natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Som Rådets formand for lidt siden påpegede, lå dens årsager andetsteds.
As the President-in-Office of the Council indicated a few moments ago, the causes lie elsewhere.
Og jeg minder om, at Det Europæiske Monetære Systems rette funktion er en bydende nødvendig etape, hvis Den Monetære Union, der er beskrevet i Maastricht-Traktaten, skal lykkes.
And I would point out that the smooth functioning of the European Monetary System is a prerequisite for a successful monetary union as set out in the Treaty of Maastricht.
Det sidste punkt, som De behandlede, hr. rådsformand, var de fremskridt, der er gjort i Fællesskabet.
Concerning national identity and closeness to the citizen, much is made of the principle of subsidiarity.
De har inddelt dem i tre rubrikker: gennemsigtighed, national identitet og behovet for at give borgerne fyldestgørende forklaringer.
This word, which used to be taboo in this Chamber, now tops the list of buzz words.
Jeg vil ikke komme ind på spørgsmålet om gennemsigtighed igen.
But the principle of subsidiarity is not a criterion for allocating responsibilities between the Com munity and Member States.
I den henseende vil, som bekendt, kun de stater, der i de sidste to år forud for undersøgelsen i slutningen af 1997 opfylder Det Europæiske Monetære Systems betingelser, kunne indtræde i selve den monetære union.
In this connection only those states which, during the two years preceding the end-of-1997 review, meet the parameters of the European Monetary System will be able to accede, as you know, to monetary union itself.
Skulle Det Europæiske Monetære System blive vredet af led, sådan som det har været lige ved at ske, ville hele den i Maastricht-Traktaten omhandlede monetære unions ud vikling, der skal føre til et fastkurssystem for vore valutaer, derfor blive afbrudt.
Consequently, if the European Monetary System were to break up, as it very nearly did, the whole movement towards the monetary union of Maastricht, which is supposed to lead to a system of fixed parities between our currencies, would be interrupted.
Af den grund ønsker vi, at de valutaer, som er trådt ud af valutakursmekanismen, må kunne vende tilbage til den så hurtigt som muligt. Navnlig ville det være opmuntrende, om den italienske lire kunne vende tilbage til valutakursmekanismen inden årets udgang.
For this reason we should like to see those currencies which have left the Exchange Rate Mechanism rejoin it as quickly as possible.
Hvad angår den nationale identitet og det nære forhold til borgerne, bruger man i vid udstrækning subsidiaritetsprincippet. Dette ord, der før i tiden ikke kunne udtales i denne mødesal, er sikkert det ord, der står øverst på citaternes hit-parade.
As to the desire to ratify the Maastricht Treaty, this was strongly affirmed in the declaration, as you pointed out earlier, Mr President.
Men man skal vide, at subsidiaritetsprincippet ikke er noget kriterium for kompetence fordelingen mellem Fællesskabet og medlemsstaterne.
We know that this is the case in the parliament of our German friends and that this will very soon be the case in the British House of Commons.
Denne fordeling er fastlagt i Maastricht-Traktatens artikel 3 B, hvori det udtrykkelig hedder, at Fællesskabet handler inden for rammerne af de beføjelser og mål, der er tillagt det ved denne Traktat.
More particularly, we trust that the British parliament, in its role as mother of democracies, will share our common will to organize a democratic Europe that scrupulously respects the identities of our peoples, our cultures and the legitimate rights of our ancient nations.
Hvad angår viljen til at ratificere Maastricht-Traktaten, er denne vilje blevet kraftigt bekræftet i erklæringen, det understregede De for lidt siden, hr. rådsformand.
Regarding the date of entry into force of the Maastricht Treaty, the European Council in Lisbon was very precise.
Til gengæld er usikkerheden omkring datoen for Traktatens ikrafttræden blevet øget.
In the list of decisions which was issued were the words 'at all events by 1 January 1993'.
Vi ønsker naturligvis, at ratifikationsprocedurerne må blive indledt snarest muligt.
At that time, at the end of June, the result of the Danish referendum was already known.
Vi ved, at det er tilfældet i det tyske parlament, og at det meget snart vil blive tilfældet i det britiske Underhus. Vi ønsker i særdeleshed, at det britiske parlament i dets egenskab af demokratiernes moder vil kunne tilslutte sig vor fælles vilje til at organisere et demokratisk Europa, der nøje respekterer vore folkeslags identitet og vore ældgamle nationers kulturer og legitime rettigheder.
