natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Vi vil også, hvilket næppe kan overraske Dem, støtte oprettelsen af et centralamerikansk parlament, der vil være udtryk for den virkelig demokratiske vilje, som vi sporer hos det store flertal af borgere i denne region, og det vil efter Europa-Parlamentet blive det andet direkte valgte internationale parlament.
I should, in particular, like to see a resumption of the Euro-Arab Dialogue, which has been marking time for some years.
Der er dog næppe nogen, der ikke er klar over, at Belgien ønsker at gå et skridt videre.
I should also like account to be taken during our Presidency of the new (albeit somewhat tardy) interest being shown by Eastern Europe in the construction of Europe.
Forsvaret og valutaen er for os to store elementer, der savnes i den europæiske opbygning.
When the President outlines his programme to the European Parliament, he needs to be particularly cautious as regards political cooperation.
Når talen er om forsvaret vender vi os til den vesteuropæiske union, der, som den franske premierminister, Jacques Chirac, for nylig erklærede, har den fordel »at samle nationer, der uden at fornægte sig selv. har besluttet sig til ikke at udelukke noget aspekt fra den europæiske opbygning«.
Its activi­ties in practice concentrate, naturally enough, on the burning international issues of the day, which are generally unforeseeable.
Den europæiske fælles akt tillader formelt denne tvedeling, som jeg håber kun er forbigående. Hvad valutaen angår, så viser den nuværende krise i fuldt mål det europæiske monetære systems ufuldkommenhed, som bringer det i alvorlig fare.
When speaking to this House in January 1982,1 could not tell that Argen­tina would invade the Falklands in April and that Israel would invade Lebanon in June, even though at the time these two events were to leave their mark on the Belgian Presidency.
Mere end nogen sinde forekommer det os påkrævet at behandle spørgsmålet om en udbygning af det europæiske monetære system.
That said, I would like to share with you the approach planned and concerns felt at present by the Presidency in this first outline of European foreign policy which we are endeavouring gradually to devise.
Det sydafrikanske spørgsmål, som i høj grad har optaget de foregående formandskaber, vil fortsat udgøre et væsentligt problem.
This outline of our concerns would not, alas, be complete if I failed to mention the fight against terrorism.
En genoptagelse af dialogen med frontlinjestaterne vil utvivlsomt udgøre et første skridt på denne vanskelige vej.
There has been a sharp rise in the number of meetings of the Ministers for Justice and the Interior within the framework of the Trevi Group.
I en nylig tale i Royal Institute of International Affairs udtalte den franske præsident, François Mitterrand: »Enten bliver det europæiske monetære system, selv om det er truet, en succes, og Europa bliver til noget, eller også mislykkes det, og der bliver intet Europa.
A Working Party on Political Cooperation is doing its best to ensure that our activities in this area are coordinated.
De, der bidrager til systemets opbygning og konsolidering, går ind for Europa; de, der ikke gør det. har valgt at holde op med Europa for at overgå til noget andet«.
Numerous nonmember countries are now approaching the Twelve in order to harmon­ize their positions with ours in the fight against terrorism.
Disse ord gør jeg til mine.
Belgium will continue these efforts.
Endvidere håber jeg under vort formandskab at kunne tage hensyn til den nye om end noget sene interesse, som Østeuropa har vist den europæiske opbygning.
We shall be careful to take account of the political sensitivities which impose constraints on our joint action in the latter sphere.
Denne redegørelse for vore bestræbelser vil dog ikke være fuldstændig, hvis jeg undlader at omtale bekæmpelsen af terrorismen.
In matters of defence, we look to the WEU, which has the advantage recently pointed out by Prime Minister Chirac of bringing together nations which, without abandoning their own identity, have decided not to exclude any area from the construction of Europe.
Igennem det sidste år har De Tolv i væsentlig grad forøget deres samråd på dette felt.
The Single Act formally authorizes this dichotomy, which I hope will be short-lived.
Justitsog indenrigsministrenes møder i Trevi-gruppen er blevet hyppigere. En arbejdsgruppe under det politiske samar bejde bestræber sig på at varetage koordineringen af vor aktivitet på dette område.
In terms of riming our first deadline falls in a few days: this is the meeting in Guatemala of the Third Ministerial Conference between the Community and the Central American and Contadora countries.
Der er nu mange tredjelande, der ønsker at optage kontakt med De Tolv for at harmonisere deres position med vor i forbindelse med bekæmpelse af terrorismen.
