natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Jeg vil tro, at de spørgsmål, der er rejst i den skriftlige forespørgsel og i den mundtlige forespørgsel, som hr. Herman lige har fremsat, er blevet behandlet på disse møder og i særdeleshed på det i går afholdte interinstitutionelle møde.
As I see it, the matters raised in the written question and the oral question just moved by Mr Herman have been discussed in the course of these contacts, notably during yesterday's interinstitutional meeting.
Svaret på hr. Hermans forespørgsel kan derfor kun kom plettere den tilbundsgående drøftelse, der fandt sted i går.
The answer to Mr Herman's question therefore cannot be more than complementary to the thorough discussion held yesterday.
De forstår, at formandskabet ikke kan deltage i plenarmødets forhandling, så længe konferencen ikke er afsluttet.
So you will appreciate that the presidency cannot take part in your debate in plenary until the conference has completed its work.
Dernæst foruroliges vi af en anden holdningsændring, den antidemokratiske.
Our next cause of concern is a second drift, the antidemocratic drift.
Ud af otteogtyve bestemmelser, der danner grundlaget for Rådets intervention, er der kun fire, der omtaler høring af Parlamentet.
Out of twenty-eight provisions in the Council's contribution, only four require Parliament to be consulted.
Ud af de samme otteogtyve bestemmelser er der femogtyve, der træffes med kvalificeret flertal, hvilket sætter de nationale parlamenter ud af spillet.
Of these same twenty-eight provisions, twenty-five can be adopted by a qualified majority, and that puts the national parliaments out of the running.
Europa-Parlamentet og de nationale parlamenter må vige for Rådet og Det Europæiske Råd, der begge møder for lukkede døre.
The European and national parliaments take a back seat behind the Council and the European Council, both of which sit in camera.
For i nogen grad at kritisere Rådets hykleri, sagde hr. Juncker i går med megen humor og elegance: »Det er kedeligt, at alle de, der, når de taler med Parlamentet, støtter dets synspunkter, ikke også gør det, når de befinder sig i Rådet«.
Mr Junker showed great humour and subtlety yesterday when mildly criticizing the Council's hypocrisy by saying what a pity it was that not all those who supported Parliament's arguments when in discussion with Parliament did so when they were in the Council.
Så sent som i går fik vi igen bevis for rigtigheden heraf.
We saw yet another example of that yesterday.
Over for os er alle for forøgelse af Parlamentets beføjelser, men når forslagene skal udformes, og man ikke står over for Parlamentet, har man intet mere tilovers for det.
When addressing us, they are all in favour of increasing Parliament's powers but elsewhere, when it comes to drafting texts, they no longer have anything to offer Parliament.
De bedes undskylde, at hr. Juncker ikke kan være til stede, men jeg er rede til først at give Dem et kort overblik over forløbet af regeringskonferencens for handlinger, hvorefter jeg vil svare på de tre punkter, der foruroliger hr. Herman.
With apologies on behalf of my colleague Mr Jean-Claude Junker, who is unable to attend, I am nevertheless able to give you a brief progress report on the Intergovernmental Conference, after which I shall reply on the three matters of concern raised by Mr Herman.
For at fremhæve det arbejde, der er udført i henhold til den lige fra starten vedtagne metode, vil jeg påpege den meget omfattende støtte, der på sidste ministermøde blev formandskabets forslag til del med hensyn til uopsætteligheden af de yderligere konvergensbestræbelser, der skal gøres, så man sammen kan nå så vidt som muligt.
To emphasize the work accomplished ac cording to the method adopted from the outset, I would draw attention to the very wide support given at the last ministerial meeting to the presidency's proposals in connection with the urgent need for extra efforts to be made on convergence so that we can make maximum progress together.
Endelig foruroliges vi også over holdningsændringen til tidsplanen.
Finally, we are concerned at the slippage in the timetable.
Topmødet i Rom indtog en klar og fast holdning til tidspunkterne.
In Rome, the European Council had taken a clear, firm position on the dates.
Anden fase skulle begynde i 1994.
Stage two was to start in 1994.
Er det logisk?
Was this position logical?
Når det indre marked var gennemført, burde det få en naturlig udløber: Den Monetære Union.
Once the single market had been established, it had to be given its natural extension : monetary union.
Denne position var ikke blot logisk, men nødvendig og presserende, for efter ophævelse af kontrollen med kapitalbevægelser måtte Det Europæiske Monetære system styrkes.
