natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Vi har allerede understreget dette stærkt: en analyse af vort samfundsliv viser, at trods udviklingen i de sociale lovgivninger og den almindelige forbedring af levestandarden består en stor del af befolkningen stadig af personer, der står over for enorme økonomiske og sociale vanskeligheder, og som ikke ved, hvor de skal henvende sig eller ikke har midlerne til at betale den rådgiver, som kan yde hjælp.
Attention has already been drawn at length to the needs in this area: analysis of our social life reveals that, despite developments in social legislation and improvement of the general standard of living, a large section of the population is made up of people who are faced with enormous economic and social difficulties, but do not know where to turn for help or cannot afford the fees of counsellors who could advise them.
Denne tingenes tilstand ligger til grund for en stærk anfægtelse af det liberale erhverv og tendensen i nogle regeringskredse til at udskifte det med statsforvaltninger.
This state of affairs is a cause of considerable hostility towards the professions and accounts for the trend in some government circles to set up State services in areas which should rightly be the province of the professions.
Det liberale erhverv bør gøre sig dette forhold klart og organisere sig under hensyntagen dertil.
The professions should come to terms with this situation and organize themselves accordingly.
Det liberale erhvervs rolle i nutidens samfund er den rolle, det spiller for menneskets frigørelse.
Their role in today's society is the role that they play in giving greater freedom to their fellow men.
d) Samråd på politisk plan
(d) Political consultation
Det liberale erhverv stod traditionelt uden for det politiske liv; dette gælder såvel for den enkelte udøver af erhvervet som for det pågældende erhverv som korporation, skønt udøveren af det liberale erhverv som almindelig borger derimod ofte var engageret i politik.
Traditionally, the professions always used to play no part in political life; this was true both of individual members and of the professions collectively, although it was com mon for professional people, as ordinary citizens, to be involved in politics.
Han var naturligvis impliceret i denne i en ideologisk sammenhæng, som ikke havde særlig forbindelse med hans faglige virksomhed.
Inevitably, they found that the ideological context of politics had little in common with their experience in professional life.
Dette er grunden til, at vedtægterne for de faglige organisationer omhyggeligt lagde vægt på deres upolitiske karakter.
This is why the constitutions of professional bodies carefully stressed that their objectives were apolitical.
En sådan opspaltning synes ikke at have medført nogen ulempe, så længe det politiske liv udfoldede sig uden for det faglige område.
This dichotomy does not seem to have caused any problems as long as professional life was largely unaffected by political developments.
I dag har forholdene ændret sig.
But this is no longer the case.
Reglementeringerne har fået et langt større omfang og er trængt ind på alle områder af samfundslivet.
Regulations in ever-increasing numbers have invaded all aspects of social life.
Sundhed, jura, betjening af teknik, økonomi, byplanlægning, arkitektur, undervisning, kultur..., alt er blevet »politisk«.
Health services, the law, technology, economics, town planning, architecture, teaching, culture... everything has been politicized.
Og alligevel ser man, at det liberale erhverv som sådant ikke har megen indflydelse på den almindelige politiske udvikling.
And yet the professions as such have very little influence on the development of general policies.
Det hænder, at det gør sig gældende i politiske spørgsmål, ofte på en lidt voldsom måde, selv ved at iværksætte strejker, men i så fald er det mere for at forsvare interesser, som det finder truede, end for at gennemtvinge en hensigtsmæssig politik.
There are occasions when they venture into politics, sometimes turbulently and even to the extent of resorting to strike action, but their motive in such instances tends to be the defence of interests that they believe to be threatened rather than the promotion of suitable policies.
Vi er afgjort imod ethvert system, som ud fra en ny korporativ tankegang kunne forlene faget med forvaltningsrettigheder i de offentlige sektorer.
There must be firm opposition to any system which would give the professions, through a new form of corporatism, executive prerogatives in areas of public life.
Derimod mener vi, at det bedre organiserede fag skulle kunne få tildelt en mere udvidet og systematisk rådgivende ret på de områder, hvor det drejer sig om den sektor af det offentlige liv, hvor det udøver sin virksomhed.
On the other hand, it should be possible, if the professions were better organized, to accord them the right to be consulted more fully and more systematically on matters affecting those areas of public life in which they have a professional involvement.
