natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
En stræben efter retssikkerhed må i første række rette sig mod borgerne.
Legal rights should concern the citizens first and fore most.
Schengen-aftalerne virkeliggør et klar fremskridt på det område.
And in that respect the Schengen agreements constitute a definite step forward.
Mens det ikke lykkes for De Tolv sammen at tage fat på kampen mod kriminalitet, narkotikahandel og terrorisme, etablerer Schengen et tættere samarbejde inden for politi- og retsområdet.
While the Twelve are not successful together in their fight against crime, drugs and terrorism Schengen provides for closer cooperation between the police and judiciary.
Gennemførelseskonventionen indlægger sig den fortjeneste at strukturere og supplere samarbejdet mellem Schengen-staterne og følgelig gøre det mere transparent og bedre.
The implementation agreement has the merit of structuring and supplementing cooperation between the Schengen countries and in so doing making it more transparent and effective.
Retssikkerheden mindskes ikke derved.
Existing rights are not infringed.
Hr. formand, Schengen-aftale er også i dag et første nødvendigt skridt, derfor er jeg ikke enig i ordførerens tidligere negative fremgangsmåde.
Mr President, the Schengen agreement is even today a first essential step; I therefore disagree with the rapporteur's rather negative approach.
Jeg kan også godt forstå, at man var nødt til det; men nu er jeg interesseret i at vide, hvad vi skal gøre for at ændre en tilstand, som er ret uacceptabel, risikabel, lidet effektiv.
I also understand that there was a state of urgency, but at this moment I am interested in knowing what we can do to change a state of things which is fairly unacceptable, at risk and inefficient.
Man har kastet sig over spørgsmålet om parlamentarisk kontrol i hænderne på enten Europa-Parlamentet eller nationale parlamenter, den juridiske kontrol og Dom stolens præjudicielle fortolkninger.
The subject of parliamentary control has been brought up for discussion both by the European Parliament and national parliaments, by jurisdictional control and by the preliminary interpretative sentences of the Court of Justice.
Man har behandlet spørgsmålene om konventionen om menneskerettighederne og computersystemet, og der er fremkommet et andet spørgsmål, som jeg vil minde kommissær Bange mann om, anmodningen om at opløse nogle af de alt for talrige ad hoc-grupper, som overlapper hinanden, og som helt sikkert ikke gør det klart, hvad medlemslandene laver.
The issues of the convention of human rights and of the system of information have been dealt with. I remind the Commissioner, Mr Bangemann, of another issue which has emerged -the invitation to break up some of the proliferation of ad hoc groups, whose activities overlap and which certainly do not clarify the action carried out by the Member States.
Det jeg vil sige er, at hvis man får et gunstigt svar, kan eksperimentet udføres på et positivt demokratisk grundlag.
I want to say this because if a positive response is obtained, the experiment will be able to be carried out in a positive democratic franework.
Mit land, Italien, diskuterer det i disse dage og dets indstilling er i stil med Hollands og Frankrigs.
My country, Italy, is currently discussing and adopting, I believe, similar positions to those of Holland and of France.
Dette mener jeg er meget vigtigt.
This is very important, in my opinion.
LAFUENTE LÓPEZ (PPE). — (ES) Hr. formand, mine damer og herrer, som hr. van Outrive vil vide, eftersom jeg har talt med ham om disse spørgsmål, har jeg altid sagt, hr. Bangemann, at såfremt Schengenaftalen ikke fandtes, ville det, på trods af alle dens nuværende mangler — som jeg erkender — være nødvendigt at opfinde den.
LAFUENTE LÓPEZ (PPE). — (ES) Mr President, fellow Members, vice president of the Commission,! have always said — and Mr van Outrive knows this because I have discussed these matters with him — that, for all its shortcomings, — and I certainly acknowledge them —, under the present circumstances, if Schengen did not exist, it would have to be invented.
Derfor henvender jeg mig nu til hr. Jarzembowski.
I therefore turn to Mr Jarzembowski.
Det går altså fremad!
You also belong in that category.
Det bliver også Deres tur, hr. Rogalla. De hører også med i denne kategori.
In the meantime the Schengen group has become a little more receptive to the European Parliament.
Men nu, hr. van Outrive, opstår den mærkværdige situation, at vi den 1. januar skal begynde med vore egne bestemmelser.
We are now faced, however, Mr van Outrive, with the strange situation that we have to start on 1 January with our own rules.
Vi har ingen forløber-Schengen.
We have no Schengen precursor.
