natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Selv om han uden tvivl var den første under krigen, så var han i hvert tilfælde ikke den eneste efter krigen, der i generelle vendinger fik idéen til et europæisk fællesskab for stål.
Similarly, if he was probably the first during the war, he was certainly not unique after the war, in thinking in general terms of a European approach to steel.
Det, der var karakteristisk for ham, var hans instinkt og evne til at se, hvordan og hvornår processen skulle sættes i gang, og hvornår man skulle begynde at føre visionen ud i det virkelige liv.
Vision in this sense is not a particularly rare talent. What really marked Monnet out was his instinct and art in detecting where, when and how to launch the process and begin to implant the vision in the real world.
Det er her, han overskred grænsen mellem de visionære, som der er relativt mange af, og de langt mere sjældne statsmænd.
It was here that he crossed the frontier between the man of vision and that much rarer phenomenon, the statesman.
At vide, hvor man skal begynde, det er kardinalpunktet i Monnet's fremgangsmåde.
To know where to begin is the kernel of the Monnet approach.
Udgangspunktet er kriser.
The point of departure is crisis.
For Mon net behøver kriser ikke være en katastrofe.
For Monnet, crises need not be catastrophes.
I en krise bliver politikerne bekymrede.
In a crisis, politicians become anxious.
De bliver klar over, at rutinen ikke længere er tilstrækkelig.
They realize that routine no longer works.
De er på udkig efter løsninger.
They are on the look-out for solutions.
25 krisen den eftertragtede anledning for den, der har fantasi til i en situations modsætninger at øse energien til at skabe en ændret politik, og som har mod til at drage alle konsekvenserne heraf.
25 specific imagination to draw from the contradictions of the situation the energy for a policy of change, and who has the daring to think through and accept its implications.
På det tidspunkt og ikke på et andet kan et sådant menneske tvinge tingene ind på en ny kurs.
At that moment, and no other, a creative reformer can change the whole course of policy.
Han kan og skal, som Monnet sagde, »ændre konteksten«.
He can, and must, as Monnet said, 'change the context'.
Dette er meningen med Schuman-erklæringen af 9. maj 1950.
This is the meaning of the Schuman Declaration of 9 May 1950.
Efterkrigstidens realiteter krævede, at den århundredlange strid mellem Frankrig og Tyskland blev overvundet.
The post-disaster situation at the time demanded that the long standing rivalry between France and Germany should be over come.
De skulle begge to forpligtes til at arbejde for Europas fælles mål.
Both of them had to be committed to the common objective of European unity.
Men det var ikke muligt at ændre alt med et slag.
But it was not possible to change everything at one step.
Som der står i det berømte citat: »Europa bliver ikke til på én gang, og ej heller ved et samlet byggeri, men det bliver til gennem konkrete resultater, som først vil skabe en faktisk solidaritet«.
As the central phrase of the Schuman Declaration put it: "Europe will not be united at a single stroke, nor by a predetermined grand design. It will come through practical achievements creating active bonds of community (solidarité de fait).
Det drejer sig om i det traditionelle system at indføre en ny logik, som kræver yderligere tilpasninger.
A new logic is injected into the traditional system. This first step demands that further ones be taken.
Uden disse ville spændingerne mellem det nye og det gamle blive utålelige.
Otherwise, the tensions between the new and the old regimes will become unmanageable.
Teoretisk set kunne man forestille sig et tilbageskridt i form af en afvikling af Fællesskabet. I virkeligheden ville dette være meget vanskeligt.
In theory, one could imagine an unwinding of the Community.
Et sådant skridt risikerer at genoplive de gamle stridigheder og på ny rejse de gamle problemer.
An attempt to move back would revive old rivalries and tend to pose all the old problems the new policy has helped to overcome.
Man så det klart, efter at Det Europæiske Forsvarsfællesskab havde lidt nederlag.
This was clear, for instance after the failure of the European Army project.
Desuden støttes den nye politik af en magtfuld koalition.
Further, to the extent that the new policy gathers powerful support, a built-in lobby for the new system is created.
Denne er dog ikke altid tilstrækkelig stærk til at gøre sig gældende.
It may not at all times be strong enough to force further movement forward.
Men den er stærk nok til at forhindre ethvert tilbageskridt.
But it nearly always is strong enough to prevent movement back.
Det er ikke muligt at fjerne den vedvarende tiltrækning fra de »europæiske valg«, for nu at bruge den meget velvalgte titel på en bog af Jacques Van Helmont.
