natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Mine damer og herrer, den amerikanske udenrigsminister Baker kritiserer mordet ved Berlin-muren — hvad jeg finder særdeles positivt — og jeg anser det for uacceptabelt, at europæere endnu ikke har gjort det i fællesskab i EPS.
Finally, I should like to say that I regard the Penders and Ford reports as a positive contribution to Euro pean security and for ensuring correct dealings in arms exports.
Her bliver vi vist også som europæerne nødt til at finde et fælles svar på krænkelsen af menneskerettighederne midt i Berlin, i Tyskland og Europa.
FANTI (COM). — (IT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, whilst the Italian Communists express their approval of the Ford report, the Penders report produces in us a feeling of dissatisfaction, even though we realize, of course, that this is a compromise that has been laboriously reached.
Samtidig mener vi, at WEU bør styrkes maksimalt ved at give den større slagkraft, end den har nu, og etablere bedre forbindelser mellem dette organ og NATO.
After the direct elections to the European Parliament the time will be ripe for a full Committee on Security and Disarmament in this Parliament, because security questions are gaining in importance.
Vi vil snart få Kommissionens svar på vort spørgsmål om våbensamarbejde, som jeg anser for en nødvendighed, ikke kun på grund af det indre marked i 1992, men netop også på grund af den kendsgerning, at vi, dersom vi producerer våben i fællesskab, kan spare en mængde penge og for svarspolitisk gøre noget godt, fordi vi så har ens standarder.
First of all, this is so for reasons of a general nature: the European Parliament has, in my view, a good opportunity to emphasize in a very concrete manner its reasoned criticism of the inadequacy of the Single Act.
En samordning af våbeneksportpolitikken er uomgængelig nødvendig med det formål at bidrage til en virkelig sikkerhedspolitik for Europa og undgå, at skrupelløse lukrative formål bidrager til at skabe internationale spændinger.
Now it seems quite obvious to me that, if we really want to be a political union, and not in words alone, it is impossible to imagine a foreign policy without a military policy and, in the reverse sense, a military security policy without a genuine, effective foreign policy.
Til sidst skal jeg tilkendegive, at jeg anser Pendersog Ford-betænkningerne for at være et positivt bidrag til den europæiske sikkerhed og til at fast sætte en korrekt våbeneksportpolitik.
PERINAT ELIO (ED). — (ES) Mr President, although we were pleased recently to see the political change in the Soviet Union, which has made possible the IMF Treaty and the talks being held in Vienna on disarmament in conventional weapons, trends in West ern European political relations mean that some kind of relationship must be fashioned for joint European security either within the European Community or alongside it through the WEU.
Når vi nu før udløbet af denne valgperiode gør status, tror jeg, at Underudvalget om Sikkerhed og Nedrustning har gjort et godt stykke arbejde.
All it pro poses — like Mr Poettering — is to postpone the question until 1992.
Tiden er inde til, at der efter det direkte valg af Europa-Parlamentet nedsættes et fuldgyldigt Udvalg om Sikkerhed og Nedrustning i Europa- Parlamentet, fordi sikkerheds spørgsmålene får stigende betydning.
For the majority of Western European nations this security is still based on the North Atlantic Treaty and we therefore think that strengthening what is called the 'European pillar of NATO' will benefit European security.
Fanti (COM). — (IT) Hr. formand, kære kolleger, de italienske kommunister kan tilslutte sig Ford betænkningen, men hvad Pendersbetænkningen
Equally unsatisfactory in our view is also its approach to the problems it does tackle.
Fanti angår, må vi give udtryk for utilfredshed, uanset at vi er klar over, at det øjensynligt er et kompromis, der er strikket sammen med stort besvær.
The report has first of all been overtaken, at least partly, by events, such as the Vienna Conference that is in progress where, for the first time, Eastern Euro pean countries and Western European countries are sitting down at the conference table side by side.
Den første begrundelse for vor utilfredshed er af mere generel karakter: Europa-Parlamentet har her efter min mening haft en god lejlighed til på meget konkret vis at fremhæve sin velbegrundede kritik af manglerne i Den Europæiske Fælles Akt.
Secondly, it says nothing in regard to the central political debate, namely the problem of whether or not short range missiles should be updated.
Jeg henviser her til den berygtede artikel 30 i tredje afdeling om Det Europæiske Politiske Samarbejde, der som bekendt begrænser interventionerne under dette samarbejde til kun at omfatte de politiske og økonomiske sider af sikkerhedsspørgsmål.
