natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Solidaritet og beslutsomhed er, hvad Europa og samtlige nationer impliceret i denne aktion har brug for.
We have to pay the price and at this stage that entails an oil price rise, as Jacques Delors was stressing just now.
De Forenede Nationer har dekreteret blokade af aggressoren, om nødvendigt opretholdt med magt.
In this connection, I should be grateful to the Commission for clarification, since I for one fail to understand why oil has gone up from $18 to $30 despite
En lykkelig og fredelig udgang på konflikten afhænger af blokadens gennemførelse.
Elements in the compromise resolution before the House might also strengthen that perception.
En heldigt gennem ført blokade betyder aggressorens nederlag og sam tidig mulighed for fred.
I will, however, vote in favour of that resolution because I believe those that are suffering, demand that this House speak with a united voice on this occasion.
Hvis vi skal undgå væbnet konflikt, må vi gøre alt, for at blokaden lykkes, at den bliver fuldstændig, varig og om nødvendigt
We have an opportunity today to demonstrate whether it is rhetoric only or whether all nations of this Community are going
Vi må ligeledes gøre alt, for at de, der måtte forsøge at udnytte situationen, afskrækkes herfra.
I am thinking above all of Jordan, which is suffering not only a financial loss but also a loss of economic activity.
Med henblik på en sådan indsats nu og i fremtiden er solidaritet og beslutsomhed nødvendig, hvilket vi klart må manifestere i dag.
How many businesses, in industry and services, are being closed down there at the moment?
Le Pen (DR). — (FR) Hr. rådsformand, hr. kom missionsformand, hr. parlamentsformand, mine damer og herrer, jeg glæder mig over den modererede holdning — der ikke er kommet fuldstændig bag på mig — hos repræsentanterne for Fællesskabets organisationer.
But there are also problems that do concern us — more than that, the failure to resolve them was to a certain extent responsible for precipitating the crisis.
Den står i stærk kontrast til en del, skal vi sige, mere fyndige udtalelser.
Who are the people supporting Saddam Hussein in the Gulf?
Jeg er, trods udtalelser gående ud på det modsatte, rent faktisk ikke overbevist om, at De Tolv's hold ning i de forløbne uger har været helt i overensstemmelse med dette dobbelte krav.
They are without exception, and it goes no further for the time being, the dispossessed of the Arab world who have no hope left.
Man siger, at jeg tager fejl, og jeg ønsker inderligt at blive overbevist herom.
The Palestinians are all for Saddam Hussein !
Og her nytter det ikke at dække sig ind under en eller anden form for inkompetence eller institutionel utilstrækkelighed.
In the Maghreb and elsewhere, it is young people who no longer have any hope of development, who are on the point of giving up, rejecting everything, or plunging into fundamentalism.
Når man ønsker at vise solidaritet og beslutsomhed, er der tusindvis af måder, hvorpå man klart og tydeligt for alle kan udvise en sådan solidaritet og beslutsomhed.
We bear a share of responsibility for not having tackled these problems in the Middle East, and I therefore consider it altogether apposite for us to make it clear now that we are determined to make sure that these problems receive attention afterwards.
Men hvad drejer det sig om?
But nothing can be done beforehand.
For repræsentanterne for Europas befolkning drejer det sig om sikkerhed, velstand og fremtiden på baggrund af en situation, som vi ikke direkte har skabt, og som må siges ikke at være direkte rettet mod os. Jeg hører næsten alle referere til FN's resolutioner som til en bibel.
After the withdrawal from Kuwait, they can be addressed according to the principles by which we are being guided at present: condemnation of the occupation of a country ; condemnation of the use of force in defiance of Secutiry Council decisions.
Men findes der to slags resolutioner? Selv enstemmige? Gode og dårlige?
Let us make that absolutely clear.
De, der bringes i anvendelse i forbindelse med visse former for aggression og de, der ikke bliver gennemført?
Let us make it clear that we shall be guided by the same principles when it comes to dealing with the remaining problems in the Middle East, which are partly our concern.
I dag ser det ud til, at situationen er mere entydig, og der hersker større enighed.
Admittedly, this is not going to sort out all the problems.
Bolden er nu givet videre til aggressoren, om man så må sige, og det er op til ham at træffe de afgørende valg.
Even if we returned to the situation as it was on 1 August, we would still have a number of problems in the Middle East.
For når alt kommer til alt, har De Forenede Nationer fordømt andre forhold af samme type i denne region, for blot at nævne den!
