natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Jeg har altid hørt sige, at Rom-Traktatens geniale karakter netop skulle findes i opfindelsen af Kommissionen på den ene side, Rådet på den anden side. Man kunne sammenligne de to med det sælsomme dyr, som i den franske litteratur kaldes l'aigle à deux têtes, den dobbelte ørn.
Next to them the Council of Ministers, composed of persons holding political responsibility in their national parliaments, who will thus have in mind and defend national interests.
Når jeg siger det, er det ikke for at nævne familien Habsburgs våben, men for at henvise til, at det i realiteten kan kaldes genialt.
I find this so self-evident. A Parliament ought to revolt if not thus involved in the appointment of the president of the Commission.
Der er brug for to nærmere oplysninger herom.
Secondly, nor will there be any question, in July, of Parliament laying down a programme to be followed by the Commission.
For det første drejer det sig for Parlamentet selvfølgelig ikke om på egen foranledning at foreslå et andet navn end det af Det Europæiske Råd foreslåede.
We shall discuss the programme in January, by which time the Commission will have been formed and, since it is its prerogative to propose, will have had an opportunity to draw up the programme and submit it to us.
Når jeg siger det, er det fordi, der kunne bestå tvivl herom.
At that moment I naturally bore Maastricht in mind, but I was not inspired by Maastricht, I would always have said this.
Vi agter for vort vedkommende nøje at
No, it is not for that reason, it has
Kommissionen, sammensat af kompetente medlem mer — helst med politisk erfaring, sagde man tidligere — som ingen bånd har til national industri, og
In other words, we are calling on the Council and the European Council to take a further step, now, in the direction of democratization of the institutions. It is
Tindemans formodet kandidat til Kommissionens forsæde kan juridisk kun være af helt ulovlig karakter.
The Parliament ought, however, to demand to have a say in the appoint ment of the president of the Commission.
Foragt for retten er allerede yderst foruroligende, men hertil kommer der en politisk gestus, som vi heller ikke kan acceptere, idet der i realiteten udtryk kes dyb foragt ikke blot for danskerne, men for de nationale parlamenter, der i øjeblikket drøfter ratificeringen af Maastricht-Traktaten.
It is this Parliament's vocation to bear its share of responsibility. We are after all entitled — if I may use a colloquial expression — to send the whole Commission packing if we so wish.
Man handler, som om disse forhandlinger ikke havde nogen som helst betydning, som om man allerede nu kendte resultatet, og derfor er der tale om decideret politisk foragt.
Why then should we have no say in the appointment of its president? That is the reason why I have taken the floor and am calling with all my conviction for the adoption of this resolution.
som således våger over den europæiske ide.
BLOT (DR). — (FR) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, we find three salient features in the proposal set before us here, concerning investiture of the Commission.
Derefter Rådet, sammensat af medlemmer, som er politisk ansvarlige i deres nationale parlament og derfor også vil have særlig tanke for og vil forsvare nationale interesser.
great political importance, which not only defines and develops the role of the European Parliament but, as has already been highlighted, offers fuller political responsibility to the Commission.
Kommissionen får initiativretten, foreslår, og Rådet skal beslutte. I mellemtiden er Europa-Parlamentet kommet til med dets beføjelser — det kender De, det vil jeg ikke beskrive.
It must be said that all this cannot remain the duty solely of the Council — incidentally, I note its absence from this discussion on a political level, and this is fairly significant in my opinion.
Er det derfor ikke fuldkommen selvindlysende, med eller uden Maastricht — mit indlæg er således ikke en følge af det, der skete i Danmark — at Parlamentet, som består af direkte valgte medlemmer, skulle have ambitioner om, et suk om at blive hørt og kunne give sit besyv med ved den så væsentlige udnævnelse af Kommissionens formand.
We should be capable of giving a political shape to the relationship between the various institutions; we should, in other words, be capable of creating links between them: this is the issue of democratic deficit, in my opinion.
Et Parlament må komme i oprør, hvis det ikke involveres på en sådan måde ved udnævnelsen af formanden for Kommissionen.
We have the possibility of two Europés: a Europe where the executives dominate exclusively, or ever more markedly and a Europe where there might be a real democratic equilibrium between the various institutions, which is the Europe we are fighting to achieve.
Der for er jeg medunderskriver af beslutningsforslaget, jeg synes, at vi skal reagere her.
Therefore, we must bring the various institutions closer together.
