natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Hvor dan kan det dog være, at man giver med den ene hånd for at tage med den anden?
How come that you give with the one hand while taking away with the other?
Magtesløsheden, eller endnu værre uviljen til at gribe ind i tide i konflikterne, de blodige konflikter, som raser i det tidligere Jugoslavien, viser, at til trods for alle fremtrædende navne på europæiske og internationale organisationer tripper man i bedste fald på stedet og opnår intet.
The impotence and the unwillingness to intervene in time in conflicts, the bloody conflicts which ravage the former Yugoslavia, show that despite all the fine-sounding names of European and international organizations they at best stomp around on the spot and achieve nothing.
Der burde derfor højt lyde et ønske: færre organisationer og færre møder, men mere samarbejde og flere modige beslutninger.
I would therefore like to plead for fewer organizations and fewer meetings but more cooperation and more courageous decisions.
Så ville man ikke i dag være nødt til at beklage og skarpt fordømme, at man på det seneste møde i Konferencen om Sikkerhed og Samarbejde i Europa ikke nåede frem til at udtrykke en enkelt holdning til krigen i det tidligere Jugoslavien, og at der, selv om der allerede er faldet tusinder af døde, blev begået usigelige grusomheder fra serbernes side, blev anrettet ødelæggelser, og uerstattelige kunstskatte gik tabt.
Then there would be no need today to bemoan the fact that the most recent meeting of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe has not produced one united view on the war in the former Yugoslavia and that despite the fact that thousands have died, unmentionable Serbian atrocities have been committed, devastation has been wreaked and irreplaceable treasures lost.
Modstanden mod den af CSCE's parlamentariske forsamling trufne beslutning, der afviste Serbiens og Montenegros deltagelse i topmødet, bidrog på ingen måde til en løsning af problemerne.
It will not lose any jewels from its crown, for the taskS and nature of the European Community — as Commissioner Andriessen reminded us — are different from those of this regional United Nations organization.
Det var tværtimod udtryk for opbakning om en historisk usand-
But what do they achieve in practice? We have, to take another example.
det bliver naturligvis en sag for Europa-Parlamentet under drøftelser med andre nationale parlamenter.
DILLEN the appointment of a high commissioner for national minorities.
Han slår åbenbart til lyd for færre møder og flere endelige beslutninger.
Noone will deny that that is a potentially good decision.
Jeg tror, den eneste bekymring, dette giver anledning til hos mig, er, at vi kunne ende med slet ingen møder, og med at alle beslutninger blev truffet af en enkelt person!
But right from the beginning, however, this commissioner has lead in his wings, his authority is restricted to a minimum and boils down to his not being allowed to take initiatives.
Vil der efter alle de vigtige udtalelser, der er fremsat her, blive truffet en eller anden beslutning, hvormed medlemmerne giver deres mening til kende, og Parlamentet på sin side træffer en beslutning?
So in many areas it remains a desire to hold meetings and produce endless streams of words which conceal the fact that unfortunately in most cases they have taken one step forward only to take one step backward.
Vi går nu over til afstemningen om anmodningen om afstemning snarest muligt om de fem beslut ningsforslag.
They organize soap bubble-blowing while victims fall in Bosnia, more atrocities are commit ted and human misery grows.
Garel Jones, formand for Rådet. — (EN) Jeg skal prøve kort at svare på denne interessante lille debat. Jeg tror, det er åbenlyst, at praktisk taget alle medlemmerne støtter CSCE.
ship of all and is therefore capable of having considerable political authority to lend to the institutional structure.
En række medlemmer, der har haft ordet — hr. Romeos og andre, herunder hr. Christensen — har været inde på forholdet mellem CSCE og De Forenede Nationer.
A number of Members who have spoken — Mr Romeos and others including Mr Christensen — have referred to the relationship between the CSCE and the United Nations.
Helsinki erklærede, at CSCE var en regional ordning i henhold til kapitel 8 i FN-Pagten.
Helsinki declared the CSCE to be a regional arrangement under Chapter 8 of the UN Charter.
Vi mener, at dette bør føre til en bedre samordning af CSCE's aktiviteter med De Forenede Nationers.
We believe that this should lead to better coordination of CSCE activities with those of the United Nations.
Vi mener, at det er meget vigtigt, at CSCE udvikler et godt samarbejde med De Forenede Nationer for at dele byrden med at løse problemerne inden for sit område.
We think it is very important that the CSCE should develop good cooperation with the United Nations to share the burden of solving problems within its own area.
