natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Skønt der stadig kun var anlagt et globalt syn var den centrale tanke helt klar: samtlige borgere i medlemsstaterne skulle have tilkendt ens rettigheder for således at fastslå deres tilhørsforhold til et og samme Fællesskab.
There was unanimous agreement in Coreper that the Treaties did not provide an adequate legal basis for the adoption of an instrument on voting rights. Only an instrument under international law or a Treaty amendment would suffice.
Tanken var, at de uden landske EF-borgeres ugestilling med medlemsstatens egne indbyggere på det økonomiske område skulle udstrækkes til også at omfatte andre områder, uden at det politiske aspekt dermed a priori skulle udelukkes.
A political act along the lines of a resolution found most favour. Despite these difficulties, a preliminary draft resolution by the Representatives of the Governments of the Member States meeting within the Council was prepared.
Kommissionen, som havde fået til opgave at fremsætte nogle overvejelser om emnet, fremsendte den 3. juli 1975 til Rådet en beretning om »Indrømmelse af særlige rettigheder«2).
Although it did not solve all the problems connected with the grant of voting rights, this preliminary draft had the great merit of removing the debate from the realms of theory, forcing Member States to face up to their responsibilities.
Dette er en afgørende tekst, fordi den, selv om den gav det begreb, som var blevet afgrænset på topmødet i Paris, et præcist indhold, afslørede en række begrænsninger og navnlig vanskeligheder.
This signalled the beginning of a more active phase to establish whether the will expressed at the 1974 Paris Sum mit was to be translated into action.
I sin følgeskrivelse til Rådet understregede Kom missionen straks at: »arbejdsgruppen skulle un dersøge mulighederne for at indrømme stemmeret og valgbarhed i det mindste på kommunalt plan«3).
Speakers who raised the question of principle were concerned about the legal basis. Only Mr Davignon, for the Commission, felt on the issue of special rights in general that Article 235 should not be dismissed out of hand.
Et af de vigtigste punkter i de særlige rettigheder var retten til at stemme til kommunalvalg.
However, on the specific issue of voting rights in local elections, he stated that 'it is up to the Member States to grant these rights, irrespective of any convention that might be signed at a later date enshrining them in the Treaty.
Efter en meget grundig forberedelse drøftede Parlamentet den 16. november 1977 den betænkning, som var blevet udarbejdet på det politiske udvalgs vegne af hr. Scelba6).
The delegations spent most of their time outlining the political and legal difficulties, which such a move would create in their country.
Betænkningen gik ind for at indrømme valgret til kommunalvalg uden at komme nærmere ind på den procedurre, der skulle følges i forbindelse hermed.
Such were these difficulties that in June 1977 the Permanent Representatives Committee did no more than 'take note' of the report presented to it.
Der henvises generelt til artikel 235 og 236 i traktaten, uden at det ved hvert emne blev omtalt, hvilken artikel der var det relevante retsgrundlag.
Adoption by Parliament of the Scelba resolution a few weeks later failed to provide sufficient impetus.
Den resolution, som Parlamentet vedtog, begrænsede sig nemlig til, at »Europa-Parlamentet« ... opfordrer Kommissionen til ... at udarbejde forslag vedrørende de særuge rettigheder ..., der skal indgå blandt de rettigheder, som i første række skal tilkendes borgerne i Fællesskabet ..., nemlig valgret og ret til at modtage valg ... til kommunal valg«7).
Indeed some delegations even went so far as to claim the Commission could not make a proposal since the question of special rights was a matter for political cooperation.
Den procedure, der skulle følges, fremkaldte rent faktisk problemer, som der var stærkt delte meninger om.
The debate confirmed that there was a consensus on a theoretical goal but doubts as to how it was to be achieved.
Hr. Bayerl understregede som ordfører for retsudvalget, at skønt han var enig i, at »anerkendelse af ligebehandlingen af samtlige borgere i medlemsstaterne nødvendigvis måtte medføre til kendelse af politiske rettigheder« og i første række valgret til kommunalvalg, måtte han afvise henvisningen til artikel 235 i EØF-traktaten og tilslutte sig Kommissionens holdning, idet den anbefalede an vendelse af artikel 2368).
The matter was discussed at length at the Round Table Conference organized by Parliament in Florence from 26 to 28 October 1978 on 'Special Rights and a European Community Civil Rights Charter'.
Under forhandlingerne på plenarmødet var der er politisk flertal, særlig be-
The question of the legal basis was considered in depth.
i form af en beslutning synes at være den løsning, der er størst enighed om.
