natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Vi er enige, men netop derfor vil vi gerne understrege med bestemthed, at på den ene side bør dette være tiden for forslag og præcise forpligtelser, og på den anden side, er dette tidspunktet til nyt mod, nye initiativer, nye mål.
We agree, but for this very reason we wish to emphasize, with determination, that on the one hand this must be a time for precise intentions and commit ments and, on the other, this must be the time for new courage, fresh impetus and new objectives.
Netop erfaringen med den europæiske opbygning viser os blandt andet, at optimismen hurtigt kan udvikle sig til stilstand og tilbage skridt, hvis der mangler konkrete forslag og nye intentioner.
Amongst other things, the experience of building Europe itself teaches us that optimism can very quickly be followed by stagnation and back-tracking, in the absence of concrete intentions and a renewed sense of purpose.
Cervetti (COM). — (IT) Hr. formand, kære kolleger, »udfordringen er der stadig«, fastslog formanden for Kommissionen, Jacques Delors, i går.
CERVETTI (COM). — (IT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, the President of the Commission, Jacques Delors, stated yesterday that 'the challenge is still there'.
Fra vor side vil vi tilføje, at tidspunktet er af stor betydning for den europæiske opbygning, for definitivt at komme ud af en alvorlig stagnation, selv om den krise, som den europæiske opbygning har befundet sig i gennem de seneste år, for en god dels vedkommende er overstået.
For our part we should like to add that, where the building of Europe is concerned, the moment is of great importance in order to be able once and for all to break free from a state of serious stagnation, even though the crisis that has had the building of Europe in its grip in recent years has been largely eliminated.
Vi anerkender ikke blot dette, men vi lægger vægt på at understrege det. for vi har bidraget til denne overvindelse med vort engagement.
Not only do we recognize this, we also want very much to emphasize it, since we have contributed to this process of elimination with our own commitment.
For at nævne et enkelt eksempel kan ingen nægte, at Fællesakten med alle dens inkonsekvenser og al dens partiskhed er blevet defineret og besluttet netop som reaktion — begrænset og nogle steder ligefrem forvridende — men alligevel som reaktion på et projekt til union, vedtaget af dette parlament, brændende ønsket af Altiero Spinelli, energisk støttet af de italienske kommunisters stem mer og tilslutning.
To give just one example, no one can in fact deny that the Single Act, with all its incongruities and bias, was drawn up and adopted precisely in response — in a limited and, in some parts, even distorting way — but, at all events, still in response to the Draft Treaty of Union that was the burning wish of Altiero Spinelli and, effectively supported by the votes and the contribution of the Italian Communists, was adopted by this Parliament.
Det drejer sig altså om at gå fra det indre marked til det sociale Europa, til den politiske union.
And so, then, we have to move on from the single market to a social Europe, to political union.
Her er på en gang et konkret forslag og en ny intention.
Here, together, we have both a concrete intention and a renewed sense of purpose.
Det er rigtigt, at hvis man ser på regeringernes og staternes aktion, kan man ikke være andet end kritisk, og det har været korrekt at anklage Rådet for dets forsinkelser. Man kan så for eksempel se på den italienske regering.
Of course, if we look at the way governments and Member States have acted we can only be critical, and it was proper to blame the Council for its delays.
Hvordan kan man — hvis man ser bort fra vurderingen af personer — lade være med at være kritisk over for den måde, hvorpå kommissærerne er blevet udpeget?
How can one be anything but critical of the way in which the Commissioners were appointed — quite apart from any assessment of the individuals concerned?
Hvordan kan man lade være at anklage den opførsel, den har udvist i en alvorlig sag som Bagnoli-sagen?
How can one not accuse that government for its behaviour in a serious affair such as Bagnoli?
Hvordan kan man mere generelt undlade at tage afstand fra landets manglende tilpasning til 1992?
And how, on a more general note, can one not denounce it for its failure to see that the country is geared up for 1992?
Og det samtidig med at Italien er et land, hvor den europæiske bevidsthed er størst, og den politiske konvergens er stor, hvis det er rigtigt, som det er, at deputeretkammer og senat i første afgørende instans har godkendt vort forslag til for fatningslov for at afholde folkeafstemning om det forfatningsmandat, som Europa-Parlamentet skal tildeles.
