natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Faldet har været meget stort i Det forenede Kongerige, hvor det i særlig høj grad er lykkedes at nedbringe inflationen (fra 15,2 % i 1981 til 10,6 % i 1984) og betydeligt i Forbunds­republikken Tyskland og Frankrig, men noget mindre i Italien og i de fleste af de mindre lande.
It has been very large in the United Kingdom where the success in disinflation was particularly great (from 15,2% in 1981 to 10,6% in 1984) and substantial in Germany and France, but has been less important in Italy and in most of the smaller countries.
En faktor, der synes at have stimuleret forbruget betydeligt i de seneste par år, er nedgangen i inflationen.
A factor which seems to have stimulated consumption sig­nificantly over the last few years is the decrease in inflation.
Traditionelt sondrer man mellem to modsat rettede virkninger i analysen af inflationens indvirkning på forbruget.
Traditionally two effects working in opposite directions are distinguished in the analysis of inflationary impacts on con­sumption.
For det første vil forbrugerne blive tilskyndet til at fremskynde deres køb af varer, når prisstigningerne tager til og inflationsforventning­erne øges for derved at undgå at skulle betale bestandig højere priser i fremtiden.
First, when the rise in prices accelerates and inflationary expectations are building up, buyers are induced to anticipate purchases of goods in order to avoid paying still higher prices in the future.
Denne virkning gælder hovedsage­lig varige forbrugsgoder.
This effect applies mainly to durable consumer goods.
Tilsvarende skulle man ved fal­dende inflation forvente den modsatte indvirkning på for­bruget.
Correspondingly, with inflation slowing down an inverse shift of consumer expenditure might be expected.
Imidlertid synes denne virkning ikke at have spillet nogen væsentlig rolle i Fællesskabet som helhed, selv om den tidligere træge efterspørgsel efter en række varige for­brugsgoder kan have været udtryk for øget tillid til en stabil prisudvikling.
Although the sluggishness of demand for certain types of durables in the past may have been a reflec­tion of consumers' growing confidence in price stability, this effect does not seem to have played a significant role in the Community as a whole.
På den anden side er forbrugernes adfærd i de forskellige lande tilstrækkelig ensartet til, at man kan indkredse en række hovedfaktorer, som er bestemmende for forbruget i alle lande.
On the other hand, consumer behaviour is sufficiently uni­form across countries to identify basic factors which deter­mine consumption in all of them.
Selv om den disponible indkomst er den vigtigste faktor, er denne variabel ikke i sig selv tilstrækkelig til at forklare forbrugsudviklingen.
Although current dispos­able income is the most essential factor, it is obvious that explaining consumption exclusively by this variable would not be sufficient.
Økonometriske beregninger tyder på, at vores forståelse af forbrugeradfærden kan forbedres ved at inddrage flere variabler i forbrugsfunktio­nen.
Econometric evidence suggests that our understanding of consumption behaviour can be improved by including other variables in the consumption function.
En faktor er formuen, som ifølge mange undersøgelser sammen med indkomsten er med til at bestemme hus­
One is wealth, which has been identified in many studies as a factor which influences household spending along with income.
Ændrede inflationsforventninger kan imidlertid have haft en række realkasseeffekter siden 1981.
A rise in the real value of household assets may be expected to stimulate consumption and vice versa.
Stigende inflation udhuler nemlig formuernes realværdi; for at bevare formuer­nes oprindelige værdi er husholdningerne nødt til at anvende en større del af deres indkomst til opsparing.
This follows from the idea that the ability to consume out of wealth is used by consumers in the same way as that provided by income in order to spread consumption evenly over the
Med faldende inflation og en opsparing, der fortsat følger en tidligere kraftig inflation, vil formuernes realværdi øges ud over det ønskede niveau, og dette kan have gjort husholdningerne tilbøjelige til at mindske opsparingen.
In considering the role of wealth in the relationship between inflation and saving, it may be argued that the savings ratio measured in the traditional way is potentially misleading in
Husholdningernes opsparingskvoter i de fire største medlemsstater
Savings ratios of private households in the four large Member States of disposable income
Derfor er en korrigeret opsparingskvote baseret på indkomst og opsparing minus formuernes værdi forringelse måske relevant til analysebrug.
