natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Gentagne gange tales der om de Forenede Stater, Canada og Tyrkiet, mens Maastricht beder om noget andet, beder om et andet svar.
There is repeatedly mention of the United States, Canada and Turkey, while Maastricht requires something else, calls for a different response.
Er det ikke muligt at gå lidt videre?
Is it not possible to go a little further?
De sagde i Deres begrundelse, at der ikke kan gives svar på, om det skal være udvidelse eller uddybning.
You said in your explanatory statement that no answer can be given to the question of enlargement or intensification.
Alligevel synes jeg, at der burde skulle gives et svar på spørgsmålet, om vi, efter Maastricht, efter Edinburgh, kan holde fast ved et Europa med fire hastigheder. Vil vi snart få et Europa med ti eller tolv hastigheder?
Yet I believe that an answer ought to be given to the question whether we, after Maastricht and after Edinburgh, can maintain a four-speed Europe.
Også om det havde der efter min mening måttet komme et forslag.
In my view, there ought to have been a proposal on that point as well.
Jeg finder det beklageligt, at man for de nye medlemsstaters ved kommende siger betingelsesløs tiltrædelse, betingelsesløs, mens de nuværende medlemsstater ikke er betingelsesløse, tænk på Danmark, tænk på Det Forenede Konge rige.
I think it a pity that, for the new Member States, we say: unconditional accession; unconditional, whereas the present Member States are not unconditional — look at Denmark, look at the United Kingdom.
CASSANMAGNAGO CERRETO (PPE). — (IT) Hr. formand, jeg ønsker at udtrykke min anekendelse af hr. De Giovanni's betænkning, som foreslår en ændring af Rådets institutionelle rolle.
MARINHO (S). — (PT) Mr President, there is no denying that from the point of view of the essential enlargement of the Community, there is a need to put forward certain ideas as the basis for a new institutional operating model.
Jeg er specielt enig i det forslag, der siger, at medlemslandene skal repræsenteres af permanente delegationer under ledelse af en ansvarshavende minister.
MUSSO (RDE). — (FR) Mr President, first may I congratulate the two rapporteurs, and Mr Hänsch in particular, on the prodigious task they have completed.
Jeg er ligeledes enig i, at en større stabilitet og gennemskuelighed hos delegationerne i Rådet på den ene side vil muliggøre en bedre kontrol fra de enkelte nationale parlamenters side, og på den anden side vil befordre en større effektivitet i institutionerne.
This report looks at the Community "post-Maastricht" and the rapporteur himself deplores the inadequacies of Maastricht to meet the new challenges and take in new Member States.
En forholdsvis stabil delegation kan endvidere fremme et mere åbent forhold mellem regionerne i overensstemmelse med de forskellige forfatninger.
I shall not be the one to contradict you, and certainly not the movement of which I am part, which aiso lamented these shortcomings earlier.
MARINHO (S). — (PT) Hr. formand jeg afviser ikke, at det er nødvendigt at fremsætte nogle ideer om en ny institutionel model med henblik på den kommende udvidelse af Fællesskabet.
However, we would question whether it is appropriate at this time to consecrate guiding principles for an institutional reform in a report based on a debate which is just at the embryonic stages in the institutions, practically non existent in the Member States and particularly sensitive in view of the ratification process which has not yet been concluded.
Det siger sig selv, at hvad angår afstemninger, skal hver delegation udtrykke en fælles holdning.
So far account has been taken in the proposals on enlargement only of economic factors such as GDP, for example.
Det handler jo ikke om at gøre Rådet til en slags parlament eller om at sætte ligevægten mellem større og mindre stater på spil.
It is an altogether technocratic approach, and if it had been the only approach in the past, some new accessions could not have taken place.
Enhver idé om diskrimination mellem landene ville jo også være i modstrid med den europæiske ånd.
It seems to me, in the new world order you are proposing, that it is born of the greatest disorder and confusion, which I see as dangerous to the building of Europe and European Union, which all of us want and you yourself especially.
Hvad der imidlertid er diskutabelt, er på dette tidspunkt i en betænkning at fastlægge vejledende principper for en institutionel reform på grundlag af en debat, der kun er på fosterstadiet i institutionerne, praktisk talt fraværende i medlemsstaterne og ydermere særdeles ømtålelig, efter som ratificeringsprocessen endnu ikke er afsluttet.
To consider that the institutional structure which has now been updated with the new Treaty would involve inefficiency or the risk of dissolution at enlargement is an initial claim which, apart from anything else, undervalues the need for the urgent conclusion of ratification.
