natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Det er meget vigtigt, for uden solidaritet opnår man ingen god konkurrenceevne.
We must do everything we can to raise skill levels still further, we must select our angles of attack, and so on.
Arbejdernes motivation, bekæmpelse af fravær og aktiv deltagelse i arbejdsmiljøet er grund læggende elementer for konkurrenceevnen.
Again, in industry, whatever our current difficulties, such sectors as telecommunications, chemicals, pharmaceuticals and biotechnology are sectors of the future in which Europe has a lead.
Hvordan vil De genfinde disse elementer, hvis de udelukkedes antal inden længe stiger, hvis arbejderne inden længe ikke får et ord at skulle have sagt inden for erhvervslivet og ikke
We have the means with which to meet the competitiveness challenge, and they can be listed under some simple headings: research, competitiveness, research and development, basic research, innovation and, on the other side of the coin, education, training, quality of the labour force.
Endelig forklarer vi, hvordan man ved en mere aktiv arbejdsmarkedspolitik kan gøre det bedre.
The next question that arises, in the light of the profound changes taking place in the world, is whether when we return to growth, as I am sure we shall, the model will be that of the 1960s, or the one we saw during the latter half of the 1980s, or some other development model.
Igen i dette tilfælde er forholdene forskellige, men der er et fælles træk: Hvis alle med ansvar for beskæftigelsespolitik var fast besluttet på at finde beskæftigelse til unge arbejdsløse eller langtidsledige, måske lønnet beskæftigelse, og
What is quite obvious from the results of recent years is that, in the way we distribute the value added by growth or productivity gains, people with jobs have been behaving with a total disregard of those who are out of work.
DELORS arbejdslønnen pr. produceret enhed, dvs. ved at integrere den enkeltes arbejders produktivitet i beregningen.
PRESIDENT. - I have received eight motions for resolutions with a request for an early vote to wind up this debate, pursuant to Rule 56(3). (')
får information på arbejdspladserne?
enough.
Derfor skal den europæiske samfundsmodel opretholdes i sin filosofi, selv om den skal tilpasses vor tid.
The changes that are taking place today mean that we have to find a different path to economic and social development.
Den eneste model, vi har tilbage, er den, der er tilpasset europæisk genius, og det er ud fra den, at vi skal prøve på at anstille overvejelser om tilpasning deraf.
COT (PSE). - (FR) Madam President, Mr President, this debate on the growth/competitiveness/employment triangle is a redoubtable one.
De to begreber solidaritet og konkurrenceevne er efter vor opfattelse uadskilleligt forbundne.
As we are keenly aware, it is a debate of key importance to our efforts to defeat unem ployment and leave the crisis behind us.
Hr. Delors skitserede i begyndelsen af sit indlæg en række grunde, primært undervurderingen af dollar og yen.
And it is a significant debate, because this is an issue on which words, suggestions, proposals can have a devastating effect on the whole of European construction.
Den internationale monetære uorden koster os langt mere end vort sociale underskud.
I shall explain what I mean by that in a moment.
Dernæst er vor højteknologi svag og udpint og vor indsats inden for forskning og industripolitik utilstrækkelig.
If we do all that, new needs will emerge, new themes will create wealth and goods that will be conducive to better organization of society.
Endelig rammer den nuværende fordeling af skatter og sociale byrder beskæftigelsen på virksomhederne.
If you are not convinced, take a look at the statistics on the pattern of consumption in Europe over the past twenty years.
Ved siden af de lave lønninger og den ukvalificerede arbejdskraft koster de mange arbejdsløse mange penge.
You will realize that it has changed radically and you will see what our fellow citizens are interested in today, what they want out of life, whether from private possessions, goods bought on the market or public assets.
I Europa er det arbejdsløsheden, der er dyr, ikke arbejdskraften!
It will, incidentally, be necessary to rehabilitate the notion of public assets if we want to improve the quality of life in our towns and rural areas.
COT (PSE). - (FR) Fru formand, hr. kommissionsformand, vi befinder os midt i en farlig forhandling om trekanten vækst, konkurrenceevne og beskæftigelse.
That the social costs of labour are responsible, if not for the world crisis, then at least for the recession in which our own Europe is foundering.
Midt i en essentiel debat, det føler vi, der skal dæmpe arbejdsløsheden og få os ud af krisen.
It is our labour costs, according to the right, that are causing us to lose market share worldwide.
Midt i en debat, som jeg er bange for, at vi er kommet skævt ind på, idet den præges af både karikatur og forvirring.
