natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Det er udemokratisk, og jeg vil opfordre til, at topmødet og regeringskonferencen udsættes til et tidspunkt, som i det mindste ligger nogle uger efter, at alle medlem mer og offentligheden har haft mulighed for at læse dokumenterne på alle sprog.
OREJA AGUIRRE (PPE). — (ES) Mr President, I should like to begin by adding my congratulations to those addressed to the President of Parliament, for the attention and vigilance he has devoted to ensuring the success of a meeting as complex as the Conference of European Parliaments.
Vi mener, der kunne findes mere passende svar; men, hr. formand, vi vil opfordre til, at man udsætter forhandlingen, indtil alle dokumenter foreligger på alle sprog.
I am going to confine my speech to two reflections : the first, an attempt to define our terminology more precisely ; the second, to say that at a time of great hope such as the present, there are sometimes grounds for concern at the frequent ambiguities in the words of some eminent persons in the Council and the Commission, which contribute to confusing public opinion about our present position and the direction in which we are heading.
Der er ikke mulighed for dette nu.
And he does not let mattets test there.
Dessylas (CG). — (GR) Hr. formand, hvornår vil Europa-Parlamentets og de nationale parlamenters fælleserklæring blive oversat og omdelt?
When asked about the role of the European Parliament, he replies, and I quote : 'In the future, Parliament, too, will have to have some degree of legislative initiative ; but more powers means a greater degree of political responsibility.'
Efter min korte forelæggelse af resultaterne af konferencen, der ikke i princippet er et dokument, som Parlamentet skal stemme om, eftersom afstemningen om erklæringen fandt sted sammen med repræsentanterne for de nationale parlamenter, vil jeg med Deres tilladelse omsider give ordet til hr. Colombo.
You will understand that, as long as we heat things like this, we shall be a long way from achieving that European Union so masterfully described by Mr Colombo in his report.
Det er altså, hvad forhandlingen i dag drejer sig om.
What is concealed behind each of these terms ?
Deres anmodning forekommer mig fuldstændig ubegrundet, hvis De fremsætter den på dette grundlag.
For me, Community is what we have, and Federal European Union is our destination: a union based, as the Colombo report says, on citizens and states.
Hvis De anmoder om udsættelse, vil jeg sætte anmodningen under afstemning, men det forekommer mig, at De rejser et spørgsmål, der ikke har med dagsordenen at gøre.
Economic union and political union are the changes we wish to see made to the Treaty, which will facilitate the qualitative leap to European Union.
Dagsordenen opfører to dokumenter, der er oversat til dansk, og som desuden har deres oprindelse i Parlamentet.
But European Union is different in nature to the present Community.
Colombo (PPE), ordforer. — (IT) Hr. formand, hr. rådsformand, hr. kommissionsformand, kære kolleger, dette beslutningsforslag, som Udvalget om Institutionelle Spørgsmål forelægger til afstemning i Parlamentet, er det andet forberedende dokument til udkastet til forfatning for Den Europæiske Union.
European Union means transforming the whole range of relations between Member States into a union along federal lines, and providing it with the means of action necessary to attain its objectives.
Dette princip må nødvendigvis også gælde inden for de enkelte medlemsstater for regionernes forfatningsretlige stilling.
The meeting also showed that the national parliaments are in full agreement with the European Parliament on the need to strengthen democratic scrutinty of the EC institutions, including the activity of the Commission.
Efter Europa-Parlamentets hidtidige holdning og navnlig med henvisning til Spinelli-udkastet af 1984 må Parlamentet efter min mening med klarhed og fasthed give udtryk for den politiske begrundelse for sit initiativ i denne afgørende overgangsperiode i den indre og ydre fællesskabspolitik.
I shall say nothing about the European Parliament, because I do not have time. We all want the same thing, which is the reasonable and legitimate objective of powers of codecision with a body representative of the Member States, whether the Council in its present form or a senate representing the Member States, the Council in a modified form.
Vi må i et dokument, der ikke er et arbejdsdokument, så at sige fra en forskningsafdeling til Det Europæiske Råd, men som er et politisk indlæg fra et demokratisk valgt Parlament, der er talerør for Europas borgere, give udtryk for vor overbevisning, nemlig at det aldrig på noget tidspunkt siden Schuman-erklæringen har været så nødvendigt, ja uomgængelig nødvendigt, at omdanne vore forbindelser til en union med tilstrækkelige beføjelser og institutioner.
