natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Og selv i vore nationalstater skal man hele tiden spekulere på, hvordan man kan højne borgersindet, forøge borgernes deltagelse i det kollektive forehavende.
It makes no sense to want to create this super-technocratic system when, on our doorstep, peoples have been rising up in revolt to save themselves from losing their souls.
Endelig er det tredje spørgsmål, De rejser, det mest velkendte, men også det vanskeligste, og det henviste De til i forbindelse med nylige hændelser: magtbalancen.
The President of the Commission was telling us just now that he used to wonder about the choice of this concept of a community chosen by the founding fathers of Europe, spoken of so often in this Chamber.
Det er utvivlsomt dette spørgsmål, der bliver afgørende for Kommissionens holdning under rege ringskonferencen, og det kan udtrykkes ganske enkelt.
He mentioned the various meanings that could be attached to the word 'community', Mr President, and I would add that the idea of solidarity is also included in the various definitions that he gave of this concept.
Hvordan kan man på samme tid samle folkene og associere nationalstaterne, da det jo er det føderale princip?
If the founding fathers to whom he referred chose this concept of a community, they doubtless had a reason for doing so.
Og De taler om staterne. Jeg tror, at De ikke blot taler om dem som en historisk realitet — nationalstaten som alt efter landenes historie omfatter tre, fire hundrede år, undertiden kun hundrede — men også som et magtsted, der fortsat skal bestå, og som en integrationsfaktor. tionsfaktor.
It is quite different.
Når man læser Deres betænkning, synes jeg, at man kommer ud over den giftige, destruktive strid, der påstås at skille føderalisterne fra regeringssamarbejdsfolkene, konføderalisterne.
What worries me is that I think this is very largely theory, because what you want to build by transforming the Community is no longer the construction of Europe, of the Community as we know it, but involves making another treaty, creating something else, creating a federation.
For at gå ind for den føderalistiske metode er det samme som at afklare problemerne, at arbejde på mere demokrati.
To my mind, a federation means a federal state, a super-state, and a superstate with a super-
Disse tre institutioner — Parlamentet, Rådet og Kommissionen — skal udgøre en del af den førnævnte synergi.
Instead of socialist federal ideology, we hold out the hope of creating a confederation of the Europe des patries.
Det vil på ingen måde sige, at jeg ikke erkender Det Europæiske Råds rolle som impulsgiver.
Debates of the European Parliament
Det erkender Kommissionen, og af egen erfaring mener jeg, at det sving, der er sat i tingene i de sidste seks år, selv om det er utilstrækkeligt, som jeg ved, at De synes, så havde det ikke været muligt uden Det Europæiske Råd.
BLOT therefore proposing a positive alternative, and we are making a date. We want nothing to do with the tendency to centralization that is inherent in federal states, as recognized by the majority of leading economists, political scientists and jurists, and very recently by the Nobel prizewinner James Buchanan, who has exposed the heavy cost that the American people have to pay for federalist centralism.
som man har kunnet iagttage ved fastlæggelsen af hovedlinjerne i fællesskabsstrukturen, der må være baseret på en uomgængelig tilnærmelse mellem bevægelsen for reform af institutionerne og det folkelige grundlag for denne reform efter princippet om, at afgørelser om reformer bør have en demokratisk tilslutning.
ation would have the final word on its budget and legislative acts ; it would exercise its powers on the basis of a precise list of responsibilities laid down in the confederal treaty.
Den har vist, at det er og forbliver af grundlæggende betydning med et aktivt samarbejde mellem parlamenterne for at udvikle den politiske integration på sammenhængende måde og at sikre en parallel udvikling og en nødvendig symmetri over for den økonomiske integration. gration.
As in Switzerland, there would be mandatory referendums on any proposed transfer of sovereignty, and popularly initiated referendums would enable the nations of Europe to exercise ...
(Bifald)
(Interruption by the President)
Vi må altid holde os for øje, hvad det er, vi vil gennemføre med Den Økonomiske Union og Den Politiske Union.
We therefore opt for the flexibility of a confederation, so that the defence of the vital geopolitical and economic interests of the states of Europe can be pooled, with no loss of their sovereignty or of their inhabitants' freedoms.
Målet for denne udvikling er i første række at imødekomme krav og forventninger fra de europæiske borgere, fra de europæiske folk, der er direkte repræsenteret her.
