natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
I mellemtiden er det fremgået af udtalelser fra rådsformanden og kommissær Van den Broek, at datoen den 1. januar 1995 er temmelig ambitiøs.
The Council has laid down a dead line for the accession of the new Member States - and it is sooner than most of us imagined in our wildest dreams. This is a clear signal.
Men jeg har med taknemmelighed taget til efterretning, at Kom missionen gør alt for at holde dette tempo.
Firstly, it shows that we still have the political determination to accept the applicant coun tries.
Denne udvidelse er ønskelig og uopsættelig, ikke blot fordi vi ønsker et Fællesskab, der skal omfatte alle de lande, der kan og vil deltage i opbygningen af vort politiske projekt, men også fordi disse landes tiltrædelse kan gavne den økonomiske vækst og beskæftigelsen samt bidrage til at øge stabiliteten på vort kontinent.
Secondly, the short deadline for completion of the accession negotiations places definite limits on the number and scope of special arrangements and derogations that can be negotiated.
Som en betingelse for udvidelsen kræver vi af ansøger landene, at de accepterer ikke blot hele det fælles acquis, men også Traktaten om Den Europæiske Union; her accepteres der ingen opting out.
In many respects, as you know, we are less than enthusiastic about the way in which the European Community is structured.
Kommissionens sammensætning, ud videlsen af Parlamentet, stemmevægtning i Rådet og lignende.
Its workings are shaped too much by economic concerns and national interests and in many cases not enough by democracy and policy.
Men principielle spørgsmål, der vedrører beslutningsprocedurer og dermed vil forandre fordelingen af beføjelserne mellem institutionerne, bør der ikke røres ved.
But one thing is certain, and that we admit: the only process of unification and integration currently under way on the continent of Europe which promises opportunities and success is that being pursued by the European Community.
Dette er, så vidt jeg ved, også Kommissionens standpunkt.
Historically there is no alternative today.
Med institutionelle ændringer af denne art står vi over for det fundamentale spørgsmål om, i hvilken retning det europæiske samarbejde skal udvikle sig.
It is not the same thing, being an economic community of six relatively homogeneous Western European states and trying to speak politically for the whole of Europe.
Af alt, hvad der gik forud for Maastricht-Traktaten, og hvad der fulgte efter den, fremgår det, at man i EF har gjort sig vidt forskellige tanker herom.
In our view this is what we should be striving for, and this is why we regard today's motion for a resolution as somehow too weak.
Europa-Parlamentet har også krævet en dybtgående institutionel reform sideløbende med udvidelsen.
In short, if we are to succeed in completing the accession negotiations on time under the conditions I have described, both the Community and the applicant coun tries must show some flexibility at the negotiating table.
Men her skal vi udtrykke os klart.
Details will have to be waived in the interests of the greater weal.
Vi mener ikke, det er realistisk at fremrykke den revision af Traktaten om Den Europæiske Union, der er berammet til 1996.
Furthermore, the applicant countries should be aware of the advantage of a rapid and relatively straightforward completion of the accession negotiations, which is that their accession to the Community paves the way to their exercising full influence over the many decisions to be taken in the Community in the years to come.
Da Europa-Parlamentet sandsynligvis skal udtale sig om denne første udvidelse i løbet af næste år, kan vi ikke se, at den interinstitutionelle reform herved skulle være mulig, dvs. en fremrykning af regeringskonferencen. Det er ikke realistisk.
The European Parliament's role is to promote these developments, not to block them and it is in that spirit that I should like to express the hope that we here in this House can help ensure that the accession process can go ahead according to schedule.
Jeg synes derfor heller ikke, det er realistisk at tage stilling hertil - som der kræves i den foreliggende beslutning - før de nye lande er kommet ind.
VAN DER WAAL (NI). - (NL) Madam President, it is generally accepted that the enlargement of the Community is in the interest of all European countries - for economic reasons, but not least for the sake of political stability in Europe.
FORMANDEN. - Som afslutning på forhandlingen har jeg modtaget fire beslutningsforslag med anmodning om afstemning snarest muligt. (')
CAPUCHO (LDR). - (PT) Madam President, the Liberal, Democratic and Reformist Group believes that the enlargement of the Community to include Austria, Nor way, Sweden and Finland will be a positive development.
denes bekymringer uden at gøre fravigelser overhovedet.