While on our visit to the Gulf, we heard that people in the United States, and even in Europe, were talking along the lines of: 'what a shame to miss this opportunity to get rid of Iraq's industrial capability, to change the regime in the region, even to redraw the map of the Middle East'.
Syrien, der indtil for nylig var på den internationale anklagebænk, er nu blevet en kær allieret, det samme land, som har invaderet Libanon!
This is reminiscent of what happened at the time of the Mossadegh crisis in Iran.
Der findes der selvfølgelig ikke olie, det erkender jeg, og det er formodentlig kernen i problemet, eller i hvert fald et af de væsentligste elementer i problemet.
The ill-chosen words used by James Baker in the US Congress, in which he referred to a new Baghdad Pact, may have lent credence to the suspicions.
(Bifald fra DR-Gruppen)
But they were unfounded.
Men vi må allerede nu udvide perspektivet og drage læren af en sådan rystelse.
This is not to say that we should not be giving thought to what is to be done afterwards.
For det første er det glæde ligt, at opløsningen af den tidligere kommunistiske lejr har gjort det muligt at trække FN ud af denne organisations sløvhedstilstand og afmagt.
Some of the problems that are going to arise afterwards will be between Arabs and the Community certainly has no intention of attempting to resolve them on behalf of the Arabs or of dealing with them by establishing a monitoring force, whether armed or not, in the Arab world.
Vi hilser denne begivenhed, der lover godt for fremtiden, velkommen.
Between Kuwait and Iraq there is room for negotiation on some of the demands the Iraqis had made beforehand ; if these have been met in other parts of the Gulf, they could perhaps be met there also.
For det andet at Europa som sådan har været alt for fraværende.
There are problems that have to be settled among Arabs.
Hvis man ville være ond skabsfuld, kunne man sige, at endnu en gang har Europa stillet sig tilfreds med at følge bagefter i en vigtig sag.
I find it entirely natural and desirable for them to discuss them among themselves as of now.
Og spørgsmålet er stadig, om det skyldes mangel på institutioner eller mangel på fælles vilje?
From this point of view, what we heard from the Tunisians and others is interesting.
Men uanset om det er det ene eller det andet, må der gøres en stor indsats for at udbedre dette forhold.
I mention the Tunisians because it is my personal view that, of all the Arab nations, it is probably
Dette problem kan ikke længere ignoreres.
Europe has its part to play.
Jeg skal imidlertid gøre opmærksom på, at den aktuelle konflikt ikke er opstået ud af intet, og at, omend vi naturligvis skal respektere international ret og dens forsvarere, så er det ligeså nødvendigt, at denne ret besidder den grundlæggende egenskab at være retfærdig.
The object of the exercise is not to set up a system of supervision by the most powerful country in the world, even though we have to acknowledge that its intervention in this instance was invaluable, since without it we would probably have a war on our hands by now, following an invasion of Saudi Arabia.
Vi ville ganske vist have foretrukket en tekst, der var mere koncentreret om de essentielle problemer. Og mere beskeden.
Let us be thinking in terms of the Euro-Arab dialogue, at parliamentary level in particular.
Men jeg må nødvendigvis konstatere, at det er den amerikanske intervention, der har forværret konflikten.
(Applause) than its neighbour would know that it could attack, invade and annex it with impunity.
De Forenede Nationer hævder selv det princip, at problemer først og fremmest skal løses regionalt.
Such is the geopolitical importance of this situation to the prospects for peace and stability in the world.
Der er tale om en intern arabisk konflikt, og vi ved udmærket, at påstanden om, at de irakiske tropper skulle have til hensigt at invadere Saudi-Arabien netop er en anklage baseret på hen sigter.
The House should therefore address a solemn appeal to all the Community States calling on them to hold firm in their awareness — they are aware now, but they must hold firm — that any weakening of the united front on the sanctions against Iraq imposed by the UN Security Council would be highly irresponsible.
En stormagt som USA havde i øvrigt midler til på det pågældende tidspunkt at lade sin mening høre, og hvorfor er det ikke sket før?
The success or failure of our nations in maintaining solidarity will determine our future over the coming years or even decades.
Hvem kan tro på, at forberedelserne til invasionen af Kuwait har fundet sted i al hemmelighed, og kan man ikke formode, at der har fundet visse manøvrer sted, der har ført Kuwait ud i en uforsonlig holdning og dermed helt naturligt medført konflikten.
