natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Hr. Verde I Aldea gør ret i at beklage, at det har taget flere uger at få udsendt EFT af 31. december 1994, der indeholder det direktiv, vi talerom, nemlig direktivet af 19. december. Jeg har fået at vide, at det samme sker hvert år, fordi der skal offentliggøres mange beslutninger i EFT i december måned.
Fourthly, such a derogation panders dangerously to the far right ultra-nationalist sentiment which has already seen the extremist Vlaams Blok become the largest party in the municipality of Antwerp, Where there is a choice between ultra-nationalism and solidarity, this European Union cannot afford to sit on the fence.
Dury (PSE). — (FR) Fru formand, jeg vil også geme sige, at Rådet ikke burde have accepteret denne undtagelse.
Mr Lamassoure, you are a committed European, you are a committed democrat and — if I may say so — you are an intelligent man!
Min kollega fra CVP siger, at det ikke betyder noget, at dens anvendelse er begrænset både geografisk og juridisk...
Did you really think that these specific circumstances justified derogation from the democratic rights of Europe's citizens?
Men er De klar over, hvad det er for specifikke problemer, der er tale om?
You have made exceptions to these principles.
Ganske enkelt kommuner i omegnen af Bruxelles, hvor man er meget bange for, at europæerne stemmer på de fransktalende lister.
Well, in politics, your mistakes always stay with you, and I fear that there may be a hard lesson to be learned in the future.
Efter min mening er de to fortolkninger begge gyldige.
In my remaining moments let me comment on some concerns within the United Kingdom.
Der findes for øvrigt præcedens fra Domstolen for så vidt angår afgivelse af almindelige udtalelser, idet Domstolen mener, at når Rådet fremkommer med mindre ændringsforslag, og Parlamentet har afgivet sin udtalelse, er der ikke tale om manglende overholdelse af traktaten, men hvis disse ændringsforslag tværtimod er væsentlige, overtrædes traktatens ånd, og teksten kan annulleres. res.
Voters are going to the polls in Scotland this week and in England and Wales next month without European Union citizens on the register and the British Government has indicated that participation in next year's local elections is dependent on legislation being submitted by the end of June.
Hr. rådsformand, De er overbevist europæer, De er overbevist demokrat, og tillad mig at komme med en kompliment, De er også intelligent! Mener De virkelig, at de pågældende specifikke problemer kan gøres til genstand for en undtagelse fra de europæiske borgeres rettigheder?
It is running out of time and many believe that the splits on Europe in John Major's government are prevent ing it from acting and that once again it is saving its own embarrassment by refusing to implement European legislation.
I sidste instans er det jo principperne, der bringes i fare i denne sag, både princippet om europæisk borgerskab, princippet om stemmeret og princippet om Europa-Parlamentets rettigheder.
This, together with its desire to have separate rather than common registration for European nationals in European elections, shows that there should be much further discussion on this issue.
De har givet undtagelser fra disse principper.
Accordingly the Council must be asked to think again.
Van Lancker (PSE). — (NL) Fru formand, kære kolleger, hr. rådsformand, som europæisk flamlænder har jeg altid været indædt modstander af enhver form for diskrimination og altså også af Luxembourgbestemmelsen.
Van Lancker (PSE). — (NL) Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, Mr President-in-Office. As a European Fleming I have always spoken out loudly against any form of discrimination, and therefore against the Luxembourg clause.
Jeg synes, at når der knyttes betingelser til stemmeretten, så gælder for mig princip pet om samme rettigheder, samme pligter.
I think that if any conditions are to be laid down on the right to vote, then the principle should apply of equal rights, equal duties.
Jeg gentager, at jeg finder det ulogisk og uretfærdigt ikke at give alle migranter samt borgere fra tredjelande stemmeret.
I repeat my view that it is illogical and unfair to refuse to give the vote to all migrants including non-EU citizens.
Jeg beklager da også meget dybt, at den belgiske regering, efter tilskyndelse fra Det Flamske Råd, men uden socialisterne, også vil gøre undtagelsesbestemmelsen gældende for de belgiske kommuner, hvor der eventuelt kunne vise sig et fællesskabsproblem.
I also deeply regret that the Belgian government, spurred on by the Flemish Council but without the Socialists, want to extend the derogation clause to the Belgian communes where there might be a municipal problem.
Jeg beklager i øvrigt også, sammen med mine kolleger, at Rådet ikke har fundet det nødvendigt at høre Parlamentet i denne sag, for vi havde måske kunnet få Dem på andre tanker, hr. formand.
