natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Bremen-loven taler faktisk ikke om en absolut og betingelsesløs præference af kvinder ved besættelse af stillinger eller forfremmelse. Sådan er det efter min mening ikke.
I also wish to thank Commissioner Flynn for stating that the Commission is clearly of the opposite view to the Luxembourg court.
Det drejer sig ikke om en ordning med en streng kønskvotering, som tildeler kvinder en bestemt procentdel af stillinger uanset deres kvalifikationer.
I hope that the Finnish Members, Mrs Rehn and Mrs Ryynänen, who are sitting behind her in the same group will use their speaking turns to explain the Finnish position on quotas.
Det drejer sig om en kønskvotering, som afhænger af ansøgernes egnet hed.
It is very easy to take the cold argument and say we must have quotas that would strictly enforce and bring up levels of representation of women within certain areas.
Desuden er der ikke tale om nogen fortrinsret, hvis de kvindelige og mandlige ansøgere har samme kvalifikationer.
I for one understand and can appreciate fully the necessity for that kind of management of the figures.
Derimod er der en anden betingelse, der skal være opfyldt: At kvinder ikke er repræsenteret, eller at kvinder er underrepræsenteret.
However, if you look at the overall situation, by enforcing a quota in the wrong way then you can do more damage than good.
Men jeg havde gerne set, at dommen havde beskrevet, hvor stor en repræsentation der er af kvinder i ansvarsfulde stillinger i delstaten Bremen: Med lidt held sandsynligvis mellem 15% og 20%.
At the beginning of this year the equality law was amended to introduce the use of quotas, admittedly after much discussion — and you might say — also after considerable argument. We succeeded in introducing them, and now that they have been in force for half a year, no one has the strength any longer to
Gröner man føler sig diskrimineret af ligestillingslovene, må man igen anlægge sag.
It has instead at this stage been acknowledged that they are functioning quite well.
Vi bør afvente den endelige analyse af de juridiske komplikationer og se, om Kommissionen eller Rådet vil anfægte denne afgørelse.
many Member States with the result that all models are likely to be challenged.
I dagens klare lys hvor vi ser på sagen uden nogen emotionel involvering eller nogen overskrifter, der skriger af ideologi, er det måske ikke så slemt som det først ser ud til.
I could wish for a different answer, because that would give us a welcome way out, but I have no great hopes of one.
Vi fra De Europæiske Socialdemokraters Gruppe kræver derfor, at den positive ånd efter den internationale kvindekonference i Beijing bevares.
Ewing (ARE). — Mr President, I would like to congratulate Commissioner Flynn on the moderate and sensible remarks he made about this rather tricky situation.
Vi er for, at Forbundsrepublikken Tyskland i Rådet hæver blokaden af det fjerde handlingsprogram om lige muligheder.
I, like others, look forward to hearing more when there has been an opportunity to look into it.
Det er for længe, vi vil selv opleve, at ligestilling bliver gennemført i Den Europæiske Union.
I do consider confirmation of this matter to be quite urgent in order to allow positive discrimination to take place.
Jeg tror, hr. Flynn og fru Alberdi, at vi har brug for konkrete foranstaltninger.
Mr Flynn said that the power of the court must not be altered or curtailed.
Arbejdsgruppen »Ligestilling« under ledelse af hr. Santer skal gå i brechen for at omsætte disse krav. I Rådet skal blokaden mod det fjerde handlingsprogram som et første skridt hurtigst muligt hæves.
In that case the Directive must be amended so that it clearly allows scope for interpretation, including a favourable view of the Bremen state law.
Det er meget let at se rent forretningsmæssigt på sagen og sige, at vi må have kvoter, der nøje vil gennemtvinge og hæve kvinders repræsentation inden for bestemte områder.
As far as I understand the case — although I have not actually read the judgment — they used the Equal Treatment Directive of 1976, which prohibits sex discrimination in employment but makes an exception 'for measures to promote equality of opportunity by removing discriminatory barriers'.
Jeg kan i hvert fald fuldt ud forstå nødvendigheden af en sådan talpleje.
That seems to be the precise legal issue here.
Men hvis man ser på den samlede situation, kan man gøre mere skade end gavn ved at gennemtvinge kvoter på en forkert måde. Man kan udskille og diskriminere imod flere mennesker.
In other words, they said that the unlawfulness arose because there was a guarantee of absolute priority which went beyond that exception.
