natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Kristelige demokrater er tilhængere af den sociale markedsøkonomi.
I therefore advocate a social policy but only within a concise, global European framework, whilst the content, elaboration and application remain in the hands of the Member States with the close participation of national management and labour.
I vore øjne betyder det, at man skal undersøge, om det frie marked opfylder en række betingelser og evt. justere det, og jeg tilføjer med det samme, at man også skal undersøge, om det opfylder en række betingelser på det økologiske område.
In our view only such a decentralized approach can do justice to the great diversity in Europe and we think this is the only way to bring about a realistic adaptation to the various social needs and opportunities within the various countries and regions of the Community.
Min anden indledende bemærkning vedrører truslen fra Den Socialistiske Gruppe om at blokere frem skridtene mod det indre marked, hvis Rådet ikke hurtigt træffer afgørelse om det sociale charter.
FORD (S). — Mr President, the European Parliament elections in June this year provided the British people with clear alternatives, to vote for Thatcherism and a dog-eat-dog free market in a deregulated Europe or vote Labour and build a European Community rather than a common market.
Min gruppe har store indvendinger mod en sådan blokering.
This House is well aware by now of the choice the British people made.
For det første tager det indre marked ikke blot sigte på økonomisk vækst, dvs. profit til arbejdsgiverne, men også på øget beskæftigelse, altså til gavn for arbejdstagerne.
We didn't come in by the back door. We stormed in through the front door with a majority of voters in the United Kingdom and we are staying!
Hr. Delors har i formiddags med tal angivet, hvor meget beskæftigelsen i EF er øget i de seneste år, og ved en blokering af det indre marked bremses denne øgede beskæftigelse. Det synes vi ikke er forsvarligt med en arbejdsløshed, der stadig omfatter omkring 15 millioner mennesker.
The election result was an overwhelming vote of confidence in our ability through these institutions to deliver to the citizens of the United Kingdom some proof that the blight of Thatcherism is finally ending.
Vort frie erhvervsliv, som er blevet privatiseret og pulveriseret økonomisk, giver de britiske arbejdere den ringeste beskyttelse, de mest lurvede arbejdslove og de ringeste chancer for at kunne overleve det indre marked.
Our free enterprise, privatized and pulverized economy provides British workers with the poorest standards of protection, the shabbiest collection of employment laws and the worst chance of surviving the internal market.
Ingen industrielle forbindelser, tak — vi er briter!
No industrial relations please, we're British !
Den britiske regering er blevet anklaget af Den Internationale Arbejdsorganisation, vanæret ved Fællesskabernes Domstol og nu heldigvis forkastet af vælgerne.
The British Government has been indicted by the International Labour Organization, shamed in the European Court and now mercifully rejected by the voters.
Fru Thatcher har hilst det indre marked velkommen, for det er dette Europa, hun ønsker, et Europa, hvor storkapitalen har frit spil til at betale lave lønninger, skabe høje priser og øde lægge miljøet.
Mrs That cher has welcomed the economic internal market. This is the Europe she wants, a Europe where big business is free to pay low wages, charge high prices and destroy the environment.
Hun siger, at hun ønsker fremgang for britisk industri.
She says she wants British industry to prosper.
Men hun må have glemt, hvor ledes noget sådant skal følges op.
She must have forgotten how to add up.
Enhver objektiv vurdering af britisk økonomi må føre til, at den befinder sig i slutfasen, da de økonomiske data længe har været trøstesløse.
Any objective view of the British economy has to conclude it is in a terminal state. The economic news has been for a long time bleak.
Ingen i Finansministeriet har vovet at indrømme det, men britisk økonomi befinder sig i en recession, og den vil ikke kunne komme sig i et frit marked.
No one in the Treasury has dared to admit it, but the UK economy is in recession and from which in an unfettered market it will not recover.
Vi befinder os i denne suppedas på grund af fru Thatchers økono miske politik.
We are in this mess because of Mrs Thatcher's economic policies.
Når hindringerne forsvinder i 1992, kan tingene kun blive værre — ikke bedre.
When the barriers are down in 1992 things can only get worse rather than better.
Er det denne form for virkelighed, vi ønsker at skabe i Europa?
Is this the kind of reality we want to replicate across Europe?
Vi vil gerne gøre det helt klart for Parlamentet, Kommissionen og især Rådet, at det er bedre at have elleve ud af tolv til at støtte det sociale charter end at ofre substansen heri til fordel for en blot og bar underskrift og et par fremskridt i retning af en økonomisk og monetær union.
