natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
At sætte sin lid til 1996 og vente er ikke en formel, som passer til 1991, for inden da har vi det fjerde direkte valg til Europa-Parlamentet.
You stated that a qualitative leap was needed and that a certain minimum level would have to be respected. Did you check your draft — in particular Articles 199-209 — against these criteria ?
Derfor et par ord om kontrollen med magten.
What your presidency is proposing amounts to dismantling the Treaty of Rome.
Europa-Parlamentet fik af sine borgere den opgave at udøve kontrol med magten — ikke kun kontrol len med Kommissionens magt, men tillige kontrollen med Rådets og dets bureaukratiske magt.
It is a leap backwards rather than a leap forward and the Dutch Presidency has failed to provide a minimum level for genuine cooperation and dialogue between Parliament and the Council.
Vi vil arbejde snævert sammen med Kommissionen og Rådet, men vi vil ikke godtage en formel, hvis indhold ikke er præcist og ikke giver Parlamentet det demokratiske frem skridt, vi kræver.
Where have you taken up the Com mission's proposal on Article 199 that borrowing and lending operations should be included in the budget — the ECU 1.2 billion for the Soviet Union and the
Naturligvis skal vi med dette formål for øje samarbejde med medlemsstaternes parlamenter.
So there should be no misunderstanding, gentlemen of the Council of Ministers, the governments and the European Council.
Vi har lidt efter lidt fået det indtryk, at de langt bedre end hidtil indser, at deres interesser falder temmelig godt sammen med
Unless significant breakthroughs are made in the areas where we have called for them, on the points of which the Commission was reminding us earlier on, we are not going to be able to approve the treaty. This is made very clear in paragraph 13 of the
91 stil Dem, hvad vandringen hen imod enhedsmarkedet ville have været, hvis der ikke havde været fastsat nogen dato i traktaten!
CHEYSSON the wreckage on which the union of the United States was constructed: 'after all, tomorrow is another day'.
Vi ville stadig i dette øjeblik have været i færd med at rode med den langvarige forberedelse af dette enhedsmarked.
Oreja/Martin motion for a resolution.
Hr. rådsformand, det er derfor, jeg insisterer på, og jeg tror, at det stadig er muligt — at De i traktaten om Den Monetære Union skal indsætte, ikke en bestemmelse om et møde ved udgangen af 1996, men en vejledende dato.
We have to be able to make progress where it is needed, mainly on economic cohesion, social cohesion and common action in the field of foreign and security policy in those areas where the governments have unanimously agreed that there is a common interest.
F. eks. den 1. juli 1997, eftersom vi skal fuldende undersøgelserne inden begyndelsen af tredje fase.
The fact is that we do not say often enough that we mean to build our union in those areas where there is a common interest and that it is completely unrealistic to expect to extend its com petence to all subjects under the sun and, partly, to subjects that are of interest to only some of us.
Giscard d'Estaing (LDR). — (FR) Hr. parlaments formand, hr. rådsformand, hr. kommissionsformand, så står vi næsten ved enden af denne langvarige regeringskonferenceprocedure, der — det bør jeg erindre om — går langt tilbage i tiden. Det var i Madrid — i juni 1989 — at man besluttede at holde en konference om Den Økonomiske og Monetære Union.
BRU PURON (S). — (ES) Mr President, I am afraid that, even though the President of the Council has said that some progress would be made, not only is this not happening, but we are walking into a trap.
Og det var sidste år, altså i 1990, at disse to konferencer blev åbnet i Rom. Vi er nu nær slutningen.
We are going to find that this list of subjects will prevent laws being pronounced on more general matters and stop them being pronounced on more specific matters.
Jeg tror ikke, at vor rolle i dag består i at fælde en sidste teknisk dom over de 207 sider, som de to traktater omfatter, de få koncepter, vi råder over, ville gøre denne opgave frugtesløs.
So we will find ourselves in a situation where any organization and planning in this Parliament will be impossible and its work may well be spasmodic and inconsistent.
Vor rolle består i at prøve at anlægge en sidste politisk vurdering, hvad der — som det så udmærket blev påpeget for lidt siden — hører med til Parlamentets naturlige arbejde, idet Europaparlamentet er EF's eneste demokratisk valgte organ.
There will be days of intense activity for adopting the multiannual research and development and environmental programmes and days of extreme lethargy for dealing with matters in which we have no competence.
