natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
At give staterne mulighed for at fastsætte en spærregrænse på 5% af de afgivne stemmer på hele medlemsstatens område er udtryk for, at der satses på et statemes Europa på bekostning af et folkenes og nationemes Europa, og jeg er bange for, at mange vil blive hindret adgang til Europa-Parlamentet.
In the previous De Gucht report on the starting-points for a uniform electoral system it was stated that uniformity does not mean that the systems within the Member States have to be absolutely identical. So, if something has to be decided on this question, why not leave it to the Member States within the framework of subsidiarity.
Parlamentet vil således kunne regne med større magtbeføjelser, end det tidligere har haft.
With this report Mr De Gucht seeks in the first place to serve the Liberals.
Det vigtigste for øjeblikket er imidlertid at komme i gang.
They have tabled an amendment whereby the UK will be allowed extra seats only in so far as the matter of proportionality is corrected; in other words, on condition that those seats go to the Liberals.
Efter min mening er det forslag, der i dag sættes under afstemning her i salen, et godt afsæt, fordi det er et fleksibelt og åbent forslag, der bygger på, at målet nås trinvis.
The right that the report claims for the Liberals in the UK proceeds via the imposition of a minimum threshold for seat distribution.
Som følge af den fastlagte mandatfordeling i Europa-Parlamentet er der ikke mulighed for at opnå global proportionalitet, og der vil fortsat være tale om en afvigelse i den europæiske vælgerkvotient, en afvigelse, der resulterer i, at hvert mandat i Tyskland svarer til 1,5 af fællesskabsgennemsnittet og i Luxembourg til 10 gange mindre.
Is it democratic when millions of electors are no longer represented? Furthermore, would the rapporteur mind telling me why we in Flanders for example have an electoral district whereas there ought to be a Belgian threshold of 3 or 5%, so that a whole load of people go overboard in Italy, Spain, the UK and Ireland?
Vi repræsentanter for »de majoriserede nationer« i EF-medlemsstaterne har allerede i dag uhyre vanskeligt ved at få adgang til at lade vor stemme høre i dette forum.
So I think that, by approving this report in its present form, we are actually furthering vested interests.
Men eftersom det ikke er muligt at opnå global proportionalitet — og her vil jeg geme indskyde, at hr. Barón under sin formandsperiode foreslog et europæisk suppleringslistesystem — så lad os i det mindste stræbe efter at opnå en proportional fordeling af mandater i den enkelte medlemsstat.
BARZANTI (S). — (IT) Madam President, Parliament has given up the attempt to present a plan for a really uniform, if not identical, electoral procedure, a system characterized by most common basic features, and has had to select instead the minimum objective, namely that of laying down a single essential criterion for each Member State, the adoption of a system of a proportional nature.
Den Socialistiske Gruppe vil derfor stemme for hr. De Guchts betænkning.
Thus a task which our Assembly ought to have performed years ago is being put into effect very late and, in my opinion, in a way which is not altogether satisfactory, but other more ambitious methods have proved impracticable and so I too associate myself with the compliments addressed to Mr De Gucht for his ingenious work.
PENDERS (PPE). — (NL) Fru formand, De Guchtbetænkningen er en vanskelig fødsel.
BARZANTI voice of the people of Europe then the many different facets of European life should be represented in this House.
Denne fordeling er fuldstændigt over taget af Det Europæiske Råd i Edinburgh i december 1992.
It is doubly welcome in that it does at long last recognize that proportional representation, while a necessary condition, is not a sufficient condition.
En flot succes for Europa-Parlamentet og selvfølgelig også for ordføreren.
It makes the point about the need to have some geographical base to Members' representation.
Med denne betænkning forsøger hr. De Gucht i første instans at tjene de liberale.
Jacques Delors told me recently that some 50% of the letters that he gets as President of the Commission from Members of this Parliament come from British Members.
De har stillet et ændringsfor slag, hvis hovedsigte kun er at tillade Det Forenede Kongerige ekstra mandater, for så vidt som proportionaliteten rettes, med andre ord under forudsætning af, at disse mandater går til de liberale.
The reason he adduces for that is that British Members have a distinct geographical territory to represent and therefore perhaps have a different set of interests from those Members elected on a national list.
Den ret, som betænk ningen kræver for de liberale i Det Forenede Kongerige, forbigår pålæggelsen af spærregrænsen.
So I want proportional representation but I also want a geographical basis to that proportional representation.
Er det demokrati?