Not only was this position logical, but the next step was necessary and urgent, since once controls on capital transfers had been abolished, the European monetary system had to be strengthened.
På trods af logik og nødvendighed oplever vi så en ussel jagt på småfordele.
Despite the logic and the necessity, we are being treated to an unedifying spectacle of back pedalling.
Der er dette institut, som man ikke rigtig ved, hvad man skal kalde, og som skal træde i funktion i 1996 for senere at erstattes af centralbanken, når denne får beføjelser, og man overgår til den endelige fase.
We have this institute, which no-one knows quite what to call, which is to start operations in 1996 and is then to be replaced by the central bank when the bank gets its powers and the transition is made to the final stage, which will require unanimity.
Hertil kræves der enstemmighed.
Time is of the essence.
Hermed vil jeg sige, at den meget faste beslutning, som stats- og regeringscheferne traf i Rom, ikke er gennemført og heller ikke ser ud til at blive det af finans- og udenrigsministrene.
Europe and the whole world is waiting for us to get on with the next stages, building on the momentum given by the Single Act.
Der bør handles hurtigt.
But now doubts are taking a hold.
Europa og hele Verden venter, at vi
This difficulty has to be overcome.
Jeg påpeger, at navnet på dette organ, der er forløber for den europæiske centralbank, stadig kan ændres.
It would have been impossible for all parts of this document to be fully representative of the positions taken by each Member State as presented at the start of the Conference.
Det belgiske forslag om et europæisk monetært institut virker tiltalende.
It merely sets out what was seen as the prevailing views, and the time has now come to take fresh stock of the partial agreements reached during the course of these past few months in the light of the overall proceedings.
Dette institut kunne overtage Den Europæiske Fond for Monetært Samarbejdes nuværende opgaver og dermed også forvaltningen af ECU.
I must nevertheless mention that one country's delegation has reiterated that it is not in a position to accept the imposition of a single monetary policy or a single currency.
Modaliteterne for ECU's udvikling og for forvaltningen i over gangsperioden har endnu ikke været gjort til gen stand for konkrete forslag. De kan for øvrigt fast sættes i den sekundære lovgivning.
ing the ecu during the transitional phase, which could in fact be laid down in secondary legislation.
Ej heller har konferencen udtalt sig definitivt om de forskellige forslag til ECU's styrkelse.
Nor has the Conference yet come to a final position on the various proposals for strengthening the ecu.
Disse især britiske og spanske forslag fortjener imidlertid særlig opmærksomhed, da de har til formål at stabilisere ECU-kursen, så den kan blive en stærk valuta.
However, these proposals, notably those from Britain and Spain, deserve particularly serious consideration in the light of the ultimate objective, which is to stabilize the foreign exchange rate of the ecu definitively so that it becomes a strong currency.
Lige fra det europæiske centralbanksystems ikrafttræden skal »centralbanken« — og jeg citerer nu artikel 109 e. stykke 2, »fremme ECU's udvikling, især ved at udvikle dens rolle og ved at udvide dens anvendelse og tage ansvaret for bankclearingsystemet i ECU«.
As soon as the European central banking system comes into operation, it will be the task of the central bank — and I am quoting Article 109e, paragraph 2, here, to 'further the promotion of the ecu, in particular by developing its role and broadening its use, and assume responsibility for the ecu clearing system'.
Efter denne generelle bemærkning vil jeg kort besvare det ærede medlems fem spørgsmål.
Having made these general remarks, I now wish to reply briefly to the five specific questions asked by the honourable Member.
For det første tager formandskabets forslag i vidt omfang hensyn til de under forhandlingerne frem satte forslag samt til konferencens drøftelser. Det gælder også for overgangen til tredje fase, hvortil det første Europæiske Råd i Rom gav retningslinjer, som overtoges.
First, the presidency's proposal takes very full account of the various proposals made during the negotiations and the discussions held in the Conference.
Samhørigheden gennem føres hovedsagelig gennem strukturfondene.
The structural Funds are the main means used to promote cohesion.
For mandskabet har som led i konferencen om Den Politiske Union foreslået en opstramning af artiklerne om samhørigheden, som også skal gøres til genstand for en revision på tidspunktet for forhand lingen om den nye finanspakke.
In the Conference on Political Union, the presidency has made proposals for strengthening the articles concerned with cohesion, and this subject will also be looked at afresh when the time comes for negotiating the next financial package.
