natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Der er barrierer over vejen på grænsen, og nogle veje er afbrudte.
It is a mockery to talk about free movement at this time in my country.
Fri bevægelighed må gælde mellem alle medlemslande og hver enkelt del af hvert medlemsland.
Can you imagine these stockades, these gun towers being erected in 1992, and those that are not yet completed are in the course of completion.
De Grønne i Europa-Parlamentet beklager dybt, at Traktatens artikel 8 A ikke hidtil er gennemført hverken for EF-borgere eller for personer fra tredjelande.
And no doubt if the Commission does its job of policing, — and I believe that it should; it has been mentioned that it should be the watchdog — then in fact it should come into the picture as a force of law and apply these freedoms we have been promised.
Men navn lig oprøres vi over, hvor ringe værdi lovene har, hvor lidt de gælder i dette EF.
Or, worse still, I may be told that this a matter for the national government in question, in this case the UK Government.
Det er for os et yderligere bevis på det demokratiske underskud, som snarere forøges end formindskes.
Are we a Community or are we not? Are the Commission, the Council and the whole paraphernalia merely a sham?
Vi opfordrer medlemsstaterne til straks at efterkomme deres juridisk bindende forpligtelse til at oprette et Fællesskab uden indre grænser, inden for hvilket perso ners frie bevægelighed sikres.
Ijust want to say to you, Mr President, that it is high time that the Commission got up off its bottom and enforced what it, the Council and this Parliament have agreed.
BLANEY (ARC). — (EN) Hr. formand, jeg vil gerne sige, at hr. Turners mundtlige forespørgsel ikke kunne være kommet mere belejligt.
BLANEY (ARC). — Mr President, may I just say with regard to Mr Turner's oral question that it could not have been more timely.
Nu hvor intet forhindrer ratificeringen af Maastricht-Traktaten, vil befolkningen i vore lande få at vide, at integrationen skrider frem igen.
With the way to ratification of the Maastricht Treaty now open, public opinion in our countries is going to be told that integration is on the move again.
Almindelige mennesker, som ikke skelner mellem Den Fælles Akt, Maastricht eller Schengen, vil se efter konkrete resultater for sig selv med hensyn til fri bevægelighed over indre grænser.
Ordinary citizens who do not make a distinction between the Single Act, Maastricht or Schengen are going to look for concrete results for themselves in terms of free movement across internal frontiers.
Forhåbentlig vil denne forhandling og indlæggene under den tilskynde Kommissionen til større aktivitet.
Hopefully this debate and the contributions being made to it may prod the Commission into a more active approach.
Det gør mig ondt, at De må undgælde for andres fejl, og at De kommer til at gøre det, som andre har forsømt.
However, it is regrettable that there is a glaring omission in the formulation ofthat oral question and a similar gap in most of the motions tabled to wind up our debate.
Så alle de friheder, vi blev lovet og burde have forventet siden 1. januar, burde nu være på plads.
So, all the freedoms we were promised and should have expected since 1 January should now be in place.
Men hvad er situationen i Irland i dag?
But what is the situation in Ireland today?
Faktisk er situationen blevet værre siden 1 Januar 1993.
In fact, the situation
BLANEY bombekratere i vejene, som er lavet af de såkaldte sikkerhedsstyrker og armeret, således som man måske har set på Maginot-linjen for 50 eller 60 år siden.
Furthermore, we wish to stress that the manner of dealing with this right of free movement of persons should not, directly or indirectly, provoke discrimination or serve the cause of racists and xénophobes.
Vore borgere, der bor langs med grænsen er i en trist situation med fysisk lukning af alle overgangene.
Our Community is creating five different situations and five types of citizens whom we could categorize as follows:
De kan ikke komme på arbejde, gøre forretninger over grænsen, besøge venner eller omgås socielt uden lange omveje, som ofte er meget upraktiske.
1. the Member State's citizens, in other words, the 'first class' citizen;
hvor narkotikaplagen ikke kan klares og stadig øges for hver dag, gør man det endnu lettere for de forbryderiske forhandlere og distributører.
2. citizens from Member States who live and work in another Member State, so potentially citizens of a European Union, but in practice immigrants and thus 'second class';
Det er virkeligheden, så meget desto mere hvis man tager i betragtning, at lovgivningen herom ikke er ens i alle Det Europæiske Fællesskabs medlemsstater.
3. citizens from third countries in Member States which have preferential relations with their country of origin as is — or should be — the case of Common wealth nationals in the United Kingdom or PALOP nationals in Portugal;
I en tid, hvor intet europæisk folk effektivt tager fat på den lille og store kriminalitet, gennemborer man med den frie bevægelighed endnu nogle beskyttende diger.