Det, som er sagt i det foregående om de væsentlige kendetegn for de liberale erhverv, de for dem gældende regler og deres organisation, udtømmer ikke det problem, som består i dag med hensyn til fremme af denne bestanddel af vort nuværende samfund.
The outline that has been given above of the essential characteristics, regulations and organization of the professions does not represent all that is to be said about the problem of promoting professional structures in today's society.
Det er ikke tilstrækkeligt at slå fast — selv om det er sandt — at det liberale erhverv sikrer dets udøveres selvstændighed, ansvarlighed og kreativitet; det er endda ikke tilstrækkeligt at sige — hvad der dog er langt vigtigere — at udøveren af det liberale erhverv skal medvirke til varetagelsen af sine klienters personlige frihedsrettigheder; man må også nærmere analysere, hvorledes denne rolle i dag opfattes af befolkningen. folkningen.
It is not enough — even if true — to claim that the professions maintain the independence, responsibility and creativity of their members: it is not even enough to state that it is the duty of members of the professions to help to defend the personal freedom of their clients, although this is very much more important; it is still necessary to analyse the manner in which this role is perceived today by the public.
Det er nemlig ikke givet, at mennesket her i slutningen af det tyvende århundrede uden videre føler sig til trukket af de værdier, som udøvelsen af et liberalt erhverv byder på.
Indeed, it is not self-evident that late twentieth-century man is immediately attracted by the values held out to him by the professions.
Det er ikke sikkert, at han lægger lige så megen vægt på selvstændighed i udøvelsen af sin faglige virksomhed som på sikkerhed.
It is not certain that he attaches as much importance to independence as to security in his working life.
Er det ikke sådan, at uafhængigheden er noget, han forbeholder fritiden, hvor han frigør sig eller prøver at frigøre sig fra det teknologiske samfund.
Does he not consider independence as something to be exercised only during his leisure hours, when he escapes — or tries to escape — from the technological society?
Han vil sikkert gerne finde interesse i sit arbejde, men det er ikke sikkert, at han har smag for personligt ansvar i sin virksomhed eller i forbindelserne med offentligheden.
He presumably prefers to find interest in his work, but it is not certain that he is keen to exercise personal responsibility in his working life or in public affairs.
Han er ikke sikker på, at han i sin virksomhed sætter så stor pris på kontakten med mennesker.
Nor is it certain that he is particularly alive to the value of person-to-person contacts in his working life.
Er det ikke sådan, at han befinder sig i et slags panser i forhold til sine medmennesker og er vænnet til at leve i et upersonligt og hårdt samfund?
Is he not in a sense screened off from his fellow-men and used to living in a hard impersonal society?
Det væsentlige i det personlige forhold, som var særligt for det liberale erhverv, byggede til syvende og sidst på en følelse af tillid.
The essential feature of the direct relationship characteristic of professional practice was ultimately founded on confidence.
Men vi lever i en tid med mistillid og mistænksomhed.
But now we live in an age of distrust and suspicion.
Udøveren af det liberale erhverv levede på en vis prestige, der, som vi har set det, skyldtes hans kunnen, men det moderne menneske har i samfundslivet en tendens til at have mere tiltro til maskinen, teknikken og medierne end til den enkelte person.
Profes sional people used to enjoy a certain prestige derived, as we have seen above, from their knowledge, but modern man tends to have more confidence in machines, technoK'igy and the media than in individuals.
Han spørger først og fremmest efter effektivitet og yde evne.
Efficiency and performance are what he expects above all.
Tilrækningen ved de »værdier«, det liberale erhverv taler om, vækker kun ligegyldighed og endda mistillid.
The professions' appeal to 'values' leaves him indifferent, and even distrustful.
Det liberale erhverv må gå ud fra denne analyse af nutidens menneske for at kunne tilpasse sine tjenesteydelser efter dets psykologi.
The professions should use this analysis of modern man as the starting point from which to adapt their services to his psychological make-up.
Der er ikke tale om, at det skal give efter for alle det moderne menneskes reflekser, da dette kunne medvirke til at øge materialismen og ensomhedsangsten.
This does not mean that they should go along with all the reflexes of today's man, since this could make him more materialistic and intensify the anguish of his solitude.
Det skal i denne psykologi søge efter det, som opfylder behovet for udfoldelse hos mennesket.