Endelig vil jeg sociologisk eller bedre etnologisk sige, at den procedure, der sikkert bliver vedtaget — hvilket vi ikke ønsker — minder om en slags stammehyldest, som de politiske grupper, dvs. stammerne, giver en stor medicinmand, der ikke er udpeget ved almindeligt valg.
From the legal angle, it typifies the increasing contempt of the law that is disturbingly in evidence in the European institutions.
Selvfølgelig formår denne rituelle hyldest ikke at gøre en højtstående overnational embedsmand til politiker i ordets demokratiske betydning.
That a joint motion for a resolution should refer explicitly to Article 158 of an unratified treaty that has just been rejected by one of the twelve peoples of the Community is, in our view, really scandalous.
Denne procedures eneste virkning bliver praktisk talt at styrke Kommissionen, moralsk selvfølgelig, dette teknokratiske organ, hvis kompetenceoverskridelser og foragt for befolkningen vi regelmæssigt kritiserer.
Such an investiture, bestowed by the European Parliament on a presumed candidate for the presidency of the Commission, can have no legal standing whatsoever.
Vi accepterer altså ikke det fælles beslutningsforslag, som vi betragter som en tilsidesættelse af ret og demokrati.
The entire problem which we are discussing with the European Parliament resolution also concerns — this has already been said but I want to stress it again — the full political legitimization of the Commission and its full democratic role.
I det øjeblik tog jeg naturligvis hensyn til Maastricht, men jeg var ikke inspireret af Maastricht, jeg ville altid have sagt det.
Contempt of the law is extremely worrying in itself, but it is compounded by a political gesture that we find equally unacceptable, since it is in reality a gesture of the deepest contempt not only towards the Danish people but towards the national parliaments, which are currently deliberating on ratification of the Maastricht Treaty.
Det står heller ikke i forbindelse med den, som, således som jeg ønsker, bliver eller forbliver formand for Kommissionen.
It gives the impression that these deliberations are of no account whatsoever, that the outcome is a foregone conclusion.
Nej, ikke derfor, det drejer sig ikke om hans person, vi vil udtale os, når vi ved, hvad hensigten er.
This is therefore a clear case of political contempt.
Parlamentet skulle imidlertid kræve medbestemmelse ved udnævnelsen af Kommissionens formand.
Of course, this ritual homage does not have the power to turn a top supranational civil servant into a politician in the democratic sense of the word.
Det er grunden til, at jeg også har skrevet under, og at jeg gerne tager ordet i denne forhandling for at henvise til det.
The only practical effect of this procedure will be to strength en, morally of course, the Commission, a technocratic body to whose excessive powers and contempt for the people we are constantly drawing attention.
Det er Parlamentets kald at bære et medansvar.
I would like to make two other comments.
Vi kan altid — hvis jeg må sige det populært — sende hele Kommissionen hjem, hvis vi så måtte ønske.
The first one regards the very difficult programme for the Community in this connection.
Hvorfor skulle vi så ikke have medbestemmelse ved udnævnelsen af dens formand?
Finally, we regard as of great importance the application of that point in the Maastricht Treaty which obliges the Council with a proper formal and fundamental act to agree on the appointment of Commissioners with the President.
Det er grundene til, at jeg også her giver mit besyv med og af hele min overbevisning taler for, at beslutningen vedtages.
In short, we are working for this new institutional balance which is necessary in a Community which wants to combine democracy and efficiency and for which, there fore, the relationship between Commission, Parliament and Council must become normal and necessary and prevent the growing tendency of one institution to infringe on another.
Blot (DR). — (FR) Hr. formand, kære kolleger, den forelagte fremgangsmåde ved Kommissionens udnævnelse har for os tre væsentlige betydninger.
We are therefore not going along with this joint motion for a resolution, which in our view is contemptuous of law and democracy.
De Giovanni (GUE). — (IT) Hr. formand, i mange indlæg er det allerede blevet understreget, at Maastricht-Traktaten giver Europa-Parlamentet en ny rolle i proceduren med udnævnelse og indsættelse af Kommissionen — som hr. Cot understregede — en virkelig rolle i udpegelse af formanden.
PANNELLA (NI). — (FR) Mr President, Mr President of the Commission, but not Mr President-in-Office, since he has taken off down the corridor.
Der er tale om en begivenhed af stor politisk betydning, som ikke alene definerer og udvikler Europa-Parlamentets rolle, men, som det allerede er understreget, giver Kommissionen et større politisk ansvar.