Derudover er åbenheden et vigtigt aspekt: I og med det drejer sig om et lovgivende organ, bør Rådets møder være offentlige.
I think, Sir, that your system will not help to build Europe. It will make not for a new world order but for the very opposite, a world disorder, and my group wants no part in that.
I denne henseende har de signaler, der er udsendt fra Det Europæiske Råd i Edinburgh, været yderst skuffende, selvom problemet nu endelig er kom met på dagsordenen i de enkelte medlemslande og ikke længere kun her i Parlamentet.
To consider that an increased number of states will delay or complicate decisionmaking and encourage inertia or deadlock in Community activities is an idea which goes against the Community's historical process of develop ment, where every geographical enlargement has always resulted in increased powers and responsibilities and greater European initiative, regardless of whether a larger or smaller number of states has been called on to take decisions.
Vi opfatter derfor udelukkende betænkningen fra Udvalget om Institutionelle Spørgsmål om skabelsen af en fælleseuropæisk orden som udgangspunkt for en debat, der stort set må siges at indledes i dag.
VANDEMEULEBROUCKE (ARC). — (NL) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, first and foremost I wish to thank Mr De Giovanni the rapporteur for the fact that the situation is now that Member States have to take account of constitutionally acknowledged regions.
Så meget mere som betænkningen indeholder en række ideer, som vi ikke kan tilslutte os.
Many thanks, then, to this rapporteur, but also to rapporteur Hänsch.
Det er klart, at dagens betænkning kun omhandler en del — om end en vigtig del — af problemet omkring institutionernes struktur.
They are political and ideological risks and as such they result from different concepts in European construction. They are not numerical or quantitative risks.
Men det er nu på tide, at vi giver den europæiske opbygning en mere generel udformning.
In our opinion, the more integrating and the less exclusive the institutional rules. the stronger and more solid the Community will be.
At hævde, at den institutionelle struktur, der indføres med den nye Traktat, i forbindelse med en udvidelse af Fællesskabet ville medføre ineffektivitet og risiko for
Let me just explain that: it is possible to create a northern Europe and it is possible to create a southern Europe, and
Dette er grunden til, hr. formand, at jeg endnu en gang vil fremhæve vigtigheden af at vedtage et forfatningsforslag.
If I take Luxembourg, for example, Luxembourg was in the chair in 1985 when the Single Act went through and in 1991 when most of the work on the Maastricht Treaty was completed.
ændringer, der efter min mening er uacceptable.
The rejection of a two-speed financial Europe must coincide with the rejection of a political Europe by stages, as if there was a podium and a consolation prize for the smallest countries.
Han foreslår et stående rådsformandskab, hvilket er ensbetydende med at lade hånt om, at Rådet repræsenterer ligeværdige suveræne medlemsstater, som ikke kan acceptere nogen som helst anden form end et formand skab baseret på samordning. Dette system ville desuden i realiteten føre til skabelse af regeringsblokke, der ville få samme status som direktorieme i det gamle europæiske alliancesystem med de velkendte negative følger.
Consequently, all the cultures and all the languages will have equal value, and no cursed tower of Babel can call into question the importance which Community patrimony has always attached to the official language of the Member States, right from the start.
FAYOT (S). — (FR) Hr. formand, jeg vil i mit indlæg begrænse mig til to spørgsmål, som er særligt ømtålelige for de små og mellemstore lande.
(The President interrupted the speaker)
Ydermere foreslås det at opgive princippet om Kommissionens kollegiale ansvarlighed, hvilket vil medføre en yderst alvorlig og uacceptabel afsporing.
When I see some of the presidencies of the bigger countries I cannot help thinking that the small countries, which have less clear-cut interests and a greater capacity for dialogue, compromise, pragmatism and flexibility than many administrative and diplomatic apparatuses of the large countries, are sometimes better placed than the larger countries to move the Community forward.
Og med hensyn til den fælles lovgivningsprocedure kan jeg under ingen omstændigheder acceptere, at der afviges fra den klassiske formel, dvs trepartsdialog mellem Kommissionen, Parlamentet og Rådet.
I think Mr Hänsch's premisses are wrong on that and I am glad he has changed tack with his Amendment 9 and that he is dropping his proposed restrictions on rotation.
Hvad angår Rådet, kommer betænkningen ind på to problemkomplekser.
