natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Cravinho (S), skriftlig. — (PT) Jeg betragter det som en alvorlig politisk fejltagelse, at der foreslås at reducere antallet af parlamentsmedlemmer med ét for Portugal, Grækenland, Belgien og Nederlandene, medens andre medlemsstater udover Tyskland får en større repræsentation.
justify the increase in German representation and not the various efforts to change the position regarding the other Member States.
De forventninger, man har skabt i de først omtalte lande, er hermed svigtet i en specielt følsom fase i den europæiske proces, uden at der foreligger den mindste politiske grund dertil.
FAYOT (S), in writing. — (FR) Mr President, when trying to work out a system for allocating numbers of seats in a parliament, the difficult way is to reduce the number of seats and the easy way out is to increase it.
Jeg undlod at stemme, fordi jeg ikke ville føje min nej-stemme til eventuelle tanker imod tildelingen af 18 parlamentsmedlemmer til Tyskland.
FORD (S). — Mr President, I am afraid that this resolution is now little better than a dog's dinner. The wheeling and dealing has made this resolution a total nonsense.
Denne tildeling er helt retfærdig og burde have været fastlagt under Maastricht-topmødet.
It is unreal, particularly in relation to the United Kingdom where we have constituencies, and since the number of Members of the European Parliament is liable to change at regular intervals most of us in the United Kingdom will be forced to perambulate around the United Kingdom searching for new seats.
Hr. De Gucht vælger den letteste vej, i to henseender: dels gennemgår han ved sit omfattende arbejde for at finde en fælles valgordning — i realiteten ikke andet end en smuk fantasi! — problemerne bid for bid og præsenterer os hver gang for en og anden detalje; dels mener Det Institutionelle Udvalg, da Det Europæiske Råd i Maastricht forholdt sig tavs om antallet af tyske parlamentsmedlemmer, at det er lettere at overbevise stats- og regeringscheferne ved at øge en række delegationer med et, to eller flere parlamentsmedlemmer, hvormed udvalget søger at danne en koalition, der går ind for at øge antallet af parlamentsmedlemmer.
Mr De Gucht has chosen the easy way, in two respects: first, in his tireless quest fora uniform electoral system — a pipe dream of course — he is salami-slicing the problems involved, and each time presents us with only one or other detail; secondly, since the European Council had nothing to say in Maastricht about the number of German MEPs, the Committee on Institutional Affairs thinks it is easier to convince the Heads of State or Government by giving one or two extra seats to various countries, in the hope of putting together a coalition in favour of increasing the number of seats.
Jeg er glad for, at Europa-Parlamentet vedtog denne tildeling, men jeg beklager, at en sådan vedtagelse også viser en total mangel på forståelse for de politiske problemer, som De Guchtbetænkningen har skabt i de små medlemsstater.
CRAVINHO, in writing. — (PT) I regard as a grave political error the proposal in the final report to reduce by one the number of Portuguese, Greek, Belgian and Netherlands Members in the House, as other Member States besides Germany will have their membership increased.
Dette finder jeg ikke særlig hensigtsmæssigt, netop når den politiske kamp for at ratificere Maastricht er på sit højeste.
The expectations created in the former countries were betrayed at a particularly sensitive stage in the European process without any political justification whatever.
Jeg bifalder for øvrigt ligeledes, at to andre betænkninger fra Det Institutionelle Udvalg tages af dagsordenen, disse har givet anledning til en del drøftelse og urolighed, og den ene af dem, nemlig Hansch-betænkningen, indeholder en række trusler mod de små lande.
I do not consider this very timely in the midst of the political efforts to secure ratification of Maastricht, and I would add in passing that I welcome the withdrawal from the agenda of two other reports from the Committee on Institutional Affairs which have aroused a good deal of discussion and anxiety, one of which, by Mr Hänsch, contains certain threats to the interests of the small countries.
Dillen (DR), skriftlig. — (NL) Ved forhandlingen om antallet af medlemmer af Europa-Parlamentet og fordelingen af medlemmerne føler jeg mig som flamlænder forpligtet til at sige noget om medlem merne i Belgien, som Flandern stadigvæk er klemt inde i.
I abstained in the final vote because I did not want a ?no' vote on my part to add to possible speculation concerning opposition to the idea of an additional 18 Members for Germany. The increase is fully justified and should have been approved at the recent Summit in Maastricht.
Man skal ikke overbelaste skuden.
We must not try to do too much at once.
Europa-Parlamentet må se at blive politisk moden og indse, at det ikke er et abstrakt organ, men tværtimod en politisk institution, der også skal tage højde for de nationale opinioner og for dets initiativers indvirkning på disse.
