natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Hvorledes ville ikke denne krigs scenario ændre sig, dersom USSR ikke mere medvirker i FN's Sikkerhedsråd, men ville udnytte situationen til egen fordel imod den vestlige verden?
In the midst of these developments the central power in Moscow decided to exclude the democratically elected parliaments of the republics from the process.
Jeg kan ikke tro, at præsident Gorbatjov, som har ændret verden i så positiv retning, nu pludselig skulle være blevet en anden.
The question is whether the democratically elected representatives in Moscow have not also been excluded from the process and whether the real central power in the Soviet Union is the military.
Jeg ser i hvert fald for øjeblikket ingen bedre mulighed end at støtte reformkræfterne yderligere også i denne vanskelige situation.
It is disgraceful to hear apparently surprised politicians in Moscow deplore the attacks and losses in the Baltic countries.
Men sammenligningerne bedrager.
President Wilson referred to this as long ago as the First World War.
Politik må ikke lade sig rive med af følelser.
Today we are again witnessing flagrant violations of the right of selfdetermination by the Soviets in the Baltic States.
Den skal snarere forsøge at analysere sammenhængene.
The reticence of the EC over the Baltic question has risked putting us in the position of favouring reaction and damaging democracy.
Selv om en del enkeltheder for øjeblikket er skjult for os udefra, er interventionen i Baltikum helt tydeligt et led i en kompleks magtkamp mellem reformpolitikere og alle dem, som vil trænge glasnost og perestrojka tilbage.
It was not possible for Gorbachov to draw attention to clear wishes on the part of the world outside that negotiations should be pursued with the democratically elected representatives of the Baltic countries on the future of the republics.
En opløsning af selve unionen ville give disse kræfter et påskud for at løbe storm mod en angivelig antisovjetisk politik.
Humanitarian aid aside, it is important that we support the Council in its reservation with regard to the granting of further aid to Moscow at the present time.
Rådets formand stillede i indledningen af sin tale det spørgsmål: Lapsus eller hensigt?
These atrocities always followed the same pattern : with the West in difficulty, the Soviet Union struck.
Ingen af os kan vel på nuværende tidspunkt besvare dette spørgsmål.
In this Gorbachev has followed in the footsteps of Stalin, Khrushchev and Brezhnev.
Habsburg (PPE). — (DE) Hr. formand, medens verden med tilbageholdt åndedræt ser på begivenhederne ved Den Persiske Golf, har USSR og dens nuværende diktator Mikhail Gorbatjov slået til i de baltiske republikker som hans forgænger Khrusjtjov i sin tid gjorde mod Ungarn.
I endorse Mrs Hoffs desire for reconciliation, reason and moderation, but I also believe that what is well-meant is often the opposite of what is good. For historical reasons we Germans in particular must stand up for the Baits' right to selfdetermination, because the suppression of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia is a macabre consequence of the ill-fated Hitler-Stalin Pact.
Han har dermed ladet masken falde og — om Gud vil — fået hårdnakkede illusioner i vesten til at briste.
I call for the same determination in dealings with Gorbachev, Pugo and others as is applied when commercial interests are obviously at stake.
Vi her i Vesteuropa vil måske med en vis selvretfærdighed anse den af præsident Gorbatjov fremlagte og af den øverste sovjet godkendte unionstraktat for utilstrækkelig.
If there is to be a referendum on the future of the Union, the question to be put to the voters must be formulated.
Men det er dog en kendsgerning, at denne traktat holder alle valgmuligheder åbne for USSR's 15 republikker.
Let us hope that it will be formulated by democratically elected politicians.
Den historiske udvikling i USSR, indlemmelsen af fremmede folk, som også vi tyskere stadig har en del af skylden for, forbyder letfærdige sammenligninger.
If the referendum is to be held, it is important that it remain under the control of the civil authorities and that it be held after a democratic debate.
Men hvorledes skal da en positiv udvikling blive mulig, hvis ikke gennem en gradvis konsolidering af et uafhængigt præsidentstyres politiske magt, som er uafhængig af hæren, den hemmelige tjeneste og etpartimonopolet? Når mod standere af glasnost og perestrojka begynder at vejre morgenluft, bliver alle, som ikke vil tilbage til Bresjnev og diktaturet nødt til at stå sammen og stille deres indbyrdes uenighed i baggrunden.
For that to happen the democratically elected representatives must regain the power from the military in Moscow and they must apply the law on freedom of the press. .Those people we grace with the term 'forces of reform' must, as a minimum, back democracy, human rights, negotiation and freedom of the press.