Det, vi må sigte imod, er at nå frem til et egalitært samfund, hvor alle bliver vurderet efter deres evner til at udføre et givent arbejde snarere end simpelthen på grund af, at de er handicappede eller ikke handicappede, eller kvinder eller mænd, eller hvad det nu kan være, så at vi får lige vilkår over hele linjen.
As I am co-rapporteur in the Committee on Social Affairs on equality matters in the social action programme, I have already submitted an amendment which will be considered by the Committee on Social Affairs on 13 November.
Parlamentet kan lære af sine tidligere handlinger og give mere støtte til Kommissionen i dens arbejde for at sikre, at vi får et mere egalitært og retfærdigt samfund.
As I understand it, that is the Bremen Case, which is unlikely, in my legal opinion — for what it is worth — to interfere with the wonderful positive actions in various Member States that are described in the Commission document I have here in my hand: not positive quota action, but positive action of various types.
EF-Domstolen har på de gældende traktaters og det foreliggende sagsforholds retsgrundlag afsagt en dom. Den må vi anerkende.
The male lost against Mrs Lalumière because she had a legal base.
Vi har ikke brug for nye initiativer, der ændrer på det eksisterende direktiv.
But a few questions still remain about this.
Tværtimod er dommen jo en sejr for ligestillingen i EU.
My difficulty is that it is going to take up a lot of our time.
Endnu en gang er det bevist, at EU er garanten for ligestilling mellem mænd og kvinder.
I appreciate that we must of course look carefully at the legal aspects, but I do not think we ought to spend too much time on this because at the present time we need to be a bit careful.
Hr. kommissær, De tager fejl, hvis De tror, at De hjælper kvinderne ved at indføre positiv særbehandling.
This judgment by the Court will greatly encourage people to refer matters to it and that means we can expect a whole lot of cases like this with the result that ultimately the Court will become the opposite of what it has been hitherto.
Vi kvinder er jo ikke et hak bedre end mændene, hvis vi kræver positiv særbehandling.
The question we need to address quickly in my view is this: is it legally possible to change the text of the directive, and is it politically tenable to do so?
Kvindernes deltagelse og engagement skal ikke fremmes ved, at vi udelukker mændene, men ved at vi bakker hinanden op, og ved at vi deltager på lige fod med mændene.
And then I should like to hear from the Commission and Council whether, if the possibility of changing the directive exists, they are both prepared to change it.
Et tilfælde fra det offentliges verden må ikke blive en bavn mod erhvervsaktive og erhvervsvillige kvinder.
My question to the Commissioner is: would that not be the solution?
Vil Kommissionen bestræbe sig på at fortsætte den hidtil gode kvindepolitik, der udgik fra Europa, for at undgå, at dommen bliver brugt som påskud til at skære i disse programmer?
In that case you are not discriminating against either sex; you are doing what we are all trying to do, which is to change the numbers game, which is so terribly unsatisfactory in Parliament — I exclude some of our new Member States that have such a good record.
Vil Kommissionen og Rådet gøre sit for at udvide aktiviteterne til fremme af lige muligheder for mænd og kvinder?
In the House of Commons, where I was for eight years, we have only got up to 9%. That is an absolute disgrace.
Det er en falliterklæring, hvis vi kun kan klare os ved at eliminere vore konkurrenter.
I believe this to be something of great importance.
Samtidig gør vi os selv sårbare.
I agree with a lot of the remarks that have been made.
Ved positiv særbehandling vil mændene til enhver tid kunne hævde, at vi kun har fået vores stilling på grund af særbehandling.
I think that quotas are dangerous and I do not know if they always solve the problem.
Vi giver dermed mændene en god undskyldning for at vise manglende respekt over for de job, vi kvinder bestrider.
I admire the British Labour Party's brave look at this question, to see if they will give positive discrimination.
Derfor er positiv særbehandling i virkeligheden nedværdigende, og det låser os fast i rollen som den svage part.
My party has parity without it. It must be said in conclusion, however, that this set of institutions is not setting a very good example.
Jeg husker, at kvindens rettigheder blev erklæret som hovedprioritet, da Kommissionen tiltrådte embedet. Vil De bestræbe Dem på at omforme problematikken i Maastricht II-dokumen-tet til konkrete positive skridt?
Martinez (NI). — (FR) Mr President, we are standing before the altar of human rights here, and I always thought that human rights were based on equality: no discrimination, not even religious discrimination, in the words of the Declaration of 1789.
