natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
På den internationale arena har vi efter Golf-krisen set en bestræbelse for på den mest dramatiske måde at fortsætte anstrengelserne for at gøre ende på den israelsk-arabiske konflikt.
On the international scene, and following the crisis in the Gulf, we have seen an effort to continue in the most dramatic way the efforts to put an end to the Arab-Israeli conflict.
Tillad mig ganske ærligt at sige, at det historiske gennembrud i forbindelserne mellem den arabiske verden og Israel fandt sted, da den meget tapre leder af et arabisk land, Egyptens præsident Sadat, besluttede sig til at aflægge besøg i Israel.
Allow me to say with all frankness, the historic breakthrough in the relationship between the Arab world and Israel took place when the very courageous leader of an Arab country, President Sadat of Egypt, decided to come to visit Israel.
Han talte i Jerusalen fra talerstolen i Knesset, det israelske parlament, og opfordrede til fred.
He spoke in Jerusalem from the podium of our Knesset, the Israeli Parliament, and called for peace.
Han overbeviste det israelske folk om, at her var en leder, en arabisk leder, der ønskede fred.
He convinced the people of Israel that here was a leader, an Arab leader, who wanted peace. He brought, by his
RABIN millioner mennesker i arabiske lande.
We also decided who our neighbours would be - 100 to 120 million people of Arab countries.
Hertil kommer 100-150 millioner muslimer.
An additional 100 to 150 million Muslims.
Jeg ville ønske, at vi som partnere havde nogle af Deres lande, nogle af Deres folk.
I wish that we had as partners some of your countries, some of your peoples.
Men i en sag som denne kan man ikke vælge sine naboer.
But in a case like this one cannot choose one's neighbours.
verden gennem alle de store krige, der har fundet sted mellem dem og os - der ikke lagde nogen hindringer i vejen for opnåelsen af fred mellem Egypten og Israel.
He convinced the people of Israel that here was a leader - a leader of the greatest Arab country, the country that led the Arab world through all the major wars that took place between them and us - and there was no obstacle on the road to achieve peace between Egypt and Israel.
Israels folk var rede til at gøre smertelige indrømmelser, fordi det troede på, at denne leder, præsident Sadat, havde løbet en stor risiko ved at komme til Jerusalem.
The people of Israel were ready to make painful concessions because they believed this leader, President Sadat, had taken a great risk by coming to Jerusalem.
Han overbeviste os om, at han ønskede fred.
He convinced us that he wanted peace.
Jeg har også sagt til Israels folk, at der kun er to måder, hvorpå vi kan leve med vore naboer.
I also said to the people of Israel that there are only two ways we can live with our neighbours.
Enten prøver vi at skabe en fred, der giver os sikkerhed, eller også skal vi altid leve under truslen om krig, vold og terror.
Either we try to bring about peace, which will give us security, or we live always under the threat of war, violence and terror.
Selv foretrækker jeg at løbe en bevidst risiko for fredens skyld.
I myself prefer to take calculated risks for the sake of peace.
Jeg fortsatte med at sige, at jeg ville foretrække at have fred med lande, der har en tradition for demokrati, for demokratiets værdier. Men ulykkeligvis er vore naboer aggressive autoritære og totalitære regimer.
I went on to say that I would prefer to have peace with countries that have a tradition of democracy, values of democracy.
Hvis vi skal vente, til demokratiet er indført og råder dér, kan vi komme til at vente 100 år endnu.
If we have to wait until democracy is established and prevails there, we might have to wait another 100 years.
Fredsaftalen mellem Egypten og Israel blev indgået og undertegnet i marts 1979.1 mange år derefter turde ingen arabisk leder gå i præsident Sadats fodspor.
The peace between Egypt and Israel was concluded and signed in March 1979. For many years no other Arab leader dared to follow in the footsteps of President Sadat.
Der var et svælg på tolv år, inden en ny indsats blev gjort.
There was a gap of twelve years before another effort was made.
De Forenede Stater og Rusland tilvejebragte med det internationale samfunds bistand fredskonferencen i Madrid med deltagelse af de arabiske naboer Jordan, Syrien og Libanon, repræsentanter for palæstinenserne og Israel.
The United States and Russia, with the assistance of the international community, brought about the Madrid Peace Conference with the participation of four Arab neighbours: Jordan, Syria, Lebanon and Egypt, representatives of the Palestinians and Israel.
