natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
I oktober 2004 skærpede EU sine sanktioner mod Myanmar, fordi styret ikke havde efterkommet kravene om blandt andet at løslade Aung San Suu Kyi og indstille forfølgelserne af Den Nationale Liga for Demokrati.Efter den voldelige undertrykkelse af de regerings endtlige demonstrationer i Myanmar i
In October 2004 the EU tightened its sanctions against Myanmar after the regime failed to comply with its demands, including the release of Aung San Suu Kyi and an end to the harassment of the National League for Democracy.
EI 1991 tildelte Europa-Parlamentet Sakharovprisen til Adem Demaçi, en kosovoer der blev født i Priština i 1936, og hædrede dermed en mand, som havde tilbragt størstedelen af sit liv i fængsel (1958–1990) for i ord og skrift at have kæmpet for kosovo-albanernes grundlæggende rettigheder.
Following the violent repression of anti-government demonstrations in Burma in September 2007, the European Parliament
De argentinske mødre ønsker at se landets ungdom engagere sig i kampen mod et system, som har skubbet millioner af argentinere ud i fattigdom, og som hverken sørger for uddannelse, boliger eller sundhedsvæsen.Til dette formål har Mødrene fra Plaza de Mayo oprettet et folkeuniversitet, en boghandel, et bibliotek og et kulturcenter.I 1999 k organisationen tildelt FN’s pris for fredsuddannelse.
For this purpose, Las Madres de la Plaza de Mayo has set up a People’s University, bookstore, library and cultural centre. In 1999, the organization was awarded the United Nations Prize for Peace Education.
Mødrene fra Plaza de Mayo er trods mange tilbageslag aldrig ophørt med at søge retfærdighed og sandhed.
Las Madres de la Plaza de Mayo have not stopped seeking justice and truth despite many setbacks.
Retssagerne mod og fængslingerne af nogle af de personer, der under det argentinske diktatur i 1970erne var ansvarlige for forbrydelser imod menneskeheden, er et resultat af deres vedvarende indsats.
The trials and imprisonment of some of those responsible for crimes against humanity in Argentina in the1970s are a result of their unceasing e orts.
Deres demonstrationsoptog hver torsdag fortsætter imidlertid til støtte for andre sociale sager.
Their weekly Thursday marches continue, however, in pursuit of action on other social causes.
Fangenskabet kunne imidlertid ikke bringe Demaçi til tavshed, idet han ufortrødent fortsatte med at forkynde den bitre sandhed om den serbiske undertrykkelse af de to millioner albanere i Kosovo.
to raise his voice to make known the bitter truth about the Serbian oppression of the two million Albanians in Kosovo.“Freedom of speech (is) the first, crucial step towards democracy.
„Ytringsfrihed er det første afgørende skridt frem mod demokrati. Uden ytringsfrihed er der ingen dialog, uden dialog er det umuligt at nå frem til sandheden, og uden sandheden er fremskridt ikke muligt.“Efter sin løsladelse overtog Adem Demaçi ledelsen af rådet for forsvar af menneske- og frihedsrettigheder.
Without freedom of speech there is no dialogue, without dialogue the truth cannot be established, and without the truth progress is impossible. ”After his release, Adem Demaçi assumed the leadership of the Council for the Defence of Human Rights and Freedoms.
Fra 1998 til 1999, under den serbiske o ensiv, var han den politiske repræsentant for Kosovos befrielseshær (UCK).
From 1998 to 1999, during the Serb offensive, he was the political representative of the Kosovo Liberation Army (UCK).
Efter krigen har Demaçi først og fremmest helliget sig etnisk forsoning og flygtninges tilbagevenden.
Since the war, he has devoted himself mainly to ethnic reconciliation and the return of refugees.
Han overtog formandskabet for komitéen for gensidig forståelse, tolerance og sameksistens, der repræsenterer alle Kosovos etniske befolkningsgrupper, „fordi Kosovo tilhører os alle“, og„vi ønsker et frit, demokratisk og multietnisk samfund.“ Adem Demaçi er stadig aktiv inden for politik i Kosovo.
