natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Afbøjninger, opbremsninger, tøven, ja endog modsigelser påkalder sig vor opmærksomhed og erindrer os mere end nogen sinde om rigtigheden af en mådeholden, viljesbestemt og pragmatisk holdning, som jeg gør opmærksom på, at RDE-Gruppen utallige gange og længe har givet udtryk for.
Would he spell out what sort of timescale he thinks his scheme should be geared to, and does he feel that if that timescale is not adhered to his scheme will be sadly jeopardized ? In the first phase on which we are now embarked, what is his opinion of the current progress and does he believe convergence will be achieved ?
ØMU's første fase indebærer færdiggørelse af det indre marked, mindskelse af de økonomiske og regionale uligheder og samtlige europæiske valutaers deltagelse efter de samme regler i EMS'ens valuta kursmekanisme.
I must say that I am particularly preoccupied by the present situation. The completion of the internal market and the progressive establishment of economic and monetary union, while being necessary,
Også ustabiliteten i den internationale økonomi, ja den manglende holdbarhed af de forudsigelser, der udarbejdes for den økonomiske situation i Europa
Does he reject outright the proposal of a hard ECU or the proposal of a heavy ECU, or does he see that he can compromise on this matter with his frozen ECU ?
Hvordan, hr. formand, forestiller De Dem i øjeblik ket vilkårene for en omfattende koordinering af den økonomiske politik, hvilket er en uomgængelig nød-
These questions need to be answered today by the President of the Commission.
Det er indlysende, det står i Rom-Traktaten.
In a way, I wonder whether the key to this kind of union is not to be found outside the monetary sphere, in other words in the political sphere and perhaps also in the development of real Community solidarity.
Efter de sidste måneders drama tiske begivenheder og efter at have hørt, hvad Kommissionen havde at sige, bør De opridse linjerne for den videre aktion, fastsætte nogle holde punkter og især præcisere Deres synspunkter.
We equally welcome the new relationship between the President of the Commission and the British Prime Minister and between the latter and Chancellor Kohl.
Nu fortæller man os så, at vi også skal harmonisere de indirekte skatter, merværdiafgiften og forbrugsafgifterne.
Let us take a look from this point of view at what happened at the time of German monetary union, which is not so long ago.
Men det er helt indlysende, at når dette stade er nået, så vil ulighederne, hvad de direkte skatter angår, blive endnu grellere og endnu mere utålelige.
It would not have been possible had there not been at the same time a kind of social union federating the welfare systems, unemployment benefits in particular.
For at Den Økonomiske og Monetære Union kan blive varig og udholdelig, skal Fællesskabets rolle i anden fase og efter denne styrkes inden for forskellige sektorer i særdeleshed for strukturpolitikkens vedkommende og på budgetområdet, så der skabes sikkerhed for, at Den Europæiske Monetære Union kan blive til fordel for alle dele af Fællesskabet.
When a state, even a rich one like Texas, runs into serious problems, it can count on solidarity, the budget, federal social insurance, There is nothing of the sort in the Community, and the regional policy as such cannot perform this role, it cannot alleviate the types of situation that are capable of coming our way, shocks that can come from outside, such as oil price shocks and so on.
Selv om mit spørgsmål kræver et ret kompliceret svar, er det ganske enkelt: Hvor vidt agter man at gå?
So in all this endless discussion of monetary issues, I would like a little imagination to be shown in creating a little more solidarity, marked by realism and responsibility, in the context of economic and monetary union.
Er man ikke ved at lave en farlig suverænitetskværn?
Thirdly, we must welcome the change in German policy.
Suverænitet er ikke blot noget abstrakt, der skal forsvares for sin egen skyld, men udtryk for identitet og friheder i de vidt forskellige nationer, der tilsammen udgør Europa.
It looked last year as if we were faced with a price being paid for German unity, a price being paid for the relationship of the German Government with the Soviet Union in terms of higher interest rates based on the Deutschmark.
Vi håber, hr. formand, at De på disse to punkter kan give os alle fornødne oplysninger til retfærdiggørelse af Kommissionens aktion, og kan de ikke berolige Europa-Parlamentet, kan de i hvert fald sætte det i stand til bedre at overveje disse store problemer.
We are not meeting the cost in the wider Community with the jacking up of the Deutschmark and longterm interest rates which looked so ominous in the recent past.
