natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Disciplinen bliver og vil blive overholdt.
The rules are being, and will be, adhered to.
Vi har sammen forpligtet os hertil ved en aftale institutionerne imellem.
We have committed ourselves to this in an interinstitutional agreement.
For alle dem, der hvert år så Fællesskabet fortabe sig i en steril konflikt om budgettet, er den hurtige og udramatiske vedtagelse af 1989-budgettet det bedste bevis herpå.
Adoption of the 1989 budget on time and without fuss is the best demonstration of what has been achieved in the eyes of those who, year after year, saw the Community locked in futile confrontation.
Huset er i orden, dette betyder blot, at Fællesskabet styres, at der ikke længere er slaphed eller inkonsekvens.
The fact that our house is now in order means that the Community is back under orderly management, that there is no more laxity or inconsistency.
Og endelig solidaritet, eftersom forøgelsen af strukturfondene samt planlægningen og koncentrationen af støtteindgrebene gør det muligt for Fællesskabet at hjælpe de lande, der skal foretage den største tilpasning.
This is another reason why the Community — using its combined strength — is prepared to shoulder its share of responsibility in creating a world economic order which is more stable, more effective and more equitable.
Jeg vil understrege, at jeg også tænker på de områder, der ligger langt fra Fællesskabets centrum, og som Kommissionen foreslår særlige foranstaltninger for.
It is therefore a message of hope that the Commission — and the Council too — is bringing today.
Denne bevægelse og denne styring gør, at Fællesskabet i dag er i trit med sine store handelspartneres økonomier.
Its growth rate in 1988 was the highest for 12 years; its investment performance better than at any time in the last 21 years.
I 1988 registrerede Fællesskabet således sin største vækst i de sidste tolv år og foretog de største investeringer i de sidste 21 år, skabte 1,6 mio nye arbejdspladser, medens der gik en million arbejdspladser tabt i 1982.
Some 1.6 million jobs were created, compared with the million jobs lost in 1982.
Især de unges situation på arbejdsmarkedet, der indtil for kort tid siden gav anledning til stor bekymring, har bedret sig relativt for tredje år i træk i de fleste medlemslande.
In particular, the youth employment situation, which in the past had caused us grave concern, showed a relative improvement for the third year running in most Member States.
Men med hensyn til vort samfunds mest angstvækkende problem vil jeg dog i disse tal se et glimt af håb og en opmuntring til at fortsætte ad denne vej.
But in these figures I can see a glimmer of hope for a solution to the most disturbing problem facing our society, encouragement to continue in the same direction.
Europa er i bevægelse, har jeg sagt — der er bragt orden i huset, og det er også vigtigt. Som Kommissionen havde forpligtet sig til det — Rådet i Bruxelles er mit vidne herpå — er huset nu i orden. Vil de have eksempler herpå?
But to stay with Europe, do you think that a Community lacking in self-confidence, narrow in its outlook, and bogged down in disputes — as yesterday's Community was — would have been able to seize the opportunities which arose?
Man behøver blot at nævne nedbringelsen af lagrene — der er et resultat af den aktive afsætningspolitik — for at overbevise sig herom.
I know this, because most of the businessmen I meet tell me that the prospect of 1992 has acted as a spur to investment.
Den tegner fremtiden for vore landmænd, der en støttepillerne i et »stærkt grønt Europa«, der agter at forblive det.
We can also see to what extent this new found confidence can change the attitudes and expectations of business.
Den alene vil muliggøre — og Kommissionen vil sørge for, at det sker — den så nødvendige fastholdelse af landbrugerne på
And since all this has benefited from the sounder base formed by a structural decline in inflation, less rigidity, partially regained competitiveness and greater transparency, our Europe, about to give birth to the single market, has been able to take full advantage of the prevailing trends in the international economy, after some of its members seemed cast for ever in the role of economic sluggard.
Skeptikerne - og dem møder jeg også! — vil helt sikkert i denne forbedring af den økonomiske situation kun se virkningen af en god international konjunktur.
The sceptics — and I meet plenty of them — will see this improvement as no more than the effect of the favourable developments in the economic situation worldwide.
Og helt rigtigt oplever de store industrialiserede lan de deres bedste periode siden begyndelsen af 1970'erne. Overraskelsen er for nogle så me get større, som økonomerne oven på børskrakket i oktober 1987 beskrev de mekanismer, der kunne føre til et verdensomspændende økonomisk tilbageslag.