Therefore a corrected savings ratio which is based on income and saving net of de preciation effects, may be of some analytical interest.
ren (og en tilsvarende realgevinst for debitorsektoren), og om dette påvirker indkomstfordelingen, afhænger af, om de af husholdningerne modtagne nominelle rentebetalinger inkluderer et inflationstillæg, som er tilstrækkeligt til at kompensere for værdinedgangen.
loss. The distortion produced in this way in the national accounts tends to rise or fall with inflation.
Under inflation vil de no minelle rentesatser have tendens til stigning for at kompensere kreditorerne for nedgangen i deres aktivers realværdi.
In order to adjust conventionally measured income and saving along these lines, balance sheets of households as presented in the annex to this chapter are required.
Kapitalgevinster og -tab på aktiver indgår normalt ikke i de indkomstbegreber, der anvendes i nationalregnskaberne. En faktor, som er med til at påvirke aktivers realværdi er infla tionen.
Gains and losses on assets are by and large excluded from income as defined in the national acounts. One factor which makes the real value of assets change is inflation.
Disse effekter slår dog igennem ad mange forskellige veje, og det er nødvendigt at sondre mellem fysiske og finansielle aktiver således at forstå, at sidstnævnte omfatter alle aktiver, hvis øjeblikkelige værdi eller fremtidige cash flow fastsættes i monetære enheder, herunder penge.
How ever, and distinction needs to be drawn between physical and monetary assets, the latter including all assets whose current value or whose future cash flows are fixed in terms of currency units, including money.
De faktiske rentebetalinger, der indgår i nationalregnskab erne, omfatter dette tillæg, men ikke det tilsvarende kapital tab.
The available data on physical assets of households in the Community are too rudimentary to be included in an analysis of consumption behaviour.
Denne skævhed i nationalregnskaberne har tendens til at stige eller falde med inflationen.
Apart from this, other factors than inflation have also contributed to the rise of the relative prices of land and dwellings, which makes it difficult to determine the gain which is relevant in any correction for inflation-induced distortions.
For at korrigere de traditionelle opgørelser over indkomst og opsparing i over ensstemmelse hermed er det nødvendigt at opstille statusopgørelser for husholdningerne som vist i bilaget til dette kapitel.
Finally, the need for adjusting gains/losses from monetary assets looks more pressing than for physical assets because it is more obvious in the former case than in the latter that measured income Hows (nominal interest payments) do contain a spurious element which one would like to eliminate.
Fysiske aktiver som jord, fast ejendom og guld betragtes normalt som et værn mod inflationen, når de finansielle aktivers værdi udhules.
Physical assets like land, dwellings, gold are considered as a safeguard against inflation when the value of monetary assets is subject to erosion.
Prisen på fysiske aktiver er i 1970'erne generelt steget mere end forbrugerprisindekset.
The price of the former has generally risen in the 1970s by more than the price index of consumer goods.
Ejerne af sådanne aktiver har derfor opnået en inflationsskabt kapitalgevinst målt i faste priser.
Hence the owners of such assets enjoyed a real capital gain induced by inflation.
For at give et indtryk af størrelsen af disse kapitalgevinster kan det nævnes, at prisen på byggegrunde i Forbundsrepublikken Tyskland fra 1970 til 1980 steg knap 50 % mere end forbrugerpriserne.
To give an impression of the order of magnitude, the price of building land relative to the deflator of private consumption increased by nearly 50% between 1970 and 1980 in Germany.
Af disse årsager er opsparingskvoterne kun justeret for værdiforringelsen af husholdningernes finansielle aktiver.
Inflation-induced depreciation of net monetary assets of households in the five EC Member States during the 1970s (annual averages, in percentage of GDP) was as follows.'
En sammenligning af de to opsparingskvoter viser, at det seneste fald i opsparingskvoten er betydelig mindre markant når man tager hensyn til korrektionen.
The figures above are obtained by multiplying lhe rale of consumer price inflation in the course of lhe year by lhe average amount of net monetary assets of the household sector during lhe year.
De to landes gennem­snitlige opsparingskvote faldt nemlig fra 14,3% i 1980 til 11,2% i 1983 efter den traditionelle beregningsmåde, men de korrigerede kvoter forblev næsten konstante.
11.2% in 1983 if measured conventionally, but remained approximately constant if corrected.
Med faldende inflation skulle husholdningerne i disse lande anvende en mindre andel af den løbende indkomst for at bevare realværdien af deres finansielle aktiver.
With less inflation, households in these countries needed a smaller proportion of current income for the reconstitution of the real value of their monetary wealth.