The European Parliament must at last attain political adulthood and realize that it is not an abstract organ but a political institution which must be alive to public opinion in our various countries and the impact that its initiatives make on public opinion.
Derfor stemmer jeg ikke for.
That is why I shall not be voting for it.
Det er en grov uretfærdighed over for Flandern.
This is a gross injustice to Flanders.
De flamske partier CVP, SP, PVV og VU-VVD, repræsenteret her i Europa-Parlamentet, bærer et stort ansvar for dette. De er, netop som på så mange andre områder, skyldige over for deres eget folk, hvad mandatfordelingen angår.
The Flemish parties — the CVP, the SP, the PVV and the VU-WD, all represented here in this Parliament — bear a heavy responsibility for this.
Gangoiti Llaguno (PPE), skriftlig. — (ES) For det første skal jeg gøre opmærksom på, at Parlamentet endnu en gang viser sig ude af stand til at udarbejde en virkelig europæisk lov til regulering af de kom mende Europa-valg, hvilket ikke lige netop er til fordel for Parlamentets renommé og prestige.
We need an electoral law that provides for constituencies at the level of the autonomous regions, at least in those states with a regional internal structure, with a view to ensuring respect for the spirit of their constitutions, bringing Europe closer to its citizens, and avoiding the creation of new frustrations and fears of a loss of identity — this last being a factor that constitutes a great danger to the projected Union, as we have seen in the case of Denmark.
Denne tilstand har allerede trukket ud i årevis.
Confining myself to the De Gucht report, I think that in the new increase in seats, some states have gained and others have lost out.
Åh ja, man aflægger højtidelige løfter om, at det ikke længere vil være tilfældet i 1994, og at den skæve situation vil blive rettet op.
This situation has been dragging on for years now. Oh, yes, solemn promises have been made that it will no longer be the case in 1994, that this unjust state of affairs will be remedied.
Men der findes ingen jernstærk viljestyrke bag ordene.
But there is no iron strength of will behind those words.
Det bliver ved lige så løse som højtidelige løfter, og der er frygt for, og den er nagende, at de flamske politikere ved for handlingerne mellem flamlændere og valloner endnu en gang tager plads ved forhandlingsbordet som slapsvanse og for ethundredeogsyttende gang findes rede til kompromiser, til flamsk eftergivenhed, til flamske nederlag.
Those promises are as empty as they are solemn and there is a fear, which is keenly felt, that at the negotiations between Flemings and Walloons the Flemish politicians will prove to be a spineless lot and, for the umpteenth time, will be found amenable to compromises, to Flemish concessions and to Flemish defeats.
Det løber ud på, at Flandern enten aldrig får det antal mandater, det har ret til i Europa-Parlamentet, eller nok får mandaterne, men må betale en pris for det på et andet område.
What will finally happen is that Flanders will either still not get the seats it is entitled to in the European
Flandern har ret til 15 mandater i Europa-Parlamen tet, også uden at betale nogen pris. Det skal Europa-Parlamentet vide en gang for alle.
JACKSON, Christopher (PPE), in writing. — I favour an increase in German representation in proportion to its
Gangoiti Llaguno nr. 5, hvoraf jeg er medunderskriver sammen med alle portugisiske socialister og andre belgiske og græske parlamentsmedlemmer, ikke blev vedtaget.
JACKSON, Christopher proposed new model is even more arbitrary. Its bases are not objective and blatantly conflict with democratic principles.
af pladser.
population.
Jeg kan imidlertid ikke støtte denne betænkning, da den ikke tager noget skridt mod en situation, hvor en europæisk borgers stemme i ét land har samme vægt som i alle andre lande (med undtagelse af de allermindste lande).
However, I cannot support this report, as it makes no move towards a situation in which the vote of a European citizen in one country carries the same weight as in all other countries (with allowance for the very smallest countries).
Vi bør arbejde hen imod et system med en omtrent ensartet vælgerkvota pr. medlem uanset nationali­tet.
We need to work towards a system with a roughly equal electoral quota per Member regard less of nationality.
Neubauer, (DR), skriftlig. — (DE) Efter folkeaf­stemningen i Danmark er det dokumenteret: Overalt i EF vokser der flertal frem mod den kurs, Fælles­skabet er slået ind på.
Of course the small Member States must be guaranteed adequate representation, perhaps through having a minimum number of seats.