The Socialist International has taken up the question, and political debate has taken it up, and it is unthinkable that the European Parliament should not take it up as well.
Det er rigtigt, at de militære aspekter i forbindelse med sikkerhed bør drøftes mere i EPS-sammenhæng.
As regards the economic aspects of security, we are currently in the process of disarming ourselves economically.
Først de politiske. Spaniens og Portugals indtræden i EF har ført til, at Spanien og Portugal har tilsluttet sig Den Vesteuropæiske Union og til, at Spanien er blevet medlem af NATO's politiske organisation, i øvrigt også deltagelse i The Defence Planning Committee and the Nuclear Planning Group.
The British Type 23 frigate is three and a half times more expensive than the previous generation of ships, the Leanders, and that is only one example.
Således har EF bidraget til den geopolitiske stabilitet på vort kontinent.
The line dividing the civil and military industry is becoming blurred.
Den tyske fremtid rykker op på den politiske dagsorden.
How can the Community give economic encouragement?
Det forekommer mig imidlertid at være helt indlysende, at hvis vi virkelig, ikke blot som mundsvejr, ønsker at være en europæisk union, er det umuligt at tænke sig en udenrigspolitik uden en forsvarspolitik, ligesom det på den anden side er umuligt at tænke sig en forsvars- og sikkerhedspolitik uden en reel og effektiv udenrigspolitik.
Not by levying import duties on defence equipment from outside the Com munity, as the Commission seems to have suggested in an unguarded moment, but, it appears, by granting an export licence for eight chemical substances that can be used in the production of poison gas.
Denne lejlighed, som Pendersbetænkningen gav os, er glippet, idet dokumentet intet indeholder om dette.
Finally, the reference to the institutional problem of Western European Union is entirely misleading, and should therefore be removed.
Alt, hvad det gør, er ligesom hr. Poettering at henvise til en drøftelse i 1992.
Even in our Parliament, the debate has already commenced: just remember the repon of the Committee on Institutional Affairs.
Den samme utilfredshed må vi give udtryk for med hensyn til de problemer, der bliver taget op.
In the final analysis, therefore, our attitude will depend on whether or not certain fundamental amendments are accepted.
Økonomisk samling tvinger til politisk sam arbejde. Jo tættere den gensidige afhængighed jo mindre spillerum for ensidige politiske initiativer.
Two other initiatives seem to be connected with the stimulation of the coordination of ESPRIT and the research programmes in the IEPG, the cooperative technology programmes.
Gennemførelsen af EF-markedet er således af stor geopolitisk betydning.
In answer to questions I put to him, Mr Narjes gave an assurance that he would look into this.
Dette gælder i endnu højere grad for initiativer, der kunne munde ud i En Europæisk Centralbank.
What has Mr Bangemann to say to us on this point?
Det er et bidrag til politisk stabilitet i Vesteuropa.
The Community must also join COCOM.
Frem for alt er betænkningen, i det mindste delvis, blevet indhentet af begivenhedernes gang.
DE VRIES (LDR). — (NL) Mr President, I rate the reports by Mr Penders and Mr Ford very high.
Jeg tænker bl.a. på den igangværende konference i Wien, hvor landene fra Øst- og Vesteuropa for første gang sidder side ved side.
The very limited time available to me does not permit me to discuss the positive aspects of the reports at length. I will just make three rather basic but, I hope, practical comments.
For det andet siger den intet om det væsentligste politiske debatemne, nemlig spørgsmålet om kortdistanceraketterne skal moderniseres eller ikke.
That said, I will conclude by warning of the dangers of institutional day-dreaming. Institutional reforms follow policy decisions, not the other way around.
For så vidt angår de økonomiske sikkerhedsaspekter, er vi i øjeblikket beskæftiget med at nedruste os selv rent økonomisk. Den britiske type 23-fregat er Lreenhalv gang så dyr som de tidligere skibsgenerationer, Leander, men det er kun ét eksempel.
There will also have to be more discussion of the military aspects of security in EPC. There is no doubt about that.
Grænsen mellem civil og militær industri udjævnes.
First, the political aspects.
Hvor ledes kan EF give økonomiske impulser?
The Community has thus contributed to geopolitical stability on our continent.
Ikke ved at kræve importtold på försvarsmateriel fra lande uden for EF, som Kommissionen i et ubevogtet øjeblik synes at have foreslået.
In the coming years the greatest challenge will be to create a stable framework for the development of relations between Eastern and Western Europe and, above all, between the two Germanies.
Endelig er omtalen af det institutionelle problem i Den Vesteuropæiske Union helt på vildspor og bør derfor slettes.
