natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
At give sig i kast med kapitlet »europæisk forsvar« kræver fantasi; måske kan der ikke for øjeblikket opstilles en enkelt formel, og problemet vil derfor efter al sandsynlighed have et dobbelt aspekt: at gøre fortolkningen af Fællesaktens artikel 30 så bred som muligt, og videreføre det arbejde, der blev indledt med oprettelsen af Den Vesteuropæiske Union.
I would have enlisted in the ranks of the Action Committee and taken my orders from General Chaban-Delmas. I would have gone to all the universities, all the top professional training colleges, where the knowledge is already there, not to sow the seeds of a European government but to lay the foundations of a European movement.
Endelig vil jeg slutte af med at sige, at det forekommer mig, at alt dette peger mod, at vi fortsat arbejder på i almindelighed at komme til at tale med én stemme om udenrigspolitikken.
I think that the Action Committee would do well to ponder the questions put by Pascal Fontaine.
Jeg vil så til slut tilkendegive, at det forekommer mig helt indlysende, at hvis de problemer og opgaver, vi står overfor, er dem, jeg har beskrevet, ikke som en utopi, men som en politisk realitet, så bliver det dem, der skal vise vor evne til sammen at bestride en styrende funktion, og problemer af denne art kan vi naturligvis ikke regne med at kunne løse med et fåtal af personer.
If we are to build a bridge between the past, the present and the future, I think we must take as our starting point two simple, rather aggressive ideas, two working hypotheses. The first is that we are in a pre-crisis climate.
Derfor munder talen naturligvis ud i det kommende valg til Europa-Parlamentet og spørgsmålet om dettes beføjelser.
After four years of breathing fresh life into the European venture and of sorting out the marriage contracts, we can sense another crisis looming.
Jeg mener, at der her er tale om et særdeles vigtigt dement.
This is something we should be thinking about today.
Jeg mener også, at vi allerede har belyst betydningsfulde temaer og programmer for Aktionskomitéen for Europa i dag og i fremtiden.
Even if we refuse to think about it, others—Austria, Turkey and Morocco—are knocking at the door. And not just for commercial or economic reasons.
Jeg må sige, at du har meget arbejde at tage fat på, Max, for der er blevet nævnt så store temaer som styrkelse af institutionerne, en redegørelse for vores opfattelse af »Det Europæiske Hus«, fremskridt hen imod Den Europæiske Monetære Union, spørgsmålet om forsvar og åbning over for landene i Østeuropa sammen med alle de elementer, der er forbundet med en sådan udvikling, spørgsmålet om andre landes medlemskab og en uddybning af Fællesskabet samt dette spørgsmål om det demokratiske underskud, nemlig Europa-Parlamentets fremtidige rolle i vort Fællesskab.
When you analyse what is going on in some of these countries—let me add some others, Yugoslavia, Hungary and Algeria—you say to yourself: do Europeans have any sense of the universal other than in novels or films, now fewer and fewer in number with the colonization of Europe's television channels by American products? Where they still have an outlet for expressing themselves, they wear us out with talk of their yearning for the universal.
Det forekommer mig at være et meget omfattende handlingsprogram, og samtidig har vi allerede besluttet at få gennemført Fællesakten i alle dens bestanddele.
And yet the universal is right there, on their own doorstep. Unless they get to grips with this problem by 1995, by the year 2000, something will happen.
Det er det handlingsprogram, vi allerede har lagt os fast på, og nu skal vi så i fremtiden tilføje alle disse ekstra elementer.
If there are 100 million people in North Africa, and 80 million in Turkey, if the liberation process in the Eastern-bloc countries runs into serious difficulties, Europe will be in demand.
Der er virkelig tale om en stor opgave for os alle.
It cannot remain in its cocoon forever.
Samtidig vil jeg sige tak til de personer, der har arrangeret kollokviet.
Bear in mind the situation that Germany and France were in.
Vi har alle accepteret den sproglige målsætning, som Karl Carstens refererede til, men det er ikke lykkedes for os alle.
Since his League of Nations days, Monnet had had the idea—which he had already tried to sell to Poincaré—that nations are equal.
Derfor vil jeg sige tak til tolkene, for uden tolkene ville der ikke have været noget kollokvium.
Another way of putting it would be: 'We have to go through the door together, not one in front of the other'.
Endelig vil jeg takke alle de personer, der har deltaget her i dag.
The first was that the executive must be independent of national governments.
Jeg synes, at det har været særdeles interessant og nyttigt, og hermed giver jeg ordet til vores formand, Jacques Delors.