They should seek to identify those aspects of his psychological make-up which correspond to his needs for self-fulfilment.
Dette menneske vil være frit, »frigjort« og uden tvivl ansvarligt for sin egen skæbne.
This man wants to be free, 'liberated", and no doubt also wants to be responsible for his own destiny.
Det liberale erhverv kan hjælpe det også på dette område på betingelse af, at det afstår fra enhver, ofte ubevidst, udnyttelse, at det afviser privilegier, at det benytter sig af alle tekniske og organisatoriske hjælpemidler, og at det virkelig vil »yde en tjeneste«, især til de dårligst stillede.
The professions can help him to realize his aspirations, as long as they desist from all exploitation, which is very often unconscious, reject privilege, make full use of all technical and organizational facilities, and really devote themselves to 'providing a service', especially to the least advantaged sections of the population.
Hvis det liberale erhverv virkelig vil tage hensyn til den ændring, vore samfund undergår, må det tage dette skridt, da de »værdier«, det taler om, ellers kun vil være tomme ord.
These are the things that the professions must do if they really intend to adjust to the changes that are occurring in our societies; otherwise the 'values' to which they refer will be no more than empty words.
forhold er en vigtig stimulans i menneskets tilstedeværelse i dette samfund.
'structure of freedom' which is a source of balance and moderation par excellence.
Som sådan vil den kunne bidrage til udviklingen af et europæisk Fællesskab med menneskelige dimensioner, som uden dette løber en risiko for at trækkes i retning af en form for koncentrationssamfund.
As such, they will help to ensure that the human dimension prevails in the development of the European Community which, without them, would be at risk of being drawn towards some form of authoritarian society.
Vi har indledt dette kapitel om det liberale erhverv med en henvisning til Romtraktaten, og vi skal også afslutte det ved at komme ind på denne.
This chapter on the professions ends as it began, with a reference to the Treaty of Rome.
Mens vi kort har behandlet spørgsmålet om den rolle, det liberale erhverv spiller i vort samfund, har vi ikke tabt selve emnet af syne: anvendelsen af princippet om bevægelsesfrihed på dette erhverv i Fællesskaberne.
It has been no digression from our subject of the implementation of freedom of movement for the professions in the Community to have briefly discussed their role in society.
Før vi går over til en nærmere analyse af udarbejdelsen af direktiverne vedrørende vilkårene for udøvelsen af disse erhverv, har det været nødvendigt at gå lidt tilbage til kilderne til vort problem.
Before making an analysis of the content of the directives concerned with conditions of practice in the professions, it was first necessary to give some consideration to the antecedents of our problem.
Hvad vi har sagt derom, er selve det grundlag, traktatens artikel 57 hviler på.
What is said about them here represents the very foundation on which Article 57 of the Treaty rests.
Det er rigtigt, at man ikke skal udlede mere af denne artikel, end den giver mulighed for. Man bør hverken fortabe sig i metafysiske betragtninger eller stikke fast i rent juridiske eller tekniske hensyn.
Clearly, care must be taken not to read more into this article than it will bear.
Derimod et det absolut nødvendigt at »holde sig hævet over sit værk«, som Pascal ville sige det, at se tingene på afstand og ofte have det mål, man har sat sig, i tankerne.
It is absolutely essential when undertaking any task to keep it in perspective and regularly remind oneself of the aim originally envisaged.
Det meget ringe resultat, der er opnået i løbet af tyve år, kan til dels forklares ved, at man ikke har overvejet selve grundlaget for det, man skulle give regler for.
Part of the reason for the meagre results achieved in this field after 20 years has been a failure to think through the fundamentals of the problem at hand.
Det drejer sig om bevægelsesfrihed, men den, der skal nyde godt af denne frihed, er et menneske, som kun benytter sig af denne for at møde et andet menneske og forhandle med dette om sine friheder.
The proposition is freedom of movement, but a freedom to be exercised by people who use it exclusively for the purposes of making contact with others and helping them to maintain their freedoms.
Betingelserne for at udøve den faglige virksomhed må være at »samordne«, dvs. »i fællesskab og sammen at ordne« vilkårene for et erhverv, som ikke blot skal hjælpe andre til i øget omfang at sikre de nuværende betingelser for deres velfærd, men også til at gøre disse betingelser endnu bedre.