Drøftelsen af en ny mandat­ ■ fordeling i Europa­Parlamentet er med til yderligere at forstærke disse forbehold og denne modstand, for De Gucht­betænkningen ligner — som den jonglerer med tallene — politisk studehandel.
But we cannot accept the way 'degressive proportionality' is taken to its extreme — according to the motto: the more inhabitants a country has, the proportionately fewer Members it will have.
Den forslåede nye model er endnu mere vilkårlig.
No thinking person can accept that.
Dens grundlag er ikke objektivt og er tydeligvis i strid med demokratiske principper.
If this proposal had come from South Africa we would have immediately tightened the screws of the boycott, because the principle should be 'one man, one vote'.
Lucas Pires (PPE), skriftlig. — (PT) Jeg forsvarer og vil altid forsvare nødvendigheden af en tilpasning af antallet af tyske parlamentsmedlemmer til genfor­eningen og den efterfølgende integration af Østtysk­land i Fællesskabet. Jeg mener også, at ændringen af status for de 18 østtyske observatører til et tilva­rende antal parlamentsmedlemmer — 18 — var en korrekt tilpasning af reglen om degressiv proportio­nalitet som følge af en stigning i den tyske befolk­ning med ca. 18 mio. mennesker.
LUCAS PIRES (PPE), in writing. — (PT) I defended and shall always defend the need to bring the number of German Members in the European Parliament into line with German reunification and the resulting integration of East Germany into the Community.
Naturligvis skal de små medlemsstater være pas­sende repræsenteret, f.eks. ved et forholdstal. Men man skal ikke drive den »degressive proportionali­tet« for vidt — efter mottoet: Jo flere indbyggere et land har, desto færre medlemmer får det proportio­nelt.
But in Europe we are seeking refuge in a system that is no system, because it treats things which are equal unequally' and gives priority to the political mood of the day over arithmetic truths.
Det kan man ikke formidle til noget logisk tænkende menneske. Hvis dette forslag kom fra Sydafrika, ville man straks stramme boykot­skruen igen, fordi det jo skal hedde sig: én mand, én stemme.
But let me point out, as a German Member, that even with the present number of seats, my country would be entitled not to 81 or 99 but to 121 seats in this House if the principle of proportionality was respected.
I Europa flygter man derimod ind i et system, som ikke er noget system, fordi det behandler det, der er lige, ulige og sætter dagens politiske tendenser over matematiske sandheder. For mig drejer det sig i den forbindelse om det principielle og i mindre grad om, hvem der konkret bliver forfordelt eller begunsti­get.
So noone should be surprised if the proposed new allocation of seats reduces the German enthusiasm for the EC to even less than the 19% who still favoured the European Union of Maastricht according to a recent opinion poll.
Derfor skal ingen blive overrasket, hvis den tilsig­tede nye mandatfordeling ender med at presse EF­begejstringen i Tyskland ned under de 19 %, der i en nylig meningsmåling stadig gik ind for Den Euro­pæiske Union fra Maastricht.
Report (Doc. A3-209/92) by Mr von der Vring, on behalf of the Temporary Committee 'From the Single Act to Maastricht and beyond' on the Commission communication 'From the Single Act to Maastricht and beyond: the means to match our ambitions' (COM(92) 2000 — C3-0061/92)
Det, jeg ikke forstår, er, at man har benyttet sagen til at øge andre nationale repræsentationer.
What I do not understand is the attempt to take advantage of this issue to increase the number of Members from other countries.
For det første, fordi det eneste problem, der ikke var for­udset i Traktaterne, var Tysklands genforening.
In the first place, the only new problem not envisaged by the Treaties was that caused by the reunified Germany.
For det andet, fordi repræsentationskriterierne bør være stabile, og det er indlysende, at det er vanskeligt at vedtage og ratificere traktatændringer, der strider mod de forskellige nationers relative vægt i Fælles­skabet.
Secondly, the criteria for representation should be kept stable in view of the difficulties involved in approving and ratifying amendments to the Treaties which are related to the relative size of the countries of the Community.
For det tredje, fordi den generelle forøgelse af pladserne i Europa­Parlamentet vil gøre udvi­delsen af Fællesskabet endnu vanskeligere og van­skeliggøre arbejdet i et Parlament, der kun forsamles en gang om måneden, og som dårligt nok har plads til flere medlemmer.
Thirdly, a more or less overall increase in the number of Members of the European Parliament will add to the difficulties of enlargement and hinder the work of a parliament which, because it only meets once a month, cannot cope with a large increase in the number of its Members.