Efter først at have været i tvivl er jeg nået til den erkendelse, at det er godt, fordi det viser, at vi kan og skal komme fremad med De Tolv's bestemmelser og dernæst kan Schengen-landene gøre alt det, de har aftalt.
After initial doubts, I have realized that this is a good thing, as it shows that we can and must move forward with the rules of the Twelve, and the Schengen countries will subsequently be able to do all they have agreed.
Antallet er hele tiden blevet større: Ni medlemslande er med i Schengen-aftalen.
They have constantly grown in number: nine Member States belong to the Schengen agreement.
Kun Det Forenede Kongerige, Irland og Danmark holder sig udenfor.
Only the United Kingdom, Ireland and Denmark remain outside it.
Måske tilslutter de sig også Schengen, for det, der gøres der, er et modstykke til afskaffelsen af kontrollen langs de indre grænser.
Perhaps they will accede to Schengen, as the substance of Schengen links up with the abolition of frontier controls.
Fru Roth, det bliver vi nødt til at tage hensyn til i vor drøftelse med Fællesskabets borgere.
That, Mrs Roth, is something we have to take account of in our debate with citizens.
Hvis De lige så modtagelig og åben, som jeg gør det, rejser igennem Fællesskabet og i forbindelse med forskellige arrangementer og ved alle mulige lejligheder taler med borgerne, vil De konstatere, at folk siger: Jeg er for Fællesskabet, jeg er også for, at kontrollen langs de interne grænser afskaffes, men jeg vil ikke have, at der derved opstår et usikkerhedsmoment.
If you travel about the Community with as open a mind and as publicly as I and take all possible opportunities to speak with citizens, you will note that people say that they are in favour of the Community and of the removal of controls at internal frontiers but they do not want this to result in reduced security.
Hr. Jarzembowski spurgte, hvorfor Kommissionen ikke omsider bliver aktiv og fremlægger et officielt forslag — f.eks. inden for rammerne af artikel 235.
Mr Jarzembowski asked why the Commission does not finally take action and submit an official proposal, on the basis of Article 235 for instance.
Jeg vil gerne læse denne artikel op for hr. Jarzembowski: »Såfremt en handling fra Fællesskabets side viser sig påkrævet for at virkeliggøre et af Fællesskabets mål inden for fællesmarkedets rammer, og denne Traktat ikke indeholder fornøden hjemmel hertil, udfærdiger Rådet på forslag af Kom missionen og efter at have indhentet udtalelse fra Europa-Parlamentet med enstemmighed passende forskrifter her om.« Der er endnu ingen, hverken i Europa-Parlamentet eller i kredsen af Schengen-ministrene — ikke en gang i drømme ville de komme på den idé — der har hævdet, at f.eks. politisamarbejdet via artikel 235 kunne blive en handling inden for fællesmarkedets rammer.
I should like to read that article out to Mr Jarzembowski: "If action by the Community should prove necessary to attain, in the course of the operation of the common market, one of the objectives of the Community and this Treaty has not provided the necessary powers, the Council shall, acting on a proposal from the Commission and after consulting the European Parliament, take the appropriate measures." Never has it been suggested in this House and certainly not among the Schengen ministers — the idea would never enter their heads — that, say, police cooperation could become an activity of the common market via Article 235.
End ikke i mine vildeste drømme ville jeg blande mig i politisamarbejdet.
Not even in my wildest dreams would I interfere in police cooperation.
Det har overhovedet intet formål.
There is no point.
Til hr. Bontempi, der har opfordret mig til at opløse ad hoc-grupper, må jeg sige, at der her er tale om ad hoc-grupper afjustits- og indenrigsministre, til hvis drøftelser Kommissionen i årevis ikke en gang havde adgang.
I can inform Mr Bontempi, who asked me to disband ad hoc groups, that these are ad hoc groups of the ministers of justice and the interior to which the Commission has not even had access for years.
Der har jeg, fru Roth, som næstformand i Kommissionen måtte lave »sit ins«, indtil vi omsider i det mindste blev lukket ind.
As Vice-President of the Commission I ought to have staged a sit-in, Mrs Roth, until we were at least allowed in.
Jeg må desværre meddele Dem, fru Roth, at jeg aldrig har været ung demokrat.
I have regretfully to inform you, Mrs Roth, that I was never a young democrat.
Jeg var lige fra begyndelsen med lem af FDP, men det var på et tidspunkt, hvor de endnu ikke var ung demokrat.
I was from the start a member of the FDP, but that was in the days before you were a young democrat.
Havde vi været der sammen, ville jeg også være blevet ung demokrat.
