natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Men inden for denne ramme bliver det Ministerrådet, der skal møde frem for Parlamentet og indkassere dettes kritik eller drage konsekvenserne af et ugunstigt afstemningsresultat. Det er enten eller!
This takes me back to what I was saying earlier about taking a narrow or a broader view of economic policy.
Men ikke både og, som vil være noget meningsløst institutionelt fusk, der vender ryggen til den nødvendige klarhed og enkelhed, uden hvilke der ikke findes noget demokrati.
We want to keep to the present formula, with the European Council giving the lead, and then the institutional triangle : the Council of Ministers, Parliament and the Commission.
Som jeg sagde i går, holder Kommissionen sig inden for rammen af de af Det Europæiske Råd fastsatte retningslinjer.
As I told the House yesterday, the Commission is working on the basis of the guidelines laid down by the European Council.
Af en simpel grund: Så længe jeg har været i Kommissionen, har den påset, at alle de af Det Europæiske Råd fastsatte retningslinjer efterfølges af virkning.
This for a very simple reason : the Commission, since I have been there, has made sure that action has been taken on all guidelines laid down by the European Council.
I den tid, jeg har været i Kommissionen, var ingen af de store beslutninger blevet truffet, hvis ikke Det Europæiske Råd havde givet de nødvendige impulser.
Since I have been at the Commission, none of the important decisions would have been taken if the European Council had not given the necessary lead.
Følgelig tager jeg Det Europæiske Råds udtalelser alvorligt.
Consequently, I am taking what the European Council has said seriously.
Med fare for at kede Dem bliver jeg nødt til at læse en passus fra Rom konklusionerne, idet det bør erindres, at det, et Europæisk Råd gør, kan ophæves af et andet.
At the risk of boring you, I have to read out a passage from the Rome conclusions.
Men i så fald tager jeg Dem til vidner derpå.
It always has to be borne in mind that what one European Council has done, another can undo, but in that event, I shall call on you as witnesses.
Hvad Europa-Parlamentet angår — og på den inter institutionelle konference i går påpegede De, at Europa-Parlamentet kun omtaltes fire gange i for bindelse med, så vidt jeg husker, otteogtyve bestem melser om beslutningsprocessen — er Kommis sionen af den opfattelse, at Europa-Parlamentet for det første bør inddrages i udarbejdelsen af det, der kaldes den sekundære lovgivning. Herpå vil jeg give tre eksempler.
As to the European Parliament — and yesterday, during the Interinstitutional Conference, you made the point that the European Parliament was mentioned in only four, I think, out of twenty-eight provisions concerning the decison-making process — the Commission is of the opinion, first of all, that the European Parliament must be involved in the making of what is known as secondary legislation.
Dersom vi i morgen fremlægger en generel ramme for gennemførelse af konvergenspolitik — det er det forslag, vi fremsatte på regerings konferencen — så skal denne generelle ramme drøftes af Parlamentet.
If tomorrow we bring forward a general framework for implementation of the policies on convergence — I am referring to the proposal we have made to the Intergovernmental Conference — that general frame work must be discussed by Parliament.
Accepterer konferencen det, jeg kalder »støddæmperen«, altså Fællesskabets mulighed for at gribe ind for at hjælpe et eller flere lande, der er ofre for en uligevægt, skal den generelle ramme herfor drøftes af Europa-Parlamentet.
If the instrument that I am calling the 'shock absorber', which could be used by the Community to come to the assistance of one or more countries that have been thrown off balance, meets with the acceptance of the Conference, then the general framework must be discussed by the European Parliament.
Ende lig vil det være det samme med den generelle ramme, inden for hvilken budgetpolitiske sanktioner eller pligter kan gennemføres.
And the same would apply to the general framework in which sanctions or constraints could be imposed in the field of budgetary policy.
Det er ud fra Kommis sionens synspunkt i sig selv en beroligende faktor: Hele den sekundære lovgivning skal diskuteres af Europa-Parlamentet.
This itself is reassuring from the Commission's point of view: all secondary legislation will have to be debated by the European Parliament.
Bliver det samarbejdsproceduren?
It can do this in two ways.
Alt afhænger af de fremskridt, der gøres i Den Politiske Union.
However, according to the presidency's draft in its present form, the Commis
Det er også derfor, at vi har foreslået programmer til forberedelse af konvergensen.
DELORS stability and the restoration of sound public finances.'