The Commission of the European Communities, which, I have to say, has fewer powers than the High Authority of the Coal and Steel Community, is in the same spirit. It is a bit
Fra venstre til højre: Jacques DELORS, Pierre URI. fru SARRADET-MONNET
Since nobody can win by a knock-out, as you would say in a boxing match, we have to cooperate.
AFSLUTNING AF KOLLOKVIET VED JACQUES DELORS Formand for EF-Kommissionen
The remarkable thing is that the increase in qualified majority voting has not stopped us identifying the common interest.
Kommissionen har ønsket på sin manér at markere hundredårsdagen for Jean Monnet's fødsel.
There is a final lesson to be drawn from the ECSC Treaty: it is a sectoral treaty, whereas the EEC Treaty is an outline treaty.
Udover de højtidelige ceremonier som den i går ') har der fundet en række mere beskedne, men også bevægende ceremonier sted i løbet af hele dette år, og jeg har spurgt mig selv, om man ikke bedst kunne mindes Jean Monnet ved at fremhæve to elementer af hans arbejde.
I know that there are those among you who have criticized the Single Act, but let me say that one of its great merits is that it has introduced an element of precision into what, in the EEC Treaty, had become too vague and blurred both as regards institutional matters and objectives.
To elementer blandt andre, for vi må ikke glemme hans virke under de to verdenskrige, i Folkeforbundet og den enestående oprettelse af Planstyrelsen (»Commissariat général au Plan«), der indtil 196566 forblev en uforlignelig institution, og som efter min opfattelse fortjener en mere dybtgående politisk og administrativ analyse.
As the EEC Treaty was put into effect and as the Community expanded to include countries which had not been involved in the drafting, the objectives became less clear and the working of the institutions more hesitant. The good thing about the Single Act is that it has focused and expanded on the idea of the Community of law, the rules of the game and the aims to be achieved.
Vi har altså udvalgt to emner: »Jean Monnet's metode« og »Aktionskomitéen for Europa«.
Firstly, implementation of the Single Act and, secondly, the need to improve the workings of the institutions.
Fordi, eftersom Jean Monnet var en en'er, forekommer det mig, at hans metode fortsat kan
Six interrelated objectives are enshrined in the Single Act.
') I Pans: Overførslen af Jean Monnet's aske til Panthéon.
— creation of a single European market;
AFSLUTNING AF KOLLOKVIET inspirere os, ligesom den har inspireret nogle af os, selv om konteksten har ændret sig, navnlig på to vigtige punkter.
CLOSURE OF THE SYMPOSIUM economic and social cohesion, in other words solidarity between the rich regions and the less well off or less fortunate; nate; technological and scientific cooperation.
Der vil utvivlsomt fortsat komme personer, som fejer disse opgaver til side og i stedet fremlægger nye idéer, men i dag sker opbygningen af Europa gennem forvaltningen af de fælles politikker, såsom konkurrence politikken, budgetpolitikken samt samarbejds- og udviklingspolitikken og mange andre.
We devote as much money as the United States and Japan to research; we have almost as many researchers as they do; but because of the obstacles we come up against, invisible obstacles ranging from the arrogance of Research Ministers to the tightfistedness of Finance Ministers, we never get round to working together and making the most of our human resources and innovative skills; then comes increased monetary cooperation.
På dette område har tingene derfor ændret sig i forhold til 1950'erne.
Incidentally, an important step forward, more important than people think, was taken with the Basle and Nyborg agreements.
Den anden forskel blev fremhævet i formiddags af Etienne Davignon, som med en rammende formulering sagde, at »hvis man vil overbevise dem, der regerer, må man først overbevise dem, som de regerende skal henvende sig til«.
Since those agreements were reached, the European Monetary System has withstood a fall in the dollar, something which it failed to do in January 1987, leading to the saddest meeting of Finance Ministers I have ever had to attend; next we have the social dimension.
Disse to ændringer er meget vigtige. Men metoden er fortsat god, og jeg vil gerne i aften illustrere den for Dem.
This simply reflects our concern that the model of society which each country has created within its own borders should not be ignored at European level.
Eftersom d'hr. Carstens, Chaban-Delmas og Kohnstamm kun har talt om fremtiden, kan jeg ikke nøjes med kun at tale om fortiden.
The local model is being disputed in Britain at present.
Jeg vil altså prøve at blande fortiden, nutiden og fremtiden.
No one is stopping the British from discussing this among themselves.