Had we been there together, I too would have become a young democrat.
Hvis vi i urdemokratisk ånd ville lade alle borgere i Fællesskabet stemme om spørgsmålet: er De for, at kontrollen langs de interne grænser falder helt bort, uden at der indgås aftale om ledsagende og kompenserende sikkerhedsforanstaltninger, f.eks. politisamarbejde? ville flertallet svare nej.
Were we to hold a vote of all citizens of the Community as an original democracy on the question: are you in favour of controls at internal frontiers being completely dismantled without agreement on accompanying and counterbalancing measures, such as police cooperation? The majority would be against.
Det kan jeg heller ikke ændre.
I cannot change that.
Jeg lever i et demokrati, og vil man være demokrat, bliver man nødt til at lytte til flertallet af borgere.
I live in a democracy, and if you want to be a democrat, you have to listen to the majority of citizens.
Det er formålsløst at forestille sig en ideel verden.
There is no point in imagining an ideal world.
Da det nu er sådan, anser jeg det, Schengen-folkene laver, for fornuftigt.
That being so, I consider that the Schengen people are doing the sensible thing.
Jeg beklager kun, at de ikke gjorde så hurtige fremskridt, som de havde sat sig for. That's the whole stoiy, Mr. President.
I am only sorry that they have been unable to make the progress they had envisaged.
Vi gør altså, hr. Bontempi, hvad vi kan gøre inden for rammerne af vore juridiske muligheder.
VAN OUTRIVE (S), rapporteur. — (NL) Mr Bangemann, you are a proponent of free movement of persons and we appreciate that very much in this House, but what do you think of Article 22 of Schengen, for example, which stipulates that nonEEC citizens should register any time they move within the Community?
Resultatet viser sig i denne forhandling: Vurderingen af Schengen er blevet mere positiv.
Do you not think that that is counter to Article 8a, on the free movement of persons, because we are talking about persons here?
Det finder jeg absolut rimeligt.
Do you not consider that a contradiction?
Mener De ikke, at det egentlig er imod artikel 8 A, fri bevægelighed for personer, for det drejer sig også om personer her.
There remains criticism of individual points which are well illustrated in Mr van Outrive's report and which we shall have to discuss in the future.
Mener De ikke, der er en selvmodsigelse der?
The Schengen agreement will not be ratified in all the Schengen countries by 1 January 1993 and the provisions of Schengen will not therefore apply on 1 January 1993.
JARZEMBOWSKI (PPE). — (DE) Hr. formand, da næstformanden har henvendt sig specielt til mig angående vor forskellige retsopfattelse, vil jeg gerne stille ham endnu et spørgsmål.
JARZEMBOWSKI (PPE). — (DE) Mr President, since Mr Bangemann has addressed me directly concerning our different interpretations of the law, I should like to put a further question to him.
Det var jeg først slet ikke glad for, fordi jeg hele tiden troede, at vi mister vort laboratorium. Men dette sammentræf var ikke foranlediget vilkårligt, heller ikke af Schengen-landene, som ville være færdige. Dette sammentræf gør imidlertid én ting helt klar: Pr.
Mr Bangemann, you have just pointed out that the provisions of Schengen complement the establishment of freedom of movement.
1 Januar 1993 gælder De Tolv's bestemmelser også for Schengen landene. Det er det, jeg hele tiden har sagt. Som Dieter Rogalla har jeg sagt: Schengen?
This conjunction of events makes it quite clear, however, that as of 1 January 1993 the rules of the Twelve will apply, including for the Schengen countries.
Lad dem da bare lave
There is no problem about them apply ing that!
I artikel 8 A i EØF-Traktaten står der, at vi ønsker et område med fri bevægelighed også for personer. De overvejede selv en gang at tage fat på asylproblematikken ved at benytte artikel 8 A. Men De kunne af juridiske grunde ikke foreslå noget.
A3-0350/92) by Mr Caudron, on behalf of the Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs and Industrial Policy issue of asylum with reference to Article 8a but were unable to propose anything on legal grounds.
Hvis man tolker artikel 235 og 8 A bredt, var der så ikke også mulighed for at fastsætte bestemmelser om mangt og meget i en formel EF-procedure?
If Articles 235 and 8a were given a broad interpretation would it not be possible to settle many issues on the basis of formal Community procedures?
Men der manglede mod, navnlig i Parlamentet, som stadig er tomt.
The courage is lacking, how ever, particularly on the part of this House which remains empty.
Hr. næstformand, De er dagens stjer-
PRESIDENT. — Mr Bangemann, this is your day.