Den andel af indkomsten, som var tilbage til forbrug eller »virkelig« opsparing, steg, hvorved det private forbrug øgedes mere, end de traditionelt opgjorte indkomster gav udtryk for.
The proportion of income left for consumption or «true» saving rose, and private consumption recovered by more than the poor per­formance of conventionally measured income would have suggested.
Ovenstående tal viser, at korrektionen af de traditionelle opgørelser af husholdningernes indkomster andrager hele 11,4 % af BNP i Italien — som følge af den kraftige forbru­gerprisstigning i dette land i den pågældende periode (14,6 % i gennemsnit). Selv i et land med relativ lav inflation som f.eks.
appears from the above figures that the size of the downward correction of conventionally measured household income is as high as 11,4% of GDP in Italy — a reflection of the high rate of consumer price inflation in this country over the period considered (14,6% on average).
I et lavinfla­tionsland vil det forhold, at det inflationsskabte fald i de finansielle aktivers værdi modregnes i de tilsvarende infla­tionsgevinster på jord og fast ejendom, dog betyde, at kor­rektionen bliver mindre eller helt forsvinder.
In a low inflation country the netting out of the inflation induced loss on monetary assets with the corre­sponding gains on houses and land would, however, reduce the correction if not make it disappear completely.
Alt dette tyder på, at faldet i de private husholdningers statistisk opgjorte opsparingskvote kan blive af permanent karakter under forudsætning af, at inflationen ikke tager til igen.
All this suggests that the fall in the statistically measured savings ratio of private households may turn out to be of a lasting nature assuming that inflation does not pick up again.
DIAGRAM 5.2 : Husholdningernes opsparingskvote, EF 5 ')
Uncorrected EC 5
.Λkorrigeret EF­5
12 y ^Corrected2
Da opsparingen traditionelt defineres som den del af ind­komsten, der ikke forbruges, må en korrektion af indkom­sterne også gælde opsparingen.
The recent period of decreasing inflation is not covered for all five countries because oflack of data on balance sheets.
I diagram 5.2 foretages en sammenligning af den samlede opsparingskvote beregnet på traditionel vis og den korrigerede opsparings­kvote i 1970'erne for de fem lande, for hvilke der foreligger sektorbalancer (Belgien, Forbundsrepublikken Tyskland, Frankrig, Italien, Det forenede Kongerige).
However, to give an impression of the importance of the adjustment, Graph 5.2 has been extended up to 1983 for the United Kingdom and Germany, the only countries for which recent data ara available.
Den korrigerede opsparingskvote har naturligvis ligget lavere end den tradi­tionelle i alle år; forskellen mellem de to varierer mellem 5 og 13 procentpoints. Korrektionen viser, at opsparingskvo­ten var usædvanlig lav i 1974, hvor inflationen medførte en kraftig udhulning af husholdningernes aktiver.
1 From 1971 to 1980: EC 5 (B. D, F. I. UK); Trom 1980 lo 1983: D. UK.
') 1971­1980: EF­5 (B, D, F, I, UK); 1980­1983: D, UK. :) Husholdningernes bruttoopsparing minus den inflationsskabte forringelse af de finansielle aktivers realværdi i % af den korrigerede disponible indkomst.
Household gross saving less the inflation­induced depreciation of the real value of monetary assets as % of adjusted disposable income.
Oen inflationsskabte Værdi forringelse er beregnet ved at multiplicere ændringen i forbru­gerpriserne i løbet af året med de gennemsnitlige finansielle nettoaktiver i samme periode.
The inflation­induced depreciation has been calculated by multiplying the rate of change in consumer prices during the year with ihc amount of nel monetary assets outstanding on average during ihc year.
') Tallene er fremkommet ved at multiplicere forbrugerprisernes stignings­takt i løbet af året med husholdningssektorens gennemsnitlige finansielle nettoaktiver ¡ det pågældende år.
The message from the comparison between the two ratios is that the recent decline of the saving ratio is much less pronounced after correction. Indeed, the average savings ratio of these two countries declined from 14.3% in 1980 to m
Forskellige husholdningsgruppers indkomstniveau len er uegnet til sammenligninger mellem graden af indkomstuligheder i de forskellige lande, da den er baseret på nationale undersøgelser, som anvender forskellige metoder, definitioner og tidsafgrænsninger.
Income levels of different categories of households countries, because it is based on national studies which vary with respect to methodology, definitions and time period used.