As for the Community's role in this crisis, ladies and gentlemen, I would describe it as honourable but at the same time insufficient.
Alle fordømmer ganske vist invasionen af Kuwait og anbringelsen af gidsler på strategiske steder, hvilket er forbudt ifølge de internationale konventioner, men vi kan ikke undlade at vurdere, hvad der er på spil og den hermed forbundne risiko.
FONTAINE (PPE). — (FR) Mr President of the European Council, Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, we vigorously and unreservedly condemn the Iraqi government for its manifest violations of the law of nations and human rights, for its hostage-taking, which under international law is a flagrant act of war, for its blackmailing threats of terrorism and use of the most barbarous methods.
Risikoen består i, at der udbryder en krig, der lidt efter lidt måske kommer til at omfatte hele verden, og vi europæere må ikke glemme, at geo-strategisk set vil vi altid være naboer til den arabisk-muslimske ver den, og at det er vores pligt at forsøge at skabe, om ikke de bedste, så dog de mindst ringe forbindelser med den.
That said, and bearing in mind the immediate risks that face the whole of the world, we see the Gulf crisis as presenting the House with three important questions for the future.
Det er en dårlig situation for lande som Europa og Japan, omend det er en fordel for visse andre.
Can this crisis, for all its gravity, create an opportunity for the community of nations to establish a new order of international relations, and if so under what con ditions ?
Vi gentager, at efter vores mening findes der kun en vej, nemlig forhandlingens, som vi bør gennemtrumfe over for de to lande, såvel Irak som Kuwait.
Is the European Community performing a role in this crisis commensurate with the ambitions and responsibilities appropriate to its status ?
Man beskriver nu en ny international orden, en ny udgave af den, der opstod efter Jalta, og hr. Delors sagde for nylig: »Jeg er optimistisk, fordi jeg tror på Saddams nederlag, men især fordi man for første gang ser udkastet til en verdensregering«.
Honourable because, credit where it is due, the Council and Commission lost no time in taking ad hoc measures dictated by the situation, both on economic sanctions and on mounting a significant humanitarian effort.
Hr. Dumas har udtalt: »FN og Sikkerhedsrådet er de nye lovgivere, den nye lovgivende myndighed i den nye verdensorden«.
Also because the WEU on its side demonstrated Europe's active solidarity.
Skal det forstås sådan, at man har benyttet lejligheden til at gennemføre et veritabelt internationalt statskup og etableret over nationale, verdensomspændende strukturer, som vore nationer skal adlyde?
But this role has been insufficient because throughout the month of August, let us have the courage to admit it, the main impression made on public opinion in our countries was the conspicuous absence of the Community as such. I stress that 'as such' are the operative words here.
Det er ikke lige netop vores opfattelse af international ret.
As you are of course aware, Mr President, many of us in the House would have wanted an extraordinary sitting.
Så meget mere når der er tale om en periode, hvor den mindste gnist kan sætte en hel region i brand.
Needless to say, our group wholeheartedly approves of all the UN resolutions, particularly the imposition of a blockade, which has to be strengthened and verified, as was very pertinently pointed out by President Giscard d'Estaing.
Jeg mener, at Europa, Det Europæiske Fællesskab, i denne sag har sluttet op om den amerikanske hold ning. Europa er imidlertid ikke blevet anmodet herom, ja ikke engang underrettet!
However, once the opportunity had been missed, we had to reconcile ourselves to the fact that we could not take effective action, since we lacked coordinated military resources and did not have the capacity for sufficiently united and speedy decision-making.
Er det muligt at forestille sig, at det amerikanske efterretningsvæsen og dets informations- og overvågningssystemer ikke har vidst, hvad der var under forberedelse?
And if we are to take the positive view as urged by Mr Delors, this crisis provides ample demonstration — were further de monstration necessary — of the reasons why the Community is in urgent need of political union.
Alt peger på, at man i grunden havde ønsket denne situation.
I come now to the third question facing the House.
Mulighed for intervention, med Irak som eneste skydeskive.
What can we do now to guard against any repetition of such situations ?
Vi rejser hermed spørgsmålet om oprindelsen til konflikten. Dernæst rejser vi spørgsmålet om, hvorvidt de trufne foranstaltninger er i fredens tjeneste, eller snarere giver anledning til krig.
If Saddam Hussein is eventually obliged to bow to this pressure from the United Nations community, humanity will have pulled off the historic achievement of upholding the primacy of right over might, doing so by means other than open war.
