natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Forskning og udvikling er også områder, hvor EF i stadigt og hurtigt stigende omfang træffer beslutninger, og dette rejser — som vi har set — andre og mere omfattende spørgsmål vedrørende offentlig planlægning og økonomisk med ejendomsret, som Leks. hvilket forhold der fremover skal være mellem markedsøkonomien og offentlighedens interesser i bredeste forstand.
The Greeks were followed by the Spanish and French Governments in 1989 and the Irish Government in the first half of 1990, all of which have a political interest in seeing that the social policy dimension of the Community is given real substance.
Balancen mellem det nationale element og EF-elementet i den økonomiske beslutningsproces har allerde forrykket sig betydeligt til fordel for EF.
Of course social policy, is, even more than economic strategy, highly politically charged.
Dette er endnu ikke helt gået op for hverken nationale politikere eller vælgere, skønt det er interessant at konstatere, at opinionsundersøgel-
One well-known European Community Prime Minister has already expressed her distaste for what she described as a temptation for some in the Community to engage in social engineering.5 s
2) R > r yderligere draftcLse af denne og andre beslægtede idéer, se ¡hiding Piaces — thefuture of'theEuropean Community, Radius Hutchinson/Granada lelevision, London, april 1988.
Mrs Thatcher in a BBC interview in July 1988.
Det ville dog være en misforståelse at forestille sig fremtiden som et uafbrudt udviklingsforløb, hvor nationalstaten afgiver mere og mere suverænitet og besluttende myndighed til EF­institu­tionerne.
At this point a sharp distinction should be drawn between at least two different visions of a European social dimension.
Paradoksalt nok er det muligt, at det europæiske enhedsmarked og den brede vifte af foranstaltninger til fremme af en europæisk integration, som åbenbart følger med, også indirek­te vil medføre, at der skal træffes flere beslutninger på et »lavere« niveau end nationalstatens.
One is the kind of modest social safety net for workers in the single European market which most Member States are likely to eventually recognize is necessary and indeed a modest price to secure the cooperation of the trade unions in the economic and in dustrial changes which 1992 will unleash.
Væksten i EF's såkaldte strukturfonde afspejler direkte den politiske prioritering, der foretages ved — som modvægt til det indre marked — at gøre en kraftigere indsats for at mindske forskel­len med hensyn til velstand og økonomisk udvikling mellem de mere og de mindre velstillede regioner og samfund i EF.
There is an alternative view of social policy. This starts from the recognition that there are unacceptably large differences in the social rights and entitlements of people in different parts of the European Community and the future single market and it should be a goal of future European Community policy that these are drastically reduced.
Nationalstaternes holdning til en regional decentralisering og en tættere forbindelse mellem re­gionerne og EF er flertydig.
Social standards and provision of social services do vary enormously in the European Community at present.
I nogle lande, specielt Forbundsrepublikken Tyskland, er den poli­tiske magt allerede delt mellem Forbundsregeringen i Bonn og delstaternes regeringer, medens nationalstaten i andre lande næsten suverænt bestemmer, hvilken politik der skal føres regio­nalt.
Health provision, unemployment pay, and other social security benefits, for example, in countries such as Greece, Portugal and Spain are a fraction of what they are in Denmark, the Netherlands or Germany.
I andre medlemsstater er magten stadig yderst centraliseret.
But can a single market, where all other special arrangements in national markets have been removed, be expected to operate successfully in the long term when the social wage varies to such a degree?
Man kan sagtens forestille sig, at »regionale« organer fremover vil forhandle direkte med Bru­xelles i stedet for — som det nu er tilfældet i de fleste lande—udelukkende gennem deres natio­nale regeringer.
Of course the fact that they are relatively low-wage countries, in which social provision is often so rudimentary, is one, sometimes crucial, selling point for the poorer EC countries in attracting investment from firms wishing to exploit the new market opening in the EC.
Argumentet for en sådan udvikling er til dels af økonomisk art. For øjeblikket vil nogle nationale regeringer virkelig kunne spare udgifter i forbindelse med regionaludvikling ved at overgive ansvaret for finansiering af visse projekter, som ellers ville have påhvilet dem, til EF, og indkassere besparelserne til fordel for statsbudgettet og dets finansieringsbehov.