Macciocchi was appointed rapporteur for the Legal Affairs Committee.
På trods af disse vanskeligheder blev der imidlertid af medlemsstaternes repræsentanter i Rådet udarbejdet et foreløbigt udkast til beslutning.
associated with the grant of voting rights, consider­ation of the text was abandoned.
Rådet nøjedes med at opstille princippet om, at der kun kunne blive tale om at indrømme stemmeret til kommunalvalg.
Since then the matter has not been discussed by the Council.
Talerne, som kom ind på dette principielle spørgsmål, udtrykte frygt for, om forslaget var juridisk holdbart.
(i) firstly, discussion has taken place within Coun­cil, which means that the issue has been raised;
Kun Etienne Davignon, der udtalte sig på Kommissionens vegne, mente, at for så vidt angår den almindelige problematik omkring de specielle rettigheder, »må man ikke se bort fra artikel 235«.
(ii) secondly, these discussions revealed so many problems that, despite the best efforts of a number of Presidencies, the matter was left in abeyance­, the Ministers themselves were never called upon to taken a decision despite the fact that preliminary documents had been prepared.
Men da han kom ind på det særlige problem om valgret til kommunalvalg, understregede han, at »det er medlemsstaterne, der skal indrømme denne ret, selv om der senere skulle blive undertegnet en konvention med henblik på, at disse rettigheder skal optages i traktaten.
The report drawn up by the Legal Affairs Com­mittee deserves detailed consideration. The original motion called on the Commission to present a formal proposal on voting rights in local elections by the end of 1983.
Det er den enkelte medlemsstat, som i sin nationale lovgivning skal fastsætte reglerne for valgbarhed til kommu nalvalg«1).
During discussions within the Legal Affairs Committee, adoption of an amend­ment tabled by a German Christian Democrat changed the request for formal proposal to a re­quest for a report.
Man kunne gå over i en mere aktiv fase, hvis den politiske vilje, der kom til udtryk på Paris-topmødet i 1974, blev en realitet.
This can be seen from the answers to various written questions to the Council which simply say that the Council is studying the matter.'
Denne debat bekræftede, at der var enighed om det teoretiske aspekt, en tvivl om, hvilke veje EF skulle vælge for at virkeliggøre dette mål. Spørgsmålet blev grundigt drøftet på en rundbordskonference, som Parlamentet var vært for i Firenze fra den 26. til den 28. oktober 1978, om »De særlige rettigheder og en pagt om Det europæiske Fællesskabs borgeres rettigheder«2).
However, the Legal Affairs Committee felt in its report that a formal proposal should be based on Articles 3(c) and 235 of the EEC Treaty since the granting of voting rights was one of the aims of the Community (corresponding to the objective set out in the Preamble to the EEC Treaty: 'the constant improvement of the living and working conditions of their peoples' and coming under action taken by the Community to achieve it, as defined in Article 3(c): 'the abolition, as between Member States, of obstacles to freedom of movement for persons').
Navnlig blev retsgrundlaget indgående drøftet. Anvendelsen af artikel 235 kan ikke bruges ved at henvise til den udvikling inden for EF, som den har givet sig udtryk i den institutionelle praksis.
It further argued that the application of Article 235 was not discretionary; once the institutions acknow­ledged that the conditions for application of that provision were fulfilled, they were under a duty to act accordingly.6
De forskellige delegationer brugte først og fremmest tid på at redegøre ikke alene for de interne juridiske vanskeligheder i deres lande, men også for e politiske, som indførelsen af denne ret ville skabe.
As regards the legal basis a change of heart can be discerned in the written reply to Oral Question No H­87/79 by Mr Bettiza, which states that 'Articles 2, 3(c) and 235 of the EEC Treaty could provide the legal basis for introducing the right to vote and to be elected in local elections.
Så store var disse problemer, at De faste repræsentanters Komité i juni 1977 nøjedes med at »tage den rapport, som det havde fået forelagt, ad notam«.
These articles could enable the European Community bodies to draw up a legal instrument introducing active and passive voting rights'.2This significant shift was never denied even if the statement was not expanded upon. This also applies to the answers to Written Nos 312/79 by Mr Glinne3and 779/79 by Mr
At Scelbas beslutning nogle uger senere blev vedtaget af Europa-Parlamentet, førte ikke til, at disse drøftelser blev genoptaget.
Jürgens.4 And the position was reaffirmed in 1981 in the written reply to an oral question by Mr
Det fik endda visse delegationer til at erklære, at Kommissionen ikke kunne fremsætte forslag, fordi spørgsmålet om de særlige rettigheder henhørte under det politiske samarbejde.