Vi er af den mening, at et dårligt arrangement er bedre end en god proces, og at selv en dårlig forhandling er bedre end en god krig.
This will set a very significant precedent, ladies and gentlemen, as is already being foreshadowed by the Security Council plan for ending the tragedy of Cambodia.
Er der så tale om krigslogik eller fredslogik?
We need to do three things, in my view.
Ingen kan ønske at indgå i den førstnævnte, selv om døden i mange år har hersket i Mellemøsten.
Once again, let us have the courage to admit that things would perhaps not have come to this pass if our various States had not let their manufacturers sell conventional, chemical or prenuclear weapons to Iraq.
I modsat fald vil det ulykkeligvis blive den tragiske krigslogik, der går af med sejren.
FONTAINE in Strasbourg once a month, if our institution is to avoid falling into discredit.
Vi for vores ved kommende svarer ja.
I am thinking of my own country in particular.
Ja, vi kan og bør gøre alt for at gennemføre en politisk løsning i Golfen.
Secondly, we can no longer allow latent regional conflicts to simmer on indefinitely.
Det er naturligvis nødvendigt klart at fastsætte mål og midler.
Saddam Hussein would have been even more isolated is these problems had been settled.
Målene er allerede fastsat: Iraks tilbagetrækning fra Kuwait, frigivelse af gidslerne, sikkerhed for, at intet land vil gøre brug af våben for at påtvinge andre sin vilje.
Until they are settled, they will always have the potential to spark a worldwide military conflagration.
Det vil sige, at den vedtagne embargo må overholdes, undtagen, som det præcise res af FN, i forbindelse med fødevarer og lægemidler, der betragtes som livsvigtige.
With regard to the Community's capacity to respond, we still have the expectation that the institutional reforms under way and those awaited will be able completely to overcome the inadequacies in European political cooperation, and that the components of external policy and security will be adequately reflected in a revision of the treaties.
Selv om vi ikke kan lade diktatoren i Bagdad træde international ret under fode ustraffet, kan andre heller ikke tage denne ret til indtægt for at legitimere en længerevarende tilstedeværelse i denne region, blot fordi der findes store oliereserver.
With regard to concrete action by the European Economic Community, it is now important to support the measures, proposed by the Commission and adopted by the Foreign Affairs Ministers, to assist those countries most affected by the crisis, measures on which a final decision will be taken in the next few days.
Det vi ønsker, hr. formand, er, at fællesskabsinstitutionerne energisk arbejder for en politisk løsning af krisen, og at de således bidrager til at undgå en tragedie, som ingen ønsker.
Iraq's aggression is unacceptable and the demand for its withdrawal from Kuwait is nonnegotiable, but this crisis points up the unsustainable coexistence of prosperity and poverty, not only within a single country as we have seen hitherto but on the worldwide scale.
Ib Christensen (ARC). — Hr. formand, Regnbuegruppen mener, at De Forenede Nationer er det rette forum og instrument til løsning af den krise, som Iraks uhørte overfald på og annektion af Kuwait har skabt.
That, Mr President, completes the threefold message that I wanted to put to the House in this debate.
Det betyder, at Sikkerhedsrådets resolutioner om embargo mod Irak skal føres ud i livet effektivt og betingelsesløst.
I believe — like other speakers before me — that the moment has come for the Community to show a spirit of true solidarity, quantitatively going beyond mere symbolism, and instead reflected in significant and effective aid.
Militære midler må efter vores opfattelse kun tages i brug med henblik på at gennemføre embargoen og kun gennem De Forenede Nationer, ikke ved enkeltstaters handlinger uden om FN.
Furthermore, the events in the Gulf have brought home the message that it is not through the uncontrolled supply of arms that are finally turned against us, but through significantly broader co operation in all fields, that we can take preventive action to remove the gathering threats to the industrialized and developed world.
Vi påpeger faren for, at konflikten udvikler sig til en krig mellem de rige industrialiserede lande og overklassen i de arabiske lande på den ene side og på den anden side de fattige folkemasser i de arabiske lande.
In other words, through more decisive aid to the development of the countries that are in need of it.
Diktatoren i Bagdad har i årevis fængslet, tortureret og myrdet et stort antal demokrater, uden at det internationale samfund har bekymret sig om det.
To conclude, and with the intention of avoiding ambiguities, I do not doubt that all of us here would certainly favour a just, negotiated and diplomatic outcome to the crisis.