We would like to make it clear to this House, to the Commission and especially to the Council that it is better to have 11 out of 12 supporting the social charter than to sacrifice its substance for a mere signature and some small progress on EMU. I am not naive enough to believe that this will cut any ice with Mrs Thatcher.
For det andet må jeg gøre opmærksom på, at de socialistiske regeringer allerede siden juni sidste år har haft formandskabet i EF.
We are here in strength now in the Socialist Group and we will use that strength to start to turn around the waste and desolation of the Thatcher years in the United Kingdom and to build a new Europe of the twenty-first century. For our futures are European or they are nothing.
Først hr. Papandreou,
Our interest
Desuden har vi jo hr. Delors og fru Papandreou, som har det sociale som ansvarsområde.
Fortunately on this point Mr Delors is going the right way and we sincerely support his actions.
Et sådant angreb er således efter min opfattelse egentlig også lidt af et selvmål.
Christian Democrats do not defend the philosophy of the pure free market economy.
At true med en blokering er således lidt tidligt.
Christian Democrats advocate the social market economy.
Endelig må vi også tage fat på det store område vedrørende den fri bevægelighed over grænserne for mennesker, som ikke arbejder.
The social charter must be not only a binding declaration — on that point we agree with the Socialists — but must go hand in hand with a concrete action programme in which directives are introduced, not only in the sphere of safety and health but also in the field of engagement and dismissal, minimum wages — and I want to stress this — as well as in labour contracts and above all special labour contracts such as part-time work, leave, such as educational leave, and in the field of equal treatment of men and women and migrants.
Jeg tænker på ind vandrere, flygtninge, studenter og ældre.
We must start from the highest levels instead of the lowest, which we oppose.
Der foreligger et direktiv herom.
Thus we also demand a concrete action programme.
Vi synes, at dette direktiv må gennemføres så hurtigt som muligt, men det skal være uden diskriminering.
The fifth subject concerns social security; we are well aware that you cannot harmonize at short notice, but we want basic provisions for social security which we think must be fixed at an average level so that countries which are below it can gradually rise and no country above that level need adjust its social security down wards.
Det var mine indledende bemærkninger, hr. for mand.
My group has considerable objections to such a blockade.
Hvad vil vi kristelige demokrater med denne konkrete udformning af dette indre marked?
This morning Mr Delors gave figures to show how job opportunities in the EC have grown in recent years, and blocking the internal market means holding back that growth of job opportunities.
Lad mig nævne fem hovedpunkter.
There is a directive on this point.
Jeg er enig med hr. Ford, når han fremsætter stærk kritik af fru Thatcher. Fru Thatcher ønsker ikke det sociale Europa, men hun har klart tabt valgene, og en klog politiker må justere sin politik, hvis han har tabt et valg.
Mr President, I agree with Mr Ford in his fierce criticism of Mrs Thatcher; she does not want a social Europe but she has clearly lost the elections and a sensible politician must readjust his policy when he loses the elections.
Vor tålmodighed med fru Thatcher er også ved at briste.
And our patience with Mrs Thatcher is wearing a little thin.
Vi håber, at hun skifter mening, og hvis hun ikke gør det, håber jeg, at vælgerne i Det Forenede Kongerige vil give hende en lærestreg.
Wc hope she will mend her ways and if she does not, I hope the electors in the United Kingdom will teach her a good lesson.
For det første ønsker vi, at den økonomiske vækst gøres maksimal med henblik på øget beskæftigelse.
Secondly I should like to point out that since June last year the Presidency of the Community has been in the hands of Socialist Governments.
Man ser i nogle lande, at der foretages investeringer i udlandet i stedet for hjemme.
First Mr Papandreou, then Mr Gonzalez and now Mr Mitterrand.
Det finder vi ikke ønskeligt.
Moreover we have Mr Delors, and Mrs Papandreou in charge of social affairs.
Endvidere synes vi, at den sociale samhørighed, den ekstra støtte til sydeuropæiske lande fra strukturfondene kraftigt skal fortsættes, men så skal de sydeuropæiske lande også loyalt medvirke til fuldendelsen af det indre marked.
That, Mr President, concludes my preliminary remarks. What do we Christian Democrats want as the actual content of the internal market ?
Desuden synes vi, at den sociale dialog skal intensiveres og struktureres.
In the first place we want maximum economic growth to extend job opportunities.