Formanden. — Næste punkt på dagsordenen er fortsættelse af forhandlingen om betænkning (dok. A3-259/92) af Peijs for Udvalget om Eksterne Økonomiske Forbindelser om økonomiske og handelsmæssige forbindelser mellem EF og USA.
BRITO (CG). — (PT) Mr President, fellow members, without belittling the decisions taken with a view to strengthening the functions corresponding to the ECSC in the spheres of security and European cooperation, a frustration remains at the summit's inability to make any progress towards providing the institution with the mechanisms, competences and means necessary to carry out these functions efficiently, particularly in the areas of prevention of conflicts, crisis management, consultation and peaceful solution of differences and cooperation relations between States.
En række medlemmer, der havde ordet — hr. Romeos, hr. Bertens og hr. Langer — gav udtryk for interesse i og støtte til embedet som højkommissær for nationale mindretal.
A number of Members who spoke — Mr Romeos, Mr Bertens and Mr Langer — expressed interest and support for the role of a High Commissioner on national minorities.
Kommissæren er, det tror jeg, vi kan være enige om, en værdifuld tilføjelse til rækken af midler til hindring af konflikt.
The Commissioner is, I think we can agree, a valuable addition to the range of conflict prevention instruments.
Næsten alle øjeblikelige europæiske problemer, der optager os, stammer fra en eller anden form for mindretals konflikt.
Almost all current European problems that are concerning us stem from some kind of minority conflict.
Kommissæren har et temmelig bredt man dat.
The Commissioner has a rather wide mandate.
Jeg mener, at den første opgave, han vil få, er at henlede den internationale opmærksomhed på min dretalsproblemer, inden der faktisk opstår kriser.
I think the first task he will have is to draw international attention to minority problems before crises actually arise.
Men det er klart, at vi prøver os frem i denne sag.
But clearly we are feeling our way in this matter.
Medlemmerne kom med en række bemærkninger om terrorisme.
The Member raised a number of points about terrorism.
Jeg er sikker på, at højkommissæren også vil se på den side af sagen.
I am sure that the High Commissioner will want to consider that aspect as well.
Da Cunha Oliveira (S). — (PT) Fru formand, vi har endnu i frisk erindring den yderst ubehagelige nyhed, der kom frem den 2. september om, at præsident Bush havde besluttet at give 1 mia. USD i eksportstøtte til 30 mio. tons hvede, selv om det som bekendt har været ekstremt vanskeligt at nå frem til en aftale om landbrugsområdet under GATT-forhandlingerne.
Such functions are all the more important and urgent in that they should take precedence over the military-type attempts to find a solution, as put forward by those who seek to make the ECSC an institution devoted primarily to supporting the miliary interference and intervention of NATO and WEU, without a brief from the UN Security Council.
Det andet, der blev fremhævet af en række medlem mer, herunder igen hr. Romeos, hr. Poettering og andre, der havde ordet, var Europa-Parlamentets stilling i CSCE-forsamlingen.
The other point that a number of Members including again Mr Romeos, Mr Poettering and others who spoke raised was the involvement of the European Parliament in the CSCE assembly.
Som det vil være med lemmerne bekendt, udgøres CSCE — hr. Poettering mindede os om det i sit indlæg — af nationalstater og når derfor frem til sine beslutninger ved konsensus.
As Members will know, the CSCE — Mr Poettering reminded us of this in his speech — is made up of nation states and therefore comes to its decisions by consensus.
Den historiske indvending fra andre delegationer mod dette forslag er velkendt, og jeg ser ikke nogen nem måde at klare det på.
The historical objection of other delegations to that proposition is well known and I can see no easy way of overcoming them.
Det Europæiske Fællesskab deltager naturligvis i den interguvernementale proces via nationale regeringer og især via formandskabet.
The European Community participates in the intergovernmental pro cess, of course, through national delegations and notably through the Presidency.
Det er meget vel muligt, at man kan få en analog ordning for Europa-Parlamentet. Men
Mr Dillen, in his remarks, expressed what I can only say in the end is impatience with the democratic process.
Vi er efterhånden vante til USA's vilkårlige og selvrådige holdninger på samhandelsområdet, en holdning, som især landbruget og fiskeriet har været ofre for.
Opposition to the ECSC's parliamentary assembly decision refusing participation of Serbia and Montenegro in the summit, certainly did not to contribute to resolving the problems.