Det er således i dag uomgængeligt nødvendigt at opfylde de omtalte mål, men det skal præciseres, at formålet ikke helliger alle midler.
But I consider that this objective is only compatible with an inflexible position regarding the principles of respect for international law.
Der bør ikke træffes beslutning om nogen unilateral militær foranstaltning i lighed med USA's ved konfliktens begyndelse, da en sådan indebærer en stor risiko for optrapning, og intet land bør på egen hånd udråbe sig selv til militær håndhæver af den internationale organisations beslutninger.
CAPUCHO (LDR). — (PT) Mr President, it can never be superfluous to add one more voice to the vehement condemnation of the invasion and annexation of Kuwait by Iraq, and in particular, of the shameful detention of hostages by the Iraqi dictatorship.
Kan og bør Fællesskabet spille en rolle i en sådan situation?
(The sitting was suspended at 1.05 p.m. and resumed at 3 p.m.)
Ja, det kan spille en meget vigtig rolle.
IN THE CHAIR: MR BARON CRESPO
Det bør hævde sit synspunkt selvstændigt for at opmuntre til og støtte initiativer til dialog, uanset om det sker inden for internationale institutioners rammer eller inden for den arabiske verdens rammer. Fællesskabets goodwill i de arabiske stater er reel.
The response by the international community to this barbarism was rapid and general, but special mention must be made of the firm role played by the revitalized United Nations in ensuring respect for international law, and also of the determination shown by the United States in leading the opposition to the treacherous aggression by Iraq, a fact that, surprisingly, is overlooked in the joint resolution; and lastly, of the correct and responsible attitude of the Soviet Union, reflected in the consensus achieved with the United States at the recent Helsinki summit.
Hvilket hr. Formigoni erindrede om i formiddags. Det er således gennem en politisk løsning, at Saddam Hussein må bringes til fornuft.
As for our Community, beyond the swift response of the Council and the Commission, there was a manifest lack of any concerted and timely response in the actual theatre of the crisis, a situation particularly highlighted by the constraints on NATO's action and the in adequacies of the Western European Union.
Hvilke initiativer skal vi tage, for at de dybere årsager til konflikten finder en fredelig løsning?
Indeed last week, in London, the House of Commons and the House of Lords held debates on the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait.
Vil Fællesskabet beslutsomt gå ind for afholdelse af en international konference?
There is a distinction between that particular series of debates and our own.
Vil Fælles skabet bidrage til at udrydde den skandaløse udviklingsmæssige ulighed, der bliver stadig større i regionen?
In London, for example, there was no text, no resolution upon which the House of Commons, for example, voted.
Bør Fællesskabet ikke rejse spørgsmålet om en ny Nord-Syd-dialog og slå til lyd for en mere retfærdig fordeling af olieindtægterne?
Even though there is a very substantial majority in support of the government, it was a vote to adjourn the House.
Hvis dette sker, vil Fællesskabets stemme blive hørt i den
This is a standard procedure. But in our case, we have to vote on a text.
Palæstinaproblemet hører uløseligt sammen med dette og er også baggrund for den aktuelle krise. Vi foreslår, at der oprettes en selvstændig palæstinensisk stat inden for anerkendte grænser, Israel må trække sig ud af de besatte områder, og PLO må anerkende staten Israel inden for denne stats retsmæssige grænser.
As for us, the European Parliament, thanks to the logistic insufficiencies with which we are well acquainted, it is only today, more than a month after the outbreak of the crisis, that we are able to come up with a political position regarding the events in the Gulf.
Der er indgået kompromisforslag som afslutning på denne forhandling, og jeg vil godt komme med den kommentar hertil, at dette kompromisforslag er uklart med hensyn til FN's ubetingede styring af denne konflikt.
And this once again goes to show that our positions cannot continue to evolve at the rhythm of the week we spend
Det gjorde man ikke, da der blev begået folkemord på kurderne og i Afghanistan.
Membership of ACP-EEC Joint Assembly: see Minutes.
Det vil gøre det unødvendigt at komme med udflugter og påskud om en bedre fordeling af velstanden, der i dag omgås ved angrebskrige eller økonomiske eftervirkninger.
As a group we hope that Parliament will support the resolution as a whole and do so in the knowledge that it will give no comfort to Saddam Hussein.
som også er den uretfærdige fordeling af ejendomsretten til ressourcerne i den arabiske verden.
We support the United Nations' positions and the action of many countries in enforcing the sanctions.