Hvad angår det andet udvalgte emne, nemlig Aktionskomitéen for Europa, mener jeg på vegne af alle mine kolleger i Kommissionen at kunne sige, at vi mangler en aktionskomité, der som i fortiden kan påvirke de politiske kræfter, hvad enten de har regeringsmagten eller er i oppositionen.
But they cannot, in the name of their internal difficulties, compel others to abandon what is regarded as a vital necessity in Europe, the possibility of helping the least fortunate and the most disadvantaged through a system of collective social welfare.
Hvis jeg ikke var fortsat som formand for Kommissionen, ville jeg uden tvivl have brugt al min tid på denne opgave. Jeg ville være blevet en soldat for Aktionskomitéen under general Chaban-Delmas' ordrer, og jeg ville have besøgt alle universiteter og alle læreanstalter, dér hvor man kender tingene,
There can be no question of that. That is what the social dimension is all about.
For at binde fortid, nutid og fremtid sammen, skal Aktionskomitéens medlemmer erindre sig Pascal Fontaines spørgsmål.
- last but not least comes environmental action.
Hvor dan kan man i dag inddrage de politiske kræfter?
We admit that this has been the slowest to take off.
Hvordan kan man få fagforeninger og arbejdsgiverorganisationer til at tale sammen?
It is a tricky one to handle because it is difficult for 12 countries to cooperate and yet we must cooperate as 12.
Hvis man vil bygge denne bro mellem fortiden, nutiden og fremtiden, skal man gå ud fra to enkle og en smule aggresive idéer, to arbejdshypoteser.
Contrary to what some people believe, these six objectives are not the brainchild of the Commission, still less of 'Red' Jacques Delors.
Den første er, at vi befinder os i et førkriseklima.
They are there in the Treaty; they are there in the Single Act.
Efter fire års opsving i opbygningen af Europa, hvor ægteskabskontrakterne er blevet aftalt, kan man nu mærke, at en kriseatmosfære igen er på vej. Skal man undgå denne krise?
And it is the firm belief of many, particularly the Greeks, Spanish, Portuguese, Italians and Irish, that unless these six objectives are achieved at the same time there will be no single European market with all its promise and potential.
Skal man imødegå den?
That is the fact of the matter.
Jean Monnet har jo sagt, at kriseperioderne er perioder, hvor man kaster rutinen af sig og kan forenkle både indsatsen og løsningen.
Implementation of the Single Act highlights the need for this de facto interdependence of objectives; it is not wishful thinking or someone's hobby horse or a bee in the Commission's bonnet.
Mange har udtalt sig siden en vis tale i Brügge.
Implementation of the Single Act also demonstrates the need for improvements on the institutional front.
Men der er, tro mig, mange andre elementer, som ikke kalder på smilet hos dem, der hver dag skal fremme udviklingen på områder såsom åbningen af offentlige markeder og styrkelsen af det teknologiske samarbejde.
I would like to make it quite clear that the concerns I voiced in the European Parliament on the Commission's behalf related to the need for more openness in Community affairs.
Man mærker, at Fællesakten tvinger regeringerne til at tilpasse deres holdninger i et sådant omfang, at de undertiden mister sansen for de fælles interesser og fristes til at sige: »Giv os endnu et par år, hr. bøddel.«
If the proposals considered by the Community and the decisions it takes are not part and parcel of public life and do not concern national parliaments as much as they should, we are bound to fail.
Et andet lige så vigtigt spørgsmål er: Hvad sker der efter 1992?
This is where the first democratic deficit lies.
Det skal vi tænke på allerede nu.
The topics we are discussing here today are only of interest to a select few.
Selv hvis vi undgår krisen, skal vi tænke på tiden efter 1992, og under alle omstændigheder er der visse lande, som banker på vores dør.
There has been a poll which shows that only 7% of Europeans have ever heard of Jean Monnet. My guess would be that not more than 7% of Europeans know what we are talking about in the Community today.
Hver på sin måde.
The conclusion is obvious.
Østrig, Tyrkiet og Marokko banker på Europas dør.
We must arouse public interest by being open and by getting people talking about European problems.
Det sker ikke kun af kommercielle eller økonomiske grunde.
This is even more important than producing a treaty
Men når de har mulighed for at udtale sig, taler de i en uendelighed om deres hang til det universelle, medens det universelle er dér, ved deres dør.
CLOSURE OF THE SYMPOSIUM tomorrow giving new powers to the European Parliament.
Hvis de ikke behandler dette problem inden 1995-2000, så vil der ske noget.
I am being straight with you when I say that this is the real issue.
