natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Så går vi over til krigsflyvemaskinerne: I 1977 147 Mirage F 1 E, 48 F 1 C, 60 F 1 Β og 24 F 1 C. Og lad os så se på det efterfølgende franske præsidentskab: I 1982 29 Mirage FIE, 29 F 1 Β og 8 V; i 1985 25 Mirage F 1 E; i 1987 20 Mirage F 1 E og i 1988 8 Mirage F 1.
Let us now move on to warplanes: in 1977 there were 147 Mirage Fl-Es, then 48 Mirage Fl-Cs, followed by 60 Mirage Fl-Bs and 24 Mirage Fl-Cs. Moving on to the next French Presidency, in 1982 there were sales of 29 Mirage Fl-Es, 29 Mirage Fl-Bs and 8 Mirage Vs, followed by 25 Mirage Fl-Es in 1985, 20 Mirage Fl-Es in 1987 and 8 Mirage Fis in 1988.
Staes (V). — (NL) Kære kolleger, jeg vil gerne bidrage med en smule information om fænomenet menneskelig civilisation.
STAES (V). — (NL) Ladies and gentlemen, I would like to give you some information on the phenomenon of human civilization.
I de sidste 5 000 år er der udkæmpet 14 000 krige, hvorunder 5 mia. menne­sker er blevet dræbt.
In the past 5 000 years 14 000 wars have been fought, resulting in the deaths of 5 billion people.
Kan det ikke snart være nok, eller bliver vi aldrig klogere?
Is that not enough, or will we never learn ?
Det er et beskæmmende bevis på brutalt barbari og mangel på civilisation, at de europæiske lande efter to blodige verdenskrige, udkæmpet på deres egen jord, hvorefter EF opstod som et skrig efter fred, at disse lande stadig mener, at militære løsninger er mere interessante end politi­ske.
It is shameful evidence of brutal barbarity and of a lack of civilization that after two recent bloody world wars, which were fought out on European soil and gave rise to the European Community like a cry for peace, the European countries still believe that military solutions are more interesting than political ones.
Som menneske vil jeg gerne bede om undskyld­ning for så stor en tåbelighed hos de tusinder af arbejdsomme mennesker i konfliktzonen, hvis liv direkte bringes i fare, blot fordi de har det uheld, at der er olie i jorden under deres fødder.
As a human being, I would like to apologize for so much folly to all those thousands of hard-working people in the area of conflict whose lives are directly at risk and who simply have the misfortune that there is oil in the ground under their feet.
Pannella (NI). — (FR) Fru formand, kære kolleger, det er indlysende, at de irakiske våben vil slå flere ihjel, hvis der kommer en krig, og disse våben er Deres!
PANNELLA (NI). — (FR) Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, it is quite clear that Iraqi weapons are going to cost more lives if there is a war, and those weapons came from you !
Men når det er sagt, så tilhører jeg ikke den race af feje pacifister, hvorom Gandhi i snesevis af år uophørligt sagde, at han foretrak de voldsomme frem for dem.
That said, I do not belong to that breed of cowardly pacifists of whom Gandhi said for decades that he preferred men of violence to them.
Jeg mener imidlertid, at de store og de små baroners Europa enten holdt ferie mellem den 2. og den 7. august eller forsømte sine pligter!
I find that, between 2 August and 7 August, failing the Europe of the barons and minor barons of all kinds, today's Europe was on holiday or in dereliction of its duty!
Europa holdt ingen møder, Europa holdt ferie, og kun amerikanerne levede op til deres ansvar og gjorde det grundigt og effektivt!
Europe did not unite, Europe was on holiday and only the Americans faced their responsibilities — and we have to recognize that they did so rigorously, on a grand scale and efficiently !
Fernex (V). — (FR) Der er ting, som forsamlingen har godt af at høre.
FERNEX (V). — (FR) There are some things that an Assembly ought to hear.
Jeg slutter mig til de kolleger, der nægter at stemme for dette beslutningsforslag.