De, der kæmper for uafhængighed i de baltiske stater, i Ukraine og også i selve Rusland, bør overveje, om ikke eskalationen af løsrivelsen fra
It says a great deal for the maturity of the Russian people that they are demonstrating in their masses to demand the freedom of the Baltic States.
Habsburg den gamle stalinist Janaev til USSR's vicepræsident. dent.
OOMEN RUIJTEN in 1940, but the Allies were powerless to give them back their freedom once Germany had surrendered.
frelse. Endelig er man vidne til et forsøg på at undertrykke pressefriheden i alle officielle kommunikationsorganer, som er under Moskva-ledelsens magt.
Most speakers have said — and we all agree on this — how terrible it is to hear of the killing of nineteen people in the two countries.
I lyset af denne mere og mere negative udvikling bør Det Europæiske Fællesskab fordømme undertrykkelsen og samtidig gøre alt, hvad der står i dets magt for at forsøge at stoppe den, i mellemtiden bør vi holde alle kanaler åbne for en dialog med USSR's regering, så vi forhindrer, at en total isolation gør sejren lettere for den hårde stalinistiske fløj.
While we kept on here in the European Parliament calling for negotiations, negotiations and more negotiations, these nineteen people were killed and hundreds more wounded, and their democracy is nearly at an end.
Desværre synes visse politikere i vesten på højere og højeste sted stadig ikke at have fattet det.
To have to discover that events are much more violent than we had earlier expected is indeed a blow to us all.
Sløvt håber de, at man kan løse et problem ved at lukke øjnene.
How much we were hoping and trusting that there would be a genuine change in the Soviet Union!
Åbenbart har mange samtidige stadig intet lært af Hitlers vej i anden verdenskrig.
It is the opinion also of the population concerned that what happened was in fact a very well-planned escalation.
Endelig bør vi appellere til Gorbatjov om at forblive tro mod sit eget program og overbevise ham om, at et internationalt samarbejde er mere gavnligt end en illusorisk intern magt, der får støtte af et diktatur uden fremtid.
Against this background I was pleased to hear the Vice-President of the Commission state clearly that the Community must give careful consideration to suspend ing economic aid.
Derimod er mange russeres holdning opmuntrende, det viser billederne fra den store demonstration i Moskva.
It is the first concrete instance I am aware of, and 1 warmly welcome it, of positive steps being taken to protest over the actions of the central government in Moscow.
Vi skal endvidere takke Boris Jeltsin for hans mod og hans oprigtighed. Det glæder mig, at min gruppe har indbudt ham til at besøge Europa-Parlamentet.
It also occurs to me to ask: what will Parliament actually do, bearing in mind that we have just heard Mrs Hoff, the chairman of our Soviet delegation, speaking of negotiations and cooperation ?
Dramaet i de baltiske republikker er en alvorlig udfordring.
What docs Mrs Hoff propose that our delegation do ?
De demokratiske lande har med rette ikke anerkendt denne forbrydelse.
Or to say that we will only discuss one thing, namely the Baltic States ?
For os er Estland, Letland og Litauen lige så ulovligt besatte stater som Kuwait.
It is time Parliament did something — it is not enough to negotiate and seek cooperation, we must also know what we can cooperate about.
Disse folk har ret til alle demokraters solidaritet.
We must support democracy in these countries.
Vi må imidlertid ikke lade det blive ved ord og virkningsløse protester.
We must not and we cannot accept that our friends in the Baltic republics be given the impression that we are ready to take action in the Gulf in order, as we say, to defend democracy, while this population, which is in fact so close to us, is quite simply left in the lurch.
Vi har indledt en hjælp til USSR, fordi man i Kreml lovede os demokratisering og overholdelse af menneskerettighederne.
Additionally, we have an historic obligation to them, for none of the important European countries have ever recognized Russia's annexation of the Baltic states fifty years ago.
Da dette løfte kynisk brydes, bliver man nødt til at tage konsekvensen deraf og indefryse pengene. Vi har ingen interesse i at støtte et voldsherredømme på bekostning af vore skatteborgere.
As Europeans we must feel an obligation to support the Baltic peoples.
Vi kan ikke handle rigtigt i det fjerne Irak og i Europa stiltiende tage forbrydelser i lighed med Saddam Husseins til efterretning.
We should appreciate it if the technical economic aid given by the European Community to the Soviet Union were to be suspended.
Vi vil ikke helme, før de baltiske folk igen har fået deres legitime suverænitet.
Perhaps this pressure can help bring about a new process of negotiation between Moscow and the Baltic peoples.