Hvis der er 100 mio mennesker i Nordafrika og 80 mio i Tyrkiet, og hvis frigørelsesprocessen i østlandene gennemføres uden større vanskeligheder og uden drama, vil Europa blive efterspurgt, og vi kan ikke forblive indelukket i vores skal.
When a Head of Government or a Minister goes back home flexing his muscles like Rambo and says 'I won at the Council last night', things have come to a pretty pass, because the fact is that the Twelve, even the strongest, will win together or lose together. Politics must be given a European dimension.
Et sidste forhold, som kan give anledning til overvejelser.
The reason I went and talked to the Trades Union Congress is perhaps that I had been saying to them for a year: 'I am not asking you to support my vision of Europe.
Efter det første møde mellem Reagan og Gorbatjov i Reykjavik anmodede jeg som formand for Kommissionen om, at der blev indkaldt til et særligt europæisk råd, som skulle drøfte forholdet mellem Øst og Vest og udviklingen heraf.
But can the British trade unions, from a position of relative weakness, afford to disregard the European dimension in what they think and do?'.
Jeg fik det svar, at det stod der ikke noget om i Traktaten.
The answer is no, as they eventually realized.
Dårligt svar, for desværre er der i Traktaten rigelig begrundelse for et møde i Det Europæiske Råd om disse spørgsmål.
These, then, are the points that the Single Act throws into relief.
Hvor står vi atten måneder senere, hvad må jeg konstatere?
It is from this starting point that we must think about what is to happen after 1992 and pass the baton to the Action Committee.
Jeg vil ikke være pessimist (selv om pessimisme kan virke stimulerende), men jeg konstaterer, at De Tolv ikke har været i stand til at offentliggøre et dokument med en fælles analyse af Øst/Vest-forholdet eller at fremsætte noget som helst forslag, som skal sikre, at Europa bliver andet end en indsats.
— First, if Monnet were here today, what would he think of the theory that selecting a course of action and setting an objective calls for a further action which in turn calls for another objective?
Men ingen ved noget, og det hele foregår inden for en meget begrænset kreds. Inspirationen og idéerne mangler.
Supposing that next year, starting from the report to be tabled by the ad hoc Committee, the 12 Governments were to agree on the shape of economic and monetary union and decide to take the first step in 1 July 1990—in other words, when all restrictions on capital move ments are to be lifted in eight countries.
Vi må alle konstatere, at Europa ikke er til stede. Dér står vi i dag.
If they were to do that, I believe there would be, if you will pardon the expression, a second tiger in the tank of European integration.
På dette faktiske grundlag vil jeg gerne udbygge mit svar.
That would be a considerable step forward.
121 men fremtiden ligger i den dristiges hånd — at det har slået mig, i hvilken grad Jean Monnet i forbindelse med sine første europæiske erfaringer — forberedelsen af Traktaten om Oprettelsen af Det Europæiske Kul- og Stålfællesskab — satte fingeren på de store institutionelle og politiske problemer, som bestemte Europas fremtid og fortsat gør det i dag.
121 which the governments will have to transfer part, not of their sovereignty, but of the constraints they impose on themselves, in exchange for a policy of growth against a background of stability.
Jeg tror, det er meget vigtigt, at vi husker på dette.
This is something quite new. It means transferring constraints, not reponsibilities.
Han foreslog noget på det tidspunkt helt usædvanligt: Kul og stål var et enormt symbol.
It would be impossible to proclaim tomorrow that we are going to transfer 80% of the national budgets to the economic decision-making centre.
Man skal huske på Tysklands og Frankrigs situation.
Each country, though, could act as its own wisdom dictates, subject to a network of constraints.
Chaban-Delmas vil uden tvivl mindes de drøftelser, der fandt sted i den franske regering om krigsskadeserstatningerne, Ruhr-områ-det osv. Siden Folkeforbundet havde Jean Monnet haft en idé, som han forsøgte at sælge til Poincaré, denne regel om landenes lighed.
These constraints must become a common burden; by cooperating with one another, we must convert them into an extra margin for manoeuvre. The economic decision-making centre will deal with this; let's go no further than that for the moment.
Eller sagt på en anden måde: »Man skal gå igennem døren side om side, og ikke den ene foran den anden«.
There would also be a monetary decision-making centre which would run Europe's central banks; but at a higher level, there would be a central bank for the central banks.
Alt dette havde han set.
Put like that, the problem seems capable of solution.
Men udover denne regel om landenes lighed som grundlag for deres union, fremhævede han stærkt to hovedpunkter. ter.