There is also an appeal for political support to which, despite the increase in tension in the region, the countries of Europe must respond, by supporting regional solutions, non-intervention, the peaceful resol­ution of disputes and a pluralist form of democ­racy.
Belgien vil fortsætte disse bestræbelser.
Is that not the very lesson which the history of our own Community holds for us?
Som afslutning kan jeg forsikre Europa-Parlamentet om, at det belgiske formandskab uden at tilsidesætte hverken industriens, landbrugets, teknologiens eller diplomatiets Europa vil være lydhørt over for menneskenes Europa.
It will not surprise you to learn that we shall also be favour­ing the creation of a Central American Parliament, which would be the expression of the truly demo­cratic will which we perceive in the vast majority of citizens in that region and which would, after the European Parliament, be the second directly elected international Parliament to come into exist­ence.
Vi ønsker alle, at den europæiske opbygning må blive fornemmet af borgerne. Belgien vil på pragmatisk måde bestræbe sig på at bidrage dertil.
As for monetary matters, the slump we witness nowadays demonstrates to perfection the state of incompletion of the EMS and puts it under serious threat.
Ved overskridelse af grænserne bør Fællesskabets realitet være umiddelbart følelig.
More than ever, we deem it necessary to examine the issue of the reinforcement of the EMS.
I afventning af en bredere ramme regner jeg med at kunne udvide gennemførelsen af Schengen-aftalerne.
The question of South Africa, which was such a major issue during the United Kingdom Presi­dency, remains a fundamental concern.
Jeg vil også gerne på ny have sat gang i Erasmus-programmet for udvekslinger mellem højere læreanstalter, der har sit navn til fælles med en humanist, der står belgierne nær; have pustet liv i Europa-fonden som jeg foreslog stiftet for ti år siden i min rapport om den europæiske union, men som ikke hidtil har fundet sin rytme.
I hope to be able to steer the Community towards initiatives which will help to abolish apartheid, encourage the observance of human rights and promote the peaceful coexistence of the peoples of South Africa.
Endelig vil det belgiske formandskab i overensstemmelse med et ønske, der blev fremsat af Det europæiske Råd i London, sørge for en værdig højtideligholdelse af Rom-traktatens trediveårsdag«. dag«.
Renewing dialogue with the front-line countries represents, I think, an initial step along that diffi­cult road.
Erklæring fra Kommissionen om ret ningslinjerne for dens arbejde 1)
In conclusion, I should like to assure the European Parliament that the Belgian Presidency will strive to remain attuned to the Europe of the common man, while not disregarding the Europe of industry and agriculture, of technology and diplomacy.
3.4.2. »I pagt med traditionen vil Kommissionen få lejlighed til at forelægge sit årlige arbejdsprogram under mødeperioden i februar.
We should all like the man in the street to be more aware of the construction of Europe and Belgium will endeavour to achieve this flexibly and prag­matically.
forretningsorden og derved på en måde forpligtet sig til at stemmen, altså til at træffe en afgørelse.
the Single Act, nothing but the Single Act, but the whole Single Act.
Parlamentet kan ikke forblive upåvirket af dette fremskridt, da der som led i samarbejdsproceduren er brug for en vis ligevægt mellem Parlamentets og Rådets forpligtelser.
This is not to say, let me stress in passing, that the Commission does not mean to exercise its right of initiative beyond the provisions of the Single Act.
Jeg håber derfor, at det vil lette gennemførelsen af samarbejdsproceduren.
For the moment, though, we find ourselves in this curious situation where 12 governments have ratified the Single Act, through their parliaments, and we lack the means with which to apply it.
Derfor vil jeg i dag kun beskæftige mig med udsigterne for de kommende seks måneder under det belgiske formandskab.
The Commission's view is that it would be vain to expect to achieve any one of these objectives without the others.
I de kommende seks måneder har Europa to vigtige rendez-vous.
We are talking about the pros­pects of giving real effect to the Single Act.
Så er der Kommissionens gennemførelsesbeføjelse.
A European dimension should be given to the education of our young people and I should like to salute the work done by existing institutions such as the University Institute in Florence or the College of Europe in Bruges, which are both providing inestimable services.
Det te spørgsmål er til behandling i Rådet, men hidtil har drøftelserne vist sig yderst vanskelige; jeg vil dog, da det er min pligt, sige til Dem, at Kommissionen i sit andet forslag har taget Parlamentets afstemningsresultater i betragtning, ikke mindst i forbindelse med de i hr. Hånschs betænkning indeholdte forslag.