Som eksempel kan nævnes importembargoen mod produkter fremstillet på grundlag af tun, som om Fællesskabets fiskere gik på fangst i Stille-
He is right to say that this was, although much criticized by many when set up, and to the surprise of many, a decisive element in the events that we have subsequently lived through.
Da Cunha Oliveira missionen til at indgå en sådan aftale.
We look at the present time for a settlement in GATT.
Jeg håber, at kommissæren vil understrege sin faste vilje til at følge dette op hos USA's myndigheder, hvis den franske folkeafstemning giver grønt lys.
I hope that the Commissioner will be underlining his firm intention to follow this up with the US authorities if the green light is given by the French referendum.
havet, hvor der anvendes drivgarn, der tager delfiner med i købet, hvilket nordamerikanerne er særligt sensible overfor.
We are quite accustomed to the arbitrary positions of the United States in trade matters, with agriculture and fisheries being particularly hard hit.
Der kunne nævnes mange andre vilkårlige, unilaterale beslutninger.
Further examples exist of a similarly arbitrary and unilateral nature.
Dette kan ikke fortsat accepteres.
This cannot be. This cannot continue.
Fællesskabet og USA er handelspartnere, men de bør være ligestillede.
The Community, like the United States, are trading partners, but on an equal footing.
Fællesskabet og dets medlemsstater importerer mere, end de eksporterer til USA, det gælder f.eks.
The Community and its Member States, such as Portugal, which imports more than it exports to the United States: ECU 715 million in 1991, as compared to a mere ECU 500 million.
Portugal, hvis import fra USA i 1991 beløb sig til 715 mio. ECU mod 500 mio. Og dog er Portugal et land, der især med de autonome regioner Azorerne og Madeira kunne øge det såkaldte »hjemve-marked« betragteligt.
Portugal, however, and particularly the autonomous regions of the Azores and Madeira, could sharply boost what might be called the 'nostalgia market'.
Hermed mener jeg eksporten til USA af de produkter, især levnedsmidler, som er i så høj kurs hos vore emigranter.
What I mean by that is: export to the United States of those products, particularly foodstuffs, which are much sought after by our emigrants.
Men på Azorerne er samhandelen med USA inden for landbrugsprodukter kun 15% af den samlede eksport.
In the Azores alone, trade in agricultural products with the United States stands at some 15% of total exports.
Endelig er vi nødt til at se på fremtiden, som fru Peijs har påpeget. Vi må se fremad mod et program for tættere relationer baseret på et ægte, afbalanceret partnerskab.
For this reason, we must end these wars which do harm enough to large economies and may do all the more harm to small, weak economies.
Såby (S). — (FR) Hr. formand, kære kolleger, vore forbindelser med amerikanerne kunne karakteriseres med schlagertitlen: »Je t'aime, moi non plus!« For sine venner skylder man sandheden. Jeg synes, at Parlamentet taler sort.
SABY (S). — (FR) Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, our relations with our friends and partners the Americans could be summed up in the words of the song: 'Je t'aime, moi nonplus'. When dealing with friends, we should tell the truth.
Hvis vi ikke siger sandheden, vil De opleve, at konsekvenserne bliver meget alvor lige.
If we do not tell the truth, the consequences will be very serious, as you will see.
Faktisk er præsident Bushs seneste beslutninger katastrofale for EF's landbrug.
It is true that President Bush's latest decisions are disastrous for European agriculture.
Disse beslutninger er i strid med GATT's etik og regler, men sådan er situationen.
It is true that these decisions are contrary to the GATT mies and ethos, but that is the way things are.
Men hvad er det for en sandhed, der skal siges? Ganske enkelt at GATT i dag er en fantastisk gang hykleri.
So what does telling the truth involve?
EUes (PPE). — (EN) Fru formand, ligesom andre har gjort i debatten, hilser jeg denne fremadskuende betænkning af min kollega, fru Peijs, velkommen.
ELLES (PPE). — Madam President, I welcome as others have in this debate this forward-looking report by my colleague, Mrs Peijs.
Den understreger den vitale nødvendighed af stabile og åbne forhold mellem de to største magter i verden, når vi bevæger os ind i det, vi nu kender som verden efter den kolde krig.
It underlines the vital necessity for stable and open relationships between the two biggest world powers as we move into what we know now as a post-coldwar world.
Vi lever ikke i historiens afslutningsfase, som en akademiker har sagt, men ved begyndelsen af et nyt kapitel i de transatlantiske relationer.
