natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
I hans rapport finder vi desværre stadig oplysninger om vilkårlige anholdelser, intimideringer og andre krænkelser af de grundlæggende menneske rettigheder.
Sadly, his report still refers to arbitrary arrests, intimidation and other violations of the fundamental rights of man.
En tid lang holdt EF sig på afstand af denne holdning, som USA indtog, men efter ophævelsen af den militære undtagelsestilstand i december 1985 ændrede holdningen sig trods de bekymringer, nogle af os nærede.
For a period the EEC remained aloof from this position taken by the United States of America but, following the lifting of martial law in December 1985, the attitude changed despite the misgivings some of us felt.
I januar 1986 fortalte kommissær Cheysson her i Parlamentet efter et besøg i Pakistan, at Pakistans premierminister havde forsikret ham om — og be myndiget ham til at offentliggøre denne forsikring — at alle de politiske domme, der var afsagt af de militære særdomstole, som da var blevet opløst, ville bli ve henvist til de civile domstole. Han følte, at dette svarede til en garanti for en tilbagevenden til demokrati. krati.
In January 1986 Commissioner Cheysson, follow ing a visit to that country, told this Parliament that the Prime Minister of Pakistan had assured him, and authorized him to make his assurance public, that all political sentences passed by the special military courts, which had then been dissolved, would be referred to the civilian courts.
På grundlag af disse og andre oplysninger har jeg da også i det sidste år gentagne gange stillet forespørgsler om disse under militærstyret dømte politiske fangers skæbne.
On the basis of this and other information I repeatedly put questions last year on the fate of political prisoners sentenced by the military government.
Jeg ville især vide, hvad der er sket med 69 politiske fanger, der er nævnt med navn af Amnesty.
Specifically, I wanted to know what had happened to 69 political prisoners named by Amnesty International.
Er de løsladt, får de denne gang en proces foran en civil domstol, forbliver de fængslet?
Have they been released, will they be tried by a civil court this time, are they still being held?
Svaret på mine forespørgsler har været specielt utilfredsstillende.
The answers to my questions were far from satisfactory.
Kommissionen skulle have rettet forespørgsel til de pakistanske myndigheder, men konkrete oplysninger udebliver.
The Commission said it had put the questions to the Pakistani authorities, but no specific information had been provided.
Jeg erfarer nu, at ikke kun vi forbliver i det uvisse.
I now hear that we are not the only ones who are in the dark.
Også i Pakistan selv er et parlamentarisk un dersøgelsesudvalg beskæftiget med dette spørgsmål, men parlamentet forbliver i det uvisse om dette un dersøgelsesudvalgs resultater.
In Pakistan itself a parliamentary committee of inquiry has been looking into this question, but Par liament is still unaware of this committee's findings.
Derfor er denne for handling og dens videre opfølgning da også så vig tig·
Hence the importance of this debate and its follow-up.
Vi går ind for en forbedring af vore forbindelser med Pakistan, det er klart.
We are in favour of an improvement in our relations with Pakistan, that is obvious.
Respekt for menneskerettighederne er imidlertid også der som i resten af verden en absolut nødvendig forudsætning.
But here too, as in the rest of the world, respect for human rights is a conditio sine qua non.
Hidtil har spørgsmålet om de politiske fanger været en hindring for den videre udvikling af vore forbindelser med Pakistan.
So far the case of the political prisoners has been an obstacle to the further development of our relations with Pakistan.
Vi ønsker, at denne hindring ophæves, og at vi ikke længere spises af med tomme løfter.
We want this obstacle removed and not to be sent off none the wiser.
I sidste uge stod der i Bulletinen som svar på min skriftlige forespørgsel nr. 2600 til Kommissionen, at Kommissionen fortsat følger menneskerettighedssituationen i Pakistan med opmærksomhed, men at den ikke er i stand til at give de præcise oplysninger, som det ære de medlem anmoder om.