I am making common cause with all my colleagues who are refusing to vote for this motion.
Jeg vil gerne henlede Deres opmærksomhed på punkt 21, hvori den ærede forsamling mener, at der bør træffes foranstaltninger til kontrol af våbeneks­port til krigszoner.
I wish to draw your attention to paragraph 22, where this honourable Assembly takes the view that all possible steps should be taken to control arms exports to a war zone.
Sikke nogle hyklere!
What hypocrisy !
Jeg tilhører ikke münchener­racen, tilhængerne af Daladier og Chamberlain. Det gjorde Gandhi heller ikke!
I do not belong to the breed of appeasers, of the people who applauded Daladier and Chamberlain.
Fru formand, jeg stemmer ikke for dette forslag af den simple grund, at vedtagelse af god adfærd for Rådet og os selv er misbrug, som viser, at vi gør os for små tanker om Europa.
Madam President, I shall not be voting for this motion, for the very simple reason that a vote endorsing the Council's and our own behaviour is a travesty of a vote, betraying far too narrow a view of our Europe.
I begyndelsen af juli indgav vi et beslutningsforslag om forbud mod våbeneksport og især omstilling af våbenindustrien, som alt for mange mennesker i vort land lever af, men det blev i sidste øjeblik ødelagt på foranledning af Den Socialistiske Gruppes formand.
At the beginning of July we tabled a motion, defeated at the last minute by the efforts of the chairman of the Socialist Group, in which we sought a ban on arms exports and, above all, conversion of the defence industry, on which too many people in our countries depend, to other forms of production.
Det kræver en dristig politisk beslutning, som vi kunne have taget på daværende tidspunkt.
This calls for a courageous political decision, which we could have taken then.
Og nu vil man så kontrollere våbenudgifterne!
But now everyone is all for controlling expenditure on arms !
Jeg er hr. de la Malene taknemmelig for at have gjort opmærksom derpå.
I thank Mr de la Malène for reminding us of that.
Han sagde det med den elegance, disciplin, rigorisme og elskværdighed, som han mestrer.
He did so with the elegance, discipline, rigour and amiability that we associate with him.
Jeg afholder mig altså fra at stemme, men jeg vil også sige, fru formand, at når vi ledes, som vi bliver det af denne formand, så er det alvorligt, og vi kommer til at betale det dyrt, de, der protesterer imod...
I am therefore going to abstain but I also want to say, Madam President, that if we are led in the way we have been led by this President, we have come to a sorry pass and we shall pay dear. You who protest against...
Jeg vil gerne sige, fru formand, at Aérospatiale i halvfjerdserne, medens Giscard d'Estaing var præsi­dent, solgte 59 Alouette­, 3 Puma­ samt Gazelle­ og Superfrelon­helikoptere, medens der efter omvælt­ningen i 1981 blev solgt 56 Superpuma til Irak i 1988.
May I tell you, Madam President, that during the 1970s, when Mr Giscard d'Estaing was President, Aérospatiale sold 59 Alouettes, 3 Pumas, Gazelles, and Superfrelons. Following the change in 1981, 56 Superpumas were sold to Iraq in 1988.
Hvad Excocet fra Aérospatiale, nej undskyld fra Dassault, angår, blev der solgt 382 under det foregående regime, medens der efter omvæltningen
These are helicopters. Then we have Exocets, made by Aérospatiale, or rather Dassault: 382
Bourlanges (PPE). — (FR) En personlig bemærkning.
BOURLANGES (PPE). — (FR) I wish to make a personal statement.
Hr. Martinez fandt det belejligt at drage mig ind i debatten ved at sige, at jeg til forskel fra hr. Le Pen ikke deltog i Suez-ekspeditionen.
Mr Martinez has seen fit to make a comment about me to the effect that, unlike Mr Le Pen, I did not take part in the Suez expedition.
Det tager jeg til efterretning, hr. Martinez.
You are quite right, Mr Martinez.
