natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Vi kan ikke undlade at påpege, at det eneste seriøse perspektiv for Europa er dette, at man modigt konstaterer kravet om et uigenkaldeligt juridisk og politisk grundlag for dets integration. Et retsgrundlag, der kan garantere borgerne og staterne de rettigheder og prærogativer, der er bydende nødvendige, for at de på ny kan spille rollen i Unionen.
We can but suggest that the only serious prospect for Europe is to bravely recognise the need for an irreversible legal and political basis for its integration — a legal basis which guarantees citizens and States rights and prerogatives which are indispensable to renegotiate the role of the Union.
Det er derfor, vi kræver en forfatning for Det Europæiske Fællesskab som uigenkaldelig demokratisk reference, det er derfor, vi i Udvalget om Institutionelle Spørgsmål er i færd med at affatte den nye unionstraktat.
It is for this reason that we are asking for a Constitution for Europe as an unrelinquishable democratic point of reference; this is why in the Committee on Institutional Affairs we are drawing up the new Treaty on Union.
Det hastværk, hvormed skaden nu skal udbedres og Den Politiske Unions frelsende bred nås, bliver af mange betragtet, ikke som udtryk for skadebegrænsning, udført med statsmandskunst, men som bevidst uvidenhed over for menneskenes ængstelse.
Thirdly, in our view the process of negotiation on the content of the Treaty should not be reopened. All things considered, any gains deriving from such a renegotiation would probably be more than offset by the damage resulting from it.
Derfor må alle, der vil redde Maastricht-traktatkompleksets substans og modvirke eventuelle opløsningstendenser, allerførst vælge en i juridisk henseende uangribelig procedure, der også lader døren stå åben for danskerne, og samtidig åbner perspektiver for Fæl lesskabet, som er egnede til at afhjælpe Maastricht-Traktatens mangler, f.eks. det demokratiske under skud, inden for en overskuelig tidshorisont.
And this point leads us to the conclusion that from now on the Community will have to learn from the lesson the Danes have taught us, which is the manifestation of a divorce between the advance of the Community and the perceptions of its peoples.
Også selv om man ikke behøver en folkeafstemning med henblik på ratifikation — det burde alle regerende have skrevet sig bag øret — må man kæmpe om borgernes tilslutning.
In all its organs, including Parliament, the Community must abandon a tendency to introspection, a tendency to talk in technocratic jargon, in a language in which what is implicit is more important than what is explicit.
Dette gælder efter det danske nej endnu mere end før.
There is not enough plain speaking in the Community.
Grund (NI). — (DE) Fru formand, mine damer og herrer, udfaldet af folkeafstemningen i Danmark er en bitter lære for alle euroforikere i Den Politiske Union, der blev undfanget i Maastricht, nemlig den lære, at man ikke kan skubbe et frit og selvbevidst folk ind i en forbundsstat mod dets egen vilje.
GRUND (NI). — (DE) Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, the outcome of the Danish referendum is a bitter lesson for all the Europhorics of political union as conceived in Maastricht and teaches that a free and proud nation cannot be forced against its will into a federal state.
Flertallets modige nej bekræfter euroskeptikernes bestandige advarsler mod et føderalt magtcentrum i Bruxelles.
The courageous majority 'no' vote confirms the Eurosceptics' constant warnings against creating a feder al power centre in Brussels.
Men dette mål kan man ikke nå ved at give al magt til Ministerrådet eller Kom missionen alene, men ved i respekt for pluralismen og folkets vilje at give Europa-Parlamentet den tilbørlige institutionelle magtforøgelse.
GRUND or to the Commission, but by giving a proper increase in institutional power to the European Parliament whilst respecting pluralism and the will of the people.
Hr. formand, afslutningsvis vil jeg gerne sige, at vi portugisere ved, hvad det har kostet os, før vi nåede frem til tiltrædelse af Fællesskabet og Europa.
MARHINO (S). — (PT) Mr President-in-Office of the Council, Mr President of the Commission, I should like to make a few short comments on the topic we are discuss ing here today.
Vi kender til isolation, diktatur, undertrykkelse, og vi ved, hvad det vil sige at leve uden frihed og demo krati.
I note that since then the Maastricht agreement has become devoid of any legal existence.
For os er Europa ikke et dilettantisk eller et merkantilt spørgsmål; når vi insisterer på nødvendigheden af at gennemføre Den Europæiske Union, er det af overbevisning og behov for at deltage i en fælles skæbne.