Last week's Bulletin contained the following answer to my quesiton No. 2600 to the Commission: 'The Commission continues to monitor closely the situation with regard to human rights in Pakistan, but it is not in a position to provide the precise information requested by the honourable Member'.
Samme svar har jeg allerede fået tidligere, og derfor vil jeg i dag eftertrykkeligt anmode Kommissionen om at indhente konkrete in formationer og følge den undersøgelse, som de pakistanske myndigheder foretager i denne forbindelse.
This was the same answer as I had previously been given, and I therefore urge the Commission today to obtain some accurate information and to follow up the investigation the Pakistani Government is undertaking in this connection.
Disse forventninger er bedrøveligvis ikke blevet op fyldt.
Sadly, those expectations have not been fulfilled.
En komité af pakistanske parlamentsmedlem mer, som blev nedsat for at undersøge de enkelte til fælde, havde endnu ikke holdt møde i marts 1986, og en beslutning om at frigive folk, der var fængslet for politisk virksomhed, blev forkastet.
A committee of Pakistani parliamentarians set up to review the cases had not met by March 1986 and a resolution to release people detained for political activities was defeated.
I januar 1987, et år efter premierminister Junejos erklæring over for Claude Cheysson, var komitéen endnu ikke kommet til nogen konklusioner.
In January 1987, a year after Prime Minister Junejo's statement to Claude Cheysson, the committee had still not reached any conclusions.
I mellemtiden er der i løbet af de sidste 20 måneders tid sket yderligere voldshandlinger.
Meanwhile, over the course of the last 20 months or so more outrages have occurred.
Da Benazir Bhutto vendte tilbage til Pakistan for godt et år siden, anvendtes der massiv magt for at knuse hendes tilhængere. I Sind udløstes der i særlig grad brutale aktioner, der førte til død og beskadigelser i stor målestok.
When Benazir Bhutto returned to Pakistan just over a year ago, massive force was used to crush her supporters.
Siden da er der gennemført en række »bandebekæmpelses-operationer«, som har spredt død, lemlæstelse og ødelæggelser i landsbyer, hvor støtten til Bhuttos Folkeparti er stærk.
Since then a number of anti-dacoit operations have been launched which have resulted in deaths, injuries and destruction to property in villages where support for Bhutto's People Party is strong.
Mange enkeltsager, hvor der ikke er skygge af bevis for kriminel indblanding, er blevet undersøgt af Amnesty International.
Many individual cases in which there is not a shred of evidence of criminal involvement have been examined by Amnesty International.
Hvad angår politiets adfærd, har man afsløret adskillige tilfælde af ufattelig mishandling af fanger i politiets varetægt — og ikke nødvendigvis politiske fanger. Amnesty International gav som eksempel to fanger, Wazir Lhegari og Gulam Haida Mir Bahar, som var blevet tævet ubarmhjertigt efter deres anholdelse.
As for police behaviour, numerous cases have been discovered of incredible ill-treatment of prisoners while in custody — not necessarily political prisoners.
Wazir Lhegari blev som følge heraf nødt til at få begge ben amputeret den 26. marts i år.
Wazir Leghari, as a result, had to have both his legs amputated on 26 March of this year.
Gulam Haida Mir Bahar fik koldbrand i begge ende balder, efter at han var blevet tævet, og senere for svandt han sporløst. Et regime, der tillader den slags barbari, kan ikke betragtes som demokratisk.
Ghulam Haida Mir Bahar developed gangrene on both buttocks after being beaten and all trace of him was subsequently lost.
Dets parlament er ikke valgt frit, fordi alle partier ikke måtte opstille.
Its parliament was not freely elected because all the parties were not allowed to participate in the elections.
Regimets modstandere nægtes fortsat deres fulde politiske rettigheder.
Opponents of the régime have continued to be denied their full political rights.
Korruption, narkohandel, handel med våben og vold blomstrer stadig.
Corruption, drug dealing, arms trading and violence continue to flourish.