And yet Italy is a coun try where proEuropean awareness is more highly developed than in many other countries, and there is broad political convergence, seeing that the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate have given a first reading, which is decisive, to our draft bill for the calling of a people's referendum on the constitutuent mandate to be granted to the European Parliament.
Naturligvis skyldes det ikke blot dette ønske fra vor side — jeg taler om hele Parlamentets og alle de europæiske og fornyende kræfters ønske — men også andre, dybere årsager.
Naturally, it was not only our determination — and I mean the determination of this entire Parliament and all the proEuropean and innovating parties — that played its part: there were other deeper causes at work.
I første række den afspændingsproces, som i disse år har udviklet sig i Europa og i verden.
First of all there was the process of détente, which has been developing in recent years in Europe and elsewhere in the world.
I anden række den voksende konkurrence og konkurrenceevne, som er frugten af dels den teknisk-videnskabelige omstilling, dels dan nelsen af de store og stærke overnationale faktorer, nye virkeligheder, omkring hvilke den internationale økonomi organiserer sig.
Secondly, there was the increased competition and competitiveness, the result both of technical and scientific advance, and of the formation of vast and powerful supranational areas, which are a new development around which the inter national economy is organized.
Dette ændrer imidlertid intet ved — men styrker tværtimod — nødvendigheden af vort engagement som parlament, som kommission, som europæiske og progressive kræfter, for virkeliggørelsen af parolen »at gå fra det indre marked til det sociale Europa, til den politiske union« med hvilken vi i øvrigt vil stille os over for vælgerne ved de fore stående valg.
That in no way, however, diminishes the need — indeed, it strengthens it — for the commitment of Par liament, the Commission and the proEuropean and progressive parties to the implementation of that pass word, 'move on from the single market to a social Europe, to political union' with which we, further more, shall present ourselves to the electorate in the elections that are now imminent.
Cervetti ner, der taler ni forskellige sprog, forskellige traditioner og kulturer og undertiden modstridende interesser. resser.
We do know the difficulties you have to deal with: twelve governments, twelve nations speaking nine different languages, with diverse traditions and cultures, and sometimes conflicting interests.
Men alligevel forekom Deres optimisme os måske lidt overdreven, for også regeringerne og den offentlige opinion skal vækkes op til dåd, ikke så meget hvad angår vanskelighederne, som hvad angår de fornødne midler til at nå Deres mål og til at løse problemerne.
Nevertheless, we found your optimism perhaps excessive, for it is also necessary to alert governments and public opinion, not so much to the difficulties as to the means necessary in order to achieve your ends and set tle problems.
reise af de angivne prioriteter: den monetære og skattemæssige union, beskyttelse og udnyttelse af naturen, forskningen, undervisningen, kulturen, fjernsyn uden grænser; prioriteter, der ofte glemmes, som kvindernes situation, for at minde om et spørgsmål af stor betydning, som endnu en gang er blevet negligeret, og den ny finansiering af budget tet, for at minde om en målsætning i Fællesakten; prioriteringer, som udspringer af den ambition, som hedder »det sociale Europa« og »den politiske union«, og som betyder beskæftigelse, charter om lønmodtagernes rettigheder, territorial samhørighed og omfattende samfundssind, aktion for afspænding, nedrustning, sikkerhed øst-vest, samarbejde nord syd udadtil, og institutionel reform for at fjerne ethvert demokratisk underskud inden for Fællesskabet selv.
In conclusion, and keeping to the subject, we say that what we expect from the Commission — over and above the statements by its President — are concrete programmes for the implementation of the priorities as we have outlined them — monetary and fiscal union, protection of the environment and the use of the environment to best advantage, research, education, culture and television without frontiers; priorities that are often forgotten, such as the condition of women, just to mention a question of great importance that has been neglected yet again, and the refinancing of the budget, just to recall one of the objectives of the Sin gle Act. Priorities that spring from those ambitions that we know as 'Social Europe' and 'Political Union', and that mean employment, a Charter of Workers' Rights, territorial cohesion and the sense — not relegated to second place — of belonging to a single society; action to promote détente, disarmament, East-West security, North-South cooperation in the external affairs field, and institutional reform, so as to abolish any democratic deficit within the Community itself.
Tretten millioner arbejdsløse : Det kan vi ikke for bigå i tavshed.
The figure of 13 million unemployed is one we cannot ignore.