Asked for its views, the Political Affairs Commit­tee, in a report drafted by Mr Mommersteeg, stated that 'migrant workers from other Member States of the Community must have the right to stand for and vote in local elections in so far as such elections do not in any way directly affect the composition of the national parliament' and that 'such a proposal should be based on the Preamble to the EEC Treaty'.7
Prøvelsen af om der er politisk realitet i forslaget
' Reply to Written Question No 313/79 by Mr Glinne; OJ C 7, 9.1.1980.
Imidlertid blev der i 1979 af repræsentanterne fra medlemsstaternes regeringer udarbejdet et nyt foreløbigt udkast til beslutning.
Nevertheless, this new stance did not lead the Commission to present appropriate proposals to the Council.
Denne gang blev forslaget mere klart afvist. Som følge af de politiske vanskeligheder, som valgretten førte med sig, blev drøftelsen af dette forslag til beslutning ikke fulgt op.
The matter remained in limbo until 1983.
Den politiske impuls, som kommer dels fra topmødet og dels fra Europa-Parlamentet, blev fortsat i de bestræbelser, Ministerrådet udfoldede om dette spørgsmål.
2Debates of the European Parliament, OJ Annex 245, Sitting of 27 September 1979, pp. 268 and 269.
Desuden fastslås der enighed om, at der ikke i traktaterne er tilstrækkeligt retsgrundlag for at vedtage en retsakt herom. Kun en folkeretlig akt eller en revision af traktaterne vil kunne være et passende middel. En politisk akt
Failure within the Council did nothing to diminish the enthusiasm of MEPs who continued to submit motions for resolutions.
Macciocchi-betænkningen og forhandlingerne den 7. juni 1983
affirming the competence of the Member States.
• dels at det af denne praktiske undersøgelse frem går, at der har været så store vanskeligheder, at emnet trods flere formænds bestræbelser er blevet opgivet, uden at ministrene selv har skullet tage stilling hertil, selv om der allerede var blevet ud formet nogle foreløbige tekstudkast.
That was why Mr Ripa di Meana, representing the Commission, pointed out that, as far as the Commission was concerned, the participation of European citizens in local elections, wherever they lived in the Community, was an essential feature of a People's Europe. He considered that an effort had to be made to grant local voting rights at an early date.
Den rapport, som retsudvalget har udarbejdet, bør analyseres i detaljer.
The political split within the Legal Affairs Committee was reproduced at the debate on 7 June 1983.
I det oprindelige forslag op fordredes Kommissionen nemlig til inden udgangen af 1983 at fremsætte et officielt forslag om tilkendelse af stemmeret til kommunalvalg.
While the Socialist, European Democrat, Communist and Liberal speakers were in favour of a formal proposal, the German Christian Democrats and European Progressive Democrats felt that it would be premature to say the least.
Under for handlingerne i retsudvalget førte vedtagelsen af et ændringsforslag, fremsat af en tysk kristelig demokrat til, at der i stedet for anmodningen om et officielt forslag anmodedes om en rapport.
Nevertheless, an amendment tabled by Mr Tyrell, Mrs Veil and Mrs Cassanmagnago Cerretti,1was adopted in plenary session calling upon the Commission to present a formal proposal.
Siden da har der nem lig ikke fundet tilsvarende grundige drøftelser sted, fordi der i medlemsstaterne ikke har været tilløb til en politisk nyvurdering.
It was tabled by MEPs from three different groups (European Democrats, Liberals and Christian Democrats) and three different nationalities (British, French and Italian).
Det fremgår af de svar på skriftlige forespørgsler til Rådet, hvor der i svaret blot står, at Rådet har spørgsmålet til drøftelse1).
Thus Parliament's resolution of 7 June 1983 confirmed its traditional position in favour of a proposal for a directive2but revealed a new political divide on the issue.
Kommissionen har for sit vedkommende fortsat bekræftet, at den er positiv over for tanken om, at EF-borgere får indrømmet valgret til kommunal valg.
On 16 October 1985 the Danish delegation proposed that new Articles 66a and 66b be inserted into the EEC Treaty. The text read as follows:
Dette vigtige frem skridt er aldrig senere blevet dementeret, men der er heller ikke sket mere i sagen. Det kom frem både i svarene på skriftlige forespørgsler nr. 312/79 af Ernest Glinne3) og nr. 779/79 af hr. Jårgens4).
'Workers, the self-employed and their families shall be entitled to vote and stand in local and regional elections in their country of residence if they have lived there for at least three years.