We must therefore reduce these costs to restore Europe's competitiveness, revive the economy and create jobs.
Midt i en omfattende debat, fordi ord, ideer og forslag i denne sag kan få en ødelæggende virkning på hele den europæiske opbygning.
That, in a few words, is the message of the European right, the message from John Major in London, the message from Gunter Rexrodt in Bonn.
Det vil jeg forklare nærmere om lidt.
It is also the message conveyed rather more subtly by Edouard Balladur in Paris, and we find it again, all too logically, in the EPP motion for a resolution.
I modsætning til Dem er vi optimistiske med hensyn til vor evne til at rette situationen op.
It is going to take a great deal of imagination.
Vi overtager hr. Delors' optimisme med hensyn til mulighe den for at slåen streg over EF's nedgang.
Our fellow citizens will be surprised at first, because they are going to find things that do not fit in with their system of values and habits.
Men lados ikke som i Molières stykke tage livet af patienten, for højre fløjens konklusion på hvidbogen er lønnedsættelse.
But, it seems to me, it is going to take Europe's special genius to find this new path.
Med andre ord vil højrefløjen gennemtvinge det, man tidligere kaldte deflatorisk politik. Bravo!
I know it is fashionable to decry that model.
Den er socialt uacceptabel og økonomisk absurd.
We must not throw the baby out with the bath water.
De opskrifter, hvis resultater vi oplevede for ikke så længe siden, bør én gang for alle lægges på hylden.
I hope this is not going to become the message of the Council of Ministers as a whole, although I have my doubts and fears when I consider the leaks we are getting about its deliberations.
Hvad siger højrefløjen? Arbejdskraften er for dyr.
On the substance, labour does not cost too much in Europe.
Arbejdskraftens sociale pris er skyld om ikke i ver denskrisen så dog i hvert fald i den alvorlige tilbagegang, som EF synker længere og længere ned i.
Granted, wages here are not comparable to those in South-East Asia or Latin America, and fortunately that is something we are not going to see overnight.
Derfor skal udgifterne reduceres, så EF's konkurrenceevne kan retableres, så det økonomiske maskineri igen kan komme i sving og skabe beskæftigelse.
Especially if you go by the only refined yardstick, unit labour costs, in which the productivity of each worker is built into the calculation.
Det er i få ord den europæiske højrefløjs budskab, budskabet fra John Major i London og fra Günter Rexrodt i Bonn.
The European worker perhaps costs more, but also produces more.
Det i lidt blidere form udsendte budskab fra Edouard Balladur i Paris og ganske logisk det, som vi genfinder i PPE-Gruppens beslutningsforslag. slag.
Labour per unit of production is therefore not dearer.
Jeg ønsker ikke, at dette budskab skal blive til det samlede Ministerråds budskab, selv om jeg nærer både tvivl og frygt, hvis jeg skal dømme efter det, der i dag er sivet ud om forhandlingerne.
There are some misapprehensions that need to be laid to rest, and I thank the Commission for having clarified this matter.
Uenighed om analysen, uenighed om afhjælpen, men måske endnu større uenighed om metoden. Det er den anden idé, som jeg vil nævne.
In conclusion, I wish to say a few words on the merits of the European model of society, which in its various forms - it is generally called the 'social market economy' these days - has enabled us over the past thirty years to reconcile solidarity and competitiveness.
Vi oplever i øjeblikket en sammenblanding af problemerne og forvirring om ansvaret.
This is very important because, without solidarity, there can be no competitiveness in the best sense.
Det er hovedsagelig nationale problemer, og det er kun tilbageslaget deraf, der spores af EF.
Motivating workers, keeping absenteeism down, and encouraging active involvement in the workplace are all fundamental to competitiveness.
Følgelig må medlemsstaterne træffe upopulære for anstaltninger, uanset om de har højre- eller venstreregeringer.
How can you expect to rediscover these values if, tomorrow, more and more people are excluded, if workers are given no say in economic life and no information at their places of work?
De vil ikke påtage sig denne upopularitet, og nu foregår det hele, som om de vil have EF til at tage ansvaret for deres nationale sparepolitik.
That is why the European model of society, while needing to be adapted to today's conditions, must stay true to its philosophy.
For lønniveau, sociale ydelser og finansiering af pensionsudbetalingerne er alt sammen nationale anliggender. Sygesikring og hospitaler henhører under den nationale kompetence. På disse områder har EF intet at skulle have sagt. EF har hverken kompetence eller penge dertil, det er det, der kaldes subsidiaritetsprincippet.