As a result, it has been possible on a number of occasions to make the new Communities mark time; it has never been possible to eradicate the power of
For så vidt analysen, som forudser disse valg, er begrundet, vil der altid komme et tidspunkt, hvor behovet for yderligere nye skridt fremad vil gøre sig gældende.
To the extent that the analysis underpinning these European options is well founded, a moment sooner or later comes when the sense of the need to take further steps revives.
Samspillet er derfor konkret og stærkt.
The dynamic is therefore concrete and powerful.
Det eneste problem, som vi stadig har endnu i dag, er, hvorvidt det er lige så stærkt som de forandringens kræfter, der findes i verden udenfor.
The only question, and it is still with us today, is to know whether it is as powerful as the forces for change in the outside world.
Men det er netop disse kræfter, der får Europa til at handle.
On the other hand, it is precisely those forces which make Europeans move at all.
Man er næsten holdt op med at tælle de opsving, der trods alle skuffelser præger Det Europæiske Fælles skabs ulige, men også, når alt kommer til alt, i historisk perspektiv hurtige vækst.
One is beginning to lose count of the relances which despite all failures punctuate the unequal—but by the standards of history, still rapid—progress of the European Community.
Vi står i dag midt i en af disse faser med fremskridt og håb.
We are today in the middle of one of these phases of progress and hope.
Ingen var mere bevidst end Monnet selv om hans strategis dialektiske karakter.
Nobody was more conscious than Monnet himself of the dialectical nature of his strategy.
Han brugte ofte den sammenligning, som han hentede fra sine ture i Alperne, at perspektivet ændrede sig i takt med, at man bevægede sig fremad på bjergstien.
He often used the metaphor, drawn from his long walks in the Alps, of the view which changes as one moves along the mountain path.
Vovestykket i 1950, kun fem år efter befrielsen med fransk-tysk forsoning, krævede et Fællesskab, der også omfattede Italien og Benelux-landene.
The daring, in 1950, only five years after the end of the war, of embarking on Franco-German reconciliation, required a broader Community including Italy and the Benelux countries.
Elleve år senere, da englænderne var overbevist om, at Fællesskabet var kommet for at blive, og at det var sandsynligt, at det ville veje tungere end Storbritannien, besluttede de at tilslutte sig.
11 years later, once the British were convinced that the Community was here to stay, and was likely to weigh more in world politics than the UK, they made up their minds to join.
Et Europæisk Fælles skab, som også omfattede Storbritannien, havde endelig alle de politiske midler i hænde, som kunne gøre det til en »ligeværdig« partner for De Forenede Stater (som altid var Monnet optaget af lighed).
A European Community extended to include Britain at last had the political resources to become for the United States an 'equal partner'. (Note Monnet's constant preoccupation with equality.)
Det atlantiske partnerskab var naturligt og logisk.
The Atlantic partnership was natural and logical.
Det var en idé, der kunne anspore Europa til på bedste måde at udnytte den politiske zone, som Europa indtog mellem de to stormagter.
It allowed Europe to exploit as much as possible the effective political space it occupied between the two superpowers.
Ikke desto mindre kan man også heri finde Monnet's pragmatiske grundholdning.
Nevertheless, one can detect in it Monnet's basic pragmatism.
Der er intet i partnerskabsidéen, der ligner den store plan, fællesskabsinstitutionernes profet nærede.
There is little or nothing in the partnership idea of the prophet of Community institutions.
Tværtimod er der tale om bilaterale forbindelser mellem to kontinentale enheder.
What is proposed is bilateral relations between two continental entities.
Det er den gensidige afhængighed, der cementerer partnerskabet, ikke institutionerne.
It is interdependence which cements the partnership, not institutions.
På samme måde er det i selve Europa slående, at Monnet, der havde ry for at være funktionalistisk, altid har følt sig draget af den politiske union, endog når den var mindre struktureret end Fællesskaberne, og endog når de Gaulle var fortaler herfor. Han ville gøre systemet forpligtende for regeringerne, og han var rede til at tage en risiko for at nå dertil.
Similarly, within Europe itself, it is striking that Monnet, the supposed functionalist, was always tempted by political union, even when it was less structured than the Communities themselves, and even when it was promoted by de Gaulle.
Handlemåde
Operations
På grund af, at Monnet's aktiviteter ikke altid var synlige for offentligheden, var der en tendens til at tro, at der lå hemmelighedskræmmeri bag, eller at endog alle midler gjaldt.
Because Monnet's activity was not always visible in public, there was a tendency to think of it as secretive and even Machiavellian.