If, on the other hand, we were to say that what is involved is a transfer of sovereignty designed to raze Westminster to the ground or prevent the 12 Finance Ministers dismally chewing over the idiocies of their government colleagues, that would be revolutionary.
Det første er, at den udøvende magt nødvendigvis må være uafhængig i forhold til regeringerne.
The second point is that the world moves a lot faster than we do, even when things are going well as they are now.
Kommissionen for De Europæiske Fællesskaber, om hvilken jeg må sige, at den ikke har så mange beføjelser som Den Høje Myndighed for Kul- og Stålfællesskabet, udsprang af den samme ånd.
This brings me back to the question I raised a moment ago: the choice between enlargement and internal development.
Den ligner uden tvivl mere Commissariat général au Plan i dets velmagtsdage eller Jean Monnet, fordi Kommissionens beføjelser er minimale i forhold til den magt, den kan udøve gennem sin indflydelse, kvaliteten af dens forslag og den seriøse karakter af dens indsats.
Clearly the Commission has given some thought to this problem and has opted for concrete, practical reasons, for internal develop ment.
Men den udøvende magt har denne nødvendige uafhængighed.
The fact of the matter is that we simply cannot cope with another enlargement.
AFSLUTNING AF KOLLOKVIET hukommelse i disse institutioner, som man ikke finder i en almindelig international organisation.
CLOSURE OF THE SYMPOSIUM each other. So what we say is: internal development first, then enlargement!
OECD's virke.
But history will not wait.
Selv med risiko for at fornærme nogen kan jeg nævne forskellen i effektiviteten mellem fællesskabsrammerne for forskningsindsatsen og Eureka. Det er institutioner, som bærer hukommelsen i sig, som erindrer, og som med retten på sin side kan handle og foreslå. Det var denne enestående kamp, som Jean Monnet førte sammen med kampen for ligheden i forbindelse med EKSF-Traktaten.
What are we to do if sometime in the near future Austria asks to join?
Det andet hovedpunkt er samarbejdet og ikke underordnelsesforholdet mellem institutionerne.
These are the questions which we must ask ourselves here and now.
Dette samarbejde har skabt frem skridt for fremtiden.
This is where we cruelly miss a Jean Monnet.
Hvis der havde været et fuldstændigt underordnelsesforhold over for Ministerrådet, ville Fællesskabet have været i samme situation som andre internationale organisationer.
I find even listing these problems discouraging, but he, on one of his long country walks, would already have summed them up into a single question and would have tried to find a solution to it.
Denne dialektik mellem de forskellige institutioner gør Fællesskabet rigt. Ingen kan vinde på »knock out«, som man ville sige i en boksekamp, man er nødt til at samarbejde.
Obviously, as Pierre Uri said, it is the solution that has to be simple.
Under samarbejdet søger man det begreb, som Jean Monnet altid fremhævede, nemlig de fælles interesser.
There is a trendy idea around of going beyond the Community of Twelve.
Det er bemærkelsesværdigt at konstatere, at afstemningerne »med kvalificeret flertal« ikke har hindret bestræbelserne på at finde frem til de fælles interesser.
It reminds me of Woody Allen saying: 'The answer's yes—what was the question?'.
Tværtimod er det nu muligt at finde dem hurtigere.
As I see it we must look at the problem from a different angle and ask ourselves:
Den sidste lære, der skal drages af EKSF-Traktaten, det er, at denne Traktat var en »rhål«-traktat, medens EØF-Traktaten er en rammetraktat.
— how can we fortify the Community so that it goes on being a channel for the common interest, ringed about by attendant rights which emancipate and protect us?
Fællesakten er blevet kritiseret af visse af Dem, men jeg tror, at det er en af denne Fællesakts store fortjenester, at den har tydeliggjort noget, der var blevet for vagt og uklart i Rom-Traktaten både på det institutionelle plan og med hensyn til formålene.
— how at the same time, can we extend a helping hand to others, so that we remain true to the traditions and the culture of Europe?
Efterhånden som denne traktat blev anvendt, efter-
These are daunting questions because they are simple, the kind of questions Jean Monnet liked.
— Virkeliggørelsen af et fælles marked.
EXTRACTS FROM HIS WRITINGS
Den bekymring, jeg i denne sammenhæng på Kommissionens vegne udtrykte over for Parlamentet, opfattes som et krav om en større gennemsigtighed i Fællesskabets arbejde.
To tell the truth, I have never really believed that history repeats itself, and when I have found myself facing a crisis that calls for urgent efforts to achieve unity I have had neither the time nor the need to refer back to what I have done in the past.