Vi gjorde energiske forsøg, vi bestræbte os, vi mødtes ansigt til ansigt, og en indbydelsesskrivelse til fredskonferencen i Madrid, der accepteredes som basis for fredsforhandlingerne, blev udarbejdet med det formål at nå frem til fredsaftaler mellem Israel og dets tre arabiske nabolande, som vi endnu ikke har sluttet fred med, og i to tempi at gå frem mod en løsning på den hundrede år lange konflikt mellem palæstinenserne og Israel.
We tried hard, we made efforts, we met face to face and a letter of invitation to the Madrid Peace Conference that was accepted as the basis for the peace negotiations was formulated with the purpose of achieving peace treaties between Israel and its three neighbouring Arab countries with which we have not yet reached peace and to move in two stages to the solution of the 100-year conflict between the Palestinians and Israel.
Det er sådan, jeg tænker. Der er ikke brug for at slutte fred med venner.
This is the way I think.
Fred slutter man med fjender, undertiden meget bitre fjender.
Peace you make with enemies, sometimes very bitter enemies.
Sådan er realiteten i regionen.
These are the realities in the region.
Det er bedst at løbe en bevidst risiko for freden, og det var det, der var ledende for vor politik.
It is preferable to take calculated risks for peace and it was this that guided our policy.
Jeg vidste, at vi for at opnå fred måtte gå på kompromis.
I knew that for the achievement of peace we had to make compromises.
Det var uomtvisteligt, at fredsforhandlingerne skulle foregå ansigt til ansigt på bilateralt grundlag.
Unquestionably the peace negotiations had to be face to face on a bilateral basis.
Hvorfor? Fordi fred ikke kan gennemtvinges. Israel kan ikke påtvinge sine arabiske partnere fred. De arabiske partnere kan ikke påtvinge Israel fred, og - med al respekt -supermagterne eller supermagten kan heller ikke gen nemtvinge fred.
Why?
Fred ved tvang er en contradictio in adjecto.
Peace by imposition is a contradiction in terms.
Fred kan kun skabes, når konfliktens parter som for øjeblikket beslutter at gøre ende på krig, vold og terror mellem sig og tilvejebringer fredsrelationer.
Peace can be made only when the parties to the conflict, as at present, decide to put an end to war, violence and terror between them and establish relations of peace.
Ingen - og det understreger jeg - kan skabe fred i deres sted.
No one - and I emphasize this - can make peace in their place.
Efter at have overvejet de foreløbige forhandlinger i Madrid kom jeg til den konklusion, at nøglerne enten lå i palæstinensiske eller syriske hænder.
After pondering the Madrid preliminary negotiations, I came to the conclusion that the keys were either in Palestinian hands or in Syrian hands.
Mange mennesker har i mange år været vant til at sige, at det springende punkt i den arabiskisraelske konflikt lå i konflikten mellem palæstinenserne og Israel.
Many people for many years used to say that the crux of the Arab-Israeli conflict lay in the conflict between the Palestinians and Israel.
Vi besluttede os til at tage fat på det problem ved at gøre indbydelsesskrivelsen til grundlag for fredskonferencen i Madrid.
We decided to tackle the problem by making the basis for the Madrid Peace Conference the letter of invitation.
Jeg besluttede - og personlig smertede det mig meget, og for mange israelere var og er det stadig vanskeligt at sluge - at jeg ikke ville være med til et mummespil.
I decided - and personally it caused me a lot of pain, to many Israelis it was and still is difficult to swallow - that I would not take part in a masquerade.
Det betød en erkendelse af, at den palæstinensiske delegation i enhver praktisk henseende repræsenterer PLO.
That meant realising that the Palestinian delegation for all practical purposes represents the PLO.
Vi trafen beslutning om gensidig anerkendelse mellem Israel og PLO.
We took a decision for mutual recognition between Israel and the PLO.
Det, der gjorde dette muligt for mig og min samvittighed, var, at formanden for PLO, hr. Arafat, skriftligt forpligtede sig fuldt, fordømte og afviste vold og terror, gav udtryk for vilje til at holde disciplin i folket, der fortsætter med terror og vold, og erkendte Israels ret ti! at eksistere som en uafhængig jødisk stat.
What made this possible for me and my conscience was the chairman of the PLO, Mr Arafat, giving in writing a full commitment, denouncing and rejecting violence and terror, expressing a readiness to discipline his people who continue terror and violence, and recognizing the right of Israel to exist as a Jewish independent state.
Han forpligtede sig til at løse yderligere uoverensstemmelser udelukkende med fredelige midler og se på de artikler i den palæstinensiske pagt, der fornægter selve eksistensen af Israel.
He commit ted himself to solve further differences only by peaceful means and to look at the articles of the Palestinian Covenant that negate the very existence of Israel.