Det er stadig hæren, der trods en vis halvdårlig ca mouflage regerer på alle væsentlige områder.
The army continues, despite some stale window dressing, to rule in all essentials.
Newens (S). — (EN) Hr. formand, fra 1977, da general Zia afsatte premierminister Bhutto, og til den 30. december 1985 var der militær undtagelsestilstand i Pakistan.
NEWENS (S). — Mr President, from 1977, when General Zia deposed Prime Minister Bhutto, until 30 December 1985 Pakistan was under martial law.
Militære domstole idømte fængselsstraf, of fentlig piskning og dødsstraf i sager mod en lang række lovovertrædere, heriblandt politiske modstandere af regimet.
Military courts imposed imprisonment, public floggings and death on a wide range of offenders, including pol itical opponents of the régime.
Mange blev varetægtsfængslet uden retssag og udsat for rystende mishandling og tortur i poli
Many were held in custody without trial and subjected to appallingly bad treatment and to torture at the hands of the police.
Tiden tillader mig ikke at redegøre for de forskellige skridt, der er taget på denne vej.
Newens various steps that have been taken down this road.
Det er imidlertid en kendsgerning, at denne regering endog på menneskerettighedsom rådet faktisk har ydet en hel del, hvorfor jeg mener, at det er vor opgave at yde ganske særlig støtte i så henseende, helt bortset fra at intet lydefrit demokrati endnu er faldet ned fra himmelen.
The fact is, however, that this Government has done a great deal, even as regards human rights, and I there­fore believe we have a duty to give it special support, if only because a flawless democracy has never yet fallen from the skies.
Det tog også os århundreder at nå dertil, hvor vi står i dag.
We too took centuries to get where we are now.
Man må i hvert fald sige, at Pakistan har taget nogle meget væsentlige skridt i den rigtige ret ning.
It must at least be said that Pakistan has taken a few quite fundamental steps in the right direc­tion.
Men hvis det ikke var, fordi man var så optaget af Afghanistan, ville langt flere mennesker i Vesten være parate til at anerkende Pakistan for, hvad det er i dag — et udemokratiske tyranni, som ikke fuldt ud re spekterer dets modstanderes menneskerettigheder.
preoccupation with Afghanistan, more people in the West would be prepared to recognize Pakistan for what it is today — an undemocratic tyranny which does not fully respect the human rights of its oppo­nents.
Det, vi håbede, da den militære undtagelsestilstand blev ophævet, er endnu ikke blevet virkeliggjort, og under de omstændigheder bør vi i Europa-Parlamentet efter min mening vende tilbage til det standpunkt, vi indtog dengang, og maksimere presset på regimet, for at det ændrer sig på den måde, det lovede at ændre sig, da hr. Cheysson i sin tid besøgte landet.
What we hoped for when martial law was ended had not yet been realized and, in these circumstances, we in the European Parliament should, in my view, return to the stand which we took and maximize pres­sure on the régime to change in the way that it prom­ised it would change when originally Mr Cheysson made his visit there.
Jeg håber, at Parlamentet vil stå fast på det stand punkt nu.
I hope Parliament will be quite firm in taking this stand now.
B2486/87 og dok.
Β 2­486/87 and Doc.
B2-487/87) har jeg modtaget følgende forslag til beslutning om de politiske fanger i Pakistan med anmodning om afstemning snarest muligt:
Β 2­487/ 87), I have received the following motions for resolu­tions with request for an early vote on political prison­ers in Pakistan:
B2-665/87 af Habsburg og Mallet for Det Europæiske Folkepartis Gruppe,
Β 2­665/87 by Mr Habsburg and Mr Mallet, on behalf of the Group of the European People's Party;
B2-671/87 af Boemans m.fl. for Den Socialistiske Gruppe.
Β 2­671/87 by Mr Boesmans and others, on behalf of the Socialist Group.
