natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Og det skete på trods af gentagen kritik af proceduren og indtrængende anmodninger om udsættelse af fristen.
This happened despite repeated criticisms of the process itself and urgent requests for the extension of the deadline.
Ville det mon være for meget at forlange, at personerne i det mindste fik lige så megen opmærksomhed som varerne og kapitalen?
Is it too much to ask that at least as much importance be attached to people as to goods and capital?
Denne havde kunnet være eller være blevet en værdifuld tanke, et værdifuldt bidrag til den europæiske samling.
I therefore call upon the Commission to take action and not to leave such action, as yesterday at Strasbourg airport, to Members of the European Parliament.
På betingelse af at man i enhver henseende havde holdt denne tanke inden for rimelige grænser. På betingelse af at man havde forstået, erkendt og fastlagt dens grænser.
The President of the Commission or at least Mr Vanni d' Archirafi ought to pass through a border control in front of television cameras and not show any document, for the more often this is done — including by well-known people within the Community — the more clearly it will be borne in upon those responsible that this has to apply to all citizens.
VALENT (NI). — (IT) De kolleger, der har talt før mig, har alle berørt formelle spørgsmål, som jeg er enig i, og som jeg ikke mener, det er nødvendigt at gentage her.
VALENT (NI). — (IT) The Members who spoke before me have made all the points on formal questions that I would have raised, so I need not repeat them here.
Jeg taler også på vegne af de organisationer, jeg repræsenterer, det vil sige den stående konference for racelighed i Europa, for at fremhæve over for kommissær Vanni d'Archirafì, at den frie bevægelighed er udtænkt og anvendes selektivt.
I am also speaking on behalf of the organization I represent, the Standing Conference on racial equality in Europe, and I want to point out to Commissioner Vanni d'Archirafi that free movement was meant, and will be applied, selectively.
Jeg vil ikke tale om fri etablering, selv om der kunne være grund til politisk tvivl om dette punkt.
I do not want to discuss freedom of establish ment, although a number of political doubts could be aired here.
Jeg vil dog forklare den italienske situation: udenlandske borgere, der lever i Italien, har, selv om de har regulære opholdstilladelser, ikke dokumenter, der er gyldige ved udrejse, de er afhængige af visa til andre europæiske lande for at kunne rejse, og endvidere skal de have det såkaldte »genindrejsevisum«, som bogstaveligt talt gør dem til fanger i værtslandet.
But let me put the Italian case before you: even if foreign citizens who live in Italy have residence permits that are in perfect order, these documents are not valid abroad, they need visas if they want to visit other European countries and they also need what is called a "re-entry visa", which makes them virtual prisoners within the host country.
Jeg vil gerne minde Kommissionen om, at i Europa lever der ikke kun europæere, der lever også 8 millioner udenlandske borgere, som fru Roth har fremhævet, og 5 millioner europæere af afrikansk og asiatisk oprindelse.
I would like to remind the Commission that it is not just Europeans who live in Europe; there are also 8 million non-EC citizens, as pointed out by Mrs Roth, and 5 million Europeans of African or Asian origin.
Alt hvad Fællesskabet gør, der tenderer til at begrænse retten til fri bevægelig og etablering, gør intet andet end indføre en form for apartheid her, som intet har med demokrati at gøre.
If this Community adopts an approach likely in any way to restrict the right of movement and establishment it will simply be creating a kind of apartheid that has nothing to do with democracy.
Det havde man ingen forståelse for. Enhver realitetsforståelse gik tabt i den ideologiske hjemevask afsig selv og andre.
In no circumstances can we accept that the carriers should operate the relevant controls in place of the frontier authorities.
Så er tilbedelsen af en totempæl, således som man risikerer ved den fri personbevægelighed, ja, således som man i højere og højere grad praktiserer, ikke alene upassende men også farlig.
I shall apply that principle: if any airline asks me for my passport, I shall refuse to show it even if that means I am unable to fly anywhere.
En fri personbevægelighed, der er løbet løbsk, åbner døren for alle farer, for en stigning i kriminaliteten og hvad ved jeg.
I think that at the moment a pragmatic approach to a solution is quite appropriate since we have agreed that Art 8a is legally binding, but the Twelve have unfortunately declared, in the form of a protocol, that they do not absolutely have to meet the deadline of 31.12.1992.
ROGALLA (S). — (DE) Hr. formand Jeg begynder med en bemærkning til forretningsordenen.
ROGALLA (S). — (DE) Mr President, let me begin by making a point of order concerning the agriculture minister of the Federal Republic of Germany.