FORMANDEN. — Næste punkt på dagsordenen er betænkning (dok. A3-350/92) af Caudron for Udvalget om Økonomi, Valutaspørgsmål og Industripolitik om forslag fra Kommissionen til Rådet (KOM(92) 154 endel. — dok.
on the proposal from the Commission to the Council (COM(92)0154 — C3-0230/92) for a decision on an action plan for the introduction of advanced television services in Europe.
CAUDRON (S), ordfører. — (FR) Hr. formand, kære kolleger, hr. næstformand, drøftelsen af min betænkning om handlingsplanen for indførelse af avancerede tvtjenester i Europa afslutter et arbejde, der indledtes for halvandet år siden om direktivforslaget om udvikling af europæiske standarder for højopløsningsfjernsyn via satellit og kabel.
CAUDRON (S), rapporteur. — (FR) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, Mr Vice-President, our debate on my report on the Action Plan for the introduction of advanced television services in Europe brings me to the culmination of work which began eighteen months ago on the draft directive to develop European standards for highdefinition television by satellite and cable.
BANGEMANN, næstformand i Kommissionen. — (DE) Hr. formand, det er jeg så vant til.
BANGEMANN, Vice-President of the Commission. — (DE) I am accustomed to that, Mr President.
Men jeg bliver nødt til at gå ind på de to spørgsmål, dersom De tillader.
I must, however, respond to both questions, if you will permit.
Først hr. Outrive.
First, Mr van Outrive.
Det er helt klart, at vi i artikel 8 A ikke finder nogen juridisk definition af de personer, for hvem den fri bevægelighed gælder.
It is absolutely clear that Article 8a does not contain a definition of persons able to benefit from freedom of movement.
Det siges ikke der, for hvem der er fri bevægelighed, der tales hele tiden kun om fri bevæge lighed for personer.
It does not say for whom freedom of movement exists, the reference is simply to the free movement of persons.
Personligt er jeg som De af den mening, at det må omfatte ikke kun fællesskabsborgere, men alle, som opholder sig lovligt i Fællesskabet, men som sagt det er ikke defineret, og derfor har vi stadig problemer dermed.
I myself take the same view as you, namely that it must encompass not only Community citizens but also all those legally resident in the Community. However, as I have said, it has not been defined and thus we continue to have problems.
Første del af dette arbejde afsluttedes den 11. maj 1992 med den endelige vedtagelse af direktivet, hvortil Parlamentet i høj grad bidrog.
That work yielded its first fruit on 11 May 1992 with the final adoption of that directive, in which I can say that Parliament played a large part.
Siden drøftedes aftalememorandumet (memorandum of understanding), som acceptere des af mange parter inden for europæisk radio og fjernsyn.
Since then the MOU or memorandum of understanding has been discussed and signed by many of the European broadcasting agencies.
Endelig blev jeg så for nogle måneder siden udpeget til ordfører for betænkningen om handlingsplanen, som efter direktivet og aftalememorandumet udgør den tredje del.
And a few months ago I was appointed rapporteur for the draft Action Plan which forms the third panel of the triptych of directive, MOU and Action Plan.
Hr. Jarzembowski, jeg skal gøre det meget hurtigt.
Mr Jarzembowski, I shall be brief.
Det, De der siger, anser jeg ikke for juridisk rigtigt, men det vil jeg ikke ind på endnu en gang. Det er også meget farligt i praksis.
I do not believe that what you are saying is correct from the legal point of view but I will not go into that again.
Vi sagde til folkene i Schengen, at vi synes, at alt, hvad de fastsætter af sikkerhedsforanstaltninger, er fornuftigt. En del deraf eller næsten det hele står også i det Palma-dokument, der jo blev udarbejdet sammen med Kommissionen.
We have told those involved in Schengen that we consider all they are envisaging by way of security measures to be sensible.
Vi satte os imidlertid voldsomt imod, at der foreligger en årsagssammenhæng.
We have, however, very strongly disputed the existence of a relationship of cause and effect.
Vi sagde, at man bliver nødt til at træffe sikkerhedsforanstaltninger der, selv om dette krav politisk med rette rejses i offentligheden.
We have said that, even if it is right that this demand is, politically, being stated in public, security measures have to be taken there.
Der fandt mange høringer og drøftelser sted i Parlamentet, og til sidst vedtoges min betænkning praktisk talt enstemmigt af Udvalget om Økonomi, Valutaspørgsmål og Industripolitik.
I, and we, in Parliament, did a lot of consulting and debating, and my report was approved virtually unanimously by the Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs and Industrial Policy.