I virkeligheden var hans fremgangsmåde mystisk, ja næsten utrolig, ikke så meget på grund af indviklethed, men på grund af en enkelhed, som hos enhver anden ville have været et uoverstigeligt handicap.
In fact, his approach was mysterious, indeed barely credible, not by deviousness but because of a simplicity which would have disqualified most people.
Når han gjorde noget sådant, tog han mindst muligt hensyn til rang, grader og ydre fremtoning.
All he did was to go straight to the
Det er naturligvis ikke givet enhver at kunne indfinde sig på den måde hos de store og overbevise dem og være så »enkel«.
Obviously, it is not given to anyone to walk straight into the offices of the great, to persuade them, and to be 'simple' after such a fashion.
Man må først sætte sig i respekt.
It is only possible once a man has imposed himself in some way.
Det lykkedes Monnet at gøre det, fordi han i 40 år var gået direkte til sagens kerne, og fordi han havde vist fantasi til at finde de løsninger, som de andre søgte.
Monnet managed to do this because for 40 years he had been going straight to the heart of the matter, and had shown the imagination to find the solutions that those around him were merely looking for.
Han kom med en idé eller gjorde de mennesker en tjeneste, der havde brug for det.
He provided an idea, a service, for those who needed it.
Monnet kunne allerede gøre det i 1914, da han i en alder af 26 år helt forbløffende havde overbevist René Viviani, som var konseilspræsident, om, at de krigsførende franskmænd og englændere trods alt ville gøre bedre i at skaffe sig forsyninger fra De Forenede Stater og andetstedsfra, hvilket indtil da havde været uhørt.
Of course, to do that, one had to have the necessary practical imagination. It was one of Monnet's prime talents from the day, in 1914, when, at the age of 26 he persuaded the then French Prime Minister that the French and the British would really do better to get together to raise their war supplies in America and elsewhere, an unheard-of notion at that period.
Han havde stået sin prøve i to krige og i Folkeforbundet.
He had won his spurs in two wars and at the League of Nations.
Efter fem år i stillingen som generalkommissær på livstid for Moderniseringsplanen i Paris havde han mere indflydelse end hovedparten af regeringsmedlemmerne.
As Commissioner-General for the Modernization Plan in Paris, he exerted more influence than most of the members of the Govern ment.
Han havde muligvis bedre internationale kontakter især i USA end enhver anden europæer.
He had better international contacts, especially in America, than probably any other European.
Den usynlige styrke i Monnet's aktiviteter var hans blændende dygtighed i korridorpolitik, hvor regeringer og bureaukratier mødtes.
The hidden strength which sustained Monnet's activities was his virtuosity in the politics of the corridors where governments and bureaucracies meet.
At gøre sig gældende gennem kvaliteten af det, han lavede, og ikke gennem sine funktioner, krævede en konstant søgen efter den centrale handling samt en evne til at kunne koncentrere sig udelukkende om denne ene handling og ingen anden.
To impose himself by the quality of what he did, and not by his official jobs, implied a continuous search for the point at which effective action would determine all other priorities.
Hver morgen gik han tur på landet, og hovedparten af hans store beslutninger blev truffet efter et ophold i bjergene.
It implied a capacity to concentrate on that, and on that alone.
Han viste sig aldrig til cocktailparties eller politiske kongresser.
It also demanded an acute awareness of the relationships between the broad design and the implementing details, and those alone.
Da den generelle linje var afstukket, begyndte der en tid med intense drøftelser.
Once the general line had been fixed, a phase of intense discussion opened up.
Folk kunne næsten uforvarende blive inddraget heri. Paul Reuter, som var den første, der i 1950 hørte om Schuman-planen fra Monnet, var et af disse mennesker.
This could draw in people almost haphazardly.
Det samme gjaldt i slutningen af 1954 den amerikanske advokat Max Isenbergh, som opildnede Monnet til at gå ind for Euratom.
So, at the end of 1954, was the American lawyer, Max Isenbergh, who inspired Monnet with enthusiasm for Euratom.
Som altid omfattede drøftelserne de nære medarbejdere, den lille intellektuelle familie, som kun langsomt ændrer sig.
Very soon the discussion would embrace his close associates, his small intellectual family which changed only very gradually.
Deltagerne her blev udvalgt på baggrund af deres bidrag og ikke på baggrund af deres officielle hverv, alder eller nationalitet.
The partners in his process of discussion were chosen for the contribution they could bring, and neither for their official importance nor their age nor their nationality.
Drøftelserne kunne vare i dage- eller undertiden ugevis og tilsyneladende køre i ring, mens de skiftende versioner af en plan, en erklæring eller en tale langsomt blev udarbejdet.