Men dette punkt er ikke på samme niveau som det foregående, for havde man placeret konvergensen på samme niveau, kunne der forekomme tolv forskellige vurderinger og tolv modstridende definitioner af konvergens.
But it did not put this point on the same footing as the earlier one, because if convergence had been given equal ranking, there could have been twelve different opinions and twelve conflicting definitions of convergence.
Vi holder os til denne ordlyd, da jeg anser den for at være vigtig.
We are keeping to this text, because I think it is this text that is important.
På dette grundlag forbliver Kommissionen følgelig positivt indstillet til tidsplanens overholdelse.
Consequently, on this basis, the Commission is still in favour of keeping to the timetable.
Det kommer jeg tilbage til om lidt, når jeg for mit vedkommende går ind for det, som hr. Giscard d'Estaing sagde i går på den interinstitutionelle konference.
I shall come back to this in a moment, when referring to the comments, with which I agree, made by Mr Giscard d'Estaing yesterday at the Interinstitutional Conference.
Jeg har altid sagt, at selv de fasteste politiske beslutninger ikke hjælper noget, hvis første fase bliver en fiasko, for så sker der intet.
one failed, then there would be no point in entering into political commitments, however firm, because nothing would happen.
Første fase betyder dels fremskridt på vejen mod multilateralt tilsyn og konvergens ved hjælp af de nye programmer, og dernæst at give udvalget af direktionsformænd for centralbankerne mulighed for at skabe en fælles doktrin om instrumenterne og om den monetære politiks rolle inden for politikken som helhed.
Stage one involves making progress in multilateral surveillance and convergence with the help of new programmes, and at the same time giving the committee of governors the opportunity to formulate a common doctrine on the instruments required and the role of monetary policy in the context of overall policy.
Og her er vi tilbage ved det, hr. Giscard d'Estaing sagde i går.
This brings us to what Mr Giscard d'Estaing said yesterday.
Inden for den europæiske opbygning har der altid været en dialektik mellem den institutionelle beslutning og tingenes udvikling.
In the process of European integration, there has always been a dialectical interaction between institutional decisionmaking and developments in the situation on the ground.
Den institutionelle beslutning, fristernes fastsættelse tvinger landene til at arbejde på resultater.
Institutional decision-making, the setting of deadlines, puts countries under pressure to advance towards the desired results.
Sagernes gang er ikke til at komme udenom.
Besides, you cannot stop events taking their course.
Men som hr. Giscard d'Estaing sagde i går, viser Det Europæiske Monetære Systems udvikling, at denne dialektik har spillet en positiv rolle.
But as Mr Giscard d'Estaing was saying yesterday, the history of the European monetary system shows that the effects of this interaction have been positive.
Hvis man i 1979 havde sagt, at man ville indføre Det Europæiske Monetære System den dag, hvor der var konvergens, var det aldrig blevet til noget! Men det er takket være Det.
Back in 1979, had we said that we would create the European monetary system as soon as we had convergence, it would never have come into existence.
Derfor er der på den ene side brug for tidsfrister og politiske beslutninger og på den anden side for faktorer, der skal forsøge på at tilnærme forholdene.
That is why we need deadlines, political decisions, on the one hand and means of bringing economies into closer alignment on the other.
Denne metode virkede godt i forbindelse med Det Europæiske Monetære System.
This method has worked well with the European monetary system.
Den virkede ikke efter Werner-planen, men vi er kommet videre siden.
It did not work after the Werner plan, but we have made progress since.
Man kan derfor ikke gøre Werner-planens fiasko gældende over for os.
The failure of the Werner plan is therefore not a valid argument.
Vi går ind for en kort fase med oprettelse af den europæiske centralbank i fasens begyndelse.
We are in favour of a short phase, at the start of which the European central bank would be set up.
For det første er det ikke en ny procedure.
First, it is not a new procedure.
Efter Rom-Traktaten oprettedes Kommissionen gradvis.
After the conclusion of the Treaty of Rome, the Commission was set up gradually.
Det er ganske rimeligt, at centralbankformanden, når han er udnævnt, under sit arbejde med central bankchefkomiteen lidt efter lidt gennemfører de nødvendige bestemmelser.
It makes perfectly good sense that the president of the central bank, once appointed, should gradually make the necessary arrangements, working with the committee of governors.
Hvad gjorde man for Den Europæiske Bank for Genopbygning og Udvikling andet end at indrømme den måneder til opbygning af sin organisation, inden den trådte i funktion?