VAN DER WAAL decisionmaking stmcture designed for six Member States?
Den finske regionalpolitik, for eksempel, er en land brugspolitik, en miljøpolitik og en sikkerhedspolitik brygget sammen til én og samme politik, fordi landet har den laveste befolkningstæthed.
Surely a Community of sixteen will be the very bureaucratic and undemocratic monolith which the people of Europe have rejected in the referenda over Maastricht.
Vi kan ikke tvinge dem til at ændre regionalpolitikken uden at forvolde uoprettelig skade på Finland.
It will actually alienate the citizens in the applicant states, given their strong democratic traditions and belief in transparency.
Jeg mener, vi bør huske på, at vi i sidste ende skal vinde folkeafstemninger i ansøgerlandene, så vi må udvise fleksibilitet.
Community by 1 January 1995. This may well also have a favourable effect on events in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe.
Det sidste, den europæiske udvikling har brug for, er en række folkeafstemninger, der går imod Det Europæiske Fællesskab.
Since then, it has become clear from the statements made by the President of the Council and by Commissioner Van den Broek that 1 January 1995 is a somewhat ambitious date.
Afslutningsvis vil jeg gerne takke task forcen for den fleksibilitet, den har udvist i sine forhandlinger indtil nu.
However I am glad to hear that the Commission is doing all it can to keep to this timetable.
TITLEY (PSE). - (EN) Fru formand, jeg vil geme indledningsvis sige, at jeg finder det dybt beklageligt, at denne debat finder sted, uden at hverken Rådet eller kommissæren med ansvar for udvidelse af Fællesskabet er til stede, fordi Parlamentet ikke er i stand til at tilrettelægge sit eget arbejde ordentligt.
I recognize that major changes may have to be left to the IGCs in 1996, but we should be starting to address this question now and the accession treaty should reflect the need to address that question.
Ikke desto mindre er jeg overbevist om, at vi alle deler ønsket om, at en udvidelse vil føre til et stærkere, mere demokratisk og mere omfattende Fællesskab, et Fællesskab, der nyder befolkningens opbakning, ikke kun her men også i ansøgerlandene.
I welcome the Commission's recognition of that yesterday. I would be interested to hear from Mr Bangemann what the Commission thinks about the proposal that every Member State should only have one commissioner in future.
Det er derfor umådelig vigtigt, at vi får disse forhandlinger fuldstændig på plads.
Also, what does he think about the need to change the qualified majority formula in the Council of Ministers?
I modsat fald vil vi sætte den europæiske integrationsproces mange år tilbage.
Another issue that has to be addressed is that we cannot pretend the European Community will stay the same after enlargement.
Forhandlingerne føres særskilt, men parallelt.
What proposals are being made in the Council and the Commission to prepare for that?
Denne entusiasme skyldes for en stor dels vedkommende, af mange mennesker mener, dette er den eneste løsning, hvis vi skal holde EF-toget på skinnerne efter Maastricht-nederlaget.
I believe that as regards the four current applicants, these questions should be restricted to certain technical matters, such as the composition of the Commission, the enlargement of Parliament and the weighting of votes in the Council.
Vi synes at være fast besluttede på at skubbe al tvivl eller bekymring til side. Rådet opfører sig i øjeblikket nærmest som de viktorianske mødre gjorde det i England i forrige århundrede, når de gav døtrene det råd på deres bryllupsnat at lukke øjnene og tænke på fædrelandet.
I think this also reflects the views of the Commission.
Eventuelle folkeafstemninger i ansøgerlandene bør efter min mening finde sted før godkendelsesproceduren i Europa-Parlamentet.
It therefore seems to me to be unrealistic and to be going too far in this resolution to take a view on these matters before admitting the new countries.
Jeg me ner, at Parlamentet må vide, hvad kandidaterne ønsker, før sagen kommer til debat her.
The important thing is that they should be able to participate as full members in the discussions.
Jeg vil geme høre, hvad Kommissionen mener om dette.
That is also a good reason for us to keep as closely as possible to the present timetable.
Det vil i sidste ende kunne føre til modvilje blandt borgerne i ansøgerlandene, når man tager hensyn til deres stærke demokratiske traditioner og tro på gennemsigtighed.
PRESIDENT. - I have received four motions for resolutions with request for an early vote to wind up the debate. (')
I en virkelig føderation er det intet problem.
We have to keep the acquis Communautaire.