LALOR (RDE). — Mr President, once again, unfortunately, in debating the Penders resolution, we find ourselves addressing issues and areas which are out side the scope of European political cooperation and the provisions of the Single European Act.
Også her i Europa-Parlamentet er drøftelserne allerede påbegyndt; man behøver blot tænke på betænkningen fra Udvalget om Institutionelle Spørgsmål.
It is there fore necessary for me as an Irishman again to spell out that the Government of Ireland clearly indicated when it ratified the Single European Act that the provisions of Title 3 did not affect Ireland's longestablished policy of military neutrality.
Vor holdning vil derfor i sidste instans afhænge af, om der bliver vedtaget grundlæggende ændringsforslag. slag.
This is still so and I must again stress that coordination of the political and economic aspects of security does not include the military aspects which are central to the Penders resolution. tion.
Der er to andre initiativer, som jeg synes stimulerer koordinationen mellem ESPRIT og IEPG's forskningsprogrammer, the cooperative technology pro grams.
If we consider the means available to the Community for stimulating the stable development of the Federal Republic at least, we must consider 1992 and the European Monetary System.
Hr. Narjes har som svar på et af mine spørgsmål lovet at ville undersøge dette.
Economic unification necessarily entails political cooperation.
Hvad har hr. Bangemann at fortælle os på dette punkt?
The closer the economic interdependence, the less scope there is for unilateral political initiatives.
Efter disse ord vil jeg som afslutning advare imod institutionelt dagdrømmeri. Institutionelle reformer følger politiske beslutninger, ikke omvendt.
This is even truer of initiatives that may result in the establishment of a European Central Bank.
Den meget korte tid, som jeg har til min rådighed, tillader ikke, at jeg går for udførligt ind på betænkningernes positive sider.
Unlike Mr Poettering, I think it is appropriate that the Council or EPC is not represented here today.
Jeg vil gerne frem føre tre, måske ret jævne, men forhåbentlig praktiske randbemærkninger.
I am disturbed and a little frightened, if I may say so, to learn that my young Irish Fine Gael colleague in the EPP, who is stated to be the front-running spokesman for them from Dublin, is following the Poettering and
De Vries for en diskussion om Den Vesteuropæiske Unions struktur er det vigtigere med en diskussion om de praktiske instrumenter til EF's rådighed for bedre at sikre vort kontinents sikkerhed.
Lalor the framework of European political union — until, therefore, they establish very precise procedures and institutions for managing their own security.
Disse økonomiske og politiske aspekter er stadig ikke tilstrækkelig gennemarbejdet af Fællesskabet.
So long as we go on thinking that it is possible to manage security policy on the basis of national policies, we must obviously put up with the marginal role that the Western countries have at present in the debate on this subject.
Den går fortsat ud fra den tankegang, at sikkerhed kan opretholdes med militære midler.
He exhorts us to join with other European NATO col leagues in speaking out with one voice.
Den går fortsat ud fra atomafskrækkelse, hvilket i denne teknologiske tidsalder er en livsfarlig tanke, og det ser absolut ud som om NATO-landene har fået en ordentlig skræk i livet over, at Sovjetunionen nu pludselig gør det, som NATO-landene altid har forlangt, nemlig ensidig nedrustning.
His issued statement conveys that here in this Parliament the Socialists, the Communists, the EPP and the Conservatives agree on all major issues including defence. Maybe he believes that himself, but I have never got that impression.
I stedet for åbent og storsindet at gå ind på dette, beskæftiger man sig med yderligere oprustning og modernisering, som også er oprustning.
I have the feeling that Mr O'Malley — who may have the agreement of his party leader here, who is sitting beside him — can hardly be speak ing for the Irish Labour Party when he includes the Socialists into his policy in this regard.
Vi afviser denne tankegang som farlig for verden, og min gruppes ændringsforslag gør dette tydeligt.
I very much regret that he has chosen this time to — as he said himself — break with his party's tradition on Irish neutrality.
Lalor (RDE). — (EN) Hr. formand, under forhand lingen om Pendersbetænkningen er vi desværre endu engang ved at tage fat på spørgsmål og områder, der ligger uden for rammerne af Det Europæiske Politiske Samarbejde og bestemmelserne i Den Europæiske Fælles Akt.
As far as the other points are concerned, I think that it is necessary to reclassify the concept of threat, which is neither clear nor obvious in any of the documents presented: the view that arms and missiles still represent the first threat to security today is a grave mistake. take.