4. citizens from third countries in a Member State which is a signatory to the Schengen Agreement;
Den får så at sige en tilladelse, en opmuntring til at udvide sit arbejdsområde fra Italien til at omfatte hele Det Europæiske Fællesskab.
5. citizens from third countries in a Member State which is not a signatory to the Schengen Agreement.
Den, som siger noget andet, narrer sig selv og andre, eller er ikke rigtig klog, men forsøger alligevel at narre andre, binde dem noget på ærmet, kort sagt bedrage dem.
Obviously, this is the melting-pot where all manner of arbitrariness could be — and is — fomented, jeopardizing a right which goes unrecognized as such.
Udlændingenes fortaleres røster lader der ikke herske nogen tvivl, hvad det angår.
And it is precisely this context that justifies the clarification of and struggle for a right — for this right.
Et angreb på enhed i forskelligartethed.
involved, on the other hand, are legion.
Således bliver den frie bevægelighed for personer i hænderne på eurocentralismen et nyt angreb på denne rige forskelligartethed, hvorved udviskningen af befolkningernes identitet truer endnu mere.
At a time when the scourge of drugs is out of control and is becoming daily more serious, things will only be made easier for the criminals who deal and traffic in drugs.
Vi er imod denne frie bevægelighed, fordi vi går ind for kampen mod kriminaliteten. Vi er imod denne frie bevægelighed, fordi vi går ind for de europæiske menneskers sikkerhed.
That is the reality, the more so as the legislation in this field is not the same in all Member States of the European Community.
Vi er imod dette dogme om fri bevægelighed for perso ner, fordi det for Europas folk og for Europa som helhed kan udvikle sig til en sand græshoppeplage.
At a time when no European nation is effectively tackling either minor or serious crime, freedom of movement merely breaches a few more protective dikes.
Dette er ikke en tid med fri bevægelighed.
The mafia is rubbing its hands with glee.
Dette er ikke, hvad vi blev lovet i de forskellige lovgivninger gennem ført på Rådets og Kommissionens bud og endog Parlamentets.
It is being awarded a free pass, an encouragement to extend its field of operations from Italy to the entire Community.
Det er en hån at tale om fri bevægelighed på nuværende tidspunkt i mit land. Kan de forestille dem disse palisader, disse skydetårne, der blev opstillet i 1992, og dem, der endnu ikke er færdige, er man ved at lægge sidste hånd på. De var der ikke for tre år siden.
It should also not be forgotten that the worrying problems caused by the masses of foreigners present in the Member States who are not citizens of any Member State, and I am thinking in particular of non-European foreigners, will take on even more threatening dimensions.
Og hvis Kommissionen udfører sit politiarbejde — og det mener jeg, den bør; det er blevet nævnt, at den burde være pladshund — så burde den være med i billedet som en slags lovens arm og gennemføre disse friheder, som vi er blevet lovet.
It is not only a matter of the foreigners who are already here; we also have to think of the new floods of asylum-seekers and illegal immigrants, which are not in dispute.
Men uden tvivl vil Kommissionen fortælle mig, at der er tale om sikkerhedsanliggender, og derfor kan den ikke gribe ind. Eller endnu værre, jeg kan få at vide, at dette er et anliggende for den pågældende nationale regering, i dette tilfælde Storbritanniens regering.
The voices of the advocates of immigration leave us in no doubt that these are to be expected.
Er vi et Fællesskab eller ej?
An affront to unity in diversity.
Er Kommissionen, Rådet og hele molevitten blot snyd?
Thus the free movement of persons in the hands of Eurocentralism represents a new attack on that rich diversity, which places the identity of our peoples under increased threat of extinction.
Har Kommissionen tænder, og hvis den har, hvorfor bruger den dem så ikke?
We are against this freedom of movement because we are for the fight against crime.
Jeg vil blot sige til dem, hr. formand, at det er på høje tid, at Kommissionen lettede sig fra sædet og gennemførte det, Rådet og Parlamentet har vedtaget.
We are against this dogma of freedom of movement, because it can develop into a veritable plague of locusts for the peoples of Europe and for Europe as a whole.
RIBEIRO (CG). — (PT) Hr. formand, datoen den 1. januar 1993 ligger allerede for langt tilbage til, at vi kan blive ved med at more os med den form for ping-pong, som vi oplevede på et plenarmøde i februar, gående ud på at lade ansvaret og sorteper gå videre, endog med trusler om at indklage spørgsmålet for Domstolen, uden at vide mod hvem klagen skulle indgives, og hvem der skulle indgive den.