This is one reason why trade unions and other social groups are concerned lest the single market become a licence for capital to exploit differences in living standards and social rights to the detriment of workers and society at large.
Men hele dette spørgsmål er også af politisk og social art. Det mest vægtige argument mod hele den proces, der skal føre til en europæisk union, herunder mange af ledsageforanstaltningerne til etablering af det indre marked, er, at det vil medføre et »fjernt bureaukrativælde«, som er ufølsomt over for — eller måske ganske enkelt uvidende om — lokalsamfundenes behov og øn­sker 4).
The normal forces of the market-place, including the increased collective bargaining strengths of workers in the poorer EC economies may be expected, over time, to reduce the gap in living standards with the northern Member States.
Dette er endnu et udviklingsaspekt, som rejser det grundlæggende spørgsmål, om EF's nuværende beslutningstagende institutioner har en reel demokratisk basis?
However this assumes not only that the poorer countries will be among the major beneficiaries of internal market decontrol and deregulation and that social wages will consequently increase but also that the 1990s will be years of relative economic expansion and not see a return to recession or 'stagflation'.
Samtidig vil der med stor sandsynlighed i 1990'erne ske en yderligere udvidelse af EF.
It is bound to raise in a still sharper form the whole question of the redistribution of wealth between the richer and poorer parts of the Community.
Allerede nu er der forhandlinger i gang mellem de tolv EF­lande og de seks EFTA­lande (Den Europæi­ske Frihandelssammenslutning) om etablering af et »fælleseuropæisk økonomisk område«, der skal omfatte 18 nationer.
It would not be surprising to see pressure mount over the next decade for the EC to act to bring up social benefit and welfare rights standards (as well as provisions to protect the physical and social environment) closer to the best prevailing standards elsewhere in the Community.
') Se resultaterne vedrørende dette spørgsmål i det Eurobarometer, som El' Kommissionen udsendte i juli 1988. ·') Ironisk nok blev dette emne bragt pá bane af den britiske prem ierm i π Ls ter, Margaret Thatcher, i den tale, hun holdt i Brugge i september 1988, og hvor hun angreb Den Europæiske Union.
6 Some interesting proposals on popular planning — including greater public consultation and involvement have already been aired.
Hun var imidlertid mindre optaget af de krav, der stilles af bestemte regioner i Fællesskabet, end af den trussel mod den »nationale suverænitet«, som hun fornemmede i manøvrerne for at udvide beslutningsprocesserne pá El- niveau.
The European trade union movement has also begun discussions of international workers' plans for socially useful production lines initiated by workers in some large multinational companies in Britain and Germany. See 77je Lucas Aerospace workers plan, London, 1978.
I skrivende stund er det langt fra sikkert, at resultatet vil være tilfredsstillende for alle EFTA-lande.
At present the European Community decision-making institutions dispose of relatively marginal resources and powers in trying to make any significant impact on the wealth and development gap in the Community.
Allerede nu er der i nogle lande, specielt Østrig og Norge, men også til en vis grad i Sverige og Schweiz, en debat i gang om eventuelt medlemskab.
But just as gross discrepencies between regions in one Member State are now a lively focus for political pressure and campaigning, the same should be expected between regions and countries within the EC in the last decade of this century. The conclusion seems inescapable.
Den østrigske regering indgav da også en formel ansøgning om EF-medlemskab i juli 1989.
There will have to be a far larger European Community budget — in order to affect any significant redistribution of wealth — in the years after 1992.
Den østrigske regeringsunderstregning af, at Østrig ville vedblive at være neutralt, gav anledning til forskellige udtalelser om, at dette var uforeneligt med viljen til efterhånden at etablere en virkelig europæisk union.
Whatever the speed and direction of common social legislation in the European Community, there is surely no doubt that the achievement of the internal market in 1992 will give a far sharper profile to those issues which can loosely be summed up in the expression 'citizens' Europe'.
Andre hævdede, at der intetsteds i Rom-Traktaten og Den Europæiske Fælles Akt findes noget forbud mod neutralitet. tralitet.
Of course the 1992 legislation itself makes some provision in this area, notably for the right of free movement of people and the right to residential and professional establishment throughout the Community.