He took on the chairmanship of the Committee for Mutual Understanding, Tolerance and Coexistence, representing all ethnic groups in Kosovo,“because Kosovo belongs to everyone”and “we want a free, democratic and multiethnic society”. To this day he is involved in politics in Kosovo.
Befolkningen i Sarajevo, Bosnien og Hercegovina vil fortsat kæmpe mod delingen, som har rod i det Europa, der eksisterede før Første Verdenskrig.“Oslobodjenje, hvis navn betyder„befrielse“ og var navnet på et blad grundlagt af partisaner, som kæmpede mod den tyske besættelse af Jugoslavien, var i en længere årrække en af landets få uafhængige aviser og kunne i 2003 fejre 60-årsdagen for sin grundlæggelse.
The people of Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina will continue to fight against the partition which has its roots in the Europe that existed before the Great War”.Oslobodjenje (“Liberation”), which takes its name from the newspaper founded by partisans fighting the German occupation of Yugoslavia, and which was for a long time one of the few independent newspapers in the country, celebrated its 60th anniversary in 2003.
Den argentinske menneskerettighedsbevægelse Las Madres de la Plaza de Mayo modtog Sakharovprisen i 1992.
The Argentinean human rights movement Las Madres de la Plaza de Mayo was awarded the Sakharov Prize in 1992.
Argentina blev styret af et militærdiktatur fra 1976 til 1983.
From 1976 to 1983, Argentina lived under a military dictatorship.
I april 1977 forsamledes 14 mødre for første gang på Plaza de Mayo for at rette en appel til præsident Videla.
In April 1977, 14women came together for the first time in the Plaza de Mayo to make an appeal to President Videla.
I begyndelsen drejede mødrenes krav sig først og fremmest om at få opsporet deres forsvundne børn og om at få retsforfulgt de personer, der var ansvarlige for 30.000 menneskers forsvinden under militærdiktaturet, men senere udvidede de deres kamp til også at omfatte krav om et uafhængigt retsvæsen, politiske forandringer og fred.
Tobegin with, the main aim of the group of mothers was to trace their lost children and to seek the prosecution of those responsible for the disappearance of 30000 people during the military dictatorship, but later they widened their struggle into a fight for an independent judicial system, political change, and peace.The demonstrations that Las Madres holds every Thursday outside the Casa Rosada, the President’s residence, on the Plaza de Mayo are a symbol of resistance.
Mødrenes demonstration hver torsdag på Plaza de Mayo foran Casa Rosada, præsidentens embedsbolig, er et symbol på modstand.
At each demonstration members wear white headscarves, which are universally recognised as emblematic of the fight for justice.
Under demonstrationerne bærer mødrene hvide hovedtørklæder, som er et internationalt anerkendt symbol på kampen for retfærdighed.
The Argentinean mothers wish to see the country’s young people show political commitment
Lægen og forfatteren Taslima Nasreen, født i Bangladesh i 1962, modtog Sakharovprisen i 1994 og havde på daværende tidspunkt søgt tilflugt i Europa.
When the doctor and writer Taslima Nasreen, who was born in 1962 in Bangladesh, won the 1994 Sakharov Prize, she had already sought refuge in Europe.
Hendes forfatterskab, der kritiserer religiøs fundamentalisme og navnlig undertrykkelsen af kvinder, er forbudt i hendes hjemland, og islamiske fundamentalister har udstedt dødstrusler mod hende.I sin takketale i anledning af pristildelingen udtalteTaslima Nasreen, at hun kom fra en del af verden, hvor de sociale spændinger og menneskelige vanskeligheder var uudholdelige.
Her works which criticise religious fundamentalism and, in particular, the oppression of women, are banned in her country. Islamic fundamentalists have issued threats against her life.In her acceptance speech, she said she came from a part of the world where social tensions and human difficulties were unbearable.
Som forfatter kunne hun ikke lukke øjnene for de daglige lidelser og sulten i slumkvartererne.I september 1998 vendte Taslima Nasreen tilbage til Bangladesh for at besøge sin mor, der lå for døden.