Afstemningen om anmodningerne om afstemning snarest muligt vil finde sted umiddelbart efter for handlingen.
The vote on the request for an early vote will be taken at the end of the debate.
Cheysson, medlem af Kommissionen. — (FR) Hr. for mand, Kommissionens bemærkninger til Den Socialistiske Gruppes mundtlige forespørgsel falder ret nøje sammen med den erklæring, som hr. Boesmans afgav for lidt siden, idet vi i høj grad deler hans opfattelse.
CHEYSSON, Member of the Commission. — (FR) Mr President, the Commission's answer to the question tabled by the Socialist Group is going to sound very like the statement made a few minutes ago by Mr Boesmans, since our reading of the situation tallies so closely with his.
Vi ønsker et samarbejde, der er til fordel for Pakistans befolkning.
We want cooperation to work for the benefit of the Pakistani people.
Dette samarbejde fungerer.
And it is working.
Det er for øvrigt i overensstemmelse med Europa-Parlamentets egen erklæring af marts 1986, da det godkendte den nye samarbejdsaftale.
Moreover, this is in keeping with the wishes expressed by the European Parliament itself, when it approved the new cooperation agreement in March 1986.
Men vor lidenskabelige interesse for menneskerettighedernes for svar, og den gælder for alle lande, skal også komme til udtryk i Pakistan. Det er såvel Europa-Parlamentets som Kommissionens ønske.
Nevertheless, our dedicated commitment to the def­ence of human rights applies to all countries, including Pakistan.
Hertil bidrager ind satsen fra organisationer som Amnesty International. nal.
Organizations like Amnesty International make a positive contribution in this regard.
Habsburg (PPE). - (DE) Hr. formand, jeg blev temmelig forbavset over det, jeg lige hørte fra hr. Newens, idet det var en temmelig ensidig fremstilling af en, det skal indrømmes, yderst kompliceret situation.
HABSBURG (PPE). — (DE) Mr President, I was rather surprised by what Mr Newens has just said, because it was a fairly one­sided description of what is admittedly an extremely complicated situation.
Vi må ganske enkelt ikke glemme den vanskelige vej, Pakistan er gået.
We simply must not forget the difficult path Pakistan has trodden.
Det begyndte under kaotiske om stændigheder på nu afdøde Mohammed Ali Jinnahs tid, hvor der opnåedes betydelige resultater i en pe riode, hvor alle strukturerne gik til Indien, medens Pakistan så at sige ikke beholdt noget.
It was established under chaotic conditions at the time of the late Mohammad Ali Jinnah and achieved a great deal at a time when the structures had all gone to India and Pakistan was, as it were, left with nothing.
Derefter led landet hårdt under Indiens aggressioner og ikke mindst besættelsen af Kashmir, hvis overvejende islamiske befolkning ønskede at tilhøre Pakistan.
It continued to suffer badly as a result of India's aggression and particularly the occupation of Kashmir, whose mostly Muslim population wanted to belong to Pakistan.
Så kom krigen i Bangladesh, og det kan næppe overraske, at det medførte vanskeligheder for Pakistan, et land der kun langsomt kom i gang med udviklingen. gen.
Then we had the war in Bangla­desh, and it is hardly surprising that this caused diffi­culties in Pakistan, a country that was only slowly beginning to develop.
Hvad menneskerettighederne angår, så lad os begynde med at se på de positive elementer i Pakistan.
On the question of human rights, let us first of all bear in mind what can be said in Pakistan's favour.
Pakistans hjælp til de afghanske flygtninger er dyr og undertiden også farlig.
Pakis­tan's aid to the Afghan refugees is costly, even danger­ous at times.
Det er et væsentligt forhold.
That is a major consideration.
Derfor støtter Fællesskabet også Pakistans indsats for de afghanske flygtninge.
The Com­munity therefore supports Pakistan's efforts on behalf of the Afghan refugees.