RIBEIRO (CG). — (PT) Mr President, January 1 1993 is long gone and we are still playing a sort of ping-pong, just like we did in Plenary months ago, in February, when we tried to apportion blame and pass the buck — even threatening action in the Court of Justice, although nobody was quite sure who was being accused and who was doing the accusing.
En dag viser denne grimme ælling sig at være en smuk svane.
Do people have the right to free movement or not?
Jeg måtte tænke på dette eventyr, fordi det her drejer sig om dets sidestykke.
If they do, such rights can be regulated but cannot be withdrawn or suspended unless under exceptional circumstances.
Det substantielle spørgsmål står stadig tilbage og bliver mere og mere akut: Er fri bevægelighed en borgerrettighed eller ej?
GERAGHTY (NI). — Mr President, this debate on the issue of the freedom of movement is much more fundamental than simply one of travellers' irritation, because the question of the free movement of persons is one of the fundamental pillars of the European Community.
I bekræftende fald kan rettighederne reguleres, men ikke suspenderes eller ophæves, medmindre der er tale om ekstreme situationer.
The much publicized 'Bangemann Wave' — or the 'blue wave' as it is sometimes called — has in my opinion degenerated into a mere bureaucratic trickle as EEC Member States continue to obstruct the free movement of persons within the Community.
Det risikerer faktisk den berømte frie bevægelighed for personer inden for Det Europæiske Fællesskab.
We would certainly get more urgent action than we are getting at present.
Mulig vis, skønt jeg slet ikke er sikker på det, muligvis er man startet med de bedste hensigter om at gennemføre en sådan fri bevægelighed.
It is a curious fact that at Brussels airport holders of EEC passports often have to queue while passport-holders of third countries walk through virtually unchallenged.
Men ligesom med alle utopier er man gået til værks fuldstændig blottet for bare det mindste gran realitetssans.
The checking of passports at internal frontiers has if anything increased since 1 January and in many cases the determination of national bureaucracies to obstruct Community integration seems to have been reinforced.
Afviklingen af kontrollen ved de indre grænser kan ikke berettige en styrkelse af kontrollen ved de ydre grænser og en absolut prioritering af det politiske samarbejde på bekostning af respekten for privatlivets fred og de individuelle frihedsrettigheder.
The removal of international controls cannot justify increased controls at external borders and the absolute priority given to police cooperation, to the detriment of the individual's inalienable right to have his or her life and liberty respected.
Det kan ikke accepteres, at bekæmpelsen af ulovlig handel med narkotika og af
The necessary, indeed indispensable fight against drug trafficking and the crackdown on crime cannot be pretexts for prior agreements which suspend or defer the exercise of a demagogically muchvaunted right which in practice is delayed and adulterated. ated.
Endvidere skal det understreges, at håndteringen af spørgsmålet om fri bevægelighed for personer ikke må give anledning til direkte eller indirekte forskelsbehandling eller give næring til fremmedhad og racisme.
Article 169 of the EEC Treaty, and it is now clear that unless, within two months from today, the Commission acts and takes a firm stance with the Member States, which are cocking a snook at the law, then if Parliament wants to respect itself and its role, it will have to invoke Article 175 of the EEC Treaty and have recourse to the European Court of Justice.
Fællesskabet er i færd med at definere fem situationer og fem typer borgere:
tion policy and transnational corporations.
Det frie marked modnes hver dag; men det sociale Europe med et fælles statsborgerskab venter endnu på at se dagens lys i EF.
The free market is maturing every day, but the Social Europe of a shared citizenship has yet to be born in this European Community.
Dette er en sag, hvor Parlamentet må tage teten, hvis det skal bevare sin troværdighed.
This is a matter on which this Parliament must take a lead if it is to retain any credibility.
Artikel 8 A i Traktaten har fundet direkte anvendelse siden den 1. januar og burde have sikret, at fra den dag kunne EF-borgere og borgere fra tredjelande, som legalt bor i Fællesskabet, frit bevæge sig mellem medlemslandene uden at være underkastet kontrol og chikane.
Article 8a of the Treaty has been directly applicable since 1 January and ought to have ensured that from that date Community citizens and nationals of third countries who are legally resident in the Community are free to move between Member States without being subjected to checks and harassment.
De seneste udtalelser fra visse medlemslande antyder, at vi faktisk gør tilbageskridt på området.