SPERONI (ARC). — (IT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, shortage of time means that I can only point out the negative aspects, which do exist, in the Colombo proposal.
Vi må lytte til denne stemme, der på fællesskabsniveau udtrykkes af Europa-Parlamentet, men som også i de forskellige nationale parlamenter finder et væsentligt selvstændigt udtryk, hvilket er af stor vigtighed over for hvilken som helst anden international organisation.
First, the legislative initiative of the European Parliament is omitted ; then we have the regions, given a subbordinate role; and finally, it has to be said that, if the States that make up the Union are not federal, we shall be reproducing centtalism at continental level, and we do not want a centralist Europe.
Det er netop heri, man finder behovet for bedre at fast lægge Europa-Parlamentets rolle, funktioner og vægt, også politisk, som led i den fremtidige institutionelle ordning.
On the other hand the Economic and Social Committee is retained — a hidden and suspect organism that is the corporative expression of mysterious economic manipulators.
Heri finder man behovet for at medinddrage alle demokratiske folkerepræsentationer i Fællesskabet på deres forskellige niveauer i den europæiske opbygningsproces og særlig i arbejdet med udarbejdelsen af en forfatning, som hr. Colombo rigtigt nok henviste til for lidt siden.
The areas of competence of the confederation of the Europe des patries would be explicitly limited by the subsidiarity principle, but the subsidiarity principle as enshrined in the papal encyclicals Quadragesimo anno and Mater magistra e magistra, not as betrayed in the reports by Mr Giscard d'Estaing or Mr Nothomb.
Jeg vil gerne på dette punkt på Rådets vegne fastslå vor overbevisning om, at dette møde mellem parlamenterne har været af ganske overordentlig betydning, at det har muliggjort det klart at fastslå, hvilke mål og hvilke midler der er tilstrækkelig samstemmighed om i den europæiske offentlige mening, som har været repræsenteret både på nationalt niveau og på fællesskabsniveau.
The confederation would have specific responsibilities in relation to foreign policy, security, and protection of national identities, including in particular a policy aimed at preventing the formation of foreign colonies on European nation's soil, this policy being essential to the maintenance of peace between peoples. The confederation would retain the powers of the existing Community in relation to liberalization of trade and movement of capital, although to the exclusion of any attempt at artificial unification of Member States' laws.
Vitalone, formand for Rådet. — (IT) Hr. formand, ærede parlamentsmedlemmer, baggrunden for denne forhandling er en helt usædvanlig situation, hvor Fællesskabets udvikling går i retning af en stadig mere vidtgående udformning, der i stadig højere grad imødekommer tidens krav og de udfordringer, som vi er nødt til at tage op.
On a personal note I have to say that I do not agree on the question of Parliament's trust in the Commission. My view tends more towards a fedetation on United States lines, with a president who is elected by the people and chooses his own ministers, who governs for the time allowed by his mandate, and who is finally judged directly by the peoply — without interference, therefore, and votes of confidence which, as we have seen in our European countries, very often lead to stagnation, paralysis and conflict, all of which are negative from the standpoint of democracy and development and the proper functioning of the institutions.
Man må erkende, at Fællesskabets udvikling hen mod en Europæisk Union er inde i en vanskelig, kompliceret og måske afgørende fase.
We for our part do not see our job as acting God but as managing the interests of our nations.
Baggrunden for denne udvikling, der giver denne yderligere impulser, er en international sammenhæng, der kendetegnes af epokegørende historiske begivenheder, og det både inden for og uden for vore grænser.
We shall doubtless achieve more for humanity with this more modest and responsible approach, which is in the tradition of thinkers like Adam Smith, Pascal or Leibniz, rejecting any suggestion of abstract constructivism, which is incompatible with the wisdom that ought to be shown by every lawgiver.
Det nye Europa, der ikke længere er opdelt af kunstige skel, kan ikke skabes af en usynlig hånd, det må opbygges af virkelige kræfter, der virker inden for vort samfund, det må frem for alt være medlemsstaternes folks konstruktive vilje, der gennemfører det.
WURTZ (CG). — (FR) Mr President, with the implementation of the Single Act and limitation of the right to unanimous voting, the situation has de teriorated from the viewpoint of democratic control over Community activities.
Ud fra dette synspunkt mener jeg, at mødet i Rom mellem repræsentanter for Europa-Parlamentet og for de nationale parlamenter antager en ganske særlig betydning.