Det andet element, som jeg stadig finder bydende nødvendigt, er de beføjelser, der er tillagt Det Europæiske Monetære Institut med henblik på at løse de talrige problemer, som overgangen til tredje fase vil give anledning til.
DE VITTO (PPE). — (IT) Mr President, a colleague asked me why I did not speak yesterday, given that I was supposed to speak on the question of the social dimension. I replied that I do not like playing dice with death.
Sagen er den, at man først vil kunne gennemføre Den Monetære Union efter en lang forberedelse, og hvis denne forberedelse ikke begynder længe i forvejen, vil det praktisk talt ikke være muligt at tilbagelægge den tredje fase.
This colourful expression is much used in some parts of Italy to describe the absence of the main interlocutor. That interlocutor was absent yesterday: the Dutch Presidency was absent.
Men det fremgår endnu ikke klart af teksten, at Det Europæiske Monetære Institut vil få en sådan uafhængig hed, sådanne beføjelser og en sådan sammensætning, at det kan forberede denne overgang.
Now, I would like to say to the President of the Council that if nothing new emerges at the Maastricht summit — and it is time to consider this — after the Conclave of 12 and 13 November, and despite all the declarations of good intent and efforts made, the Dutch Presidency will be recorded in the history of European Union as the presidency that established the supremacy of the downward trend on the pretext of the absence of unanimity in the endeavours of the Commission and the proposals from Parliament relating to progress on a social Europe.
Hvis man på en slags Richter-skala til bedømmelse af fremskridtene hen imod Den Europæiske Union ville måle de tekster, som De forelægger os, og hvis denne skala var gradinddelt fra 0 til 100, tror jeg, at teksterne skulle placeres i zonen omkring 40 — jeg har tænkt meget over det, så lad være med at se nogen ubillighed i det, hr. formand.
Secondly, as has been mentioned here already, the consequences of this increased cooperation will lead us to a 'yes and no situation', where we just end up saying 'agree' or 'disagree'. This is putting our backs to the wall.
Og det spørgsmål, der melder sig, er, om man om de få uger, der er tilbage, skal gå fra 40 til 50 eller 60 eller gå ned fra 40 til 30.
It is putting this Parliament in a position between complacency and defiance and I am afraid that the sophistry which is leading us in that direction may be counterproductive because occasionally dignity leads to defiance.
Endelig det tredje element, nemlig ecuens kommende opstigning.
True, very true, Madam Papandreou.
Hvordan skal vi kunne træde ind i Den Monetære Unions tredje fase, hvis den europæiske valuta ikke er klar?
But is that not what our Parliament has been demanding for years ?
I Deres tekst er der i forhold til de foregående dokumenter tale om ubestridelige fremskridt på dette område.
It did so forcefully in February 1990 in the Chanterie report with its 13 chapters ; it did so, with no greater success, with the Buron report in 1989 and the Salisch report in 1990.
Men jeg mener, at vi skal gå endnu længere.
I am only citing a few examples for the sake of brevity.
Hvis De ønsker, at traktaten om Den Monetære Union skal være troværdig, har den behov for tre elementer: en dato, en institution og et monetært instrument.
I could indicate all the steps backwards in respect of the conclusions of the Hanover Council of June 1988, but what is the point now?
Hvad er det, der reelt skal afgøre den politiske dom over disse to traktater?
So what is my conclusion ?
Det er naturligvis for det første målet, og det er derfor, at også jeg minder om, at det er meget vigtigt i teksten at bibeholde en bestemmelse om, at vor union har et føderalt sigte.
Not a personal conclusion but a conclusion adopted by the Committee on Social Affairs, which happens to be chaired by a Dutchman, in which it — I am leaving out the recitals — deplores having to establish that in the matter of social policy the non papers do not yet form a basis on which agreement can be reached within the Intergovernmental Conference on Political Union.
Jeg kunne have ønsket, at den også indeholdt en bestemmelse om, at denne føderation i vid udstrækning bør være decentraliseret, og endelig naturligvis en udtrykkelig henvisning til subsidiaritetsprincip pet.
It deplores the fact that the Dutch draft treaty carries an even greater risk than the Luxembourg one that the principle of unanimity in the Council will be extended to an ever-increasing number of sectors of social policy.
Disse punkter er indeholdt i de første artikler i udkastet til unionstraktat.
Furthermore, in its opinion the Commit tee on Social Affairs rebukes the Council for a whole series of failures to act.