For det fjerde, fordi det fore­slåede kriterium ikke løser det problem, som blev brugt som påskud af dem, som ville forhindre forøgelsen af antallet af tyske parlamentsmedlemmer — ligevægten mellem disse og deres kolleger fra de andre tre største nationer i Fællesskabet — hvori­mod det skaber uligevægt i forholdene mellem de store og de små nationer. Og endelig, fordi det er den værste tid at komme med et forslag af denne art på.
Fourthly, because the proposed criterion does not answer the objection put forward as a pretext for opposing the simple increase in the number of German Members, i.e., that to compensate for the increase by establishing a balance between the number of German Members and the Members from the three other major Community countries would lead to a greater imbalance between the big countries and the small countries.
Når vi får det samme antal parlamentsmedlem­mer (sammen med Irland og Luxembourg), medens næsten alle de andre får flere, har Danmark endnu mindre incitament til at omgøre den nyligt trufne beslutning om ikke at ratificere Maastricht­Trakta­ten.
Finally, the fact that Denmark, like Ireland and Luxembourg, would retain the same number of Members whereas almost all the other countries would have more Members, would not encourage Denmark to reverse its recent decision not to ratify the Maastricht Treaty.
Marinho (S), skriftlig. — (PT) Jeg vil stemme imod De Gucht­betænkningen, fordi ændringsforslag
MARINHO (S), in writing. — (PT) I shall vote against the De Gucht report because Amendment No 5, of which I am co-author, together with all the Portuguese Socialist Members and several Belgian, Greek and Dutch Members, was rejected.
A3-209/92) af von der Vring for Det Midlertidige Udvalg »Fra Fællesakten til Maastricht-Traktaten« om Kommissionens meddelelse »Fra Fællesakten til Maastricht-Traktaten — Mål og Midler« (KOM(92) 2000 endel. — dok. C3-61/92)
We believe that a region's development must be based first and foremost on that region's own human, physical and natural resources, not on expansion of trade, a process that normally has detrimental effects on the environment.
Vi ved alle, at med de tal, vi arbejder med, vil man aldrig kunne fjerne de eksisterende skævheder i Fællesskabet.
What it boils down to is the need to accept that, given the inadequacy of the Cohesion Fund, these depressed regions need to benefit from the agricultural funds in order to come into balance with the other European regions.
I denne sam menhæng må mål 1-regionerne nødvendigvis lade deres stemme høre.
It must not be forgotten that it is precisely these regions that have benefited least from the CAP.
Samhørighedsfonden er i realiteten kun en svag afglans af de vage løfter om solidaritet, som der opnåedes enighed om i Maastricht.
We are simply asking for an adequate period of adjust ment, to alleviate the oppressive burden imposed on these regions by the effort of cohesion.
Lannoye (V). — (FR) Hr. formand, jeg skal ikke gøre brug af alle tre minutter, da jeg ser, at der er mange indlæg, men jeg vil gerne give udtryk for, at De Grønne vil undlade at stemme om von der Vringbetænkningen af den grund, jeg allerede anførte ved forhandlingen i morges: denne forsamling har forkastet de væsentligste af vore ændrings forslag, som tog sigte på at slå de politikker fast, som burde dækkes af de tillægsbudgetter, der tildeles inden for rammerne af Delors-II-pakken.
In the circumstances, Mr President, we have come to the conclusion that we have to abstain, and shall do so with some regret, because the rapporteur has tried very hard to incorporate as many amendments as possible.
Vi er helt og aldeles utilfredse med, at den europæiske industris konkurrenceevne er en gennem gående ledetråd i teksterne, og at denne konkurrenceevne som målsætning ikke på nogen måde sættes i forhold til de forskellige industrisektorer, som bør betragtes særskilt, alt efter om de er forenelige med en opfattelse, der kan stå mål med udviklingen, eller med en traditionel opfattelse af udviklingen.
DE LOS SANTOS LÓPEZ (ARC). — (ES) Mr President, the action of the Cohesion Fund and the doubling of the structural funds, proposed by President Delors in the Maastricht agreement and defended up until now by the Commission, reveal a sense of distributive justice which does credit to the Community. This is the Europe we are defending, a Europe that continues to advance from the baseline laid down by the Treaty of Rome.
Der er ikke sket fremskridt på dette område til trods for de vage løfter fra Maastricht.
He does not even mention them. His victims are the national parliaments.
Vi har stillet en række ændringsforslag, der tilsigter at fremme den økonomiske og sociale samhørighed, som alle erklærer at gå ind for.
We all know that with the figures we are discussing, we will never manage to eliminate the imbalances that currently exist in the Community.