The process could last days, sometimes weeks, and at times seemed to go round in circles while the successive versions of a scheme, a pronouncement or a speech were obsessively polished. ished.
Man skulle forstå alle sider af problemet, og især også alle de forhindringer, man skulle overvinde.
Every facet of a problem, and above all the obstacles to be overcome, had to be fully grasped.
Styrken og originaliteten i Monnet's og Schumans planer, for nu kun at tale om de oprindelige, stammer for en stor dels vedkommende fra disse mænds måde at komme uden om fælderne, som en accept af det, englænderne kalder »de traditionelle idéer«, ville have medført.
The force and originality of the Monnet and Schuman Plans, to take only the archetypes, came largely from the way in which they circumvented the pitfalls which could have arisen from the acceptance of conventional wisdom.
Som i ethvert andet mesterværk skal disse planer studeres i detaljer for virkelig at blive værdsat.
As in any product of quality, the art of these proposals can only be fully appreciated when they are examined in detail.
I 1950 var ortodoksien i Europa (i det mindste i principerklæringerne) delt mellem planlæggere i de mere eller mindre lyserøde lande og markedsøkonomer i de såkaldt liberale lande.
In 1950, there were two major orthodoxies in Western Europe (at least in declaratory policies).
Men et fælles marked, som åbnede grænserne for frihandel, var liberalt.
The other was the market economy in the supposedly free-trading countries.
Den Høje Myndigheds magtbeføjelser var i krisetider »interventionis-
The art of the Schuman Plan was to borrow from both,
Men anti-trustreglerne var liberale.
The powers of the High Authority at times of crisis were 'interventionist', but the anti-trust rules were free trading.
De samme tegn på fleksibilitet gennemsyrede hele systemet.
Symptoms of such flexibility pervaded the whole system.
Drøftelserne havde også til formål at nå frem til yderst enkle konklusioner.
Intense discussion was also needed to distil extremely simple conclusions.
Intet er i øvrigt vanskeligere, for — som Pierre Uri har sagt: »Man skal ikke forenkle problemet, man skal forenkle løsningen«.
In fact, nothing could be more sophisticated than this because, as Pierre Uri has pointed out, 'it's not the problem that must be simplified, but the solution'.
Der har undertiden været nogen, der anklagede Monnet for også at forenkle problemmet.
Some have indeed accused Monnet of simplifying the problem.
Men generelt har de, der har fulgt ham på nærmere hold, erkendt den styrke, der lå i enkelheden, som han altid søgte.
But on the whole those who saw him recognized the practical force of the simplicity on which he always insisted.
Velvalgte forenklinger hjalp Monnet til at overbevise sig selv, således at han bedre kunne overbevise sine tilhørere.
Well-selected simplicities helped Monnet convince himself, the better to convince those he was trying to enlist.
De hjalp i højeste grad med til, at man undgik misforståelser og gjorde det ofte muligt på forhånd at imødegå kritik.
They helped to avoid misunderstanding, and often made it possible to anticipate criticism in advance.
Og især gav disse forenklinger alle mulighed for at tale samme sprog. Nationalismen er mistroisk.
Above all, they made it possible for Monnet to speak in the same terms to everyone, politicians, trade union ists, the press, and so on.
For at forebygge mistænksomhed må man udtrykke sig i de samme vendinger overalt.
Monnet succeeded to an extraordinary degree. He himself said that to repeat untiringly ideas that seemed simple at least had the merit of disarming suspicion.
I virkeligheden betyder den kloge forenkling, at man udkrystalliserer det væsentlige og klart drager konsekvenserne heraf. Dette var nødvendigt for at overbevise regeringerne.
In fact, simplicity really means distilling from confusion the basic priorities, and clearly accepting their implications.
Der står ry om Monnet's netværk af indflydelsesrige personer.
Monnet's networks of influence were legendary.
Tre konseilspræsidenter under Den Fjerde Republik i Frankrig havde arbejdet for ham, René Pieven fra 1925, René Mayer i 1940 og i Algier, Félix Gaillard i Planstyrelsen i 1945.
Three prime ministers of the French Fourth Republic had previously worked for him, René Pleven as early as 1925, René Mayer in 1940 and in Algiers, Félix Gaillard at the Monnet Plan in 1945.
I Amerika havde John Foster Dulles været en af hans venner siden Folkeforbundets dage. John McCloy, som var prokonsul i Tyskland efter krigen, havde været en nær ven fra tiden før krigen.