De er i modstrid med den principerklæring, vi undertegnede i Washington, og skal kendes døde og magtesløse på et senere tidspunkt, når det bliver muligt at opfordre det palæstinensiske nationalråd til at gøre dette legalt.
These run counter to the agreement in the declaration of principles that we signed in Washington and were to become inoperable and invalid at a later stage when it was possible to call upon the Palestinian National Council to do this legally.
Det var den basale opfattelse hos dem, der stod bag fredskonferencen i Madrid, og det er Israels og dets arabiske partneres ansvar under fredsforhandlingerne selv at finde en vej - de kan få hjælp af andre, men ingen kan erstatte dem, handle i deres sted.
This was the basic assumption of the co-sponsors of the Madrid Peace Conference and it is the responsibility of Israel and its Arab partners in the peace negotiations to find a way by themselves - they can be assisted by others but no one can replace them, can act in their stead.
Det er deres ansvar, og det var derfor, verden måtte pege på israelerne, på de arabiske partnere, og sige: »Det er jer, der skal skabe fred.
It is their responsibility and this is why the world had to point to the Israelis, to the Arab partners, and say 'You have to make peace.
Vi kan hjælpe jer.
We can assist you.
Men vi kan ikke handle i jeres sted.« Da jeg blev premierminister i Israels nye regering, gik jeg i gang med at nå det vigtige mål at få fred og sikkerhed for Israel efter de seks krige, vi har måttet udkæmpe, uden en dags ro mellem krigene eller efter dem, helt frem til dagen i dag da mennesker på begge sider stadig kvæstes og dræbes.
But we cannot act in your place'. Since becoming Prime Minister of the new government of Israel, I set out to achieve the major goal of peace and security for Israel after the six wars we had to fight, with not one day of rest between the wars or after them, right up to today, when on both sides people are still being wounded and killed.
Vi er meget opmærksom me på vor sikkerhed, og med god grund.
We are very sensitive about our security, and for good reason.
Jeg har påpeget for Dem vor lange jødiske historie.
I have pointed out to you our long Jewish history.
Vi er stolte af, at vi aldrig har bedt noget land om at indgå en forsvarspagt med os.
We are proud that we have never asked any country to make a defence pact with us.
Vi har aldrig bedt nogen fremmed soldat om at udgyde en eneste dråbe af sit blod til forsvar for Israel i forbindelse med en regional konflikt.
We have never asked any foreign soldier to shed one drop of his blood for the defence of Israel in a context of regional conflict.
Vi har aldrig bedt om nogen fremmede styrker på permanent basis til forsvar for Israel.
We have never asked for any foreign forces on a permanent basis for the sake of the defence of Israel.
Det er vort ansvar - vi kan klare det.
It is our responsibility - we can manage.
Vi ønsker ikke at drage andre ind i regionale krige.
We do not want to drag others into regional wars.
Hvis tendensen til regional konflikt fortsætter, er det sandsynligt, at andre lande indblandes i krige.
If the tendency towards regional conflict continues, other countries are liable to become, involved in wars.
Men det skal ikke være sådan.
But this does not have to be so.
Derfor betyder fred for os sikkerhed.
Therefore for us, peace means security.
RABIN seme, så der kan skabes fredelig sameksistens mellem to helt forskellige enheder.
The responsibilities will be clear-cut. What we are trying for in the interim with the declaration of principles is the establishment of interim self-government arrangements for the Palestinians, so as to create peaceful co-existence between two entirely different entities.
De er forskellige religiøst, politisk, man kan endda sige nationalt, men de er vævet sammen med hinanden; den ene møder dagligt den anden i arbejde og trafik.
They differ religiously, politically, you could even say nationally, but they are interwoven one with the other; each encounters the other daily in work and travel.
Vi anerkender alle den internationale grænse.
We all recognize the international boundary.
Det eneste spørgsmål er sikkerheden, at have en regering i Libanon der kontrollerer sit eget territorium.
The only question is security, to see a government in Lebanon that controls its own territories.
Jeg håber, vi får bedre signaler fra ledelsen i Syrien.
I hope we will see better signs on the part of the leadership of Syria.
Jeg venter ikke, at nogen gentager det, præsident Sadat gjorde, men vi er et demokrati.
I do not expect that anyone will repeat what President Sadat did, but we are a democracy.
Vi skal overbevise folk om, at den anden side, den ene af partnerne, virkelig ønsker fred.
We have to convince the people that the other side, one of the partners, really wants peace.
