natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Tjekkoslovakker, ungarere og polakker er meget interesserede i at styrke forbindelserne til EF.
Czechoslovakians, Hungarians and Poles are very enthusiastic about strengthening their country's ties with the Community.
Som allerede omtalt siger de fleste, at de har hørt om Det Europæiske Fællesskab, og at de er klar over, at PHARE-hJælpeprogrammet bliver koordineret af EF-Kommissionen (polakkerne syntes dog at være noget dårligere informeret end deres naboer).
We have already seen that most people say they have heard of the European Community and know about the PHARE assistance programme being coordinated by the Commission (although Poles seemed substantially less informed than their neighbours).
Men hvor velinformeret føler de sig om EF generelt?
But how well informed do they feel about the Community overall?
Kun mellem 1% og 2% af de adspurgte i de forskellige lande sagde, at de følte sig virkelig velinformeret om EF, hvorimod mellem en sjettedel og en fjerdedel sagde, at de var ret godt informeret.
Only between l%-2% of people from each country said they felt very informed about the EC, while between a sixth and a quarter said they were quite informed.
Et overvældende flertal (71%-76%) erkendte, at de ingen viden havde om dette emne (Diagram 4.12, Tabel 67).
The overwhelming majority (71% -76%) admitted being uninformed on the matter (Figure 4.12, Table 67).
Kun 13% af polakkerne og 22% af tjekkoslovakkerne var i stand til at udpege Jacques
Only 13% of Poles and 22% of Czechoslovakians could identify Jacques Delors as the current President of the Commission of the European Communities from a list of the five most recent incumbents of that office (Table 68).
Jacques Delors' besøg i Prag i september 1990 er sandsynligvis forklaringen pá, at et større antal tjekkoslovakker var klar over dette.
Jacques Delors' visit to Prague during the previous month (September 1990) may be a reason for the higher Czechoslovakian awareness.
Til sammenligning kan det oplyses, at 53% af polakkerne vidste, at Javier Perez de Cuellar er generalsekretær for FN, da FN stillede et lignende spørgsmål i august 1989.
By comparison, 53% of Poles were able to identify Javier Pérez de Cuellar as the UN Secretary-General when the UN asked a similar question there in August 1989.
I alle tre lande var det indenlandske fjernsyn (80%-87%) den vigtigste kilde til information om EF's virksomhed (Tabel 69).
National television (80%-87%) was the most important source of information about the activities of the Community in all three countries (Table 69).
Den indenlandske radio kom pá andenpladsen for polakkernes vedkommende, for ungarernes vedkommende stod den indenlandske radio og de indenlandske aviser lige, hvorimod den indenlandske radio var af mindre betydning end de indenlandske aviser i Tjekkoslovakiet.
National radio came second for Poles, was as important as national newspapers for Hungarians and less important than national newspapers for Czechoslovakians.
Selv om de udenlandske medier kun spillede en sekundær rolle i forhold t i I de indenlandske medier i disse lande, synes personer, der benyttede sig af de udenlandske medier, at være bedre informeret end brugerne af de indenlandske medier (blandt de tjekkoslovakker, der benyttede sig af de udenlandske medier, kendte mellem 30% og 33% Jacques Delors' navn, hvorimod dette kun var tilfældet for mellem 23% og 26§ af dem, der benyttede sig af de indenlandske medier).
Although foreign media played a secondary role to national media in these countries, people who used this media seemed better informed than users of national media (3033% of Czechoslovakians using foreign media were able to name Jacques Delors compared to 2326% using national media).
4.4 EF-BORGERNES REAKTION PA ØSTEUROPAS BEHOV
4.4 THE COMMUNITY'S CITIZENS RESPOND TO EASTERN EUROPE'S NEEDS
EF-borgerne er bekymrede over de forhold, østeuropæerne lever under.
EC citizens are concerned about the plight of Central and Eastern Europeans.