Hvilke foranstaltninger påtænker Kommissionen at træffe for at omsætte den rådshenstilling af december 1984, der står anført i punkt 20 i præmisserne, hvor der henvises til de utilstrækkelige gældende retsbestemmelser om ligestilling?
We get it from the UNCTAD, the first UNCTAD organized in Geneva in 1964, which invented the concept of reverse discrimination — although that was in the context of relations between rich and poor states, in the Marxist-Leninist context of the poor and the middle classes.
De har allerede svaret kort på nogle af mine spørgsmål, hr. kommissær.
I understood the Commissioner to say that this was a case of a particular model.
Jeg og min gruppe ønsker Dem held og lykke i Deres bestræbelser.
We hear a lot about quotas, but we must not forget that the issue in this case is equal suitability.
Vi forventer et snarligt og udførligt svar.
As I see it there are no absolute quotas which mean that women will get priority when they are less suitable.
Crowley (UPE). — (EN) Hr. formand, sammen med de øvrige medlemmer af Parlamentet vil jeg gerne give udtryk for min forbløffelse over denne dom.
And this should alert us to the need to look at the text of this directive, to see how it might be improved and to sort out its legal implications together.
Nu gælder det om, at Kommissionen sørger for, at dommen efterleves.
So I do not know if this is a particular case, as the Court suggests.
Kommissionen skal fremover sikre, at der i EU føres en reel ligestillingspolitik, hvor mænd og kvinder har de samme muligheder, og hvor der ikke gives fortrinsstilling på grund af køn.
I have my doubts. I am afraid that this particular model may not be as particular as all that, that it may in fact be applied on a greater or lesser scale in
Det vil nemlig være lige så forkert som at forskelsbehandle på grund af alder eller f.eks. ved i den offentlige sektor at følge princippet om »sidst ind først ud«.
Now there are people who want to adapt this concept, telling us that we have to discriminate on the grounds of sex, the grounds of hormones, which incidentally is going to create problems of definition in the case of homosexuals who cannot be strictly
Lad os gå i brechen for reel ligestilling!
They are likely to be out of a job.
diskussion på mellemstatsligt niveau om at optage en mere generel antidiskriminationsartikel i den nye traktat, hvorved det bliver muligt at gennem føre positiv særbehandling, altså i selve traktaten.
So we've had milk quotas, cereal quotas, wine quotas, import quotas and now we're going to have women quotas, forced on us by two schools of thought — the Malthusians on one side and the Pharisees on the other.
Dette forekommer mig at være en usædvanlig betydningsfuld sag.
We're talking about equal division of poverty, because there are no jobs.
Jeg håber, at de finske kvinder i hendes gruppe, som sidder bag ved hende, gør brug af deres taletid og i det mindste fortæller, hvad vi i Finland mener om kønskvotering.
Obviously, this judgment is grist to the mill of all those who are radically opposed to the policy of equal treatment and equality of opportunity, based on positive action, and the positive discrimination which is expressly authorized by Article 6 of the Agreement on Social Policy.
Det er dog først sket efter en meget lang debat, og, må jeg sige, også efter megen uenighed.
As for the Pharisees, what's the use of replacing a male pillar of the upper middle class with a female one?
Vi fik imidlertid gennemført denne lovændring, og nu hvor den har været i kraft i et halvt år, er der ingen, der orker at gøre indsigelser mod den, tværtimod har man på nuværende tidspunkt erfaret, at den fungerer ganske godt.
What is that going to change in my country where we have a college that recruits from the upper classes, the National College of Management, in which only 8% of the intake comes from the working classes?
Jeg har hørt kommissæren sige, at det her drejer sig om en speciel model.
What's the use of replacing them with 30 or 92% of middle-class women?
Der bliver her talt meget om kvoter, men vi må ikke glemme, at det her drejer sig om en sag, hvor der tales om lige egnethed.
In France, the child of a working man is 30 times less likely to get a responsible job than a child of an upper- middle-class family.
Der er således faktisk, efter min opfattelse, ingen absolut kvote, der fører til, at kvinder også får forrang ved ringere egnethed.
What good does it do to say that the upper middle class has to be represented by a woman instead of a man?
Jeg er imidlertid bange for, at vi ikke må vente for længe hermed, fordi vi kan forvente en serie af den slags tilfælde, hvis vi venter for længe. Altså jeg ved ikke, om det er en speciel model, som Domstolen her behandlet.
Mrs Bhutto is in charge of Pakistan, where there are 15 million children living in slavery and dying of tuberculosis at the age of 12.
Det tvivler jeg meget på.