Så sent som i 1981 blev denne holdning på ny bekræftet i det skriftlige svar på mundtlig forespørgsel fra hr. Pesmazoglou5).
Following the Fontainebleau European Council an ad hoc Committee was set up to study 'measures to promote and strengthen (the Community's) image both for its citizens and for the rest of the world'.4
Det politiske udvalg mener i sin betænkning, der er udarbejdet af hr. Mommersteeg, at »vandrende arbejdstagere fra Fællesskabets medlemsstater må have stemmeret og være valgbare til lokalvalg, når disse ikke har direkte indflydelse på sammensætningen af det nationale parlament«, og at »dette forslag skal baseres på præamblen i EØF-traktaten«7). ten«7).
The Council, acting on a proposal from the Commission and after consulting the Assembly, shall unanimously adopt the requisite directives so as to grant the above citizens the same rights as citizens in their country of residence in other spheres of social life.'
Den politiske uenighed i retsudvalget kom også til udtryk den 7. juni 1983 på plenarmødet.
An exchange of views on the Danish proposal was held at the seventh preparatory meeting for the Intergovernmental Conference on 30 and 31 October 1985.
Skønt talerne fra de socialistiske grupper, de europæiske demokrater, kommunisterne og de liberale gik ind
But there were some reservations, several Member States referring in particular to constitutional problems. blems.
Imidlertid fik disse principbeslutninger ikke Kom missionen til at fremsætte forslag herom til Rådet.
This Committee, best known as the Adonnino Committee after its Chairman, recommended in a report approved by the Milan European Council in June 1985, that action be taken 'to pursue in more depth the discussions begun previously on voting rights and eventually eligibility in local elections for citizens from other Member States under the same conditions as for citizens of the host country, subject to a certain period of prior residence in the host country.
Indtil 1983 lå denne problematik hen i en dvalelignende tilstand.
This question falls within national jurisdiction.
Europa-Parlamentet og genoplivelsen af borgernes rettigheder efter Det europæiske Råds møde i Fontainebleau i 1984 gav dette emne en fornyet aktualitet.
Special arrangements should be possible where particular circumstances in a Member State militate in favour of these'.5
Den 8. juli 1980 blev fr. Macciocchi udpeget til ordfører for retsudvalget.
The report, although providing fresh impetus to the idea, sets limits on what could be achieved by
bestemmer, at kun græske borgere har valgret og er valgbare.
In any event, the provision was omitted from the Single European Act signed in Luxembourg.'
Han mente, at der skulle gøres en indsats for at få anerkendt denne valgret hurtigt.
Only then will it be possible to determine whether there is a link between the level of immigration and the commitment to grant voting rights in local elections in the country of residence.
for et sådant forslag, mente de tyske kristelige demokrater og de europæiske fremskridtsdemokrater nemlig, at et sådant forslag i det mindste var for tidligt fremsat.
If we are to give dispassionate consideration to the problem of the voting rights of Community citizens living in a Member State other than their own, we must have the facts.
Imidlertid blev der på plenarmødet vedtaget et ændringsforslag fra hr. Tyreli, fr. Veil og fr. Cassanmagnago Cerretti1), hvori de opfordrer Kommissionen til at fremsætte et formelt forslag.
We need to know the numbers involved, not only in global terms but also by nationality.
Den politiske betydning af dette ændringsforslag skal understreges, fordi forslaget er fremsat af parlamentarikere fra tre forskellige grupper (de europæiske demokrater, de liberale og de kristelige demokrater) samt af tre forskellige nationaliteter (britisk, fransk og italiensk).
It is very enlightening to compare figures for Community nationals with figures for nationals from non-member countries.
Den 16. oktober 1985 fremsatte den danske delegation et forslag om indføjelse af to nye artikler, 66 a) og 66 b) i EØF-traktaten med følgende ordlyd:
While the Intergovernmental Conference was still sitting, Parliament had another opportunity to state its views in connection with two oral questions with debate.
Efter Det europæiske Råds møde i Fontainebleau blev der nedsat en ad hoc-komité, som skulle undersøge »egnede foranstaltninger, som kan styrke og fremme (Fællesskabets) identitet og image over for dets borgere og i verden«4).
The groups on the Left and the Rainbow Group remained in favour of voting rights but the Christian Democrats were divided, the Italians for and the Germans against as can be seen, in particular, from the explanations of vote given by Mr Bocklet and Mr Pirkl.3 These attitudes can be traced back to the demographic situation in the Member States concerned.