We therefore agree in choosing a system of a proportional nature.
Er det demokratisk, hvis millioner af vælgere ikke længere skulle være repræsenteret?
In view of this aim the choice of the proportional system was essential, it is appropriate, it is wise, even in those countries in which that tradition has not taken root.
Desuden må ordføreren forklare mig, hvorfor vi i Flandern f.eks. har et valgdistrikt, men at der burde være en belgisk spærregrænse på 3 eller 5%, på denne måde udelukkes en hel række mennesker både i Italien, i Spanien, andre i Det Forenede Kongerige og endnu andre i Irland.
If proportionality is to be adjusted in any respect, I do not think it is appropriate to choose to lay down a rigid threshold of 5%. Instead we favour Amendment No 45, submitted by Mr Bourlanges and others, because if singlemember constituencies and national lists are chosen, two thirds of the members will be drawn from single member constituencies.
Jeg tror altså, at vi ved at vedtage denne betænkning, således som den nu foreligger, egentlig sammenblander forretning og politik.
So what was said in one passage is important in my view, namely that constituencies must have a geographical or historical plausibility of their own: in Italy for example they may be the regions.
Jeg vil gerne bede om, at vi ikke vedtager en betænkning, som kun pro domo gælder for de liberale, men trods alt burde vedtage en betænkning, som egentlig er virkelig demokratisk, dette er det modsatte af demokrati.
Apart from all that, however, may I conclude by saying that if, in drawing up lists, criteria are adopted on the basis of which it is possible to vanquish dominant party rule, only in that case will citizens be able to find their true identity in the elections for the European Parliament and the indifference and mistrust which are at present character istic of them to a great and alarming degree will be dispelled.
Jeg synes, at det er meget vigtigt, at det er lykkedes at fastlægge, at valgene skal afholdes ifølge forholdstalssystemet. Dette mål må om nødvendigt nås i etaper, men systemet ligger fast, og det synes jeg er et stort plus.
PRAG (PPE). — Madam President, this evening in the vote on Mr De Gucht's proposals we shall, I believe, take a momentous decision for this Parliament and for Europe.
Det er stadig muligt, at en medlemsstats område betragtes som én valgkreds.
I congratulate Mr De Gucht and all those in the Committee on Institutional Affairs who helped, especially Mr Bocklet, in producing flexible common-sense proposals, meeting the Treaty's require ments and also the needs of subsidiarity.
Jeg må sige, at jeg synes, at det er overordentlig heldigt for mit eget land, fordi vi således ikke tvinges til at oprette valgdistrikter.
I cannot yet say though with any certainty that I will vote for the report, because there is one crucial amendment that has to be passed before I can guarantee to do so.
Et pro blem i De Guchtbetænkningen er, at medlemsstaterne opfordres til at anvende en spærregrænse på 5% af de afgivne stemmer ved mandatfordelingen.
That amendment relates to the rights of 1.5 million United Kingdom citizens who cunently are allowed to vote in European elections.
Heldigvis er der et ændringsforslag, som gør denne ordning fakultativ for medlemsstaterne, og jeg vil geme støtte dette ændringsforslag.
These are people who hold Pakistani, Indian, Australian and Canadian passports and who, as citizens of the Commonwealth, have the right to vote if they live in the United Kingdom.
Jeg har selvfølgelig nok forståelse for en spærregrænse; i et så stort Parlament som vores er det for at fungere handlekraftigt fornuftigt at imødegå opsplitning.
Mrs Anita Pollack, for example, is an Australian who is not only entitled to vote in European elections, but to stand and be elected to this House.
DE GUCHT (LDR), ordfører. — (NL) Fra formand, jeg synes, at det er særdeles beklageligt, at hr. Vandemeulebroucke omtaler denne betænkning som en sammenblanding af forretning og politik.
These proposals will give strength and credibility to this Parliament and enhance the democratic credentials of the Community.
Jeg synes virkelig, at det er særdeles beklageligt, og jeg må også ærligt sige Dem, at jeg ikke havde forventet af hr. Vandemeulebroucke, at han betragter denne betænk ning, som der er arbejdet så meget på, som en sammen blanding af forretning og politik.
If we adopt Amendment No 47, as I believe we must and shall, we shall be able to meet the legitimate needs of Northern Ireland, Scotland and indeed, my own country, Wales, because this amendment will allow us to take account of historical, geographical and regional features.