Blandt disse er der mange unge og mange kvinder, selv om der i nogen grad er kommet gang i skabelsen af arbejdspladser. De talte om et Europa, der var i trit med de mest dynamiske.
It includes many young people and women, although the rate of job creation has picked up some what.
Er De helt sikker på det?
Are you quite sure?
Som et stadigt delt Europa har vi specielle problemer, som vi desværre ikke kan und lade at gøre opmærksom på. Vi får ikke et fælles marked, som kan sammenlignes med det japanske eller amerikanske, så længe vi ikke har en reel politisk vilje i Europa.
As a still divided Europe, we have specific problems to which we cannot fail to draw attention.
Ét Europa, ét marked, det betyder også en fælles kultur og en politisk vilje.
To have one Europe, a single market, we must also have a common culture, we must also have political will.
For dette program vil vi arbejde seriøst i Parlamentet ved at styrke dets funktion med loyalitet over for Kommissionen, dens formand, repræsentanten, hr. Bangemann, ved at stimulere den i dens forpligtelser uden at spare på kritikken af Rådet og ved at tage afstand fra forsinkelser og modstand.
We shall work to this programme in a serious and dedicated manner in Parliament, affirming its function; we shall be loyal to the Commission, its President and its representative, Mr Bangemann, stimulating their commitment, without pulling any punches vis-à-vis the Council, which we shall denounce for any delays and resistence encountered.
Hvad angår Deres mål, så har vi allerede haft lejlighed til at drøfte dem, til at godkende dem, så dem kommer jeg ikke tilbage til.
As regards your objectives, we have already had the opportunity to discuss them and express our approval, and there is no need for me to go back over them.
Jeg vil blot under strege, at vi synes, at nogle af de mål, som De har delagtiggjort os i, bør uddybes, forklares og belyses nærmere.
I just want to make the point that some of the objectives you mention seem to us to be in need of more thorough explanation and clarification.
Som De har redegjort for dem, er vi lidt skuffede, fordi de undertiden virker, som om de udgør et tilbageskridt i forhold til Deres tidligere positioner.
In the way in which you presented them to us, we found them a lit tle disappointing, because you seemed somewhat less ambitious than in previous statements.
Dette er det Europa, som de demokratiske og progressive europæiske kræfter vil opbygge. Vi hører til dem, og vi vil være i første række!
This is the Europe that the proEuropean democratic and progressive parties will build.
Veil (LDR). — (FR) Hr. formand, kære kolleger, hr. kommissionsformand, den beskedne tid, jeg råder over, tvinger mig endog til at undlade at gennemgå de vigtigste punkter i det program, De forelagde.
VEIL (LDR). — (FR) Mr President, ladies and gentlement, Mr President of the Commission, in the few minutes available to me I cannot even analyse the sal ient points of the programme you have presented to us.
F.eks. sagde De, og det er et synspunkt, som vi kun kan tilslutte os, at den økonomiske integration kun kan gennemføres fuldt ud, dersom den suppleres med en virkelig politisk integration.
For instance, you said — and it is a point of view that we cannot fail to approve — that economic integration could be carried through all the way only if it was accompanied by real political integration.
Europæisk union, sagde De.
The European Union, you said.
Udmærket.
Excellent.
Men De sagde ikke et ord om forsvaret.
But you did not say a word about defence.
Vi ved imidlertid udmærket, at man ikke kan have en politisk union uden en forsvarspolitik.
We are of course well aware that there will be no political union without a defence policy.
Vanskelighederne kender vi, men vi kunne i hvert fald have tænkt os en begyndende overvejelse af dette spørgsmål.
We appreciate the difficulties, but we would have liked to hear some initial thoughts at least on this issue.
De gjorde det for to år siden, da europæerne stod så svagt på tidspunktet for Reagan-Gorbatjov-aftalerne.
Two years ago, when Europe made such a weak showing at the time of the Reagan-Gorbachev agree ments, you did speak about this.
Men denne gang sagde De ikke noget derom. Men alligevel sagde De i forbindelse med EFTA — og det er netop vor holdning — at Europa skal være udeleligt, og at spørgsmålet om en identisk politisk strategi bør løses.
This time, you did not mention it and yet, referring to EFTA, you did say — and we agree entirely — that Europe had to be indivisible and that the problem of an identical politi cal approach had to be solved.