Men i betragtning af, at lande som Cypern og Malta samt Tyrkiet også er interesseret i at tilslutte sig EF, er det ikke udelukket, at Det Europæiske Fællesskab i løbet af den sidste halvdel af 1990'erne vil komme til at omfatte mellem 15 og 20 eller endnu flere medlemsstater.
This is all the more true given the opposition of some Member States to the wholesale dismantling of frontier controls. They are already pressing the case for national governments to have stronger controls in this area in order to be more effective in the fight against drugs, smuggling, terrorism and other crime.
Kunne det tænkes, at også Ungarn, Polen og muligvis andre Comecon-lande vil ansøge om fuldt medlem skab henimod slutningen af 1990'erne? Europarådet har allerede tildelt Sovjetunionen, Polen, Ungarn og Jugoslavien en særlig »gæstestatus«.
Many experts already dispute the case that tighter frontier controls are the only or the most effective means of controlling crime or terrorism.
Hvis der skulle blive tale om en udvidelse af bare tilnærmelsesvis denne størrelse, ville det betyde, at det udvidede EF blev en langt mere selvforsynende økonomisk enhed.
Indeed there appears to be more than a pinch of xenophobia in the way some politicians speak of the ending of frontier controls on the movement of people leading to mass, illegal immigration from Third World countries or risking the undermining of national rabies control.7 It is unlikely, however, that most people in the European Community of the 1990s will be content with accepting that goods and money can move freely across borders while they, themselves, remain subject to tiresome and time- consuming frontier checks and controls.
Dermed være ikke sagt, at et udvidet Europæisk Fællesskab ville have nogen interesse i at nedprioritere sine økonomiske forbindelser med den øvrige del af verden.
But the danger that the removal of internal border controls will be countered by tougher 'Fortress Europe' type controls over movement into the EC from outside countries cannot be ignored.
Men et sådant Europa ville have et ændret forhold til verdensøkonomien.
It may be a different matter when the controls affect non-EC nationals.
Feks. ville et udvidet Europæisk Fællesskab give større spillerum og mulighed for at følge egne økonomisk-politiske prioriteringer uden risiko for større negative påvirkninger af den eksterne handelsbalance og efterfølgende sårbarhed over for negative reaktioner fra den internationale finansverdens side.
Civil libertarians are already concerned that the post-1992 EC frontier controls will discriminate against Third World migrants and those seeking political asylum.
Som vi tidligere har set, vil 1992-programmet få ret væsentlige følger for socialpolitikken i EF.
The right for the people to move, live and work where they will within the Community may take time to fully achieve and it turns to an extent on the speed with which genuine mutual recognition of professional and other qualifications can be agreed.
Men hvordan vil disse mål blive omsat til specifik, konkret og troværdig sociallovgivning?
Beyond 1992 the presence of even larger numbers of EC citizens living in Community countries other than where they were born is going to require major changes in national electoral law.
I anden halvdel af 1988 havde den græske regering formandskabet i EF og meddelte i juni samme år Europa-Parlamentet sin faste beslutning om at prioritere socialpolitikken højere. Græker-
In October 1988 the European Commission unveiled new proposals for a campaign to eradicate rabies throughout the European Community and thus obviate the need for the kind of national frontier veterinary controls maintain ed by the UK and Irish Governments.
ne blev efterfulgt af den spanske og den franske regering i 1989 og den irske regering i første halvdel af 1990, som alle har politisk interesse i, at Fællesskabets socialpolitiske dimension får et reelt indhold.
Already the Commission has proposed that all EC citizens, after a period of residential qualification and with some transitional phasing-in arrangements should be eligible to vote in local elections.
Selvfølgelig er socialpolitikken i endnu højere grad end økonomisk strategi et yderst politisk la det spørgsmål.
Denmark, Belgium and the Netherlands have already made a start in giving nonnationals the right to vote in elections to the European Parliament.
En velkendt premierminister i EF har allerede udtrykt sin modvilje mod, hvad hun beskrev som en fristelse for nogle i EF til at begynde på »social manipulation«5).
It seems logical that, further down the line, the peoples of the Community should be free to vote in national elections either in the country of their origin or in their adopted country.
Men an dre erkender nødvendigheden af igen at få fagforeningerne med i et samarbejde om en omstrukturering af EF's økonomi med henblik på 1990'erne6).