Jepsen (ED). — Hr. formand, det er i dag nøjagtig to måneder og to dage siden, at Sovjetunionen sammen med de øvrige 33 deltagere i Konferencen om Sikkerhed og Samarbejde i Europa undertegnede den erklæring, som skulle have været grundstenen for varig fred og stabilitet i Europa. Men der skulle gå mindre end to måneder, før erklæringen blev overtrådt af den Sovjetunion, som vi i EF har vist tillid, og som vi har været parat til at hjælpe med fødevarer og økonomisk hjælp.
BEAZLEY, Christopher (ED). — Mr President, both Minister Poos and Commissioner Andriessen have seriously underestimated the strength of feeling on this subject in the European Parliament and, perhaps even more importantly, the strength of feeling of public opinion in Europe and within the Soviet Union itself. Minister Poos says that this is an extremely complex situation.
Vi har stolet på, at der med CSCE-erklæringen fra Paris var skabt en garanti for, at de baltiske lande nu endelig kunne blive virkelig frie.
The EC can meet its responsibilities towards Eastern Europe and perform its function as an example only if we stop supporting the last regime with colonial aspirations.
Vi har jo i virkeligheden aldrig anerkendt og vil aldrig anerkende deres indlemmelse i Sovjet.
For we must do everything we can to promote structures that further justice in Europe and also bring harmony.
Vi har stolet på, at de nye folkevalgte regeringer i Baltikum ville blive respekteret af det sovjetiske centralstyre i Moskva.
If we want that kind of democratic Europe, we shall have to make our voices heard on the subject now.
Og vi har stolet på. at Sovjetunionen nu endelig ville indrømme befolkningerne i Estland, Letland og Litauen deres fundamentale rettigheder efter i mere end 50 år at have påtvunget dem et imperialistisk fremmedherredømme.
KOFOED (LDR). — (DA) Mr President, in 1990 we were all enthusiastic over the developments which were taking place in Eastern Europe, developments that led to the three Baltic States getting free elections and electing their parliaments.
Men desværre viser begivenhederne i Let land og Litauen noget ganske andet.
Against that background, it is a tragedy to witness what is happening in Latvia and Lithuania and what we must expect will happen in Estonia in a fortnight's time.
Befolkningens legitime krav om frihed og national uafhængighed er brutalt blevet afvist med våbenmagt, skønt alle burde vide, at den magt, som kommer ud af kanonrør, der er rettet mod fredelige borgere, ikke er magt, men afmagt.
These countries gained their independence in 1920 and had it taken from them
Snart benægter lederne i Moskva deres ansvar, snart angriber de de baltiske republikkers legitime myndigheder ved støtte fra hemmelige komitéer for national
It seems to me really quite resible that the two institutions of the Community should be hoping to negotiate when President Gorbachev has, as Mrs Alliot-Marie demonstrated, either totally lost control of his armed forces or is prepared to give the order to open fire on European citizens.
Der kan ikke blive tale om at
For my own part, I call for the immediate
Quistorp (V). — (DE) Hr. formand, kære kommissærer, kære kolleger, når De Grønne i formiddags opfordrede til et minuts stilhed i anledning af Golf krigen og de ofre, som også denne krig igen kræver, gjorde vi, men sandsynligvis også mange kolleger det velvidende, vi trods de ofre, som Golfkrigen alle rede nu kræver i form af menneskeliv, ikke må glemme ofrene i Litauen og Letland.
cessation of any financial aid whatsoever to the Soviet Union; secondly I am sure that you, Mr President, following your appeal to the Soviet Ambassador, would wish to send a fact-finding commission to the Baltic countries to satisfy yourself that their governments and parliaments are properly defended ; and finally I believe we must give proper official recognition to the Baltic countries and that they must be properly and officially represented by ambassadors to the European Com munity.
Gutiérrez Díaz (GUE). — (ES) Hr. formand, mine damer og herrer, de forhold, der er genstand for denne forhandling, er yderst alvorlige, eftersom den sovjetiske hærs aktion udgør en aggression, en klar undertrykkelse af de personlige og kollektive rettigheder for borgerne i Litauen og Letland.
LANGER (V). — (DE) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, quite a few small and large nations and ethnic groups feel uncomfortable within their present frontiers.
Der er ligeledes tale om en aggression, fordi det drejer sig om et internatio nalt spørgsmål, selv om det rummer en betydelig komponent af intern karakter; der er med denne aggression tale om et internationalt problem, og det sker netop på et tidspunkt, hvor vi kæmper for at opnå, at internationale problemer løses via forhandlinger. linger.