Conditions of practice must make for 'coordination", i.e. the "joint and harmonious ordering", of this view of the professions, whose members help others, not merely to improve their well-being, but to enhance the quality of their lives.
Romtraktatens retsbestemmelser
The legal provisions of the Treaty of Rome
I. Etableringsrettens almindelige juridiske struktur
I. General legal structure of the right of establishment
Straks efter deres oprettelse i slutningen af 1958 begyndte de tjenestegrene i Kom missionen, som skulle varetage gennemførelsen af etableringsretten og den frie ud veksling af tjenesteydelser, deres arbejde med en juridisk analyse af indholdet af traktatens afsnit III, kapitel 2 og 3, som man vil finde i vedlagte bilag. Denne analyse blev først foretaget globalt for at udlede de væsentlige målsætninger, dernæst systematisk, artikel for artikel.
On being set up towards the end of 1958, the Commission departments responsible for application of the right of establishment and freedom to provide services began their task by carrying out a legal analysis of the contents of Chapters 2 and 3 of Title III of the Treaty, the text of which is reproduced in Annex I. This analysis started with an overall review to establish the essential objectives, following which a systematic examination was made, article by article.
Her skal kort nævnes resultaterne af denne globale analyse, dvs. den almindelige opbygning af etableringsretten.
The findings of the overall review, giving the general structure of the right of establishment, can be summarized as follows.
Ved traktaten oprettes et fællesskab.
The Treaty creates a community.
En af de vigtigste stimulanser for dette fællesskab er personernes frie bevægelighed.
One of the mainsprings of this community is the free movement of persons.
Man ved, at for de selvstændige udøvere af et erhverv, herunder de liberale erhverv, virkeliggøres denne bevægelsesfrihed ved iværksættelsen enten af etableringsretten eller af den frie udveksling af tjenesteydelser.
For independent workers, including members of the professions, freedom of movement is attained by the application of either the right of establishment or the freedom to provide services.
Set under den bredeste synsvinkel består etableringsrettens almindelige juridiske struktur i, at der ved traktaten skabes en ny ret for alle medlemsstaternes borgere: retten til at »bevæge sig« frit for at udøve en erhvervs virksomhed i Fællesskabet.
Considered from the most general point of view, the general legal structure of the right of establishment is contained in the provisions of the Treaty which create a new right for all nationals of the Member States, the right to move freely throughout the Community in order to pursue an occupation.
Der er virkelig tale om en ny ret, da medlemsstaternes lovgivninger inden traktaten indebar enten uoverstigelige hindringer (nationalitetskravet) eller vanskeligt overstigelige hindringer (de forskellige uddannelseskrav og vedtægter) for den frie bevæge lighed.
It is indeed a new right, since, under the Member States' laws before the Treaty, various obstacles to freedom of movement were allowed, some of them insurmountable (nationality), others surmountable only with difficulty (differences in training, organization, etc.).
Det var en ny ret, som havde to sider: muligheden for at vælge det land, man ville etablere sig i, og frihed til at virke midlertidigt i hele Fællesskabet, mens man stadig var »etableret« i sit hjemland.
It is a new right offering two options: the freedom to choose one's country of establishment and the possibility of practising temporarily anywhere in the Community while remaining 'established' in one's country of origin.
Denne nye ret er uden tvivl et af traktatens mest fundamentale træk. Det må ikke glemmes, at den endnu ikke eksisterer i USA for eksempel.
This new right is undoubtedly to be numbered among the most fundamental features of the Treaty.
Som et led i etableringsrettens almindelige struktur finder man desuden selve det princip, som ligger til grund for den, og som er den gyldne regel for etableringsretten: at stille erhvervsudøveren fra et andet land på lige fod med erhvervsudøveren i værtslandet i alt, hvad der angår udøvelsen af den pågældende erhvervsvirksomhed.
Underpinning this general structure of the right of establishment is the basic principle, the cardinal rule of the right of establishment: to put the migrant professional person on a footing of equality with the professional person based in the host country in all matters concerned with practice of their profession.
For at gennemføre etableringsfriheden (og den frie udveksling af tjenesteydelser) skal medlemsstaterne fra deres lovgivning med hensyn til borgere fra de andre medlemsstater fjerne enhver »restriktion«, dvs. enhver bestemmelse, som kun gælder for ud lændinge, og som landets statsborgere ikke er underlagt.