I also regret, like my colleagues, that the Council did not feel obliged to consult Parliament on this, because we might well have been able to give you a few ideas, Mr President-in-Office.
Dernæst vil jeg gerne kommentere fru Durys blomsterbesmykkede kritik Jeg vil dog sige, at når ordene kommer fra den kant, vil jeg hellere tage imod blomsterne end kritikken. De må forstå, at for Rådet er et problem som det, den belgiske delegation har forelagt, meget vanskeligt at løse.
Posselt (PPE). - (DE) Madam President, the history of the nation state in Europe is a history of broken laws.
Under drøftelserne af dette direktiv i Rådet sikrede jeg mig, at min egen delegation ikke bad om en lignende undtagelse, hvilket var i strid med det, mit eget parlament havde vedtaget.
I am grateful to Mr Ullmann, who, having himself experienced dictatorship, knows what he is talking about when he speaks of democracy, for reminding us that the paramount goal is the democratization of Europe.
Vi accepterede de meget specifikke argumenter, som den belgiske delegation fremførte.
But we also seek to realize the ideal of Europe as a legal community. Early next year we shall have municipal elections in Bavaria.
Jeg vil gerne atter understrege, at jeg fuldt ud bifalder hr. Aronis fornuftige analyse.
Secondly because I think the language problem has to be solved by applying language legislation properly. The solution is now only to be found in political terms.
Jeg er ligeledes enig med hr. Cot i, at vi med udgangspunkt i dette eksempel skal være meget opmærksomme over for procedurerne under den tredje søjle.
The Belgian government declared that the derogation would be applied in rare cases on advice from the regional councils, and I am pleased that the capital, Brussels, has already decided not to apply it.
Personligt vil jeg gerne tilføje, at et af paradokserne, en af manglerne i Maastricht-Traktaten sandsynligvis er, at de områder, der for indeværende hører ind under den tredje søjle, som oftest direkte vedrører borgernes grundlæggende rettigheder, ikke eller kun i meget begrænset omfang kan behandles af Parlamentet.
I only hope that the new Flemish Council will have the political courage to realise that using this derogation clause will not further the Flemish cause but will only fuel xenophobia in Flanders, and that is what I continue to oppose.
Det er ikke rigtigt, jeg vil endog sige, at det er chokerende.
There are two or three comments I would like to add.
Jeg ved, at mange flamlændere frygter, at dette direktiv vil give anledning til en hurtigere forfranskning af den flamske rand omkring Bruxelles og i Bruxelles, og naturligvis tager jeg sprogproblememe i Bruxelles og den flamske rand au sérieux, men det var også den belgiske regerings hensigt, og efter min opfattelse tog de fejl ved at vælge denne løsning.
However, if the idea of legal community and reciprocity is now eroded by a series of exemptions, popular trust in the stability of the European legal entity will be destroyed, and the impression will emerge that Europe is no more than a coalition and constellation of various national autocracies.
Undtagelsesbestemmelsen er i hvert fald en forkert måde at gribe problemet an på.
That is why the Council must tread very warily in these matters.
Først og fremmest fordi undtagelsesbestemmelsen intet løser i lyset af, at ikke en eneste kommune i Flanderen eller Bruxelles i øjeblikket opfylder undtagelsesbestemmelserne.
Union citizenship is one of the principal achievements of the other wise much-maligned Treaty of Maastricht.
For det andet, fordi sprogproblemet efter min opfattelse skal løses ved korrekt anvendelse af sproglovgivningen.
This Parliament has always championed the cause of European citizenship, begin ning with the European passport in its first legislative term and continuing now with Union citizenship.
Løsningen kan udelukkende findes ad politisk vej, hr. formand.
This Europe cannot guarantee people's peace and freedom as a coalition of states or on the basis of ad hoc agreements but only as a stable legal community in which the individual can truly exercise his rights.
Den belgiske regering har erklæret, at undtagelsen vil blive anvendt i usædvanlige tilfælde, efter udtalelse fra de
Dury (PSE). — (FR) Madam President, I too would like to say that the Council should not have accepted this derogation.
Til sidst vil jeg gerne berolige alle dem, der er bekymrede over de praktiske følger af den af artikel 12 omfattede undtagelse
They tell me that this happens every year, because December is a month in which there are always a great many decisions to be published in the Official Journal.
Wijsenbeek (ELDR). — (FR) Fru formand, jeg vil gerne gøre opmærksom på, at jeg ikke brugte ordet »svig« i den tekst Jeg forelagde på nederlandsk.