The treaty can enter into force only ifall the ratification documents have been signed.
Desværre ved vi kun alt for godt, hvad det vil sige at leve uden for Europa, og vi kender af egen erfaring den trældom, et lille land lever i, når det holder sig i periferien, den diskriminering, som dets statsborgere udsættes for, når de udvandrer til andre lande for at finde arbejde.
Henceforth that condition can no longer be satisfied and anyone who even dreams of holding a new referendum or wants the people to vote again and again until they produce the outcome desired by those who initiated the idea is mocking and insulting the electorate.
Fordi vi til fulde kender alle disse negative sider, afviser vi de forældede nationalistiske holdninger og byzantinske stridigheder om afgivelse af suverænitet; og af den grund er jeg i stand til at sige, at mit land, Portugal, vil ratificere Maastricht-Traktaten med de nationale parlamentarikeres ufravigelige og historiske stemme for.
Parliament should now point in the only sensible direction, towards a federation of states instead of a federal state, a confederal Europe of proud countries and nations which reject the politically imposed blessing of union but want an economic community.
Marinho (S). — (PT) Hr. rådsformand, hr. kom missionsformand, et par korte bemærkninger til det emne, vi er i gang med at drøfte.
The first is that the refusal of the people of Denmark to ratify the treaties is as deserving of respect as the desire of the other Member States for an irreversible union, because it is as honourable to affirm national sovereignty as it is to seek to participate in a new European sovereignty which enables any Member State to transcend the strict confines of its geographical territory.
For det første vil jeg gerne understrege, at det danske folks afvisning af at ratificere Traktaten fortjener lige så stor respekt som andre medlemsstaters ønske om en irreversibel union.
BOCKLET (PPE). — (DE) Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, one indisputable fault of the Maastricht treaty is that there is no provision for the event that one Member State fails to ratify it.
Det er lige så respektabelt at hævde den nationale suverænitet som at ville deltage i en ny europæisk suverænitet, der projicerer enhver medlemsstat ud over dens eget geografiske område.
Taking an all or nothing attitude, the Maastricht treaty-makers must thoughtlessly have assumed that all the Member States would be prepared to turn the existing European Community into a political union.
Lehideux (DR). — (FR) Fru formand, det drejer sig om en berigtigelse — i øvrigt i forståelse med min kollega, fru Cassanmagnago Cerretti.
Mr President, the Community has always found solutions to the upheavals and crises which it has experienced. Its progress has never been linear or automatic.
Hun nævnte for et øjeblik siden det beslutningsforslag, der er blevet vedtaget i Udvalget om Institutionelle Spørgsmål, og sagde, at det var blevet enstemmigt vedtaget.
In the past, progress has always sprung from the inner tensions which are natural to any process which depends on the will of the people and on the interests of the States.
Det er vigtigt for os.
I believe that the no vote in Denmark has awakened the will to construct Europe.
Vor kollega, hr. Blot, stemte naturligvis imod — så vidt jeg ved sammen med en anden kollega, der nok var dansker, men jeg ønsker, at det optages i mødeprotokollen.
The question of Europe is once again at the top of the agenda where those who exercise power are concerned and has become the focus for public opinion.
Det er meget vigtigt for os, navnlig af hensyn til den videre debat.
The initial responses and reactions are encouraging forali who want European Union on 1 January.
Hr. formand, Fællesskabet har altid fundet løsninger på de rystelser og kriser, det har gennemgået.
In view of this situation, legally the Maastricht treaty cannot actually enter into force following the 'no' by the Danish people.
Dets udvikling foregår ikke efter en retliniet og viljebestemt logik, men har altid været resultatet af sådanne spændinger, som er naturlige i en proces, der er afhængig af folkenes vilje og staternes interesser.
What initially looked like an operational accident caused by a few tens of thousands of Danish voters has now proved, as shown by the reactions of many people in the other Member States, to be an expression of deep-seated mistrust of the tendency towards bureaucratization and centralization of a European central power remote from the people.
Det danske nej vakte efter vores mening viljen til at opbygge Europa.
It is not a matter here and now of searching through the forest of the treaties or the legal small print to try to discover a way out or a solution.
På ny er det europæiske spørgsmål i forreste række i alle politisk ansvarliges udtalelser, og det har vundet indfødsret i den offentlige mening.
As the extraordinary European Council in Oslo showed, what is needed is to clarify the situation and to declare solemnly our resolve to press forward in accordance with the principles and arguments which motivated our support for the Maastricht Treaty.