If we look at the main content of the final declaration which was adopted at the Rome conference on the last day, the main themes are: agreement among the conference delegates on the need to strengthen de mocratic scrutiny in the Community, firstly by strengthening the role of the European Parliament as a body for democratic scrutiny and secondly by involving the national parliaments further in the EC legislative process. There was also agreement on strengthening dialogue and cooperation between the national parliaments and the European Parliament.
Der er intet sket, der kan berøre de grunde, der kræver denne dristige beslutning, de politiske grunde, som jeg ikke vil gentage her for ikke at trække mit indlæg i lang drag.
Finally I think it important to stress the common understanding of the need for a gradual enlargement of the Community by the admission of new Member States. This would take place in parallel with an equally gradual strengthening of political integration in the Community.
Subsidiaritetsprincippet sikres på domstolsplan ved de beføjelser, der tillægges Domstolen til at kontrol lere, at subsidiaritetsprincippet overholdes i tilfælde af konkurrerende beføjelser eller tillæggelse af beføjelser i henhold til artikel 235 i Traktaten om De Europæiske Fællesskaber eller tilsvarende bestemmelser.
It was already my view at the time of the Single Act, and it is even more so now, that we could not establish economic and social coherence in the Community with the Single Act, bringing realization of the objective laid down in the Treaty of Rome, namely a genuine internal common market, unless there was a political will at the head of the Commission.
Jeg vil navnlig understrege behovet for at klarlægge miljø politikken, idet vi måske i de ændringer, som vi skal foretage, må finde frem til en særlig ordning, der dog må fastlægges klart for at undgå usikkerhed.
How can it be criticized for being no more than an administration and a technocracy when there is no willingness to give it the political weight it needs to be able to show the consistency that is essential in order to meet the challenge from third countries, which are able to have a coherent policy, since they each have a single govern ment in charge of economic and social policy ?
Endvidere forudsættes det, at der ved en intern ordning inden for unionen, og derfor af dennes institutioner og ikke længere ved aftale mellem rege ringerne, kan ske udvidelse af beføjelserne eller en rationalisering af disse.
Today this is essential, not only for the purposes of dealings with the outside world, not only for our external trade, but in order to have a proper industrial policy, which is essential, to have a policy on research and technology, a policy on development, and a social policy, which we still do not have.
Udøvelsen af lovgivningsmyndigheden tilkommer og finder sin begrundelse i de to bestanddele, der på lige fod er grundlaget for unionen.
The broad agreement on this is also an important gain, precisely because the EC must not be an exclusive club for a chosen few.
For europaborgerne sker det gennem Europa-Parlamentet, for staterne gennem Rådet.
On the contrary it must remain an open, democratic fellowship.
Der er også en ide om eller et tilløb dertil, at Rådets struktur derefter bør ændres med henblik på denne funktion som statskammer.
In short it must be possible for other European countries that meet the conditions for EC membership to take part in the process of integration and unification which is being led by the European Community.
Den vil altså være et ansvarligt udøvende organ, som kommissionsformanden, hr. Delors, krævede i sin tale her i salen den 17. januar i år.
They said the Economic Community would necessarily turn into a political community.
Derimod har han sat, at resultaterne af Rom-mødet har været mindre klare angående den politiske enhed.
The Community must turn into a political community or it will necessarily just drift along, in which case it will be in even more danger than before.
I vore drøftelser må vi imidlertid tage i betragtning, hvad der siden er sket.
It must therefore have a political head, and we see the Commission as that political head.
I et afsnit i dokumentet fra mødet mellem parlamenterne i Rom, der er blevet omtalt før, gås der faktisk ind på den tanke, at tiden er kommet til at omdanne de indbyrdes forbindelser mellem De Tolv til en Europæisk Union, og at fastlægge dennes organisation i en forfatning på grundlag af Europa-Parlamentets og de nationale parlamenters forfatningsgivende myndighed.
The conference in Rome, which deep down I feared would not be a success, turned out to be a worthwhile experience leading to a happy outcome — it was a good precursor to the intergovernmental conference in Rome.
