natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Det drejer sig således om en ny form for fagbevægelse, ikke blot på det organisatoriske plan, men også med hensyn til kravenes indhold, den strategi, der anvendes til at nå disse mål, samt på grund af den enestående udvidelse af de overenskomstsikrede beføjelser og det pres, der kan lægges på regeringerne for at få gennemført en række reformer, som man havde krævet i årtier.
This trade unionism appeared new to outside observers not only in organizational terms but also in terms of the substance of claims and of the strategy adopted to attain these objectives, by an unprecedented development of contractual power and the pressure exerted on governments to implement a series of reforms which had in some cases been demanded for decades.
Omfanget af de overenskomstsikrede beføjelser ses af at der mellem 1964 og 1976 blev indgået 3°o overenskomster for de enkelte brancheområder og 8 ooo virksomhedsaftaler omfattende ca. 8 millioner industriarbejdere, 7 millioner lønmodtagere i tjenesteydelsessektoren og den offentlige administration samt 2 millioner lønmodtagere i landbruget.
The strength of contractual power was to be reflected in the signing, between 1969 and 1976, of 300 industry-wide agreements and 8 000 plant contracts covering some 8 million industrial workers, 7 million workers in the public services and public administration and 2 million workers in the agriculture sector.
De kollektive virksomhedsaftaler omfattede blandt andet forbedring af arbejdsvilkårene, tilrettelæggelse af arbejdet, øgede muligheder for faglig uddannelse og anerkendelse af retten til uddannelse: 15o timer (betalt af arbejdsgiveren) til alle arbejdere, der ønskede at uddanne sig uden for virksomheden.
At plant level, collective agreements covered in particular the improvement of working condition, organization of work, the protection of the worker's health, pay, the extension of vocational training and recognition of the right to study: I50 hours paid by the employer, granted to any worker who wishes to undertake studies outside the factory.
Lønkravene omfattede indførelse af en enhedslønskala på landsniveau, reduktion af antallet af lønklasser og ensartet indkomststigning.
Pay claims were to centre on the introduction of a single wage scale at national level, a reduction in the number of pay categories and an across-the-board increase in incomes.
Aktionerne i virksomhederne tog også sigte på at bevare og skabe nye arbejdspladser bl.a. ved nedsættelse af arbejdstiden og investeringer, hvoraf en del skulle anvendes til oprettelse af nye arbejdspladser i den sydlige del af landet gennem en decentralisering af produktionen. Endvidere reallønsgaranti, reform af lønstrukturen, geografiske og faglige mobilitet.
Action at plant level was also aimed at safeguarding and creating jobs, particularly by reducing hours of work, the channelling of investment - some of this having to be channelled towards the creation of new jobs in the south of the country by decentralizing production - defending purchasing power and reforming the structure of wage costs and geographical and occupational mobility.
Uden for virksomhederne gjaldt kampen konkrete problemer i arbejdernes daglige liv som f.eks. offentlig transport, debatten om undervisningssystemet og retten til uddannelse for alle, bistand til alle, der er udelukket fra arbejdslivet som f.eks. fysisk og mentalt handicappede, udviklingen af Syditalien, bekæmpelsen af terrorismen, en reform af staten, en politik til fuld beskæftigelse og økonomisk planlægning, en reform af skattesystemet, sundhedsvæsenet, boligforholdene, opretholdelse og for bedring af det sociale sikringssystem.
Outside the plant, the struggle was to centre on the practical problems arising in the everyday life of workers, such as the question of public transport, reviewing the education system and the right to study for all, assistance to all those sections of society excluded from the arena of social struggle, such as the physically and mentally handicapped, the development of the Mezzogiorno, the fight against terrorism, the reform of the State, a policy of full employment and economic planning, reform of the tax system, health, housing and measures to safeguard and improve the social security system.
Forværringen af den økonomiske krise har kun øget spændingen omkring disse spørgsmål, som alle tre landsorganisationer havde sat på dagsordenen på de res kongres i I98I, og som blev optaget blandt de over enskomstkrav, der blev vedtaget af CGIL's, CISL's og UIL's repræsentantskaber i februar I982.
The worsening of the economic crisis has merely served to heighten the dramatic aspect of these issues which were included on the agenda for the congress which each of the three trade union confederations held in I98I and which are included in the demands adopted by the CGIL-CISL-UIL General Councils in February 1982.
c) De faglige og politiske hvervs uforenelighed.