Its economic component is based on a combination of market forces as the central factor in social negotiation, consultation between the state and the social partners, and intervention by public institutions, including the central bank.
Især hvis man kun tager den eneste nøjagtige reference, nemlig
Lastly, the current distribution of the burden of taxation and
Når jeg i hvidbogen ser på visse landes bidrag, bestyrtes jeg.
It is still the only model suited to the European ethos, and we must try to work on it and adapt it.
Til dem siger jeg: De slår EF ihjel ved at lade det hænge på et farligt ansvar, ansvaret for de sociale besparelser, når EF ikke råder over det ringeste aktions-
To our minds, the two terms solidarity and competitiveness are inextricably bound up with each other.
COT vort europæiske samfund står overfor, den recession, der har os i sit greb, har strukturelle elementer og kræver derfor også strukturelle løsninger.
COT social contributions penalizes employment in companies.
Fru formand, PPE-gruppen har overvejet løsningen af denne krise.
Compared to the low-paid and unskilled workers, mass unemployment is costly.
Vi har ikke ladet det blive ved udvikling af beskæftigelsesplaner og er ikke nøjedes med at fremdrage investeringer.
Because in Europe it is unem ployment, not labour, that is costing us dear!
Jeg forstår - som hr. Delors sagde før - nødvendigheden af at skitsere økonomiske og sociale retningslinjer som led i Maastricht-traktatens nye ansvarsområder, men så bør disse retningslinier også være på højde med det ansvar og de muligheder, man har.
I quite understand the need for economic and social policy guidelines to be laid down, as President Delors was saying earlier on, in the framework of the new responsibilities for which provision is made in the Maastricht Treaty.
At anbefale en sparepolitik uden mulighed for social dialog og uden økonomiske midler er det samme som at løbe risiko for ikke blot at bringe den anbefalede politik i miskredit, men hele EF-institutionen.
But it is still necessary for these guidelines to be commensurate with the responsibilities and means available, because to advocate austerity when there are no means of applying it through social dialogue, through economic policy, is to run the risk of discrediting not only the policy advocated but Europe itself.
Jeg advarer Kommissionen mod den fare, som jeg kun alt for tydeligt sporer i de første reaktioner, som vi har hørt.
I put the Commission on its guard against this danger, of which I find all too much evidence in the first indications that are coming to hand.
Jeg vil gerne opbygge mit indlæg omkring tre kerneord: tillid, konkret politik og ændret mentalitet.
What in fact can we do in practice about the growth/ competitiveness/
Kort sagt: Hvad kan vi konkret gøre for trekanten vækst, konkurrenceevne og beskæftigelse?
We share the optimism of President Delors about the feasibility of arresting Europe's decline.
Vi må fastsætte målene: Fuld beskæftigelse, social tryghed, forsvar og belysning af den europæiske samfundsmodel, som nu trues fra alle hold, og hvis udhuling tynges af en alvorlig social krise.
But, please, let us not be like Molière's doctors and kill the patient, because the conclusion of the right about the White Paper is that wages have to be cut and social benefits have to be cut.
Netop nu, hvor præsident Clinton prøver på at give amerikanerne et sådant system, kan vi ikke acceptere, at vort eget system nedbrydes.
That would mean a reduction in demand in the middle of a recession, at a time when demand ought instead to be boosted to get the economic machine going again.
Og så endnu en ting med hensyn til tillid.
employment triangle?
Vi regner med, at topmødet i næste uge træffer de nødvendige beslutninger, således at anden fase af Den Monetære Union kan gå i gang i hele sin udstrækning og med succes. Konvergenskriterierne, som de er beskrevet, kan og må ikke svækkes.
We must set objectives: full employment, social protection, defence and promotion of the European model of society, which is now under a threat of erosion that would provoke a major social crisis.
Vi er overbevist om, at EF har en stor opgave at varetage i forbindelse med finansiering, opbygning af de fornødne omfattende net, sikring af den nødvendige samvirken mellem industri og forskning, bekæmpelse af social og miljømæssig dumping, beskatning af spekulative kapitalbevægelser og navnlig bidrag til forbedring af menneskematerialets kvalifikationsniveau, som er vor store force og vort store håb.
We are convinced that Europe has an important role to play in mobilizing finance, organizing the largescale networks required, fostering synergy in industrial and research policy, combating social and ecological dumping, taxing speculative capital move ments, and above all helping to raise skill levels, since human resources are our great strength and our great hope. This is going to take determination on Europe's part.