For the sake of tespect for our national democracies, the supreme organ of government would have to be the Council of the confederation, made up of the representatives of the various governments.
I det øjeblik, da De sammen med resultaterne af parlamentskonferencen behandler et
Interesting proposals were made in the final resolution, particularly in the
Vitalone spørgsmål, der er forudbestemt til at blive stadig mere aktuelt, nemlig udformningen af den kom mende europæiske forfatning, vil jeg tillade mig som repræsentant for formandskabet meget kort at gøre rede for, hvordan det står til med forberedelserne til regeringskonferencen om Den Politiske Union.
Mr President of the Commission, we look to you for a change of attitude, not on the great ideals but in terms of the realism that you want and need to show, a realism that we are definitely showing.
Også nogle områder, der i dag er genstand for et regeringssamarbejde, såsom indvandring, det van skelige spørgsmål narkohandel og kontrollen ved de ydre grænser, ville antagelig kunne komme ind under Traktatens bestemmelser.
context of closer cooperation between the European Parliament and the national parliaments. But is it not the case that these positive aspects are serving to give a democratic veneer to a dangerous attitude, an approach that holds dangers for the future of the construction of Europe ?
Ved overførsel af beføjelser fra nationale til overnationale organer vil subsidiaritetsprincippet, som hr. Colombo netop understregede, blive fulgt, og dette må nødvendigvis optages i Traktaten.
CRAVINHO (S). — (PT) Mr President, I should like to begin by congratulating Mr Colombo on his excellent report, and especially for his extraordinary vision, combativeness and idealism in the service of Europe.
Yderligere må der også ske en passende omtale af princippet om økonomisk og social samhørighed og af fremskaffelsen af de nødvendige ressourcer til gennemførelse af de nye fællesskabsbeføjelser.
As a parliamentarian since only 1989,1 must say that I feel fortified by his example.
at der fra nogle sider er fremsat sådanne tanker, og man kan således tillade sig at håbe, at der vil ske en udvikling i disse holdninger i retning af en rimelig løsning, som vi vil gå ind for og håbe at gennemføre snarest muligt.
The final resolution, which we refused to vote, calls for a federal union in which the executive functions would be assumed gradually by the Commission.
Til slut vil jeg sige, at forudsætningen for, at opbygningen af et forenet Europa kan lykkes, er, at alle Europas borgere i stadig højere grad føler sig som medvirkende.
In our view, this rush into integration, in thrall to the forces of liberalism, shows every sign of aggravating all the current imbalances.
Vi står nu over for en udvikling, hvis mål må være at bringe os nærmere til tidspunktet for oprettelsen af en Europæisk Union og at gøre denne konkret gennemførlig. Jeg må endnu en gang sige, at de retningslinjer, som Europa-Parlamentet nu vil fast lægge under forhandlingen om og vedtagelsen af hr. Colombos betydningsfulde betænkning, er et uundværligt bidrag hertil.
Mr President, it seems to me particularly pleasing that we are called on today to discuss together the outcome of the Conference of Parliaments of the European Community and of the report on the constitutional basis of European Union.
Det Fællesskab, som vi kender i dag, er resultatet af den gradvise udvikling, det har gennemgået.
That, in our view, is the only way to meet the challenges of the future.
Til denne udvikling bidrager Europa-Parlamentet ved at skitsere de endelige konturer af den fremtidige bygning uden dog at give afkald på at angive, hvad de enkelte grundstene kan og bør være, på hvilke dette betydningsfulde bygningsværk bør hvile.
Advancing along this path, an impressive majority of national parliamentarians joined with Members of the European Parliament in expressing the desire to transform the Community into a federal-based European Union, which is quite a different matter from a traditional European federation.
Hansen (S). — (DE) Hr. formand, mødet mellem de nationale parlamenter i Rom var et positivt forsøg på at bringe et samarbejde i stand mellem de nationale parlamenter og Europa-Parlamentet.
However, Mr President of the Commission, the Colombo draft demonstrates to you once again, were further evidence necessary, that only the European Parliament has the full legitimacy, the strength, the firm, passionate determination to have a union in which the powers vested in the Commission will be substantial, strong and beyond doubt.
Det var ikke kun positivt, fordi næsten alle vore vigtige krav kom med i sluterklæringen, men også af yderligere to grunde: For det første, fordi det viste, at der ikke er nogen konkurrence mellem de nationale parlamenter og Europa-Parlamentet, men en fælles in teresse i at få fjernet det dobbelte underskud på parlamentarisk demokrati i Det Europæiske Fællesskab og i Det Europæiske Fællesskabs medlems stater.
