natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Jeg finder det meget vigtigt, at dette spørgsmål gang på gang tages op, da vi ganske enkelt har ansvar for at drage omsorg for de kommende generationer.
I believe that it is very important for us to keep on tackling this subject because, quite simply, we have a responsibility towards future generations.
Derfor er det vigtigt at behandle det.
It is therefore important that we should concern ourselves with this subject.
Endelig er det nødvendigt, at famitieudgifterne ikke på lægges direkte beskatning, sådan som det stadig forholder sig i nogle af EU-medlemslandene.
Finally, in terms of direct taxation, we really must make sure that family expenditure is not taxed, as happens in some of our member countries.
Formanden. - Fra Banotti ønsker at deltage i debatten. Jeg beder hr. Bangemann vente et par minutter. Fru Banotti har ordet.
President. - Mrs Banotti wishes to speak.
Banotti (PPE). - (EN) Hr. formand, hr. formand, De og jeg har mange glædelige møder her i mødesalen.
Banotti (PPE). - Mr President, you and I have many happy encounters here on the floor.
Formanden. - At det ikke sker uden for mødesalen skyldes alene, at De ikke vil.
President - We can meet outside too, if you so wish.
Jeg vil geme komme ind på et punkt, som ganske vist gang på gang tages op, men som yderst sjældent virkelig tages op. Det er den rolle, som sunde familier spiller som led i den demografiske udvikling.
I should like to take up one point that is frequently mentioned but seldom really discussed, and that is the role played by healthy famUies in the context of population development.
I Europas regioner, hvor den traditionelle familie stadig spiller en temmelig stærk rolle, kan de samfundsøkonomiske ændringer, som skyldes forskydningen i alderspyramiden, mærkes meget min dre og lettere klares end i de regioner og frem for alt i de tætbefolkede byområder, hvor famiUens spUttelse allerede er længere fremskreden.
In those regions of Europe where the traditional family still plays an important role, the changes in the national economy resulting from the shift in the population age structure are much less noticeable and more easily coped with than in those regions, and above all in large conurbations, in which the destruction of the family has atieady reached an advanced stage.
En velfungerende familie er ganske enkelt i stand til bedre at tage sig af problemer, da de enkelte familiemedlemmer er mindre afhængige af statslige strukturer.
A function ing family is simply in a better position to absorb difficulties, because the parts of the family are less dependent on state institutions.
Banotti (PPE). - (£¿V) Vi er ved at nå til slutningen på en lang uge. Tak for invitationen.
Banotti (PPE). - We are coming to the end of a long week.
Men jeg vil også geme sige helt klart, at når jeg taler om familie, mener jeg en far, en mor og bøm, der lever sammen, og i givet fald endnu en generation, og ikke et formløst samliv meUem partnere af samme køn eller et ægteskabslignende forhold, som desværre fejlagtigt støttes i f.eks. Lindholm-betænkningen.
However, I should also like to make it quite clear that when I talk about the family I mean a father, mother and children living together and, if possible, another generation as well, and I do not mean an informal arrangement in which partners of the same sex live together, or a relationship that simulates a marriage, of the kind that is, I regret to say, mistakenly promoted in toe Lindholm report.
Hr. formand, der er mange ting, som hr. von Habsburg og jeg ikke er enige om.
Mr President, There are many things on which Mr von Habsburg and I would not agree.
Desværre er familien blevet en slags slagmark for feminister.
Unfortunately, for feminist women, the family has become sort of battle ground.
Uanset feministemes trosbekendelse må jeg sige, at jeg stadig opfatter familien som den mest tilfredsstillende og effektive sociale enhed til pleje af både unge og ældre.
Notwithstanding by feminist credentials, I have to say that I stUl believe that the family is the most satisfactory and effective social union for the care both of the young and the old.
Det betyder ikke, at kvinderne er blevet de primære plejere, og at resten af aktiviteterne i disse enheder udføres af mænd.
That does not mean that the women become toe primary carers and the rest of the activities in those units is carried out by the men.
Vor skattelovgivning straffer desværre i de fleste tilfælde familier med bøm, mens den samtidig stiller barnløse og par af samme køn materielt bedre og dermed massivt bidrager til en negativ udvikling af aldersstrukturen og fordelingen af goderne.
Unfortunately, our tax legislation in most cases punishes families who have children, whilst at toe same time it gives material advantages to chtidless couples and couples of the same sex, thereby making an enormous contribution to the negative development of toe population age struc ture and toe distribution of wealth.