We are not living at the end of history as one academic has said, but at the beginning of a new chapter in transatlantic relations.
Nylige begivenheder viser os imidlertid, hvor vanskeligt det vil blive at undgå divergenser mellem reglerne eller økonomiske konflikter i det kommende tiår.
Recent events though are showing us just how difficult it will be to avoid regulatory divergence or economic conflicts in the decade ahead.
Man skal passe godt på, kære kolleger.
We need to be very careful, ladies and gentlemen.
Vi lever i en énpolet verden, hvori alverdens lande vil have en modvægt mod amerikanernes position.
We are now living in a unipolar world in which all countries want to see a counterbalance to the influence of our American friends.
I dag klages der og berettes om europæiske og amerikanske landmænds vanskeligheder, men hvad med de millioner af mennesker på jorden, der er ved at dø af sult i lande, der ikke har det ringeste håb om at få gang i økonomien, fordi amerikanerne påtvinger dem deres lov med en prispolitik for basisprodukter, der er helt umulig at leve med for dem, der arbejder.
People today are complaining about the difficulties of farmers in Europe and the United States, but what is to be said of the millions of human beings in the world who are dying of starvation, in countries where there is no hope of an economic upturn because our American friends are imposing their will with a policy on commodity prices which makes it absolutely impossible for those who produce them to make a living?
Måske vil EF efter Maastricht blive i stand til at forhandle om det egentlige problem, nemlig sande verdensmarkedspriser.
Perhaps postMaastricht Europe will be capable of negotiating on the real problem, which is truth in world prices.
Tro ikke, at det er i de riges klub, at problemet vil blive løst.
And it is no good thinking that it is in the rich men's club that this problem can be settled.
I dag viser De Forenede Stater, at liberalismen ikke længere eksisterer, at udbud — og efterspørgselssystemets regulator ikke længere eksisterer.
The United States is currently demonstrating that liberalism no longer exists, that the system is no longer being regulated by the law of supply and demand.
Markedet er gået i baglås.
The market is no longer able to operate.
Alle snyder.
Everyone is cheating.
I øjeblikket er situationen forværret.
The situation has now got worse.
Det forekommer mig såvel som andre, at når den franske folkeafstemning, hvis resultatet bliver posi tivt, er af vejen den 21. september, vil vi have en lille mulighed for at tømre en aftale med De Forenede Stater sammen.
The negotiations in Europe to shape the trade area of EFTA, and on the other side of the Atlantic to form NAFTA, show that we are moving towards markets on both sides of the Atlantic.
Der er, som hr. Delors sagde forrige mandag i London, meget lidt, der skiller USA og EF, hvad korn og kornerstatningsprodukter angår.
Indeed, there are dangers on our own side as economic recession continues.
Men det, der bliver behov for, er den politiske vilje hos såvel De Forenede Staters regering som Kom
Greater protectionist pressures I am sure we will see.
Jeg vil gerne henlede kollegernes opmærksomhed på et punkt: I øjeblikket bliver EF hele tiden anmodet om at betale mere. Alle kommer til EF, landene i Øst, i Afrika, i Asien og i Latinamerika. Og EF betaler!
In the United States as well, as Mrs Peijs clearly indicates, there are unilateral elements in trade law provision and tax legislation.
Vi betaler for Somalia, for flygtningene.
Of course, as many speakers have said this
Og senest har man besluttet at sende FN-styrker til Somalia for at prøve på at standse nedslagtningen. EF betaler 15 mio., De Forenede Stater 5 mio.!
It was decided recently to send a UN peacekeeping force to Somalia to try to stop the carnage.
I løbet af de sidste ti år har vi betalt 0,65% af vort BNP; De Forenede Stater 0,03%.
Over the past ten years, we have contributed 0.65% of our GDP for the world's poorest countries, the United States 0.03%.
Tror De, at det kan fortsætte?
That is one aspect that is never debated in GATT but it does affect trade relation ships in the world.
Tror De, at dette internationale system kan opretholdes med en dollar, der ikke længere er troværdig, som ikke længere er pålidelig ...
But I think it salutary to remember that international trade is not only a matter of mies but also of monetary and economic reality and that is essential in order to make real progress in world affairs.
Tænk Dem om, kære kolleger.
Do you think this can go on?
Den nuværende dollar tvinger landene til at lade sig tappe til sidste blodsdråbe for at betale deres gæld.
Do you think this international monetary system can go on, with the dollar now devoid of credibility since it can no longer be relied upon?