But of course to the extent that the European Parliament acquires substantially increased powers in the years ahead, the European elections may come to seem at least equally as important as national general elections.
Der bør her skelnes skarpt mellem mindst to forskellige visioner af en europæisk social dimension.
The already evident growth in the authority of the European Court of Justice seems certain to grow in the single European market.
En af dem er den form for beskedent socialt sikkerhedsnet for arbejdstagere i det europæi ske enhedsmarked, som de fleste medlemsstater efterhånden vil kunne acceptere som nødvendigt, og som faktisk er en beskeden pris for at sikre, at fagforeningerne vil medvirke til de økonomiske og erhvervsmæssige ændringer, som vil komme efter 1992.
Indeed it may have to be substantially expanded in order to deal with the volume of litigation which is likely to be generated as a result of the Single European Act and the internal market because of the increasing flow of Community legislation.
For øjeblikket varierer den sociale standards og de sociale ydelsers niveau og omfang enormt i EF.
There may well be a case for the Council of Europe itself, at least its ministerial manifestation, gradually withering away as more and more of its members accede to the Community.
I lande som Grækenland, Portugal og Spanien udgør sundhedsydelser, arbejdsløshedsunderstøttelse og andre sociale sikringsydelser kun en brøkdel af, hvad de udgør i Danmark, Ne derlandene og Vesttyskland.
On the other hand, the role of the Court of Human Rights is likely to become more and not less important and maybe should, ultimately, be 'communitarized' and linked with the Court of Justice.
Men kan et enhedsmarked, hvor alle andre særordninger på de nationale markeder er blevet fjernet, forventes at fungere godt på længere sigt, når mindstelønnen varierer så meget?
The growing in volvement of East European countries in the Council of Europe may also give it an enhanced function as a genuine pan-European forum.
Det forhold, at de mindre velstillede EF-lande relativt set er lavtlønsområder med en ofte meget uudviklet socialsikring, er selvfølgelig et af de somme tider afgørende »salgsargumenter« i deres forsøg på at tiltrække investeringer fra virksomheder, der ønsker at udnytte den nye åbning af markedet i EF.
It goes without saying that education and the media will play a critical role in the evolution of European society between now and the end of the century.
Dette er en af grundene til, at fagforeninger og andre sociale grupper nærer bekymring for, at det indre marked skal give kapitalen frit spil til at udnytte forskelle i levestandard og sociale rettigheder til skade for arbejdstagerne og samfundet som helhed.
For the time being education will remain overwhelmingly a responsibility of national governments but the success of the Community's work on student exchanges, particularly in higher education, and the growing interest in cooperation between educational authorities is here to stay.
I det lange løb kan man forvente at de normale markedskræfter, herunder arbejdstagernes stadigt stærkere kollektive forhandlingsposition i de mindre velstillede EF-økonomier, vil reducere forskellene i levestandard i forhold til de nordlige medlemsstater.
We are already on the verge of a global communications revolution, particularly thanks to cable and satellite broadcasting and well before 1992 most television viewers in the Community are likely to have a vastly increased range of viewing choices.
Dette forudsætter imidlertid ikke blot, at de mindre velstillede lande bliver nogle af de lande, der får størst udbytte af et styrings- og reguleringsfrit indre marked, og at mindstelønnen dermed stiger, men også at 1990'erne bliver år præget af en relativ økonomisk konjunkturopgang og ikke af en fornyet konjunkturnedgang eller »stagflation«.
What remains to be seen is whether the technological marvels on modern communications will be matched by the right mixture of freedom and regulation to ensure that standards are improved and that unrestrained commercial competition does not reduce European television to a diet of pap in which current affairs, culture and quality programmes suffer.
6) Nogle interessante forslag om »folkelig planlægning« — herunder også større offentlig høring og medindflydelse er allerede blevet luftet.
But the emergence of a consumers' Europe is likely to be a speedier affair than the creation of a genuine citizens' Europe.
Den Europæiske Fagforeningsbevægelse har også indledt diskussioner om internationale »planer for arbejdere« for socialt nyttige produktionslinjer, som blev startet ar arbejderne i nogle store multilaterale selskaber i Storbritannien og Vesttyskland. Se The Lucas Aerospace Workers Plan, London 1978.