I denne henseende ser jeg betænkningen som en klar appel til i fremtiden i højere grad at støtte famüierne og ikke til stadig give efter for små højrøstede mindretal.
In this sense, I see the report as a clear appeal for famUies to be given more support in future, and for less support to be constantly given to small, vociferous minorities.
Jeg opfatter familien som relevant både ved livets begyndelse og slutning.
I see the family as having a very real relevance both at the beginning and end of Ufe.
Fra Malone har helt ret, når hun siger, at fødselstallet stiger hos os, men desværre stiger det i områder, hvor børnene ikke har de bedste forudsætninger for en fremtid.
Mrs Malone is quite correct when she says that our birth rate is rising but, unfortunately, it is rising in areas where the children do not have the best possible advantages for the future.
Min mor døde for en måned siden.
My mother died a month ago.
Hun havde seks bøm, og vi kunne alle give hende den pleje og kærlighed, hun behøvede ved livets afslutning.
She was the mother of six chUdren and we were all able to give her the care and love she needed at the end of her life.
Jeg har selv ét barn lige som mange andre her i Parlamentet.
I have one child, as do many people in this Chamber.
Hvem skal passe os,.når den tid kommer - ikke blot økonomisk, men også med den kærlighed og opmærksom hed, som ældre behøver på det tidspunkt af deres liv.
Who is going to take care of us when the time comes - not just financially but also with the love and attention that the elderly need at that stage in their lives.
Pomés Ruiz (PPE). - (ES) Hr. formand, fra Boogerd-Quaaks fremragende betænkning må hilses velkommen, da den demografiske situation er et ganske alvorligt problem.
Pomes Ruiz (PPE). - (ES) Mr President, the exceUent report by Mrs Boogerd-Quaak deserves our applause because demography is an extremely serious problem.
Vores alderspyramide ligner et træ med svage rødder, som ikke kan sikre sin egen reproduktion.
Our age-pyramid already seems to have a very weak base, which means that it is bound to coUapse.
Vi må hindre, at det gamle Europa udvikler sig til et svageligt og regressivt Europa, og det er Parlamentets opgave at hindre det.
We must stop Old Europe being converted into a decrepit and regressive Europe and that is the role of the European ParUament.
Vi bliver nødt til at tænke over disse ting.
We have to think about this.
Vi må virkelig værdsætte de mennesker, der plejer andre ved livets begyndelse og afslutning.
We have to put a real value on those who care at both the beginning and end of people's lives.
Jeg er glad for at se, at mændene i højere grad kommer ind i plejesektoren for eksempel som uddannede sygeplejersker og giver de gamle'kvinder en fantastisk pleje og opmuntring.
I am happy to see that in the caring provisions men are increasingly becoming, for example, state-registered nurses, giving wonderful care and cheering up the old ladies.
Jeg håber, at der vil være en masse mænd, når jeg får brag for pleje ved livets afslutning. Det ville gøre livet meget lykkeligere for mig - og også for Dem, hr. Bangemann.
I hope there will be plenty of men around when I need care at the end of my life.
Nærværende betænkning gør meget ud af at undersøge følgerne af den demografiske krise.
The excellent report which we are debating today insists greatly on means of attacking toe effects of the demographic crisis.
Man bør dog også forsøge at tænke nærmere over årsagerne.
However, I think we should try to look at the causes.
De demografi ske bevægelser ændrer sig kun i den udstrækning, årsagerne ændres og under alle omstændigheder kun på mellemlang sigt.
Demographic movements only change in that they correct the causes in the medium term.
Derfor bør denne betænkning, som så udmærket behandler aspektet social sikring og bistand, suppleres med endnu et par synsvinkler.
Therefore, I think that this report, which is a very good approach from the point of view of social assistance, should also have a couple more viewpoints added to it.
Bangemann, medlem af Kommissionen. - (DE) Hr. for mand, De ved, at der i Kommissionen er en skik, som er accepteret af Parlamentet, nemlig at kommissæren om fredagen - og det fuldstændig uafhængigt af hans egen-
Bangemann, Member of the Commission. - (DE) Mr President, you are aware that, in the Commission, it is the custom, accepted by Parliament, for a Commissioner, regardless of his actual responsibilities, to take on the responsibUity for reports on a Friday.