De Forenede Stater har 50 medlemmer, men så vidt er vi endnu ikke, og det er også urealistisk at forvente dette.
That is absolute. But we should also be aware that the acquis Communautaire is probably more flexible that we give it credit for and that we can actually take in many of the concerns of the applicant states without derogations at all.
I vores blandede system med tyngdepunktet i Rådet er et for stort antal medlemmer en dødelig fare for Fællesskabets vitalitet, og derfor må vi have en klar institutionel plan.
Finnish regional policy, for example, is an agricultural policy, an environment policy and a security policy rolled into one because it is the country with the lowest population density.
Jeg noterer mig med tilfredshed, at Kommissionen i går gav udtryk for at være klar over dette.
I think we should bear in mind that at the end of the day we have got to win referenda in the applicant countries so we need to show flexibility.
Jeg ville gerne om hr. Bangemann gjorde rede for, hvad Kommissionens holdning er til forslaget om, at hvert medlemsland i fremtiden kun skal have én kommissær.
The last thing the European movement needs is a series of referenda going against the European Community.
Samt hvad han mener om behovet for at ændre reglen om kvalificeret flertal i Ministerrådet?
I should like to thank the task force for the flexibility they have shown in their negotia tions so far.
Et andet emne, der skal tages op, er at vi ikke må lade som om Det Europæiske Fællesskab forbliver uændret efter udvidelsen.
TITLEY (PSE). - Madam President, I should like to say straight away how much I regret that this debate is taking place in the absence of both the Council and the Commissioner responsible for enlargement due to Parliament's inability to organize its own business properly.
Dette vil få indvirkning på vor fælles sikkerhedspolitik.
It is therefore very important that we get these negotia tions absolutely right.
Hvilke tiltag foreslår man i Rådet og Kommissionen for at forberede Fællesskabet på denne situation?
If we do not we will set back the course of European integration for many years.
HOLZFUSS (LDR). - (DE) Fru formand, en bemærkning vedrørende udvidelse og neutralitet.
PENDERS (PPE). - (NL) Madam President, in the past, my group has also repeatedly made the point that under the common foreign and security policy, there can be no place for a policy of neutrality among new members.
Den sammen hæng, der kræves til denne politik, og de formulerede mål mener jeg ikke giver plads for en traditionel neutralitet.
Are we in Parliament to be presented with a single agreement package made up of naturally varying accords, or is there going to be differ entiation?
Med hensyn til hvem eller hvad ønsker man da at være neutral?
We seem determined to push away any doubts or worries.
Alle ansøgerlande har imidlertid mulighed for som ligeberettigede parter at medvirke ved udarbejdelsen og gennemførelsen af den fælles udenrigs- og sikker hedspolitik samt det fælles forsvar.
The Council at the moment is behaving rather like Victorian mothers did in England in the nineteenth century when they advised their daughters on their wedding days to close their eyes and think of England.
Vi påtænker at anvende samme tidsplan for fire ansøger lande, men samtidig ved vi alle, at den finske ansøgning glider let igennem, mens der er ganske store problemer forbundet med Norge.
As a result we are actually in danger of sleep-walking into a crisis because we will not address the issues: issues like how can an enlarged Community operate on a
Hvomår vil vi nå til en erkendelse af, at vi måske ikke kan lade alle vente på det langsomste ansøgerland? Vi skal overholde vor acquis communautaire. Det kan ikke diskuteres.
It is probably too early to say anything on this at the moment, but I would point out that it is quite right for the assent procedure in Parliament to take place before ratification by the twelve Member States.
HOLZFUSS nemlig alle er i samme båd, og den ene part kan ikke ro, mens de andre meder eller fisker.
PENDERS we in Parliament must know what the applicants want before the matter can be dealt with here, and I should like to hear the Commission's views on this matter.
klarsyn tilrettelægge denne tilnærmelse til de nye partnere, som vil slutte sig til os.
We in Parliament keep on battling away for institutional change, so as not to lose our effectiveness.
Vi er her en række parlamentarikere, der mener, at Det Europæiske Råd tager fejl, og at det tog fejl i Lissabon, i Birmingham, i Edinburgh og i København, da det nægte de at rejse spørgsmålet om tilpasningen af institutionerne som en nødvendig forudsætning for en vellykket udvidelse.