Gollnisch (DR). — (FR) Hr. formand, jeg vil gerne fremsætte to enkle omend ret omfattende bemærkninger: den ene på det monetære område, den anden på det mere økonomiske område uden derfor at foregribe den næste forhandling.
I therefore wanted to ask President Delors if he feels able to agree to a discussion on the idea of federating the unemployment benefit systems so that these various shocks can be absorbed collectively and states, economic operators and individuals can be given more security.
Og endnu en ting. Vil Den Monetære Union ikke udgøre en hindring for de østeuropæiske landes tiltrædelse, disse lande, der nu er ved at gøre sig fri af deres lænker, og som ved deres kultur og civilisation står os så nær?
SISO CRUELLAS (PPE). — (ES) Mr President, Monetary Union has been the subject of lively and lengthy debates and intensive studies which have brought out the need for it.
Som det er alle og enhver bekendt, står det tyske problem i den nuværende monetære debats midtpunkt.
It is something that nobody and everybody accepts, or nearly everybody.
Men i dag er unionen mere end det.
But Germany has been able to do it.
Den er naturligvis også et primært redskab for den økonomiske politik, men er man ikke dér i færd med lidt efter lidt at blande sig mere og mere ind i de enkelte medlemsstaters politik og politiske frihed?
Unless we do so with a new leap of imagination as was shown by the Commission in 1989-90, we shall falter once again. But I think we have made a start now and let us build upon it.
Det var, hr. formand, nogle ret enkle spørgsmål, som jeg ønskede at stille om Den Monetære Union.
However, a shock was caused by remarks made last 5 February by the President of the Committee of Governors of the central banks of the European Community, Mr Karl Otto Pohl, to the whole world of economics.
Hr. Delors omtalte i sin redegørelse en række økonomiske indikatorer i forbindelse med den internationale og den europæiske situation, og jeg vil gerne afslutningsvis komme med en enkelt bemærkning, som for øvrigt er af generel betydning.
May I ask President Delors if the Commission agrees with what Mr Pohl said, i.e. that Italy, Spain, Portugal, Greece and the United Kingdom do not meet the requirements to form part of that Monetary Union but that other coutries could start it off.
Der tales altid om ligevægt og handelsvolumen. Men hr. Delors gav alligevel et eksempel i forbindelse med Golfkrigen.
DELORS, President of the Commission. — (FR) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, may I thank all the speakers and start with a general comment.
Visse sektorer berørtes, og det skete udelukkende som følge af individernes psykologiske adfærd. Er det ikke på tide at tage dette med i vore analyser, husstandenes og erhvervslivets adfærd, og de egentlige grunde til disses svigtende motivation?
ZELLER (PPE). — (FR) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, I wanted to speak briefly in this debate to say that I find the mechanisms for economic and social cohesion, especially those that are supposed to establish practical solidarity among Member States in the face of the increasing economic uncertainties at national and international level, dramatically inadequate for each of our Member States as it faces the prospect of economic
For eksempel fortæller man os, at man for at lave denne fælles valuta i første omgang skal koordinere pengepolitikken, hvilket siger sig selv. Dernæst kom mer — som planlagt — harmoniseringen af budget
This debate and the next one are closely interconnected, and Vice-President Christophersen will be delighted to answer the many questions you have asked.
Det betyder, at vi skal have en multilateral overvågningsprocedure, som er gennemskuelig.
DELORS that one of the currencies was heading for a change in its exchange rate.
Hvad blev der af den store debat i hele Fællesskabet om dette spørgsmål?
And once the realignment had been made, interest rates would come down again.
I denne forbindelse er jeg enig med hr. Delors i, at hele proceduren har været for langtrukken. Hvor er rapporten fra formanden for Udvalget af Direktionsformænd for Centralbankerne?
day basis and will be proposing debates with you to keep abreast of current economic developments, which are both uncertain and fluctuating, as ever.
Vi må mødes i lukkede rum, og tilsyneladende skal han smugles ind i et tæppe, før han vil tale med Parlamentet om sit udvalgs rolle.
As Mr Donnelly said, practical situations require practical answers, and if these are not forthcoming, the reasons, political or technical, but above all political, need to be looked into.