At Birmingham explicit reference to 1 January 1993 no longer appeared in the text.
Hvad angår datoen for Maastricht-Traktatens ikrafttræden, havde Det Europæiske Råd i Lissabon udtalt sig aldeles klart.
I am not certain that the Community institutions — Council and Commission — have taken the measure of the serious questions exercising public opinion.
I den oversigt over beslutninger, der er blevet offentliggjort, kunne man læse »under alle omstændigheder den 1. januar 1993«.
When I read accounts of the many and varied reactions over the past few weeks, in relation to the political turmoil we experienced in France in September, I did not find the same degree of seriousness or depth.
Men dengang, dvs. i slutningen af juni, var resultatet af den danske folkeaf
Public concern, it would seem to me, is much greater than is recognized here.
Der hentydes til de nationale parlamenter. Men hvad er det, vore landsmænd i virkeligheden bederom?
You said, Mr President, that the Birmingham Council created an élan.
De beder i virkeligheden om et etagedelt demokrati med hensyn til klare beføjelser, dvs. at
Let us say, rather, that it established a programme and we must now carefully plan the deci-
Europa-Parlamentet skal være kompetent for alle de anliggender, der henhører under Fællesskabet, og at de nationale parlamenter skal være kompetente for alle de anliggender, der fortsat hører under den nationale kompetence.
We believe that the crisis in the Community has not arisen because people have grown cold on European integration and cooperation, not at all; it has arisen because people object to the way in which integrations is currently being formed.
Resten er et spørgsmål om samordning og samråd, det er ikke et institutionelt anliggende. Jeg tror derfor, at vi bør imødekomme dette ønske om klarhed, og jeg ønsker, at de drøftelser, der nu skal foregå, vil gøre det muligt at opnå dette resultat.
We must work towards a transparent Community with clearly delineated competences with which everyone can not merely identify but also in which he can influence the Community through the available parliamentary channels, the national parliaments, the European Parliament, everyone at its own level, because the parliaments should not tread on each others' toes.
Det skal føre til, at politikken kommer nærmere på borgerne, men også, og det glemmer man ofte, frem for alt til mere målrettethed i beslutningstagningen. ningen.
In that respect the European Council of Birmingham was more of a disappointment, particularly for the lack of sufficient clarity on many basic issues.
Ikke alene det med at komme nærmere på borgerne, men også effektivitet og målrettethed skal være kriterier for opgavefordelingen mellem de forskellige myndighedsniveauer.
It is only if there is a clear division of labour that the people of Europe, who after all are what it is all about, will be able to see their way through the trees to the wood again.
Det er også nødvendigt med foranstaltninger, der tjener til at gøre den europæiske beslutningstagningsprocedure demokratisk og mere transparent.
Everyone must therefore work from his neck of the woods for a democratic and transparent Europe.
Rådet skal forpligte sig til at samles i åbenhed, når det mødes i lovgivende egenskab og ikke blot sådan, som det blev sagt i Birmingham.
We must respond with a positive reply which encourages confidence and strengthens our credibility.
En tidsplan for en yderligere demokratisering af Fællesskabet gen nem en udvidelse af Europa-Parlamentets beføjelser er et andet element.
That is what we in the European Parliament must fight for.
Jeg er ikke sikker på, at EF-institutionerne Rådet og Kommissionen virkelig har bedømt de spørgsmål, som offentligheden i vore lande dybest set stiller sig, korrekt.
Indeed, apart from the political signal the often vaguely worded texts of Birmingham did nothing to bring the policy makers and the man in the street in Europe closer together.
Efter min opfattelse er den uro, der har grebet offentligheden, langt mere alvorlig, end man fornemmer her.
We urgently need an unambiguous signal from Europe that the Community is serious about both decentralization and democracy.
Og i øvrigt bringer den folkeafstemning, der netop har fundet sted i Canada, os et nyt eksempel: 53% nej til en tekst, der på samme tid blev forelagt af forbundsregeringen og af alle provinspremierministrene.
What will that take? Firstly, the continuation of the ratification procedure of the treaty of Maastricht, hand in hand with an information campaign on the opportunities it creates and the advantages it brings to the man in the street.
For det femte indkaldelse til en ny regeringskonference, om muligt endda før valget til Europa-Parlamentet i 1994.
Secondly, agreement on the Delors II package to provide the instruments necessary for achieving the ambitions contained in Maastricht.
For det sjette vedtagelse i 1996 af en europæisk forfatning udarbejdet af de nationale parlamenter og Europa-Parlamentet.