Embargoen skal få diktatoren til at give efter, og man skal være forberedt på enhver eventualitet fra Iraks leders side, hvis han kommer i en desperat situation.
The embargo must make the dictator give best, and we must be ready for any eventuality that might be brought about by his reactions when he has been forced into a corner.
Men allerede nu kan der udledes mange erfaringer af denne yderst alvorlige krise.
But there are already plenty of lessons to be learnt on this very grave crisis.
Jeg er født i 1946, jeg var ti år, og da den af hr. Schönhuber og hans meningsfæller yndede Volkssturm ikke fandtes på det tidspunkt, deltog jeg altså ikke i ekspeditionen, hvilket jeg beklager.
I was born in 1946, so I was ten years old and the Volkssturm so dear to the friends of Mr Schönhuber was not around at the time. I did not take part in that expedition and it is something I regret.
Jeg har ligeledes i al beskedenhed deltaget i modstanden mod nazismen før 1945. Det er et faktum.
I also played a very modest part in the resistance to Naziism before 1945.
Selv om vore institutioner — med undtagelse af Parlamentet — reagerede hurtigt og aktivt, er det givet, at EF i den offentlige opinions øjne stod udenfor.
Although the European institutions — with the exception of this one — reacted speedily and very actively, the fact is that public opinion still sees Europe as a bystander.
Den opfattelse vil vedvare, så længe der ikke føres en samlet politik af en europæisk præsident med en rigtig regering.
That is always going to be the case until such time as we have a unified political authority, led by a European president with a real government.
For at nå dette mål skal der gøres et kvalitativt fremstød.
To reach that goal, a qualitative leap forward is required.
Den kan ikke ske ved en gradvis udvikling, men kun være resultatet af en dristig, revolutionerende beslutning, som det des værre tydeligt fremgår, at vi ikke er indstillet på at træffe.
We cannot get there by gradual progress ; it is going to take a courageously revolutionary decision, but alas we are manifestly not yet ready for that.
Når det er sagt, må det indrømmes, at mit bidrag til mit lands forsvar har været ringe.
It is true that my contribution to the defence of my country has been modest.
I fem år var jeg en beskeden underviser, der uddannede franske Saint-Cyr-officerer i Coëtquidan-lejren.
For five years I was a modest instructor of French officers at St-Cyr Coëtquidan.
Men jeg kan sige Dem en ting, hr. Le Pen, nemlig at de officerer, der nu tager til Mellemøsten eller forbereder sig dertil, selv de, der har vist Dem tillid, nu føler sig forrådet af Dem!
Well, Mr Le Pen, I can tell you one thing today, and that is that the officers setting out for the Middle East, or preparing to do so, and even those who put their trust in you now consider that they have been betrayed by you !
Den anden bemærkning hænger sammen med hold ningen i nogle lande, der søger optagelse i Fællesskabet.
The second point to be borne in mind has to do with the attitudes adopted towards this crisis by certain countries that are candidates for membership of the Community.
Hvordan skal man fremover med samme sympati kunne behandle det modige Tyrki og Østrig?
From now on, how can we take the same sympathetic view of the candidatures of courageous Turkey on the one hand and Austria on the other ?
Le Pen (DR). — (FR) En personlig bemærkning.
LE PEN (DR). — (FR) I wish to make a personal statement.
Nu er der ikke det, vi ikke har hørt.
We have heard everything.
Vi har sågar hørt, at hr. Bourlanges, der er født i 1946, har deltaget i modstandskampen mod nazisterne.
We have even learnt that Mr Bourlanges, who was born in 1946, took part in the resistance against the Nazis.
Biologisk set er det ret forbavsende!
Rather surprising, biologically speaking!
Men når det drejer sig om hr. Galland og hr. Nord mann, der begge tilhører det liberale parti, det vil sige det radikale parti, og altid er rede til at bruge münchener som skældsord, skal jeg gøre dem, der ikke ved det, opmærksom på, at München-aftalerne blev underskrevet af Daladier, formand for det radikale parti, der er hr. Galland og hr. Nordmanns stamfader.