På dette punkt er hr. Delors heldigvis på rette vej, og vi støtter helhjertet hans handlinger.
In some countries you see investments made abroad rather than at home. We find that undesirable.
Cox (LDR). — (EN) Hr. formand, jeg glæder mig over muligheden for, når jeg holder min første tale her i forsamlingen, at tale om det spørgsmål om samhørighed, der for mit land, Irland, er meget vigtigt.
COX (LDR). — Mr President, I welcome the opportunity in making my first speech before this House to speak on the issue of cohesion which for my own country, Ireland, is a very important one.
Jeg mener også, at det, bortset fra den nationale interesse, er et vigtigt økonomisk og socialt spørgsmål for Fællesskabet.
I also think that, apart from national interest, it is an important economic and social issue for the Community.
Helt konkret vil jeg gerne rejse nogle spørgsmål om Fællesskabets kapacitet til at gå ind i en effektiv omfordelingspolitik og ligeledes, på det makroøkonomiske plan, udarbejde et sæt politiske instrumenter, der kan forøge vækstniveauet, tilbyde en bedre ramme for fortsat vækst og dermed have indflydelse på det store sociale problem, nemlig arbejdsløsheden.
Specifically I would like to raise some questions about the capacity of this Community to engage in an effective redistributive policy and, equally, to develop at the macroeconomic level a set of policy instruments which can enhance the level of growth, offer a better framework for continued growth and therefore have an impact on the great social problem, namely that of unemployment.
Tidligere i dag talte Kommissionens formand, hr. Delors, om de anvendte midler, nemlig partnerskab, frem gang og subsidiaritet.
Earlier today the Commission Pre sident, Mr Delors, talked about the methods used, namely partnership, progression and subsidiarity.
Ihvorvel det er en metode, der må respekteres, vil jeg gerne bede Kommissionen om ikke at være frygtsom, hvad den økonomiske og sociale samhørighed angår. Jeg, der kommer fra et land i periferien, tror ikke, at økonomisk integration i sig selv vil virke som en stimulans for regional konvergens.
While that method is one which must be respected, I would ask the Commission not to be timid where economic and social cohesion are concerned.
Ej heller strukturfondene er tilstrækkelige til den opgave at skabe større økonomisk og social samhørighed. Selv med en fordobling af midlerne repræsenterer de kun det halve af en procent af Fællesskabets bruttonationalprodukt. Der er ingen stat i ver den, der ville betragte en investering på det halve af en procent af sit bruttonationalprodukt som et politisk middel, der var i stand til at hidføre en væsentlig økonomisk eller social ændring.
Further, social cohesion — extra support for south European countries from the structural Funds — must be vigorously pursued, but then the southern European countries must cooperate fully in achieving the internal market.
Det femte tema vedrører den sociale sikring; vi kan godt se, at man ikke kan harmonisere her på kort sigt, men vi vil dog have basisforskrifter for den sociale sikring, og vi synes, at disse også må sættes på et gennemsnitligt niveau, således at lande, som
And when I see Portugal dragging its feet on this matter I feel like telling Portugal that they are getting a good deal of money from the European Regional Development Fund and that they must therefore implement the internal market legislation too.
Europæiske Fællesskab hidtil har gjort den fornødne indsats for at finde en løsning på dette alvorlige problem.
At the end of the day Europe's future, like that of any other society, lies with its youth and in my view the EEC has not made sufficient effort to date to address itself to this very serious problem.
På den anden side er der hele problematik ken i forbindelse med forskellene mellem regionerne, både hvad angår de fattige regioner og omlægningen af traditionelle industriområder.
Secondly, there are also all the difficulties relating to imbalances between the regions, both as regards the poorer areas and the areas of industrial redevelopment.
Jeg mener, at begge punkter nødvendiggør en hen sigtsmæssig reform af strukturfondene med henblik på at kunne gennemføre den økonomiske og sociale samhørighed, så Europa i 1993 bliver muligt og troværdigt.
I think that an appropriate reform of the structural Funds is necessary on both counts to secure and avoid jeopardizing the social and economic cohesion we all want in order to make the Europe of 1993 credible and achievable.
union, vil langt mere arbejde i form af en positiv integration være nødvendigt.
If we are to move towards economic and monetary union a lot more work in terms of positive integration will be necessary.
Selv hvad angår færdiggørelsen af det indre marked, hvor vi har været bedst, drejer det sig om de negative sider af integrationen, afskaffelse af ikke-toldmæssige hindringer hvor vi tidligere er sluppet af med toldtariffer og -afgifter.