Fem ud af seks mente, at EF burde fremskynde sin Økonomiske, politiske og monetære integration, hvorved det vi Ile blive stærkere og følgelig mere effektivt kunne deltage i opbygningen af et endnu bredere demokratisk Europa.
By five to one, they felt that the Community should speed up its economic, political and monetary integration so that, by becoming stronger, it could participate more effectively in building a wider united democratic Europe.
For hver person, der var ¡mod, var der mere end fire, der ønskede, at landene i Central- og Østeuropa skulle have adgang til de programmer og ressourcer inden for teknologisk forskning, erhvervsuddannelse for unge og udveksling af studerende, som for øjeblikket kun er tilgængelige for EF's medlemsstater. De ønskede desuden, at EF skulle forberede sig pá at optage disse lande, när de anmoder om det, og der er indført demokrati og en åben økonomi, og endelig ønskede de, at der skulle forhandles om associeringsaftaler om større politisk og økonomisk samarbejde, uden at dette nødvendigvis skulle ende med et EF-medIemsskab.
By more than four to one, they wanted Central and Eastern Europeans to benefit from programmes and resources currently available only to members countries in the fields of technological research, youth training and university student exchanges; for the Community to prepare itself for each country requesting it to join the EC once democracy and an open economy are established; and that treaties of association offering greater political and economic cooperation should be negotiated without EC membership necessarily being envisaged.
Tre ud af fire EF-borgere kunne endog gå ind for en forøgelse af EF's budget med det formål at støtte disse lande (Diagram 4.13, Tabel 70).
Even increasing the EC's budget to assist these countries was approved by a majority of three to one EC citizens (Figure 4.13, Table 70).
Siden spørgsmålet sidst blev stillet i marts/april 1990, er opbakningen blandt EF-borgerne til disse foranstaltninger steget, især med hensyn t i I de central- og østeuropæiske landes mulighed for at udnytte Fællesskabets programmer og ressourcer inden for teknologisk forskning, erhvervsuddannelse for unge og udveksling af studerende (fra 64% til 69%) (se Eurobarometer nr. 33).
Since the time the question was last asked in March/April 1990, EC citizens have increased their support for all the above measures, especially allowing Central and Eastern Europeans to benefit from Community programmes and resources in the fields of technology research, youth training and university student exchanges (64% to 69%) (see Eurobarometer Report N° 33).
Italienerne var de mest interesserede i at fremskynde integrationen i Fællesskabet (85%) og var ligeledes de mest ivrige efter at forøge EF's budget for at kunne støtte reformprocessen i Central- og Østeuropa (72%).
The Italians were the most interested in speeding up integration within the Community (85%) and were also the most supportive about increasing the EC's budget to help the reform process in Central and Eastern Europe (72%).
Italienerne (74%), efterfulgt af briterne (69%) og grækerne (68%), var desuden de mest interesserede i, at det med tiden skulle gøres muligt for reformlandene at blive medlem af EF.
The Italians (74%), alongside the British (69%) and the Greeks (68%), were the most interested in allowing reforming countries to become members of the Community in the future.
I nogen tid har alarmklokkerne ringet i Sovjetunionen pá grund af de forværrede økonomiske forhold.
Alarm signals had been flashing for some time from the Soviet Union about its worsening economic condition.
Det Europæiske Fællesskab udsatte beslutningen om at yde Sovjetunionen omfattende økonomisk hjælp, indtil Moskvas planer om en økonomisk og institutionel reform var blevet klarere.
The European Community delayed sending substantial economic assistance to Moscow until Soviet plans for economic and institutional reform became clearer.
I den periode, hvor meningsmålingen blev gennemført, blev der i stedet indgået aftaler om levering af store mængder fødevarer og medicin for at imødegå risikoen for hungersnød i vinterens løb og faren for sammenbrud i Sovjetunionens fødevaredistr ibut ion.