Konvergenskriterierne er allerede behandlet ret præcist i de forskel lige artikler.
The criteria for convergence are already quite clearly stated in the various articles.
Nærmere enkeltheder kan gives i den sekundære lovgivning. F.eks. kan et nyt direktiv ajourføre det nuværende direktiv om konvergensen. sen.
They could be defined in greater detail in secondary legislation.
For det femte fik formandskabets forslag om over gangsperioden især i forbindelse med konvergensen og institutionernes oprettelse bred støtte blandt de i regeringskonferencen deltagende medlemsstater.
Finally, on the fifth question, the presidency's proposal on the transitional period, particularly as regards convergence and establishment of the institutions, enjoy wide support from the States taking part in the Intergovernmental Conference.
For det andet er det rigtigt, at de institutionelle mekanismer i forbindelse med Den Monetære Union er lidt specielle.
Secondly, it is true that the institutional mechanisms for monetary Union are of a rather particular kind.
Det er de for øvrigt i samtlige medlemsstater.
So they are in all our Member States.
Det hænger navnlig sammen med den fremtrædende og betydningsfulde rolle, som den uafhængige centralbank skal spille i slutfasen.
This is largely because of the crucial role to be played by the independent central bank during the final stage.
Forud for overgangen til tredje fase skal den monetære politik være nøje koordineret, men forblive national.
Until the transition to stage three, monetary policies will be closely coordinated but remain national.
Hvad Det Europæiske Råd angår, anerkender et stort flertal af lande den impuls- og retningsgivende rolle, det allerede er i besiddelse af.
As regards the European Council, there is a large majority of countries in favour of recognizing the role of providing stimulation and guidance that it already performs.
Hvad Europa-Parlamentet og Kommissionen angår, er der intet, der tillader at konkludere, at disses rolle skal reduceres.
As regards the European Parliament and the Commission, there is no reason to suppose that their roles are going to be reduced.
Europa-Parlamentets rolle i ØMU's institutionelle opbygning er på indeværende tidspunkt ikke definitivt fastsat.
The European Parliament's role in the EMU institutional structure has not been determined definitively as matters stand at present.
Som bekendt — det henviste hr. Herman til — har medlemsstaterne udtrykt forskelligt nuancerede opfattelser af dette spørgsmål.
As you are aware — and Mr Herman alluded to this — the Member States have expressed varying points of view on this issue.
Altså skal konferencen præcisere Europa-Parlamentets plads i ØMU's funktion.
The Conference is therefore going to have to define the European Parliament's role in relation to operation of the EMU.
For det tredje fastslås i forslagets artikel 3 A målet om at indføre en fællesvaluta, ECU, herunder i ØMU's slutfase fastsættelse og gennemførelse af en
Thirdly, Article 3a of the draft text lays down the objective of establishing a single currency, the ecu, with, in the final stage of EMU, the definition and conduct of a single monetary and foreign exchange policy.
Delors, formand for Kommissionen. — (FR) Hr. for mand, hr. rådsformand, jeg tror, at det i fortsættelse af den af hr. Herman indledte debat er nemmest, at jeg tager spørgsmålene i rækkefølge frem for at kaste
The first question concerns the progress of discussions. They have been going forward in a good atmosphere, despite the differences between Member States, and I want to stress that all delegations have played an active part in the discussions.
Delors mig ud i en struktureret tale som til en statsvidenskabelig eksamen. Måske bliver det ikke helt så klart, men nok mere præcist.
DELORS phere and to his efforts to work out possible compromises, even where they are clearly not to the liking of the Commission.
Første spørgsmål: Arbejdets gang.
issue and I do not want to take up too much of your time.
Efter at have omtalt Den Monetære Unions fremskridt og det, der fremdeles skal gøres i forbindelse med Den Økonomiske Union, må jeg også sige, at der fremdeles foreligger betydelige divergenser. ser.
Having noted the progress made on monetary union and the work that remains to be done on economic union, I also want to discuss a number of major divergences that remain.
For det første om hensynet til den økonomiske og sociale samhørighed.
The first of these concerns the arrangements for taking economic and social cohesion into account.
Med Deres tilladelse vil hr. Christophersen ved forhandlingens afslutning opholde sig lidt mere ved dette punkt.
With your leave, my colleague Vice-President Christophersen will address the House on this later on in the debate.