And it is a fact that the major industrialized nations are doing better than at any time since the early 1970s.
Lad mig gentage det her: de tog ikke fejl, som man for ofte har sagt det. De blev for én
I have spoken at some length about the economic situation because any reference to the
om den sociale dimension, fremhæver man altid beskæftigelsesproblemet.
vinced of the need to improve the decision making procedure, but some had dreams of a major reform.
Vi har gjort fremskridt på beskæftigelsesområdet.
This never came about, but the extension of qualified-majority voting has made our task considerably easier.
Når talen falder på 1992, anklages vi for at sælge drømme, men drømmen er allerede delvis blevet til virkelighed.
social dimension is bound to raise the problem of unemployment. We are accused of selling dreams with 1992, but in fact part of the dream is coming true already.
gangs skyld hørt.
There has been progress on employment.
Giver jeg her udtryk for en overdreven optimisme?
I, for my part, cannot but welcome the decision taken then to increase Parliament's in volvement in the decisionmaking process.
Det mener jeg ikke, for nu kan vi endelig sige: »Der er gang i Europa«.
Those who predicted that this would slow down our work have been proved wrong, as the Commission can testify.
Jeg skal naturligvis ikke lægge skjul på, at der venter os mange vanskeligheder.
Over the last four years, Parliament has played a very positive role, as we expected it to.
Disse er af både politisk og teknisk art og vedrører ind vandrerpolitikken, beskatningen af opsparingen eller tilnærmelsen af de indirekte skatter og vilkårene for samarbejdet vedrørende narkotikamisbrug, kriminalitet og terrorisme.
A note of caution, however: no imbalance should be allowed to develop between your Assembly and the national parliaments. I would stress once again how important it is for national parliaments to be increasingly involved in our work.
En virkelig fjernelse af de fysiske grænser forudsætter, at disse vanskeligheder overvindes.
I think it is for you, Members of the European Parliament, to step up your approaches to your counterparts at home.
Det er klart, at denne positive konstatering ikke må gøre os euforiske.
Am I being unduly optimistic? I think not.
Den må på ingen måde føre til en formindsket klarhed og år vågenhed fra vores side.
Now at last, we can say that Europe is work ing.
Som bekendt findes der fortsat mange faktorer, der kan true denne ekspansion.
Of course, I cannot deny that there are difficulties ahead of us.
Dette er en grund mere til, at Fællesskabet — som sådant og med al dets vægt — accepterer at påtage sig sin del af ansvaret for opbygningen af en mere sta bil, effektiv og retfærdig økonomisk ver densorden.
They are both polical and technical, and involve immigration policies, taxation of savings, the convergence of rates of indirect taxes, and arrange ments for cooperation on drugs, crime and terrorism.
Dette er et håbets budskab, som De og vi, lige så vel som Ministerrådet, bærer i dag.
Solutions must be found if physical frontiers are to be abolished once and for all.
Men disse vanskeligheder er også af psykologisk art, og dette er uden tvivl den store forskel set i relation til 1985.
But the difficulties are also psychological, and that is the major difference between 1985 and today.
Thi jo større bevidsthed der er om de krav, Fællesakten stiller, jo mere modstand vil der utvivlsomt også blive udvist i de enkelte medlemsstater.
Because, believe me, now that the demands of the Single Act have really struck home, resistance is growing in every Member State.
Men for at blive ved Europa. Tror De, at et udmarvet, kværulantisk Fællesskab, der tvivler på sig selv — således som det frem stod for ikke så længe sinden — ville have været i stand til at udnytte de muligheder, der frembød sig?
That, no doubt, is why some people scoff at our success and point only to the problems, in an attempt to be different and avoid sharing in the satisfaction of seeing Europe come into its own again.
Tror De, at man kan se bort fra de strukturelle aspekter af dette spektakulære genopsving, når det netop er disse aspekter, der er den væsentligste for klaring på, hvorfor inflationen kan holdes i tømme i størstedelen af de europæiske lan de.
We all know these begrudgers. But we, for our part, have never denied that the single market would require considerable efforts on the part of the Member States to adjust to competing in what will be a worldwide market.
Dette ved jeg, fordi størstedelen af de virksomhedsejere, jeg har mødt, har forklaret mig, at 1992 virker på dem som et incitament til at investere.
But, by reference to the concessions — that, unfortunately, is the word used — which each country will have to make in order to over come these difficulties, can anyone reasonably contend that in economic and social terms the disadvantages will outweigh the advantages accruing from implementation of the Single Act?
