% i 1990 og steg derefter en smule til 17%.
During the same period, those with negative perceptions declined from 27% in Autumn 1987 to 14% in Spring 1990, before its latest marginal increase to 17%.
Kun blandt hollænderne var det negative indtryk mere udtalt end det positive (40% mod 34%).
Only among the Dutch did unfavourable impressions outweigh favourable ones (40% versus 34%).
Siden foråret 1990 voksede luxembourgernes positive indtryk af Kommissionen kraftigt (fra 22% til 39%), mens den kraftigste tilbagegang blev registreret i Det Forenede Kongerige (fra 53% til 44%) og Irland (fra 76% til 68%, hvilket stadigvæk er højt).
Since Spring 1990, Luxembourgers' favourable impressions of the Commission increased substantially (22% to 39%), while the greatest falls were registered in the United Kingdom (53% to 44%) and Ireland (76% to a still-high 68%).
Generelt har Fællesskabet det godt.
Overall, the Community is in good shape.
Stadig flere af dets borgere går ind for EF- med lemskabet , og der er solid opbakning til bestræbelserne henimod europæisk forening.
Its citizens remain increasingly in favour of Community membership and are solidly for efforts being made towards European unification.
Uenighed og debat mellem De Tolv synes i de fleste tilfælde ikke at have nogen negativ indflydelse.
Controversy and debate about European issues among the Twelve does not seem to be having a negative influence in the majority of cases.
Det er særlig bemærkelsesværdigt, at den fornyede officielle danske støtte til Fællesskabets aktiviteter ledsages af et stabilt opsving i støtten i befolkningen.
It is particularly significant that renewed official Danish support for the Community's activities is being matched by a sustained increase in public support as well.
DEN POLITISKE OG MONETÆRE UNION I ET STØRRE FÆLLESSKAB
POLITICAL AND MONETARY UNION IN A BIGGER COMMUNITY
1990 kan i mange henseender kaldes et "foreningens år".
1990 could be called in many respects "unity year".
Supermagterne gjorde det muligt for De Forenede Nationer at handle i forening.
The superpowers allowed the United Nations to act united.
Nord- og Sydyemen lagde deres uoverensstemmelser bag sig og sluttede sig definitivt sammen, mens de to Koreaer for første gang optog kontakter pá højt plan.
North and South Yemen shelved their differences and got together on a permanent basis, while the two Koreas started high-level contacts for the first time.
Det Europæiske Fællesskabs regeringskonferencer i Rom tog hul pá drøftelser med henblik pá at skabe større politisk, økonomisk og monetær forening i Europa.
The European Community's Inter-Governmental Conferences in Rome commenced discussions to try and bring about greater political, economic and monetary union in Europe.
Der var fyrværkeri over Brandenburger Tor den 3. oktober, da Europas alvorligste sår - delingen af Europa symboliseret ved Tysklands deling - blev helet, og der igen blev skabt mulighed for et ægte samkvem mellem Øst og Vest.
There were firework displays over the Brandenburg gate as Europe's greatest wound - the division of Europe epitomised by the division of Germany - was healed on 3rd October, opening the crossroads of Europe to two-way traffic again.
Den mest glædelige begivenhed var måske Tysklands forening.
Perhaps the unification of Germany was the greatest success story in this respect.
Den var i hvert fald populær i Europa.
It was certainly popular within Europe.
I ugen efter 9. november 1989, hvor Berlinmuren blev gennembrudt, sagde næsten fire ud af fem I EF (78%), at de støttede foreningen af de to Tysklande. Dette engagement syntes imidlertid at være svækket en smule i marts/april 19904
During the week the Berlin Wall was breached (9th November 1989), almost four out of five people within the Community (78%) said they supported the unification of the two Germanies.
(71%), da usikkerhed med hensyn til, om Oder-Neisse-grænsen mellem et forenet Tyskland og Polen lá fast, midlertidig skabte tvivl om mulighederne for varig forsoning mellem de to landes folk.
(71%), when uncertainties about the inviolability of the Oder-Neiße border between a united Germany and Poland threw temporarily into doubt the possibilities for lasting reconciliation between the peoples of those two countries.
Eurobarometer telephone flash-undersøgelse nr. 2, hvor 500 personer i hvert land blev interviewet i ugen efter 9. november 1989, sammenholdt med resultaterne af Eurobarometer nr. 33 fra foråret 1990 og nr. 34 fra efteråret 1990.