CASSANMAGNAGO CERRETTI (PPE). — (IT) Mr President, I would like to express approval for the De Giovanni report which proposes a change in the institutional role of the Council.
På den ene side det om rotationsordningen efter alfabetet for formandskabet og på den anden side det om unionens repræsentation udadtil.
I agree especially with the proposal that Member States be represented by permanent delegations under the leadership of one minister in charge.
Luxembourg, blev Fællesakten bragt i hus under dets formandskab i 1985, og i 1991 blev størstedelen af Maastricht-Traktaten udarbejdet.
A fairly permanent delegation may also encourage a more open relationship between the regions, in accordance with different constitutional systems.
Hr. Hänsch' første tanker herom forekommer mig at være forkerte, og jeg er glad for, at han med sit ændringsforslag nr. 9 skiftede kurs og lader de restriktioner vedrørende rotationsordningen, han havde fastsat, falde.
These are very serious reservations concerning the various aspects of the Hänsch report, and I voice them on behalf of the Luxembourg members of the Socialist Group.
Det Europæiske Folkepartis Gruppe har meget stor respekt for, at der i Hanschbetænkningen på indgående og tilbundsgående vis tænkes over Den Europæiske Unions fremtid i en orden, der omfatter hele Europa.
For it is not a question of turning the Council into a ' 'parliament' ' or of challenging the balance between the large States and the others.
Jeg har egentlig et spørgsmål til Kommissionen.
Any notion of a directorate, of discrimination between States would, in fact, be contrary to the spirit of the Community.
På linje med det bedes der om, at der indkaldes til en regeringskonference allerede før 1996, før vi tager beslutning om udvidelsen af Fællesskabet.
Furthermore, an essential aspect is that of transparency: the sittings of the Council as a legislative organ, should be public.
Det punkt får ekstra vægt, når man gør sig klart, at Europa-Parlamentet skal tilslutte sig optagelsen af nye medlemmer.
As far as this is concerned the signals of the European Council of Edinburgh are extremely disappointing, even if the problem is at last on the agenda of Member States, in addition to our Parliament.
Det forenes da van skeligt med Hansch-betænkningen, og jeg spørger Kom missionen, hvilken linje vi vil holde os til i den forbindelse. se.
But it is now time to provide European integration with a more general direction, in which to frame reforms for the sake of efficacy, democracy and, above all, to allow citizens to understand which Europe is being built, so that when they are called upon to vote we are very clear about what it is they are expressing their opinion on.
Hvad angår Kommissionen, hr. formand, giver de foreslåede ændringsforslag mig ikke den beroligelse, jeg kunne have ønsket.
VALVERDE LÓPEZ (PPE). — (ES) Mr President, as I have been repeating ever since Mr Hänsch presented his first document in the Committee on Institutional Affairs, I cannot support this report personally for many reasons, but mainly because it misrepresents the originality of the Community institutions.
Kommissionens betydning i unionens institutionelle opbygning er enorm.
It has not concentrated on the specific problems of enlarge ment, as was its task, but instead goes on to propose changes in the legal and political nature of the Council and the Commission which, in my opinion are unacceptable.
Den tanke, at en medlemsstat ikke skulle være repræsenteret i Kom missionen, kan end ikke tænkes.
It proposes a permanent elected presidency of the Council thus ignoring the fact that the Council represents the equal sovereignties of the Member States, which cannot accept any kind of presidency other than a mere coordination.
Men det synes at være den bagtanke, Udvalget om Institutionelle Spørgsmål har, selv om den omgiver den med mange forsigtighedsforanstaltninger for at opnå, at Kommissionens sammen sætning kobles fra antallet af medlemsstater og disses ret til at være repræsenteret i Kommissionen.
In addition, this system would in fact lead to the creation of blocks between the governments, which would act like the governing bodies of the former European system of alliances, with the negative conse quences we all know.
Jeg går i øvrigt ud fra, at Kommissionen også har noteret sig, at sikkerheds- og forsvarspunkteme om NATO og WEU bevæger sig inden for teksterne fra Maastricht, dog med en enkelt interessant skærpelse.
This is the reason why, once again, Mr President, I am emphasising the importance of approving a proposal for a Constitution.
Til slut, hr. formand, er der hos mig og i Det Europæiske Folkepartis Gruppe stor beredvillighed til at overveje vanskelige punkter, vanskelige ændringer — rådsformandskab, Kommissionens sammensætning og sprogordningen — men lad os være yderst forsigtige på det sidste punkt.