Bangemann tlige kompetenceområde - overtager betænkningerne. De kan også forestille Dem, at det ikke altid fremkalder stor glæde blandt mine kolleger i Kommissionen, da man jo skal sige noget om spørgsmål, som virkelig ikke behøver at falde inden for ens eget kompetenceområde, og hvor man så ikke føler sig på hjemmebane.
Bangemann never yet heard an argument explaining why such a basic provision could not be financed from general tax revenue in old age as weU.
Så følger den anden del, og i den anden del, når det således ikke længere drejer sig om en eksistentiel sikring, kan man så sagtens tage hensyn tU, om en person i sit aktive Uv har truffet forholdsregler til denne periode eller ej.
Then there is the second part, and here, where we are no longer talking about safeguarding people's very existence, we can indeed take into account the question of whether, during his or her active life, a person has made provision for this period.
Hvis man ikke har gjort det, må man så være tilfreds med sikringen af eksistensen.
If people have not made such provision, then they will have to be content with the bare necessities provided by the basic pension.
Den nuværende ordning går imidlertid alt for langt ind i denne anden, mere frivillige del og kan derved heller ikke finansieres, naturligvis heller ikke, fordi den i det væsentlige belaster arbejdet.
The present system, however, goes much too far into this second, more voluntary part, and therefore it becomes impossible to finance, and of course it places too great a burden on employment.
Jeg må dog sige, at forhandlingen i dag for det første har vist, hvor vigtigt problemet er, hvor god betænkningen er, og for det andet, at enhver uafhængigt af, hvad der er vedkommendes faglige kompetenceområde, egentlig bør beskæftige sig med problemet.
However, I must say that today's debate has shown, first of aU, just how important the problem is and how good the report is and, secondly, it has shown that in fact every one of us should be concerned with this problem, regard less of where our expertise lies.
For man har i den demografiske udvikling en slags nøglebegreb for mange politi ske områder, i øvrigt også for mange måder at føre politik på, og også dette er jo fremgået meget klart under forhandlingen.
Population development, in fact, is a sort of key concept for many policy areas and, moreover, for many ways of making policy, and this has also become very clear during the course of the discussion.
Jeg mener så, at man kan nærme sig problemet på to forskellige måder.
I believe that we can approach this problem in two different ways.
For det første, om man vil, rent statistisk og også i svaret snarere traditionelt, idet man siger, hvad der er sket, og hvad der skal gøres, og så kommer man til visse konklusioner.
On the one hand, if we wish, we can look at it entirely from the statistical viewpoint and, as far as toe answer is concerned, from the traditional viewpoint, in other words, we can say what is happening and what needs to be done, and we can then come to certain conclusions.
Men jeg mener ikke, at det er tilstrækkeligt.
However, it seems to me that this is not enough.
Derimod forekommer det mig at være meget bedre, at man gør sig tanker om, hvorfor dette fænomen optræder, fordi man så nemlig får oplysninger om virkningerne af de politiske foranstaltninger, som vi alle iværksætter.
It seems to me, on the contrary, that it would be much better to think about why this phenomenon is occurring, because then we would gain some information about the effects of the political actions that we are all, together, embarking on.
Dette resulterer så i spørgsmålet: Kan man, hvis man ønsker det, påvirke denne udvikling ved hjælp af bestemte politiske foranstaltninger? Dette fore kommer mig at være en meget mere interessant tilgangsvinkel, da den nemlig i realiteten er en tilgang til mange problemer ud fra en helhedsbetragtning.
The question then arises of whether, by means of certain political actions, we can influence this development, if that is what we want to do.
Vi sagde jo allerede i hvidbogen, at en væsentlig del af arbejdsløsheden, i hvert fald på de områder, hvor det drejer sig om ikke særlig kvalificeret arbejde, skyldes, at man belaster dette arbejde yderligere som følge af social sikringsbidrag og dermed umuliggør arbejdspladserne.
In the White Paper, we said that a considerable percent age of unemployment, at least in those areas where the work is unskilled or semi-skilled, can be traced back to the fact that this kind of employment is burdened with social charges, thereby making toe jobs impossible.
Det sagde vi allerede dengang!
We said this at the time!
Heraf kan man i øvrigt se, hvilken snæver forbindelse det hele har i politisk henseende.
This also shows, by the way, what a narrow context this issue has in political terms.