Hvor er det dog fristende at være original og ikke glæde sig over, at vort Europa på ny eksisterer.
Effective ly this mean that the Council must complete most of its work in the next two years.
Denne vrangvillige indstilling kender vi.
That in turn will require a considerable acceleration in its striking rate.'
Vi har for vort ved kommende aldrig sagt, at det store indre marked vil fritage medlemsstaterne for at yde en betydelig tilpasningsindsats.
May I say in passing that there is one area — agriculture — where the Council's attitude has been particularly disturbing over the last two or three months.
Denne er tværtimod nødvendig for at kunne tage kon kurrencen op på et marked, der fremover vil være verdensomspændende.
We know the historical reasons, but we can not help wondering why agricultural questions are not dealt with by the same procedures and with the same rigour as matters which are filtered by Coreper.
Men når de ind rømmelser — dette er desværre det ord, man benytter — som hvert enkelt land må gøre for at overvinde disse vanskeligheder — tages som målestok, hvem kan da med rimelig hed påstå, at ulemperne vil overstige de for dele, der kan forventes som følge af gennem førelsen af Fællesakten på det økonomiske og sociale plan?
I am tempted therefore to echo the celebrated remark of a French politician who de clared that at long last the problems were starting, as I am confident that the solutions to our problems will reveal that European union is more of a reality than it might appear.
Vi ved også, i hvilken udstrækning en ge noprettet tillid kan ændre de økonomiske beslutningstageres holdning og dispositioner.
Has the Community met the challenge of influence? Has it recovered the capacity to act, rather than react to events?
Jeg har dvælet længe ved den økonomiske situation, og det skyldes, at når man taler
I can still remember the institutional debate in this House prior to adoption of the Single Act.
Har Fællesskabet taget udfordringen op med hensyn til indflydelse?
exporter in the world to close its frontiers to foreign products.
Har det genfundet sin evne til at handle og ikke blot evnen til at reagere eller følge efter? Når man ser den kampagne, der føres i USA eller i Japan om »Fæstningen Europa«, så må man tro det.
Community trade represents 20% of world trade (38% if intraCommunity trade is included) as against 15% for the United States and 9% for Japan.
For der er her tale om en uheldig kritik, som først og frem mest vidner om, at vi har genfundet vor dynamik.
Looking at these figures it is obvious, surely, that Europe would be the first victim of mounting protectionism, particularly since the Community is more dependent than its partners on international trade for disposing of its output.
Og i denne forbindelse må vi primært sætte vor lid til EF-institutionernes styrke.
Let us speak frankly since we are among friends.
Kunne denne bevægelse fremad have fundet sted uden en styrkelse af vores institutioners effektivitet? Det tvivler jeg på.
It is not — to my mind — in the present climate that the United States and Europe, the world's largest agricultural pro ducers, will reach agreement and so stop disrupting world markets in an all-out war of escalating subsidies.
Jeg erindrer endnu den debat om institutionerne, der her i Parlamentet gik forud for vedtagelsen af Fællesakten. Medens både De og jeg var overbevist om, at det var nødvendigt at for bedre beslutningsprocessen, drømte visse om, at der ville blive en masse ballade.
The present climate is not conducive to a fruitful relationship, the only relationship worthy of the deep friendship between our nations.
Det blev der ikke, og den udvidede anvendelse af afstemning med kvalificeret flertal har i høj grad lettet arbejdet for os.
Because we have a shared des tiny as members of the free world, because it is in our common interest, I trust that before long we will be able to resume our cooperation, in all areas, with a different attitude and different methods.
Det er en uheldig kritik. Alle økonomiske data vidner om, at det ville være absurd, hvis den største eksportør i verden — Det Europæiske Fællesskab — lukkede sine grænser for udenlandske produkter.
If this commonsense argument is not en ough, the Community could point to the efforts it has made in recent years on the vexed issue of farm subsidies.
Det Europæiske Fællesskabs samhandel udgør 20% af den internationale samhandel (38%, hvis man medtager samhandelen inden for Fællesskabet), mod 15% for USA's og 9% for Japans vedkommende.
You are all aware of our dispute with the United States in the Uruguay Round. But who has right on their side?
Hvem kan ikke af disse tal se, at Europa ville være det første offer for en stigende protektionisme, så me get desto mere som Europa — i højere grad end sine partnere — er afhængig af den internationale samhandel for at kunne producere. ducere.