Recent statements from some Member States suggest that in fact we are going backwards on this issue.
Derfor går jeg stærkt ind for ideen om, at man i henhold til artikel 175 i Traktaten indbringer sagen for Domstolen for at sikre, at den frie bevægelighed gennemføres!
For that reason I strongly support the idea that legal action under Article 175 of the Treaty be taken to ensure that the free movement provided for is enforced.
2. statsborgere fra EF-medlemsstater, der arbejder og bor i en anden medlemsstat, potentielle unionsborgere, men reelt indvandrere, dvs. »andenrangsborgere«;
Mr Commissioner, you personally have turned a deaf ear to repeated calls by the Committee on Civil Liberties and Internal Affairs, and if I may say so, you show scant respect for the elected representatives of Europe's peoples.
Efter at have lyttet til nogle af indlæggene i denne forhandling, vil jeg sige, at den grundlæggende modstand herimod kommer fra racister og folk, der nærer fremmed had.
Unless within two months from this day you appear here, before a Plenary sitting, with a decision by the Commission as stipulated by Article 169, Parliament will certainly invoke Article 175.
TSIMAS (PSE). — (GR) Hr. formand, det er ikke første gang siden 1. januar 1993, at Parlamentet beskæftiger sig med Kommissionens foruroligende inkonsekvente hold ning med hensyn til konkrete initiativer for at få med lemsstaterne til at overholde artikel 8 A.
TSIMAS (PSE). — (GR) Mr President, this is not the first time since 1 January 1993 that Parliament has been concerned about the Commission's worrying failure to undertake specific and effective initiatives to ensure that Member States abide by the commitment of Article 8a.
Vi har beskæftiget os med dette 2 gange tidligere i løbet af de sidste 5 måneder, hvor Parlamentet har udøvet sine kontrolbeføjelser over for Kommissionen, men desværre uden noget egentligt resultat.
COONEY (PPE). — Mr President, I think we all looked forward with eager anticipation to 1 January 1993 and to a system where there would be no more custom controls and no more passport controls.
En sådan ramme er klart nok en smeltedigel for vilkårlig hed af enhver slags, som anfægter en traktatfæstet rettighed, der imidlertid ikke behandles som en sådan.
Because we would see that as bringing about the common market that was our great goal and it would also be a sign that a united Europe was just around the corner.
I denne sammenhæng er det mere end berettiget at kræve en afklaring og at kæmpe for håndhævelsen af denne ret.
Unfortunately, we have been grievously disappointed because passport controls remain right throughout the Community.
I dag, 5 måneder efter den bindende dato, den 1. januar, udfører alle medlemsstaterne fortsat næsten den samme grænsekontrol som før, og den frie bevægelighed for personer er en stor fælles tragedie.
Today, five months after the binding date of 1 January, all the Member States continue to apply pretty well the same border controls as in the past, and ultimately the free movement of persons is still a great common drama.
Medlemsstaterne har ingen seriøse undskyldninger for ikke at tillade fri bevægelighed for personer fra januar.
The Member States have no serious excuses not to permit the free movement of persons from last January onwards.
De har længe kendt til denne forpligtelse, som blev indgået med Den Fælles Akt i juli 1987. Og som bekendt har alle medlemsstaterne undertegnet denne.
They already knew about the existence of that commit ment, which has been part of the Single Act since July 1987.
Hvor mange år skulle de have til at forberede sig?
How many years did they need for their preparations?
Der er nu gået 6 hele år.
Six whole years have already gone by.
Hvor mange år skal der gå, før man mener, at Fællesskabet er tilstrækkeligt forberedt til at gennemføre bestemmelserne i artikel 5, 8 A og 235 i EØF-Traktaten?
How many more years will it take for the Community to consider that it has made suitable preparations to imple ment the orders of Articles 5, 8a and 235 of the EEC Treaty?
Det samme ansvar har også Kommissionen påtaget sig, uden at den har taget noget initiativ til en passende forberedelse.
Besides, the same blame attaches to the European Commission, which has not undertaken any substantial initiative towards appropriate preparation.
Det eneste, der er sket de sidste 6 måneder, har været forberedelser til indførelsen af fri bevægelighed for varer, tjenesteydelser og kapital.
6 years is preparation for the free movement of goods, services and capital.
Hvorfor har dette forarbejde ikke omfattet den 4. faktor, som er nødvendig for fuld ophævelse af de indre grænser, nemlig fri bevægelighed for personer?
And, of course, these are all genuine excuses as far as the mainland of Europe is concerned.