Vi insisterer på, at De i intet tilfælde må opgive kravet om, at de skal være opført i denne tekst.
Now what ? For us who want a people's Europe and not a Europe of States there is only one hope left, the one the famous writer of Gone with the Wind used at the end of her romantic tale, describing
På det politiske område tror jeg, at man, som det før blev sagt af mine kolleger, gruppeformændene, skal hæfte sig ved to elementer.
Thirdly, the economic and social cohesion about which we've heard so much isn't referred to either, not even in relation to the intergovernmental conference.
For det første spørgsmålet om demokratiske fremskridt i Fællesskabet og spørgsmålet om, hvorvidt vi skal forene vore uden rigs- og forsvarspolitikker!
The fact that it is included in the objectives of the European Community, of European Union, is quite insignificant or even a pretext.
Hvad angår Fællesskabets demokratiske fremskridt, vil jeg være mindre streng end de foregående talere.
It would be a good thing if wasn't included in the Community's objectives and if the objectives were to widen the gap between the weak and the powerful even further !
Den fornyelse, som vi efterlyste, dvs. fælles beslutningstagning på lovgivningsområdet, optræder nemlig i udkastet til unions traktat, og jeg hilser med tilfredshed, at den tilsvarende artikel, som De gennemgik for lidt siden, hr. formand, i det væsentlige opfylder vore forventninger.
The only way for economic and social cohesion to be feasible is if a relevant mechanism, a buffer measure against orthodox and strict monetary policy, is combined with another structural mechanism against the imbalances which have been felt amongst various States in the course of the Community's existence.
Det er således et ægte institutionelt frem skridt under to forbehold.
None of these mechanisms are being set up.
For det første på betingelse af, at det oprindelige anvendelsesområde muliggør en ægte eksperimentering. Vi forstår udmærket, at det, når der er tale om en ny procedure, i begyndelsen er naturligt, at anvendelsesområdet er alt for bredt, og jeg mener ligesom hr. Klepsch, at det vil kunne udvides gradvis.
I know that it has been said — and this is an argument which the President of the Commission has used more than once — that we are not in a federal phase where we can allow these kinds of mechanisms.
Men det skal alligevel mulliggøre en eksperimentering i tilstrækkelig målestok. For det andet på betingelse af, at man erkender, at den fælles beslutningstagning
But as soon as we talk about a federal goal, and as soon as we try to move towards federalism, I think that we have to set up certain mechanisms or certain signs which lead in that direction.
Det første er spørgsmålet om, hvorvidt der skal sættes en frist for overgangen til tredje etape, dvs. til den europæiske valuta.
The public will not understand if one State refuses to sign the Treaty for nostalgic reasons.
Der er ikke fastsat en sådan frist.
However, it will quite understand if one State
Giscard d'Estaing er forudbestemt til at blive den eneste procedure, den normale procedure for Parlamentets lovgivningsarbejde. ningsarbejde.
BRU PURON refuses to sign because it is going to have to pay the cheque for the poorest to the richest.
Med hensyn til udenrigs- og sikkerhedspolitikken foreslås der i traktaten minimale fremskridt, og der er stadig sætninger, der er sat i parentes. F.eks.: »at dette skal omfatte den fremtidige definition af en fælles forsvarspolitik«.
The philosophy of stronger powers and intergovernmental cooperation, while not satisfying the demand for greater participation and involvement by the European Parliament, reduces the role and possibilities of control of the national parliaments, assigning them — and note this well — not even to the ministers but to a legislator, to a bureaucratic regulating structure, which I do not think can be the most careful, the most enlightened body to deal with the problems Europe is experiencing at this moment.
Denne sætning står stadig i parentes i unionstraktaten. Vi anmoder naturligvis om, at denne sætning må blive bibeholdt og parentesen fjernet.
That is why we must now express not only our dissatisfaction but also our firm resolve to stand by our demands.
Hvad kongressen angår, forkaster vi dette begreb — ligesom de foregående talere.
We can negotiate about the implementing deadlines, but not about the substance.
Jeg beundrede hr. Cots lidenskab.
Let me end with a question that might sound blasphemous.
Jeg spurgte mig selv, hvem det var, han huggede sønder og sammen!
If things are to be taken further, would it not be better to go on discussing them ?
Sandsynligvis og uden tvivl ophavsmændene til dette initiativ.
The failure of Maastricht would not mean an absence of agreement but a bad agreement.