In order to bring about freedom of establishment (and freedom to provide services), Member States are required to abolish, in respect of nationals of other Member States, all 'restrictions' in their legislation, that is all provisions which are applicable only to foreign nationals, not to their own nationals.
Det klassiske eksempel på en sådan restriktion er det i lovgivningen indeholdte krav om statsborgerskab for at have adgang til at optage og udøve et erhverv.
The classic example of a restriction is a legally sanctioned nationality stipulation governing the right to take up an activity.
Men vi skal se, at der findes en uendelig mængde af mulige »restriktioner«, fordi der er en uendelig række midler for lovgiveren, og måske i endnu højere grad for forvaltningen, til at stille større krav til udlændingen end til statsborgeren.
But. as we shall see, there is an infinity of possible 'restrictions', since there is an infinite range of means available to legislatures and especially to executives whereby they can place more stringent demands on foreign nationals than on their own nationals.
Hvis man ikke er opmærksom på den betydning, begrebet restriktion har på dette punkt, kan man let gøre sig skyldig i en misforståelse og tro, at det er hensigten med traktaten i dette kapitel om etableringsretten at ophæve begrænsninger i erhvervsfriheden; ud fra en sådan betragtning ville restriktionen ikke mere være en bestem melse, der medfører forskelsbehandling, men en hvilken som helst gældende regel, hvis værdi man kan vurdere forskelligt, men som i virkeligheden har til følge at udgøre en begrænsning i friheden til at udøve et erhverv.
It is important to be clear as to the meaning of the term 'restrictions' as used in the chapter of the Treaty dealing with the right of establishment, since it is easy to misconstrue the Treaty's intention as the abolition of restrictions on the freedom to practise: if this were the aim, the restrictions concerned would no longer be confined to discriminatory provisions, but would include any regulations the actual effect of which was to place restrictions on the freedom to practise (the desirability of such regulations being another issue).
Der er altså god grund til at gentage, fordi mange tager fejl på dette punkt, at restriktionen i den betydning, den omhandles i traktaten, er en bestemmelse, som begrænser friheden for nogle — stats borgere fra de andre medlemsstater— i forhold til andre — landets egne statsborgere.
Since so many people make this mistake, it is worth repeating that a restriction in the meaning intended in the Treaty is a provision, in force in a Member State, which limits the freedom of one group (nationals of the other Member States) as compared with that of another (its own nationals).
Den vildfarelse, vi her gør opmærksom på, finder ofte sted i forbindelse med artikel 53 (eller 62), som fra undertegnelsen af traktaten forbyder enhver begrænsning i adgangen til at etablere sig (eller i den frihed til udveksling af tjenesteydelser, der faktisk er opnået).
This mistake is often made in connection with Article 53 (or 62), which prohibits any new restriction on the right of establishment (or on the freedom to provide services which has in fact been attained), with effect from the date of signature of the Treaty.
Nogle har af denne artikel draget den slutning, at en medlemsstat ikke mere kan vedtage nogen lov, som betyder en ny begrænsning i adgangen til at udøve et erhverv, f eks. ved at kræve nye eller mere omfattende uddannelsesbetingelser, eller ved at kræve medlemskab af en faglig organisation.
Some people have inferred from this article that a Member State can no longer adopt legislation which constitutes a new restriction on the freedom to practise, for instance by stipulating new or wider requirements as regards training or by making it compulsory to register with a professional body.
I virkeligheden kan medlemsstaterne udmærket lovgive på dette område og bringe denne lovgivning i anvendelse på statsborgere fra de andre medlemsstater, forudsat, at bestemmelsen ikke indebærer nogen forskelsbehandling, dvs. at den gælder såvel for landets egne statsborgere som for fremmede statsborgere.
Member States are in fact perfectly free to enact such laws and apply them to the nationals of other Member States, provided that they are not discriminatory, that is as long as they are equally applicable to their own nationals.
Som vi senere skal påvise det, har Domstolens domme fastslået den umiddelbare gyldighed af artiklerne 52 og 62, dvs., at de umiddelbart kan bringes i anvendelse, selv om der endnu ikke foreligger et direktiv fra Rådet.
As we shall be seeing, the judgments of the Court of Justice have established the direct applicability of Articles 52 and 62, meaning that they are applicable im mediately, even before any directive has been issued by the Council.