Is it not the case that the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development was given a period of months in which to set up its machinery prior to becoming operational ?
Og en kort fase, mine damer og herrer, er den eneste måde, hvorpå helhedstroværdigheden kan sikres.
And a short phase, ladies and gentlemen, is the only way to secure overall credibility.
Forestil Dem, at man den 1. januar 1994 står med en bastardinstitution — monetært institut, eller hvad ved jeg — og at denne fase varer fra fem til seks år; så vil finansmarkederne og erhvervslivet begynde at tvivle på, at man virkelig en dag vil gennemføre Den Økonomiske og Monetære Union.
Consider the situation if on 1 January 1994 we had some hybrid institution — a monetary institute or whatever—and this transitional phase was going to last five or six years. The financial markets and the business world would be wondering whether there really was going to be economic and monetary union one day.
Altså vil alene en kort fase lette situationen for organisationen og reelt muliggøre overgang til slutfasen.
A short phase is therefore the only way to underpin the system and really advance towards the final stage.
Hvorfor er der da nogle, der kræver en lang overgangsperiode?
So why is it that some people are calling for a long transition ?
Hvad ECU angår, tredje spørgsmål, må man sikre overgangen fra ECU-kurven til ECU som »rigtig valuta«.
As for the ecu, the subject of your third question, we have to make sure of continuity between the basket ecu and the ecu as a genuine currency.
Efter at Kommissionen nøje har overvejet sagen, er vi kommet til den opfattelse, at man for det første skal fastholde ECU's sammensætning, dvs. de nationale valutaers vægtning, og ikke varsle en ny revision om tre — fire år.
In the Commission's carefully considered view, the first requirement to this end is to freeze the composition of the ecu, the weightings of the various national currencies of which it is made up, and not to announce that they are going to be revised in three or four years.
På et givet tidspunkt stod man over for en samling nej-sigere. Alle ville de have en lang overgangspe riode.
At one stage we found ourselves up against a cartel of resistance.
Uden at nævne navne vil jeg sige, at der er to lejre blandt nej-sigerne.
Well, without naming names, I can tell you that there are two camps among those who are resisting.
Nogle siger nej, fordi de inderst inde ikke kan acceptere Den Økonomiske og Monetære Unions endelige mål. Derfor appellerer de til bødlen om at få en frist på tre eller fem år — og
There are those who, deep down, do not accept the objective of economic and monetary union.
Dernæst skal man bidrage til dens udbredelse, for, mine damer og herrer, der er ikke enighed mellem
The next requirement is help over the circulation of this currency, and this, ladies and gentlemen, is something on which the Twelve are not in agreement.
Selv i det mest liberale land fører finansministeren bog over emissionerne for bedre at kunne administrere rentesatserne og ligevægten mel lem udbud og efterspørgsel.
I do assure you that after months and months of discussions, I see no reason why we should change this process or the dates that have been set.
For det fjerde stillede De spørgsmålet om konvergens og kohæsion.
Your fourth question was about convergence and cohesion.
Konvergens i resultaterne, det er det, vi vil opnå.
Convergence of results : that is what we are aiming for.
Jeg talte om dialektikken mellem den institutionelle proces og den økonomiske udvik ling; konvergensen i resultaterne bliver aldrig fuld kommen, for der er lige så mange definitioner af konvergens, som der er kønne piger i verden. Altså er der ingen grund til at insistere, men konvergens vil muliggøre en forbedring af fællesskabsøkonomiens samlede præstationer.
I have spoken of the dialectical interaction between the institutional process and economic trends. We are never going to have perfect convergence of results, since there are as many definitions of convergence as there are beautiful women in the world, so it is pointless to argue about this.
Det er heri, dens egentlige interesse består: Jo mere konvergens, der er, desto større vækst, desto flere arbejdspladser og desto større solidaritet mellem rige og fattige egne. Det er målet med konvergensen.
That is the real point : the greater the degree of convergence, the more growth we shall have, the more job creation, the more solidarity between rich regions and poor regions.
Konvergens er ikke en skønhedskonkurrence, det er slet ikke nogen konkurrence.
It is not a beauty contest, it is not an end in itself.
Den skal tjene det, jeg lige nævnte: Mere vækst, flere arbejdspladser og større solidaritet. tet.
It is a means towards the ends I have just mentioned, more growth, more jobs, more solidarity.