Instead arrangements were being made at the time of the survey to send large amounts of winter food and medicine to counter the danger of mass hunger and the possible breakdown of the Soviet food distribution system during the winter.
Sovjetunionens støtte til Tysklands genforening er sandsynligvis årsagen til, at antallet af tilhængere af forslaget var størst i Tyskland (73%).
Soviet support for German unity may have convinced Germans to support the idea the most (73%).
Desuden var mere end to ud af tre spaniere,
More than two out of three Spaniards, Italians and Dutch were also in favour of it.
Hvilke konklusioner er det muligt at drage af denne analyse?
What conclusions might be drawn from this analysis ?
*For det første er der stadig risiko for, at situationen eksploderer i Central- og Østeuropa, selv i de relativt homogene lande som Ungarn og Polen.
* Firstly, the situation in Central and Eastern Europe, even in relatively homogeneous countries like Hungary and Poland, remains potentially explosive.
I Tjekkoslovakiet er der også ved at opstå etniske problemer, idet slovakkerne, som udgør en tredjedel af Tjekkoslovakiets befolkning, er bekymret for deres fremtid. De frygter, at deres interesser ikke bliver tilstrækkeligt tilgodeset pá føderalt niveau.
Ethnic problems are also developing in Czechoslovakia where the Slovaks, who make up a third of Czechoslovakia's population, are worried about their state's future, fearful that their interests are not sufficiently being represented at the federal level.
Overalt hersker der usikkerhed med hensyn til, om de økonomiske reformer virkelig vil lykkes.
Uncertainty reigns everywhere concerning whether economic reforms will really succeed.
»Hovedsagelig pá grund af de økonomisk dårlige forhold søger tjekkoslovakkerne, ungarerne og polakkerne at redde deres land gennem en tættere tilknytning til og medlemskab af Det Europæiske Fællesskab.
* Mainly because of poor economic health, Czechoslovakians, Hungarians and Poles are seeking their country's salvation in closer association and membership of the European Community.
Et eventuelt EF-medIemsskab vil sandsynligvis gøre det muligt mere effektivt at kontrollere og mindske de etniske spændinger og den indbyrdes mistænksomhed, som synes at være karakteristisk for problemerne i området.
Eventual membership by these countries may also more effectively control and cool ethnic tensions and the mutual suspicion that seems to characterise the ills of the region.
'Blandt EF-borgerne er der stor tilslutning t i I at støtte reformerne i de central- og østeuropæiske lande og til at yde bistand til Sovjetunionen i den aktuelle situation.
* European Community citizens are strongly supportive of helping reform Central and Eastern European countries and for giving assistance to the Soviet Union in its time of crisis.
På grund af den usikkerhed, der er et resultat af de svingende oliepriser og indførelsen pr. 1. Januar af hárd valuta i handlen til verdensmarkedspriser med Sovjetunionen (især for oliens vedkommende), forventes 1991 at blive et nyt hårdt år for Central- og Østeuropa.
With the uncertainty of fluctuating oil prices and the introduction of hard currency trading at world prices with the Soviet Union (especially for oil) on 1st January, 1991 is likely to be another tough year for Central and Eastern Europeans.
Man kan kun håbe, at det gennem støtte og tættere forbindelse med Det Europæiske Fællesskab vil være muligt at gøre de mørkeste forudsigelser til skamme.
It can only be hoped that assistance and closer ties with the European Community may confound people's gloomiest predictions.
5.1 KENDSKAB TIL OG OPFATTELSE AF PARLAMENTET
5.1 AWARENESS AND IMAGE OF PARLIAMENT
Inden for det seneste år er debatten om det "demokratiske underskud" inden for EF taget til.
Over the past year, the debate about the "democratic deficit" at the Community level has heightened.
Parlamentet har ligeledes krævet, at det får større indflydelse, så det bl.a. får tillagt lovgivningsbeføjelser i samarbejde med Ministerrådet, og at det selv får mulighed for at tage initiativ til lovgivning.