Som bemærket af samtlige talere er der gjort fremskridt i Pakistan: Ophævelse af militærdomstolene i januar 1986, valg af et parlament — ganske vist i forbindelse med nogle krav, vi ikke kan acceptere — udnævnelse af en civil regering og afslutning af undtagelsestilstanden.
In Pakistan itself, as all the speakers have noted, there has been progress: martial law was lifted in January 1986, parliamentary elections have been organized, albeit with certain constraints that we cannot accept, a civilian government has been appointed, and the state of emergency has been ended.
Dette frem skridt berettigede henstillingerne fra Parlamentets ordfører, hr. Mühlen, og fra Kommissionen selv i marts 1986 til Parlamentet for at få den nye samarbejdsaftale vedtaget, hvilket også skete.
This progress justified the recommendations made to Parliament in March 1986 by your rapporteur, Mr Mühlen, and by the Commission itself that the new cooperation agreement be approved, as it was in the event.
Jeg nævnte før, at aftalen fungerer normalt.
As I have said, the agreement is operating normally.
Hertil føjer sig så yderligere Sovjetunionens aggression i Afghanistan, som medførte, at millioner af mennesker er flygtet til Pakistan med det resultat, at Pakistan hele tiden må kæmpe med de største van skeligheder.
An added fact now is the Soviet Union's aggression in Afghanistan, which has resulted in millions of Afghanis fleeing to Pakistan, putting it in an extremely difficult position.
Derfor bør vi anlægge en ganske anden målestok end på steder, hvor demokratiet har mulig hed for at udvikle sig fredeligt.
The yardstick we apply to Pakistan must therefore be completely different from the one we use when considering countries where a more peaceful development towards democracy is possible.
På den anden side må vi indrømme, at den pakistanske regering, især den nuværende, gør sig ihærdi
On the other hand, we must acknowledge that Pakis­tani governments, and especially the present one, have made serious efforts gradually to introduce democracy in Pakistan. I do not have the time now to describe the
Det forhindrer dog ikke, at der fremdeles består al vorlige menneskerettighedsproblemer i Pakistan på nuværende tidspunkt, og Parlamentet har da også i dag ganske særligt beskæftiget sig med spørgsmålet om de politiske fanger.
The fact nevertheless remains that serious human rights problems still exist in Pakistan, and today Par­liament's attention is focused on the problem of politi­cal prisoners in particular.
Cheysson sket betydelige fremskridt med hensyn til gennemførelse af menneskerettighederne.
Cheysson an answer to the inquiry addressed to the Council in this question, I would point out that the Twelve are following the human rights situation in Pakistan very closely.
Jeg er også blevet stillet en række spørgsmål, for så vidt angår antallet af politiske fanger, og der må jeg sige, at de tal, der her opgives af menneskerettighedsorganisationerne, af den politiske opposition og af regeringen, er stærkt divergerende, og det vil være umuligt at fastlå det nøjagtige antal.
I have also been asked several questions relating to the number of political prisoners. Here I must say that the numbers given by the human rights organizations, the political opposition and the govern­ment show great divergence, and it would be impossi­ble to establish the exact figure.
(Anmodningerne af afstemning snarest mulig blev imødekommet)
I put to the vote the request for an early vote on the motions for resolutions.
Hvor mange er der? Tallet er genstand for diskussion.
How many of these political prisoners are there?
Jeg bemærker for øvrigt, at De Forenede Nationers særlige udvalg har besluttet at indstille sin undersøgelse.
I note in this connection that the United Nations special commission has decided to proceed no further with its inquiry.
Ikke desto mindre er det fortsat et faktum, at domme, der under militærregimet er afsagt under tvivlsomme omstændigheder, fremdeles hånd hæves, og at der sidder mennesker fængslet i henhold til disse domme.
Nevertheless, what is definitely beyond question is that judgments handed down in dubious circumstances under the military regime are still being applied and men are still in pri­son because of them.