Det kan De selv læse i Verdensbankens beretning.
You can check that in the World Bank's report.
De fattigste lande i verden må spytte i bøssen og betale dollarens gældsætning.
And the poorest countries in the world are being bled to pay those debts.
Tror De, at denne valuta kan tåle chokket?
Do you think the dollar can take the strain?
Nu tror jeg, at der bør reageres effektivt, da alle de regeringschefer, som vi har forhandlet med i de sidste to år, siger, at vi ikke længere kan acceptere, at der kun er én politimand i verden, uanset om det er en amerikaner, en englænder, en franskmand, en inder, en russer eller en kineser, og vi vil ikke længere finde os i, at der kun er én bank, at dollaren alene skal påtvinge verden sin lov.
The time has come to react seriously because all the Heads of State with whom we have been in discussion for the past two years have been telling us: we no longer find it acceptable that the world should have only one policeman, whether American, British, French, Indian, Russian or Chinese, and we no longer find it acceptable to have only one bank, with the dollar imposing its law on the world.
betydelig negativ handelsbalance med De Forenede Stater.
There are of course elements in the American policy which give reason for concern.
Det har naturligvis at gøre med dollaren, men hvordan det end forholder sig, spiller dette element en rolle. Det er for øvrigt også grunden til, at amerikanerne udtrykker sig noget moderat, når det drejer sig om handelsforbindelserne med Det Europæiske Fællesskab.
Much is always made of what we are doing wrong — we do not do every right, we know that full well in this House — but it is clear that a certain trend towards unilateralism with possible accompanying sanctions could in itself have a negative effect not only on specific trade acts but also on the consequences for the general trading climate or the position of third countries if a bilateral deal based on unilateral instruments has been made between the United States and a third country, as for example with the intellectual property rights in Korea, or such as now threatens in China.
Vi har haft år, hvor vi havde overskud, vi har nu år, hvor vi har under skud, det må vi leve med, men jeg vil dog sige til vore amerikanske venner: Det er en illusion at tro, at der kan tilvejebringes en virkelig fri verdenshandel, hvis vi har at gøre med en international reserve valuta, som opfører sig som en yoyo.
I want to draw specific attention to that point because we should not create the impression that there is only one group in the world which has no idea how to manage free trade — i.e. the Community — and that all others are examples of the ideal; that is definitely not the case and there is no reason for the European Community to feel more guilty than any other party, perhaps even less so because one thing is quite clear: our total trade balance with the rest of the world is negative at the moment and we might well ask whether that is a healthy situation in the long run.
Så længe dollaren flyver op og ned fra 200 til 100% eller fra 100 til 50% og tilbage, kan man ikke forvente nogen virkelig fri verdenshandel.
ANDRIESSEN, Vice-President of the Commission. — (NL) Madam President, I should like to start by congratulating Mrs Peijs on her excellent report.
Det er et aspekt, som aldrig tages op i GATT, men som har at gøre med handelsforbindelserne i verden. Og jeg tror, at vore amerikanske venner også må være klar over dette, når vi taler om at skabe forudsætninger for en ligevægtig, fri verdenshandel.
I actually think it rather a shame that at the time we are debating it so much attention is being paid to the recent American declaration on a typically specific action, because to a certain extent this detracts from the merits of the report and the overall vision of the future expressed in it, to which the Commission fully subscribes.
Jeg tilføjer med det samme, at den monetære adfærd i Det Europæiske Fællesskab heller ikke altid kan kaldes eksemplarisk, således som det fremgår af den kritik af visse former for monetær adfærd, som vi i den seneste tid har givet udtryk for over for hinanden.
To move on to another point in this context, Madam President, we have invested very considerable time in general economic and political contacts since the United States transatlantic declaration. I believe that has had a positive effect.
Men jeg tror, at det er godt engang at henlede opmærksomheden på den kendsgerning, at den internationale handel ikke blot er et spørgsmål om regler, men også er et spørgsmål om monetær og økonomisk realitet, og at det er nødvendigt for at komme videre med tingene i verden.
I also think that the fact that specific trade conflicts have not resulted in farreaching repercussions is partly due to the fact that in general we have a very good relationship with the United States.
Andriessen, næstformand i Kommissionen. — (NL) Fru formand, jeg vil gerne begynde med over for fru Peijs at udtrykke min glæde over kvaliteten af hendes betænkning.
Speaking for myself I would warmly welcome the conclusion of an agreement between the United States and the European Community.