(c) The incompatibility of mandates
Da arbejderne var blevet klar over den styrke, der lig ger i fælles aktioner, forlangte de i tredserne en sammenslutning af de tre italienske landsorganisationer.
Once they became aware of the power of united action, the rank-and-file workers called during the 1960»s for the organic unification of the three Italian trade union confederations.
Det var et skridt, som var vanskelig at tage af en lang række grunde, hvoraf den vigtigste var de fag lige og politiske hvervs uforenelighed og således også spørgsmålet om de faglige organisationers uafhængighed af de politiske partier og af det offentlige. lige.
This would be a very difficult operation to carry through for a number of reasons, the most important of which was the impossibility of reconciling the simultaneous holding of trade union and political mandates and, hence,also, the question of autonomy of trade union organizations in relation to political parties and public authorities.
Det er et gammelt spørgsmål, der, selv om det ikke er specielt for den italienske fagbevægelse, har ind taget en særlig vigtig plads i dennes liv.
This is an old chestnut which, while it is not peculiar to the Italian trade union movement, has occupied a particularly important place in the life of that movement.
Det var allerede fremme i I906, da CGL blev dannet, på grund af tilknytningen til det daværende socialistiske parti, og det bidrog stærkt til at præge den italienske fag bevægelse gennem de sidste ko år og er stadig et meget omstridt spørgsmål.
It was already an issue in I906, at the time of the General Confederation of Labour, by virtue of the links which bound the latter to the Socialist Party of the period and it was to have a determining influence on Italian trade union life over the next forty years and was constantly to prove a highly controversial issue.
Det var af politiske grunde, at fagbevægelsens enhed revnede i 19^8, og der skulle tid og en dybtgående udvikling i nationale og internationale politiske for hold til, inden det lykkedes de tre landsorganisationer at opnå en faktisk uafhængighed af de politiske partier, som de var stærkest knyttet til.
In 1948 the unity of the trade union movement was shattered for political reasons, and it was to take time and a sea-change in national and international political conditions before the three trade union confederations succeeded in attaining some degree of de facto autonomy in relation to the political parties to which they were most linked.
I begyndelsen af 5o'erne var der blandt de elleve medlemmer af CGIL's forretningsudvalg k ledere fra kommunistpartiet, thi denne organisation tillader udøvelse af politiske og faglige hverv samtidig på de forskellige niveauer.
At the beginning of the Fifties, of the eleven members of the CGIL's committee, four were leading members of the Italian Communist Party, since the CGIL allowed political and trade union mandates to be held simultaneously at various levels.
På samme tidspunkt var 5 af CISL's 9 forretningsudvalgsmedlemmer samtidig ledere i det kristelidemokratiske parti.
At the same time, of the nine members of the committee of the CISL, five were at the same time leading members of the Christian Democrat Party.
Men i midten af 5o'erne nåede man til et vendepunkt på dette område.
However, the mid-1950*s was to see a turning-point regarding this issue.
På CISL's anden kongres i 1955 rejste de unge ledere spørgsmålet om uforenelighed mellem politiske og faglige hverv som en vigtig faktor til at sikre de faglige organisationers uafhængighed af de politiske partier.
In 1955» at its second Congress, the young leaders of the CISL raised the problem of the incompatibility of political and trade union mandates as a major factor in ensuring trade union independence of the political parties.
På CGIL's fjerde kongres i 1956 afviste formanden den opfattelse, at den faglige organisation skulle være "drivrem" for et politisk parti.
In 1956, at the fourth Congress of the CGIL, its Secretary-General rejected the conception of the trade union as being the fighting arm of a political party.
Men flertallet af kongressen fulgte ham ikke.
However, he did not receive the support of the majority of Congress.
Nogle måneder senere tog CGIL dog afstand fra det kommunistiske parti og fordømte begivenhederne i Ungarn.
Nevertheless, a few months later, the CGIL took a different stance from the Italian Communist Party by condemning the events in Hungary.
I 1969 blev de tre landsorganisationer uafhængige af de politiske partier på de kongresser, som hver af de tre organisationer afholdt dette år.
1969 was to signal formally the autonomy of the three trade union confederations in relation to the political parties at the respective congresses which each of the three organizations was to hold that year.