Det drejer sig om Tysklands landbrugsminister, der hedder Borchert og kommer fra Bochum. Men i det af Rådet forberedte materiale om den tyske regerings sammensætning finder jeg ikke hr. Borcherts navn ej heller navnet på den tyske økonomiminister, der nu hedder Rexrodt, på postministeren, der hedder Bötsch. eller på ministeren for forskning og teknologi, der hedder Wissmann.
His name is Borchert and he comes from Bochum, but in the documents drawn up by the Council and listing the govern ment of the Federal Republic of Germany, there is no mention of Mr Borchert nor of the economic minister of the Federal Republic whose name is Rexrodt, nor of the minister for postal services whose name is Bötsch, nor of the minister for research and technology whose name is Wissmann.
Jeg vil være Dem taknemmelig for at underrette Rådet om, at vi er meget utilfredse med en sådan udarbejdelse af rådsdokumenter.
I should be grateful if you could convey to the Council that we find such badly prepared Council documents very unsatisfactory.
Nu kommer jeg så til det egentlige emne: selvfølgelig indrømmer vi geme hr. Vanni d'Archirafì, der er ny i Kommissionen, den storslåede frist på 100 dage, der er sædvane mellem gentlemen, så de kan sætte sig ind i
I come from one of the Schengen states, a country whose citizens want not only to have freedom of movement but also want to see better cooperation between police forces once frontier controls have been dismantled so that
RIBEIRO (CG). — (PT) Hr. formand, denne debat burde ikke begrænse sig til blot at være en række klager med mere eller mindre morsomme islæt over parlamentsmedlemmer, der tripper rundt i lufthavne.
Turning now to the issue under discussion: of course we shall allow Mr Vanni d'Archirafi, who has recently
ROGALLA ekstrafristen til i sommer, hvis De her klart og tydeligt tager stilling dertil.
What can the Commission, the guardian of the Treaty, do? I think the Commission is right not to rush into litigation immediately, but it must try to achieve a settlement.
Vi håber, at hans sicilianske temperament så vil gøre sig endnu tydeligere bemærket med hensyn til den retlige situation inden for Fællesskabet.
I can therefore understand that you should want to allow the Schengen states also an extension until the summer.
Vi lever i et retsfællesskab og i dette retsfællesskab er artikel 8 A vedtaget af medlemsstaterne og af disse udstyret med begrebet område uden indre grænser.
If court proceedings are unavoidable then I believe they will turn on the meaning of the word "persons" in Article 8a of the Treaty.
Det går jo ikke an, at medlemsstatemes forpligtelser overflyttes til Europa-Parlamentets medlemmer, selv om vi ikke kan lade være med at erklære, at vi har arbejdet med på denne version af Traktaten og uforbeholdent støtter den gode version af Traktaten »område uden indre grænser«.
It has been generally assumed that "persons" means all people lawfully present in the Community territory, but the British view is that "persons" means only citizens of EC countries, and as a consequence they are entitled to maintain controls so as to identify non-EC citizens entering their territory.
Jeg respekterer erhvervsdiplomater, det er en glimrende embedsmandsgruppe.
I respect career diplomats, theirs is a splendid profession.
Men en kommissæreren kommissær og som sådan en del af den institution, der er fællesskabsrettens vogter.
But a Commissioner is a Commissioner and as such part of the body which is the guardian of Community law.
Derfor skal Kommissionen klart sige, hvad den agter at gøre.
The Commission has therefore clearly to state what it intends to do.
Den skal klart sige, hvad der sker, når Schengen-landene til sommer har afskaffet grænsekontrollen.
It must state clearly what will happen if the Schengen states have dismantled frontier controls in the summer.
Kommer der så andre grænser mellem de ni Schengenlande og de tre ikke-Schen-gen-lande?
Will there then be different frontiers between the nine Schengen states and the three non-Schengen states?
Kan man inden for et Fællesskab have to slags grænser — inden for et Fællesskab, der har lovet slet ikke at have nogen grænser?
Is it possible to have two types of frontier in a Community — in a Community which has pledged to have no frontiers?
I dag kommer De til at tage stilling til spørgsmålet om, hvad Kommissionen så vil gøre. Heri er jeg helt enig med hr. Rogalla.
You must here today clearly state your position on what the Commission will then do.
Og én ting til.
And I have to tell you another thing.
Jeg mener, at vi også bør opnå og fortælle borgerne, at Kommissionen fra et bestemt tidspunkt af vil anlægge sag for virkelig at få gennemført fri bevægelig hed for borgerne.