As the Kohl-Mitterrand document makes clear, the forthcoming confrontation is going to be, to an increasing degree, a confrontation between a logic that would be comprehensible if it stemmed consciously from Mr Blot's vision and the logic that is indeed likely to present us with the problem of a federal unit, for that is what is involved, but a federal unit in which the entire acquis communautaire is put in question and destroyed.
For det andet, fordi resultatet kan fjerne regeringer nes og nogle af deres bureaukratiers evige undskyld ning, at man ikke kan give Europa-Parlamentet flere beføjelser, fordi de nationale parlamenter ikke vil have det.
All these affirmations assumed enormous political significance, precisely because they spelled a clear defeat for those who had wished to hamper the deepening of European construction by setting the national parliaments at loggerheads with the European Parliament.
Navnlig kan man ikke give Europa-Parlamentet ret til medindflydelse, fordi de nationale parlamenter ikke vil have det.
Our Community is an evolving structure, but its history is gathering pace and its course running deeper, at the present time.
Angående dette punkt har det vist sig, at flere delegationer står tøvende og forbeholdne, hvoroverfor formandskabet giver udtryk for en vis skuffelse og beklagelse.
An ambivalent alliance between you, with your realism, and the Council will be built on sand, in my view, and could be your undoing — although that is not what we want to see.
Denne må vi imidlertid overvinde, ligesom vi må imødegå denne negative indstilling; den positive kritik vil der sandsynligvis blive en lejlighed til at bilægge i en konstruktiv ånd under regeringskonferencerne.
Much has been said about the powers that Parliament does or does not have, but not enough has been said, nor what needs to be said, regarding the lack of any real opportunity for timely intervention by some national parliaments, such as the Portuguese Parliament, in the process of construction of Europe.
Det er for nylig, netop før Det Europæiske Råd, blevet offentliggjort,
Perhaps it is in this
Vejen er banet for en videreudvikling af Det Europæiske Fællesskab til en Europæisk Union, hvor der ikke er mindre parlamentarisk demokrati end i Fællesskabets med lemsstater, men det samme mål af parlamentarisk demokrati.
By the very nature of things, the Commission's power of initiative would thus never be expropriated or challenged by Parliament, and this should perhaps permit a more benign attitude towards granting such a power of initiative to parliamentarians.
De sande realister er dem, som siger, at de store spørgsmål, som det nye Europa rejser, også kræver store svar.
House that the most dangerous manifestations of the democratic deficit are to be found today.
Den nye situation i Europa kan i mange henseender sammenlignes med den nye situation, Europa befandt sig i i 1949-50. Den gang levede mænd som Monet, Adenauer, Spaak, De Gasperi og Schuman, mænd, som var realister, fordi de var dristige og vovede en for deres tid dristig plan, fordi de var realister.
This undesirable internal situation also creates considerable obstacles to European construction.
I dag forhandler vi også om Colombo-Betænkningen.
It must be said that in many countries, or in some of our countries, there is a campaign against the deepening of the Community, precisely because there is no desire to be accountable at internal level.
Det er en særdeles vigtig betænkning, fordi den beskriver Den Europæiske Unions fremtid, fordi den beskriver det mål, vi styrer imod.
I think we can find an effective way of preventing this, and that the European Parliament must develop a programme to support joint activities with the national parliaments.
Den Socialistiske Gruppe hilser denne betænkning velkommen.
That will be a way of speeding up and consolidating the democratic basis of European Union advocated in the Colombo report.
Men vi vil ikke have nogen forvirring. Det, vi aktuelt kræver til regeringskonferencerne, står i Martin-Betænkningen. Det er vore krav, som vi vil have igennem på regeringskonferencen.
After what has happened in the East, politics in Europe can no longer be anything other than democratic.
Oreja Aguirre (PPE). — (ES) Hr. formand, også jeg vil gerne takke parlamentsformanden for hans omhyggelige arbejde og store indsats til fordel for den gode afvikling af et så komplekst møde som parlamentskonferencen.
LUCAS PIRES (PPE). — (PT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, first of all I should like to congratulate the rapporteur, my colleague Mr Colombo, for the magnificent report he has presented, which is most timely ; for it seems to me that the Community is indeed at a historic juncture: not just a historic, but a constituent moment, a moment of transition.