Men så skal EF også have viljen til at mobilisere alle disponible makroøkonomiske midler for at bekæmpe arbejdsløsheden.
It must have the determination to mobilize all available macroeconomic means of combating unem ployment.
EF skal hverken kontrollere lønninger eller reformer af de sociale tryghedsordninger.
Its area of responsibility does not extend to regulating wages or reforming social protection systems.
Til Kommissionen og Rådet siger vi: Tag ikke fejl af hverken politik eller kompetence!
We say to the Commission and the Council: make sure you focus on the right policies, on the right areas of competence!
På betingelse heraf støtter vi Deres projekt.
Only if you do will we support your efforts.
Foruden EMU og GATT bør også det indre marked nævnes.
This brings me to the second idea I wish to mention.
Vi konstaterer, at Europa '92, der i midten af 80'erne gav os sådan en konkret fordel, nu virkelig demonteres komplet i alle medlemsstater.
We have different but sometimes connected problems in our various countries: the budget deficit in Belgium, German reunification, the absurd system of social security contributions in France, benefit fraud in Spain, undeclared employment in Italy, the dismantling of the social protection system and the divided society in the United Kingdom.
Det, vi derfor kræver, er, at sagen »det indre marked« nu virkelig kommer til en afslutning.
These are basically national problems, they are only European in their knock-on effects.
OOMEN-RUIJTEN (PPE). - (NL) Jeg vil allerførst gerne begynde med virkelig at takke hr. Delors for hans meget inspirerende indlæg.
OOMEN-RUIJTEN (PPE). - (NL) Madam President, I should first of all like to thank Mr Delors very much for his truly inspiring presentation.
Fru formand, vi fører i dag en meget vigtig forhandling.
The debate we are hold ing here today is an extremely important one.
Den europæiske borger er foruroliget.
There is anxiety among the citizens of Europe.
Vi står nu her i dag egentlig som tolk for de mange, der er uden arbejde, for de mange mænd og kvinder, ikke mindst unge, der er skubbet til siden, og som egentlig intet perspektiv har.
We are here as spokesmen for the many people who are out of work, for many men and women, especially young people, who are marginalized and have no real prospects.
PPE-gruppen ønsker sammen med Kommissionen, men også med medlemsstaterne at søge efter nye perspektiver. Det problem, som
We in the EPP Group, together with the Commission and the Member States, are looking to open up new prospects for them.
Den bekræftes i virkeligheden også af de rapporter, som medlemsstaterne har udarbejdet.
We in the EPP Group have been considering possible ways out of this crisis.
Hvordan kan De skaffe arbejdspladser, hr. Cot, når De ikke siger et ord om virksomhederne? Hvem skal skaffe arbejdspladserne?
and ask themselves in the case of each measure if the specific provisions which they have put in place are really helping people and encouraging them to become active again in the labour market.
Det ønsker vi ikke, langtfra, selv om vi ved, at vejen, forskellen mellem brutto og netto, må gøres smallere.
I am thinking here of parental leave, training leave and also early retirement.
I denne politiske situation råder de liberale til ærlighed over for vælgerne. Det nytter ikke noget, at tilbagevenden til fuld beskæftigelse og fuldtidsarbejde anføres som hovedmål i PSE-Gruppens beslutningsforslag, når der i de enkelte punkter alligevel ikke fremsættes nogen virke ligt brugbare forslag.
We believe that on the eve of the twenty-first century, in which our society will be greatly altered by ageing and a shift in the population profile, but also by technology and different approaches to nature and the environment, we have to make more radical changes to our social thinking and behaviour.
Når man så til og med bagtaler vor holdning ved at sige, at vi vil sætte spørgsmålstegn ved arbejdernes levestandard og rettigheder, hvilket overhovedet ikke passer, så kommer man ikke videre.
The EPP Group has set out a number of its ideas in a resolution, although I would say straight away that we are not offering a cure for all ills.
Vælgerne skal også træffe afgørelse om det i beslutningsforslaget indeholdte krav om større bevillinger fra de nationale budgetter. Jeg håber, at de regeringer, som har med lemmer i PSE-Gruppen, vil være indforstået dermed.
Rather, our view is that by taking collective responsibility, Europe can launch and build a new future, in conjunction with the Member States and social organizations, a future in which there is employment, work for many people, but also high-quality employment which is better distributed.
Dette betyder større fleksibilitet, deling, bedre organisering, men også at man i højere grad lader nye samfundsmønstre komme til deres ret ved tilrettelæggelsen af arbejdstiden.