The Erasmus programme of exchanges between universities, a programme bearing the name of a humanist dear to Belgium, should be reactivated.
Heri fandt vi nogle argumenter til styrkelse af visse af vore forslag, som kun har et eneste sigte: Ikke blot at beslutte bedre, men også hurtigere og i fuld klarhed at gennemføre de af Ministerrådet trufne beslutninger.
Then I should like to breathe new life into the European Foundation, the creation of which I put forward 10 years ago in my report on European Union and which is not yet operating really smoothly.
Da jeg endnu ikke har aflagt besøg i halvdelen af hovedstæderne, vil jeg gerne, da jeg ikke kun henvender mig til denne kreds, men også til regeringerne, sige, at Europa ikke må sidde disse to rendezvous overhørig og heller ikke udsætte dem til senere.
Finally, the Belgian Presidency, in accordance with a wish expressed at the European Council in London, will see that the 30th anniver­sary of the Treaty of Rome is properly celebrated
Lad os begynde med Europas rendezvous med sig selv.
How do we propose to go about things?
Endelig er der så flertalsafstemningen, som også er et af den fælles akts essentielle elementer. Jeg erkender med tilfredshed, at der er gjort betragtelige fremskridt under det britiske formandskab med hensyn til anvendelse af flertalsafstemning, og at den fælles akts ånd således allerede har sat sit præg på Ministerrådets forhandlinger.
By shortly bringing before you the Commission's proposals in three areas: the budgetary and financial outlook for the Community over the coming years, up to the 1992 deadline for completion of the internal market and, at the same time, the end of the transitional period for the two countries which have joined us most recently, Spain and Portugal; the current reform and future course of the com­mon agricultural policy, with an explanation of the philosophy behind this new common agricultural policy; and, finally, reform of the structural Funds as called for in the Single Act, which is an essential requirement, although not the only one, for achievement of cohesion ...
Jeg tænker først og fremmest på budgettet for 1987.
Statement by the Commission on the guidelines for its work1
Det støder imod en række medlemsstaters principper, men er dog på ingen måde en opmuntring til nemhed.
Today, there­fore, I shall just be talking to you about the coming six months under the Belgian Presidency ...
Det gælder om at få de tolv regeringschefer og de tolv medlemsstater til at udruste sig med midler til den fælles akts gennemførelse, kun den fælles akt, men hele den fælles akt. Det vil i parentes bemærket ikke sige, at Kommissionen ikke har til hensigt at udnytte sin initiativret ud over den fælles akt.
With regard to the institutional aspects of the Single Act, the Commission welcomes the fact that the Council has modified its rules of procedure, thus putting itself under a certain obligation to vote, in other words to take decisions.
Men i øjeblikket befinder vi os i den underlige situation, at de tolv regeringer har ratificeret den fælles akt i deres parlamenter, medens vi ikke har midlerne til dens gennemførelse.
Parliament cannot be indifferent to this progress, since it restores a certain balance in the cooperation pro­cedure between the obligations laid on Parliament and those on the Council.
Kommissionen mener, at det vil være nytteløst at regne med, at man kan gennemføre et af disse mål uden de øvrige. Her er det chancerne for den fælles akts gennem førelse, det gælder.
Having not yet visited half the capitals on my itinerary, I have to tell the House — and the various national governments — that these are two appointments that Europe can neither fail to keep nor postpone ...
Men tvinges vi i den mellemliggende tid, fordi budgettet for 1987 opviser to tilgivelige synder, dvs. en negativ reserve og en mindre forskydning af Parlamentets margen, til at leve efter ordningen med de foreløbige tolvtedele, så er forudsætningerne for Europas store rendezvous med sig selv ikke tilvejebragt.
There are also the Commission's executive powers. Thjs matter is on the Council's table, and dis­cussions have so far proved very difficult, but I want to tell you — indeed, it is my duty to do so — that in its second proposal the Commission took Parliament's vote, especially the proposals in Mr Hänsch's report, into account.
Det er ikke noget tilfælde, at vi har foreslået det store rendezvous i år.
First Europe's appointment with itself ...
Hvad angår de institutionelle aspekter af den fælles akt, er Kommissionen glad for, at Rådet har ændret sin
It is a matter of bringing the 12 Heads of Govern­ment and the 12 Member States to the point of setting up the means necessary for application of
Det belgiske formandskabs program interne økonomiske politiks fejl. lige så længe troede markederne ikke på det, som De forenede Stater ville gøre.