Da vi skal vise dette, forventer vi, at den anden side også gør det.
As we have to show it, we expect the other side to show it.
Formålet, mit formål, er at lade palæstinenserne styre deres eget liv. Jeg ønsker ikke at styre livet i Gaza, Khan Yunis eller Dir Al Balah.
The purpose, my purpose, is to let the Palestinians run their own lives.
Lad dem gøre det.
Let them run it.
Samtidig skal bosættelserne blive der i overensstemmelse med det, der står i principerklæringen.
At the same time, in accordance with what is written in the declaration of principles, the settlements are to remain.
Israel vil have det overordnede ansvar for israelemes sikkerhed i bosættelserne, og når de er undervejs.
Israel will carry overall responsibility for the security of the Israelis in the settlements and when they travel.
Israel vil have ansvaret for den ydre sikkerhed, vil stadig have kontrol med terroristiske begivenheder, ikke andet forhåbentlig.
Israel will bear responsibility for external security, still control outbreaks of terror, hopefully not more than that.
Vi arbejder hårdt på at finde en måde, hvorpå vi kan samarbejde for at nå disse mål, i bevidstheden om at det er en midlertidig aftale.
This is the distribution of responsibilities. We are working hard to find a way in which we can work together to achieve these goals, knowing it is an interim agreement.
Det er ikke så enkelt.
It is not so simple.
Der er som baggrund oparbejdet en masse fordom og mistillid.
There is in the background a backlog of prejudice and suspicion.
Der er modstand mod aftalen på palæstinensisk side og på israelsk side.
There is opposition to the agreement on the Palestinian side and the Israeli side.
Jeg tror, vi har store muligheder forude.
I believe that we face great opportunities.
Vi forventer støtte til fredsprocessen.
We expect support for the peace process.
Vi bør glemme fortidens resolutioner, undtagen De Forenede Nationers Sikkerhedsråds resolutioner, se på de nye realiteter, ikke være bundet af nogen anden resolution, af nogen gruppe af lande eller enkeltlande, og støtte den nuværende aftale.
We should forget resolutions of the past, except the United Nations Security Council resolutions, look at the new realities, not bound by any other resolution, by any group of countries or individual countries, and support the present resolution.
I sidste ende forventer Israel, at først og fremmest Europa støtter fredsprocessen, forstår at hovedansvaret for tilvejebringelse af fred ligger hos parterne i den nuværende konflikt.
In conclusion, Israel expects Europe first and foremost to support the peace process, to understand that the main responsibility for the achievement of peace lies with the parties to the present conflict.
Konfliktens parter skal være hovedparterne i fredsprocessen.
The parties to the conflict must be the main partners in the peace-making process.
For det andet glæder vi os over Europas beredvillighed til at støtte palæstinenserne finansielt, som et led i den internationale indsats, på en positiv og konstruktiv måde ved projekter for boligbebyggelse, infrastruktur, jobskabelse og uddannelse.
Secondly, we welcome the readiness of Europe to support financially the Palestinians as part of the international effort in a positive, constructive way, through projects in housing, infrastructure, job creation and education.
Der er modstand på den palæstinensiske side mod hr. Arafats beslutning om den aftale, vi underskrev, hovedsagelig ført an af ekstremistiske islamiske terroristgrupper, der eskalerer terroren mod Israel med ét formål mere end at dræbe israelere: ved denne terror håber de at dræbe aftalen, fredsforhandlingerne og evnen til at føre aftalen ud i livet.
There is opposition on the Palestinian side to Mr Arafat's decision to the agreement that we signed, led mainly by extremist Islamic terrorist groups, that escalate terror against Israel with one purpose beyond killing Israelis: through this terror they hope to kill the agreement, the peace negotiations and the capability to implement the agreement.
De ved, at de med denne terror skaber modstand hos israelerne mod aftalen, for mange kommer til mig og siger: »Hr. premierminister, De lovede os fred.
They know that by this terror they create antagonism among the Israelis against the agreement, because many of them come to me and say: 'Mr Prime Minister, you promised us peace.
Det, vi nu ser, er terrorens fortsættelse.« Nogle af palæstinenserne kan sige det samme. Jeg må stå til ansvar for dem, der har valgt mig, for dem jeg er premierminister for. Jeg er premierminister for hele Israels folk; de der støttede mig, og de der ikke gjorde det.
What we see now is a continuation of terror'. Some of the Palestinians can say the same.
Vi er altid glade for bistand til palæstinenserne i territorierne. Den bør gives direkte.
We always welcome assistance to the Palestinians in the territories.