Den anden nye kendsgerning er endnu en stillingtagen fra præsident Mitterrand og forbundskansler
JEPSEN (ED). — (DA) Mr President, the European Parliament has every reason to be satisfied with both the
En anerkendelse af den institutionelle rolle, som regionerne har i medlemsstaterne, fremgår af punkt 9 for fjernelse af strukturel uligevægt, punkt 27, 46 og 55 for institutionelle spørgsmål og punkt 27 for kulturelle spørgsmål.
AGLIETTA (V). — (IT) Mr President, I, too, wish to emphasize that, despite the anticipated dangers of
Colombo den historisk betydningsfulde periode som fælles skabsinstitutionerne og de europæiske regeringer gennemlever, og et udtryk for. at vi er på højde med denne historiske situation.
AGLIETTA conflict between the European Parliament and the national parliaments — risks which in my view have also been very artificially inflated — the Conference of Parliaments of the Community has struck a chord on the need to make progress through the démocratisation of our institutions towards a federal dimension for the future European Union.
Jeg mener, at Europa-Parlamentet for sin del må holde fast på sit enhedssyn og i intet tilfælde lade sig overvinde af de tanker, som det ene eller andet medlem af Det Europæiske Råd måtte fremføre.
I think, therefore, that this chord gives the debate that is in progress on the draft Constitution of the European Union very much greater force and greater relevancy.
Delors, formand for Kommissionen. — (FR) Hr. for mand, hr. rådsformand, Kommissionen fortsætter i dag den frugtbare dialog, den har indledt med Parlamentet om Fællesskabets fremtid.
I come now to the Colombo draft, which is not the view of the European Parliament, as Messrs Mitterrand and Kohl seem to think, and is not even literature, as Mr De Michelis unhappily seems to think, but is, in fact, a draft constitution.
Jeg tror, at jeg uden at blive modsagt kan tale om en frugtbar dialog, idet jeg synes, at vi i forbindelse med for handlingen om Martin-Betænkningen har fundet veje, der fører til bred overensstemmelse mellem Europa-Parlamentets og Kommissionens holdninger og ønsker.
I should like to see a clear reference to the fact that the problem of the environment is not just a responsibility and nothing more but is a genuine citizens' right and therefore, as such, becomes a decisive factor in the political and economic decisions that are taken in the Community, both in relation to the development model and in relation to the machinery of production.
Jeg tænker i særdeleshed på vore nu fælles bestræbelser på at finde frem til et tilfredsstillende medbeslutningstagningssystem.
I think that this is a central issues; I think, in other words, that this must be shown as a right in the Constitution of the future Union.
Det er i samme ånd og med samme interesse, at jeg indgående har studeret hr. Colombos anden interimsbetænkning, som den hedder.
Finally, there is the problem of the future structure of the Council of Ministers, which we have not yet gone into in sufficient detail.
De to betænkninger supplerer for øvrigt hinanden og udspringer af samme inspiration.
I hope that these three points can all be improved in the course of the debate and the voting on the amendments.
Deres brev af 6. december indeholder noget i retning af et udkast til Europæisk Union, der bygger på et forfatningsmæssigt grundlag.
I think that the main reason lies in the fact that the European Parliament went to these meetings with a proper strategy, the fruits of a year's work, the necessary documents and relevant indications.
Dette udkast har ganske vist sine skyggesider, men det kræver dog en stærk og solidarisk union, der er borgerne nær, og som er foran kret, jeg oversætter, i den vej, der følger af dens udformning som forbund. Dette udkast er vel ikke den forfatning, som vi kunne tænke os, det forstår sig, men vi må jo tage alt med i betragtning.
It may even surprise some people, but it happens that even the documents of the European Parliament, if they are to the point, can have a political effect, and I think that the Rome meetings demonstrated this.
Kommissionen skal have en parlamentarisk legitimation, men også her er der en skyggeside, fordi det ikke tilstrækkeligt er belyst, hvilke funktioner og hvilket ansvar der skal tillægges det udøvende organ, som vi anser Kommissionen for at være, men den parlamentariske legitimation kan vi tilslutte os.
You cannot construct a market without a society and, therefore, a strong connection between the economy and politics ; which makes it necessary — and no longer in Utopian detachment — to define the terms of the political institutions.
For øvrigt, hr. Colombo, anmodede jeg under den anden forberedende institutionelle konference om, at man ville lade en dør åben til det Europa, Rom-Traktatens forfattere drømte om, til det Europa, de gav inspiration, grundlag og institutioner. Disse grundlag, denne inspiration og disse institutioner har nu igennem tredive år gjort det muligt for os at gøre fremskridt.