As a writer, she could not close her eyes to the daily suffering and starvation in the slums.In September 1998 Taslima Nasreen returned to Bangladesh to her dying mother.
Så snart dette rygtedes, krævede religiøse fundamentalister på ny forfatterens død.
As soon as this news came out, religious fundamentalists once again called for the writer to be put to death.
En domstol udstedte en arrestordre mod hende og truede med at beslaglægge hendes formue. Europa-Parlamentet reagerede på Taslima Nasreens appel om hjælp og opfordrede i en beslutning Bangladeshs regering til at beskytte Taslima Nasreen og garantere hendes sikkerhed.På grund af de vedvarende trusler forlodTaslima Nasreen i januar 1999 på ny sit hjemland.
A court issued a warrant for her arrest and threatened to confiscate her assets.The European Parliament answered Taslima Nasreen’s appeal for help and, in a resolution, called on the government of Bangladesh to protect her life and ensure her safety.In January 1999, in the face of continuing threats, Nasreen left her homeland once again.
Siden 1994 har Taslima Nasreen levet i eksil i mange lande, blandt andet Frankrig, Sverige og siden 2004 Indien. Selv der blev hun så presset af muslimske gruppers protester mod hendes „anti-islamistiske“ romaner og erindringer, at hun i november 2007 blev nødt til at ytte til New Delhi for at leve under politibeskyttelse.
Since 1994, Taslima Nasreen has lived in many countries in exile including France, Sweden and, since 2004, in India.
Efter stadig flere dødstrusler fra islamistiske ekstremister og problemer med opholdstilladelser i Indien så Taslima Nasreen sig nødsaget til at forlade landet igen i marts 2008, hvorefter hun kun har været tilbage på korte ophold.
Due to increasing death threats by Islamic extremists and her struggles with residence permits for India,Taslima Nasreen was eventually forced to leave India in mid-March 2008, only to return for short periods.
I 2009 gav Paris’ borgmester Taslima Nasreen tilladelse til at opholde sig i Paris.
In 2009, the Mayor of Paris authorised Ms Nasreen to stay in his city.
På trods af at hun stadig nægtes adgang til Bangladesh, udtrykker hun ofte ønske om at vende tilbage til sit hjemland.
Despite the continued denial of her right to return to Bangladesh, she often speaks about her desire to go back to her country.
Da Europa-Parlamentet i 1995 tildelte Leyla Zana Sakharovprisen for hendes modige forsvar af menneskerettighederne og hendes engagement for at skabe en fredelig, demokratisk løsning på konikterne mellem den tyrkiske regering og Tyrkiets kurdiske befolkning, havde hun allerede været fængslet i et år.
When the European Parliament awarded Leyla Zana the Sakharov Prize in 1995 on the basis of her courageous defence of human rights and commitment to forging a peaceful, democratic resolution to conicts between the Turkish Government and its Kurdish population, she had already spent one year in imprisonment.In the course of defending the rights of her imprisoned husband, Zana had assumed a leadership role which culminated in her candidacy in the Turkish parliamentary elections of 1991.
I forbindelse med sin indsats for at forsvare sin fængslede mands rettigheder, havde Leyla Zana opnået en lederposition, der i 1991 kulminerede i, at hun stillede op til det tyrkiske parlamentsvalg, hvor hun k 84% af stemmerne i distriktet Diyarbakir.
She received 84percent of the votes in her district of Diyarbakir.
Ved sin indsættelse lovede hun på kurdisk „at kæmpe for, at de kurdiske og tyrkiske folk kan leve sammen inden for demokratiske rammer.“Leyla Zana blev på grundlag af sine taler og publikationer til forsvar for kurdiske rettigheder sammen med tre andre kurdiske parlamentsmedlemmer fra det prokurdiske parti for demokrati anklaget for at være tilknyttet PPK og blev i december 1994 af statssikkerhedsdomstolen i Ankara idømt 15 års fængsel.Regeringen tilbød i 1997 at løslade hende af helbredsmæssige grunde, hvilket Zana imidlertid afslog.„Jeg håber på en benådning af alle politiske fanger.