For så vidt angår Parlamentet, hr. formand, må vi have gennemskuelighed i den procedure, der fører frem til Den Økonomiske og Monetære Union, og før vi har fået denne gennemskuelighed, vil vi aldrig blive i stand til at klare spørgsmålene om den hårde ecu eller den spanske ecu eller den fastfryste ecu.
In the circumstances, technical factors would come into play, causing distortion between longterm interest rates, and in my opinion, even though there is no ideal solution, that makes this option less satisfactory than the one I have proposed — or submitted for your consideration, to be more precise, since we have not got beyond that stage.
Jeg håber, at Kommissionen vil begynde igen at tage initiativer inden for dette område, at vi faktisk kan få en udtalelse fra Kommissionen, som vil give en ordentlig analyse af de forslag, der er fremlagt.
It consists in freezing the weightings of the currencies, which in my opinion would offer four advantages.
Van der Waal (NI). — (NL) Hr. formand, ifølge presseberetninger er der opstået en hel del sprogforvirring om sidste års topmøde i Rom vedrørende den nye institution, der fra 1. januar 1994 skal oprettes inden for rammerne af Den Økonomiske og Monetære Union.
I want to discuss four essential points that have been raised by the speakers: the European Parliament's powers, the technical aspects of economic and monetary union, the assessment that can be made of the policy differences among Member States as matters stand, and finally the importance of economic and social cohesion in the process that is to lead us to the conclusion of these two intergovernmental conferences.
Mit spørgsmål går på, om kommissionsformanden kan sige, hvorvidt konklusionerne fra topmødet i Rom kan fortolkes på flere måder?
It would enable the ECU to gain strength gradually by allowing the weight of the strong currencies to increase with successive realignments.
Vigtigere end en strid om ord er naturligvis den sag, som er på tale i denne forbindelse.
Secondly, it would tie in with the drive to strengthen the convergence of our economies.
Det er stedse blevet fremholdt som en betingelse for en lykkelig økonomisk og monetær union, at der er tilstrækkelig konvergens. Topmødets konklusioner minder også om dette.
Thirdly, it would meet the wishes of market operators, who want to be rid of the uncertainties involved in changes in the definition of the ECU basket.
I øjeblikket oplever vi på områder som inflation og offentlige finanser ikke megen fremgang i konvergensen mellem medlemsstaterne. Der er sna rere taie om en vis divergens.
On the powers of the European Parliament, Mr Herman, I want to reassure you straight away — although we shall have an opportunity to discuss this further in a debate you have called for in April — that the Commission is backing an increase in the European Parliament's powers in three key areas : appointment of the Commission, a codecision process, and wider use of the parliamentary assent procedure.
Kan kommissionsformanden fortælle, hvorvidt dette har følger for den oprindelige tidsplan for ØMU, og er Kommissionen enig i den opfattelse, at man på grund af den utilstrækkelige konvergens på ny må overveje datoen 1. januar for oprettelsen af centralbanksystemet, for ikke at bringe Den Økonomiske og Monetære Unions kvalitet i fare?
And I would add, in connection with economic and monetary union, the European Parliament's involvement in the discussions and deliberations that precede economic and monetary decisions, or follow them for the purposes of assess ment.
Må jeg i denne forbindelse stille et forslag her i dag til Kommissionen?
Mr Giscard d'Estaing asked me whether I thought the mix between monetary policy and budgetary policy was right.
Er det ikke på tide, at vi ser på disse ændringsforslag, og at Kom missionen og Parlamentet begynder at drøfte dem og beslutte, hvilket af dem Parlamentet og Kommissionen faktisk kan enes om at støtte. Ved at gøre det vil vi kunne tale med øget styrke både fra Kommissionens og Parlamentets side.
In particular, I am worried about the situation in certain countries which are very pro-European but have very large budget deficits and are going to have to make very good use of the time left between now and January 1994.
Donnelly (S). — (EN) Hr. formand, når vi drøfter Den Økonomiske og Monetære Union, hører vi på hr. Delors, der taler om de virkelige ting, der bekymrer de mennesker, der bor i Fællesskabet, problemerne med Østtyskland, resultatet af Golfkrigen, problemerne med recessionen i Det Forenede Kongerige og tilbageslaget i andre lande.
From this point of view, although the President of the Committee of Governors would not like me to answer on his behalf, I think it would do nothing but good for him to appear twice a year before Parliament's appropriate committee to explain the situation and the reasons for decisions taken.