This is where the political dimension comes in, the question of the political Union and the Eutopean Union that constitutes the fabric linking the various intergovernmental conferences, in particular the Inter governmental Conference on Political Union and the Colombo Report, which undoubtedly represents a major step forward, providing an important framework and giving us a perspective.
Det er i hvert fald alle spørgsmål, der må ses nærmere på.
I would like to emphasize two points that seem to me to be of great importance.
Deres betænkning, hr. Colombo, forekommer mig således at udgøre et velgørende og livgivende billede af de fremtidige muligheder for at nå Den Euro pæiske Unions endelige fase.
The first is as follows: should the document have any political value, or should it be a document that outlines principles?
Da vi har talt om Den Økonomiske og Monetære Unions endelige fase hvorfor da ikke, når alt kommer til alt, også tale om Den Politiske Unions endelige fase, selv om det, der kommer ud af regeringskonferencen, som bekendt kun bliver et skridt på vejen til den endelige fase.
I think we are all agreed when we say that the document must have a political value: it is a document that forms part of a process— the building of Europe — in which various elements play different parts.
Selvfølgelig ønsker jeg, at det bliver et skridt fremad, blot må det ikke ske ved, at man vender ryggen til det Europa, som Rom-Traktatens ophavsmænd drømte om.
Well, if it must have a political value, I think it is very important that we should start laying down at least a precise — I will not say rigid — timetable, because I realise that that would be wishful thinking — a path, a political path.
Jeg tror, at ved det næste møde i Det Europæiske Råd, og jeg henvender mig her til den statssekretær, der repræsenterer det, og til hvem jeg vil tage det hensyn ikke at sige, at det mishager mig, at ministeren ikke er til stede i denne situation, vil dette endnu en gang stå over for en ny situation.
That is to say, something to ensure that it does not lie there dormant in a drawer, like a great sheaf of principles, but instead gets things moving along a political path. This, then, seems to me to be the point that we have to give thought to.
Og lad det derfor blot følge vejen til de mest påtrængende ændringer af Traktaterne, men efter min mening burde det træffe den politiske afgørelse om at ind føre unionen og dermed at omdanne de nuværende forbindelser til sådanne, som passer til en union, og om at skabe en forfatning for unionen. Efter min mening ville dette være det eneste politiske svar, der ville være opmuntrende for alle, et relevant svar i
And then, there is a question that I should like to raise, a question which, moreover, I note with pleasure was also raised by Mr Colombo this evening when introducing his report : the question of the Council.
Derfor tror jeg, at Colombo-Betænkningen er meget betydningsfuld og meget nyttig.
We have befóte us a draft constitution, we are not dealing with a document that concerns intetgovernmental conferences as such.
Den fastholder kursen mod vore drømmes Europa.
We have before us a draft constitution that
Den afklarer den føderale metode, hvilket sikkert er dens vigtigste bidrag.
DE GIOVANNI (GUE). — (IT) The Rome meetings came to a positive conclusion.
Og endelig rejser den meget vigtige spørgsmål, som ikke hidtil er besvaret hverken under regeringskonferencens forberedelse eller under vore forhandlinger.
We witnessed a significant dialogue, not tension and a clash between the European Parliament and the national parliaments; we had a good end document ; we saw the recognition of an institutional fabric in which all the parliaments must
Delors den føderale metode, som den er beskrevet i de bedste værker om føderalismen: Reglen om selvstændighed og reglen om medindflydelse.
In effect, if we say that the Commission is the government of the Union, the Colombo draft constitution is making an enormous step forward.
Reglen om selvstændighed er den, der giver mulighed for at bevare den enkelte medlemsstats personlighed og udelukker ethvert forsøg på snigende samling. Det er på dette grundlag, vi nu har arbejdet i tredive år.
And it follows, clearly, that the European Parliament and the national parliaments and the Council of Ministers become legislative chambers at different levels.
Medindflydelsesreglen, der afviser, at en enhed totalt underlægges en anden, eller at et land underlægges et andet, det mindste eller det stærkeste, men omvendt fremmer samarbejde og synergi.
Until this change comes about, the idea that the Commission is the government of the Union and the European Parliament and the national parliaments, through the Council, are a genuine legislative chamber is pure wishful thinking.