Those — like ourselves — who actually reform agricultural policy in line with international recommendations and reduce subsidies by 20%, or those who voice lofty ambitions for the future, but continue day after day with a policy directed towards confrontation on world markets? I ask you again: who has right on their side?
De, der heri så en faktor, der ville sinke vores arbejde, tog fejl — det kan Kommissionen bevidne.
We intend to pursue our efforts to strengthen commercial, financial and, I hope, cultural relations with Japan.
Forsamlingen i Strasbourg har i de sidste fire år spillet en yderst positiv rolle, således som vi forventede det af den.
Let there be no doubt, there is still a great deal to be done.
Men vi må passe på, at der ikke opstår en ubalance mellem Europa-Parlamentet og de nationale parlamenter. Jeg skal her på ny understrege, hvor stor betydning jeg tillægger de nationale par lamenters voksende interesse for vore aktiviteter.
Because Europe is demonstrating a new found vitality, because envious eyes are being cast on a market of 320 million people with a high standard of living, there are those who have no compunction about accusing us of digging moats and building drawbridges.
Det er nu op til medlemmerne af denne forsamling af påvirke deres nationale kolleger. ger.
Let us not be taken in by this.
Såfremt dette argument, der bygger på sund fornuft, ikke er tilstrækkeligt, kan Fælles skabet ligeledes fremhæve den indsats, det har gjort i de senere år, når det drejer sig om de omstridte landbrugsstøtteordninger.
To come back to Europe in its broadest sense, our relations with the EFTA countries at both multilateral and bilateral level need to be highlighted.
Hvem er det, der har ret?
I will have something to say on this later.
Mens Europa-Parlamentet fuldt ud har spillet sin rolle inden for samarbejdet, må man til gengæld undre sig over de forsinkelser, der har kunnet konstateres i Rådet, over de traditionelle vanskeligheder, der virker hæmmende på vores fælles projekt.
The Community's new attractiveness can also be seen in the historic breakthrough in East-West relations over the last four years, with the establishment of diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union and five other countries, the parallel opening of official relations with Comecon, and the conclusion of trade agreements with Hungary and Czechoslovakia.
Som Lord Cockfield udtrykte det i sit »Mid Term Review«: »Selv om fire år adskiller os fra den 31. december 1992, må medlemsstaterne have tid til at integrere fællesskabsforanstaltninger i deres nationale lovgivning (...).
Our accusers are those who would like to see an open Europe with no common policy, no reactions, no political will. Our accusers are those who, within their own walls, enact protectionist trade. laws or devise ways of slowing down the first tentative moves towards market liberalization.
Dette betyder i realiteten, at Rådet må af slutte den væsentlige del af arbejdet inden for de kommende to år.
We would say this to them: the single market will be open, but it will not be given away.
Det må i betydelig grad øge sin arbejdsrytme«.
Europe will be firm — and it has already shown that it can be — in the event of unfair trade practices.
I øvrigt vil jeg lige indskyde, at der er et område, hvor den ne indstilling i Rådet i særlig grad har be kymret os de sidste par måneder, og det er landbruget.
Europe will continue to refer disputes to GATT. Europe will react in a determined manner to unlawful, discriminatory action by non-member countries.
Man kan spørge sig selv, hvor for — selv om man naturligvis kender de historiske årsager — landbrugsspørgsmålene ikke behandles inden for den samme ramme og med samme strenghed som de sager, der passerer gennem COREPER-filteret.
In short, Europe will not be intimidated but will continue, as it has since the beginning of the Uruguay Round, to maintain an open, constructive attitude as a means of contributing to the vital expansion of multilateral trade.
Fordi Europa manifesterer sin dynamik, for di dette marked med 320 millioner borgere med en høj levestandard skaber misundelse, tøver man ikke med at påstå, at vi er i færd med at opbygge mure og tårne.
This is to be welcomed and Europe must begin to develop what might be termed 'flexible proximity policies' tailored to a wide variety of situations, even extending to the countries of North Africa.
Det skal vi ikke lade os gå på af.
I would remind you that one of those countries, Morocco, has shown particular interest in the Community.
forbindelserne med landene i Den Europæiske Frihandelssammenslutning på både multilateralt og bilateralt plan.
not lose sight of this, even though Morocco — by its own admission — is at present mainly preoccupied with discussions with its close partners with a view to the formation of a greater Maghreb.
Til dem siger vi helt klart: Europa vil være åbent, men det vil ikke foræres bort.