Cicciomessere (NI). — (IT) Hr. formand, jeg tror ikke, at betænkningen om Vesteuropas sikkerhed skulle have omfattet mere end et enkelt punkt.
VAN DER LEK (ARC). — (NL) Mr President, to have to talk about security policy in the world, the policy on arms exports, disarmament and international politics in one minute is, of course, absurd.
Dette er, hvad Parlamentet efter min mening burde fremhæve.
I shall therefore be very brief.
Alt det andet er tydeligvis noget vagt noget, noget der ikke tilkommer os, noget der simpelt hen ingen mening har, fordi vi ingen beføjelser har til at træffe nogen som helst afgørelser om de forskellige problemer på dette område.
The fact that the report contains no reference what ever to North-South relations, and hence to the threat that underdevelopment represents, seems particularly serious to me, as also, Mr President, does the fact that the report contains no reference to what is happening today in the East, the 'spring' of democracy in the East, or to the serious economic and social problems that are exploding in these countries — I refer in particular to Yugoslavia.
Indtil vi kommer i tanke om, at det er muligt at føre en sikkerhedspolitik med udgangspunkt i medlemssta ternes nationale politik, må vi tydeligt nok slå os til tåls med den marginale rolle, som de vesteuropæiske lande i øjeblikkel spiller i drøftelserne om disse spørgsmål.
The fact that this Community does not consider that, for its own security, for the security of Western Europe, genuinely valid economic and financial measures are essential in these situations, seems to me indeed to be a significant deficiency.
Jeg må understrege, at Fællesskabet absolut ikke har nogen fælles politik for våbeneksport.
It is still based on the idea that security can be ensured by military means.
I modsætning til hr. Poettering finder jeg det udmærket, at hverken Rådet eller Udenrigsministrene i Politisk Samarbejde er repræsenteret her i dag.
It is still based on nuclear deterrence, which is a highly dangerous idea in this technological age, and it looks as if the NATO countries are scared to death now that the Soviet Union is suddenly doing what they have always demanded, disarming unilaterally.
Han opfordrer os til at tilslutte os andre euro pæiske kolleger i NATO og tale med én stemme.
We reject this line of thought as dangerous for the world, and the amendments tabled by my group make this clear.
Det fremgår af den udtalelse, han har fremsat, at her i Parlamentet er socialisterne, kommunisterne, EPP og de konservative enige om alle de vigtigste spørgsmål, inklusive forsvaret.
We should like to help Mr Ford to limit arms exports, but his report is so cautious and does so little to lay down rules.
Måske er det, hvad han selv tror, men det indtryk har jeg aldrig haft.
At present governments have in fact become merchants of death.
Jeg har en fornemmelse af, at hr. O'Malley — der muligvis har tilslutning fra lederen af sit parti, der sidder ved siden af ham — næppe kan tale for det irske arbejderparti, når han også tager socialisterne til indtægt for sin politik på dette område.
They accept dreadful things like weapons scholarships, they are increasing the debt burdens of the Third World countries, and they are making increasingly ingenious and dangerous weapons for themselves.
Jeg er meget ked af, at han har valgt dette tidspunkt til, som han selv sagde, at bryde med sit partis tradition med hensyn til irsk neutralitet.
We feel the world must over come its addiction to weapons, especially the rich and world-dominating countries, and this belief is reflected in the amendments we have tabled.
Med hensyn til de andre punkter mener jeg, at det vil være nødvendigt at revidere begrebet trussel, der ikke fremgår klart af noget af de forelagte dokumenter.
CHARZAT (S). — (FR) Mr President, the Penders repon on the security of Western Europe comes before the House at a particularly good moment.
Det vil være en alvorlig fejl at tro, al det endnu i dag er våben og raketter, der udgør hovedtruslen mod vor sikkerhed.
But a report which has the concept of security as its theme cannot be content with general proposals which elude the profound crises which the Twelve have with their aims of European construction and the ways and means of going about it.
Det er i mine øjne særlig alvorligt, at der i betænkningen ingen omtale er af Nord-Syd-forholdet og dermed af den trussel, som underudviklingen udgør. Det samme vil jeg sige om den kendsgerning, at der ikke i betænkningen er nogen som helst henvisning
CICCIOMESSERE (NI). — (IT) Mr President, I think that there should only have been one paragraph in the report on the security of Western Europe: the European Parliament ought to have had the courage to make one statement only, which is that the countries of the Community have no significant role to play in the sector of security, and cannot have any such role, until they adopt a common security policy within
Van der Lek (ARC). — (NL) Hr. formand, det er naturligvis absurd på ét minut at drøfte sikkerheds politik i verden, våbeneksportpolitikken, nedrustning og den internationale politik.