Lad os begynde med Deres diagnose.
First of all, your diagnosis.
Takket være Dem har vi fået en bestemt dato: 1992, så vi ikke længere skal udsættes for de forfærdelige år, hvor vi følte, at Europa ikke kom videre.
It is thanks to you that a precise date was set, the 1992 deadline, and we have put behind us the dreadful years when we felt that
Så talte De om sammenhængskraft og sammenhæng inden for Fællesskabet.
You spoke of coherence in the Community.
Heller ikke i dette tilfælde kan vi andet end gå ind for Deres synspunkt.
This is another point on which we can only support your approach.
Og De understregede ønsket om samtidigt at gøre fremstød på alle fronter og at gøre det hurtigt.
And you emphasized your concern to advance simultaneously on all fronts, setting a rapid pace in order to do so.
For øvrigt besluttede De for nogle år siden at gribe til en metode, som vi allerede tidligere havde foreslået og ønsket, den gensidige anerkendelsesmetode, som er den eneste måde at komme videre på.
For a number of years now you have decided to use a method that we had previously
Man når talen er om sammenhæng, vil jeg gerne stille Dem et spørgsmål: Er De sikker på, at der stadigvæk er nok sammenhæng og sammenhængskraft i Kommissionen?
But when it comes to coherence, I venture to ask you a question: are you sure that there is always enough coherence and cohesion within your Commission itself?
Jeg vil gerne sige et par ord til den nye Kommission.
I take this opportunity to welcome the new Commission.
Det glæder mig at se nogle kendte ansigter, som vi sætter pris på.
I am delighted to see some familiar faces, people we are fond of.
Jeg er også glad for omsider at se kvinder i Kommissionen.
I am also delighted that there are at last women on the Commission.
Det er et løfte om succes for visse sagers vedkommende, og jeg hilser alle Kommissionens medlemmer velkommen.
That all bodes well for progress on certain matters, and I hail all the Members of the Commission.
Vi har ikke de forskningsbevillinger, som er forudsætningen for en sådan politik.
We need an industrial strategy in Europe, for since we have no military union, no European defence, we still lack an industrial policy on armaments.
Det er velkendt, hvilket handicap det medfører for hele vor industri.
That as we know, puts the whole of our industry under a great handicap.
Det er også velkendt, at japanerne har en virkelig industripolitik.
We also know that the Japanese have a genuine industrial policy.
Det savner vi.
We have not.
Derfor mener jeg, at vi uophørligt bør tilkendegive ønsket om en politisk union.
That is why I believe we must lose no time in demonstrating our will for political union.
Vi har nu nået det punkt, som Europas grundlæggere forudså, da de sagde, at der ville komme et tidspunkt, hvor Det Europæiske Økonomiske Fællesskab for at bevare sin sammenhængskraft og for ikke at sprænges ville få brug for en virkelig politisk union.
We have reached the point envisaged by the founders of Europe, who said that a time would come when, if it was to cohere and be kept free from the danger of splitting up, the Economic Com munity would need to be underpinned by real political union.
Tidspunktet er nu kommet, hvis vi vil undgå, at Det Europæiske Økonomiske Fællesskab vender sig imod os og bliver vanskeligt at have med at gøre.
That time has come if we want to make sure that the Economic Community is not going to turn against us and become difficult to live with.
De kom til det resultat, hr. formand, at enten får vi et europæisk Europa eller også får vi intet Europa.
You con cluded, Mr President, by saying that Europe would be European or nothing.
Jeg vil snarere sige. at der ikke bliver noget europæisk Europa uden demokrati. De talte om en ny traktat.
I say that there will be no European Europe without democracy.
De talte ikke om Europa-Parlamentet i forbindelse med den monetære union, som allerede burde gøre fremskridt, hvis alle landene var med i Det Europæiske Monetære System, og det haster det med. Men der er også brug for en ny institutionel fase, og Parlamentets beføjelser skal med blandt de behandlede punkter.
You did not refer to the European Parliament in connection with monetary union, which ought already to be making progress if all our countries par ticipated in the European Monetary System; that is an urgent priority. But there is also a need to move on to a further institutional stage, and Parliament's powers must be among the points discussed in this connection.
Europa-Parlamentet har ansvaret for demokratiet i Europa.
Responsibility for democracy in Europe rests on the shoulders of this Parliament.