Fordelen ved Den Økonomiske og Monetære Union er, at den bygger på to års arbejde i den ekspertkomité, som jeg valgtes til formand for.
The Conference on EMU is at an advantage in that it is able to draw on the preparations made over two years, starting with the work done by the expert committee that I was asked to chair.
Det er mit indtryk, at rapporten til trods for kompromisvanskelighederne forbliver det almindelige grundlag; hver eneste gang man prøver på at fjerne sig fra den, finder man ingen løsning.
That committee's report, as I read the situation, remains the broad basis of discussion, despite the difficulties of finding compromises; every attempt to depart from it has met with failure to find a solution.
I ærlighedens navn må jeg også sige, at Storbritannien har fastholdt et generelt forbehold, som dog ikke hindrer landet i at deltage.
That apart, I have to be honest and say that the United Kingdom has been reserving its position on the entire proposal, although that has not prevented it taking part in the discussions.
På den sidste eller rettere den næstsidste regerings konference havde jeg på det uformelle rådsmøde lejlighed til at fremsætte et forslag, der tilsyneladende har interesseret de britiske myndigheder.
In fact, at the last meeting of the IGC, or rather the last but one, at the time of the informal European Council meeting, I made a proposal which the British authorities appear to have found interesting.
For det andet består der, uanset hvad der siges, divergenser om ECU's rolle i den monetære integrationsproces.
Secondly, opinions differ, whatever people might say, on the role of the ecu in the process of monetary integration.
I så høj grad at nogle delegationer modsætter sig fremme af ECU'en, og jeg spørger mig selv, om de virkelig ønsker Den Økonomiske og Monetære Union. For det tredje er overgangsperioden, som jeg kommer tilbage til, et emne, der i høj grad har optaget regeringskonferencen.
So much so that when I see certain delegations holding out against promotion of the ecu, I wonder whether they really want economic and monetary union.
Emnet bør belyses nærmere, og det vil jeg gøre i mit svar på en anden forespørgsel. For det fjerde den institutionelle struktur, idet man ikke til Den Økonomiske og Monetære Union kan forestille sig en institutionel struktur, som i tankegang og funktionsprincipper afviger fra den, man har til Den Politiske Union.
There are a number of points that need to be clarified, and I propose to do this in answer to another question.
Så langt er man efter min opfattelse kommet.
There you have the state of play in the discussions, as I see it.
Om den generelle status kan man sige følgende: Den del, der vedrører Den Monetære Union er gået godt frem.
On a general stocktaking of the situation, I can say that good progress has been made on the monetary union side.
Uanset om det drejer sig om indholdet eller om vedtægterne for den europæiske centralbank — sådan kalder jeg den af nemhedsgrunde i øjeblikket — består der i øjeblikket kun nuancer om, hvem der skal bestemme, og hvem der skal føre den eksterne monetære politik.
Whether we are talking about the content of monetary union or the statutes of the European central bank — which for the sake of simplicity, is what I shall call it for the time being — there are currently only marginal differences as to who should decide and conduct external monetary policy.
Men de seneste drøftelser tyder på, at der også i dette tilfælde skulle kunne opnås enighed.
But even in this area the most recent discussions indicate that agreement is in prospect.
Hvad Den Økonomiske Union angår, fore ligger der imidlertid efter min mening stadig tre problemer.
On the economic union side, however, I see three remaining problems.
Jeg kommer så til det andet spørgsmål om den institutionelle holdning og siger straks, at Kommis sionens position går ud fra to enkle forhold.
I come now to the second question, which is about the institutional approach. Let me say straight away that the Commission's position is based on two simple premises.
For det første skal centralbanken være helt uafhængig.
First, the central bank's independence has to be total.
De ved lige så godt som jeg, at fuld uafhængighed for et lands centralbank ikke er ensbetydende med, at den kan handle efter eget forgodtbefindende, idet den skal tage hensyn til både den offentlige opinion, parlamentet og regeringens reaktioner.
You know as well as I do that in countries where there is a totally independent central bank, the bank's independence does not mean that it is able to act entirely at its own discretion, since it has to take account of public opinion and the reactions of Parliament and the government.
I et demokrati opstår der en debat.
In a democracy, there is debate.
Følgelig mener vi, at det er tilstrækkeligt, og at der ikke er grund til hist og her at gøre indhug i denne uafhængighed.