As to the aims of the Twelve — do they want to move towards the common house or the European defence pillar?
Derfor skal jeg fatte mig i korthed.
If greater autonomy of Europe is desirable
Cicciomessere til det, der for tiden er ved at ske i Østlandene, til det demokratiske » forår « dér eller til de eksplosive økonomiske og sociale problemer i disse lande —jeg tænker her især på Jugoslavien.
as another front in the cosmic war between ideologies, while Europeans look at the local problems which cause those conflicts. I want to hear Europeans speak ing with one voice on issues of war and peace as well as on the economic issues.
Det forekommer mig at være en alvorlig mangel, at Fællesskabet ikke synes at se, at det er af afgørende vigtighed for dets sikkerhed, for hele Vesteuropas sikkerhed, at der i denne situation sker alvorlige økonomiske og finansielle interventioner.
But at a time when the two superpowers are moving into the era of direct defence and altering their strategic relations, it is urgent for the Twelve to launch a military EUREKA to supplement the EUREKA pro gramme and encourage research upstream.
Endelig kan jeg ikke tilslutte mig Ford-betænkningen, idet jeg ikke mener, at våbeneksport kan side stilles med anden handelsvirksomhed. Jeg mener ikke, at den kan overlades til rustningsindustriens private initiativ, men at den skal ske som led i aftaler om militær bistand, og at den kun skal være tilladt i denne form.
The United States and the Soviet Union cannot abolish the military threat between them for their sole benefit.
Parlamentet, at de irske medlemmer ikke deltager i forsvarsdebatterne undtagen for som hr. Lalor at benægte Parlamentets ret til at drøfte forsvarsspørgsmål. Jeg vil gerne minde hr. Lalor om, at flere irske regeringer efter hinanden har sagt, at når der kom et forenet Europa, så ville Irland være parat til at deltage i forsvaret af dette forenede Europa.
O'MALLEY (PPE). — Mr President, as Mr Lalor said, it has been a tradition in this House that Irish MEPs do not take part in defence debates, except, like Mr Lalor, to deny Parliament's right to discuss de fence.
Derfor ser jeg ikke nogen grund til, at vi ikke skulle være parat til at drøfte dette her i Parlamentet.
Therefore, I see no reason why we should not be prepared to discuss that in this House.
Det er ikke et spørgsmål op, hvorvidt vi vil tilslutte os NATO.
It is not a question of whether or not we join NATO.
NATO er en alliance, der domineres af en ikke-europæisk magt, nemlig De Forenede Stater.
NATO is an alliance dominated by a nonEuropean power, namely, the United States.
Det er en alliance, som Vesteuropa behøvede efter sidste krig for at stoppe det hul, som vor egen uenighed og splittelse havde skabt.
It is an alliance that Western Europe needed after the last war to plug the gap left by its own divisions and disorganization.
Vi behøver stadig Amerikas venskab, men vi behøver ikke at være amerikanske satellitter.
We still need America's friendship, but we do not need to be American satellites.
Fællesskabet har en større befolkning end Sovjetunionen og er mere end dobbelt så velstående.
The European Community has a greater population than the Soviet Union and more than twice its wealth.
Og alligevel har vi overladt alle beslutninger om krig og fred i Europa til udenfor stående.
Yet we have handed over all the decisionmaking on war and peace in Europe to out siders.
Det er kun, fordi vi endnu ikke er blevet forenede.
That is only because we have not yet united.
Jeg er bange for, at Irland har bidraget til denne situation ved at undsige alle drøftelser af forsvarsspørgsmål i Fællesskabet.
I am afraid that Ireland has contributed to that situation by vetoing all talk of defence in the European Com munity.
Charzat (S). — (FR) Hr. formand, Penders-betænkningen om Vesteuropas sikkerhed forelægges for Parlamentet på et særlig heldigt tidspunkt.
As far as the Penders report goes, the 1981 London Agreement established the competence of European political cooperation to discuss security policy.
Men en betænkning, der omhandler sikkerhed, kan ikke stille sig tilfreds med generelle betragtninger og lade hånt om de dybe kriser, der præger De Tolv med hensyn til målene for den europæiske opbygning og de nødvendige veje og midler til at nå frem til disse mål.
The European Parliament is the only directly elected institution where defence and security issues are regularly discussed, despite Irish opposition. Consequently, it has an important role to play in establishing the political consensus necessary to secure popular acceptance for defence and security policy.