Jeg håber, at regeringerne vil reagere lige så hurtigt på denne betænkning, som de gjorde på forslaget om forde lingen af mandater.
My one other concern about the De Gucht report — I understand Mr De Gucht's problem — is that in order to maximize the support in this House, I think he has minimized the chance of us getting it through the Coun cil.
MAHER (LDR). — (EN) Fra formand, jeg har ikke megen tid, og der er kun én ting, jeg vil sige.
BOCKLET (PPE). — (DE) Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, the uniform electoral procedure is the only subject on which, under the Treaties, the European Parliament has the right of initiative.
Her i Parlamentet tillægger vi demokratiet stor vægt, og demo kratiet må starte med individet.
We are actually two decades late in translating this right of initiative into a success in the Council.
Jeg har ikke noget parti i mit eget land.
The last report was by Mr Saitlinger.
Det er udmærket, at der, hvis der som en del af bestræbelserne mod ensartethed vælges et sådant system med forholdstalsrepræsentation, ikke sker nogen radikal krænkelse af lande med en anden tradition.
Those in the United Kingdom who fear this system should note that it will have absolutely no influence on the way Members of Parliament are chosen in national elections.
I forholdstalssystemet har enhver stemme samme gyldighed. Også mindre politiske partier skal have ærlige muligheder.
That will continue in Britain to be entirely a matter for the British Parliament and in other Member States for their national parliaments.
Det er meget skuffende, at der samtidig med at vi anmoder om, at borgerne inddrages mere i politik, og lægger megen vægt på kulturel forskel ligartethed inden for Det Europæiske Fællesskab, ind bygges en spærregrænse, hvorved talrige borgere aldrig kan blive repræsenteret i Parlamentet.
We should remember that in national elections France uses a first-past-the-post system like Britain's, but in two stages, and Italy, for reasons of stability, seems to be moving fast to a first-past-the-post system.
Parlamentet klager temmelig ofte over manglende demokrati, men her er det i færd med selv at foretage en udhuling af demokratiet.
Member States will continue to do as they see fit; their national electoral systems will not be influenced in any way by the method used for European elections.
Hvorfor skal der desuden overhovedet ind gås aftaler på EF-plan om spærregrænser.
I warmly welcome the De Gucht Report, Madam Presi dent, and I intend to vote for it.
VANDEMEULEBROUCKE (ARC). — (NL) Fra for mand, kære kolleger, det er således allerede tredje gang, at Parlamentet forsøger at foreslå en ensartet valgprocedure. Hr. De Gucht er altså den tredje musketer.
How does the new proposal differ from the old one?
To gange har vi vedtaget en betænkning, som tager hensyn til forholdstalsrepræsentation og til repræsentation af mindretallene; det var således to gange virkelig demokratisk.
We have a new definition of the uniformity of the franchise and respect national electoral traditions in pursuance of the subsidiarity principle as long as they meet the requirement of a proportional result.
Men nu mener jeg, at princippet om forholdstalsrepræsentation nok er nedfældet, men der tillades med det samme en hel serie undtagelser, således at der egentlig ikke er nogen forholdstalsrepræsentation.
Naturally we wish, as in the past, to make the system of proportion al representation the basis of a uniform common electoral procedure just as Mirabeau planned in the French nation al assembly during the French Revolution. The European
På den anden side er der ingen garantier mere forde såkaldte mindretal.
MARTIN (S). — Madam President, I strongly believe in the need for proportional representation for elections to this Parliament.
Der kommer en spærregrænse på 3 eller 5%.
If we are to sustain our claim to be the
Netop de små grupper er udtryk for demokratiets mangeartethed.
Parliament must be the miniature political map of Europe.
De i Det Forenede Kongerige, der frygter dette system, bør notere sig, at det ikke vil have nogen som helst indflydelse på den måde, hvorpå der vælges parlaments medlemmer ved de nationale valg.
The proportional system is the only basis on which it can do this and there is no justification for restricting it by erecting the kinds of barrier that are necessary to protect parliamentary majorities and the stability of national governments.
Det vil i Storbritannien fortsat være noget, der kun henhører under det britiske parlament, og i andre medlemsstater under deres nationale parlamenter.
There is no reason for imposing a 5% or even 3% threshold on our uniform electoral system.
Vi må huske, at ved nationale valg brager Frankrig et system, hvor vinderen får det hele ligesom i Storbritannien, men i to stadier, og det ser ud til, at Italien af hensyn til stabiliteten hurtigt bevæger sig i samme retning.