Flash Eurobarometer survey N* 2 by telephone interviewing a saaple of 500 people per country during the week of 9 November 1989, compared with the results of the standard Eurobarometer survey M* 33 of Spring 1990 and N* 34 of Autuan 1990.
Da flash undersøgelsens metode er forskellig fra den, der anvendes ved de almindelige Eurobarometer-undersøgelser, er resultaterne ikke helt sammenlignelige.
As the Methodology of the Flash is different to that of the standard Eurobarometer survey, the results are not entirely cooparable.
Men da Eurobarometers standardundersøgelse nr. 34 blev gennemført, var tilslutningen Igen oppe pä det tidligere niveau, og næsten fire ud af fem i EF (78%) var positive, mens kun en ud af ti (10%) var imod.
By the time of standard Eurobarometer survey N° 34, however, the old support levels had been restored. Once again, almost four out of five people (78%) in the European Community were in favour of it, with only one in ten (10%) against.
Den største begejstring for Tysklands forening kunne ikke overraskende spores hos tyskerne selv (87%).
The greatest enthusiasm for German unification came unsurprisingly from the Germans themselves (87%).
Også portugiserne (85%), Irerne (83%), spanierne (81%) og italienerne (80%) var meget positive (Diagram 2.1, tabel 24).
The Portuguese (85%), Irish (83%), Spanish (81%) and Italians (80%) also liked the idea a great deal (Figure 2.1, Table 24).
I alle EF's øvrige medlemstater var der tilslutning fra ikke mindre end tre ud af fem.
In all other member states of the Community, no less than three out of five supported it.
I forhold til Eurobarometers standardundersøgelse nr. 33 voksede støtten til Tysklands forening blandt luxembourgerne (fra 52% til 66%), danskerne (fra 56% til 69%), portugiserne (fra 74% til 85%) og hollænderne (fra 59% til 70%).
Compared with the results of the standard Eurobarometer survey n" 33, support for unification increased among Luxembourgers (52% to 66%), Danes (56% to 69%), Portuguese (74% to 85%) and Dutch (59% to 70%) citizens.
Der er her tale om en meget betragtelig udvikling, da luxembourgerne, danskerne og hollænderne I foråret 1990 var de EF-borgere, der var mindst positive over for Tysklands forening.
This is a significant result as the Luxembourgers, the Danes and Dutch had been the least in favour of German unity within the Community in Spring 1990.
Eurobarometer-meningsmålinger, der blev gennemført i Central- og Østeuropa I oktober 1990, viste kraftig tilslutning fra tjekkoslovakkernes side (61%), hvorimod polakkerne var mere forbeholdne (44% for, 32% imod).
Eurobarometer polls conducted in Central and Eastern Europe in October 1990 showed the Czechoslovakians strongly supportive (61%), but the Poles more cautious (44% in favour; 32% against).
Da det polske meningsmålingsinstitut OBOP i oktober 1987 stillede et tilsvarende spørgsmål, viste svarene, at polakkerne oprindeligt var imod foreningen af de to Tysklande (47% mod 29%), men at de blev mere positivt indstillet (47% mod 32%), da Berlinmuren faldt. Imidlertid var de fleste polakker I oktober 1990 overbevist om, at Tysklands forening ikke ville være til fordel for dem (50% mod 29%), og at den kunne skabe tvivl om grænsedragningen mellem de to lande (50% mod 35%)5.
A similar question asked before by the Polish institute OBOP had shown Poles initially opposed to the German nations uniting (47% versus 29%) in October 1987 before becoming more supportive (47% versus 32%) at the time the Berlin Wall collapsed.
I det nye EF var østtyskerne de mest positive over for Tysklands forening (94%).
Within the new European Community, East Germans were the most enthusiastic about German unity (94%).
Kun en sjettedel af befolkningen (17%) havde nogensinde besøgt et andet EF-land end Vesttyskland
Only a sixth of the population (17%) said they had ever been to an EC country apart from West Germany (freedom to travel has only been possible since late 1989).
Det kan næppe komme som nogen overraskelse, at to tredjedele (67%) af østtyskerne har lyst til at besøge andre EF-lande, og at kun en sjettedel (15%) ikke har det. Næsten to ud af fem
It can come as hardly a surprise that two-thirds (67%) of them would like to visit other Community countries, while only a sixth (15%) was not interested.
Tyskland, omend kun meget få (6%) havde tanker om at gøre det permanent (Tabel 25).