Even in terms of completing the internal market where we have been best is on the negative aspects of integration, getting rid of the non-tariff barriers, having earlier got rid of the customs tariffs and duties.
Det er de positive sider af integrationen, vi ser frem til i dette Parlaments tid, og til arbejdet i det andet og de følgende trin i den økonomiske og monetære union i samhørighedsspørgsmålet.
It is the positive aspects of integration that one looks to in the lifetime of this Parliament and to the work in the second and later stages of economic and monetary union on the cohesion question.
Det er yderst vigtigt med hensyn til Fællesskabssamhørigheden, at Kommissionen prøver at udarbejde en politisk strategi, der er baseret på et bredere fælles skabsbudget.
It is extremely important in relation to cohesion that the Commission should seek to develop a policy strategy based on a more substantial Community budget.
For et tiår siden rejste McDougal-betænkningen spørgsmålet om præ-føderale budget ter for Europa.
A decade ago the McDougal report raised the question of pre-federal budgets for Europe.
Den betænkning har ligget i skuffen siden da, og jeg synes, at man skulle støve den af og se på den igen.
That report has been in abeyance since then and I think the dust should be taken off it and it looked at again.
Uden et mere effektivt budgetinstrument vil og kan Fællesskabet ikke nå til den ønskede samhørighed.
Without a more effective budgetary instrument this Community will not and cannot achieve its desire for cohesion.
Formanden. — Kære kolleger, jeg skal her afbryde forhandlingen; den genoptages i eftermiddag kl. 15.
PRESIDENT. — Ladies and gentlemen, the debate will continue this afternoon at 3 o'clock.
Jeg kan fortælle Dem, at der er 15 talere tilbage til 41 minutters debat. Hvis Kommissionen ønsker ordet, vil den naturligvis få det.
I should like to point out that there are 15 speakers left with a total speaking time of 41 minutes.
Benyt Dem af den strasbourgske gastronomi!
Enjoy Strasbourg's gastronomy !
FORSÆDE : HANS PETERS
IN THE CHAIR: MR PETERS
Jeg kan godt forstå, at nogle diskuterer, hvorvidt dette omfattes af artikel 118, og at andre ønsker at udvide fortolkningen af artikel 118; men det forslag, der fremkom i formiddags om at lade hånt om artikel 118's klare ordlyd og kravet om enstemmig hed, er yderst risikabelt.
I understand that some might dispute whether these matters fall within the scope of Article 118, while others advocate a wider interpretation; however the suggestion made in this House this morning, that we should ignore the unambiguous wording of Article 118 and seek to disregard the requirement for unanimity, is an extremely risky one.
Gangoiti Llaguno (NI). — (ES) Hr. formand, det emne vi nu drøfter, den økonomiske og sociale samhørighed, repræsenterer efter alles mening et område, hvor indsatsen er troværdigheden af det europæiske politiske projekt, der skal gennemføres ved udgangen af 1992.
GANGOITI LLAGUNO (NI). — (ES) Mr President, we are all agreed that it is the subject that we have come here to discuss — economic and social cohesion and the extent to which we achieve this objective by 1992 — on which the credibility of the European political project rests.
Der findes imidlertid nogle afgørende dunkle punkter.
However there still remain some major grey areas.
For øjeblikket kan det ikke klart ses, hvilke perspektiver der gør sig gældende for skatte- og afgiftsproblematikken i forhold til 1992 og i forhold til den økonomiske og monetære union.
There is the fact that at the moment it is not at all clear what the outcome will be of all the difficulty surrounding taxation and economic and monetary union in the run-up to 1992.
Som hr. Giscard d'Estaing anfører i sit forslag til beslutning, er det nødvendigt at få kendskab til tidsplanen for den økonomiske og monetære union på grundlag af aftalerne fra Madrid.
It is therefore necessary, as Mr Giscard d'Estaing states in his motion for a resolution, to know what the timetable will be for
Jeg ville foretrække, at vi blev i stand til at udarbejde en model, som alle var enige i og således sammen tage utvetydige skridt til fordel for Fælles skabets sociale fremskridt. Men konkrete, effektive skridt, ikke retoriske erklæringer.
I would prefer us to be able to devise a model that everyone agreed on and to make positive moves towards social progress within the Community.
Fra dette synspunkt må jeg sige, at referencen til et stort socialt charter begynder at få status af alibi for at give det udseende af, at der gøres noget, som til sidst vil vise sig at være en dyb skuffelse.
