natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Men myndighederne i Skopje må først acceptere de betingelser, som Det Europæiske Råd har stillet, de må garantere sikkerheden i regionen og ændre navnet på republikken, som forvandsker den græske historie og kultur.
We are standing by and watching as the Serbians implement step by step their "SANU" plan, drawn up in the middle of the eighties, which set out in detail the present military campaign. First of all the Serbs invaded a quarter of Croatia, then occupied two-thirds of Bosnia, and Kosovo and Macedonia are now facing a similar fate.
NIANIAS (RDE). — (GR) Hr. formand, at republikken Skopje ønsker at blive anerkendt under navnet »Makedonien« er en del af tragedien på Balkan.
ALAVANOS (CG). — (GR) Mr President, it may seem rather odd that many of our Greek colleagues have taken the floor in this debate on Yugoslavia to talk about Macedonia.
Dette er historisk uacceptabelt, det er en krænkelse af den historiske virkelighed. Styret i Skopje er som bekendt totalitært.
I believe, however, that colleagues from Belgium, the United Kingdom, Spain and France will understand the significance and the intensity of the problems of national integrity.
Ikke alle dele af befolkningen i Skopje er enig med Gligorov.
The recognition of Macedonia alone will do no good.
Men det lader til, at hele Vesten har ladet sig fortrylle af Gligorov, som har været der i 50 år — glem ikke det. Gligorov har klaret sig igennem i hele 50 år — under begge styrer. Men han lader til at være en troldmand, der kan forvandle alle og enhver til venner.
We have seen that in Bosnia, we have seen it in Croatia but the immediate deployment of UN troops on the Macedonian border and in Kosovo could perhaps do some good.
Det drejer sig ikke, som hr. Papoutsis sagde, om en krig, det drejer sig ganske klart om en aggression.
I should like to put a number of questions to the people who drafted this text.
Jeg vil blot gerne understrege, at der ikke er faldet et eneste skud i Serbien.
Firstly, a number of Albanians were killed in the Republic of Skopje last week.
Alle skud blev affyret uden for Serbien.
Why was this not mentioned?
Nu kun at modregne tal mod tal kan ganske enkelt ikke retfærdiggøres.
Why was this not taken into account?
Det drejer sig her om en humanitær kristen pligt.
Why do we have endless sympathy with the Albanians but only in the Kosovo plain?
Grækenland er ikke en del af balkanproblemet, og det ønsker en fredelig intervention.
It was after recognition, which failed to solve the constitutional problems.
For det andet har Grækenland givet oprigtige garantier for denne ministats uafhængighed, fordi en fredelig ordning i alle henseender er i Grækenlands interesse.
We should not pave the way for conflict which could have more far-reaching consequences. quences.
Derfor bør Parlamentet, der selv har udtalt, at det er interesseret i at samarbejde med Rådet og at finde en løsning, kræve af dette, at det står fast på sine beslutninger fra Lissabon.
HOWELL (PPE). — Mr President, those who have listened very carefully to this debate have been particu larly struck by those colleagues from Greece who have spoken.
Samtidig bør vi også erkende, at vi omsider skal give disse angrebne folk mulighed for at sætte en stopper for disse angreb.
We find it extraordinary that the history of Greece, very heavily linked to Serbia, has so coloured our Greek colleagues' imaginations that they are not willing to condemn the atrocities which are now taking place.
Man må ikke glemme, at alle våben produceres i Serbien.
All of us in this House want to see an end to the appalling atrocities taking place in the former Yugoslavia.
Vi har derfor pligt til at tillade, at bosnierne forsvarer sig.
We need the help of our Greek colleagues.
Hvis vi i dag indfører en generel embargo, er det på samme måde, som hvis en røver kom ind i en by, og man ville afvæbne politiet.
Without it, I am afraid the problem that Greece faces will get greater and greater.
Det er ikke nogen fornuftig politik, og det er derfor godt gang på gang at gøre opmærksom på denne omstændighed.
I urge this House to take pre-emptive action, particularly in the case of Macedonia and in Kosovo and to involve the United Nations as soon as possible.
PAPOUTSIS (S). — (GR) Hr. formand, der er allerede mange kolleger, som har udtrykt deres bekymring for den fortsatte krig i Jugoslavien, og det er virkelig en alvorlig sag, at krigen kan brede sig til de omkringliggende lande.
MITOLO (NI). — (IT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, the House discusses the problems of former Yugoslavia at every partsession.