It is well aware of the limits of its powers, even though it does play a full part in political cooperation meetings.
Det vil fortsat henvende sig til GATT i tilfælde af uenighed.
A strong Europe must be our obsession.
Det vil svare med beslutsomhed på tredjelandes ulovlige og diskriminerende fremgangsmåder.
For it is increasingly difficult to separate economics from politics.
Europa vil kort sagt ikke lade sig skræmme, men det vil naturligvis, som det har gjort lige fra starten af Uruguay-Runden, fastholde sin åbne og kon struktive holdning for at kunne bidrage til den så vigtige udvidelse af verdenshandelen.
It should also be remembered that the Twelve solemnly affirmed in the preamble to the Single Act that they were prepared to create a European union: that means one for 12 and 12 for one.
Alt i alt oplever Fællesskabet en stadig større interesse fra naboernes side.
The Community may well be attracting interest, but I wonder sometimes if it displays refound dignity in all circumstances.
Det skal vi være glade for, og derfor skal vi udforme det, man kan kalde en »progressiv nabopolitik«, der kan bruges i meget forskellige situationer, også i vort forhold til de nordafrikanske lande. Et af disse lande, nemlig Marokko, har vist en særlig interesse for Det
At the Rhodes European Council, I expressed my personal regret that polical cooperation was making less headway than economic cooperation and that the Twelve were reluctant to agree on common positions or to take joint initiatives in the East-West dialogue.
Disse bestræbelser følger vi naturligvis med betydelig sympati og interesse, fordi vi allerede gennem bilaterale aftaler har udbygget vort samarbejde med Algeriet, Marokko og Tunesien. nesien.
Its role in world trade apart, Europe wants to be a truly loyal partner, but vigilant and ambitious, anxious to build a fairer, more effective economic order.
Lad os være ligefremme og åbne, som det sig hør og bør mellem venner.
I was told that the countries of Europe are present and active in the CSCE conference in Vienna.
Det mest sørgelige er, at det ikke er et sådant klima, der bør præge et frugtbart partnerskab.
I need hardly say that we are all delighted that the process started in Helsinki in 1975 by 35 countries is continuing.
Dette bør være et værdigt udtryk for det dybe venskab, der eksisterer mellem vore befolkninger.
The agreements reached in Vienna will open up new prospects for balanced disarmament, broader economic, scientific and cultural cooperation and the elimination of certain obstacles to effective enjoyment of human rights.
Der er endnu tid til at vende tilbage til denne tillidsfulde og gensidige forståelse, som så ofte tidligere har præget forbindelserne mellem De Forenede Stater og Europa.
The Community as such is involved in this and must take the opportunity to express its views more forcefully.
Vi europæere er rede hertil, men på betingelse af, at europæerne respekteres.
But, as you well know, this is far from true for one part of the world.
Men jeg vil ikke — ved at holde mig til økonomi og handel — male et for rosenrødt billede af situationen.
But let me ask the question: Are the people of Europe really aware that relations between the big powers are of immediate concern to them?
Hvis Fællesskabet vækker opmærksomhed eller interesse, spørger jeg mig undertiden, om det i alle situationer lægger en genfundet værdighed for dagen.
It is, after all, their territory that houses formidable military arsenals.
Jeg har allerede haft lejlighed til over for Dem efter Det Europæiske Råd på Rhodos at beklage, at det politiske samarbejde skrider langsommere frem end den økonomiske opbygning, og at De Tolv ikke har ment at måtte indtage fælles holdninger og tage initiativer i dialogen mellem Øst og
It is their territory that may tomorrow be the theatre of a nuclear confrontation, and even if this dreadful possibility is ruled out, there are still those who can play on people's fears.
Vi skal ikke glemme vor anden store handelspartner, Japan, med hvem vi har til hensigt — på grundlag af reel gensidighed — at fortsætte styrkelsen af vore handelsmæssige, finansielle og — håber jeg — kulturelle for bindelser.
Let us look at the figures: adjustment led to a steady fall of 2% a year in the standard of living of middle-income countries between 1980 and 1988, with another half a point in 1988.
Der er stadig virkelig mange opgaver at løse.
In sub-Saharan Africa, per capita in come is now 25% lower than it was in the 1970s.
Vi kan naturligvis kun glæde os over, at den proces, som blev indledt af 35 lande i Helsinki i 1975, fortsætter.
These comments of mine do not mean that the Commission is straying into forbidden