Jeg kan forsikre Dem for, at jeg efter måneders drøftelser ikke kan indse, hvorfor man skulle lave om på denne proces og de fastsatte tidspunkter.
PRESIDENT. — Thank you, Mr President of the Commission.
For jeg gentager, at det især for anden fases vedkommende er Den Økonomiske og Monetære Unions troværdighed og ECU's fremtid, der står på spil.
I should just like to make a small correction for the record, namely that yesterday's meeting was an interinstitutional conference and not an intergovernmental conference.
Formanden. — Tak for Deres indlæg, hr. Delors.
The vote on the request for an early vote will be taken at the end of the debate.
Hr. Christophersen vil om lidt sige noget mere om den økonomiske og sociale samhørighed.
On the subject of economic and social cohesion, Mr Christophersen will have more to say to you later on.
Jeg vil allerede nu sige, at vi, især efter Den Fælles Akt, betragter den økonomiske og sociale samhørighed som en af Traktatens og Fællesskabets grundpiller.
For my own part, let me just say that we regard economic and social cohesion, especially since the Single Act, as a mainstay of the Treaty and the Community.
Vi betragter den som en horisontal faktor, der går ud på at give alle egne muligheder, uanset om de er bagud i udvikling, i krise eller truet af uligevægt, især befolkningsflugt.
We see it as having horizontal effects giving the best possible opportunities to the regions, whether they are backward, whether they are going through crisis or under threat of being thrown out of balance, for instance by desertification.
Det er målet for landdistrikternes udvikling.
Hence the objective of rural development.
Jeg har som afslutning på forhandlingen modtaget tre beslutningsforslag med anmodning om afstemning snarest muligt. ')
Cohesion has to be approached on its own merits. Frankly, I do not believe — and I am prepared to set out my reasons — that incorporating binding institutional provisions in the Treaty would bring any more success on economic and social cohesion.
Afstemningen om anmodningen om afstemning snarest muligt finder sted ved forhandlingens afslutning.
METTEN (S). — (NL) Mr President, one of the reasons for the two Intergovernmental Conferences was to resolve the democratic deficit.
Altså er den økonomiske og sociale samhørighed en slags bro, der samtidig med fællesskabsbeføjelsernes vækst forbinder Den Politiske Union med Den Økonomiske og Monetære Union.
If you are not convinced, compare the volume of payments within a federal State, in relation to each region's gross product, to the volume found in the Community.
Samhørigheden skal altså behandles som sådan og i åbenhed — og jeg er klar til at bevise det — jeg tror ikke at medtagelse i Traktaten af bindende institutionelle bestemmelser forbedrer den økonomiske og sociale samhørigheds succes.
You will find that in the most fully federal State, the volume of payments, between one Land and another for instance, is a quarter of that between two Members States of the Community. So we really are talking about abstractions here, not the real world.
Metten (S). — (NL) Hr. formand, en af anledningerne til de to regeringskonferencer var, at man skulle løse det demokratiske underskud.
What is actually the crux of the democratic deficit? I think it is that the Council takes decisions and that the Council as a body is not open to control by national parliaments or indeed by the European Parliament.
Det Europæiske Fællesskabs demokratiske niveau haltede på dette tidspunkt bagefter, selv sammenlignet med niveauet i Østeuropa.
Mr Herman has pointed out that, in 25 of the 28 cases where mention is made in the nonpaper of decisionmaking in the Council, decision making with a qualified majority is provided for.
Når vi nu ser på de foreløbige resultater, som regeringskonferencen om Den Øko nomiske og Monetære Union har præsteret indtil nu, så mener jeg, at konferencen overhovedet ikke
So this means in concrete terms that national parliaments cannot by definition challenge the Council as a body, nor even, effectively, their own ministers of finance. That is a serious element of the democratic deficit.
Med hensyn til oprettelse af en udligningsfond mel lem medlemslandene, mine damer og herrer, så tænk lidt over sagen.
Would Mr Delors' solution help us ? I think not, for the Commission does not, after all, have any real means of control over the Council
Vil De som led i en ikke-føderal struktur — Fællesskabet — indføre et system, som kun kan bruges i forbundsstater?
The fifth and last question asks whether, following the proposals from the Member States, the Commission considers it necessary to revise its proposal.
Hvis De ikke er overbevist, så sammenlign de overførsler, der i for
These can be summed up as follows: during stage one, the period up to 1 January 1994, we take all-out action to improve convergence through programmes conducted by all the
Metten har rørt en finger for denne udfordring, nemlig at gøre noget ved det demokratiske underskud.