Og dog er der ingen, der vil interessere sig for, gider høre på eller kender noget til, at Tyrkiet, Iran og Saudi-Arabien fortsat sender store mængder våben til Bosnien, Kosovo og Skopje. Det er der ingen, der lægger mærker til.
I can still hear loud and strong the voices of the exiles from Dalmatia and Venetia Julia who were sub jected to violence and terrorism in 1945, when the Serbs, Slovenes and Croats were allies and determined to make Italy abandon Istria and Dalmatia.
Visse EF-stater har intet lært af resultatet af deres forhastede anerkendelse af stater i det tidligere Jugoslavien.
The ravines filled with Italian corpses still bear witness to the martyrdom of this people.
De hævder, at vi straks må anerkende, uden at betingelserne og forudsætningerne for sikkerheden, den fredelige sameksistens og samarbejdet mellem folkene i regionen først er sikret.
Not only the European Parliament, but also the individual countries need to review the way the situation is develop ing, because it is most definitely unacceptable for some states to be granted recognition whilst others become embroiled in cruel and fratricidal struggles.
Men i en debat som denne er det nødvendigt at nævne årsagerne. Der findes lokale, jugoslaviske årsager.
GUIDOLIN (PPE). — (IT) Mr President, three thousand people are likely to die of cold and starvation in Bosnia alone.
Men hvorfor glemme Fællesskabets rolle?
It is appalling to see this tragedy unfolding on the European Community's doorstep.
Lige fra begyndelsen har Fællesskabet manglet en fælles politik, en politik, der sigter mod en fredelig løsning, en politik, der kan slukke flammerne.
I have always main tained, and still maintain, that military intervention is the only way of bringing these atrocities to an end and of disarming the murderous Serbs.
Dets politik har været den stik mod satte.
We Europeans ought to be ashamed of the atrocities in former Yugoslavia.
Og EF har haft den modsatte politik og har ikke kunnet enes om en fælles politik, fordi kræfter i Fælles skabet, som jeg ikke vil nævne ved navn — vi kender
Two things must be done urgently, and as a matter of priority: firstly, the WEU must draw up military plans to stop the agreements being violated, to prevent the occupation of towns and villages, and to combat the horrific, inhuman
EPHREMIDIS anerkendelsen af Skopje under navnet Makedonien.
GUIDOLIN ethnic cleansing; secondly, the embargo must be strictly enforced, without any blind eyes being turned.
Det græske folk har indset deres hykleri og vil derfor ikke acceptere embargoen og ydmygelsen.
It is shameful that some European Community countries are among those supplying arms to the Serbian aggressors.
dem alle — med deres egne egoistiske bagtanker bl.a. hastede ensidige anerkendelser igennem og derved for stærkede tendenserne til konflikt.
terms of the embargo to include a ban on the transport of goods across the republics on which sanctions have been imposed.
Hvis man ikke vil indrømme dette, kan Fællesskabet ikke komme til at spille en positiv rolle.
With the introduction of this measure, and the exercising of the right to inspect any vessel operating on the Danube and in the Adriatic — which in practice represents a naval blockade — the Commission is confident that the embargo will be effective.
For det sjette havde de ikke regnet med, at krigen i Jugoslavien ville skabe alvorlige problemer for den græske økonomi samt vej, jernbane- og flytransporten internt i EF.
MATUTES, Member of the Commission. — (ES) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, the Commission fully shares Parliament's concern at the risk of the conflict in former Yugoslavia spreading to neighbouring countries.
Hr formand, det fælles beslutningsforslag vil snarere tænde brand end slukke ild. Det er et ensidigt angreb på Serbien.
Furthermore, the Commission regrets the fact that, in view of the situation on the ground, the only measure genuinely available to the Community is the provision of emergency humanitarian aid.
Jeg vil ikke forsvare Serbien. Men beslutnings forslaget er på alle punkter ensidigt.
In this context, I should like to assure the House that the Commission will do all in its power to ensure that this aid gets to the people who need it as quickly as possible.
Selv med hensyn til stramningen af embargoen over for Serbien, når det jo er kendt, at såvel Bosnien som Hercegovina og andre områder i Jugoslavien forsynes med våben.
As the House knows, this will, of course, often depend on circumstances which are beyond the Community's control.
Hvorfor skal vi ikke have en generel embargo? Og hvorfor skal Grækenland anklages for at have eksporteret olie til Serbien?
The Commission's actions have always been guided by this concern, both in terms of its own mandate and in the context of European Political Cooperation, and the Com mission hopes that, following today's debate, in which we have heard totally opposing views expressed, Parliament will help resolve the situation by adopting a clear, firm and unequivocal resolution proposing the measures to be taken.