Indtil CGIL's syvende kongres (juni I969) var politisk tilhørsforhold anerkendt og omfattet af denne organisations lo ve, men kongressen pålagde ikke blot organisationens repræsentantskab at sætte alt ind på at fjerne det politiske element fra organisationen, men godkendte og så princippet om uforenelighed mellem hvervet som valgt til parlamentet eller andre forsamlinger og de hverv, der påhvilede fagforeningslederne.
Up until its seventh Congress (June 1969)1 political allegiances were officially recognized within the CGIL. That Congress not only instructed the organization's General Council to do all in its power to bring about the severance of political allegiances within the organization but, also, approved the principle of the incompatibility of parliamentary and elective mandates and the duties of trade union leaders.
Det blev repræsentantskabets opgave at føre dette princip ud i livet.
The General Council was charged with applying this principle.
UIL fastslog på sin 5· kongres i oktober I969 ved en lovændring princippet om uforenelighed mellem udøvende funktioner inden for de faglige organisationer på den ene side og funktioner som ledere i partierne, mandat i parlamentet og i regionale, provins- og lo kale forsamlinger på den anden side. Dog blev der gjort en undtagelse for de kommuner, der ikke er provinshovedstæder, og hvis befolkning ikke overstiger 3o 000 indbyggere.
For its part, the fifth Congress of the UIL, held in October I969, by amending the organization's artides of association established the principle of incompatibility between executive functions within trade union organizations, on the one hand, and managerial functions within parties, parliamentary mandates and public mandates in regional, provincial and local elective bodies, on the other} an exception was made in the case of areas which were not provincial capitals and had a population of less than 30 000 inhabitants.
CISL, hvis love i forvejen indeholdt en bestemmelse om uforenelighed mellem offentlige funktioner og fag for eningshverv, var længst fremme på dette område.
The CISL, whose articles of association already contained a provision declaring public and trade union functions to be incompatible, had made the greatest progress in this direction.
På sin 6. kongres (juli I969) bekræftede CISL den absolutte uforenelighed mellem udøvende faglige funktioner og hvervet som valgt til parlamentet, til regionale og lokale forsamlinger.
At its sixth Congress in July I969 it confirmed the total incompatibility of executive functions within trade unions and parliamentary and elective mandates at national, regional and local level.
Denne uforenelighed gjaldt samtlige lederfunktioner i CISL uanset niveau.
This incompatibility concerned all management functions within a trade union, at whatever level.
To år senere var spørgsmålet stadig ikke løst.
Two years later, the matter was still not resolved.
Medens CISL og UIL udtalte sig for den mest absolutte uforenelighed mellem faglige og politiske funktioner uanset niveau, var det ret vanskeligt for CGIL at gå lige så langt.
While the CISL and UIL were affirming the total incompatibility of trade union and political functions, at whatever level, the CGIL had some difficulty in emulating them.
Dog erklærede organisationen,at den kunne overvinde denne hindring, hvis det var den eneste på vejen mod en sammenslutning af de tre landsorganisationer.
However, it declared that it could overcome this obstacle if this was to be the only one standing in the way of organic unity between the three confederations.
I 1974 ændrede CGIL sine love og sluttede sig til de to andre organisationer i spørgsmålet om uforenelighed mellem faglige og politiske hverv.
In 1974 the CGIL amended its articles of association and endorsed the position of the other two confederations with regard to the incompatibility of trade union and political mandates.
Spørgsmålet om uforenelighed mellem disse hverv er al tid blevet betragtet som en nødvendig betingelse for at gennemføre en sammenslutning af de tre landsorganisationer, men det skulle vise sig, at det ikke var en tilstrækkelig betingelse.
The debate on the incompatibility of mandates was always considered a necessary condition for the pursuit of the organic unity of the three confederations. It was not, however, a sufficient one.
De tre landsorganisationer understregede på deres respektive kongresser betydningen af at fastholde og uddybe spørgsmålet om de fag lige organisationers uafhængighed af arbejdsgivere, regeringen og de politiske partier for at kunne vare tage arbejdernes interesser bedre - på et mere fremskredent stadium af aktionsenheden og fagbevægelsens enhed.