Og de første svar og reaktioner, vi har fået kendskab til, er opmuntrende for alle os, der ønsker, at unionen træder i kraft den 1. januar 1993.
None of these presuppositions has been changed, and whether it involves twelve or eleven states, the Union must, we believe, be irreversible.
Cooney (PPE). — (EN) Fru formand, efter den ulykkelige afstemning i Danmark rettes søgelyset nu mod folkeafstemningen i Irland i næste uge.
Even governments that do not need to hold a referendum on ratification — and let the leaders listen to this — must fight for the people's approval.
Jeg glæder mig over, at der i Irland vil være et flertal, der går ind for Maastricht-forslagene.
In conclusion, Mr President, we in Portugal know the price we had to pay to finally join the Community and Europe.
En opinionsundersøgelse, hvis resultat er blevet offentliggjort nu i formiddags, viser faktisk, at 47% er for og 23% imod, mens ca. en tredjedel ikke har besluttet sig.
For us Europe is not a game or merely a commercial venture. We are committed to European Union out of conviction and the need to share irrevocably a common destiny.
Dette er sundt, om end procentdelen af nej-sigere er forøget siden sidste undersøgelse, der gik forud for den danske afstemning.
We know the discrimination its people suffer when they emigrate to find work. Because of this experience we reject outdated nationalism and byzantine disputes about loss of sovereignty.
Under debatten i Irland har der rejst sig tre stridsspørgsmål, der vil kunne fremkalde uro blandt vælgerne.
And, on the other hand, these events also confirm the impression of a Europe in which only the coalitions of political and financial power have a say in the matter, leaving the European Parliament out of the real process of Community growth.
Det er følgende påstande: for det første, at Fællesskabet efter Maastricht muligvis vil kræve, at Irland legaliserer svangerskabsafbrydelse; for det andet, at forslagene vedrørende forsvar og sikkerhed skulle kunne give anledning til indførelse af værnepligt; for det tredje, at en lille nations stemme og bekymringer ikke vil blive ænset i det videre forløb efter Maastricht.
Those of us in the Italian Social Movement are for a united Europe, a Europe of nations, a Europe with a common policy, a common army and a common programme, not only from the economic point of view.
Jeg tror, at disse bange anelser er grundløse, og jeg håber, at vor debat i dag vil bidrage til at vise dette.
But this cannot be achieved by giving all the power solely to the Council of Ministers
Det drejer sig ikke nu om i Traktaternes skov at finde spor og juridiske detaljer, der kan pege på en vej og en løsning.
I wish to correct something that has been said, and I have in fact agreed this point with Mrs Cassanmagnago Cerretti.
Udnævnelse af Kommissionens formand
Appointment of the President of the
Formanden. — Næste punkt på dagsordenen er forhandling under ét om følgende fire forslag til beslutning:
PRESIDENT. — The next item is the joint debate on the following motions for resolutions:
B3-785/92 af Cot for Den Socialistiske Gruppe om udnævnelse af Kommissionen;
B3-0785/92 by Mr Cot, on behalf of the Socialist Group, on the appointment of the Commission; sion;
Et lands lovgivning om svangerskabsafbrydelse skal vedtages af det pågældende land alene.
COONEY (PPE). — Madam President, following the unfortunate vote in Denmark, the focus now switches to the referendum in Ireland next week.
Kom missionsformand Delors gav sin tilslutning til dette synspunkt, da han tog ordet tidligere under denne debat.
This is healthy, though the percentage against has increased since the last poll, which preceded the Danish vote.
B3-797/92 af Vandemeulebroucke for Regnbuegruppen i Europa-Parlamentet om udnævnelsen af Kommissionens formand;
B3-0797/92 by Mr Vandemeulebroucke, on behalf of the Rainbow Group, on the appointment of the President of the Commission;
B3-804/92 af Blot for De Europæiske Højrepartiers Tekniske Gruppe om udnævnelsen af Kommissionens formand;
B3-0804/92 by Mr Blot, on behalf of the Technical Group of the European Right, on the appointment of the President of the Commission;
B3-827/92 af Tindemans for Det Europæiske Folkepartis Gruppe om udnævnelsen af den kommende formand for Kommissionen for De Europæiske Fællesskaber.
B3-0827/92 by Mr Tindemans, on behalf of the Group of the European People's Party, on the appointment of the next President of the Commission of the European Communities.
At bekymre sig om de små nationers plads i Fælles skabet er at give udtryk for ukendskab til Fællesskabets historie indtil nu.