What does that change?
Jeg vil meget gerne have et andet svar, fordi det ville være en fantastisk god udvej, men jeg tror ikke på det.
They have flung them selves wholeheartedly into celebrating, at long last, the coming of equal rights and equal treatment for men.
Vi er nu selvfølgelig bange for, at dommen fra Domstolen i Luxembourg kan medføre, at også den finske ligestillingslov vil blive truet af et krav om ændring, selvom hr. Flynn udtalte, at der for øjeblikket ikke er noget hastværk i den henseende. Jeg mener dog, at der snarest bør gives garantier for, at det er tilladt med positiv særbehandling.
The truth of the matter is that the middle class has come up with a new trick. After the war against racism and xenophobia we're now going to have a war against discrimination, as a way of making us forget the chaos and disaster of Maastricht.
Det er derfor nødvendigt at ændre direktivet, så det bliver så klart, at der ikke er tvivl om fortolkningen, og så det bl.a. bliver muligt at fortolke Bremens delstatslovgivning på en måde, der er i overensstemmelse med direktivet.
Getting rid of the spineless, the blind and the stupid should create 100% job vacancies, starting with the European Commission!
Ewing (ARE). — (EN) Hr. formand Jeg vil gerne komplimentere hr. Flynn for de moderate og fornuftige erklæringer, han har fremsat om denne temmelig vanskelige situation.
Dury (PSE). — (FR) Mr President, Madam President-in-Office, we are not here just to criticize a court judgment, or to approve it with the consummate machismo and stupidity just exhibited by Mr Martinez.
Det er naturligvis endnu ikke afgjort, om Domstolen i Luxembourg vil fælde en lignende dom over den finske ligestillingslov, men for at dette ikke skal ske, bør direktivet efter min mening ændres, således at positiv særbehandling bliver mulig.
So let me draw your attention to the paragraph in the judgment which specifically states that it is important not to confuse ends with means.
I min egenskab af ordfører om en del af det sociale handlingsprogram i Udvalget om Sociale Anliggender og Beskæftigelse har jeg allerede fremsat et ændringsforslag, som Udvalget om Sociale Anliggender og Beskæftigelse skal behandle den 13. november.
Positive discrimination is acceptable as an objective, but not as a means for achieving this objective. That is what the Advocate-General said in his presentation of the problem.
Så vidt jeg forstår sagen — skønt jeg ikke ligefrem har læst dommen — har man brugt ligebehandlingsdirektivet fra 1976, der forbyder diskrimination på grund af køn ved ansættelse men gør en undtagelse for foranstaltninger, der fremmer lige muligheder ved at fjerne diskriminerende barrierer.
The Court, as I see it, has got its wires crossed: on the one hand it cites the fact that the recommendation regarding the encouragement of positive action in favour of women relates to activities designed to offset the prejudicial effects on working women produced by attitudes, behaviour patterns and structures which exist in society; yet on the other hand it claims that a national regulation guaranteeing priority to women in order to promote them in sectors where they are underrepresented is incompatible with the Directive.
Det forekommer at være det juridiske problem her. Med andre ord har man sagt, at det ulovlige opstod, fordi der fandtes en garanti for absolut prioritering, der gik ud over denne undtagelse.
That amounts to saying that parental leave and welfare leave and all those things are compatible, but that positive action to ensure access to employment and promotion for men as well as women in areas where they are underrepresented is not.
Jeg vil gerne referere til en anden sag, som blev rejst i Europarådet mod min formand fru Lalumière, da hun var generalsekretær.
I would just like, Mr President, to express the hope that women who feel discriminated against in the same way as Mr Kalanke may have been will take legal action.
Manden tabte imod fru Lalumière, fordi hun havde et retsgrundlag.
If it does, I shall say to it, 'To err is human, to persevere diabolical.'
Retsgrundlaget var, at hvis kandidaterne havde de samme kvalifikationer, skulle der gives fortrinsbehandling til den kandidat, hvis køn var underrepræsenteret.
And I call upon the Commissioner and the Minister, for their part, to persevere along the right road and defend positive action and the policy of equality.
Van Dijk (V), formand for Udvalget om Kvinders Rettigheder. — (NL) Hr. formand, jeg er glad over, at kommissæren her nok en gang har gentaget, at han synes, at der så hurtigt som muligt bør rettes op på denne sag, forstået derhen, at det fortsat skal være muligt at føre en politik med positiv særbehandling i medlemsstaterne.