I think that, and we should inform citizens of this, the Commission will have, after a specific period, to bring an action before the Court, so that freedom of movement for citizens really is implemented.
Derfor appellerer jeg til Kommissionen om at iværksætte aktioner, og ikke blot som i går i lufthavnen i Strasbourg at overlade det til Europa-Parlamentets medlemmer.
As an alternative to litigation, can the Commission initiate a legislative act, to be done by a qualified majority, which would clear up the confusion?
SAMLAND (S). — (DE) Hr. formand, mine damer og herrer, hr. kommissær, De har talt et helt kvarter uden at sige noget i al den tid.
SAMLAND (S). — (DE) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, Commissioner, you spoke for fifteen minutes and said nothing.
Men vi skulle for længst have haft en klar stillingtagen.
But a clear statement is long overdue.
Dagens forhandling er sidste rykker.
Today's debate is the final warning.
Som den foregående taler sagde, er Kommissionen fællesskabsrettens vogter, og den har en forpligtelse til at anlægge sag mod medlemsstater, der ikke overholder EF-retten.
The Commission — as the previous speaker has said — is the guardian of Community law and has a duty to bring an action against Member States if they fail to fulfil their obligations under Community law.
Den opgave bør De efterkomme, hr. kommissær! De skal ikke snakke, men handle!
Meet that responsibility, Commission er!
Jeg ønsker altså en klar stillingtagen fra Kommissionens side, tilsvarende offentlig optræden; på de pressekonferencer, som Kommissionen afholder i Bruxelles vil jeg gerne have et ceterum censeo, dvs. at der hver gang en kommissionsrepræsentant, et medlem eller en af Kom missionen kommitteret træder frem for pressen siges: I øvrigt mener vi, at artikel 8 A garanterer alle Fælles skabets indbyggere fri bevægelighed uanset i hvilket befordringsmiddel, og at de medlemsstater, der hidtil har vægret sig ved at efterleve dette, må tage de respektive retslige konsekvenser fra Kommissionens side med i købet.
Before I conclude, I would like to refer to the frontier between the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland, where there are controls in place in the form of fortified military posts. I believe they are necessary, and the responsibility for them lies with the terrorists of the IRA, whose cruel and stupid campaign continues unabated against the wishes of the vast majority of the people on the island of Ireland, but the attainment of free movement in the rest of the Community is all the more urgent to show up the idiocy of the IRA.
Når De alligevel skal besøge de forskellige medlemsstaters hovedstæder, vil jeg anbefale Dem ikke at gøre det som kommissær, men som italiener.
Should you wish to travel to the capitals of the various Member States, I would advise you to do so not as a Commissioner but as an Italian citizen.
I den korte tid, jeg har til rådighed, vil jeg ikke fortælle om mine personlige lidelser ved passage af EF's indre grænser.
In the short time available to me, I shall refrain from recounting my own tale of woe involving my experiences in crossing internal Community frontiers.
Det vil jeg tage udførligt stilling til andetsteds.
I shall deal with those in detail elsewhere.
Men én ting står mig helt klart: Den, der bryder ind på dette sted og indrømmer medlemsstaterne, at de ved ensidig erklæring selv kan sætte den af deres nationale parlamenter ratificerede ret ud af kraft, sætter EF og dets systematik på spil, hr. kommissær.
But one thing is clear to me: anyone who caves in here and allows the Member States to use their national parliaments to set aside ratified legislation on the basis of a unilateral declaration, is gambling with the Community and its system, Commissioner.
Vi kan under ingen omstændigheder acceptere, at det nu er transportselskaberne, der kontrollerer i stedet for grænsemyndighederne.
BLAK (S). — (DA) Mr President, there has recently been a survey in Denmark which shows that people are wholly in favour of free movement across frontiers.
Det sker i øjeblikket, og derimod vil vi også retligt værge os.
But for Danes that does not necessarily mean abandoning border controls.
De respektive skadeserstatningskrav vil jeg gøre gældende over for luftfartsselskabet, den pågældende medlemsstat og Kommissionen.
These agreements are not in place, and the EC cannot show any means of replacing the many jobs that will disappear.
Derfor bør der nu omgående ske to ting.
Then why get rid of customs and police officers who do useful work?
Det har De pligt til at gøre nu.
He should visit these areas too.
I øjeblikket mener jeg, at en pragmatisk begyndelse på en løsning er rimelig, for nok er vi enige om, at artikel 8 A er juridisk bindende, men de tolv EF-lande har desværre afgivet en protokolerklæring om, at de ikke skal overholde datoen 31. december 1992 til punkt og prikke.