For tre af landene viser tabellen indkomst fordelingen på forskellige socio-økonomiske grupper, men for Det forenede Kongerige, hvor der ikke foreligger sådanne op lysninger, viser tabellen fordelingen på forskellige indkomstniveauer; det er klart, at indkomstspredningen efter dette kriterium bliver større, når husholdningerne grupperes efter socio-økonomiske kriterier.
For three of the countries, the table presents the distribution of income across socio­economic groups, while for the United Kingdom, because of a lack of information o( this kind, the distribution across different income levels is shown; it is obvious that in this optic the spread of incomes is larger than when households are grouped according to socio­economic factors.
Husholdningerne i de første tre lande er opdelt efter vigtigste indkomstkilde.
Households in the first three countries are classified according to their main source of income.
Det skal understreges, at selv med den her viste grad af disaggregering kan indkomstniveauerne inden for de enkelte indkomstgrupper fortsat være meget forskellige.
It should be kept in mind that, even with the degree of disaggregation of the household sector presented here.the various categories still comprise households with very different levels of incomes.
I dette kapitels hovedafsnit er husholdningssektoren blevet be tragtet som en homogen blok af økonomiske enheder.
In the main text of this chapter the household sector has been looked at as a homogeneous block of economic units.
Som bekendt er de økonomiske enheder i denne sektor meget forskel lige med hensyn til sociale og økonomiske karakteristika og — hvad der er mest relevant i denne forbindelse — med hensyn til indkomstniveau.
As is well known, the units included in this sector differ widely with respect to various socio­economic characteristics and, most relevant in the present context, with respect to the level of their income.
Fordelingen af husholdningernes indkomst på de forskellige indkomster, som er blevet analyseret i det forrige afsnit, kan også sige noget om indkomstfordelingen hus holdningerne imellem.
The distribution of household income among categories of income, which has been analysed in the previous section, may tell some­thing about the distribution of income between households.
Således kan en forskydning henimod erhvervs- og formueindkomsterne være ledsaget af en forskydning i den personelle indkomstfordeling til fordel for hus holdninger i højere indkomstgrupper, og tilsvarende kan en forholdsvis kraftig stigning i overførselsindkomsterne muligvis fortolkes som en udvikling henimod en mere jævn indkomstfordeling mellem husholdningerne.
Thus a shift towards non­labour income may be associated with a shift in the personal distribution towards households in the higher income brackets, or a relatively strong rise in transfer receipts may indicate a trend towards a more equal distribution of income between households.
Sådanne konklusioner giver imidlertid ikke noget præcist billede af de forskellige hus holdningsgruppers relative indkomstniveauer.
Such conclusions do not, how­ever, provide any precise picture of the relative income position of the various household groups.
Tabellen synes at stemme overens med de gængse antagelser, for så vidt angår rækkefølgen af de forskellige socio-økonomiske gruppers indkomstniveauer: husholdninger uden for landbrugssektoren med selvstændig virksomhed som hovedindkomstkilde er sammen med husholdninger, hvor ledende funktionærer har forsørgerbyrden, de grupper, der har højest indkomst : knap 3 ^ gange så meget som gennemsnitshusholdningen i Forbundsrepublikken Tyskland, dobbelt så meget i Frankrig og 1 \ gang så meget i Italien.
International comparisons of household income for individual categories of households are still more difficult than for the household sector as a whole because of the different institutional background in the individual countries.
Denne landerækkefølge afspejler formentlig de
No harmonized data are available for the Community.
Internationale sammenligninger mellem forskellige hus holdningsgruppers indkomster er endnu vanskeligere at opstille end sammenligninger mellem husholdningssektorerne som helhed på grund af de enkelte landes forskellige institutionelle forhold.
The table tends to confirm what could be expected as regards the order of income levels across different socio­economic cate­ gories:non­agricultural households where the main source of income comes from independent activities enjoy together with households of managers — the highest income: almost three and a half times as much as the average household in Germany, twice as much in France and one and a half times as much in Italy.
For Fællesskabet findes der ingen harmoniserede tal.
This order of countries probably reflects the relative importance of small family enterprises in the three cases.
Tabel 1 viser for de fire største medlemsstater den disponible indkomstsfordeling på forskellige husholdningsgrupper. Tabel
Table 1
(alle husholdninger = 100)
Households DI employ
Selvstændige
Households ir agriculture
Uden be skæftigelse
Inactive hi uscholds
Alle hus holdninger
Managers
Indkomst for fem lige store grupper af beskatningsenheder3) anført i stigende indkomstrækkefølge (gruppe 1 : laveste indkomstgruppe)
Income of five equally large groups of tax­units·1 in ascending order with respect to their income level (group 1 : lowest income group)
Inkl. ikke-udloddet overskud fra virksomheder uden nogen bestemt registreret selskabsform.