President. — Mr Wijsenbeek, we note your clarification.
Lamassoure, formand for Rådet. — (FR) Med Deres tilladelse, fru formand, vil jeg gerne sige til hr. Wijsenbeek, at den franske kabine ikke oversatte den sætning, han netop fremsagde på nederlandsk, men jeg stoler naturligvis på ham.
Madam President, may I inform Mr Wijsenbeek that the French interpreter did not translate the phrase which he has just said in Dutch, but of course I have every confidence in him.
Formanden. — Jeg har modtaget et beslutningsforslag ('), fremsat i overensstemmelse med artikel 40, stk. 5, i forretningsordenen. ningsordenen.
President. I have received a motion for a resolution (') pursuant to Rule 40(5) of the Rules of Procedure.
Det er acceptabelt, så længe der tages skridt til at mindske diskriminationen.
As 1 see it, both interpretations are reasonable.
Kernevåbenstaterne skal blandt andet forpligte sig til et fuldstændigt forbud mod atomprøvesprængninger — hurtigst muligt — multilaterale forhandlinger om reduktion af atombevæbningsniveauet som artikel 6 i ikke-spredningstraktaten foreskriver, og for eksempel til et forbud mod produktion af spalteligt materiale til militær brug.
In any case, the Court of Justice has set a precedent regarding the single opinion procedure: the Court has held that, when the Council introduces minor amendments after Parliament has given its opinion, there is no violation of the Treaty, whereas if such amendments are substantial the spirit of the Treaty is violated and the text can be declared void.
Ikke-spredningstraktatens beskyttelse og effektivitet er en anden prioritet. Der hersker i mange lande skepsis over, hvor effektiv kontrollen med nukleare aktiviteter er i lande, som formodes at arbejde på at udvikle kernevåben.
President. — The next item is the report (A4-0054/95) by Mr Wiersma, on behalf of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, Security and Defence Policy, on the Conference on the Extension of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) in New York from 17 April to 12 May 1995.
Formanden. — Næste punkt på dagsordenen er betænkning (A4-0054/95) af Wiersma for Udvalget om Udenrigs-, Sikker heds- og Forsvarsanliggender om konferencen om forlængelse af traktaten om ikkespredning af kernevåben (NPT — Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty) i New York fra den 17. april til den 12. maj 1995.
To all those who have used some rather strong language — referring to fraud, as Mr Wijsenbeek did, or referring to violation of the Treaties as Mrs Gebhardt, Mr Cot and Mr Howitt all did in various ways — I would say that if they really hold those views, and if the European Parliament holds those views, then the Court of Justice is there to resolve this kind of legal dispute.
Wiersma (PPE), ordfører. — (NL) Hr. formand, jeg er glad for, at vi her i dag kan forhandle om forlængelse af traktaten om ikkespredning af kernevåben.
Wiersma (PPE), rapporteur. — (NL) Madam President, I welcome this opportunity today to debate the extension of the Non-Proliferation Treaty.
Kernevåben er tilbage på den internationale politiske dagsorden.
Nuclear arms are back on the international political agenda.
Den forestående konference om forlængelse af traktaten om ikkespredning af kernevåben får os til at erkende, at kernevåbenproblemet stadig ikke er løst.
The forthcoming conference on the extension of the Non-Proliferation Treaty reminds us that the problem of nuclear arms has still not been solved.
Ganske vist er truslen om konfrontation mellem to store kernevåbenmagter forsvundet; krydsermissilerne er aldrig kommet; START-aftalerne har ført til en reel reduktion i kemevåbenniveauet, men der findes stadig store mængder af disse våben.
The threat of confrontation between the two major nuclear powers has admittedly disappeared; the cruise missiles have never come; the START treaties have lead to a genuine reduction in the level of nuclear arms but there are still large quantities of these weapons in existence.
Traktaten fastlægger, at kernevåbenfrie stater har lov til at forvente støtte til udvikling af en civil atomindustri.
1 would also like to say a few words in reply, in particular, to Mrs Dury, who leavened her criticisms with compliments and bouquets — and, of course, in view of their source, I was more sensitive to the bouquets than to the criticisms.
Denne bestemmelse skal tages alvorligt i den forstand, at Den Europæiske Union blandt andet skal hjælpe med udvikling af alternative energikilder.
It should be clearly understood that the Council found it *'ery difficult to deal with a problem such as that posed by the Belgian delegation.
I princip pet arbejder traktaten med kemevåbenstater og kernevåbenfrie stater.