At their respective Congresses last year the three confederations stressed the importance of preserving and of exploring further the issue of the autonomy of trade union organizations in relation to employers, government and political parties in order to improve representation of the interests of workers - to attain a more advanced stage of unity of action and trade union unity.
d) På vej imod enheden
(d) On the road to unity
Enhed og splittelse i fagbevægelsen har der aldrig været enighed om, hverken blandt arbejderne eller dens ledere.
Trade union unity and division have never commanded unanimity either among the workers or their leaders.
Blandt begge parter har der altid været brændende tilhængere og modstandere, og det er bl.a. usikkerhedsmomenterne i de nationale og internationale forhold, der skaber håb snart hos den ene og snart hos den anden.
Each has always had its fervent supporters and opponents, and it was to be the quirks of national and international conditions in particular which would arouse hope, now in the one camp, now in the other.
Da efterkrigstidens faglige enhed var gået tabt, benyttede tilhængerne derfor den første lejlighed til at foreslå den igen.
Once post-war trade union unity was achieved, the supporters of unity just waited for the first opportunity to put their ideas forward once again.
Initiativet skulle komme fra CGIL's k kongres i I956, hvor formanden fremsatte en appel til UIL og CISL om at drøfte spørgsmålet om en sammenslutning af de tre landsorganisationer.
The initiative came from the fourth Congress of the CGIL in I956 at which its Secretary-General made an appeal to the UIL and the CISL to discuss the issue of trade union unity among the three confederations.
Men tiden var endnu ikke moden.
The time was not yet ripe, however.
CISL erklærede, at den kun var positivt indstillet over for de demokratiske faglige kræfter.
The CISL replied that, in this matter, it was amenable only to democratic trade union forces.
For så vidt angik UIL på det tidspunkt, drømte den kun om en mulig form for genforening, nemlig af de forskellige ikke-kon-fessionelle og socialistiske kræfter, der var spredt ud over de enkelte organisationer.
For its part, the UIL of the period dreamed of only one reunification, that of the various non-religious and socialist forces scattered throughout the various confederations.
Da dette initiativ havde lidt skibbrud, kom opfordringen til enhed i fagbevægelsen via arbejdernes fællesaktioner, hvoraf de første fandt sted i 1957· Fortalerne var arbejderne på skibsværftet i Monfaleone, landarbejderne på Posletten og stålarbejderne, der gennemførte en landsomfattende strejke.
This initiative having failed, the call for trade union unity was to come from concerted action by the workers, the first of which occurred during 1957» "the protagonists being the workers of the Monfalcone naval shipyard, the agricultural workers of the Po plain and the workers in the steel industry striking nationally.
Vejen var afstukket.
The way was clearly marked out.
60'ernes fælles strejker og socialisternes deltagelse i forskellige samlingsregeringer bragte spørgsmålet frem på det politiske og organisatoriske plan.
The concerted strikes of the Sixties and the entry of the socialists into various government coalitions meant that the question was also posed at political and organizational level.
CGIL tog spørgsmålet op igen på sin 5· kongres i april i960.
The CGIL took up the cudgels again at its fifth Congress in April i960.
Kongressen, der fremstillede fagbevægelsens en hed som et mål, der måtte nås, opfordrede de øvrige organisationer til på den mest målbevidste måde at gen nemføre fællesaktioner.
Setting the unity of the trade union movement as a goal to be attained, the Congress called upon the other organizations to make united action a reality in as systematic a manner as possible.
Parallelt med gennemførelsen af fællesaktioner på virksomhedsplan blev drøftelserne af den faglige enhed til sidst taget op af ledergrupperne i de tre landsorganisationer.
Hand in hand with the development of united action at plant level, the debate on trade union unity eventually asserted itself in the ruling councils of the three confederations.
I denne forbindelse er det vigtigt at nævne den indsats, der blev gjort af den kristelige arbejder bevægelse (ACLI), der lige fra begyndelsen af 60'erne havde været meget positiv over for tanken.
In this connection, the activities of the Christian Workers' Movement (ACLl) should be noted, since, from the beginning of the sixties, this movement ¿ad shown itself to be particularly open-minded on the issue.
I I963 ud talte ACLI's 9· kongres, at man måtte sætte alt ind på at fremme enhedsprocessen.
In I963 their ninth Congress declared that every effort should be made to further the process of unification.
I 1964 arrangerede ACLI et studieseminar om en moderne og demokratisk fagbevægelses problemer og perspektiver.