Frontiers drawn and peace agreements reached after the Congress of Vienna and after the First and Second World War have not always had the effect that the people and communities concerned would have liked, and despite a great deal of compulsory adjustment and assimilation or compulsory exclusion, as in the case of expulsion and assignment to ghettos, practised by the so-called nation states — because there are very few real nations states left — this unrest constantly recurs.
Situationen er desuden alvorlig af den grund, at den sætter spørgsmålstegn ved troværdigheden af »perestrojka«.
There are very distinctive features regarding the claims for independence by the Baltic republics and I have no doubt they are genuine claims.
Frihedsrettighederne er udelelige, de individuelle og demokratiske frihedsrettigheder kan ikke adskilles fra de kollektive, og retten til selvbestemmelse er som tidligere nævnt en umistelig fri hedsrettighed.
But they cannot be seen in isolation from the general situation in the Soviet Union. The threat of desintegration of the Soviet Union is a threat to the peace not just of Europe but of the world.
Der føres der krig mod en befolkning, som går ind for sin egen uafhængighed og for selvbestemmelse, demokrati, perestrojka og glasnost og gør det på deres eget sprog og på grundlag af deres historiske erfaring.
We have a responsibility to maintain calm insofar as we can in the Baltic republics and to try to ensure that the leadership there as well as the Soviet leadership does not make unnecessary or unreal claims in a situation where the forces for democratization in the Soviet Union are apparently in retreat.
Denne befolkning trues af panservogne og af en censureret presse.
Nothing we do should undermine the forces for democratization in the Soviet Union and give more power to the forces of reaction.
En sådan krig er mulig på grund af en international politik og — hvilket man ganske vist ikke kan bevise, men blot antage — på grund af internationale politiske aftaler, i henhold til hvilke et og andet kan ordnes i det ene imperium, medens det andet imperium ordner sine affærer.
I very much fear that threats of withdrawal of aid, of humanitarian aid in particular, will drive the people of the Soviet Union into the hands of the reactionary forces in the Soviet Union.
Under Vietnam-krigen oplevede vi, hvorledes tropperne marcherede ind i Prag. Jeg tror, det er rigtigt, hvad fru Hoff og andre sagde, at man ikke kan sammenligne Prag i 1968, Budapest i 1956 og Berlin i 1953 med de grufulde og frygtelige nætter nu og med volden i Litauen og Letland; det er ikke muligt.
The originally open-handed and perhaps promising attempt to offer the many peoples a democratic and non-nationalist multinational federation in the Soviet Union has not stood the test of time, because it has quite obviously failed to convince many of those for whom it was intended.
Vi bliver nødt til også fremtidig at sætte vor lid til kræfter, som fortsat går ind for demokratisering og perestrojka, og det er der chancer for.
Excessive compulsion, dictatorship, violent annexations, Russification, suppression and denationalization have made it impossible for the Union of the Republics to keep to what is really wanted to achieve and had promised.
Dette er vor holdning, men i denne sammenhæng må vi desuden tage hensyn til den samlede situations komplekse karakter, og vi tilslutter os derfor den fra nogle sider fremsatte anmodning om, at der inden for rammerne af Konferencen om Sikkerhed og Europæisk Samarbejde åbnes mulighed for forhandlinger med henblik på at nå frem til en sådan selvbestemmelse ad forhandlingens vej.
MAZZONE (NI). — (PT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, at Vilnius and Riga a mask has fallen off — the mask of reformist communism — and it has disclosed, shamefully disclosed, the face of an ideological system that does not want to come to terms with reality and instead persists in repressing, with brute force, the people's legitimate aspiration to freedom.
Under disse omstændigheder finder vi det fejlagtigt at afbryde eller indskrænke bistanden til Sovjetunionen.
Our full solidarity therefore goes out to the Baltic peoples, as also to that part of Russian society that rejects the strange logic of the military and old guard Communist nomenclature.
Vi er nemlig fast overbevist om, at ligeså sikkert som »perestrojka« ikke kan opfylde sine målsætninger, uden at de baltiske lande har opnået selvbestemmelse, ligeså sikkert er det, at disse lande kun kan opnå selvbestemmelse, hvis »perestrojka« fortsætter.
That is to say, the element that stands on Gorbachev's right and not his left, as the propaganda of certain misinformers would have us believe.
Hvis »perestrojkas« videreudvikling nu vanskelig gøres, vil de baltiske landes kamp for selvbestemmelse samtidig vanskeliggøres.
What form this way should take must be decided first and forcemost by those concerned among themselves, all the peoples of the Soviet Union, quite a few of whom have already announced their desire for independence.