Når der flyder olie, så siger de:«I er i færd med dømme Republikken Skopje til kvælning«. Og på dette punkt intervenerer beslutningen...
In conclusion, the House can rest assured that the Com mission will spare no effort in its attempts to help the victims of this war, and that it will do everything possible to ensure a peaceful and lasting settlement of the conflict in former Yugoslavia.
For det syvende håber de, at de ved at flytte krigen til Kosovo kan knække det serbiske folks modstand. I stedet for at nærme sig Serbien fortsætter de deres eventyrpolitik med uberegnelige konsekvenser for Balkan, hvilket sandsynligvis vil føre til, at Grækenland inddrages i konflikten.
To start with Kosovo, there is no doubt that the situation in that area is particularly worrying.
KOSTOPOULOS (NI). — (GR) Hr. formand, jeg er fuldstændig ligegyldig over for farisærer og hyklere.
PRESIDENT. — The next item is the joint debate on the following motions for resolutions:
Hr. formand, denne udvikling har overbevist mig om, at De Tolvs første fælles udenrigspolitik i Jugoslavien ikke alene var uheldig, den var uheldssvanger. De Tolv har handlet med en fuldstændig mangel på psykologisk sans og fortsætter med at forsøge sig frem med flere og flere fejl.
As regards the former Yugoslav republic of Macedonia, the Commission is doing all in its power, in accordance with the decisions adopted by the Community and its Member States, to help improve the disastrous economic situation there — a situation which is threatening to give rise to armed conflict.
For det første har de besluttet, at Jugoslavien skal deles op, idet de giver efter for Tysklands stadige pres og politiske ambitioner.
— Doc. B3-1527/92 by Mrs Ewing, on behalf of the Rainbow Group in the European Parliament, on the security of the EC's energy supply and employment in the energy sector, following the closure of coal mines in England and Wales and the UK Govern ment's abuse of Scotland's North Sea gas resources;
For det andet har de opflammet den slovenske, den kroatiske og den serbiske nationalisme, hvilket har ført til væbnet konflikt.
Over the last two months, the Commission has repeatedly attempted to persuade the authorities in Greece to lift the embargo on oil and other goods held in that country.
Til slut vil jeg gerne henlede De Tolvs opmærksomhed på, at før de begår den forbrydelse at virkeliggøre deres bestræbelser på at anerkende Skopje under navnet »Makedonien«, skal de veje dette alvorligt op imod, at en sådan politisk handling vil være i direkte modstrid med forsvaret af en partners nationale interesser, hvilket kan få uforudsete følger.
— Doc. B3-1566/92 by Mr Cot and others, on behalf of the Socialist Group, Mr Colajanni and others, on behalf of the Group for the European United Left, Mr I.annoye and Mr Bettini, on behalf of the Green Group in the European Parliament, and Mr Mayer, on behalf of the Left Unity Group, on the planned coal mine closures in UK and coal policy and energy strategy in the Community;
For det tredje har de med en opløsende virkning bidraget til ophøjelsen af nationalismen i hele Europa, selv i EF's medlemsstater.
With regard to Bosnia-Hercegovina, the Commission shares Parliament's horror at the situation in that republic, and at the appalling acts carried out by all sides in the conflict.
I øvrigt er vi vidner til blodsudgydelser, til krænkelser af menneskerettighederne med den nationale renheds politik, der tvinger hundrede tusinder på flugt.
B3-1619/92 by Mr Pronk and others, on behalf of the Group of the European People's Party, on unemployment in the coal and steel industry.
Under alle omstændigheder fik Bulgarien, Grækenland og Albanien et negativt svar af anden art fra denne republik, da det halvofficielle forlag, Deto Karandos, i Skopje udgav et kort over Makedonien, som omfatter store dele af det nuværende Bulgarien, Albanien og Grækenland med Thessaloniki som hovedstad. Dette kort, som er Skopjes svar på de fire nabolandes initiativ, er i sandhed latterligt.
It is true that the embargo has been repeatedly breached by some countries and republics which the Community has been unable to oblige to implement the dual system of controls which it applies itself when sending goods to former Yugoslavia.
Og dog, kære kolleger, skaber dette alvorlig bekymring i den offentlige mening i Bulgarien, Grækenland og Albanien og problemer for disse landes regeringer, der er under pres fra den offentlige mening. Ja, dette kort virker endog destabiliserende på hele regionen.