Almost two out of five (38%) said that they could imagine living and working in an EC country outside Germany, although very few (6%) considered doing so on a permanent basis (Table 25).
Et overvældende flertal mente, at EF-medlemskabet især vil være til gavn for miljøbeskyttelsen (95%) og vareudbuddet (94%), og at det også vil indebære betydelige fordele pá områder som energiforsyning (80%), transport (76%) samt sikkerheds- og forsvarspolitik (64%).
They were certainly overwhelmingly convinced that environmental protection (95%) and the availability of goods (94%) would be their greatest gains, while substantial improvements would also occur in the areas of energy supply (80%), transportation (76%) as well as security and defence (64%).
Eurobarometer-undersøgelse I Central- og Østeuropa (nærmere oplysninger i kapitel 4 og bilag).
Eurobarometer survey in Central and Eastern Europe. See Chapter 4 and Annexes for technical inforaation.
Ved de. tidligere OBOP-meningsmàI inger blev der interviewet 1000 personer, der var repræsentative for den polske befolkning.
Previous OBOP polls interviewed 1000 people and were nationally representative of the population in Poland.
Et beskedent flertal af østtyskerne ventede også en forbedring af erhvervsuddannelserne (52%) og i kriminalitetsbekæmpelsen (50%).
A smaller majority of East Germans also felt that vocational training schemes (52%) and crimefighting (50%) would improve.
Samtidig var der dog en udtalt frygt for beskæftigelsesproblemer (48% mod 38%) og for, at landbruget vil få det værre (62% mod 24%). i
Nevertheless, they feared that employment would be a problem (48% versus 38%) and that agriculture would suffer (62% versus 24%).
For at bortvejre noget af denne frygt er der Indført en række dispensationer fra EF-direktiverne om det indre marked for at lette Østtysklands integration i Fællesskabet.
It is to soothe some of these apprehensions that some exceptions have been made to EC directives for the Single Market in East Germany in order to ease its integration into the Community.
Disse dispensationer tænkes ophævet ved starten af 1993, hvor det indre marked skal være virkeliggjort i hele Fællesskabet.
These are not anticipated to last longer than the beginning of 1993, when the Single Market is due to come into full force Community-wide.
Udsigten til forandringer har utvivlsomt skærpet østtyskernes ønske om at få bedre indblik i, hvad der sker.
Undoubtedly, the prospects of change have wetted the appetites of East Germans to seek a better understanding of what is taking place.
79% ivrige efter at vide mere om, hvad EF udretter (Diagram 2.3, tabel 27).
While only 15% of them said that they had recently seen information material or advertising about the Community and only 12% said they knew enough about it, 79% were anxious to know more about what the EC was doing (Figure 2.3, Table 27).
Efterhånden som EF bevæger sig langsomt, men sikkert hen imod øget politisk, økonomisk og monetær integration, er der også sket en ændring i offentlighedens holdning til, hvordan ansvaret i Fællesskabet skal fordeles.
As the Community moved slowly but inexorably towards greater unity in political, economic and monetary matters, public attitudes also evolved as to how responsibilities within the Community should be carved up.
De fleste mente, at samarbejde med den tredje verden (77%), videnskablig og teknologisk forskning (75%), miljøbeskyttelse (71%), udenrigspolitik, dvs. politikken over for lande uden for EF (69%), valuta (56%), sikkerhed og forsvar (51%) samt endelig momssatser (50%) var områder, hvor beslutninger burde træffes af medlemsstaterne i fælleskab.
Most felt cooperation with the Third World (77%), science and technology research (75%), environmental protection (71%), the conduct of foreign policy towards nonEC countries (69%), currency (56%), security and defence (51%) as well as VAT rates (50%) should be carried out by joint decision making among the member states within the Community.
Kun pá områderne uddannelse (60%) og sundheds- og socialpolitik (58%) mente et stort flertal af EF-borgerne, at de nationale regeringer var bedst til at træffe beslutninger.
On the other hand, only in the fields of education (60%), health and social welfare (58%) were a large majority of EC citizens convinced that national governments were the best agents to handle them.
Et relativt flertal mente endvidere, at når det drejer sig om medarbejderrepræsentation i virksomheders bestyrelser (49%), beskyttelse af personlige oplysninger i edb-registre samt overordnede regler for massemedierne (begge 46%), så bør beslutningskompetencen ligge hos de nationale regeringer.