At her inauguration, she promised in Kurdish to“struggle so that the Kurdish and Turkish peoples may live together in ademocratic framework.”Based on her speeches and writings in defence of Kurdish rights, Leyla Zana, together with three other Kurdish MPs of the pro-Kurdish Party for Democracy, was charged with being aliated to the PKK, and sentenced to 15 years’imprisonment by the Ankara State Security Court in December 1994.The government offered in 1997 to release her for health reasons, but Zana refused.“I hope to see a general amnesty for all political prisoners.
Jeg ønsker ikke at blive løsladt af helbredsmæssige grunde, mens mine politiske fæller fortsat holdes fængslet.“Efter genbehandlingen af sagen i 2003, som Den Europæiske Menneskerettighedsdomstol – i lighed med den første retssag – ikke anså for at være hverken retfærdig eller upartisk, afgjorde domstolen, at de tidligere kurdiske parlamentsmedlemmer skulle afsone resten af deres fængselsstra e.Den 9. juni 2004 besluttede den tyrkiske appeldomstol imidlertid at omstøde dommene og løslade de fængslede.
I do not wish to be released on health grounds while my political friends remain in captivity.”After the retrial in 2003, which – like the first trial – was considered by the European Court of Human Rights as not being fair and independent, the court decided that the former Kurdish MPs should serve the remainder of their prison sentences.However, on 9 June 2004Turkey’s Appeal Court decided to revoke the verdicts and overturn the sentences.
På et særligt indkaldt møde i Bruxelles den 14. oktober 2004 kunne Leyla Zana omsider tale til Europa-Parlamentets plenarforsamling i egen person og afhente sin Sakharovpris.
On 14October 2004, Leyla Zana was finally able to address a European Parliament plenary session in person at a special ceremony in Brussels and to collect her Sakharov Prize.
I december 2008 idømte en tyrkisk domstol Leyla Zana yderligere ti års fængsel for efter sigende at have spredt terrorismepropaganda.
In December 2008, Leyla Zana was sentenced to another 10 years of imprisonment by a Turkish court for allegedly spreading terrorist propaganda.
Da hun ikke var tilbageholdt, men afventede retssagens endelige udfald, kunne hun holde tale for Parlamentets formandskonference i april 2009.
Not imprisoned, awaiting the final outcome of the trial, she was able to address the Conference of Presidents of the Parliament in April 2009.
„Den kinesiske demokratibevægelses fader“ modtog Sakharovprisen i 1996.Kinas mest fremtrædende systemkritiker blev født ind i en funktionærfamilie den 20. maj 1950.
In the 1980s she became involved in the Algerian women’s movement, amongst other things as a founder member of Women of Europe and the Maghreb and as editor-in-chief of “NYSSA”, the women’s publication she herself had founded.The women’s rights activist became a committed campaigner for human rights and democracy in Algeria.
Han meldte sig først som rødgardist og gik begejstret ind for den maoistiske kulturrevolutions idealer, men mistede sine illusioner på grund af de grusomheder, der blev begået i klassekampens navn, og blev i stedet fortaler for humanisme og demokrati.Efter Deng Xiaopings magtovertagelse i 1978, hjalp Wei Jingsheng med at starte „demokratietsmur“.
After1994, as publisher of the weekly magazine “La Nation”, she increasingly focused on issues of censorship. Her articles constantly called for a peaceful and democratic solution to the crisis in Algeria, which has cost the lives of tens of thousands of people, including many journalists.
På vægaviser krævede kinesiske borgere oprejsning for den uret, de havde været udsat for.
As a result, she became a target for criticism from both the Algerian authorities and Islamic extremists.
„Hvad er ægte demokrati?“ spurgte Wei på en plakat, der skabte opmærksomhed og nedkaldte den kinesiske regerings vrede.Da Wei Jingsheng i 1979 betegnede Deng Xiaoping som en diktator af samme slags som Mao Zedong, blev han arresteret og ved en skueproces idømt 15 års fængsel og arbejdslejr for kontrarevolutionære forbrydelser.Efter sin løsladelse i 1993 gav Wei Jingsheng imidlertid ikke op.