But as for Mr Galland, who like Mr Nordmann belongs to the Liberal Party, the Radical Party that is, who are always ready to call people appeasers, it has to be pointed out to those who are unaware of the fact that Munich was signed by Mr Daladier, who was leader of the Radical Party and therefore the political forerunner of Mr Galland and Mr Nordmann, and that Mr Léon Blum was against intervention in Spain and Mr Marcel Déat was a Socialist MP.
I forbindelse med en dybtgribende revision af Øst/ Vest-forbindelserne bør man spekulere over atomspredningen i Den Tredje Verden, de kemiske våbens strategiske betydning, den internationale ter rorisme og våbensalget til udlandet.
In the context of a profound reassessment of East-West relations, we have to take fresh stock of the issues of proliferation of nuclear weapons in the Third World, the strategic importance of chemical weapons, international terrorism, and policy on arms sales abroad.
Alle disse spørgsmål kræver en mere præcis og mere samordnet politik af os.
Our policies on all these issues need to be defined more clearly and coordinated more fully.
Endelig gør begivenhederne i Golfen det endnu mere påkrævet definitivt at løse problemerne i Mellemøsten, Palæstina og Libanon og for vort vedkommende, at vi på ny sætter gang i den europæisk-arabiske dialog og vor Middelhavspolitik. politik.
Finally, events in the Gulf make it all the more necessary to find lasting solutions to the problems of the Middle East, Palestine and Lebanon and, in our own case more specifically, to give fresh impetus to the Euro-Arab dialogue and our Mediterranean policy.
Vi må ikke under de fredelige forhold, der forhåbentlig snart kommer, glemme de erfaringer, der kan drages af den nuværende krise.
When peace returns, sooner or later, we must not forget the lessons that we can learn now from this crisis.
Arbeloa Muru (S), skriftlig. — (ES) Jeg stemmer for den fælles beslutning, fordi den er rimelig, afbalanceret og formålstjenlig.
ARBELOA MURU (S), in writing. — (ES) I am voting in favour of the joint resolution because it is fair, balanced and timely.
Caudron (S), skriftlig. — (FR) I øjeblikket er det god tone i visse såkaldt progressive kredse og på den yderste højrefløj at ligestille Irak og Israel: Saddam Husseins angrebskrige og Israels forsvarskrige; Kuwaits annektion og Transjordaniens besættelse.
Also because I hope that, after the unanimous and resolute stance of the European Community on this matter, we shall at once address the bloody and ongoing problem of Palestine with the same firmness and the same unanimity.
Jeg gør det også, fordi jeg håber, at man efter en enstemmig og fast holdning fra Det Europæiske Fællesskabs side i denne sag også med samme enstemmighed og fasthed vil gøre noget ved det blodige og permanente Palæstina-problem.
CAUDRON (S), in writing. — (FR) It is currently fashionable in certain socalled progressive circles and on the far right to equate Iraq with Israel, Saddam Hussein's war of aggression with Israel's defensive wars, the annexation of Kuwait with the occupation of the West Bank.
Som gammel ven af Israel og modstander af landets nuværende højreregering har jeg til Europa-Parlamentet og til alle, der ville høre på mig, sagt, at jeg ikke kan acceptere denne sammenblanding.
I have always been a friend of Israel, I am an opponent of the right-wing government now in power there, and I have told the European Parliament and anyone prepared to listen that I reject this false logic.
Bernard-Reymond (PPE), skriftlig. — (FR) Annektion af et land med magt er grov tilsidesættelse af folkeretten, uden hvis overholdelse varig fred er umulig.
BERNARD-REYMOND (PPE), in writting. — (FR) The forcible annexation of a country is the supreme violation of international law, which must be complied with if there is to be any lasting peace.