Belgium's Council programme so bad that it will be impossible to take major decisions.
ber, idet Det europæiske Råd forlanger af os, at vi fremsætter vore forslag om forhøjelse af indtægterne mindst et år forud for indtægstforhøjelsernes ikrafttræden. Jeg har for øvrigt fået udenrigsministrene til at protokollere, at vi kunne have fremsat vore forslag inden den 31. december.
proposals that we are making, all of which have the same objective in view: as well as better decision­making, we must have speedier and clearer implementation of decisions taken at Council of Ministers level.
Det er, fordi de 1,4% af merværdiafgiften allerede fra i år ikke længere slår til uanset omfanget af de foretagne reformer, medmindre man beslutter at nedskære alle Fællesskabets udgifter med 20-30%.
Finally, there is voting by qualified majority, another of the Single Act's essential components.
Denne anskuelse deltes af de europæiske lande, ikke mindst under finansministrenes møde i Gleneagles.
The compromise submitted to the trialogue by the Commission is not perfect.
Og her vil jeg gerne advare Fællesskabets medlemsstater. Det er vort ansvar, der står på spil.
Moreover, anyone who is not convinced will need do no more than read the Commission's very vigor­ous proposals on budgetary discipline when they are made public; they call for tighter budgetary discipline, with Parliament sharing responsibility for it with the other authority, the Council.
Den anden betingelse er forsknings- og udviklingsprogrammet, som irriterede Kommissionen i nogen grad. Og mig som den første.
The second test is the research and development programme, over which the Commission has become more than a little irritated.
Vedtages programmet ikke, vil vi senest til efteråret ikke længere kunne fortstætte f.eks. Esprit-programmet.
I have to tell you that unless this pro­gramme is adopted, it will become impossible, by the autumn at the latest, for us to continue with, for instance, the Esprit programme.
Vedbliver man med ikke at vedtage dette program, vil der opstå en aldeles latterlig og unaturlig modstrid mellem Eureka og Fællesskabet.
I have to tell you that continued failure to adopt this pro­gramme would create a quite ridiculous and arti­ficial antagonism between Eureka and the Com­munity.
For øvrigt er der allerede nogle regeringer, der benytter Eureka som påskud for afvisning af EF-programmet. Hidtil har Kommissionen støttet Eureka, og jeg som den første.
In fact I already note that some govern­ments are using Eureka as a pretext for withholding approval of the Community pro­gramme.
Nu må vi ikke lade en ny kunstig strid opstå.
Let us not get involved in yet another artificial quarrel.
Det gælder om at finde ud af, om ministrene — og bolden befinder sig i ders lejr — mener, at en af den europæiske fælles akts vigtigste bestemmelser skal eller ikke skal være gældende for et Europæisk Råd, endnu inden det store rendezvous har fundet sted.
The ball is in the Ministers' court, and it is a matter of whether or not they think one of the essential provisions of the Single Act is to be applied even before the grand rendez-vous takes place, at a meeting of the European Council.
Jeg mener, at det er vigtigt, at vi får et budget, og at vi kan iværksætte et forskningsprogram, hvis prioriterede emner for øvrigt på ingen måde bestrides.
I consider it important for us to have a budget and to be able to implement this research programme, not one of whose priority themes has in fact been disputed.
Man har udelukkende været uenige om de finansiel le spørsmål.
The only disagreement has been over money.
Det er ikke nok i morgen blot ar råbe brand\ Der skal mere end brandmænd til at slukke den ild.
But Europe is also going to have to face up to its external responsibilities during these six months.
Hertil kræves der arkitekter, som evner at opbygge en anden monetær verdensorden, der hviler på samarbejde.
Whether the problem be the international monet­ary disorder, which has gone from bad to worse, or this dangerous succession of trade skirmishes with the United States, our strength of will is on trial.
Heri skal Europa tage sin andel. Desværre må jeg sige, hvilket er Dem bekendt, at medlemsstaterne ikke er indbyrdes enige om det indhold, der skal lægges i de to forslag: En fælles holdning over for dollaren og en styrkelse af det europæ iske monetære system.
But if, because there are two venial sins in this 1987 budget, a negative reserve and a slight shifting of Parliament's margin, we are obliged in the mean time to make do with the system of provisional twelfths, the conditions will never be right for Europe's great appointment with itself.