Moreover, it proposes to abandon the principle of the Commission's collegiate responsibility, which would involve a very serious and unacceptable distortion.
Sproget er hjertet i et folks identitet, og lad os ikke glemme, at rædselsreaktionerne efter Maastricht for det meste havde at gøre med frygt for tab af identitet.
And, as far as the Community legislative procedure is concerned, neither can I agree in any way to our departure from the traditional formula of tripartite discussions between the Commission, the Parliament and the Council. cil.
VALVERDE LÓPEZ (PPE). — (ES) Hr. formand, som jeg gentagne gange har sagt, siden hr. Hänsch forelagde sit første udkast i Udvalget om Institutionelle Spørgsmål, kan jeg personligt ikke støtte denne betænkning af mange forskellige grunde, men hovedsagelig fordi den fundamentalt indebæreren forvanskning af fællesskabsinstitutionernes originalitet.
FAYOT (S). — (FR) Mr President, I shall confine myself to speaking on two issues which are particularly sensitive to the small and mediumsized Community members.
Hr. Hänsch har udarbejdet en universel betænkning, der er i modstrid med andre betænkninger, som Parlamentet har vedtaget.
These are the proposals concerning the Council, on the one hand, and the Commission on the other.
David MARTIN (S). — (EN) Hr. Formand Jeg vil gerne lykønske både hr. Hänsch og hr. De Giovanni for deres fremragende betænkninger.
Finally, Mr President, it seeks to change the nature of the Council of Europe without any justification and proposes an airy-fairy panEuropean confederative organization
David MARTIN betænkningen har netop opstillet de præcise, meget moderate betingelser for denne udvidelse.
I will vote categorically against this report against which many other arguments can still be put forward.
Det, jeg bedst kan lide ved hr. Hänsch' betænkning, er, at den en gang for alle skyder en pil igennem den idé, at der skulle være en konflikt mellem en udvidelse af henholdsvis samarbejdet og antallet af medlemslande i EF.
PENDERS (PPE). — (NL) Mr President, the Group of the European People's Party is highly appreciative of the fact that, in the Hänsch report, a penetrating and in-depth examination is made of the future of a European Union within an order comprising the whole of Europe.
De to ting går hånd i hånd.
I have in fact a question for the Commission.
Ansøgerlandene forsøger ikke at blive optaget i Fællesskabet for at svække den magt, som har tiltrukket dem.
That paragraph assumes more weighty significance when it is realized that the European Parliament's consent is required for the entry of new members.
Formanden for Kommissionen har ved en tidligere lejlighed i denne sal meddelt, at der ville komme et eksplosivt dokument om konsekvenserne af udvidelsen.
Time unfortunately does not permit me to go into detail on any other matters contained in this report, but the other aspect of the report which I am particularly encouraged by is the way that Mr Hänsch suggested we can involve Central and Eastern European countries in the work of this Community at this stage, short of full membership.
Ikke blot har ingen nogensinde set dette dokument, men Kommissionen har endog uden at trække på smilebåndet gravalvorligt erklæret, at der slet ingen problemer var, og at man kunne tage imod de fire lande uden at ændre noget i de nuværende strukturer.
Through panEuropean cooperation, he foresees getting these countries involved at an early stage in the work of the European Community in some of our key policy areas.
Godt, kære Kommission, jeg ønsker Dem held og lykke, når der stadig skal opnås enstemmighed med femten eller seksten medlemmer.
That has to be welcomed. Of course, in the long term what Eastern European countries want is member ship of the Community.
De vil få at se, hvor mange afgørelser De så kan træffe.
That hope should be held out to them but we should be realistic and the report is realistic in its approach.
VAYSSADE (S). — (FR) Hr. formand, først vil jeg gerne gratulere hr. Hänsch med hans arbejde.
HERMAN (PPE). — (FR) Mr President, at a time when there is continuing and deep scepticism about the ability, indeed the will, of two Member States to ratify the Maastricht Treaty, at a time when the four freedoms of movement, supposed to be effective from 1 January, are still far from in place, at a time when the money markets no longer believe in monetary union, at a time when Europe is tragically proving itself impotent in the face of the Yugoslav question, the Council President, who has been very careful not to hang around here for too long, has declared that his first and absolute priority is enlarge ment. What better example could there be of ducking out because you cannot handle the issues confronting you!
Betænkningen har været ventet længe, den er ofte blevet udsat, men jeg tror, det er godt, at vi drøfter den i denne mødeperiode nu, hvor der faktisk er indledt forhandlinger med mindst tre ansøgerlande og om en måned måske med et fjerde.