De skal bistå os med at varetage denne opgave, for så vil vi hjælpe Dem med at fastslå Deres politiske vilje, som er Europas politiske vilje.
You must help us to assume this responsibility, and then we shall help you to affirm your political will, which is the political will of Europe.
Når jeg taler om sammenhæng og sammenhængskraft, er jeg klar over vanskelighederne.
On the subject of cohesion and coherence, I realize the difficulties involved. There is diversity both in the Council and in the Commission.
Der er en forskelligartethed, som er ønsket, og som vi accepterer, da vi mener, at det er en garanti for Fællesskabets succes både i Rådet og i Kommissionen.
We are all in favour of this diversity, for we believe that it holds promise of success for the Community.
Men jeg er ikke sikker på. at Deres budskab altid går igennem.
But I am not sure that your message always gets across.
Når De f.eks. beslutter Dem til at gå frem ved ækvivalens, er De så sikker på, at embedsmændene er overbevist om denne metode, og at de ikke ved hjælp af en famlende og bureaukratisk strategi prøver på at opretholde det, som De har ønsket at blive kvit? De talte om de nationale regeringers bureaukrati.
For instance, when you decide to proceed on the basis of equivalence, are you sure that the civil servants are always convinced of the merits of this approach and are not going to use pettiness and bureaucracy to recreate what you have hoped to abolish?
Men pas på, hr. formand, at der ikke genopstår et tilsvarende eller endnu værre supranational! bureaukrati.
Beware, Mr President, lest a similar and even worse form of bureaucracy should be recreated at supranational level.
Det tror jeg vil være den bedste måde til at give europæerne afsky for Fællesskabet.
That I think would be the best way to put Europeans off the Com munity.
Det var nogle af de spørgsmål, der volder os vanskeligheder. ligheder.
These, then, are a few of the problems where we see difficulties.
De la Malene (RDE). — (FR) Hr. formand, jeg vil ganske kort gøre opmærksom dels på gruppens godkendelse, dels på dens foruroligelse og endelig give udtryk for en beklagelse.
DE LA MALENE (RDE). — (FR) Mr President, in the brief time available to me, I wish to draw attention to my Group's approval on the one hand and its anxieties on the other, and finally to mention a matter for regret.
De finansielle midler.
Financial resources.
Her synes jeg, at De — fordi De er tvunget dertil — laver lapperi inden for forskning og massemedier.
I think you are spreading resources for research and the media too thinly, although I know you have no alternative.
Det kan ikke nytte, at man ikke kan se skoven for bare træer, og man bør fastlægge de store linjer.
Broad policy lines have to be defined, or else it will be impossible to see the wood for the trees.
Jeg vil sige et par ord om massemedierne.
Let me say a few words about the problem of the media.
Det er Dem bekendt, at jeg har beskæftiget mig meget dermed det sidste års tid, og jeg vil gerne takke for resultaterne af MED1A-programmet.
As you know, I have taken a particularly close interest in the media over the past year, and I wish to pay tribute to the achieve ments of the Media programme.
Men når jeg taler om skoven, der ikke er til at se for bare træer, så er det, fordi man undertiden prøver på at gå i enkeltheder uden at indse, at de indførte regler risikerer at blive omgået.
But I talk about not seeing the wood for the trees because there are occasions when focusing on the detail prevents one from seeing that legislation that is being introduced is at risk of being used for the wrong ends.
Jeg begynder med godkendelsen.
To start with the things that meet with our approval.
Gruppen glæder sig over den nye Kommissions sammensætning og god kender den.
My Group welcomes and approves the composition of the new Commission, which we hope is going to get down to work quickly.
Vi håber, at denne Kommission hurtigt vil gå i gang med opgaverne, og vi er især glade for blandt dens medlemmer at gense to gamle venner : Martin Bangemann og Raymond McSharry.
We are particularly pleased to find that it includes two faithful friends, and I hope it will not come amiss if I mention them by name: my friend Martin Bangemann and our old friend Ray mond Mac Sharry.
Vi er overbevist om, at deres tilstedeværelse vil styrke og støtte den nye Kommissions arbejde.
We are convinced that the presence of these two men will strengthen the new Com mission and help to advance its work.
Vi godkender altså uden forbehold den nye Kommissions sammen sætning.
The composition of the new Commission therefore has our unqualified approval.