Vi taler om disse ting på en konkret måde, og så taler vi om Den Økonomiske og Monetære Union på en abstrakt måde.
I turn now to the technical aspects of economic and monetary union, if I can call them that without demeaning the questions asked by Mr Giscard d'Estaing, Mr Herman and other speakers.
For det første spørgsmålet om rentestigningen og rentesænkningen.
You referred, Mr Giscard d'Estaing, to the problem of the peseta and sterling.
Mit spørgsmål til Kommissionen er: Informerer medlemsstaterne i det mindste Kom missionen i tilfælde af rentestigning eller sænkning?
One may ask whether sterling's difficulties are being caused by the peseta's position in the band or by the rate at which it was decided to take it into the ERM.
Dette er jo ret vigtigt for en koordinering af den økonomiske politik.
I am not going to offer an answer to this question, but you will acknowledge that it is worth asking, since the peseta is not having any problems.
Vi synes at glemme, at Parlamentet ved udgangen af 1989 forkastede betænkningerne.
Nevertheless, it is true that there is no sign of the ECU on the main screen, and I think you are right in pointing out the need to rectify the situation.
Vi sendte dem til fornyet udvalgsbehandling under første fase af Den Økonomiske og Monetære Union.
The fact of the matter is that the Commission has not settled its position, but I am quite willing to open the debate with you.
Cox-Betænkningen om multilateral overvågning og min betænkning om Udvalget af Direktionsformænd for Centralbankerne blev sendt til fornyet udvalgsbehandling, fordi vi i den fase følte, at Kommissionen og Rådet ikke tog Parlamentets rolle alvorligt.
It seems to me that the Spanish proposal allows more scope than ours does for uncertainty over the future of the ECU, basically because the weightings and composition of the ECU would have to be revised every time a currency was revalued or devalued.
Hvad jeg gerne vil høre fra Kommissionens formand i dag er, hvordan vi kan dreje,
This would create uncertainty every time the market had the impression
Mit andet spørgsmål vedrører de offentlige finanser.
I am broadly in agreement with what he said, but I would like to add some clarification before moving on to the questions from Mr Patterson and others.
Jeg vil gerne lige vende tilbage til Den Økonomiske og Monetære Union og udviklingen her.
But we are seeing progress, first in the willingness to take another look at the comparative merits of the hard ECU and secondly in the full participation in the proceedings of the intergovernmental conference.
Det er elleve medlemsstater. ter.
I can assure you that no effort will be spared in working towards consensus.
I mange henseender deler jeg den positive opfattelse, min kollega, hr. Patterson, har givet udtryk for.
That is as far as we have got, but I think that if economic convergence were to be put on the same footing as the objective conditions, we would never make the transition to stage two.
Jeg mener, at den måde, hvorpå for handlingerne er forløbet, tyder på, at der er mulig hed for et kompromis om en større anvendelse af ecuen.
We would also be ignoring the momentum of the construction of Europe, the effect of which has been that whenever we have moved forward, it has been because a political decision has been taken and circumstances have been properly taken into account at the same time.
Jeg mener også, at Parlamentet begår en fejl ved at være alt for kritisk, i særdeleshed over for den tyske monetære politik i den senere tid og hævde, at den er en hindring for konvergens.
If we had been concerned exlusively with economic convergence or factual circumstances in 1979, when the European monetary system was created, we would never have gone ahead.
Det er vigtigt at forstå, at forskellene mellem rentesatserne inden for Fællesskabet i de sidste tre år er mindsket meget stærkt.
A political decision was taken, was brought into line with circumstances, and produced the successes that we have seen.
Jeg vil anmode Kommissionens formand om at overveje, hvor små forskellene mellem de franske og tyske rentesatser er blevet, og om det kunne være sket, hvis Bundesbank ikke havde opretholdt den stærke politik, den har ført.
For my own part, then, I am sticking to this strict interpretation of the European Council and I think it is very important to do so.
Parlamentet har givet udtryk for, hvor vigtigt det er at sørge for, at den anden fase ikke varer alt for længe, fordi dette vil kunne øge usikkerheden, hvilket aldrig er en god ting, hvis man ønsker at nå frem til konvergens.
But in the background to all this, to come back to questions asked by other honourable Members, there is a matter of judgement on which we are all entitled to an opinion.