Finally, Mr President, there is considerable readiness on my own part and on that of the EPP Group to reflect on difficult points, difficult changes — Council presidency, composition of the Commission and also the language setup — but where that last point is concerned, let us be hyper-careful.
De første nye medlemmer, Sverige, Østrig og Finland, vil uden tvivl styrke De Europæiske Fællesskaber.
It is no coincidence that the two countries most opposed to a supranational, federalist Europe are not only the ones which have failed to ratify Maastricht but the ones which most want enlargement as fast and as broadly as possible.
De støtter traditionelt miljøpolitik og socialpolitik af en meget høj standard.
This haste is suspect, and we are not fooled.
Deres økonomier vil kvalificere dem til med lemskab af den Europæiske Monetære Union, og de vil blive nettobidragydere til Fællesskabets budget.
We do not think for a moment that these two countries want enlarge ment just to please the Swedes or all the others.
Og deres lange demokratiske traditioner vil gøre dem til værdifulde bidragydere til revisionen af Fællesskabets institutionelle struktur i 1996.
They want it because to them it would be the beginnings of the kind of Europe they would like to see, a Europe without power, a simple free trade area.
Jeg er overbevist om, at når de engang er medlemmer, vil de stå på Parlamentets side i vore bestræbelser for at opnå større demokratisk kontrol over EF.
Well, that will not happen. Parliament will make sure it does not, and the Hänsch report sets out the precise and very moderate conditions in which enlargement will take place.
Til dem, som synes, det går lidt for vidt, er lidt for føderalt etc., vil jeg geme sige, at det måske er nødvendigt at kræve meget for i sidste instans at være sikker på at opnå blot en smule.
The Commission President recently promised, in this chamber, a key document on the consequences of enlargement.
Vi vil få samtlige medlemsstater til at overbevise sig selv om, at udvidelsen ikke er mulig uden en række institutionelle ændringer, som kan få dette hus op at stå.
Not only has no one ever seen this document, but the Commission said quite seriously, with a straight face, that there was no problem, that the four countries could be absorbed without making any changes at all to present structures.
Vi indbyder ikke nye medlemmer til et hus under opbygning med fare for, at etageadskillelsen styrter sammen, eller rørene springer.
Well, I wish the Commission luck when it needs a unanimous vote with fifteen or sixteen members.
Man bygger huset færdigt, før man modtager folk.
You will soon see how many decisions you manage to take.
Tiden tillader mig desværre ikke at gå i detaljer med andre emner i betænkningen, men det andet punkt i betænkningen, som specielt opmuntrer mig, er hr. Hänsch forslag til, hvordan vi kan involvere de centralog østeuropæiske lande i arbejdet i EF, så længe de endnu ikke er fuldgyldige medlemmer.
MARTIN, David (S). — Mr President, I would like to congratulate both Mr Hänsch and Mr De Giovanni on their two very excellent reports.
Han forudser, at vi på et tidligt tidspunkt kan involvere disse lande i arbejdet i EF på nogle af vore vigtigste politiske områder gennem en fælleseuropæisk samarbejdsordning.
However, I will concentrate on Mr Hänsch's report, which is a real tour de force of the issues involved in the enlargement of the Community.
Det andet princip i Hansch-betænkningen, jeg synes godt om, er, at tiltrædelsen sker til hele Traktaten, herunder de institutionelle ændringer, der måtte blive foretaget, og herunder det sociale område, som er indeholdt i Maastricht-Traktaten.
What I like most about Mr Hänsch's report is that it kills once and for all the notion that there is a conflict between deepening and widening the Community.
Jeg tror for øvrigt, at landene er rede til at gå ind herpå.
The two go hand in hand. You cannot have one without the other.
Jeg er enig med hr. Herman, når han siger, at de to lande, som for øjeblikket rynker på næsen af Maastricht-Traktaten, forsøger at forcere tingene.
Countries do not seek to join the European Community in order to weaken the very power to which they have been attracted.
Ingen af delene kan siges at være tilfældet for De Europæiske Fællesskaber. ber.
The first new members, Sweden, Austria and Finland, will undoubtedly strengthen the European Community.
Vi tror ikke et sekund på, at det er for svenskemes og alle de øvriges blå øjnes skyld, at disse to lande er for udvidelsen.
They have a tradition of supporting environmental and social policies of a very high standard.