I should like to base the rest of my speech on three key concepts, which are confidence, practical measures and changing patterns of thinking.
Vi har oplevet den socialistiske models fiasko i Østeuropa, og nu vil PSE-Gruppen så velsigne os her i Vesteuropa med oprettelse af en mægtig international handelsorganisation, »som kan styre den globale udvikling via en forbedring af arbejds- og miljøforholdene«.
I think that in future - and the Community should encourage this - we must ensure that Member States' legislation does not put obstacles in the way of people who want to do good, so that everyone is in a position to serve society.
Arbejdet på en radio, et cykelværksted, en række miljø sager, men også blot en hjælpende hånd til et sygt medmenneske.
We can do no greater favour for European society, and thus also the market, than yesterday's approval by Germany of the Maastricht treaty.
Jeg tror, at vi fremover må sørge for, og Europa vil kunne stimulere det, at medlemsstaterne i deres lovgivning ikke lægger hindringer i vejen for de mennesker, der ønsker at udøve smukke gerninger, således at enhver kan udføre dette arbejde.
This means that from 1 January next year, the second phase of EMU will take effect, and also that a policy of convergence can be pursued - indeed must be pursued - and this will in itself have a beneficial effect on the economy.
Som liberalt medlem spørger jeg mig selv, hvordan denne handelsorganisation skal varetage store, mellem store og små handelsvirksomheders, store og små sammenslutningers interesser?
There is a second aspect of confidence. We are relying on the summit in two weeks' time to take the decisions that are required to allow the second phase of monetary union to operate successfully and in full.
Vi trænger til mekanismer, så vi kan træffe hurtigere afgørelser, og vi er derfor lykkelige over, at Maastrichttraktaten omsider er ratificeret.
I believe that the ECOFIN Council and Mr Delors produced a number of initiatives on these lines last weekend.
Fru formand Jeg kommer nu til den ændrede mentalitet.
I come finally to changing patterns of thinking.
Ændringer i mentalitetten, men også i vor handlemåde er nødvendigt.
We need to change the way we think, but also the way in which we act.
Det er egentlig besynderligt, at vi belaster arbejde, et stort samfundsmæssigt gode, så intensivt, mens vi næsten lader forbrug, endog misbrug af sparsomme goder, uberørt.
It is strange that employment, a great social asset, should be taxed so intensively, whereas consumption, or indeed the misuse of scarce resources, is left untaxed and more or less unconstrained.
Ligeledes tager vi for lidt hensyn til, at vort samfund får stadig flere ældre og bliver stadig mindre grønt, og at potentialet for vort arbejdsmarked i det kommende århundrede bliver mindre med de nuværende samfundsmæssige målestokke.
We also take too little account of the fact that our society is ageing and acquiring a different profile, and that the potential of our labour market, given the present social standards, will be smaller in the next century.
Vi må tilstræbe en anden beregningsmetode for skatter og afgifter.
What we should be moving towards is a different way of calculating taxes and the basis for contributions.
En omlægning af disse ordninger er ikke en let sag.
Reorganizing these systems is not a simple matter.
Det må undersøges. Vi behøver eksperternes ekspertise, men også den politiske vilje.
We need to study it, we need specialist expertise, but we also need the political will.
Gennemgribende ændringer uden konsensus er ikke muligt.
Radical changes are impossible without consensus.
Vi har nu en social dialog, det betyder en intensiv sameksistens, i fælles ansvar skal vi søge efter nye løsninger for tiden, der kommer.
We now have a social dialogue, which means an integrated society, and we must seek new solutions for the future on the basis of collective responsibility.
Vi har brug for tilstrækkelige finansielle midler til forskning og teknisk udvikling.
The third confidence-boosting factor is that we hope and expect that the GATT negotiations will rapidly reach a conclusion.
Det er glimrende at efterlyse solidaritet, men så må man også nøjagtigt sige, hvordan den skal tage sig ud.
We can see that the Europe of 1992, which gave us such a tangible advantage in the second half of the 1980s, is now genuinely being fully exploited in all the Member States.
Hertil skal vi have bedre grundlæggende og efterfølgende erhvervsuddannelser, mere sprogundervisning og undervisningsprogrammer, der sætter ungdommen i stand til også at kunne arbejde i et andet EF-land.
von ALEMANN (LDR). - (DE) Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, seven months before the European elections, we should not be making electoral propaganda in this House: the subject of unemployment is too serious to be used for that purpose.