Let me also say that I entirely approve of the very sensible analysis put forward by Mr Arroni.
I praksis findes der lande, uden for NPT, som også råder over kernevåben, men som ikke officielt har indrømmet det, de såkaldte tærskellande.
I also share Mr Cot's feelings when he says that, on the basis of this example, we shall have to pay very careful attention to the third pillar procedures.
Jeg mener, at disse lande på længere sigt også skal underkaste sig NPT-ordningen, men det vil kun lykkes, hvis for eksempel Den Europæiske Union er parat til at investere i at begrænse manglen på stabilitet i visse regioner, navnlig de regioner, hvor man finder disse tærskellande.
Speaking for myself, I would add that one of the paradoxes, one the inadequacies, of the Maastricht Treaty is probably that matters which currently relate to the third pillar, which most often directly concern the fundamental rights of the citizen, are matters in which intervention by the European Parliament is slack or even minimal. There is something abnormal and even shocking about this.
Risikoen for spredning af kernevåben er stadig meget reel.
The danger of proliferation of nuclear arms is still very real.
Eksempelvis har Sovjetunionens opløsning forøget risikoen for ukontrolleret udbredelse af teknisk knowhow og militært anvendeligt spalteligt materiale.
The collapse of the Soviet Union, for example, has increased the risk of unbridled propagation of technical know-how and fissile material which can be used for military purposes.
Der er lande, som ikke er omfattet af NPT, som ikke officielt, men alligevel de facto råder over kernevåben.
There are countries which are not parties to the NPT which do not officially possess nuclear arms but in practice do so.
Der er lande, som gør eller har gjort forsøg på at udvikle egne kernevåben.
There are countries which are attempting or have attempted to develop their own nuclear weapons.
Samtidig må vi konstatere, at det kunne have været værre.
At the same time we must admit that the situation could have been worse.
Jeg er overbevist om, at NPT har modvirket spredning af kernevåben.
I am convinced that the NPT has prevented the spread of nuclear arms.
De fleste lande har respekteret den internationalt delte opfattelse af, at ikkespredning er en nødvendighed.
Most countries have respected the international view of the need for nonproliferation. The NPT has legitimised action against those countries which have broken the rules.
NPT har legitimeret
The Treaty fixes a norm in international law.
Jeg forventer og håber, at Den Europæiske Union tager traktatens indhold alvorligt.
There can be no doubt whatsoever about this basic point, neither now nor in five years.
Mine forslag er baseret på det, der er formuleret i traktaten med hensyn til forholdet mellem kemevåbenstater og kernevåben frie stater.
If there is any uncertainty, then countries in less stable regions could be tempted to develop nuclear weapons, preferring the certain to the uncertain.
Det, jeg foreslår, opstår altså direkte af den traktat.
The nuclear powers would undoubtedly stop any further reductions in their nuclear arsenal.
Unionen har to kernevåbenmagter i sin midte.
Wijsenbeek (ELDR). — (FR) Madam President, I must make it clear that I did not use the word 'fraud' in the text which I expressed in Dutch.
Det skaber et eget, specielt ansvar. Det er nødvendigt med en aktiv politik for at muliggøre NPT's fortsatte eksistens.
I can repeat that, in connection with the Belgian derogation, I used these words, and again I quote in Dutch:
Enkelte kernevåbenstaters interesser må ikke få lov til at stå i vejen for effektiv optræden fra Unionens, fra De Femtens side.
Anyone who wants the forthcoming conference in New York to be a success, in other words to result in an indefinite extension, will have to take account of the requirements of many non-nuclear states. The NPT is discriminatory.
Det ville være en skam, hvis den første fælles aktion på sikkerhedsområdet
That is acceptable so long as steps are taken to reduce this discrimination, and that is first and foremost the job of the nuclear powers.
En skam for Europa, men frem for alt sørgeligt for verden.
Five kilograms or less is all that is required to make a nuclear bomb.
Vi må ikke lade denne lejlighed gå fra os til at gøre endnu et forsøg på at få gennemført en global kernevåbennedrustning, der hidtil har været et ønskværdigt, men uopnåeligt mål, der mest har haft karakter af et fatamorgana. gana.
And that must be avoided. That is why I call in the resolution for a package of measures which should help to produce as big a majority as possible in favour of an indefinite extension.
Ahern (V), ordfører for udtalelsen fra Udvalget om Forskning, Teknologisk Udvikling og Energi. — (EN) Fru formand, beslutningen om en forlængelse af ikke-spredningstraktaten er ikke kun afgørende for traktatens, men også for atomkraftalderens fremtid.