Uanset andre grunde til fordømmelse af Irak er denne grund tilstrækkelig til med største fasthed at kræve, at indtrængeren betingelsesløst trækker sig helt tilbage, frigiver gidslerne og genindsætter Kuwaits lovmæssige styre.
Consequently, whatever further reasons might come to light for condemning Iraq, this one is enough in itself to justify our insisting in the firmest terms on total and unconditional withdrawal by the invader, release of all the hostages and reinstatement of the legitimate government in Kuwait.
Tværtimod har Golfkrisen og nødvendigheden for Vesten af at gribe til militær udfoldelse for det første bevist, at Israel for at overleve gjorde rigtigt i ved flere lejligheder at vise og endog at anvende sit militær.
The plain fact is that the Gulf crisis and the need for the West to deploy its military forces there have proved throughout that, just to survive, Israel has been absolutely right, on several occasions, to show and even use its military strength.
Ellers ville landet for længst være forsvundet. det.
Otherwise, it would have been obliterated long ago.
Når det er sagt, så ville De Forenede Nationer, hvis de kunne bevise, at de kan tvinge rettens modstandere tilbage og derefter ikke mindst sørge for rettens opretholdelse, for første gang have fået ret og ikke mindst moralsk autoritet til at behandle Mellemøstens øvrige problemer (Libanon, palæstinensiske mindretal og Jordan).
CAUDRON law and order thereafter on a lasting basis, then for the first time it would have the right and, more importantly, the moral authority to address itself once again to the other Middle East issues (Lebanon, the Palestinian minorities and Jordan).
For øvrigt tror jeg, at mange israelere, der ikke er tilfredse med den nuværende situation, ønsker det.
I happen to believe that this would be welcomed by many Israelis who are dissatisfied with the present situation.
Jeg er ikke i tvivl om, at dette skifte er sket under indtryk af drøftelserne mellem Bush og Gorbachov i Helsingfors, som jeg håber fortsat vil virke som en bremse på en egenrådig militær indgriben fra USA's og dets nærmeste allieredes side. Det ville være fuldstændig forkert af Parlamentet at sende et mod sat signal.
As I have said recently in the Dail Eireann, we in Ireland must redefine our role in the world in the light of the massive changes which have taken place.
Det er absolut nødvendigt i denne og eventuelt andre lignende kriser fremover, at FN bevarer sin troværdighed og har kontrollen med enhver international politiindsats.
However the concepts of non-alignment and neutrality should not be ditched in a mad rush towards military adventurism just when we thought such sentiments had melted away in the cold war.
Som jeg har sagt for nylig i Dail Eireann, må vi i Irland igen definere vores rolle i verden set i lyset af de massive forandringer, der har fundet sied.
As a neutral country, Ireland should not contribute to funding of the military operation in the Gulf, unless it is under United Nations, command.
Imidlertid bør principperne om ikke-blokdannelse og neutralitet ikke kastes over bord, ved at man kaster sig ud i et sindsygt militært eventyr netop på et tidspunkt, hvor vi troede, at sådanne følelser var smeltet bort efter den kolde krig.
It should however on an exceptional basis be prepared to provide and fund transport and food aid for the refugees in Jordan and the 'No mans's land' between it and Iraq.
Men beviset skal fremdeles føres.
As yet, however, we have not seen that demonstration.
Selv om næsten alle ønsker en diplomatisk og fredelig løsning af Golfkrisen, er hærene under opmarch, i tusindvis af vestlige gidsler tilbageholdes i Irak, og Kuwait er forsvundet.
Even though practically everybody wants the Gulf crisis to be settled peacefully by diplomatic means, the troops have been deployed, thousands of Western hostages are being held in Iraq, and Kuwait has disappeared.
Som man ser, er den ingen modsætning mellem »magt« og »ret«.
The distinction between 'might' and 'right' has been suspended, as everyone can see.
Hele problemet består i at stille magten i rettens tjeneste og ikke at tvinge retten med magt.
The whole problem comes down to making might work for right, instead of imposing rights by might.