If it is for reasons Realpolitik that he has taken to the corridors instead of staying here to argue the Council's case, he is not to be blamed since such behaviour is fully in line with Council policy.
Det må siges, at alt dette ikke kan forblive en eksklusiv opgave for Rådet, hvis fravær på det politiske plan i denne diskussion — vil jeg indskyde — jeg bemærker, og efter min opfattelse er sagen tilstrækkelig vigtig.
This has been very aptly demonstrated by the President-in-Office, since, short of actually being ashamed, has nevertheless shown some discretion in leaving this debate.
Vi har mere end nogen sinde behov for en ny institutionel balance, og jeg tror, at vi alle har til opgave at mindske det demokratiske underskud i Fællesskabet, men man bør sige noget mere præcist om dette.
Hypocrisy might be a better word than discretion, but I shall not labour the point, since I entirely agree with what Mr De Giovanni has just said.
Juridisk udtrykker den fællesskabsinstansernes voksende foragt for retten, som vi med foruroligelse konstaterer.
DE GIOVANNI (GUE). — (IT) Mr President, many speeches have already emphasised that the Treaty of Maastricht gives a new role to the European Parliament in the procedure for the nomination and investiture of the Commission — as Mr Cot was stressing, a proper role of nominating the President.
Faktisk forekommer det os virkelig skandaløst, at en fælles beslutning udtrykkeligt kan henvise til artikel 158 i en ikke-ratificeret traktat, der netop er forkastet af en af Fællesskabets tolv med lemsstater.
Certainly, we would have liked more, both in the contribution of the European Parliament to the choice of Commissioners and in the vote on the programme, but we would like to say that henceforth we request — even before all the ratifications of the Maastricht Treaty have been approved — that we be able to vote for the nomination of the President in the plenary session of the European Parliament. This is a matter of
Europa-Parlamentets indsættelse af en
I am not on the whole in disagreement with what has been said, apart from one point, ladies and gentlemen. That is
Dette er efter min opfattelse spørgsmålet om det demokratiske underskud.
That has already happened in the past, Mr President of the Commission.
På dette punkt bliver således de forskellige muligheder, som i dag aftegner sig, og som begivenhederne i disse dage gør mere og mere åbenbare, stadig klarere. Vi har muligheder for to Europaer.
So if you find a remarkable text from this Parliament — and you will — do not leave it in the dustbin of the policies pursued by our institutions, because that would simply mean that it would remain in the dustbin of history.
Et Europa, der alene eller stadig tydeligere domineres af Kommissionens folk, eller et Europa, hvor der er en effektiv demokratisk balance mellem de forskellige institutioner, som er det Europa, vi kæmper for.
It saddens me to say so, but it is to the executive, which must show the courage that we as parliamentarians lack, that I make this appeal, this expression of hope!
De forskellige institutioner må derfor nærme sig hinanden.
As for the Council, it is in the corridors of history that it has found its home.
Hele det problem, vi taler om med Europa-Parlamentets forslag til beslutning, vedrører også — det er allerede sagt, men jeg vil understrege det på ny — Kommissionens fulde politiske legitimering og den fulde opfyldelse af dens demokratiske rolle.
BOISSIERE (V). — (FR) Mr President, Parliament has been calling for a very long time and very firmly for more democracy in our institutional system. As for ourselves, we have consistently emphasized, among other demands, the need for a stronger role in overseeing the Commission and a more active part in investiture of the President of the Commission.
dertil!
It pays no attention!
Men i Martin-betænkningen kræver vi ret til at udtale os ikke blot om Kommissionen, men også om dens program, hvilket end ikke vedtoges i Maastricht, og Parlamentet reagerede, som det har for vane!
In the Martin report we said we wanted to be able to take a position not only on the composition of the Commission but on its programme as well, but this was disregarded in Maastricht and Parliament reacted in the usual way.
Vi har en hel stribe realistiske krav, som vi i den politiske realismes navn har kværnet på de sidste ti år.
We have a list of realistic claims that we have been reiterating for ten years, in the name of political realism.
Og hver gang hele herligheden bliver smidt i skraldebøtten, klager Parlamentet og begynder at kværne på en ny stribe krav.
And each time the whole list is thrown into the dustbin, Parliament moans and writes out the list again. I do understand this.
Men jeg forstår: I Rådets vanvid er der en vis klarsynethed: Det evner ikke at føre os frem til Europas forenede stater eller til en europæisk union!