It also requested an enhancement of its role to gain, among others things, the power to co-decide legislation with the Council of Ministers and to initiate legislation on its own.
Disse forslag har ført til omfattende debat mellem de enkelte regeringer, og en række af dem er modstander af øget magt til Europa-Parlamentet med den begrundelse, at man i stedet burde give de nationale parlamenter større indflydelse, og at Ministerrådet under alle omstændigheder repræsenterer de folkevalgte regeringer.
These proposals have caused considerable debate among member governments, with a number of them opposing increased power to the European Parliament, arguing that national parliaments should be given more say instead and that the Council of Ministers anyhow represents Governments elected by people.
Trods den tiltagende debat gav kun ca. halvdelen af EF-borgerne udtryk for, at de for nylig havde set eller hørt noget om Europa-Parlamentet i medierne12
Despite the growing debate, only around half of the citizens of the European Community said they had seen or heard something about the European Parliament in the media recently12
, hvilket er et mindre fald (52% over for 49%) i forhold til foråret 1990.
, a slight decline (52% to 49%) from Spring 1990.
Det bekræfter påstanden om, at dækningen af Europa-Parlamentet i medierne gradvis er faldet siden valget til Europa-
This confirms a gradual decrease in media awareness of the European Parliament that had been taking place since the time of the European Parliamentary elections in mid-1989 (in Autumn 1989, awareness levels had been 56%).
12 De spørgsmål, der gennemgås i dette kapitel, blev oprindelig stillet pá Europa-Parlamentets vegne.
The questions discussed in this chapter were asked primarily on behalf of the European Parliawent.
Antallet af adspurgte, som havde hørt eller set noget om Europa-Parlamentet i medierne, var forskelligt fra land til land (Tabel 72).
There were differences in awareness levels from country to country (Table 72).
Tre ud af fem adspurgte luxembourgere (59%) og portugisere (58%) havde for nylig hørt, set eller læst noget om Parlamentet, hvorimod hollændere (41%) og briter (39%) syntes at være dårligst informeret.
Three out of five Luxembourgers (59%) and Portuguese (58%) had heard, seen or read something about it recently, while the Dutch (41%) and British (39%) seemed the least informed.
Kun blandt vesttyskere er der sket en stigning i kendskabet til Parlamentet (fra 48% til 56%), hvilket sandsynligvis er en afspejling af den betydning, som den tyske regering tillægger en forøgelse af Europa-Parlamentets beføjelser.
Awareness only rose significantly among West Germans (48% to 56%) perhaps reflecting the importance placed by the German Government in increasing the powers of the European Parliament.
I Spanien og Holland er kendskabet til Parlamentet stort set uændret i forhold til tidligere.
In Spain and the Netherlands, it stayed about the same.
Det største fald i kendskabet til Parlamentet er sket i Grækenland (fra 68% til 52%), hvor kendskabet til Europa-Parlamentet var størst ved den sidste undersøgelse.
The biggest fall happened in Greece (68% to 52%), where the European Parliament had had the highest profile last time.
Ca. halvdelen (52%) af dem, som for nylig havde hørt eller set noget om Europa-Parlamentet i medierne, sagde, at de havde fået et positivt indtryk.
Around half (52%) of those who had been aware of the European Parliament in the media recently said they had a favourable impression of it.
Dette var tre gange så mange som dem (15%), der sagde, at de havde fået et negativt indtryk, mens ca. en fjerdedel (26%) spontant sagde, at de hverken havde fået et positivt eller et negativt indtryk.
This was three times as many as those (15%) whose impression was unfavourable, while around a quarter (26%) spontaneously said it was neither.
Der har siden 1985 været en stadig stigende tendens til, at EF-borgerne har en positiv opfattelse af Europa-Parlamentet (Diagram 5.1). Dette må være udtryk for, at Europa-
Long-term trends showed sustained progress in people's favourable impressions of the European Parliament through the media since 1985 (Figure 5.1).