Parliament must not issue threats, but it is surely clear that if enlargement is discussed before the review conference in 1996, the Council must at least indicate very clearly how it intends to cope with a Union which may have as many as 28 members, and here I am including the Baltic States and Slovenia.
Vi bør besvare to spørgsmål: Er der behov for institutionelle reformer? Ja!
In a tme federation, that would be no problem: the United States has 50 members, although we are not yet contemplating that, and it would be unrealistic to do so.
Vi ved, at hvis vi ikke ændrer reglerne for kvalificeret flertal, for opbygningen af Kom missionen, for formandskabet og traktatrevisionen, så vil Fællesskabet ikke kunne fungere, når det får seksten og -i endnu mindre grad - når det får over seksten med lemmer.
In our mixed system, focused as it is on the Council of Ministers, too many members would be a mortal threat to the vitality of our Community, and that is why we need a very tight institutional framework.
Det glæder os derfor, at man i den indledende forhandlingsrunde har opnået tilfredsstillende resultater, hvilket vi ikke bør glemme også skyldes det arbejde, der er blevet udført omkring Det Europæiske Økonomiske Samarbejdsområde.
Secondly, whilst it was the governments of the four countries who submitted the applications for accession four years ago, the national parliaments and, above all, the peoples of the four countries will be the ones who actually deliver an opinion on these treaties through a referendum.
Alligevel vil jeg i lighed med formanden for Udvalget om Udenrigs- og Sikkerhedsanliggender, hr. Baron Crespo, og samstemmende med hvad andre af vore kolleger, hr. Planas, hr. Titley og også hr. Penders, har sagt, geme komme med nogle overvejelser og nogle anbefalinger, der modsvares af en tilsvarende portion bekymringer.
There is nothing to say that support from the general public in these countries is a foregone conclusion, particularly at a time when the economic crisis, the resurgence of racism and our importance in the face of the crisis in Yugoslavia are not exactly showing our Community in the best possible light.
Andet spørgsmål: Skal vi gennemføre disse reformer allerede nu eller senere?
The fact is that for these very reasons we cannot allow any further set-backs.
De mennesker, som ikke fører strudsepolitik, vil svare, at de skal gennemføres nu, thi vi ved, at det bliver vanskeligere, når der er tale om seksten medlemmer.
We must do everything we can to make our plans for union clear to the citizens of the applicant countries.
Det bliver vanskeligere, fordi vi sammen med os vil have partnere, som vi ikke har bedt om noget under forhandlingerne.
I also believe that the governments of the applicant coun tries must do the same, so that public opinion is well informed and well disposed.
Vi stiller os positivt til de fire partneres tiltrædelse. I morgen stiller vi os positivt til Maltas og Cyperns tiltrædelse.
Finally, whilst derogations from the acquis communautaire granted to the four applicant countries should be restricted and subject to strict time-limits, I feel we must seize this opportunity to reduce the backlog in terms of legislation and the introduction of higher standards in many sectors such as health, the environment and social security in line with the new applicant countries.
I overmorgen stiller vi os positivt til åbningen mod øst, men vi vil ikke lade vore nye partnere træde ind i et Fællesskab, der er steriliseret, sønderrevet og handlingslammet, thi det ville være den værste gave, vi kunne give dem.
In this instance, we should be the ones to apply for derogations but they should only be valid for a very limited time.
Samtidig med optagelserne skal der udarbejdes en ny reform, og selve tiltrædelsestraktaterne skal indeholde de institutionelle tiltag, der skal til for at få et udvidet Fællesskab til at fungere - og dermed har jeg også svaret på hr. Capuchos spørgsmål.
In relation to what or whom are these countries supposedly neutral? And yet these new Member States will have an equal say in formulating and implementing common foreign and security policy up to and including common defence.
Jeg går varmt ind for, at EF bliver udvidet med liere lande. De Europæiske Fællesskaber skal forhåbentlig engang omfatte alle europæiske lande frem for alene en europæisk enklave.
In short the symbol, the logo of security policy remains the Viking longship of the Danish presidency, because we are all in the same boat, and you can't have some people rowing whilst others put their feet up.
For det andet, selv om det for nogle år siden var de fire landes regeringer, der ansøgte om optagelse, så bliver det landenes parlamenter og især befolkningerne, der via folkeafstemning skal tage stilling til traktaterne.