Furthermore we need an agree ment between the budget authorities on the budget programme for the mediumterm future.
Hr. rådsformand, De sagde, at Rådet i Birmingham havde frigjort nye kræfter. Lad os snarere sige, at det har udarbejdet et program, og at det nu omhyggeligt skal forberede beslutningerne, for jeg tror, at sandhedens time vil oprinde i Edinburgh.
DE GIOVANNI (GUE).— (IT) Mr President, the Birmingham meeting sought to give a first response to the very serious difficulties which have arisen in the process of integration, both in relation to economic and monetary union and to political union, but more generally in relation to the disaffection shown by European public opinion on the 'Europe' issue: the feeling of distance towards the ruling classes — which has just been emphasized by Mr Giscard d'Estaing — the sense of uncertainty and, I would say, more generally, a crisis in the European consciousness, a phenomenon which is not, moreover, very recent but which dates back to the 1989 elections.
Krisen i Fællesskabet mener vi ikke er opstået, fordi borgerne ikke længere var tilhængere af europæisk integration og samarbejde, nej, den er opstået, fordi borgerne er modstandere af den måde, integrationen tager form på i øjeblikket.
Fourthly, an interinstitutional agreement on various issues including an agreement on and specific implementation of the principle of subsidiarity which should in the short term lead to a clear division of authority between the various levels of government.
Vi behøver da også et transparent Fællesskab med klart definerede beføjelser, hvor borgeren ikke blot kan genkende sig selv, men ved hjælp af hvilke han kan øve indflydelse på Fællesskabet via de til rådighed stående parlamentskanaler, de nationale parlamenter, Europa-Parlamentet, hver på sit niveau, for parlamenter ne skal ikke sidde på hinandens stole.
We must not allow the principle of subsidiarity to be used as a pretext for weakening the Community or for dangerous and hasty changes and improvisations in the balance of power between the Council and the Commission. It must bring policy making closer to the public and another point which is often overlooked, it must make decisionmaking more effective.
DE CLERCQ (LDR). — (NL) Fru formand, Det Europæiske Fællesskab befinder sig tydeligvis i en krise, og Det Europæiske Råd var det forum, der skulle tage fat på den.
What answers does the Birmingham statement give? Amongst the things which were said — many things were left unsaid, as Mr Ford observed a moment ago — there are several points to be appreciated.
Vi forventede da også et klart politisk signal med hensyn til fortsættelsen af den europæiske integrationsproces, begyndende med ratificering af den uændrede Maastricht-Traktat.
This is very important: one must fight for this result even if we all know that the Maastricht Treaty is, in reality, full of potential and open to different interpretations.
Men det betyder ikke i sig selv, at de grundlæggende problemer i Fællesskabet er løst.
This is naturally an essential point, but the Birmingham document, whilst still being very provision al, is in this area fairly reticent.
Hvad det angår, var Det Europæiske Råd i Birmingham snarere en skuffelse, frem for alt på grund af mangelen på tilstrækkelig klarhed over mange af de grundlæggende problemer.
Certainly, the fight against bureaucracy is right; certainly, there is a very clear and very precise relationship between bureaucratization and the gap between Europe and public opinion, but in what direction should this criticism go?
Kun gennem en klar opgavedeling vil borgerne, som det i sidste instans drejer sig om, igen kunne se skoven for bare træer.
Getting through to the public and making decisions more effective must be decisive elements in the division of labour between the various levels of authority.
Enhver skal således ud fra sin position, ud fra sit ansvar lægge sig i selen for et demokratisk og transparent Europa. Verden ser hen til os.
We also need measures to increase democracy and make the decisionmaking procedure more transparent.
Vi skal kunne give et positivt svar, som fremmer tilliden og styrker vores troværdighed.
The Council must promise to meet in public session whenever it deals with legislation and not only as decided in Birmingham.
Det ved vi, at Europa-Parlamentet vil gå i brechen for endnu en gang.
We also need a timetable for increasing democracy in the Community by extending the powers of the European Parliament.
Faktisk har de ofte tågede tekster fra Birmingham, bortset fra det politiske signal, ikke bragt den europæiske politik nærmere på borgerne.
In the Birmingham statement it seems to have been said (I cannot assert anything with absolute certainty given the provisional nature of the statement): let us try and make policies fall within the competence of the state, let us try and substantially bring them back again, at least in part, within the States.