This is sufficient in our view, and we therefore see no justification for chipping away at the bank's independence. dence.
For det første arten og rækkevidden af samarbejdet mellem de nationale politikker, som selvfølgelig skal være forenelige med subsidiaritetsprincippet.
The first concerns the nature and scope of coordination of national policies, which must of course be compatible with the subsidiarity principle.
Men nogle delegationer benytter metoder, der vil placere samarbejdet mellem de nationale politikker på et plan, som er uforeneligt med kohærensen, med andre former for politik, som allerede er fælles.
Some delegations are using formulas that would bring coordination of national policies down to a level that would be incompatible with coherence, with the other policies that are already in the Community sphere.
Det forklarer for øvrigt, hvorfor Kommissionen foreslog, at Det Europæiske Råd skulle fastsætte hovedretningslinjerne, men det vender jeg tilbage til.
It is in fact this that accounts for the Commission's proposal that the European Council should be the body responsible for defining broad strategy in this area, but I shall have an opportunity to return to this subject later on.
Det andet emne er selve den økonomiske politiks udformning, og her står jeg vist ret alene med min opfattelse.
The second problem is the very concept of economic policy, where I have the impression of being just about alone in the view that I hold.
Jeg afviser for min del den opfattelse af den økonomiske politik, som går ud på udelukkende at føre monetær politik og budgetpolitik.
I personally do not accept a concept of economic policy that does not extend beyond the conduct of monetary policy and the conduct of budgetary policy.
Det fore kommer mig — og Fællesskabets medlemsstaters eksempel beviser det — at pris- og lønudviklingen, de forskellige markeders funktion, konkurrencepolitikkens rolle, uddannelsen, arbejdsmarkedets organi
It seems to me — and the examples of the Community Member States bear me out — that it is also necessary to take account of such things as trends in prices and wages, patterns of development in various markets, the role of competition policy, vocational training, organization of the labour market and organization of work itself.
Kommissionen kræver blot opretholdelse af det, der i øjeblikket i Rom-Traktaten udgør dens særlige beskaffenhed.
So the Commission has not dropped its guard, nor has it weakened the European Parliament's role.
Vor holdning er inspireret af tre ting: For det første at sikre konsekvensen i Fællesskabets samlede aktion.
The first reason is that no one disputes that it is the European Council's role to give a lead. The second that this is a matter of general policy.
For det andet at styrke effektiviteten og for det tredje at lette den demokratiske kontrol.
It is therefore right that the overall view should be taken by the European Council, not just by the Council of Ministers for
Det er altså Det Europæiske Råd, der bør have en helhedsopfattelse og ikke blot Rådet af Økonomi- og Finansministre, som bortset fra sin betydning i øvrigt kun er et Råd blandt andre.
Economic Affairs and Finance, which is only one Council among others, however important it may be.
For det andet, og nu gentager jeg noget, jeg sagde i går, skal Europa-Parlamentet ved afstemning kunne godkende eller misbillige Den Økonomiske og Monetære Unions generelle retningslinjer, dens gennemførelsesmodaliteter, og vurdere dens resultater. Det kan gøres på to måder.
sion would not be able to play this part because the Monetary Committee would be turned into an economic and financial committee, a sort of second Commission which, given its right of initiative and its place in the structure, would prevent the Commission doing its job and discharging its responsibilities.
For det tredje kan Den Økonomiske og Monetære Union ikke adskilles fra den øvrige politik, der føres: Den økonomiske og sociale samhørigheds horisontale politik, den fælles landbrugspolitik, politikken for forskning, konkurrenceevne og skabelse af et for vor industri gunstigt miljø.
Consequently, if this economic and financial committee is to be kept, consistency demands that economic and monetary union be taken out of the Community and transferred to the intergovernmental sphere.
Her kommer vi, som jeg sagde før, tilbage til en snæver eller bredere opfattelse af den økonomiske politik. Vi behandler altså ikke spørgsmålet om Det Europæiske Råd i dogmatiske vendinger.
In that case, though, it would be up to the Council of Ministers to present itself before Parliament and submit to your criticisms, and even to take the consequences of an unfavourable vote.
Vi fastholder den nuværende form: Et Europæisk Råd som impulsgiver plus den institutionelle trekant: Ministerråd, Parlament og Kommis-
It cannot be both, since you cannot have a sort of DIY institutional structure that makes no sense and disregards the need for clarity and simplicity, without which there is no democracy.