Jeg takker ligeledes hr. Colombo for til stadighed at kaste lys over den europæiske opbygningsproces.
NEWTON DUNN (ED). — Mr President, my Group will be voting in favour of the Colombo report, and I would like to address my remarks to what happened at the Assises at Rome.
Han har vist sin evne til at få gennemført sagerne, da han var minister, og nu viser han sin evne til at vise vejen og målet.
It was an excellent result and we were personally very satisfied with the resolution.
Jeg skal begrænse mit indlæg til to punkter.
Furthermore, everyone has taken it upon themselves to speak in favour of political union.
Det første vedrørende en terminologisk præcisering.
In Rome we heard the national parliaments join with the European Parliament in talking of European Union — what is more, despite all the Cassandras who had prophesied that the meeting would be discredited.
Det andet for at gøre opmærksom på, at der selv i denne optimistiske tid undertiden er grund til bekymring over ikke så få tvetydigheder i visse råds- og kom missionsmedlemmers sprogbrug, der spreder forvirring i den offentlige mening med hensyn til, hvor vi befinder os nu, og i hvilken retning vi går.
Chancellor Kohl and President Mitterrand, in their message, together spoke boldly of foreign policy, security policy and common defence policy.
Ordene Fælles skab, Union, Politisk Union og Europæisk Union bruges tit og ofte.
It would be dangerous to allow this moment of consensus to slip by.
Hr. kommissionsformand, undskyld, hvis jeg siger Dem det endnu en gang helt klart: Vi forstår jo godt, at Kommissionen forsvarer sin position, det er klart.
It was a good result, but there was one aspect which we found disappointing, Mr President ; that was the subject of what role the national patliaments should play.
Men når vi hele tiden taler om, at den hidtidige balance mellem organerne har været en succes, så gælder det bare ikke for Europa-Parlamentet.
Paragraph 13 of the Resolution which we voted is the only paragraph which makes any mention of it at all, and it merely talks about enhanced cooperation, regular meetings of specialised committees and exchanges of information, which does not take us a great deal further down the road.
Vi skal heller ikke foregøgle os noget; en bevarelse af den nuværende balance betyder, at Europa-Parlamentet substantielt ikke kan notere nogen ændring.
I note there were no really new ideas from the national parliaments either, except for variations on a suggestion for yet another chamber, a senate of some kind.
Derfor skal balancen mellem organerne ændres.
A third chamber is not a good idea at all.
De taler altid om effektivitet.
We should reject it.
Ingen af os er imod effektivitet i den europæiske beslutningsproces.
But there is no doubt that this new phase is also the phase of democratic legitimacy of the Community.
Effektivitet ja, men i længden er et Fælles skab ineffektivt, dersom det ikke forstås af borgerne.
It is important to move from a purely functional legitimacy to a democratic legitimacy.
Den Økonomiske Union og Den Politiske Union er de ændringer, vi ønsker indført i Traktaten, som skal lette det kvalitative spring frem imod Den Europæiske Union.
I think that the European Parliament's right of initiative should be viewed in a different light by the Commission.
Men Den Europæiske Unions karakter er forskellig fra det nuværende Fællesskab.
Besides, we all know from the political and constitutional textbook that, because of the growing technical complexity of ail legislation — and, I would say, of European legislation in particular — this power of
Europæisk Union betyder en ændring af alle forbin delserne mellem medlemsstaterne til en union, af føderativ art, og give den de nødvendige aktionsmidler til at opfylde målene.
The conclusion that many of us drew out of the assises was that there was still enormous gulf in knowledge about how the Community works between those of us who work in the Community — the Commission and the Parliament — and national parliamentarians.
Denne ændring må ske på grundlag af en forfatning, der sikrer institutionernes
If I take as an example the national Members of Parliament
Europæiske Union, som hr. Colombo så suverænt har beskrevet i sin betænkning.
NEWTON DUNN actions before the Court of Justice if they consider that they are being cheated of their legislative prerogatives by decisions taken at European level ?
demokratiske funktion og effektivitet, garanterer borgernes grundlæggende rettigheder og gør det muligt for unionen at gennemføre de opgaver, der påhviler den inden for rammerne af den nye internationale orden.
Finally, a pillar of our future federal union must be recognition of the right of every citizen of the union to initiate legislation and to be consulted, where appropriate, by way of referendum.