Vi støtter EF's appeller om overholdelse af bestemmelserne fra CSCE-konferencen og i Paris-chartret.
Nor can it be a one-sided way, as we have repeatedly and openly told our Baltic friends.
Vi støtter initiativer gående ud på at regulere og kontrollere samarbejdet mellem USSR og EF-staterne med politiske midler på en sådan måde, at det virkelig tjener de demokratiske kræfter og civil befolkningen og ikke KGB-apparatet og mafiaen.
It will be a way whose success will very much depend on the de mocratization of the Soviet Union and thus on the future and the success of glasnost and perestroika, which we do not therefore intend to stab in the back.
Dertil hører, at vi i forbindelse med kontrollen med det økonomiske samarbejde insisterer på en vide reførelse af eventuel humanitær og medicinsk hjælp, som skulle gå til netop de lande, som går ind for deres egen demokratiske vej.
Above all, it must be a way that is no longer based on tanks, police, repression, compulsion and the suppression of information. mation.
De konservative og reaktionære kræfter, som stadig med længsel ser tilbage på stalintiden.
To this end I shall be tabling, jointly with Messrs Fini and Muscardini, a resolution that I hope this Parliament will adopt.
Hvis vi virkelig ønsker at hjælpe, må vor politiske holdning tage sigte på beslutsomt at fremme dialogen mellem de berørte lande, men ligeledes at sikre, at Fællesskabets bistand og samarbejde baseres på den af rådsformanden nævnte tillid til, at det vil lykkes Sovjetunionen at indføre demokrati.
Let us remember, in fact, that in Paris in November, during the Security Conference, all the CSCE countries signed the agreement rejecting the use of force in disputes relating to people's fundamental rights.
Den finder, at man ville påtage sig et stort ansvar ved at forringe troværdigheden af den i Sovjetunionen indledte proces, der er i alles interesse.
We therefore consider that there is something that this Parliament can do by way of redemption : it can call forcibly on Sweden to revoke this Nobel Peace Prize.
Til sidst vil jeg blot anmode om, at vi i fællesskab overvejer, om der skal dø endnu flere i de baltiske lande, før Europa og Europa-Parlamentet omsider træffer en fast og klar beslutning som advarsel til Sovjetunionen.
In any event, it is not far this Community to appear to be engaging in reprisals, stirring up arguments, in the USSR, for the neo-Stalinists and creating animosity in a population which, in its hour of need, places its hope in us and in democracy.
AUiot-Marie (RDE). — (FR) Hr. formand, medens alle medlemsstaterne har blikket vendt mod Golfen, prøver kampvogne og geværer i de baltiske lande på at kvæle et berettiget krav om frihed.
COIMBRA MARTINS (S). — (PT) Mr President, only a short while ago an American essayist was announcing the end of History in view of the political developments of our time.
Men nu er det i hvert fald vor pligt at fordømme denne aggression, og det har tre grunde.
LENZ (PPE). — (DE) Mr President, I need add nothing to what my colleagues have said about the consternation felt by my group at the events in the Baltic States, but perhaps I might refer to a new aspect in this question.
Hvordan skal vi med rette kunne kæmpe for frihed, retfærdig hed og lighed i visse dele af verden og ikke i andre, som ligger langt nærmere?
It is worth reading the preamble, which was signed by the same Soviet Union as is now trying in an extremely unpeaceful way to resolve its conflicts with the Baltic States it annexed many years ago.
Den anden grund er, at flertallet af medlemsstaterne aldrig har anerkendt de baltiske landes anneksion, og at det altså er frie stater, der prøver på at kæmpe for at genvinde denne frihed.
However, speculation about Mr Gorbachev and analyses of his actions have never been unanimous even in the happiest time of perestroika.
Den tredje grund er, at det er en æressag for Parlamentet at forsvare folkenes ret til frihed, deres ret til at bestemme over sig selv.
World opinion — outside the USSR, not inside it — has never shared this vision of the man and the politician. Mr Gorbachev had the greater part of the world with him, including the greater part of the free world.
Derfor er det en pligt for hele verden, for Det Europæiske Fællesskab og for Europa-Parlamentet at reagere beslutsomt og korrekt på det, der sker i de baltiske lande, især ved omgående at indstille enhver form for hjælp til Sovjetunionen.
The declaration of Paris and the declaration of the CSCE conference on a human dimension adopted on 29 June 1990 refer to the right of everyone to express his opinion freely and to assemble peacefully and demand that attempts be made to resolve any conflict peacefully.