The great new step which is now proposed consists in the fact that we are giving our British colleagues too, by a combination of proportional representation and election by majority, a chance to agree, because this combination accepts features of the present British electoral system but at the same time leads to a proportional result.
Medlemsstaterne vil fortsat gøre, hvad de har lyst til; deres nationale valgsystemer vil ikke på nogen måde blive påvirket af de metoder, der anvendes ved valgene til Europa-Parlamentet.
If we can manage this I think we have achieved a great success for this Parliament and for a democratic representation of the peoples of Europe in this Parliament.
I stedet har man valgt den mindste tænkelige fællesnævner.
National MPs have a lot of opportunities for direct action on behalf of citizens.
Det vil sige, at man nøjes med at fastlægge et enkelt grund læggende kriterium for de enkelte medlemslande, der består i at forskrive anvendelsen af forholdstalsvalg.
This enhances the democratic quality of small singlemember constituencies or systems of proportional representation operated within limited regional boundaries.
Således er den opgave, som forsamlingen her har skullet løse i flere år, langt om længe blevet løst.
They make for close links between voters and their representatives.
Jeg hilser De Guchtbetænkningen varmt velkommen, fru formand, og jeg agter at stemme for den.
Members of this Parliament, on the other hand, have to take a broad view.
Lad os håbe, at Rådet vil vedtage vore forslag og anbefale dem til ratifikation i medlemsstaterne, sådan som det er fastsat i Traktaten.
Proportional representation, applied nationwide or within fairly large regions, is definitely more suitable for this purpose.
MARTIN (S). — (EN) Fru formand, jeg tror stærkt på behovet for forholdstalsvalg til Parlamentet. Hvis vi skal kunne gøre krav på at være den europæiske befolknings stemme, så bør de mange forskellige facetter af livet i Europa være repræsenteret her.
ALAVANOS (CG). — (GR) Madam President, the pro posal by Mr de Gucht certainly has a positive point of departure, namely the movement towards a uniform electoral system based on proportionality.
På denne baggrund er De Guchtbetænkningen meget velkommen.
However, point F negates all that this is striving to achieve.
Den fremhæver nødven digheden af at have en geografisk basis for medlemmer nes repræsentation.
I think that 5%, or indeed any threshold at all, is senseless for two basic reasons:
Den grund, han anfører hertil, er, at de britiske medlemmer har et bestemt geografisk område, de repræ senterer, og at de derfor måske har andre interesser end de medlemmer, der er valgt på en national liste.
Firstly, we are not talking about a national parliament for which we have often heard the argument that 'a 5% threshold is needed, we must build up large party formations, in order to avoid a breakdown of government'.
Så jeg vil geme have forholdstalsvalg, men jeg ønsker også en geografisk basis for denne forholdsmæssige repræsentation. Eftersom De Guchtbetænkningen sørger for dette, vil jeg støtte den.
There is no such need in the European Parliament.
Der er altså tale om en aftale om at anvende et valgsystem med forholdstalsvalg.
This 'is of fundamental importance, since it opens up an opportunity for our British colleagues to vote for the draft laid before us.
Europa-Parlamentet bør afspejle, give plads til og være talerør for alle de forskellige politiske grupperinger, der findes rundt om på den politi ske arena i Europa.
We think it conceivable that they will agree to a combination of twothirds singlemember constituencies and one-third nationwide proportional representation.
Ud fra den målsætning var det nødvendigt, formålstjenligt og fornuftigt at vælge et system baseret på forholdstalsvalg, og det gælder også for de lande, hvor denne valgmåde ikke har fundet fodfæste.
Nevertheless, may I express the hope that such a solution would be regarded as an opt-out and that the United Kingdom's future acceptance of the single cunency will coincide with its full application of a uniform electoral system.
Hvis man på nogen måde ønsker at ændre noget ved systemet med forholdstalsvalg, tror jeg ikke, at det vil være en god idé at vælge at fastsætte en spærregrænse på 5 procent.
Secondly, the exclusion of political forces small than 5% means exclusion of political movements, cunents, ideas, national realities that exist today in Europe, that should be enrolled in the new European Parliament, and that should not be forced into a position of isolation and anti-Europeanism.
Endvidere er det også vigtigt, hvad der bliver sagt et sted, nemlig at der skal være en enten geografisk eller historisk begrundelse for valgkredsenes opdeling.