The nuclear powers must commit themselves as quickly as possible to a complete ban on nuclear tests, for example, to multilateral negotiations on reducing the levels of nuclear weapons, as stipulated in Article VI of the NPT, and to a ban on the production of fissile material for military use.
At erhverve atomteknologi til civile formål er normalt en nødvendig forudsætning for og bidrager potentielt til erhvervelsen af atomvåben.
Many countries are sceptical about the effectiveness of inspection of nuclear activities in countries which could work on developing nuclear arms.
Traktaten legitimerer således plutoniumindustrien, selvom en række nyligt stedfundne tilfælde af smugleri af adskillige kilo plutonium har givet anledning til alvorlig bekymring.
That is an important point in the resolution where we call for stronger and better powers for the International Atomic Energy Agency to carry out inspections, whether asked or not asked to do so.
Konferencen i New York bør resultere i bl.a. forbud mod fremstilling af spalteligt materiale, der kan anvendes til militære formål, oprettelse af et internationalt kontor til overvågning af plutonium og højt beriget uran og forbud mod atomprøvesprængninger.
The Committee on Research, Technological Development and Energy therefore supports and recommends: ( 1 ) unconditional and indefinite extension, with the proviso that some noncontracting parties are defacto nuclear military states, and this option does not put pressure on them to join: (2) strengthening and rationalization of international safeguards, coordination of safeguard procedures through independent assessment, challenge inspections backed by sanctions, an integrated and coordinated EU licensing system, the acceptance of fullscope safeguards on all nuclear facilities (the application of fullscope safeguards to all nuclear facilities within the EU Member States in particular), continued pressure towards nuclear disarmament and a complete and indefinite ban on the testing of nuclear weapons.
Sådanne resultater ville gøre det muligt for menneskeheden at gøre sig fri af en nedarvet frygt og i stedet bevæge sig i retning af større tillid, samarbejde og udvikling, som der er stærkt brug for, især i bestemte dele af verden.
The above consequences for the production of fissile material require the NPT partners to proceed with the development of the non-nuclear energysupply projects necessary to promote sustainable development.
Kernevåbenstaterne har et stort ansvar for at skabe et klima, der kan give konferencen et godt forløb og bidrage til at få afsluttet aftalerne om et totalt stop for atomprøvesprængninger (CTBT) og indført streng kontrol med atomanlæg, hvilket naturligvis forudsætter et godt finansierinsgrundlag for IAEA, så at denne organisation kan varetage sine kontrolopgaver.
I wish to say that the option of indefinite and unlimited extension, which is the current European Union position, is not supported by the Non-Aligned States and that this position is supportive of the nuclear states of the EU and does not put pressure on those states, particularly the UK and France, to disarm.
Den kommercielle plutoniumindustri i Europa og Japan stiler mod at skabe en lagerbeholdning af plutonium på omkring 550 tons inden år 2010.
This provision must be taken seriously, which means that the European Union in particular must help develop alternative sources of energy. Nuclear energy is not sacred.
Til sammenligning anslås de nuværende militære plutoniumlagre til 257 tons.
In principle the Treaty recognises nuclear states and non-nuclear states.
Fem kilo eller mindre er alt, hvad der behøves for at fremstille en atombombe.
In practice there are countries outside the NPT which also have nuclear weapons although not officially admitting so, they are the socalled threshold countries.
Til sidst gør jeg opmærksom på, at vi må benytte enhver lejlighed til også at påpege faren ved andre massive ødelæggelsesvåben, såsom biologiske og kemiske våben (selv om jeg ikke tror, at hr. Wiersma på dette punkt er helt enig med mig).
I believe that in the long run these countries must also obey the NPT regime but that will only work if the European Union, for example, is prepared to invest in reducing instability in certain regions, particularly the regions where these threshold countries are situated.
Goerens (ELDR). — (FR) Hr. formand, den forlængelse af traktaten om ikkespredning af kernevåben, der er genstand for denne forhandling, hvilket også gælder kontrolordningen for missilteknologi og traktaten om fuldstændigt forbud mod atomprøvesprængninger, er en del af den helhed af foranstaltninger, der har til formål at dæmme op for spredningen af nukleare våben til militære formål.
Fabra Vallés (PPE). - (£5) Madam President, on 5 March last it was 25 years since the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty came into force and I think certainly that Mr Wiersma's report is the best possible anniversary gift.