ROSSETTI (PSE). - (IT) Madam President, the applications for accession by four countries with a high degree of development and affluence, such as Austria and the three Scandinavian countries, is clear proof that they recognize the pivotal role of our Community and the plans for European integration which now extend beyond purely economic considerations.
Det er ikke givet, at den folkelige opbakning i disse lande er helt så overbevisende, specielt ikke på et tidspunkt, hvor den økonomiske krise, den genopblussede racisme, og magtesløsheden over for den jugoslaviske krise ikke just giver noget strålende billede af Fællesskabet.
A number of us here believe that the European Council is wrong, that it was wrong in Lisbon, Birmingham, Edinburgh and Copenhagen when it refused to deal with the question of institutional change as a prerequisite for successful enlargement.
Faktum er, at vi af selv samme årsager ikke kan tåle mere modgang.
We have to answer two ques tions: firstly, are institutional reforms necessary?
Det samme mener jeg også. at regeringerne i de nye medlem slande bør gøre, således at offentligheden er informeret og underforstået hermed.
We are therefore delighted that the outcome of the first stage of the negotiations was satisfactory, particularly thanks to the work done on the European Economic Area - let us not forget that!
Kort sagt bør vi skabe nogle fornuftige betingelser for, at tiltrædelsen støttes af befolkningerne.
I should like to follow on from the Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs and Security, Mr Baron Crespo, and the comments made by Mr Planas, Mr Titley and Mr Penders.
I modsat fald ville det være en god idé at overveje en udskydelse.
I should like to make a number of comments and recommendations in line with our preoccupations.
Vi er i den besynderlige situation, at flere af de aktuelle ansøgerlande er kommet længere i deres EF-integration end visse af medlemslandene.
Secondly, should we carry out these reforms now or later on?
Når Parlamentet kræver, at EF's acquis communautaire skal respekteres af de nye lande, så kan vi håbe, at det ikke bliver på den overfladiske måde, nogle medlemslande selv har accepteret acquis'en på. Tænk bare på Kommissionens scoringsliste over, hvordan medlemslandene har gennemført bestemmelserne om det indre marked.
The answer from those who are not burying their heads in the sand is that we should act now, because we know that with sixteen members it will be more difficult.
Altså handler dette om politisk vilje: Går vi ind for udvidelse, eller gør vi det ikke?
It will be more difficult because it is harder to take decisions with sixteen members than with twelve, and because in any case Europe will start to become paralysed.
Endelig, hvis de undtagelser fra vores acquis communautaire, som er blevet indrømmet de fire lande, skal være begrænsede i både omfang og specielt i tid, så tror jeg, at vi bør benytte denne lejlighed til at mindske den store afstand mellem de lovgivninger og de standarder, der på mange områder, så som sundhed, miljø og socialforsorg er temmelig meget højere i de nye medlemslande end i Fællesskabet. I denne sammenhæng bør det være os, der beder om undtagelser, og kun for en meget kort periode.
Firstly, if we do not want the progressive enlargement of the Community to render the decisionmaking procedure even more cumbersome or to distort and dilute our plans for political integration, we have to reassert what Parliament said a year ago: Maastricht will prove inadequate as a response to the institutional problems raised by a larger Community.
BOURLANGES (PPE). - (FR) Fru formand Jeg vil vove at benytte hr. Titleys dristige billede og sige, at om end vi stiller os positivt til disse fire nye partnere, så må vi også tænke på Europa; vi må holde øjnene åbne og med
Further reforms should be launched simultaneously with accession and the treaties, Mr Capucho -1 should like to reply to your question, should include institutional provisions which will enable a larger Com munity to function properly.
Det skal ikke kun noteres.
We are in favour of the accession of these four partners.
Vi bør kræve, at EF's mål skal være at beskytte miljø, lønmodtagere og forbrugere i lige så høj grad som de nye lande.
We are in favour of the subsequent accession of Malta and Cypms.
Og vi skal hæfte os ved, at de nye lande bliver nettobidragydere og dermed kan vise konkret solidaritet med
Looking further ahead, we are in favour of opening up towards the East, but what we do not want, because that would be the worst present that we could give them, is to welcome our new partners into a
De nye lande har selvfølgelig deres egne problemer af særlig art, som vi må hjælpe med at finde løsninger på, ligesom vi har gjort det for f.eks. Spanien og Portugal.
The ministers know as well as we do that the way in which the institutional stmctures operate at present will not allow us to act effectively with sixteen members, let alone more.