From this point of view, I must say that the references to a grand social charter are beginning to take on the function of an alibi to make it look as though something is being done, and in the end are likely to lead to major disappointment.
Men nu har jeg forstået det — vil De godt fortælle hr. Delors det? Jeg taler altid i flertal om selskaber, for der findes kun ét selskab og det er retsstaten.
SUÁREZ GONZALEZ société de droit and that is the état de droit, the constitutional State.
Og når han taler om selskaber i forbindelse med virksomhedernes styre form, er det klart, at han mener selskaber.
And when he speaks of société de droit meaning a company, of course he says sociétés de droit.
Flere rettigheder for virksomhederne!
More rights for the undertaking !
Arbejdstageren, virksomhedslederen, borgeren — pyt med dem!
For the worker, the entrepreneur, the citizen, that is just so much humbug.
De eksisterer ikke.
They don't exist.
Ligesom republikken. Det er den gamle illusion om at ville økonomisere med politikken til fordel for en økonomiens politik!
Like the republic.
Denne illusion har vi betalt meget dyrt i 30erne.
It is an illusion which cost us dear in the 1930s.
Det er ikke tilstrækkeligt, at den person der i dag refererer til dette fundamentalt anti-institutionelle og apolitiske ideal er hævet over enhver mistanke.
It is not enough today that the person who subscribes to that substantially antiinstitutional and apolitical ideal should be above all suspicion.
Skridt vedrørende gensidig anerkendelse af eksamensbeviser, regulering af transportområdet, så transportvirksomheder og førere af store lastvogne, der krydser vort territorium, får samme rettigheder i hele Fællesskabet, og vedrørende ind vandrere fra tredjelande.
By recognizing the right to strike at Community level or the right to paid holiday at Community level, will any one worker gain anything more than he has already ?
For det er absurd at fore stille sig, at disses situation skal være forskellig i lande, der ophæver de indre grænser.
Obviously I am not opposed to the social charter, but I would say that to me it looks like a public relations exercise and as such is unproductive.
Vi ønsker ikke at blive belemret med lovgivningsmæssige beføjelser af den type, vi får tildelt.
We don't want to be weighed down with legislative powers of the kind we are being given.
Vi plages af alle de småbeføjelser, der nærmest er en belastning for vor handleevne.
We are plagued by little powers which are more of an obstacle to action on our part.
Vi ønsker de udøvende og lovgivende instansers myndighed, men det betyder også et retssamfund — vores retssamfund.
We want executive, legislative authority, but we want a société de droit, our société de droit.
Jeg tror, at hvis Kommissionen og Parlamentet samordner deres indsats, vil Rådet og alle dets medlemmer til sidst forstå, at der uundgåeligt må gives svar på disse absolut retfærdige krav.
Therefore I should like to encourage the Commission to take positive steps — like those it announced in this year's programme — towards the recognition of qualifications, towards giving road hauliers the same rights in law throughout the Community, along with the workers that drive the heavy lorries across the length and breadth of our territory ; the position of immigrants from third countries must also be resolved as it is ridiculous to claim that different conditions can obtain in countries which are dismantling their frontiers.
Pannella (NI). — (FR) Hr. formand, endnu en gang har formanden for Kommissionen i de 32 eller 34 minutter, han har talt, ikke udtalt ordet »institutionel« én eneste gang.
I urge my colleagues, but above all the Commission and the Council, to understand that this is not nitpicking, but that if we really intend to cut back on the role of the European institutions we shall once again have sacrificed democracy on the altar of efficiency, which is built on sand and which as history shows invariably leads to awful disaster.
Endelig anmoder jeg om, at parlamentsmedlem merne, men især Kommissionen og Rådet forstår, at det ikke drejer sig om en skolastisk strid, men om, at hvis vi virkelig ønsker at spare på den europæiske institution, har vi endnu en gang ofret demokratiet på effektivitetens alter, der ganske vist er bygget på sand, men som normalt udløser barske katastrofer historisk set.
I believe that if the Commission and Parliament act in conjunction, the Council and all its members will come to realize that it is impossible not to respond to these entirely just demands.
Formanden. — Mange tak, hr. Pannella, vi er ikke under et så stort tidspres i dag og behøver således ikke tage det så nøje.
PRESIDENT. — Thank you, Mr Pannella, we are not under quite so much pressure of time today that we have to be quite so precise about that.