I januar 1986, da jeg aflagde besøg hos Pakistans premierminister Khan Junejo i Rawalpindi, gav han mig løfter, som jeg lovede ham at offentliggøre.
In January 1986, when I was received in Rawalpindi by the Pakistani Prime Minis­ter, Mr Khan Junejo, I was given assurances which I told the Prime Minister I was going to repeat in public.
Som omtalt redegjorde jeg over for Par lamentet for premierministerens forsikringer, der gik ud på, at de af militærdomstolene afsagte politiske domme skulle henvises til de normale civile domstole. Jeg refererer teksten, som premierministeren frem førte den.
And, as you have pointed out, I announced to Parliament that the Prime Minister's assurances were that the political judgments delivered under martial law would be referred to the ordinary civilian courts.
Afstemningen om disse beslutningsforslag finder sted i morgen kl. 18.00.
The vote on the motions for resolutions themselves will be taken tomorrow at 6 p.m.
Siden da har andre positive begivenheder, som fru Bhuttos tilbagevenden, tilkendegivet fremskridtene på demokratiets vej.
Since that time there have been other welcome devel­opments, such as the return of Miss Bhutto, providing evidence of progress towards democracy.
Men premierministerens løfte er i øjeblikket endnu ikke indfriet.
However, this promise from the Prime Minister has not as yet been kept.
Formanden. — Næste punkt på dagsordenen er mundtlig forespørgsel med forhandling (dok.
PRESIDENT. — The next item is the debate on the oral question with debate (Doc.
B2488/87) af Habsburg for Det Europæiske Folkepartis Gruppe, Welsh for Den Europæiske Demokratiske Gruppe, De la Malene for Gruppen Europæisk Al liance for Fornyelse og Demokrati og Veil for Den Liberale og Demokratiske Gruppe til udenrigsministrene for Det Europæiske Fællesskabs medlemslande forsamlet med henblik på det politiske samarbejde om FN-resolution nr. 3379.
Β 2­488/87) by Mr Habsburg, on behalf of the group of the European People's Party, Mr Welsh, on behalf of the European Democratic Group, Mr de la Malène, on behalf of the Group of the European Renewal and Democratic Alli­ance, and Mrs Veil, on behalf of the Liberal and Democratic Reformist Group, to the Foreign Minis­ters meeting in political cooperation on UN Resolu­tion No 3379.
Premierministeren fremførte da et argument, han ikke nævnte, da jeg besøgte ham i Rawalpindi, nemlig at forfatningens bestemmelser ikke tillader en systematisk revision af alle militærperiodens domme.
On that occasion he advanced an argu­ment that he had not used when we met in Rawal­pindi, namely that it was not possible under the consti­tution to make a systematic review of all the judg­ments handed down under the military regime.
Han forsikrede os om, at han var besluttet på at til lade revision af det, som han kaldte » the hardship cases «, altså de alvorligste tilfælde.
He nevertheless assured us that he was resolved to allow what he called the 'hardship cases', the most serious cases, to be reviewed.
Der er derfor ned sat et parlamentarisk udvalg med medlemmer fra flertallet og oppositionen med henblik på at finde frem til de »hardship cases«, der skal tages op til revision.
A committee was indeed set up in the Pakistani Parliament to identify the 'hardship cases' that ought to be reviewed.
Udvalget har afgivet betænkning den 30. juni.
This committee, made up of members of the majority and the opposi­tion, reported on 30 June.
Mere ved vi ikke til dato.
As yet, we have heard nothing more.
Jeg er imidlertid bemyndiget til at henvise til en officiel meddelelse fra Pakistans ambassade, hvori der står: »Any case needing being redressed will be acted upon «.
However, I have leave to disclose the official communication received through the Pakistani embassy confirming that, I quote, 'any case needing redress will be acted upon'.
Det er altså et løfte om, at alle de afgørelser, der bør revideres, vil blive det.
This, then, is an undertak­ing that all decisions calling for review will be reviewed.