Mange europæiske lande har allerede bidraget her og der, men i forbindelse med fredsprocessen skal der gøres en større indsats.
Many European countries have already contributed here and there, but in the context of the peace process a major effort has to be made.
For det tredje beder vi ikke om nogen finansiel bistand fra Europa til os selv.
Thirdly, we do not ask for any financial assistance from Europe for ourselves.
Den får vi fra andre kilder.
We will get it from other sources.
Det, vi venter Europa skal forstå, er, at Israel løber risici, og at Israels folk forventer, at det som et resultat af fredsprocessen vil blive muligt for det at fremme og styrke vor økonomi, at få et mere progressivt samfund, at give ophold for jøder, der undertrykkes, forfølges, det være i den tidligere Sovjetunion, Syrien eller Yemen.
What we expect Europe to understand is that Israel is taking risks and the people of Israel expect to see that as a result of the peace efforts it will be possible for them to advance and strengthen our economy, to have a more progressive society, to provide refuge to Jews who are oppressed, who are persecuted, be it in the former Soviet Union, Syria or in Yemen.
Deres plads, deres hjem, er Israel, den jødiske stat.
Their place, their home, is in Israel, the Jewish state.
En halv million indvandrere er i de sidste fire år kommet fra det, der engang var Sovjetunionen.
Half a million immigrants came from what used to be the Soviet Union over the last four years.
Det er en forøgelse på mere end 10% af den samlede befolkning, jøder og ikke-jøder, som er israelske borgere.
This is an increase of over 10% vis-à-vis the total population, Jews and non-Jews, who are Israeli citizens.
Vi integrerede dem.
We absorbed them.
Vi gjorde en ægte national indsats.
We made a real national effort.
10% af vort budget blev afsat til deres integration, foruden de 9-10% af vort bruttonationalprodukt der er afsat til forsvar af Israel.
10% of our budget was allotted for their absorption in addition to the 9% to 10% of our GNP, which is budgeted for the defence of Israel.
Vi lever altså i en meget ømtålelig periode, hvor begge parter har brug for stærke nerver for at overvinde hindringerne, fokusere på tilendebringelsen af forhandlingerne.
Therefore, we are living in a very sensitive period, a period in which both sides need strong nerves, to over come the obstacles, to focus on the completion of the negotiations.
Og lad os ikke glemme, at vi i principerklæringen fik et halvt år til gennemførelsen af første fase, Gaza-Jerichofasen, to måneder til forhandlinger, fire måneder til gennemførelsen.
And let us not forget that six months were given, in the DOP, for the implementation of the first phase, the Gaza-Jericho phase, two months for the negotiations, four months for the implementation.
Jeg kan ikke se nogen større krise ved, at vi tager os tid til at nå til en aftale, der tydeliggør vejen til en gennemførelse, så der ikke er mulighed for misforståelser.
I would not see any major crisis if we took time to reach an agreement that will clarify the road for an implementation that will leave no misunderstanding.
En principerklæring kan være generel, men omsætningen af disse principper til virkelighed, deres virkninger for dagliglivet, det palæstinensiske politis ansvar, det israelske politi og de militære enheder, bosættelserne, de civile borgere, skal være meget klar.
A declaration of principles can be general, but the translation of these principles to the ground, their communication to the way of life, to the responsibilities of the Palestinian police, to the Israeli police and military units, to the settlements, to the civilians, has to be very clear.
Ellers vil gnidninger føre til katastrofe.
Otherwise friction will lead to a disaster.
I dag har der været møde i Paris i den palæstinensisk israelske økonomiske komité med henblik på en generel fastlæggelse af relationerne mellem de to enheder.
Today there were meetings in Paris of the Palestinian-Israeli economic committee to determine in a general way the relations between the two entities.
Vi prøver ikke at spille herrer eller gennemtrumfe vor vilje.
We do not try to patronise or to impose.
Vi vil geme forhandle som partnere i den samme bestræbelse.
We would like to negotiate as partners to the same endeavour.
I Kairo havde vi underudvalget om sikkerhed.
We had in Cairo the subcommittee on security.
I El Arish havde vi underudvalget om overførelse af ansvar fra civiladministrationen til palæstinenserne, selv om alle chefer for civiladministrationens 15 departementer er palæstinensere.
We had in El Arish the subcommittee about transition of responsibilities from
I hundreder, om ikke tusinder af år har flertallet af jøderne levet i europæiske lande. Som det israelske folks stat ser Israel på Europa som demokratiets og den vestlige civilisations vugge.
We would like to have the opportunity to be, not members, but associated with the European Community.