Member States hunting in pairs and I find that highly dangerous.
Vi kan konstatere, at to punkter, der indtager en central plads i de to konferencer, nemlig en udvidelse af Ministerrådets beslutninger med kvalificeret flertal og udvidelsen af beføjelserne, synes at blive pænt gennemført, men der mangler en bedre demokratisk kontrol.
As regards the role of the Economic and Financial Committee we can fully subscribe to President Delors' analysis that this, according to the substance given to it in the non-paper, forms a threat to the Commission and that it is an element that has more of an intergovernmental model than of a Community model.
I relation til den monetære politik er det den samme slags problemer, blandt andet ved fastlæggelsen af valutakurssystemet.
either. So we could send out signals to the Commission intimating disagreement with the decisions made by the Council, but we would get no further.
Der drejer det sig om kursforholdet mellem ECU'en, dollaren og yen'en.
And that is precisely the reason why, in the earlier Martin and Herman reports, the European Parliament came out in favour of codecision.
Skal det være faste forhold, skal det være to af kurserne, som er af fundamental betydning, ikke alene for den monetære, men også for den økonomiske politik.
Then the role of the European Parliament in establish ing the statute of the central bank.
For så vidt angår alle regler for den anden fase, foranstaltninger, der er nødvendige for at gøre ECU'en stærkere og mere stabil i alle afvigelser, skal det alt sammen ske uden om Parlamentet.
Here too there is an essential difference with, for instance, the situation in West Germany, where, by a simple majority vote — at least in theory — the statute can be amended.
Jeg mener, at hverken Europa-Parlamentet eller et nationalt parlament vil kunne bifalde noget sådant uden en mulig effektiv demokratisk kontrol på europæisk eller nationalt niveau, men det bliver der klart ikke sørget for her.
It is proposed here to fix it as an annex to the Treaty. That means in the first place that we have no real influence on the shaping of the statute and, in the second place, no or very limited influence in amending it.
Hvad er det nu i virkeligheden, der er det essentielle i det demokratiske underskud?
As to the proposals by the interinstitutional conferences as they appear in the non-paper.
Jeg mener, at det er, at Ministerrådet træffer beslutninger, og at Rådet som organ ikke kan kontrolleres af nationale parlamenter og lige så lidt af Europa-Parlamentet.
I am wondering what sort of decisions will be taken by the Council and without the involvement of the European Parliament.
Dette gælder i endnu højere grad, når Ministerrådet træffer beslutninger med kvalificeret flertal.
They concern important matters such as the general guidelines for economic policy, not only for the Member States but also for the European Community.
Hr. Herman pegede på, at i non-paper'et, 25 ud af de 28 gange, hvor der blev talt om beslutningsdannelse i Rådet, blev der henvist til beslutninger med kvalificeret flertal.
They concern financial assistance and the necessary implementation procedures, they concern the defining of prohibitions and the sanctions.
Dette betyder således konkret, at nationale parlamenter pr. definition ikke kan drage Rådet som samlet organ til ansvar, men heller ikke engang deres egen finansminister.
I cannot imagine that any national parliaments would be able to consent to powers of this kind being given to the Council, in the knowledge that at that moment all possibility of control was out of their hands.
Dette er en alvorlig del af det demokratiske underskud.
That could lead to peremptory demands being made in respect of national policies.
Jeg mener, at vi må slå fast, at centralbankens beføjelser skal være større end hos den stærkeste nuværende centralbank, Bundesbank.
Mr President, an important element on which we differ with the nonpaper is, I think, the degree of parallelism between the monetary and the economic parts.
Vi må også slå fast, at direktionsmedlemmernes uafhængighed skal være større end uafhængigheden hos direktionsmedlemmer i Bundesbank, noget som den nuværende centralbankdirektør Pohl også erkender.
President Delors said a lot on the matter with which we can agree, particularly that the economic policy cannot have a solely monetary orientation or be solely oriented towards stability but that it is much wider.
Jeg mener, at det er helt afgørende, at Europa-Parlamentets magt her går videre, og at vi rent faktisk får godkendelsesret, således som det også er tilfældet i Det Amerikanske Senat.
That also means that the European Community bears responsibility for the world economy.
Vil hr. Delors' løsning hjælpe os?
It is there a question of the exchange relationship between the ecu, the dollar and the yen.