Parlamentet i nyhedsformidlingen er ved at blive vinde indpas som et positivt stofområde.
These results may imply that news reporting on the European Parliament is in the process of consolidation on a fairly positive note.
Det var i de mindre velstillede - og overvejede sydeuropæiske - EF-lande, at man fik det bedste indtryk af Europa-Parlamentet gennem medierne (Diagram 5.2, Tabel 73).
The less wealthy - and largely southern - members of the Community gained the best impression of the European Parliament from the media (Figure 5.2, Table 73).
Størstedelen af italienerne (70%), grækerne (66%), irerne (65%), portugiserne (62%) og spanierne (56%) havde et positivt indtryk af Parlamentet.
Most Italians (70%), Greeks (66%), Irish (65%), Portuguese (62%) and Spaniards (56%) had a good image of it.
Selv om det var blandt briterne, at man fandt det største antal med et negativt indtryk (32%), var det blandt hollændere (40%), danskere (35%) og luxembourgere (32%), man fandt de færreste, som havde et positivt indtryk.
Although the British had the highest percentage of people with unfavourable impressions (32%), the Dutch (40%), Danes (35%) and Luxembourgers (32%) had the fewest favourably impressed.
Der var dog i disse fire lande stadig flere, der havde et positivt Indtryk, end et negativt.
Nevertheless these four publics still reported more favourable than unfavourable impressions.
Inden for de seneste seks måneder er det største fald i den positive opfattelse af Parlamentet sket blandt irere (fra 76% til 65%, hvilket stadig er et højt tal), mens den negative opfattelse synes at stige markant blandt briter (fra 25% til 32%), men ingen steder er situationen nær så dårlig som i 1982 (18% "positivt" mod 59% "negativt").
The greatest drop in perceptions of positive reporting over the past six months occurred among the Irish (76% to a still high 65%), while perceptions of negative coverage seemed to increase significantly among the British (25% to 32%), albeit nowhere near as bad as in 1982 (18% "favourable" versus 59% "unfavourable").
Endelig vil det have en vis værdi at sammenligne kendskabet t i I og opfattelsen af Europa-Parlamentet med kendskabet til og opfattelsen af EF-Kommlssionen.
Finally it may be of some value to compare the awareness and image of the European Parliament with that of the European Commission.
I Eurobarometer nr. 33 blev det understreget, at kendskabet til og opfattelsen af de to institutioner omtrent var ens i de forskellige EF-lande.
In the Eurobarometer Report Nô33, it was noted that people's awareness and impressions of both institutions were almost exactly the same at the European level.
I dette nummer af Eurobarometer ligger EF-borgernes kendskab til Europa-Parlamentet 4 procentpoint højere end for Kommissionen (45% for Kommissionen og 49% for Parlamentet), mens deres indtryk af de to institutioner endnu en gang er næsten ens (for begge institutioners vedkommende 52% "positivt", mens der kun var 2 procentpoints forskel med hensyn til "negativt" og "hverken positivt eller negativt" indtryk).
This time, the European Parliament retained its four point advantage in terms of awareness (45% for Commission and 49% for Parliament), while impressions were almost exactly the same again (both 52% "favourable", while only two points difference on the "unfavourable" and "indifferent" measures).
Når disse to institutioner hænger uløseligt sammen i EF-borgernes opfattelse, er det sandsynligvis udtryk for, at de betragter Fællesskabet som et hele.
For better or for worse, the images of these two institutions may be linked in the minds of the public as an expression of their feelings about the Community as a whole.
EF-borgerne mente, at Europa-Parlamentet spiller en vigtig rolle i EF-arbeJdet (58% "vigtig" mod 26% "ikke særlig vigtig"), men i mindre grad i borgernes daglige liv (37% mod 48%).
EC citizens considered that the European Parliament plays an important part in the life of the Community (58% "important" versus 26% "unimportant") but much less so than in the everyday life of its citizens (37% versus 48%).