DALSASS (PPE). — (DE) Madam President, today we are seeing a new edition of the uniform electoral pro cedure for the election of the European Parliament which Parliament already considered ten years ago.
I Italien kunne man f.eks. gå ud fra regionerne.
Then we hoped that the 1984 elections would be held according to such a uniform procedure.
På den måde ville man også over vinde den afstand og mangel på tillid, som på beskæmmende vis er kendetegnende for den nuværende situation.
I do hope that will be possible, but I doubt very much whether that political will is present today.
PRAG (PPE). — (EN) Fru formand, her i aften ved afstemningen om hr. De Guchts forslag vil vi, tror jeg, træffe en afgørende beslutning for Parlamentet og for Europa.
DUVERGER (S). — (FR) Madam President, before we at last adopt a draft uniform electoral procedure for the European Parliament we must be clear about what distinguishes the European Parliament from the national par liaments in this respect.
Når vi gør det, vil vi opfylde vore traktatmæssige forpligtelser om at foreslå de principper, der skal gælde ved valgene til Parlamentet i alle medlemsstater.
As a specialist in electoral systems, may I explain why radically different systems are appropriate for states on the one hand and the Community on the other.
Jeg vil geme komplimentere hr. De Gucht og alle de medlemmer af Udvalget om Institutionelle Spørgsmål, der har hjulpet til med at fremsætte fleksible, fornuftige forslag, der opfylder Traktatens krav og ligeledes behovet for subsidiaritet, i særdeleshed hr. Bocklet.
In national parliamentary elections, the problem is not confined to making sure that the citizens are properly represented. It is even more a matter of enabling them to vote in a stable, disciplined government majority, on which they will be able to pass judgement at the end of its term by voting it back in or throwing it out.
Jeg kan endnu ikke sige med bestemthed, at jeg vil stemme for betænkningen, for der er ét afgørende ændringsforslag, der må vedtages, før jeg kan garantere, at jeg vil gøre dette.
But I should also like to refer to the special significance of the provision contained in this proposal in favour of linguistic and ethnic minorities.
Jeg ved, at hr. De Gucht faktisk støtter ændringsforslag nr. 13 af hr. Ford. Jeg håber, at Parlamentet som helhed vil støtte det.
Ten years ago it took some trouble to get such a special provision through the European Parliament.
Dette ændringsforslag drejer sig om de rettigheder, der tilkommer de 1,5 mio borgere fra Det Forenede Kongerige, der i øjeblikket har lov til at stemme ved valgene til Europa-Parlamentet.
According to the latter criterion, the first-past-the-post systems used in the United Kingdom and France, or the modified version operated in Germany, are unquestionably superior to proportional representation, as we see clearly when comparing today's political life in London, Paris or Bonn with the situation in Rome.
Disse mennesker har pakistanske, indiske, australske og canadiske pas, og har som borgere i Commonwealth ret til at stemme, hvis de bor i Det Forenede Kongerige. For eksempel er fru Anita Pollack australier, og hun har ikke ret til at stemme ved valgene til Europa-Parlamentet, men hun kan stille op og blive valgt til det.
Today we find this provision in the present proposal in almost unchanged form. But this special clause must not be interpreted restrictively.
Jeg vil være meget urolig over noget initiativ i retning af et fælles system, der truer denne ret.
That must apply all the more because countries like Italy are withdrawing ever further from pure proportional representation to go over to forms of majority election.
Så jeg kan ikke stemme for betænkningen, hvis ændringsforslag nr. 13 ikke vedtages.
With these reservations I am in favour of the proposal on the uniform electoral procedure as it is before us for consideration today.
Disse forslag vil give Parlamentet styrke og troværdighed og forøge Fællesskabets demokratiske akkreditiver.
Government of the Community is in the joint hands of the Council, which is not accountable to MEPs at all, and the Commission, which is only very marginally accountable to them.
Hvis vi vedtager ændringsforslag nr. 47, som jeg mener, vi bør
The first requirement of our Parliament, there fore, is that it must represent the citizens of twelve countries, in all their diversity, as accurately as possible.
DUVERGER (S). — (FR) Fru formand, før vi omsider vedtager et udkast til ensartet valgmåde for valg af medlemmer til Europa­Parlamentet, er det vigtigt, at vi forstår omfanget af dets originalitet på dette område i sammenligning med de nationale parlamenter.
If we unhinge this flexibility it will not be so much the heads of state and of government who will prevent the system proposed in this report from coming into force as the social and popular reality in countries which traditionally still have a singlemember system.