Ved den kolde krigs afslutning er det en opgave af format.
As we put the cold war behind us, a great deal is at stake here.
Vor beslutsomhed bestemmer fremtiden og freden i alle verdensdele.
Nor can we afford to forget the plight of the thousands of foreigners including Irish citizens detained in Iraq.
Crampton (S), skriftlig. — (EN) Jeg vil støtte beslut ningen, som den er sammensat af forskellige grupper, om Golfkrisen.
CRAMPTON (S), in writing. — I shall support the resolution composited by various groups on the Gulf crisis.
Imidlertid vil jeg gerne under strege:
However, I should like to stress:
1. at det er sikkert, at en række arabiske lande har brug for vor støtte, fordi deres økonomier rammes hårdt, men vi bør også være generøse over for visse lavindkomst ikke-arabiske lande, som i særlig grad lider under de manglende indtægter fra deres bor gere, der arbejdede i Irak og Kuwait før august 1990 — navnlig Indien, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka og Philippinerne.
1. that certainly a number of Arab countries need our support because their economies are being affected badly, but we should also be generous to some low income non-Arab countries who suffer especially from lack of receipts from their citizens working in Iraq and Kuwait before August 1990 — particularly India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and the Philippines.
Af disse grunde kan jeg ikke støtte kompromisbeslutningen. slutningen.
2. that any Middle East conference should seek to implement other UN resolutions on illegal occupations in this area of the world — by Israel, Turkey and Syria, and that the PLO should be in attendance.
2. at enhver Mellemøst-konference bør søge at gennemføre andre FN-resolutioner om illegal besættelse i denne del af verden, navnlig de besættelser, der er foretaget af Israel, Tyrkiet og Syrien, og at PLO bør deltage.
First lesson : Europe needs its own defence market as a guarantee of peace and freedom, as a precondition for an independent European policy. Second lesson : the disastrous policy that has allowed millions of foreign Moslems to flood Europe must stop, and non-European foreigners must go back to their countries of origin.
Dillen (DR), skriftlig. — (NL) Man går uden om spørgsmålets europæiske kerne.
Europe must not continue to be at the mercy of the threat of an Islamic fifth column, the infrastructure of a potentially awful terrorist force.
Endnu engang kon staterer vi, at Europa optræder som objekt i historien, i stedet for selv at handle.
Last lesson : total rejection of mondialisme, the madness of a world government with a world police force.
Bush og Gorbatjov mødes. Europa inviteres ikke og rådspørges ikke.
We want to live in peace with everyone, to help everyone.
Det er ikke antiamerikanisme, jeg giver udtryk for.
We reject the flood of foreigners.
Trods alle forandringer i Østeuropa, har Europa stadig brug for amerikansk beskyttelse.
Authority must remain vested in national forces and in the strength of a unifying Europe.
Første lære: Europa har brug for sin egen forsvarsmagt som en garanti for fred og frihed og som en betingelse for en selvstændig europæisk politik.
DE ROSSA (CG), in writing. — The last thing we need in the current crisis is a drum-beating statement from such a normally staid institution as the European Parliament.
Anden lære: Den katastrofale politik, som har ført til, at millioner af muhamedanske indvandrere er strømmet til Europa, må høre op, og de ikkeeuropæiske indvandrere må tilbage til deres hjem lande.
I am surprised and disappointed Socialist support for a compromise resolution is based largely on an original draft from the British Conservatives and the EPP.
Europa må ikke fortsat være udsat for truslen fra en muhamedansk femte kolonne, som er infrastruktur for en frygtelig potentiel terrorisme.
This resolution is in fact considerably less balanced than the statements from Mr Andreotti and Mr Delors for the Council and Commission at the opening of the debate this morning.
Sidste lære: Ubønhørlig afvisning af »mundialismen«, fore-
Both place greater emphasis on the reliance on diplomatic and peaceful efforts to resolve the crisis and Mr Delors in particular expressed optimism that the United States was coming more into line with this approach in recent days.