There is a certain lucidity in the Council's madness, since it knows that it is powerless to lead us to the United States of Europe or European Union!
Demokratiet er i krise — det mærker vi i de fleste lande — der er krise i fællesskabs- og udenrigspolitikken.
There is a crisis of democracy which is palpable in the majority of our countries, a crisis in Community policy and a crisis in foreign policy.
Men kan Parlamentet virkelig bebrejde kommissionsformanden ikke at have valgt en på mange punkter aldrig så institutionel politisk alliance, der satte Parlamentet op mod Rådet?
But can Parliament really blame the President of the Commission for not having chosen a political alliance, which could have been institutional in many respects as well, setting our Parliament against the Council?
For mit vedkommende gør jeg det, men et Parlament, der aldrig har forsvaret sine synspunkter med mod og fasthed, er ikke en pålidelig forbundsfælle!
Personally, I do blame him, but a parliament that has never stood up with courage and determination for the views it holds is not a dependable ally!
Jeg forstår således Kommissionen, der fortsætter med at vælge denne lidet glorværdige tvang, og som med alle midler prøver på at samarbejde med Rådet, selv om den ikke længere er den udøvende fælles skabsmyndighed, som den har pligt til at være.
I therefore understand the Commission's reasons for continuing to choose this servitude — an honourable servitude, perhaps, but I doubt it — and trying come what may to work with the Council, even though this means relinquishing its proper role as the executive of the Community.
Ydmyghed er visselig en dyd, men en dødbringende dyd.
Humility is indeed a virtue, but a baleful virtue.
Den er uacceptabel, selv om den kompenseres af formandens særlige prestige og fortjeneste!
It is unacceptable, even though it is compensated for by the President's prestige, which is outstanding and richly deserved.
Jeg vil gøre endnu to bemærkninger.
For all its faults, Maastricht has brought a small number, too small, of advances.
Den første vedrører programmet i denne meget vanskelige konjunktur i Fællesskabets liv. Europa-Parlamentet agter at drøfte og stemme om programmet for 1993-94.
I mention one step in the right direction, the move to make the terms of the European Parliament and the Commission coincide.
Der er tale om afgørende år, som vedrører både uddybningen og udvidelsen af Fællesskabet, men jeg vil endelig tillade mig at sige en sidste ting om et andet aspekt af problemet.
So that it can fully exercise its control over the body destined to become the real executive of our Community, it is therefore right that Parliament should take the initiative, that we should set an example by no longer discussing this investiture in the enlarged Bureau of the European Parliament but holding a debate on it in plenary, with a public vote to follow.
Vi venter os af rådsmødet i Lissabon, at der bliver udpeget en person, som på den ene side er et klart udtryk for kontinuitet og fastslår viljen til at gå videre i integrationen.
I think all this is moving in the right direction. It is giving a number of signals that are expected by public opinion.
Vi finder det endelig af stor betydning at gennemføre det punkt i Maastricht-Traktaten, der forpligter Rådet gennem en virkelig formel og substantiel akt til at aftale udnævnelsen af kommissærer med formanden.
I was saying this morning that the main failing of Maastricht lay in the fact that it divided public opinion, that it did not make for broad popular support.
Kort sagt arbejder vi for denne nye institutionelle ligevægt, som er nødvendig i et Fælles skab, der vil holde demokrati og effektivitet sam men, og i hvilket forholdet mellem Kommissionen, Parlamentet og Rådet således bør blive organisk og nødvendigt og hindre, at en institution i stigende grad udnytter sin stilling i forhold til en anden.
In taking this initiative, in obtaining this right to debate such an important problem in plenary, we shall, in my view, be moving in the right direction.
Vist beholder vi hr. Delors som formand i endnu to år, heldigvis!
True, we are going to have President Delors for another two years, I am delighted to say.
Men kan vi være sikre på hans hold ning, når de afgørende år nærmer sig?
But can we be sure of his attitude in the crucial years ahead?
Igen var det hr. De Giovanni, der sagde: Hvad bringer 1993 og 1994 nu, hvor den lange tunnel, der begyndte med Den Fælles Akt, munder ud i Maastricht, nu hvor historien udenfor knurrer og begraver os alle, Råd, Kommission og Parlament!
Again, as Mr De Giovanni said, what are 1993 and 1994 going to bring now that the long tunnel which started with the Single Act is about to take us on to Maastricht, now that, all around us, history is erupting and engulfing all of us, Council, Commission and Parliament!