Med hensyn til det andet punkt kan man dog være nogenlunde rolig, idet centralbankernes ledere, hvis fremtrædende rolle i forbindelse med det europæiske monetære systems ledelse er Dem bekendt, er enige om at behandle de forslag, der fremsættes med henblik på dets styrkelse.
The Com­munity will show itself to the world as an organiza­tion which is not even capable of making ends meet during an interim phase.
Vort andet rendezvous med omverdenen er rækken af handelsguerillaer med De forenede Stater.
It is no accident that we have proposed the grand rendez-vous this year.
Uanset om der er tale om den monetære uorden på verdensplan, som kun forværres, eller om de farlige handelsguerillaer med De forenede Stater, er det vor egen vilje, vi kæmper med.
Moreover, I have had it placed on record by the Foreign Ministers that, in the normal course of events, we would have been able to submit our proposals by 31 December.
Hvad det monetære spørgsmål angår, er der for dem, der kan huske det, store ligheder med perioden 1977-1979.
In the case of the monetary situation, there are great similarities, for those with memories long enough, with the period 1977-79.
Der er store ligheder, men også forskelle.
There are great similarities, but there are also differences.
Husker De, hvad der skete, da de amerikanske myndigheder efter at have leget med ilden begyndte at blive bange for, at et for stort dollarfald ville medføre dybtgribende forstyrrelse i landets økonomi og skabe grundlaget for en uløst international krise.
Remem­ber what happened when, having played with fire, the American authorities took fright at the pros­pect of the dollar falling too far and causing serious disruption to their economy, thereby setting up the conditions for an international crisis insusceptible of solution.
På daværende tidspunkt — det var vist den 1. november 1978, hvis jeg da ellers husker rigtigt — måtte præsident Carter støtte sig til Japans og de store europæiske industrinationers samarbejde for at standse spekulationen ved krydsinterventioner. Men det var ikke nok.
At that point — it was the first day of November 1978, if memory serves — President Carter had to call on the cooperation of Japan and the leading industrialized nations in Europe to mount a concerted intervention operation to stop the speculation.
Lige så længe De forenede Stater ikke bekendtgjorde foranstaltninger til afbødning af landets
Until such time as the United States had announced measures to remedy the defects in its domestic economic policy, the markets did not believe that it was going to do what it eventually did. The same lesson applies this time.
Vi har forstået amerikanerne Vi er klar over deres vanskeligheder.
I therefore beg leave to appeal on behalf of the entire Commission to the Council and Parliament to reach agreement.
Eurobarometer gengældelsesforanstaltningerne efter udvidelsen.
Belgium's Council programme causes of the current difficulties, which are its budget deficit and the uncompetitiveness of large sections of its industry, which have gone to sleep in the shadow of an overpriced dollar.
Vi har retten på vor side.
Right is on our side.
Jeg tror, at tiden er inde til at sige til amerikanerne: »Vi vil godt være jeres partnere, men ikke jeres politisk eller økonomisk undergivne!«.
I feel that the time has come to tell the Americans: 'We are more than happy to be your partners, but your political or economic subcontractors, thank you no!'.
For ved denne støttepolitik, denne optrapning af krigen, bringer vi de fattigste lande i vanskeligheder ved at sænke verdensmarkedspriserne.
We see one summit of the industrialized countries after another, but no improvement in sight.
Med andre ord gør vi det stik modsatte af, hvad der fremgår af vore storsindede udtalelser om nord-sydforbindelserne, det modsatte af det, der gøres i medfør af Lomé-konventionen.
So the time has come for Europe, if it really means to affirm its autonomy present and future, the time has come, as I say, for Europe to make an effort, to share the load.
I begge tilfælde og til trods for industrilandenes mange topmøder så er det, det drejer sig om, det manglende samarbejde mellem industrillandene, de rige nationer.
This analysis is generally accepted by the Member States, as was seen, for instance, at the Gleneagles meeting of the Finance Ministers.
Industrilandene afholder det ene topmøde efter det andet, men de giver ingen resultater.
But agreeing on this analysis is not enough.
Hvis Europa virkelig vil gøre sig gældende og vise sin nuværende og fremtidige autonomi, er tiden inde for Europa til at gøre en indsats, til at dele byrden.
Not wishing to over­state the case, let me just say that the Finance Ministers' meeting that I attended 10 days ago was not the most reassuring experience that one would wish for those who believe in Europe.