Gruppe undervurderer ikke betydningen af foran dringen eller det nederlandske formandskabs gode vilje og duelighed.
DURY (S). — (FR) Mr President, political union and monetary union are intimately bound up with each other.
Men hvordan i al verden er det muligt at begrunde udelukkelsen af landbrugspolitikken og den fælles handelspolitik fra samarbejdsproceduren?
Monetary union is the creation of a common currency in the setting of a large market which, to judge from what has been heard today, could be described as anarchical, in a context in which economic rules of the purest orthodoxy will be imposed.
Det er Fællesskabets to centrale politik ker.
But in reality, what does that mean ?
Måske mener regeringerne, at de har gjort et så godt stykke arbejde i forbindelse med den fælles landbrugspolitik, at Europa-Parlamentet ikke skal have lov til at ødelægge det!
For a country like Belgium for instance, constrained to apply draconian measures to contain its public debt and budget deficit, what is this going to mean ?
Der kan ikke gives nogen begrundelse for at lade samarbejdsproceduren uændret, således at Rådet fortsat har det sidste ord.
It is going to mean that we shall be deprived of means with which to conduct policies promoting solidarity and social welfare.
Vi kan også delvis hilse forslagene vedrørende udnævnelse af Kommissionen velkommen. Men enhver virkelig forbedring i den parlamentariske kontrol med Kommissionen vil blive ophævet, med mindre Kommissionens tjenesteperiode falder sam men med Parlamentets valgperiode.
COLOMBO (PPE). — (IT) Mr President, my very brief speaking time only allows me to make a few statements.
En ny Kommission bør udnævnes ved begyndelsen af hvert Parlament. ment.
Let me say to President Delors that I entirely agree with what he said and thank him.
Afslutningsvis vil jeg fremsætte tre bemærkninger.
I hope we will see great solidarity between the Commission and Parliament during this stage of the negotiations.
Den vanskelighed, vi alle fornemmer — og den følte man, da man for lidt siden hørte Kommissionens formand i hans bemærkelsesværdige indlæg — det er den skygge, som udsigten til en lang række fremtidige tiltrædelser lader hvile over vore institutioners arbejde.
I would like to say to the President of the Council that we are wrong to attack him ; he is conducting talks, conducting negotiations and if he had to confine himself to expressing his own ideas they would certainly be much closer to our own.
Det er denne skygge, der uden tvivl forklarer den vanskelighed, som nogle iblandt os fornemmer.
I must also tell him that we note that some progress has been made.
Der bør inden længe anstilles betragtninger over dette punkt.
I also want to warn him, since he cannot express any views on the Conclave.
Hvad Parlamentet angår, bør også det ruste sig til at udøve sine nye beføjelser, og for så vidt som vi kræver disse beføjelser, og for så vidt som den fælles beslutningstagning nærmer sig, bør vi under vor konstituerende mødeperiode berede os til at vise, at også Parlamentet er parat til for sit vedkommende at give sig i kast med den udvikling, der er nødvendig til opfølgning af Fællesskabets fremskridt.
That Conclave is similar to the ancient ones, the church conclaves at which the cardinals accepted a veto against this or that by the large national or imperial states of the time and then confused that veto from outside with the influence of the Holy Spirit.
Hver institution bør ikke nøjes med at opfordre de øvrige institutioner til at gøre fremskridt, hver institution bør yde sit eget bidrag til fremskridtet.
In the same way the members of this Conclave tend to confuse the influence of the power of the national States, which is still strong, with European Union.
Hr. formand, uanset proceduren, som det blev sagt af hr. Delors — der foreligger nu fem forskellige procedurer — men uanset proceduren er det fundamentale demokratiske krav, at Fællesskabets love til sidst bør vedtages af Europa-Parlamentet.
That temptation is a form of pragmatism that leads to the following mistakes: continuing to say that Economic and Monetary Union is a common policy, while in fact it has traits of an intergovernmental policy ; saying that external policy is a common policy, while in fact that is equivocal and the first part, the major part, is consultation not common policy, common action being an exception.
Der er ingen anden måde at sikre demokratiet i Fællesskabet på.
It also leads to the error of accepting the codecision procedure as a good thing.
Konkurrence er vigtig inden for handel og industri. Konkurrerende parlamenter eller kongres ser eller ligegyldigt hvad regeringskonferencen ønsker at kalde dem, sådan som der nu er planer om, er nonsens.