Især når jeg betragter den mulighed, som kommissionsformanden selv har været inde på, om at nå frem til en beslutningsdannelse i to gear, så må vi også endnu en gang se på anden fases varighed i dette lys.
My personal view is that the construction of Europe does not have time on its side, so the dates set are important from the political viewpoint, in terms of the risks that might soon prevent further progress by Europe.
Jeg vil også gerne spørge om, hvornår vi nu får begyndt med den virkelige institution, med den ægte board, således som den var tænkt.
That is why, as I have said to the British Prime Minister, one of the differences between us concerns timing, the schedule.
Tyskerne er kommet på bedre tanker, og de ønsker, om jeg så må sige, en slags opnormeret udvalg, således som vi nu har det.
I remain convinced that we have to keep to the dates set by the European Council in October if we are to avoid all the risks.
Mener Kommissionen, at det her drejer sig om en sag, som har betydning som sådan, eller er det rent faktisk kun et spørgsmål om semantik?
But I appreciate the difficulties this involves for our British friends, and I do not underestimate them.
I forbindelse med ecuen vil jeg gerne spørge Kom missionen om to ting.
I think this is a subject that would warrant a debate on its own.
For det andet er det værd at påpege, at det struktur elle tyske handelsoverskud, der har været det fundamentale problem, når det gjaldt at sikre økonomisk konvergens inden for Fællesskabet, også meget hurtigt er ved at blive mindre.
To take an example that has nothing to do with monetary affairs, what is there to explain the fact that Europeans in their thirties, who did not live through the last war, rushed out to buy consumer goods when they were afraid there was going to be a war ?
Faktisk kan man forudse, at det tyske overskud vil forsvinde helt til næste år.
In fact, the words 'world war' have often been used in connection with this 100-day war.
Så de underliggende økonomiske omstændigheder, der vil gøre det muligt med en monetær union, er faktisk blevet drastisk forbedrede og forbedres fortsat til trods for de vanskeligheder, der består på kort sigt med hensyn til rentesatserne.
But frankly, even though it is possible to have two schools of thought on the right course for the Community, I still come back to what I have just said : are we simply heading for a free-trade area that is going to expand, or are we going to give the Community the political personality that it sorely needs ?
Det afgørende er, at vi her gør os det klart, at det er nødvendigt med en definition på den type monetær union, vi i sidste instans ønsker.
If it is to acquire that attribute, it must have the monetary and economic structures of a single entity, and it must also learn to conduct foreign and defence policies to match.
Jeg hilser igen de tyske forslag velkommen som en klar definition af, hvordan en monetær union med en enkelt valuta i sidste ende skulle se ud.
My intuition tells me that if we do not decide to set about the necessary action, within the next three or four years, the balance of attractions and distractions is such that we shall have missed an historic opportunity.
Vi kan så afgøre det tempo, hvori vi skal gå frem.
But, again, that is only my humble opinion, and this is a matter of opinion.
Det afgørende inden for dette nye område er en uafhængig centralbank, ingen struktur fonde og meget streng kontrol med underskud på statsbudgetterne.
To put it in more general terms, in the context of thoughts of political union, are our countries going to opt for a fairly comfortable existence but a marginal role in the world or are they prepared to play their full role and assume their responsibilities in the world ?
Det er helt afgørende.
That is the only question worth considering.
Når vi har fået det, kan vi slappe meget mere af med hensyn til tempoet, for Kommissionen bør koncentrere sig om sin traditionelle opgave, at liberalisere finansmarkederne.
Nevertheless, I feel encouraged and I can assure you that the Commission will be doing everything possible to reach consensus with Britain, and with the lessdeveloped countries in the Community.
Det er det, der vil føre til en monetær union, når vi har denne klare definition.
And this takes us to the burning issue of economic and social cohesion.
I forbindelse med det indre marked træffer vi beslutninger om den fiskale politik.
I turn now to the differences between Member States.
Stevens (ED). — (EN) Hr. formand, meget af denne debat synes at have været temmelig pessimistisk, idet
It would be churlish of me if I did not admit that there has been a change in the British position, not just of style
Lalor (RDE). — (EN) Hr. formand, det første, jeg vil sige er, at der stadig er store forskelle mellem økonomien i de forskellige regioner inden for Fælles skabet.
There are two ways of looking at this. If, when the texts are ready for the treaties, certain countries insist on a precondition, in financial terms, for economic and social cohesion, we are going to fail.