Og med dem Europa, Socialistisk Internationale, PPE og vore udenrigsministre ikke at forglemme! I Sarajevo genfinder vi Warszawas ghettos Europa.
And, along with them, Europe, the Socialist International, the EPP, not forgetting our Foreign Ministers!
Men på den måde er det måske fejheden, der redder os, for til trods for alvoren af den forbrydelse vi har gentaget efter München, er det vor fejhed, der redder os: Vi er bange for at taget skridtet fuldt ud.
But perhaps we are being saved by our cowardice, since despite the gravity of the crime that we have repeated since Munich, we are being saved by our cowardice: we are afraid to go the whole way.
Det er realiteten! ten!
That is the truth of the matter!
Pannella (NI). — (FR) Hr. formand, hr. kommissionsformand — men ikke hr. rådsformand, da han har gemt sig i kulisserne.
I would add that, as Albert Schweitzer said, example is not the best way of influencing others, it is the only way.
Det viser dets formand så tydeligt, idet han i mangel af skamfølelse undså sig lidt ved at forlade forhandlin gen. Måske kan det også betegnes hykleri, men det skal jeg ikke opholde mig yderligere ved, idet jeg er helt indforstået med det, hr. De Giovanni netop sagde.
If we debate the Commission's investiture in plenary, publicly and transparently, it will make the Council that much more duty bound to take a step in the same direction and hold its own meetings publicly, which is another of the things that the European Parliament has been calling for.
Liberalisering af cabotagesejlads
Liberalization of maritime cabotage
Formanden. — Næste punkt på dagsordenen er forhandling under ét om følgende mundtlige forespørgsler med forhandling:
PRESIDENT. — The next item is the joint debate on the following oral questions:
B3-515/92 — 0-90/92 af Colajanni m.fl. for Gruppen for Den Samlede Europæiske Venstrefløj til Rådet om liberalisering af kystsejlads og de økonomiske og sociale følger heraf;
B3-515/92 — 0-90/92 by Mr De Piccoli and others, on behalf of the Group for the European United Left, to the Council, on the liberalization of maritime cabotage and the economic and social implications thereof;
Så hvis De finder et virkeligt godt forslag fra Parlamentet — og det gør De — så kast det ikke i den af vore institutioner førte politiks skraldespand, for det vil være det samme som at kaste det i historiens skraldespand.
The fact is that, when it comes to European policy, it is going to be increasingly necessary to look around the corridors of the Council!
Det er sørgeligt at sige, men det er til den udøvende myndighed, der skal lægge det mod for dagen, som vi som parlamentarikere ikke er i besiddelse af, at jeg retter denne appel og dette håb! Hvad Rådet angår, er det i historiens kulisser, at det har genfundet sin plads.
This is because, in the policies that we are going to pursue towards the East and all the rest, we know perfectly that agri-foodstuffs interests, the military-industrial complex and drug trafficking are going to be much more powerful than us.
Jeg foreslår derfor, hr. formand, at De fremtidig giver Rådet den faste plads, som det allerede indtager, nemlig i kulisserne — derude bagved!
But I nevertheless hope that you, the Commission, are going to exceed everything that might reasonably be expected of you.
B3-648/92 — 0-94/92 af Sarlis m.fl. for Det Europæiske Folkepartis Gruppe til Rådet om liberalisering af skibscabotage og de økonomiske og sociale følger.
B3-648/92 — 0-94/92 by Mr Sarlis and others, on behalf of the Group of the European People's Party, to the Council, on the liberalization of maritime cabotage and the economic and social implications thereof.
For vort vedkommende har vi blandt andre krav altid fremhævet nødvendigheden af en større rolle i forbindelse med kontrollen af Kommissionen og en mere aktiv deltagelse i kommissionsformandens udnævnelse.
ELMALAN (CG). — (FR) Mr President, carrying on the process of deregulation and liberalization in the context of the 1993 single market, the Commission has brought forward proposals for liberalization of shipping, includ-· ing cabotage.
De Piccoli (GUE). — (IT) Hr. formand, hvis man tager i betragtning, at mere end 75 procent af import/export-traffikken i Det Europæiske Fælles skab sker ad søvejen, er det let at forstå betydningen af søtransport for Fællesskabet.
DE PICCOLI (GUE). — (IT) Mr President, if one considers that over 75% of the European Community's import-export trade takes place by maritime transport, it is easy to measure the importance of this sector for the Community.