Undistributed profit of unincorporated businesses included. Households oí employees excluded.
;) Ekskl. iønmodtagerhusholdninger. 3) Definitionen af en beskatningsenhed svarer ikke helt til definitionen af en husholdning.
The definition of a tax­unit is slichtk different from that of a household.
Antallet af beskatningsenheder var i 1978/79 på 29 mia.
The number of tax­units amounted to 20 000 million in 197N 7
Husholdningssektoren : indkomst og formue, opsparing og forbrug husholdningens indkomst. Da husstandene er forholdsvis store inden for landbruget, ligger landbrugshusstandene relativt set betydeligt lavere, når dette element tages i betragtning.
Household sector: income and wealth, savings and consumption consequence of the relatively large number of household members in agriculture, the relative position of agricultural house holds deteriorates substantially if it is looked at from this per spective.
Derimod ligger det gennemsnitlige husstandsmedlem i husholdninger uden beskæftigelse højere og nærmer sig det gennemsnitlige indkomstniveau (Forbundsrepublikken Tyskland) eller ligger over dette (Frankrig).
By contrast, the position of the average household member in inactive households improves and approaches the average income level (Germany) or exceeds it (France).
Gennemsnitsindkomsten er lavest i husholdninger uden ind komst af erhvervsmæssig aktivitet — især pensionisthusholdninger.
The average household income is lowest in households without income from productive services — mainly households of pensioners.
Husholdninger, hvis hovedindkomstkilde er lønindkomst, og som ikke tilhører gruppen ledere, ligger omkring gennemsnittet i alle tre lande (indeks 108 for Forbundsrepublikken Tyskland, (dog inkl. ledere) 94 for Frankrig og 103 for Italien).
Households whose main resources flow from dependent employment and who do not belong to the group of managers' households are situated around the average in all three countries (the index for Germany, however, including managers' is 108, that for France is 94 and that for Italy is 103).
Indekset stiger til 104 for Frankrig og 107 for Italien, hvis ledere medregnes ligesom i Forbundsrepublikken Tyskland.
The index rises to 104 for France and 107 for Italy if one includes the households of managers, as in the German case.
Landbrugshusholdningerne lå over gennemsnittet i Forbundsrepublikken Tyskland og Frankrig, men i Italien havde disse husholdninger kun 80 % af husholdningernes gennemsnitsindkomst i undersøgelsesåret.
Households in agriculture enjoyed above-average incomes in Germany and France but in Italy they received only 80% of the average household income in the year analysed.
For to lande, nemlig Forbundsrepublikken Tyskland og Italien, foreligger der oplysninger om de forskellige husholdningsgruppers opsparingskvoter.
For two countries. Germany and Italy, information about the savings ratios of different groups of households are available.
Tallene i tabel 2 bekræfter som ventet, at de private husholdningers opsparingskvote har tendens til at være højere, jo højere husstandsindkomsten er.
The figures in Table 2 confirm that, as one would expect, the savings ratio of private households tends to be the higher the higher is household income.
(opsparing i % af disponibel indkomst)
Saving ratios of groups of private households in Germany and Italy f Saving in % of disposable income)
Selvstændige
Households of self-employed
Lønmodtagere
Households of employees
Uden beskæftigelse
Inactive households
Statusopgørelser for husholdningerne i de tyske statusopgørelser.
Undistributed profit of unincorporated business included in disposable income of households.
I intet tilfælde er der gjort forsøg på at medtage sociale sikringsrettigheder eller pensionsrettigheder blandt aktiverne.
Balance sheets of private households attempt has been made to include entitlements to social security benefits or pension rights in assets.
Dette gør det generelt vanskeligt at vurdere formuernes betydning for husholdningernes forbrug over en længere periode.
This is a general difficulty in assessing the role of wealth in household spending over a long period.
Med udbygningen af de sociale sikringsordninger kan husholdningerne tænkes at vurdere behovet for at sikre sig mod indkomstbortfald gennem opbygning af en privat formue som mindre vigtigt.
With developing social security systems, the necessity to take precautions against the interruption of income flows by building up private wealth may be felt less urgently.