In I964 the ACLI promoted a study seminar on the problems and prospects of modern and democratic trade unionism.
I I965 opfordrede dens repræsentantskab påny til faglig enhed og rejste spørgsmålet om uforenelighed mellem politiske og fag lige hverv.
In I965 its National Council again appealed for trade union unity and posed the question of the incompatibility of political and trade union mandates.
Tankerne om faglig enhed havde vanskeligt ved at trænge igennem i landsorganisationerne til trods for presset fra den kristlige arbejderbevægelse og det stærke metalarbejderforbund.
The idea of trade union unity had had difficulties to surmount among the trade union confederation despite the forward thrust of the Christian Workers' Movement and o-F the powerful Federation of Metalworkers.
Så sent som i I965 udtalte UIL sig på de tre formænds årlige pressekonference stadig til for del for oprettelsen af en socialistisk organisation, og CISL erklærede sig åben over for en samling af alle demokratiske kræfter med udelukkelse af kommunisterne. Men de følgende år skulle bane vejen for en løsning, og de tre landsorganisationers formænd mødtes først for at diskutere spørgsmål vedrørende faglige aktioner for senere at tage spørgsmålet om faglig enhed op, hvilket ikke kunne undgå at skabe problemer inden for de tre organisationer.
Again in 19^5» at the annual press conference held by the three Secretaries-General, the UIL still declared itself in favour of the creation of a socialist trade union and the CISL declared itself amenable to the notion of the union of all democratic forces, excluding the Communists· However, the situation was resolved in subsequent years, and the secretariats of the three confederations found common ground first of all in the area of issues which were capable of formulation into demands, only later to tackle the issue of trade union unity which inevitably created problems within each of the three confederations.
Det vanskeligste spørgsmål, som CGIL måtte løse, var problemet uforenelighed mellem politiske og faglige hverv og uafhængigheden af de politiske partier.
The knottiest problem which the CGIL had to resolve was the issue of the incompatibility of political and trade union mandates and the issue of autonomy in relation to the political parties.
Det var vanskeligt af finde en tilfredsstillende løsning på dette problem, for selv om det er relativt enkelt at føre til syn med de omtalte hverv, er uafhængighed af de politiske partier et skønsspørgsmål.
This was a difficult matter to deal with thoroughly, since, although it is relatively simple to settle the issue of the mandates, autonomy in relation to the political parties remains a matter of individual judgment.
UIL og CISL måtte kæmpe med stærke enhedsmodstandere i deres egen organisation, hvilket mange gange satte deres egen enhed på en hård prøve.
With regard to the UIL and the CTSL, they had strong internal centrifugal movements to contend with, which on several occasions placed great strain on the very unity of the confederations.
Meningerne var delte, ikke blot med hensyn til det for målstjenlige i at gennemføre denne faglige enhed, men også om den struktur, den skulle have.
Opinion varied not only as to the advisability of creating trade union unity but also on what structure to give it.
Efter nogles op fattelse burde man opløse de eksisterende landsorganisationer og oprette en ny med en grundlæggende enhedsstruktur.
For some, a clean sweep should be made of the existing confederations and a new one built out of the unified basic structures.
Andre mente, at man kun behøvede at sammen lægge arbejderbevægelsens tre ideologiske fløje og bevare ytringsfriheden.
For others, it was necessary merely to unite the three ideological components of the workers' movement, while maintaining the' right of expression.
Det første skridt blev taget af metalarbejderne og det andet af de tre landsorganisationer .
The former approach was adopted by the metalworkers, the latter by the three confederations·
Det var i de forskellige industrigrene, at tingene til sidst skred længst frem, og først og fremmest i metalfaget, hvor man på metalarbejderforbundenes (FIOM, FIM, UILM) landskongres i september 1972 konkretiserede den enhedsproces, der i lang tid havde været igång i dette fag.
It proved to be in the industrial sectors that matters were to make most progress. In the metalworking industry, to begin with, the national conference of the metalworkers' federations (FIOM, FIM, UHM), held in September 1972, gave practical expression to the process of unification, which had been under way for some time in that sector.
Kongressen godkendte oprettelsen af et fællesforbund (FLM), der omfattede de tre forbund, uden at de mistede deres selvstændighed.
It approved the oreation of a united Federation (the FIM) bringing together the three federations without dissolving them.