The appearance in Le Monde Diplomatique of her report on the human rights situation in Algeria prompted the authorities to order the closure of her magazine in 1996.
Han knyttede kontakter til vestlige medier og kritiserede fortsat menneskerettighedskrænkelserne i Kina.
Salima Ghezali reacted by saying that“Drawing attention to the principles which form the foundations of our human society and exercising vigilance are the best means of ensuring that civilisation wins out over barbarism.”
I 1994 blev han arresteret af sikkerhedspolitiet og i slutningen af 1995 på ny idømt 14 års fængsel for antikommunistisk sammensværgelse.
On 25 April 1996, at a hearing on press freedom held by the European Parliament, Salima Ghezali described the fear and pressures to which journalists in Algeria are exposed if they seek to circumvent censorship and escape the murderous wrath of their opponents.In 2002, shortly before publication of La Nation was to resume, she confirmed that the weekly magazine would continue to campaign for the opening up of Algeria to democracy in the future.
Wei Jingshengs helbredstilstand forværredes konstant på grund af de umenneskelige fængselsbetingelser og medfangernes mishandlinger.
Salima Ghezali has been a Board member of the Euro-Mediterranean Foundation of Support to Human Rights Defenders (EMHRF) and continues her activism on women’s rights, human rights and democracy in Algeria.
Salima Ghezali, modtageren af Sakharovprisen i 1997, blev født i 1958 i nærheden af Algier.
In wall newspapers, Chinese citizens called for the injustices they had suffered to be made right.“What is real democracy?”, asked Wei on a poster, attracting attention and the wrath of the Chinese Government.
I 1980’erne engagerede hun sig i den algeriske kvindebevægelse, blandt andet som stiftende medlem af„Kvinder i Europa og Maghreb“ og som chefredaktør for det af hende grundlagte kvindetidsskrift NYSSA.Kampen for kvindernes rettigheder førte til, at hun blev en engageret forkæmper for menneskerettigheder og demokrati i Algeriet.
When, in 1979, he called Deng Xiaoping a dictator in the mould of Mao Zedong, he was arrested, convicted of counter-revolutionary crimes at a show trial and sentenced to 15 years’imprisonment and hard labour.
Som udgiver af ugeavisen La Nation begyndte hun allerede i 1994 stadigt hyppigere at rejse spørgsmålet om censur.
After his release in 1993, Wei Jingsheng did not give up.
I sine artikler krævede hun en fredelig og demokratisk løsning på krisen i Algeriet, der har kostet titusindvis af mennesker livet, herunder mange journalister.
He set up links with theWestern media and continued to denounce the flagrant human rights violations in China.
Dermed blev hun et mål for såvel de algeriske myndigheders som de islamiske ekstremisters kritik.Hendes artikel i Le Monde Diplomatique om menneskerettighedssituationen i Algeriet foranledigede i 1996 myndighederne til at lukke hendes blad.
In 1994 he vanished into police custody, and at the end of 1995 he was once again sentenced to 14 years’imprisonment for plotting to overthrow Communism.
Salima Ghezali tog til genmæle med følgende udtalelse:„Den bedste måde, hvorpå civilisationen kan sejre over barbariet, er ved at fremhæve de principper, som danner grundlag for vores menneskelige samfund, og at udvise agtpågivenhed“.
His health steadily deteriorated as a result of inhuman prison conditions and illtreatment by fellow prisoners.On 16 November 1997, as a result of persistent international pressure, Wei Jingsheng was released from prison and deported to the USA.
Den 25. april 1996 a agde Salima Ghezale under en høring om pressefrihed, som blev afholdt af Europa-Parlamentet, vidnesbyrd om den frygt og det pres, som journalister i Algeriet er udsat for, når de forsøger at omgå censuren og undslippe deres modstanderes dødbringende vrede.I 2002, kort tid før udgivelsen af La Nation skulle genoptages, bekræftede Salima Ghezali, at denne ugeavis også i fremtiden ville arbejde for at åbne landet for demokratiet.