This has been possible because of the inadequacy of the United Nations resolutions, which previously allowed the transport of goods across those republics on which sanctions have been imposed — that is, Serbia and Montenegro.
De er således kommet i skærende modsætning til det græske folks rettigheder, idet de har såret dette folks patriotiske følelser og krænkede dem ved at tvivle på dets historie. Jeg beklager at måtte pointere, at enten mangler lederne af de elleve andre medlemstater almendannelse, eller også lader de bare som om, siden de ikke kender Europas nyere historie.
A policy deliberately designed to abandon Com munity coal which is the only abundant source of fossil fuel in Europe can really only be justified on short-term economic grounds.
Hvordan kan det ellers forklares, at alle græske regeringer fra mellemkrigstiden og frem med de allieredes støtte modsatte sig Den Tredje Internationales bestræbelser på, at først Bulgarien og siden Jugoslavien måtte anvende navnet Makedonien, netop af frygt for krav om territoriale udvidelser på Grækenlands bekostning? ning?
Running down the coal industry so that we can only produce 20m tonnes a year means that coal will run out in the year 2010, whereas if we has the capacity to produce at the proper rate of 80m tonnes a year, it could last for 300 years.
Men jeg tror, at vores kolleger fra Belgien, Det Forenede Kongerige, Spanien og Frankrig vil have forståelse for betydningen og vanskeligheden ved problemer af national karakter.
In the last few days, however, this legal loophole has been closed, notably at the insistence of the Community, and the United Nations Security Council has changed the
Jeg vil gerne stille følgende spørgsmål til forslagsstillerne: For det første har der i sidste uge fundet drab sted på albanere i Republikken Skopje.
partisanship and the kind of misleading statements we have been exposed to lately from British Ministers.
Hvorfor tager man mon ikke dette i betragtning, og hvorfor tager man kun hensyn til albanerne, som bor i Kosovo-provinsen?
Mr Heseltine, the UK Minister, claimed the coal industry had received £18 billion in government investments since 1979, and that it cost £I00m per month to run.
Og fordet tredje og vigtigst: Hvornår opstod problemerne i Bosnien — før eller efter anerken delsen?
But the reality is that most of this was paid out in redundancies to the coal workers, and the rest for the compulsory storage of coal which was imposed by the government itself.
Efter en anerkendelse, der ikke havde løst de forfatningsmæssige problemer.
So that was a totally misleading statement.
MITILO (NI). — (IT) Hr. formand, kære kolleger, ved hvert møde beskæftiger Parlamentet sig med Jugoslaviens problemer.
The UK was allowed by the Commission — I do not really understand why — to break the Treaty of Rome by subsidizing the nuclear industry to the extent of £1.4 billion per annum.
HOWELL (PPE). — Hr formand, det er især de græske kollegers taler, der har gjort indtryk på dem, der har fulgt denne debat meget nøje.
GARCÍA ARIAS (S). — (ES) Mr President, the motion for a resolution tabled by Mr Desama and others calls on the Commission to initiate without delay serious deliberations and wide-ranging consultation at Community level on the coal policy to be pursued in the European Com munity.
Ikke én af de græske med lemmer har talt om Serbien, og ingen af dem har overvejet at fordømme hverken Serbiens tidligere handlinger eller deres handlinger i den nuværende konflikt.
At the same time, the Commission is hurrying to adopt a new decision on public aid which will undoubted ly have implications for the coal sector.
Dette er bemærkelsesværdigt. Alle i denne forsamling ønsker, at de rystende grusomheder, der finder sted i det tidligere Jugoslavien, må høre op.
The fact is, therefore, that the wide-ranging social, political and regional consultation called for in the motion will not be carried out.
Derfor anmoder jeg på vegne af italienerne i Friuli og Venezia Giulia, Istrien og Dalmatien om, at Europa-Parlamentet beskæftiger sig med hele problemet på en seriøs og ansvarlig måde.
I join with everyone else in seeking a proper investigation into the competition policy and energy strategy.
GUIDOLIN (PPE). — (IT) Hr. formand, tredive tusinde mennesker er i fare for at dø af sult og kulde alene i Bosnien.
DESAMA (S). — (FR) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, in tabling an urgent motion on the plan to close coalmines and, more generally, on coal policy in the Community, we have two aims in mind; the first is to maintain the honour and the democratic credibility of Parliament, which at the last part-session was prevented from expressing its solidarity with the miners of the United Kingdom by a procedural manoeuvre.
Det er forfærdeligt, at denne tragedie foregår lige uden for Det Europæiske Fællesskab.