In America, John Foster Dulles had been a friend since the League of Nations; John McCloy, the proconsul in Germany after the war, had been a close associate
31 kunne have stor indflydelse, og de var glimrende informationskilder.
31 since before the war; George Ball worked for Monnet for two decades before becoming Under-Secretary of State.
De kanaliserede idéerne ud til de store.
All this without speaking of the numerous friendships in Germany, in Britain, in Italy, in the Benelux countries and in America, created by the European policy itself.
Man kunne endog gøre dem engagerede i en sag, f.eks. en tekst her eller en opgave dér. Det foregik ikke i det skjulte og ej heller under hensyn til rang. Og der er mange af disse mennesker, som kan fortælle om den charme og forførende magt, som Monnet var i besiddelse af.
These people were the artisans of the big decisions, and often people of great influence in their own right.
Alle disse indflydelsesrige og velinformerede personligheder, som ofte var langt yngre, spillede en betydelig rolle i Jean Monnet's netværk og for hans handlinger.
All these people of influence behind the scenes, as well as many far more junior, played a primary role in his networks and operations.
Og så kom iværksættelsesfasen.
Then came the phase of implementation.
Etienne Hirsch har talt om »Monnet's sammenbidte bestræbelser på at nå et resultat«.
Etienne Hirsch has spoken of Monnet's 'determination to achieve results'.
Mon net sagde selv, at han aldrig havde deltaget i et møde uden at have forberedt et papir herom, også selv om han skulle sidde længe oppe om natten for at nå det.
Monnet himself claimed never to have taken part in a meeting without having a paper ready, even if it was necessary to work late into the night.
Da han var over 80, var han stadig forbavsende mobil og parat til at tage hvorhen det skulle være for at fremme sine planer, også selv om det kun var med en millimeter. Han mistede aldrig modet.
When he was well past 80, he was still astonishingly mobile, ready to travel at a moment's notice to advance his plans by an inch.
Ifølge André de Staercke drøftede Jean Monnet og Paul-Henri Spaak allerede dagen efter, at Det Europæiske Forsvarsfællesskab havde lidt nederlag, hvilke midler man bedst kunne tage i anvendelse for igen at tage initiativet og lancere den europæiske tanke på ny.
According to André de Staercke, Jean Monnet and Paul-Henri Spaak got together the very day after the traumatic failure of the European Army project in order what should be done to regain the initiative.
Monnet var trods al sin energi og viljestyrke også en mand, der var parat til at lytte.
For all his dynamism and will-power, Monnet was usually ready to listen.
Bernard Clappier og Etienne Hirsch har begge understreget, hvor vigtigt det var, for at Monnet's og Schumans planer lykkedes, at man havde disse arbejdsfrokoster, hvor maden var nogenlunde spartansk, men forsødet med den hjemlige cognac og havanacigarer.
Bernard Clappier and Etienne Hirsch have both under lined the crucial role in the success of the Monnet and Schuman Plans of working lunches where the food was passably spartan, but followed by the family cognac and Havana cigars.
JEAN MONNET'S METODE gennem Pariserkonferencen, havde skabt en fælles ånd, ja næsten en korpsånd blandt ansvarlige ledere, som senere skulle komme til at spille en betydelig rolle i arbejdet med at forene Europa.
JEAN MONNET'S METHOD when they saw Monnet, head of the French delegation, and his closest associates in open diagreement on the treaty under discussion. Monnet already had a formidable reputation, and they smelt a trap.
Monnet fik således gennem de idealer, han allerede fra starten havde sat for Fællesskaberne, gennem sin fortsatte vækststrategi, der også betyder udnyttelsen af de muligheder, som dynamikken frembyder, og gennem sit netværk af indflydelsesrige personer overalt i den vestlige verden en betydning, hvis omfang og gennemgribende karakter giver forklaringen på, hvorfor han så hurtigt og vedvarende kom til at blive selve indbegrebet af den europæiske ånd.
In short, Monnet by the ideals he gave to the Communities from the outset, by his dialectical and dynamic strategy, and by his networks of influence throughout the West, had an impact the breadth and depth of which explains how he came very rapidly and in a lasting way somehow to embody the European ideal.
Hvis man opregner de mest fremtrædende personer i international politik siden krigen i modsætning til de store nationale ledere, er det tilsyneladende udelukkende Monnet, der er ophavsmand til en politik som en ægte statsmand.
When one surveys the most prominent figures of international policy since the war, as distinct from the outstanding national leaders, Monnet alone seems to stand at the fountainhead of a major policy as a real statesman.