Well, I have been fighting for 30 years for equality between the sexes, and in the course of that fight I have found that without the means of positive discrimination — which include prefer ences and quotas — women have no chance of achieving that equality.
Men der er alligevel stadig en række åbne spørgsmål. Det, der virkelig piner mig, er, at vi vil kunne komme til at bruge for lang tid på det.
However, since the Court interprets the Treaty restrictively, we must change the Treaty.
Jeg har forståelse for, at vi naturligvis må se nøje på det rent juridisk, men jeg er alligevel tilhænger af ikke at bruge alt for lang tid på det, fordi vi befinder os afgjort i en periode, hvor vi ikke kan tillade os ret meget.
Let us ask for, and insist on, an additional article in the part of the Treaty entitled 'Principles', an article which might be worded as follows: 'Equality between the sexes shall be one of the fundamental objectives of the European Union.
Denne afgørelse fra Domstolen er jo en gevaldig opfordring til mænd om også at anlægge sag ved Domstolen, og dette betyder, at vi kan forvente en række af den slags sager, og så vil Domstolens rolle blive den omvendte af, hvad den har været indtil nu.
In order to achieve that objective, the institutions of the European Union and the Member States shall introduce the necessary provisions (including forms of affirmative action such as positive discrimination and quotas) into their respective legislative and regula tory systems.'
Det, der efter min opfattelse skal undersøges hurtigt, er spørgsmålet, hvorvidt det juridisk er muligt at ændre direktivets tekst, hvorvidt det politisk kan betale sig at ændre direktivets tekst.
Boogerd-Quaak (ELDR). — (NL) Mr President, my Group is very much in favour of equal treatment for men and women.
Jeg vil også gerne fra Kommissionen og Rådet vide, om de, i fald denne mulighed står åben, så har i sinde at tilpasse denne tekst.
I would like that to be an accepted fact in this debate. For this reason we need as much legal clarity as possible.
Jeg vil gerne høre fra kommissær Flynn, om hans kollega kommissær Oreja i refleksionsgruppen også går ind for en
I believe that in the absence of that clarification the men who sit in judgment at the European Court will be able to continue to obstruct our fight for equality between the sexes while smoothing the path of all those who reject it.
Jeg finder det interessant, at der på side 7 i den engelske tekst til Kommissionens dokument, som jeg allerede har omtalt, hvor de nævner Danmark, tales om, at LO i Danmark anbefaler, at der gives fortrinsstilling til et underrepræsenteret køn.
Lulling (PPE). — (FR) Mr President, this Parliament - or at least some of its Members — has for years been heaping compliments upon the Court of Justice, especially with regard to the case law resulting from certain judgments dealing with
Mit spørgsmål til kommissæren er: ville det ikke være løsningen?
What is unusual is that we have here three virtually separate aspects to the case.
Det er aldeles skandaløst.
Boogerd-Quaak
Jeg er enig i mange af de bemærkninger, der er blevet fremsat. Jeg mener, at kvoter er farlige, og jeg ved ikke, om de altid løser problemet.
Happily, and I emphasize the point again, in my own country, where we speak of proportional representation of qualified labour, legislation and day-to-day practice are more intelligent ly aligned than is apparently the case in Bremen.
Jeg beundrer det britiske arbejderpartis modige undersøgelse af dette spørgsmål for at se, om de kan give positiv særbehandling.
Our Group overwhelmingly believes that ideas such as giving absolute, unconditional and automatic priority are specific to this individual case and do not apply to legislation and measures on equal treatment and positive action in other countries.
Mit parti har ligelig repræsentation uden dette.
And we must make sure this case is not misused to secure that application.
Regeringskonferencen giver os mulighed for dette.
And it is also sad in individual cases.
Vi bør kræve tilføjet en artikel til den del af traktaten, der er benævnt »Principperne«, med følgende ordlyd: »Ligestilling mellem mænd og kvinder er en af Den Europæiske Unions grundlæggende målsætninger.
Mr President, Madam President-in-Office of the Council, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, let me say loud and clear that I refuse to be selected because of a quota!
Der har været indlæg i den retning, og det er der intet nyt i.
We must put this thing into its proper perspective.
Men CDU-kongressens beslutning om ikke at indføre kønskvotering er måske af endnu større betydning.
Marinucci (PSE). — (IT) Mr President, we now have genuine and real legislation for women, at both Community and national level, contained in directives and laws which are specifically designed to accord women not so much assimilation but rather integration: full integration at all levels, within society, in the world of work and in the Institutions.