Det haster da også med et enstemmigt signal fra Europa, hvoraf det fremgår, at Europa mener det alvorligt både med decentralisering, med åbenhed, med målrettethed og med demokrati.
And from what can one deduce that this is certainly one of the tendencies expressed at Birmingham?
Derudover er der behov for en aftale budgetmyndighederne imellem om fastlæggelse af budgetprogram på mellemlangt sigt.
Sixthly, a European constitution drafted by the national parliaments and the European Parliament should be approved in 1996.
tager hensyn til de tre niveauer: supranationalitet, natio nalitet og regionalitet.
I think this is a narrow view of the concept of transparency.
Jeg vil gerne slutte med denne betragtning: verden bevæger sig ved hjælp af ideer og ikke blot kendsgerninger.
What did the Council have to say, on the occasion of the Birmingham Summit, about GATT?
Europa er først og fremmest en ide, men i dag er det tilsyneladende i for mange tilfælde blevet et dunkelt område, hvor antagonistiske magter konfronterer hinanden.
It invited the Commission to continue its work within the framework of its current mandate, with a view to arriving at a global and balanced agreement in the interests of the Community and the world economy.
Hvis det fortsætter, vil Europa ikke vokse.
As I see it, this calls for some explanation.
Denne er måske dets afgørende krise.
It is my belief that the Commission is departing from that mandate.
Jeg har ladet hver af de politiske gruppers ordførere udtrykke sig med temmelig megen smidighed.
I say agriculture, because clearly, in speaking of global balance, globality is meant to be interpreted in a very broad sense.
Det er min måde at være og handle på generelt.
Some sectors would be dropped in favour of others.
Hvilke svar giver erklæringen fra Birmingham?
unsaid — whereby in the end, the criterion which defines it would seem to be entirely entrusted to Member States.
Blandt det, der er blevet udtrykt — der er meget, der ikke er blevet udtrykt, som hr. Ford sagde for et øjeblik siden — er der nogle punkter, som kan vurderes.
We believe that the bureaucratization taking place corresponds to a more complex process analytically; it is possible that there is — or rather, there is definitely — too much which falls within the province of the Community and that one should therefore work towards decentralization.
Man kan i hvert fald vurdere bekræftelsen af ratificeringsprocessen for Maastricht.
But there are also other elements which must be strongly emphasized such as the existing bureaucratic fragmentation of the Council of Ministers which so often leads one to ask,'But who is really legislating?'
Det er meget vigtigt: man må kæmpe for dette resultat, også selv om vi alle ved, at Maastricht-Traktaten i virkeligheden er spækket med muligheder for forskellige fortolkninger.
This is a question which those whom we refer to as 'the people', that is to say national societies, are also asking them selves in the face of secrecy even at the legislative stage, an area where there is a greatly appreciated degree of flexibility in the Birmingham statement.
Det er derfor positivt, at man har fremhævet spørgsmålet om gennemskuelighed og demokrati.
Other elements to be highlighted concern the fairly limited and rather weak powers of the European Parliament; and the inadequate information and participation of national parliaments in the Community process.
Det er selvfølgelig et afgørende punkt; men selv om dokumentet fra Birmingham er meget flydende og parlamenterende, er det ret tilbageholdende på dette område.
Therefore, we can certainly say: 'more transparency and more democracy', but we cannot respond to this problem simply by placing policy-making back in the hands of the state.
Med rette kæmper man mod bureaukratiseringen; der eksisterer selvfølgelig et meget klart og meget præcist forhold mellem bureaukratiseringen og afstanden i forhold til den offentlige mening i Europa; men hvad retning bør denne kritik gå i? Det er spørgsmålet, som vi bør arbejde på efter min mening.
Therefore, the next Edinburgh Summit will not be able to be reduced to a hasty retreat into the illusion that the problem which has appeared will be resolved thus, but it will contribute to the building of an institutional harmony which takes into account three levels: internationality, nationality and regionality.
LANNOYE (V). — (FR) Fru formand, hr. rådsformand, hr. kommissionsformand Jeg vil være endnu mere streng end mine kolleger i bedømmelsen af resultatet af Birmingham-topmødet.
I would like to conclude with this comment: the world is driven by ideas and not by facts alone. Europe is above all an idea, but in too many cases today it seems to have become a dark place of confrontation between antagonistic powers.
Man må tro, at det endnu en gang var for meget, eftersom der intet konkret er planlagt.
I have allowed each political group spokesman considerable flexibility about speaking time.