De adspurgte gav imidlertid klart udtryk for et ønske om, at Europa-Parlamentet skulle spille en vigtigere rolle i fremtiden (53% mod 17% "forblive det samme" og 9% "mindre") end i dag (Diagram 5.3.).
Nevertheless, people clearly expressed the wish that the European Parliament should play a more important role in the future (53% versus 17% "stay the same" and 9% "less important") than it does nowadays (Figure 5.3).
Antallet af adspurgte, som mente, at Parlamentet er vigtigt i EF-arbeJdet, var lidt lavere end i forhold t i I de generelt høje tal for seks måneder siden (60%).
The European Parliament's perceived importance in the life of the Community was slightly lower than the all-time high achieved six months ago (60%).
Der var ligeledes et fald i antallet af adspurgte, som mente, at Parlamentet har betydning i EF-borgernes hverdag (fra 41% til 37%).
There was also a decline in its importance in the everyday lives of the Community's citizens (41% to 37%).
Især adspurgte fra Fællesskabets sydlige lande (italienere, portugisere og grækere) og fra Irland mente, at Europa-Parlamentet var vigtigt både i EF-arbeJdet og I EF-borgernes hverdag.
People mainly coming from the Community's 'south' - the Italians, Portuguese, Greeks and Irish - felt the European Parliament was important on both scores.
Adspurgte fra de nordlige lande var betydeligt mindre overbevist.
Those from the 'north' were markedly less convinced.
De fleste EF-landes borgere mente, at Parlamentet var vigtigt for Fællesskabet. Dette var dog ikke tilfældet for hollænderne, hvis holdning var usikker (44% "vigtigt" mod 44% "ikke vigtigt") (Diagram 5.4, Tabel 74).
Most countries' citizens felt the Parliament was important for the Community, except for the Dutch, who were uncertain on the matter (44% "important" versus 44% "not important") (Figure 5.4, Table 74).
Her sagde et relativt flertal af de adspurgte fra de nordlige lande (ekskl. Irland), at Parlamentet ikke i nævneværdigt omfang påvirkede deres hverdag. Dette synspunkt kom især til udtryk blandt hollændere (64%), franskmænd (64%) og danskere (61%) (Tabel 75).
The division between 'north' and 'south' was much more acute concerning Parliament's perceived impact on people's lives, with a relative majority of all 'northerners' (excluding the Irish) saying Parliament did not much affect their lives, a view felt especially strongly by the Dutch, French (both 64%) and Danes (61%) (Table 75).
For begge spørgsmåls vedkommende fandt det største fald inden for de seneste sekr måneder sted blandt franskmænd og spaniere.
The biggest drop over the past six months occurred among the French and Spaniards on both measures.
Efter et gradvist fald fra 1984 til 1988 har antallet af borgere, som mener, at Parlamentet er vigtigt, været stigende.
After a gradual decline from 1984 to 1988, the view that it is important has been rising.
Siden foråret 1990 er antallet steget betydeligt blandt franskmænd (fra 52% til 59%) og tyskere (fra 43% til 49%), hvilket måske kan tilskrives den intense debat om en udvidelse af Europa-Parlamentets beføjelser, som har fundet sted i disse to lande.
Since Spring 1990, it has grown significantly among the French (52% to 59%) and Germans (43% to 49%), perhaps as a result of the intense debate taking place at that time in those countries about extending the European Parliament's powers.
Som delvis modvægt til denne stigning skete der et tilsvarende fald især blandt grækere (fra 69% til 54%) og spaniere (fra 55% til 45%).
This was in part balanced by a corresponding drop by the Greeks (69% to 54%) and Spaniards in particular (55% to 45%).
Der er for øjeblikket en betydelig stigning i tilslutningen til at give Parlamentet større beføjelser.
The current line-up of support for increasing Parliament's importance is significant.