Parliament cannot simply be a machine for examining and voting on directives; it has to stand beside its citizens, so that they regain their faith in the European Community.
Jeg har altid ment og mener, at alene en væbnet intervention vil kunne gøre en ende på alle disse grusomheder og afvæbne de serbiske mordere.
Our second aim is to point once more to the need to draw up a new coal policy for the Community.
Grusomhederne i det tidligere Jugoslavien er en skamplet på os europæere.
The coal industry cannot be seen as a dying sector where all that remains for us to do is to perform the last rites.
Jeg finder alligevel to aktioner påtrængende og højt prioriterede.
The Community's coal resources are such that to abandon them would be an insult to the future.
For det første: at Vestunionen forbereder militære planer, der kan hindre overtrædelsen af aftalerne, komme besættelsen af byer og landsbyer i forkøbet og forhindre den grusomme og umenneskelige etniske udrensning.
BROK (PPE). — (DE) Mr President, I think it is right that we consider the coal mining regions and their social problems because it is certainly true that an enormous process of restructuring is taking place in those regions, and has been for some time now, which has tremendous repercussions for the workers and for the economic and social situation in this sector.
For det andet: virkelig at kontrollere, at blokaden overholdes og ikke blot foregive det, idet man lukker halvandet øje.
It is necessary therefore to utilize to the full the scope under the ECSC Treaty and the RECHAR programme and to make use of the structural funds.
Det er skammeligt, at også nogle lande i Det Europæiske Fællesskab leverer våben til den serbiske agressor.
The time has come to mobilize the resources provided for by the ECSC Treaty in order to improve the efficiency of the mines, retrain miners and develop clean coal technologies.
PACK (PPE). — (DE) Hr. formand, Vestens ignorans er i ordets sandeste betydning dødelig.
We cannot arrive at a rational solution if we do not take account in cost structures of the other economic options open to our countries.
Serberne har deres egen store rustningsindustri, yderligere vigtigt krigsmateriel kommer over Donau, også i henhold til FN's beslutninger, og bosnierne har ikke engang de nødvendige våben til at forsvare sig.
We also need to make it clear that we need an independent energy reserve but that this must be financed in a reasonable way.
MATUTES, medlem af Kommissionen. — (ES) Hr. formand, mine damer og herrer, Kommissionen deler fuldt ud Parlamentets bekymring med hensyn til faren for en gradvis internationalisering af konflikten i det tidlige re Jugoslavien med den vanvittige borgerkrig, der lige siden starten af krigen uophørligt er blevet udvidet.
By refusing to include a chapter on energy in the Maastricht treaty, the Member States have denied themselves the levers of a common policy, something for which the British miners, after those of France and Belgium, are now having to foot the bill.
Hvis vi ikke selv ønsker at gribe ind, bør vi i det mindste hjælpe dem, der sidder midt i infernoet, med virkelig at forsvare sig.
For these reasons I approve of the proposal to review coal policy so as to give coal in those countries in which it is still mined a reasonable chance of survival in a balanced and fair manner.
Vi er tilskuer til, hvordan Serbien trin for trin virkeliggør sin plan »SANU«, som stammer fra midten af 1980'erne, og som nøje beskriver scenariet i forbindelse med den nuværende militære fremgangsmåde.
But it is terribly important that no decisions are taken along the lines set out in the Socialist motion.
Hvor finder vi forebyggende foranstaltninger i Kosovo og Makedonien?
PRONK (PPE). — (NL) Mr President, we are dealing with a difficult subject here and we meet with hypocrisy every step of the way.
En anerkendelse af Makedonien alene
I would call on all those who are
Med hensyn til Kosova er situationen særlig foruroligende.
Firstly, the scale of the restructuring measures is such that the British coal industry would be totally dismantled.
Kommissionen har lige fra begyndelsen slået til lyd
In view of the economic, social and energy policy implica-
FORMANDEN. — Næste punkt på dagsordenen er forhandling under ét om følgende forslag til beslutning: for moderation i dens kontakter med Albanien og har samtidig over for myndighederne i de omliggende republikker, og i særdeleshed over for Beograd, insisteret på forpligtelsen til at respektere menneskerettighederne, herunder mindretallenes rettigheder navnlig i betragtning af Kosovos autonome status.
Thirdly, the social impact of mine closures affecting up to 30 000 workers in areas where coalmining is the sole industry, combined with a lack of any adequate social cushioning measures, is in clear conflict both with certain principles and established practices of the ECSC and with social, employment and regional policy as understood by this House.