Two things have therefore immediately to happen: you are under an obligation to do what Mr Bangemann grandiosely announced in this House and to bring an action before the Court against states which fail to comply with those rules.
For så vidt, hr. kommissær, vil jeg mene, at der er tale om en ekstrafrist på et halvt år.
You are under an obligation to do that now.
Jeg kommer fra et Schengen-land, hvis borgere ikke blot har ønsket fri bevægelighed, men også at politimyndighederne arbejder bedre sammen efter grænsekontrollens afvikling for ikke at åbne det indre markeds muligheder for forbryderne. Derfor kan jeg ikke forstå, at De også vil give Schengen-landene frist til i sommer. Men — og nu kommer det, hr. kommissær — De får kun de tolv medlemsstater og de ni Schengenlande til at overholde
Secondly, you are under an obligation to ensure that non-Community law is not cited as a reason for failing to comply with Community law and that the conflict that will arise between the nine Schengen countries and the three non-Schengen countries is satisfactorily resolved, so that we do not end up with new frontiers in the Community.
COONEY (PPE). — (EN) Hr. formand, den frie bevæge lighed for personer tværs over de indre grænser skulle have været det officielle bevis på, at det indre marked var en realitet.
COONEY (PPE). — Mr President, the free movement of persons across internal frontiers should have been the public proof that the single market has indeed arrived.
For de lande, som er med i Schengen-aftalen, forekommer det ganske klart, at det vil komme ved udgangen af dette år, men det er ikke nok.
For the Schengen countries it seems pretty clear that it will arrive by the end of the year, but that is not good
Hvad kan Kommissionen, Traktatens vogter, stille op?
I have a question I should very much like to get an answer to.
Efter min opfattelse er det rigtigt af Kommissionen ikke straks at kaste sig ud i retsforfølgelse, men den må prøve at finde en løsning.
Has the Community entered into agreements with the Nordic countries under which they provide external frontiers for the EC?
VON WOGAU (PPE). — (DE) Hr. formand, kære kolleger, vi konstaterer, at forudsætningerne for fri bevægelig hed for varer, tjenesteydelser og kapital kom rettidigt i stand til den 1. januar 1993. medens personers frie bevægelighed, der omtales i samme Traktat, ikke hidtil er tilvejebragt mellem EF's medlemslande.
von WOGAU (PPE). — (DE) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, it is clear that the conditions for the free movement of goods, services and capital were set in place in time by 1.1.1993 while the free movement of persons, which appears in the same Treaty, has not as yet been guaranteed between the Member States of the European Community.
Derfor synes jeg, at det er interessant at sammenligne de to benyttede procedurer.
I think it is therefore of interest to compare two procedures which were applied here.
Jeg kan ikke sige, om den irske regering accepterer denne fortolkning eller føler sig tvunget til at mene det samme på grund af de fælles rejseområder mellem Irland og Det Forenede Kongerige.
Then there is the "free Republic of Denmark" — as I like to call it within the EEC, since we are dealing with laws that only concern the Danes — which has separate agreements with the Scandinavian countries, and they do what they want as regards freedom of movement.
Lad os begynde med EF-proceduren for varer, tjeneste ydelser og kapital.
First, the Community procedure applied to goods, services and capital.
Her skulle der af Rådet træffes 280 afgørelser efter forslag fra Kommissionen med Europa parlamentets deltagelse og under EF-Domstolens tilsyn.
Some 280 decisions had to be taken here, on a Commission proposal, with the participation of the European Parliament and on the basis of a Council decision subject to supervision by the Court of Justice.
Fra 1987 styrkedes Europa-Parlamentets medvirken stærkt, mere end det er offentligheden bekendt.
Since 1987, the participation of the European Parliament has been reinforced to an exceptional degree, more than the public realizes.
Vi konstaterer, at der i henhold til denne procedure for første gang arbejdedes under offentlighedens fulde medvirken, og at der i tiden indtil den 1. januar 1993 blev truffet afgørelser, der muliggjorde toldkontrollens afskaffelse mellem medlemslandene, så der blev fri bevægelighed for varer.
It is apparent that under that procedure, the work was carried out with full public participation and that decisions were taken by 1.1.1993 which made it possible to abolish customs controls between the Member States, thereby guaranteeing the free movement of goods.
De forskellige udsagn, der kommer fra den britiske regering, gør det lidet sandsynligt, at Kommissionen kan få en aftale i stand, og den må derfor berede sig på at skride til handling. Den kan gå til Domstolen for at få en fortolkning af »personer«, men det er ikke givet, at Domstolen vil forkaste det britiske synspunkt.