Det er uden tvivl et af de væsentligste hensyn, som bør optage os: Hvor dan skal man overholde disse to principper og opnå den ønskede effektivitet?
I think, therefore, that on this point rapid progress needs to be made, but I think that we have already made a great number of steps forward.
Som en indskudt bemærkning vil jeg gerne, hr. formand, idet jeg tilslutter mig den tak, der blev rettet til Dem, udtrykke min glæde over resultatet af konferencen mellem Europa-Parlamentet og de nationale parlamenter. Det var med stort flertal, at der vedtoges et forslag af samme inspiration som Martin- og Colombo-Betænkningerne.
That is where we part company, Mr Colombo, that is where I know my group parts company with the great majority in this House.
Men når Colombo-Betænkningen holder kursen, så skyldes det, at den påpeger, hvorfor unionen er et svar på ændringerne og kravene i verden. Ændringerne er sket hurtigere og hurtigere siden halvtredserne, men de har ikke derfor mindsket nødvendigheden af en Europæisk Union, der kan sikre forsvaret og forbed ringen af menneske- og grundrettighederne — det understreger De nøje — og som udtrykker den europæiske personlighed i dennes forskelligartethed, og som giver os mulighed for at genoptage betydningen af det smukke ord »fællesskab«.
At a time such as this, with the efforts being made to create political union, to develop an external policy and a defence and security policy, which is no longer to be a common policy but a federal one according to you, do you believe that a single one of today's heads of state, a single one of the heads of government or even a single one of the peoples of our twelve states would agree to this transfer — of sovereignty, not merely powers — to a super-state's super-government over which those peoples would have no direct control ?
Jeg har tit spekuleret på, hvorfor Rom-Traktatens forfattere valgte ordet »fællesskab«, som har en særlig konnotation.
That is the crux of the matter, Mr Colombo, and it is the reason why we shall not, I regret to say, be voting for your report.
En ånd, der udvikler sig sådan, at det lidt efter lidt bliver nemmere at udlede den fælles interesse.
It will be adopted by a very large majority, but everyone in a parliament has the right to say what he thinks and put across his point of view.
Endelig udleder Colombo-Betænkningen meget vigtige valgmuligheder.
I would also like to congratulate Mr Colombo on his excellent report.
Jeg vil blot nævne dem, da hr. Colombo selv udtrykker om ikke tøven, så dog spørgen. For det første med hensyn til kompetence overdragelsen og subsidiaritetsprincippet, som vi drøftede, da hr. Giscard d'Estaing forelagde sin betænkning.
What kind of Europe do we want, what kind of Europe are we hoping for ?
Om kompetencerne på EF-plan melder der sig mange spørgsmål om kultur og undervisning netop i forskelligartetheden og subsidiaritetsprincippets navn.
I want the Commission to know that the position we are taking is not a principled position against it, still less against its members or its president.
Og der er spørgsmål, som skal stilles kortfristet, f.eks. om de sociale sikringsordninger, igen som følge af disses forskelligartethed og vore borgeres fastholden ved de nationale systemer.
Our reason — and you will not disagree, Mr President, since you know this at least as well as I do — is that the Commission was not designed to perform this task.
Hvad angår planet for gennemførelsen, tror jeg ikke, at subsidiaritetsprincippet kun kan gå den ene vej.
To make a few changes to the existing Commission and turn it into the super-government of a superstate would, in our view, be a serious mistake for the future of the construction of Europe and all the things I have just mentioned.
Nogle opfatter det sådan, at centralstyret ikke skal beskæftige sig med for mange problemer, medens andre igen mener, at centralstyret, Fællesskabet, bedre kan varetage visse spørgsmål.
Something else is needed if we want real European political integration, if we want a common defence policy, if we want a common security policy, if we want a common foreign policy.
Jeg tror, at man skal have fat i begge ender, hvis man virkelig vil trænge ind i subsidiaritetsprincippets ånd.
Something else is needed, and it must be under the direct responsibility of the states' representatives.
For det andet afklarer Colombo-Betænkningen den føderale metode. At afklare er det samme som at gøre debatten fri af følelser og at situere den bedre.
In conclusion, Mr President, it is not enough to create a federal super-state, its back turned against the rest of the world.
Borgerne som suveræniteten og magtens kilde.
We have to consider what has happened in Eastern Europe.