As chairman of the Overseas Chinese Democracy Coalition (OCDC), founded in1998, and through his own Wei Jingsheng Foundation, he is still campaigning to achieve his overriding objective: human rights and democracy in China.
I 1998, da den væbnede konikt mellem serbiske styrker og Kosovos befrielseshær eskalerede, udsendte Europa-Parlamentet et klart signal ved at tildele Sakharovprisen til den politiske leder for kosovo-albanerne.
In1998, as the armed conict between Serbian units and the Kosovo Liberation Army escalated, the European Parliament sent out a message by awarding the Sakharov Prize to the political leader of the Kosovo Albanians.
Med tildelingen til Ibrahim Rugova hædrede Europa-Parlamentet en mand, der konsekvent har fulgt princippet om fredelig modstand mod vold.Dr. Ibrahim Rugova, født den 2. december 1944 i Cerrca (Istog) i Kosovo, underviste i litteraturvidenskab ved universitetet i Priština, indtil han i 1989 blev valgt til formand for partiet LDK (den demokratiske liga i Kosovo).
In giving the prize to Ibrahim Rugova, the European Parliament honoured a man committed to the principle of peaceful resistance to violence.Dr Ibrahim Rugova, who was born on 2 December 1944 in Cerrca (Istog), Kosovo, taught literature at the University of Priština before being elected leader of the Kosovo Democratic Alliance (LDK) in 1989.
Samme år ophævede Beograd provinsen Kosovos autonome status, albanerne blev undertrykt og regeringsmodstanderne arresteret.
That year, Belgrade abolished the autonomous status of the province of Kosovo; the Albanians found themselves subjected to oppression, and opposition leaders werearrested.
I 1990 vedtog de 2 millioner kosovo-albanere deres egen forfatning; ved en folkeafstemning i 1991 gik 97% ind for Kosovos uafhængighed, og i 1998 bekræftede de deres valg af Ibrahim Rugova til præsident for deres selvproklamerede republik Kosova.Paci sten Rugova satsede konsekvent på fredelig opposition mod det serbiske styre. Han var altid rede til en dialog med Beograd, og han forsøgte at vinde international sympati for sit folks sag.
In 1990 the two million Kosovo Albanians adopted their own constitution, in a 1991 referendum 97% of them voted for an independent Kosovo, and in 1998 they confirmed Ibrahim Rugova as President of their self-proclaimed “Republic of Kosovo”.The pacifist Rugova stuck doggedly to his approach based on non-violent opposition to the Serbian regime, constantly reiterating his willingness to enter into dialogue with Belgrade.
Han vaklede aldrig i sine konstante, indtrængende opfordringer til det internationale samfund om at øge dets pres og yde Kosovo beskyttelse.
At the same time, he endeavoured to win over world opinion to his people’s cause.
I den faste overbevisning, at hans folk kun kunne opnå selvbestemmelse ved fredelige midler, undertegnede Ibrahim Rugova i sin egenskab af kosovo-albanernes forhandlingsleder den 18. marts 1999 fredsaftalen i Rambouillet.
He never faltered in urging the international community to step up its pressure and offer Kosovo protection.Convinced that his people could achieve self-determination only through peace, on 18March 1999 Ibrahim Rugova signed the Rambouillet peace agreement as the chief negotiator for the Kosovo Albanians.
Da Beograd nægtede at undertegne aftalen, indledte NATO den 24. marts en lufto ensiv mod Jugoslavien, som efter planen skulle vare i tre måneder.
Belgrade’s refusal to endorse the agreement led on 24 March to the launch of NATO attacks onYugoslavia which were intended to last three months.
Den 28. marts blev Rugovas vigtigste rådgiver under fredsforhandlingerne, Fehmi Agani, myrdet i Priština. Rugova selv var nødt til at gå under jorden.
On 28 March Rugova’s key adviser in the peace negotiations, Fehmi Agani, was murdered in Priština.
I marts 2002 blev Ibrahim Rugova valgt til Kosovos første præsident.
In March 2002 Ibrahim Rugova was elected as the first President of Kosovo.
Præsident Rugova døde af kræft den 21. januar 2006.
President Rugova died of cancer on 21January 2006.