We must be careful that this procedure does not put the Council and Parliament on the same plane, with the Council having the last word because Parliament only very rarely has a right of veto and the conciliation procedure will become much weaker.
Det ser nu også ud til, at der ikke bliver tale om det éne sæt strukturer, som praktisk talt alle i Europa-Parlamentet ønsker, men om to adskilte søjler.
I could have described many more such errors very clearly if I had the time, but I believe that what I have said is enough to show that there is still a long way to go.
Hr. formand, der fornemmes i Europa — lad os blot erkende det — tvivl og ængstelse med hensyn til vort Fællesskabs fremtid.
In the worst periods of economic crisis, it was indeed these policies that took us into the red, according to the standards of economic orthodoxy.
Lad os ønske, at man i Maastricht hverken vil søge at reagere herpå med en besværgelsesformular eller med en sejrsgang, men mere beskedent med at gøre væsentlige fremskridt, som vi vil kunne bifalde og forvalte i fællesskab.
But it was these same policies that enabled us to shield whole sections of the population from real poverty and marginalization. They enabled us to meet certain social needs.
Prag (ED). — (EN) Hr. formand, som det blev sagt af hr. Giscard d'Estaing, er der visse ting, der er velkomme i de forslag, som synes at tage form på Regeringskonferencen om Den Politiske Union.
MATTINA (S). — (IT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, I do not believe it is a wave of integralism that has led this Parliament to express its dissatisfaction so unanimously.
Der synes at være tale om en mindre udvidelse af anvendelsesområdet for den fælles beslutningstagning, der nu er anonym af grunde, som vi kan gisne om, samt en udvidelse af samarbejdsproceduren, så den kom mer til at omfatte mange emner, der er undergivet flertalsafgørelser. Den Europæiske Demokratiske
The truth is that this Parliament is strongly aware that the tasks Europe must undertake at international level are such and so numerous, and so demanding, that we cannot consider solutions or conclusions by the Intergovernmental Conference along the lines taken at present.
Der kan ikke gives nogen begrundelse for, at samar bejde vedrørende politi og retsvæsen indordnes under den samme art regeringsdominerede struktur.
Let me give you an example. When a country is in the red as a result of having failed to keep within the limits on budget deficits imposed under the monetary union rules, the Council of Ministers will pass judgement on it by a qualified majority.
Det er ikke til at forestille sig, at sådanne sager som bekæmpelse af narkohandel — groft bedrageri og terrorisme — og samarbejde vedrørende indvandring, herunder udstedelse af visa, udlevering og asylret, bør være genstand for en praktisk talt ukontrolleret indsats fra de udøvende myndigheders side.
On the other hand, in the field of fiscal harmonization, when the object of the exercise will be to raise resources with which to prevent competitive tax cutting and implement policies providing a high level of social security, decisions will have to be taken unanimously.
På dette område, der er af så grundlæggende betydning for den personlig frihed, ville Rådet få mulighed for at indtage fælles holdninger og tage fælles initiativer med bistand af et koordinationsudvalg, sammensat af tjenestemænd fra medlemsstaterne, og i fuld forståelse med Kommissionen, hvad så det kan betyde. Parlamentets rolle: at blive informeret med regelmæssige mellemrum og at stille spørgsmål.
On the other hand we know that as things are going, the economic decisions Europe has already taken, or is about to take, introduce obligations in the various countries that are so serious as not to permit any lack of that democratic control which not only has not been assigned to this Parliament but, as Emilio Colombo has just said, has actually been taken from the national parliaments.
Prag der ganske vist er alt for gradvise, og som savner en virkelig politik på økonomisk og social samhørighed.
If we want to create a Europe for the people, we must will the means that we need to tackle the problems of social and regional imbalances.
På dette område, der er af central betydning for den personlige frihed, kunne der således blive etableret en udøvende myndighed, der i praksis ikke ville være ansvarlig over for nogen — hverken over for Europa-Parlamentet eller Den Europæiske Domstol eller nogen anden. Den nytter ikke at påstå, at denne udøvende myndighed vil være ansvarlig over for de nationale parlamenter. Det ville den ikke.
The Luxembourg draft contained provision for this, at least within the framework of the Economic and Social Committee.
Det kunne den ikke være i et Fællesskab med tolv medlemsstater, endnu mindre i et Fællesskab med 20 eller 25, som der en dag vil være.
I want to emphasize again that Parliament is calling for an autonomous committee for the regions to enable the national infrastructure to participate in a future political union.