Uden fri bevæge lighed for personer kan selve det indre marked ikke fungere gnidningsløst. Men selv om det indre marked skulle kunne fungere på denne måde, kan dette ikke danne forbillede for det forenede Europa.
Our colleague, Mr Blaney, drew attention to the specific position in Ireland with regard to frontier controls.
For vi ønsker ikke et forenet Europa kun for handel og kapital.
He omitted to mention that in the South there are police and military patrols.
Vor grundlæggende visions vigtigste kendetegn, hr. formand og hr. kommissær, er skabelsen af Borgernes Europa.
It was quite grotesque on the part of Mr Blaney to mention these impediments to free move ment between the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland and to mention these controls in the critical way in which he did without telling this House that the reason for these controls is the terrorist campaign of the IRA.
Og her lever Kommissionen, Rådet og visse af medlemsstaternes politiske ledelser ikke op til deres ansvar.
I would not like any person in this House to be misled as to what is the cause of those draconian controls on the island of Ireland: the cruel, savage and stupid campaign of the IRA.
Vi finder alle de undskyldninger, der er blevet fremsat i de sidste måneder fra visse sider, uholdbare.
It is grotesque on the part of our colleague Mr Blaney to ignore that point, so grotesque that I have to suspect his motives.
GERAGHTY (NI). — (EN) Hr. formand, denne forhandling om spørgsmålet om fri bevægelighed drejer sig langt mere om principper end blot de rejsendes irritation, for spørgsmålet om fri bevægelighed for personer er en af hjørnestenene i Det Europæiske Fællesskab.
Why then, Mr Commissioner, has this preparation excluded the fourth ingredient of the full abolition of internal frontiers, namely the free movement of persons?
Det er en besynderlighed, at i Bruxelles' lufthavn skal indehavere af ÉF-pas ofte stå i kø, medens indehavere afpas fra tredjelande går igennem uden videre.
Our basic vision, Mr President and Mr Commissioner, recognizes above all the creation of a citizens' Europe.
Kontrollen med pas ved indre grænser er om noget blevet forøget siden 1. januar, og i mange tilfælde ser det ud til, at nationale bureaukratiers vilje til at obstruere EF's integration er blevet styrket.
And at present, thanks to the Commission, the Council and the political leadership in certain Member States, this is just not happening.
Af ovennævnte årsager opfordrer vi her i dag Kommissionen til at tage konkrete initiativer, som kan munde ud i resultater i løbet af ganske kort tid.
Mr President, for all these reasons, we call upon the Committee today to adopt specific initiatives which must bring results quickly.
Vi opfordrer Kom-
We urge the Commission to invoke
I sidste uge, da jeg rejste gennem Dublin Airport på vej hjem fra Bruxelles, var de gamle kontrolforanstaltninger i brug igen.
COONEY what has been said by Mrs Roth, my colleague from the Green Group, who has spoken on behalf of our Group.
missionen til tage artikel 169 i EØF-Traktaten i brug, og det står klart, at hvis Kommissionen ikke handler i løbet af 2 måneder og ikke markerer sit standpunkt over for de medlemsstater, der så åbenlyst handler ulovligt, vil Par lamentet, hvis det vil bevare respekten for sig selv og sin rolle, være nødsaget til at gøre brug af artikel 175 i EØF-Traktaten og indbringe sagen for Domstolen.
It is staggering, Mr President, that well past the emblematic date of I January 1993, one of the core rights of Community citizens — and for myself, the most fundamental one — the free movement of persons, remains, Mr President, distinguished Members, a dead letter.
Hvis De ikke kommer her i Parlamentet inden to måneder fra dags dato med en beslutning fra Kommissionen som fastsat i artikel 169, vil Parlamentet uden tvivl gøre brug af artikel 175.
Commissioner, I have news for you, the blue wave has been discontinued. Last week, going through Dublin Airport on return from Brussels the old controls were back in place again.
Spørgsmålet er: Hvad gør vi nu? Vi kan måske vente på, at medlemslandene viser det politiske initiativ, som hidtil har manglet, eller vi kan gå rettens vej.
The question is: what do we do now?
Desværre er det ikke særlig attraktivt at søge rettens bistand, for den juridiske position er alt andet end klar, og vi kunne ende i en juridisk hængedynd.
Unfortunately going to law is not a very attractive proposition, because the legal position is anything but clear and we could end up in a legal quagmire.
Jeg tror, at det, der skal gøres, og det er Kommissionen, der skal gøre det, er at tage fløjlshandsken af.
I think what has to be done — and it is for the Commission to do this — is to take off the velvet glove.