Three issues have arisen in the debate in Ireland which tend to cause unease among the electorate.
Irlands stemme er så vist altid blevet hørt og har altid modtaget positive svar.
President Delors endorsed that point of view when he spoke earlier in this debate.
Herman (PPE). — (FR) Fru formand, kære kolleger, Parlamentets udnævnelse af Kommissionens formand vil være en ganske særlig berigelse for demokratiet, og det vil være en styrkelse af Kommissionens politiske myndighed, hvis den i lighed med regeringerne indsattes af et parlament.
HERMAN (PPE). — (FR) Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, appointment of the President of the Commission by Parliament would be an extraordinary boost for democracy and the Commission's political authority would be reinforced if it had the benefit of parliamentary investiture, in common with governments.
Jeg beklager, at Kommissionens formand går netop nu, hvor vi skal til at forhandle om sagen, idet vi taler til hans fordel.
I am sorry to see that the President of the Commission is leaving us just as we start this debate, because what we have to say is in his favour.
Endvidere ville vi spørge rådsformanden, som også er fraværende, om vi ikke i foregribelse af Maastricht allerede nu kunne indføre en bestemmelse, hvorefter kommissionsformandens udnævnelse gøres til genstand for forudgående høring af Parlamentet.
We also wanted to ask the President-in-Office, who is also absent from the Chamber, whether we could not anticipate Maastricht by applying one of its provisions, whereby Parliament is to be consulted before the appointment of the President of the Commission.
Da udnævnelsen skal drøftes i Lissabon, er der ikke megen tid tilbage til at høre Parlamentet.
Since this appointment is to be discussed in Lisbon, there is not much time left for consulting Parliament.
I alle tilfælde ønsker vi, at der forud for formandens officielle udnævnelse — selv om man kan føle sig for i Lissabon — må ske en officiel høring af Parlamentet.
At all events, we should like Parliament to be consulted offi cially before the President of the Commission is officially appointed — even if he is sounded out informally in Lisbon.
Der er blevet fremsat påstande om, at Kommissionen med djævelens vold og magt vil centralisere alt i Bruxelles.
There have been allegations that the Commission is hell-bent on centralizing everything in Brussels.
Kommissionen består ikke af stupide mennesker.
The Commission is not composed of stupid people.
Den ved udmærket, at en sådan strategi ville være politisk umulig og administrativt fjollet.
They know well that such a policy would be politically impossible and administratively daft.
Ophavsmændene til denne kritik er enten uvidende om Fællesskabets måde at arbejde på eller — hvad der er mere sandsynligt — er fjendtligt indstillede over for de fortsatte fremskridt hen imod Den Europæiske Union.
The sources of these criticisms are either ignorant of the workings of the Community or, more likely, are hostile to its continued progress towards European union.
Vi må forsone Danmark og ikke fryse det ude, og i mellem tiden må de øvrige elleve klart tilkendegive deres forpligtelse over for et integreret Europa.
Denmark must be reconciled, not ostracized, and in the meantime the remaining eleven must clearly signal their commitment to an integrated Europe.
Jeg nærer tillid til, at Irland for sit vedkommende vil gøre dette den 18. juni, for historiens flodbølge kan ikke stand ses, lige så lidt som dens fart kan sagtne.
I am confident Ireland, for its part, will do this on 18 June, for the tide of history cannot be halted, or indeed even slowed.
Vi går nu over til afstemning om anmodning om afstemning snarest muligt om de fire beslutningsforslag. slag.
I have received four motions for resolutions with request for an early vote to wind up the debate.
Det er intet malplaceret eller urimeligt, man forlan ger af os.
This is what is known as the Stuttgart procedure, which was used at Hanover and has since been applied, more or less smoothly, in recent years.
Der er set fortilfælde i forbindelse med Den Fælles Akt, og vi har forud for ratificeringen foregrebet gennemførelsen af nogle ting.
Since the Maastricht Treaty makes provision for progress on investiture of the
Afstemningen om selve beslutningsforslagene finder sted kl. 17.00.
The vote on the motions for resolutions will take place at 5 p.m.
Cot (S). — (FR) Fru formand, jeg takker hr. Herman mange gange for at have optrådt som stedfortræder for spørgsmålsstilleren, men behand lingen af dagsordenspunkterne er stærkt fremskyndet, hvilket forklarer min forsinkelse.
COT perfectly possible for us to do this under the present provisions of the Treaty and our Rules of Procedure.