Hvis man viderefører denne tilgang, så måtte man egentlig overveje - det vüle være en overvejelse, som man burde uddybe meUem Parlamentet og Kommissionen, for her er der jo også tiltag som led i unionspoUtikken.
If we follow this approach further, then we would have to give some consideration to this point, and we - that is Parliament and the Commission - would have to discuss it in greater depth, because the subject is beginning to feature in EU policy as well.
Vi kan fastsætte visse minima, vi kan give impulser, vi kan måske endog hjælpe de etablerede nationale diskussioner noget, hvis vi udvikler en ordning, hvor sådanne over gange fra de gamle ordninger til de nye organiseres og foreslås.
We could set certain minimum standards, we could provide the impetus, we could perhaps even help to some extent with the national debates that have been initiated,, if we could just develop a system in which the transition from the old system into the new system is organized and put forward.
Der er nemlig én ting, som jeg geme vil sige meget bestemt, og nogle af de bemærkninger, der blev fremsat under forhandlingen, viser det også klart: Hvis man tager fat på spørgsmålet med traditionelle tiltag, vil man ikke løse det, uanset om det er venstreeller højreorienterede traditioner eller traditioner midt i mellem!
I would just like to make one point here, quite emphatically - and it is something that has been made quite clear in some of the remarks that have been made during this debate - and that is that if we tackle this matter using a traditional approach, we shall not solve the problem, whether the tradition comes from the left, the right or the centre.
Det er alene nødvendigt ud fra den betragtning, at eksperternes udgangspunkter - hvad enten det er pensionseksperter, eksperter i arbejdsret, eksperter i sociale foranstaltninger - af natur altid er for snævre.
This is necessary simply because of the fact that experts always, by definition, take too narrow an approach, whether they are pensions experts, experts in employ ment law, experts on social measures, health care or elderly people.
Det er det gamle problem med, at en ekspert ved mere og mere om mindre og mindre, og resultatet af det er, at han ved alt om intet.
It is the old problem of the expert who knows more and more about less and less, and the end result is that he knows everything about nothing.
Det er undertiden også resultatet af sådanne ekspertpolitikker.
And sometimes that is also toe result when we have policies devised by experts.
Vi har jo disse diskussioner i aUe vore medlems lande om pensionsordningernes fremtid.
We all of us have these discussions in our own Member States, discussions about toe future of the pensions system.
Hvis man kun lader socialeksperterne behandle det, så siger de som det første, at man ikke kan ændre ordningen.
If you ask only experts on social measures to tackle the problem, the first thing they wUl say is that the system cannot be changed.
Det er fuldstændig forkert.
That is completely untrue.
Enhver ordning kan ændres, og man kan have overgangsperioder, hvor også finansieringen af en gammel ordning kan klares med en ny.
Any system can be changed, and transitional periods can be created, during which the financing of an old system can be coped with at the same time as a new system.
Lad os tage diskussionen om arbejde.
Take this discussion about employment, or work.
Begrebet arbejde har fuldstændig ændret sig.
The concept of work has completely changed.
Lad os f.eks. tage nedsættelse af arbejdstiden - det har jeg her igen hørt fra folk fra den yderste venstrefløj: Det er jo, hvis det ikke medfører en lønnedsættelse, og det gør det jo aldrig, i realiteten en tUgang, som ikke fører os nogen steder hen. Det er imidlertid - hvilket er meget værre - egentlig en reaktionær tilgang, da arbejde i dag ser anderledes ud end for blot 20 eller 30 år siden.
For instance, look at the issue of shortening working hours - and I have heard this issue mentioned here again, by the extreme left.
Det har i øvrigt ikke noget at gøre med intelligens, tillader jeg mig at sige til vor taler fra det yderste højre, men det har i fremtiden en meget bredere konnotation.
Unless the shortening of working hours is accompanied by a shortening of pay - which it never will be - then it is essentiaUy an approach that wiU lead us nowhere.
Spørgsmålet er: Hvad gør et samfund, som lever af sine medlem mers skabende initiativ, med mennesker, som ikke besidder disse kvaliteter, men som besidder andre kvaliteter?
In fact, however, it is much worse than that: it is essentiaUy a reactionary approach, because nowadays work is different from what it was twenty or thirty years ago.
Fra Banotti har fuldstændig ret: Der er mange mennesker, som f.eks. i disse fuldstændig med urette nedvurderede erhverv har store kvaliteter. Plejen af et menneske kan være et fuldstændigt tilfredsstillende virke for begge parter.