I remember that after Mr von Wogau protested about Schengen, quite recently, when it came to supporting Schengen no-one in this Chamber objected that since we had a Community Treaty there was no need for another agreement on freedom of movement. That is the real hypocrisy.
Har Kom missionen mulighed for — som et alternativ til at gå rettens vej — at træffe lovgivningsmæssige foranstaltninger, som kan vedtages af et kvalificeret flertal, så vi kan få afklaret dette spørgsmål? Det værste ville være at skulle til at ændre Traktaten, da vi jo ved, at Det Forenede Kongerige har vetoret. Jeg ville geme bede kommissæren om ganske snart at forelægge os et dokument, hvori man analyserer de forskellige muligheder, Kommissionen har for at sikre den frie bevægelighed for personer.
In this area, the Community has refrained from tabling its own proposals on most issues. Instead ofthat the Member States have said: "we want to that on our own responsibility and we do not need the Commission for it!"
Her gav Fællesskabet afkald på at fremsætte forslag på de fleste områder.
Certainly, you may also hesitate at times, as some people reproach you, since you are still at the beginning of your activities.
I stedet for sagde medlemslandene: »Det gør vi selv, det tager vi ansvaret for, og dertil har vi ikke brug for Kommissionen.« Derved kom det til Schengen-aftalen, som blev drøftet her, samt til Dublin-aftalen. Heri deltog Europa-Parlamentet altså ikke i institutionel forstand, intet forslag fra Kommissionen, intet tilsyn fra EF-Domstolen.
But continue along this road, listen to Parliament, be encouraged by the opinion of the Members and continue your patient activity, which does not need to be reflected in spectacular action but only in serious acts, as is the case.
Da proceduren ikke var offentlig, næredes der blandt publikum stor mistro til det, der for lukkede døre forhandledes om. Endvidere vedtoges hverken Dublin- eller Schengen-aftalen i tide til 1 Januar 1993.
As the procedure was not public, there has been great public suspicion of what was negotiated here behind closed doors.
Anderledes var det med våbendirektivet, der vedtoges i henhold til Fællesskabets procedure; jeg mener, at denne erfaring viser os, at vi i fremtiden under iagttagelse af subsidiaritetsprincippet meget nøje bør overveje, hvad vi ønsker at foretage i fællesskab.
The same was not true of the arms directive which was adopted on the basis of the Community procedure, and this experience must, I think, show us that in future we must consider very carefully, taking into account the principle of subsidiarity, what we want to undertake jointly.
Hvis vi vil gøre noget, så bør vi holde os til Fællesskabets procedurer.
If we do want to something, then it is the Community procedure which we should apply.
BLAK (S). — Hr. formand, der har for nylig været en undersøgelse i Danmark, som viser, at folk er helt enige i den frie bevægelighed over grænserne.
TURNER (PPE). — Mr President, on the question of hypocrisy, of course the Members of this Parliament are not the creatures of the national governments — at least I hope they are not.
Men for dansker ne behøver det ikke at betyde, at man opgiver kontrollen ved grænsen. Vi skal have aftaler.
In some cases, since 1 January things have got worse.
Ellers er det en illusion at tro, det vil kunne lade sig gøre med frie grænser.
That is a very serious matter.
Disse aftaler findes ikke, og i EF kan man heller ikke vise nogen erstatning for de mange arbejdspladser, der forsvinder.
Also, the behaviour in Strasbourg yesterday was most undesirable.
Hvorfor så afskedige toldere og politi, der udfører meningsfyldt arbejde?
They treated us like little children.
Grænseområderne er i forvejen arbejdsløshedsområder.
Because they saw there were television cameras there they sorted us all out like sheep from the goats.
I mit valgområde venter vi på initiativer, arbejdspladser og økonomi.
We went through easily, and the ordinary population went through the usual routes.
Kommissæren skal ikke tage rundt og besøge hovedstaderne.
That is a great insult to our intelligence and to everybody else's.
DE VITTO (PPE). — (IT) Hr. formand, i 1992 har jeg besøgt mange skoler, har haft mange møder med navnlig unge, og til de unge havde jeg peget på den første januar 1993 som en historisk dato, jeg sagde at der ville begynde en ny æra for alle Europas borgere.
DE VITTO (PPE). — (IT) Mr President, in 1992 I visited many schools and had many meetings with young people; and I told these young people that 1 January 1993 was a historic date, I said it would initiate a new era for all the citizens of Europe.