Det er den såkaldte Stuttgart procedure, der anvendtes i Hannover, og som siden er benyttet med større eller mindre held i de senere år. Medens Maastricht-Traktaten indebærer et frem skridt med hensyn til Kommissionens udnævnelse — idet den giver Parlamentet reelle beføjelser ved udnævnelsen i udtrykkets juridiske forstand — forekommer det os, at denne bestemmelse i forretningsordenens artikel 29 bør fortolkes bredt, for at give indsættelsen af den nye Kommissionen større politisk betydning og for at give selve Kommissionen en yderligere politisk legitimitet.
We are therefore under a duty — if we are actuated by the spirit of the Maastricht Treaty and a resolve to democratize our institutions — to improve parliamentary control of the Commission and to enhance its legitimacy by openly, publicly, endorsing it with a vote of confidence to be delivered in two stages, at our July plenary partsession on the name of the new President and the broad policies and then at our January plenary partsession on the composition of the Commission as a whole and its programme.
Det kan vi glimrende gøre inden for rammen af Traktaten og vor forretningsordens nuværende bestemmelser.
IN THE CHAIR: MR CRAVINHO Vice-President
Det politiske hemmelighedskræmmeris tid er forbi.
The days of political secrecy are over.
Det politiske Europa skal opbygges i fuld åbenhed.
Political Europe must be built in the open.
Hvis der er en lære at drage af den danske folkeafstemning — som vi netop har diskuteret ind gående — er det utvivlsomt denne. Vore politiske legitimationsmekanismer skal være åbne, officielle.
Moreover, if there is a lesson to be learnt from the Danish referendum, which we have just discussed at length, that is what it is.
Det er grunden til, at Den Socialistiske Gruppe og andre grupper — da vi jo nu har et fælles beslutningsforslag, som det for øvrigt ikke var svært at opnå — har ønsket at tage et skridt henimod Maastricht-Traktatens procedure.
That is why the Socialist Group — along with other groups, since we have now signed a joint motion which we had no difficulty in drawing up together — thinks it would be appropriate to take a step in the direction of the procedure laid down in the Maastricht Treaty.
Vi foreslår, at Europa-Parlamentet udtaler sig om navnet på den kommende kommissionsformand i en offentlig afstemning i forbindelse med en definition af de politiske hovedretningslinjer, som vi ønsker, at den nye Kommission skal tage i betragtning.
We are proposing that the European Parliament take a public vote on the name of the future President of the Commission, at the same time setting out the broad policy lines that we wish to see taken into consideration by the future Commission.
Det drejer sig med andre ord om forud for Kommissionens dannelse at indlede en dialog med Rådet om Kommissionens sammensætning samt om de politi ske hovedretningslinjer, den skal følge.
In other words, before the Commission itself is appointed, we want to have a dialogue with the Council on the composition of the Commission and the broad policies it ought to pursue.
Denne mulighed, hr. formand, er ikke udtrykkeligt nævnt i forretningsordenens artikel 29, der ikke kunne for udse denne udvikling. Men den er heller ikke ude lukket, idet Det Udvidede Præsidium udmærket kan høre plenarforsamlingen forud for afgivelsen af sin udtalelse.
Rule 29 does not make any explicit provision for such an arrangement, since the course of events could not have been foreseen at the time, Mr President, but nor does it exclude it, since the enlarged Bureau is entirely at liberty to consult the House in plenary before giving its opinion.
Den af os foreslåede procedure har den fordel at anbringe kommissionsformanden og Ministerrådet i en ansvarsstilling og at angive de politiske vilkår for det tillidsvotum, som Parlamentet skal afgive, når den nye Kommission i januar forelægger sit program.
The procedure we are proposing offers the advantages of making the President of the Commission and the Council of Ministers accountable and giving an indication of the political conditions that Parliament intends to attach to its vote of confidence in January, when the new Commission presents its programme.
Tindemans (PPE). — (NL) Hr. formand, det essentielle er allerede sagt af min kollega og ven hr. Fernand Herman og hr. Cot.
Two points need to be made clear in this connexion. First, there is of course no question of Parliament proposing a name of its own as an alternative to the one brought forward by the European Council.
Alligevel vil jeg også komme med mine nuancer i forhandlingen. Det er politiske problemstillinger, som jeg ønsker at for svare her.
I wanted to make this clear in case there might have been some doubt about the matter.
Vi glemmer alt for let Kommissionens oprindelse.
We have no intention of interfering in the European Council's initial choice.