Vi er overbeviste om, at uden støtte til primærsektoren, der er den vigtig ste økonomiske sektor i det område, jeg taler om, og uden økonomisk, social og miljømæssig udvikling af landdistrikterne kan man ikke forestille sig en bære dygtig udvikling af disse regioner og en tilnærmelse til fællesskabsgennemsnittet.
The Cohesion Fund is really only a pale reflection of the vague promises of solidarity agreed at Maastricht. The continued resistance of those who, wearing the mantle of eminent administrators, reject solidarity, means that today people can still question the need for substantial resources to enable these depressed regions to rise above their situation.
Denne opfattelse af udviklingen tilslutter vi os ikke.
The third is the offsetting principle laid down in paragraph 48(h).
Vi mener, at udviklingen i regionerne fremfor alt skal baseres på regionernes egne menneskelige, fysiske og naturlige ressourcer og ikke på vækst i den samhandel, som almindeligvis drives til skade for miljøet.
Increased European taxation would be offset by proportional reductions in national taxation. And the fourth mechanism is the creation of a direct resource over which the national parliaments would have no control at all.
På dette grundlag, hr. formand, mener vi, at vi kun kan afholde os fra at stemme, hvilket vi dog beklager, for ordføreren har gjort et stort stykke arbejde for at medtage så mange ændringsforslag som muligt.
It will of course be said that we are talking about only an extra 0.3% or so of GNP. But, to take the example of France, an increase of 0.3% gives about 0.6% of public taxation, which is 1.5% of the State budget itself.
Af denne grund har vi foreslået en anden slags landbrugsreform end den af Kommissionen foreslåede, der vil medføre en nedbrydning af sektoren.
No progress has been made in this field, despite the vague promises of Maastricht.
Vi foreslår, at den fælles landbrugspolitik regionaliseres, baseres på prisstøtte og bringes på linje med de koncepter, der anvendes i reformen af struktur fondene.
My reading of the situation is very clear: as from the mythical date of 1 January 1993, my constituents will be paying 2% more in VAT, and nothing will have been done to correct the injustice whereby an Andalusian has to make a contributary effort to the Community budget higher than that of other citizens of the Community.
de los Santos López (ARC). — (ES) Hr. formand, Samhørighedsfondens virksomhed og fordoblingen af strukturfondene, som foreslået af kommissions formand Delors i Maastricht-Traktaten og forsvaret af Kommissionen, er udtryk for en fornemmelse for fordelingsmæssig retfærdighed, der tjener Fællesskabet til ære.
As all observers are perfectly aware, the national parliaments have very little room for manoeuvre, about 3% to 4% at the very most, given the rigidity of public finances, of what are known in our budgetary law as appropriations voted.
Det er dette Europa, vi forsvarer, et Europa, der fortsætter ad den vej, som Rom-Traktaten afstikker.
The mechanism advocated in the von der Vring report would therefore reduce the margin by at least half — unless, of course, we increase national taxes, which we are not prepared to do, or we increase our deficits, which the Maastricht Treaty forbids us to do.
Dette forslag er udarbejdet i lyset af alle Rom-Traktatens mål.
We have tabled a series of amendments intended to promote the economic and social cohesion that all of us claim to want.
Hvad det reelt drejer sig om, er at acceptere, at disse ugunstigt stillede regioner i betragtning af Samhørighedsfondens utilstrækkelig hed nødvendigvis må nyde godt af landbrugsfondene for at opnå ligevægt med de øvrige europæiske regioner.
We are convinced that without support for the primary sector, the main economic sector of the area to which I am referring, and without rural development in its economic, social and environmental aspects, sustainable development of these regions and a narrowing of the gap between them and the Community average is inconceivable. ceivable.
Vi må ikke glemme, at det netop er disse regioner, der har haft mindst fordel af den fælles landbrugspolitik.
Let us not forget that they are in the middle of the procedure for ratifying the Maastricht Treaty.
Vi er imidlertid forbavsede over den modstand, der fra visse sider gør sig gældende, med henblik på at neutralisere denne solidariske holdning, en mod stand, der har givet sig udtryk i en nedsættelse af
We are proposing a regionalization of the common agricultural policy, based on price support and an alignment of these concepts with that applied in the reform of the structural funds.
At lade denne betænkning træde i kraft er Ionescos næsehorn værdigt.
BLOT serve the purpose of arousing the national parliaments' resistance.
Hav medfølelse med de nationale parlamenter! Amen!
Pity for the national parliaments!
(Bifald fra DR-Gruppen)
(Applause from the ER Group) accompany implementation of the reform?