I have experienced this myself when, very early on, as the chairman of a party rather than as an expert on social policy, I made a proposal that has now surfaced again in the debate, namely that we should make a distinction between those measures which, in principle, should be paid for out of the public purse, and those measures that can be left to individuals.
Hvilken betydning har det for de familiepolitiske spørgsmål?
This is, in fact, a fundamental and important question when it comes to solving problems Uke these.
Jeg har selv oplevet det engang, da jeg - ikke som socialpolitiker, men som partiformand - allerede meget tidligt havde stiUet et forslag, som også nu igen er dukket op i debatten, nemlig at sondre mellem de foranstaltninger, som offentligheden i almindelighed principielt skal stå for, og de foranstaltninger, som man kan overlade til den enkelte.
If we take social security as an example - and I am using the German expression here, i.e. Sozialhilfe, which is, literally, social assistance -then it becomes quite clear that society as a whole has to step in financially, so as to ensure that the members of that society are not exposed to a level of need that threatens their continued existence, quite irrespective of whether that need is toe fault of the person concerned or not.
Det er nemlig et meget principielt og vigtigt spørgsmål for analysen af sådanne problemer.
It is part of the concept of the human dignity of a society that that is what should happen.
Det hører til begrebet et samfunds menneskeværdighed, at det sker.
We are in the process of moving towards this kind of society of creative work.
Heraf følger egentlig temmelig logisk, at man så også kan overføre det til sikringen af alderdommen. Hvorfor egentlig ikke?
Of course, this also means that we must consider - and I am sorry, Mrs van Dijk, that I must now reveal you as something of a conservative, but I am afraid you will just have to get used to the idea - the question of what happens to those human beings who do not possess these creative qualities.
Jeg har endnu aldrig hørt et argument for, at en sådan grundlæggende sikring i alderdommen ikke også kunne finansieres med de almindelige skatteindtægter.
It has nothing to do with intelligence, by the way - if I may say so to those of our speakers who are on the extreme right - but in future it will have much broader connotations. The question is what a society that
Bangemann at parlamentsmedlemmemes forskellige indlæg alle var reaktionære og ideologisk farvede og kun hans redegørelse var moderne og ikke-ideologisk?
Following his lyrical observations on the state of the world in general, I would very much like to know whether he is really of the opinion that the various contributions that Members have made to the debate were all reactionary and ideologically tainted, and only his remarks were modern and ideology-free.
mange mennesker ikke opfatter familien på den måde!
Mrs Banotti is quite right when she says that there are many people who possess exceUent qualities and who work in those occupations that are - quite unjustly -denigrated.
Også dette skal man tage højde for.
What does this mean in the context of farrtily-poticy issues?
Jeg er meget glad for, at jeg for mange af mine bemærkninger får bifald fra de venstreorienterede og protest fra de højreorienterede og omvendt, da jeg derved har en følelse af, at jeg i hvert fald er på vej til at formulere visse ikke-ideologiske, moderne strategier!
I am very pleased that many of my remarks are receiving applause from the left and protests from the right and vice versa, because it gives me the feeling that at any rate I am in the process of formulating some nonideological, modern approaches.
Boogerd-Quaak (ELDR), ordfører. - (NL) Hr. formand, jeg takker kommissæren for hans betragtninger, men jeg har ikke hørt ham sige, at beslutningsforslaget indeholder gode henstilUnger og ligeledes omfatter det brede spektrum, og at han ønsker at overtage dem.
Boogerd-Quaak (ELDR), rapporteur. - (NL) Mr President, I should like to thank the Commissioner for his comments, but I did not hear him say that the report contains a number of excellent recommendations across a broad spectrum, which he intends to adopt.
Det er det, jeg ønsker at høre.
I should like to hear him say that.
Når der findes mennesker, so.m ikke ønsker at leve i en familie, når der findes mennesker, som ikke ønsker.at gifte sig, eller omvendt, når der findes mennesker, som ønsker at etablere et samliv med en person af samme køn, ja hvem har så egentlig ret til at forbyde disse mennesker dette?
If there are people who do not want to live in a family, if there are people who do not want to get married, or vice versa, if there are people who want to form permanent relationships with a member of the same sex, who actually has the right to forbid them to do so?
Hvem har ret til det?
Who has the right to do that?