Jeg vil ikke dvæle ved dette emne, jeg har for lidt tid, men jeg vil alligevel gerne notere, at der i det, der så pompøst er blevet døbt »Birmingham-erklæringen«, kommeren vilje til gennemsigtighed til syne.
That is my way, in general. But you must understand that given the short time we have, individual speaking time must henceforth be more closely respected.
Gennemsigtigheden består i, at Rådet forklarer det brave folk og dets repræsentanter
I thank you all in advance for your cooperation.
— er det nødvendigt at sige det — grunden til de beslutninger, som de regerende har truffet til alles bedste.
I come now to the second aspect — a global and balanced agreement.
Jeg tror, at dette er en småtskåren forestilling om gennemsigtighedsbegrebet.
I believe that the basis for negotiations is furnished by the Dunkel proposal of December 1991.
Og hvoraf kan man konkludere, at dette helt sikkert er en af tendenserne i Birmingham?
A fundamentally unbalanced proposal.
Derfor kan vi helt sikkert sige: »Mere gennemsigtighed og mere demokrati«, men vi kan ikke give et svar på dette spørgsmål, som ligger helt enkelt i renationalisering af politikkerne.
Whereas the actual GATT text provides that tariff negotiations will be so conducted as to take sufficient account of the needs of each party, no account is taken of the need to readjust protective measures at the EC's external borders.
Man hører dog —jeg vil formulere det således — behovet for en omfattende afbalancering af Fællesskabets institutioner og forholdet mellem Fællesskabets og nationale institutioner i betragtning af det, man har sagt så mange gange.
As far as the Community is concerned, the Dunkel project boils down to a demand to abandon its trading advantages, without compensation, whether it be a matter of border measures negotiated previously or of access to its market.
Det er, at i Europa bør man i lige høj grad lægge vægt på identitet og forskel, supranationalitet og mulig hed for identificering med kulturerne, staterne, regioner ne.
The trading implications of the Dunkel plan for the Community and the United States are also completely unbalanced.
Tillad mig med afsæt i denne forestilling om gennemsigtighed at rette en forespørgsel til Rådets formandskab om et vigtigt emne — det ene af de fire emner, der blev drøftet i Birmingham, jeg mener GATT-forhandlingerne, i hvilke gennemsigtighed — det kan man i hvert fald sige — virkelig ikke er det dominerende element.
LANNOYE (V). — (FR) Madam President, President-in-Office and President of the Commission, I shall be harsher than my colleagues about the results of the Birmingham Summit.
Hvad sagde Rådet på Birmingham-topmødet om GATT?
As we might have expected, the summit was a non-event.
Jeg mener for mit vedkommende, at Kommissionen i øjeblik ket fraviger sit mandat.
This is the result of unthinking dogma on the pivotal role attributed to the world market and the presumed quality of aid disconnected from production.
I november 1990 blev dette mandat nemlig klart defineret af Rådet, og selv om man ganske vist kan fortolke det med en vis smidighed, står det alligevel fast, at visse elementer er aldeles nødvendige.
The Dunkel plan spells out a specific type of agricultural policy on this basis, namely the policy applied by the Reagan administration in the United States from 1985 onwards, the catastrophic effects of which, socially and environmentally speaking, we now know all too well.
Jeg tænker på tariferingen, der bør være underordnet en ny afbalancering, og på nødvendigheden af en generel ligevægt med hensyn til indrømmelser på landbrugsområdet.
Our Parliament, once again, has shown great naivety by asking very solemnly and very timidly for specific initiatives from the Council to begin a democratization of the Community.
Mandatet er ligeledes baseret på en meget klar filosofi om ligebehandling af de forskellige instrumenter, der tjener til støtte for landbruget.
It looks as though we asked for too much, since there are no plans for anything specific.
Jeg taler her om landbruget, fordi det rigtignok lader til, at når man taler
I shall not labour the subject — I have too little time — but I would nevertheless point out that in what has pompously been called the 'Birmingham Declaration' can be seen
Hvis vi arbejder sammen, kan vi stoppe valutaspekulanterne.
And we need a definition of subsidiarity.
om samlet ligevægt, så fortolkes begrebet samlet i en meget bred forstand. Man kunne være tilbøjelig til at ofre visse sektorer for at favorisere andre.
People are right, Madam President, to speak of a democratic deficit in the European Community.
Min analyse går ud på, at landbruget eventuelt vil blive svigtet, i hvert fald af visse af Rådets medlemmer.
It is a body of experts that is accountable to noone and naturally is not qualified to make important decisions affecting society.