Even that ignores the danger of the creation of a two-class Community — for instance in the field of the rights of movement and establishment — with migrant workers from outside the EC being relegated to an inferior class with fewer rights.
Men en indsats for at forbedre mindstelønnen er også et offentligt anliggende.
In the longer run however, comprehensive rights of movement, residence and work will almost certainly be achieved.
Det vil ganske givet stille hele spørgsmålet om en ændret velstandsfordeling mellem de mere og de mindre vel stillede dele af EF i en endnu mere tilspidset form.
Nor will any incipient two-class Community pass without challenge.
Det vil ikke være overraskende, om der i løbet af det næste årti opstar et voksende pres for at få EF til at gribe direkte ind med det formål at få sociale ydelser og velfærdsrettigheder (samt regler for beskyttelse af det fysiske og sociale miljø) tættere på det niveau, som ligger højst i EF.
The next decade or two may also see closer coordination between different national educational systems.
Jo større den reelle økonomiske integration bliver i EF, jo mindre vil man tolerere større uoverensstemmelser mellem de sociale sikringsordninger.
Indeed a start has been made in this direction with the Community's adoption of the Erasmus programme to encourage student exchanges.8 More and more academics accept the need — in certain scientific and technological disciplines, but less certainly in the case of history — for a common European syllabus.
Det Europæiske Fællesskabs beslutningstagende institutioner råder for øjeblikket over for holdsvis ubetydelige ressourcer og beføjelser til, at de kan forsøge at påvirke velfærds- og udvik-lingskløf ten i Fællesskabet.
One major area of policy which is likely to undergo dramatic changeover in the next decade is foreign affairs and defence.
Men ligesom de store forskelle mellem regionerne i en medlemsstat nu let er målet for politiske pressioner og kampagner, kan man forvente, at det samme vil blive tilfældet mellem regionerne og landene inden for EF i sidste årti af dette århundrede.
Under the SEA, the European Community has already enhanced political cooperation to the point where Member States to all intents and purposes ensure that they are marching in step on all key foreign policy questions.
Hvor hurtigt — og i hvilken retning — man end får udformet en fælles sociallovgivning i Det Europæiske Fællesskab, er der overhovedet ingen tvivl om, at gennemførelsen af det indre marked i 1992 vil gøre de spørgsmål, der løseligt kan opsummeres i udtrykket »Borgernes Europa«, langt merefremtrædende.
The Council of Ministers has also expanded its involvement in at least the political aspects of security policy — including discussions on arms- control strategy and future relations with the Soviet Union and its allies.
Selve lovgivningen vedrørende 1992 vil naturligvis indeholde bestemmelser på dette område, specielt om folks ret til fri bevægelighed og retten til at tage bopæl og etablere sig erhvervsmæssigt i hele Fællesskabet.
The Community does not yet have a role in the strictly defence aspects of security policy, which for all Member States — other than neutral Ireland — is reserved for in NATO and the WEU.
Det vil tage længere tid end til 1992, inden alt dette bliver til virkelighed.
There are signs that this might change.
Dette er især tilfældet på grund af nogle medlemsstaters modstand mod, at der sker en generel afvikling af grænsekon trollen. Allerede nu presser man på for at få de nationale regeringer til at indføre strengere kontrol på dette område, så de kan blive mere effektive i kampen mod narkotika, smugling, terrorisme og andre forbrydelser.
Even before the election of President Bush in the United States there has been increasing debate both in NATO and the WEU about a greater European self-sufficiency in defence and about the need to create a much stronger 'European-pillar' within the Atlantic Alliance.
Mange eksperter er allerede begyndt at bestride, at strengere grænsekontrol er det eneste eller det mest effektive middel til at føre kontrol med forbrydelser og terrorisme.
One reason for this is the clear evidence that the US can no longer afford to carry the scale of financial burden involved in its present commitment to the defence of Western Europe.
Politiets moderne metoder til overvågning af forbrydelser over landegrænserne er mere sofistikerede nu, end de var for tyve år siden og berettiger ikke længere til, at man opretholder et kæmpeapparat med stikprøveundersøgelser og grænsekontrol.
As we have noted, differences of perception of interest and judgment over key security and East/West issues have grown up in the past decade and these have been complicated and to some extent soured by commercial and economic frictions in the Atlantic relationship.