På forslag fra Kommissionen vedtager Rådet med enstemmighed efter høring af Forsamlingen de direktiver, der er nødvendige for at sikre ovennævnte borgere de samme rettigheder som borgerne i værtslandet på andre områder i det sociale liv«.
A speaker for the European Democratic Alliance confirmed that the group did not consider local voting rights a priority issue and that in any event it was a matter for the Member States. The European Right was firmly opposed.
Det ovennævnte danske forslag blev taget op til drøftelse på det syvende forberedende møde til stats- og regeringschefernes konference den 30. og 31. oktober 1985.
Almost 13 million people living in the Community (4.1% of the population) are not nationals of their Member State of residence, being either nationals of another Member State or of a non-member country.
Kommissionen gik ind for det, men der blev fremsat mange forbehold om forslagets indhold.
Table 1 gives figures for foreign residents in each Member State.
Denne komité, der er mere kendt under dens formands navn, Adonnino, anbefalede i sin rapport, som Det europæiske Råd på mødet i Milano i juni 1985 godkendte, at videreføre og uddybe de tidligere indledte overvejelser vedrørende valgret og til sin tid valgbarhed til lokale valg for borgere fra andre medlemsstater på samme vilkår som for værtslandets borgere, betinget af en vis forudgående fast bopæl i værtslandet.
The Commission, through Mr Ripa di Meana, confirmed its intention of submitting the present report to Parliament.
Dette spørgsmål hører under national kompetence. Der bør være mulig hed for særordninger, såfremt særlige forhold i en medlemsstat måtte tale herfor«5).
On the substance of the report, Mr Ripa di Meana noted that 'my personal preference is clearly in favour of a legislative type of solution'.4
Imidlertid indeholdt »Den europæiske fælles Akt« der blev undertegnet i Luxembourg6), ikke denne
(i) firstly, this population is concentrated in Nor thern Europe, 87% of the total foreign population being found in Germany, France, the United King-
J) Forhandlinger i Europa-Parlamentet, Bilag 1-300; Forhand linger af 7.6.1983; s. 91 og 92. 4) EF-Bull. 6-1984.
4Debates of the European Parliament, OJ Annex No 2-232, Sitting of 14 November 1985, p. 106.
Selv om denne rapport tager tanken op på ny, understreger den straks de begrænsede muligheder, der er, for at den kan gennemføres, idet der henvises til medlemsstaternes kompetence.
The two resolutions adopted on this occasion called on the Commission to present 'proposals' and 'Community legal acts' without specifying when the precise nature of these should be.5 Nor was there any clear indication of what the legal basis for such proposals should be.
forslag.
dom and Belgium.
Det drejer sig frem for alt om at henlede opmærksomheden på, at dette mål forbliver uændret. dret.
The southern Member States (Spain, Portugal, Italy and Greece) account for no more than 5% of foreign residents in the Community; nity;
Endnu en gang synes de reelle juridiske indvendinger, som visse medlemsstater har rejst, i virkeligheden at dække over en politisk modvilje.
It will be necessary to go into greater statistical detail for these five countries to establish whether demographic factors have a major bearing on the voting rights issue.
Disse to resolutioner nøjes med at udtrykke et abstrakt princip.
(ii) secondly, foreign residents represent less than 4% of the total population everywhere except in Belgium, Germany, France, Ireland and above all Luxembourg.
En komplet undersøgelse kræver, at analysen også tager hensyn til virkeligheden, dvs. en beskrivelse af den demografiske dimension.
The impossibility of harmonizing statistics and major differences in the structure of the foreign population argue in favour of a country-by-country analysis.
Først da vil det være muligt, at se hvorvidt der kan skabes forbindelse mellem størrelsen af immigrationen og forpligtelsen til at indrømme valgret til kommunalvalg i bopælslandet.
No attempt will be made to assess future trends as regards the structure of the foreign population or its geographical distribution.
Forhandlingerne den 13. november i985 985
The percentage in other Community countries is much lower.
Inden regeringskonferencen havde afsluttet sit arbejde udtalte Europa-Parlamentet sig på ny om spørgsmålet under behandlingen af to mundtlige forespørgsler med forhandlinger.
The percentage of foreign residents in these countries lies between 2% and 4% of the total population, which is lower than in the countries of the next category.
For at kunne foretage en grundig analyse af valgrets-problemet for statsborgere i medlemsstaterne, som har bopæl i en anden medlemsstat end deres egen, må man nødvendigvis anskue de reelle forhold.
Finally, it is quite striking that in the three Member States where all foreigners are entitled to vote the number of foreigners remains modest, 100 000 in Denmark, 200 000 in Ireland and 500 000 in the Netherlands.