A relative majority also felt that the participation of workers' representatives on company boards of directors (49%), data protection and basic rules for broadcasting and the press (both 46%) should be the domains of national governments.
I løbet af det seneste halve år er der sket et mærkbart skift i folks holdning til flere fælles beslutninger i EF.
Over the past six months, there was a discernible shift in public opinion towards joint decision making within the Community.
De fleste mener nu, at EF også skal beskæftige sig med sikkerhed og forsvar (stigning fra 47% til 51%).
Most now agreed that the Community should deal with security and defence (up from 47% to 51%).
Der var også en kraftig stigning I tilslutningen til, at EF beskæftiger sig med momssatserne (fra 48% til 50%), valutaspørgsmål (fra 51% til 56%, hvilket næsten opvejer nedgangen pá 6 point fra efteråret 1989 til foråret 1990), udenrigspolitik (64% til 69%) og miljø (66% til 71%).
Support also rose substantially for the Community handling VAT rates (48% to 50%), currency issues (from 51% to 56%, almost making up a 6 point fall from Autumn 1989 to Spring 1990), foreign policy (64% to 69%) and the environment (66% to 71%).
Hvis man ser pá gennemsnittet af svarene pá de tolv spørgsmål, så blev fælles beslutningstagen støttet af de fleste ¡tallenere (63%), hollændere (58%), belgiere og franskmænd (begge 57%) samt tyskere (52%).
If one takes the combined average results for the twelve issues, joint decisionmaking was endorsed by most Italians (63%), Dutch (58%), Belgians, French (both 57%) and Germans (52%).
Der var tilslutning fra et relativt flertal af de andre nationaliteter undtagen portugiserne og danskerne (Diagram 2.5, tabel 29).
A relative majority of the others supported it with the exception of the Portuguese and Danes (Figure 2.5, Table 29).
I de forudgående seks måneder udviste vesttyskerne, franskmændene og italienerne størst stigning i tilslutningen til fælles beslutninger, og kun luxembourgerne blev langt mere positivt Indstillet over for de nationale regeringers rolle.
Over the previous six months, West Germans, the French and Italians registered the greatest increases in backing joint decision-making, while only Luxembourgers became much more favourable towards the role of national governments.
Spaniernes tilslutning til fælles beslutninger om valutaspørgsmål sprang fra 41% til 53%, den højeste stigning, der er målt i noget land.
Spanish support for joint-decision-making on currency issues jumped from 41% to 53%, the highest increase measured in any country.
2.3 PA VEJ MOD POLITISK, ØKONOMISK OG MONETÆR UNION
2.3 THE ROAD TOWARDS POLITICAL, ECONOMIC AND MONETARY UNION
EF's regeringskonferencer om politisk, Økonomisk og monetær union blev Indledt i Rom den 15. december 1990.
The EC Inter-Governmental Conferences (IGC's) on political, economic and monetary union opened in Rome on 15 December 1990.
De tager sigte pá at tilvejebringe de institutionelle rammer for en tættere økonomisk og monetær integration i EF og pá at skabe en politisk dimension, især en styrkelse af EF's institutioner og aktiviteter på "internationalt" plan.
Their purpose is to create the institutional framework for closer economic and monetary integration within the Community and the development of a political dimension, particularly strengthening EC institutions and activities at the 'international' level.
Selv om en økonomisk og monetær union (ØMU) har været et fællesskabsmål siden 1969, fik idéen ny vind i sejlene i 1988, og i oktober 1990 enedes Det Europæiske Råd i Rom (dog uden tilslutning fra den britiske regering) om de overordnede principper for ØMU, der omfatter indførelse af en fælles valuta (ecuen), og som fastsætter 1. Januar 1994 som frist for overgangen til den anden af ØMU-processens tre faser.
Although economic and monetary union (EMU) has been a Community objective since 1969, the idea regained momentum in 1988 and, in October 1990, the Rome European Council (without the support of the British Government) reached agreement on the overall concept of EMU, which would involve the adoption of a single currency (the ECU) and the deadline of 1 January 1994 for transition to the second of the three-stage EMU process.
EF-borgerne gik kraftigt ind for en række vigtige forslag til reform af EF, der er på dagsorden for regeringskonferencerne (Diagram 2.6, tabel 30). Fire ud af fem ønskede, at
EC citizens were strongly in favour of major proposals for Community reform on the table at the IGC's (Figure 2.6, Table 30).