I denne forbindelse vil jeg gerne takke kollegerne, Parlamentet og Kommissionens tjenestegrene for deres støtte og hurtighed.
I must thank my colleagues, and officials of Parliament and the Committee, for their help and hard work.
Det er vigtigt, at betænkningen bliver drøftet i dag og vedtages af plenarforsamlingen, så torsdagens TELECOM-Råd kan tage sit ansvar med fuldt kendskab til sagen.
It is important for us to debate and vote on it today so that Thursday's TELECOM Council can shoulder its responsibilities in full awareness of the situation.
For medens Parlamentet gjorde sin pligt, overholdt fristerne og fremsatte forslag afstemt efter situationens og sagens udvikling, kan jeg beklageligvis ikke sige det samme om Rådet, der på 1993-budgettet sløjfede de af Kommissionen ønskede nødvendige bevillinger.
For, and I say this with a certain gravitas, whilst Parliament has done its job, kept to the deadlines, put forward proposals which have kept pace with changes in circumstances and the subject at hand, the same cannot be said of the Council which has notably withdrawn from the draft budget for 1993 the necessary appropriations which the Commission had asked for.
På det tidspunkt var jeg lige ved at opgive min betænkning, og jeg trak mig endog ud af arbejdet med betænkningen i nogle dage for at protestere mod dette alvorlige slag og for at henlede de pågældendes opmærksomhed på den opståede situations alvor.
At that point I very nearly abandoned my report and I actually laid down my pen for a few days to protest at that mean trick and alert the people concerned to the seriousness of the resulting situation.
Men igen i dette tilfælde tog Parlamentet heldigvis sit ansvar ved uden for manøvremargenen at opføre de 202 mio ECU.
Fortunately, Parliament once again rose to the occasion and reinstated the 202 million ECU hors marge.
Vi forventer af ministrene, at de reagerer på dette tydelige politiske signal.
We expect the ministers to respond to this powerful political signal.
Artikel 8 A kan ikke tolkes således, at man siger: Først når disse sikkerhedsforanstaltninger er truffet, er den fri bevægelighed for personer sikret.
Article 8a cannot be interpreted as meaning that only when security measures have been established is freedom of movement for persons assured.
Men De ville være hoppet lige i den fælde — ikke faldet, men hoppet — hvis vi havde lavet et forslag under henvisning til artikel 235.
In that event you would have attacked us head-on — not hesitantly but head-on — had we submitted a proposal under Article 235.
Så ville vi nemlig for det første have bekræftet, at der er den årsagssammenhæng, som efter vor mening ikke eksisterer, og for det andet ville vi overhovedet ikke have haft heldet med os, for artikel 235 forudsætter, hvilket hr. Jarzembowski sikkert ikke vil nægte, enstemmighed.
We would effectively have, first, confirmed that that relationship of cause and effect does exist, which we do not believe to be the case and, second, we would have been completely unsuccessful since Article 235 requires, and I am sure Mr Jarzembowski will not dispute this, unanimity.
Vi ville så at sige have hejst flaget »samarbejde«, men vor modpart ville have hejst flaget »kamp«, og i den kamp ville vi have tabt.
We would, so to speak, have raised the "cooperation" flag but our opponents would have raised the "battle" flag, and in that battle we would have been the losers.
Derfor er jeg enig med hr. Rogalla i, at kun den procedure, vi her har valgt, har udsigt til at blive kronet med held.
For that reason I, like Mr Rogalla, take the view that only the procedure that we have embarked upon here holds out any prospect of success.
Hvad den egentlige handlingsplan angår, har vi ved de i udvalget vedtagne ændringsforslag for det første prøvet på at udvide anvendelseområdet med en anmodning om finansiering af undersøgelser med henblik på udsendelse i D 2 MAC for at finde ud af, hvordan landet helt nøjagtigt ligger med hensyn til digitale udsendelser i De Forenede Stater og Europa, for at udvide europæisk forskning på dette område og endelig for at de små stationer, der sender på mindretalssprog eller i områder,
As for the Action Plan proper, we have tried by means of amendments approved in committee firstly to broaden its scope by requesting funding for studies of relay broad casting in the D2-MAC standard, to establish where exactly things stand with digital transmission in the USA and Europe and to increase the amount of European research being done on this, and not forgetting the small broadcasters in minority languages or in areas, countries or regions with limited audiovisual capacity.
Det er vanskeligt og forudsætter megen forståelse og endvidere meget medarbejde fra Parlamentets side, men det er den eneste mulighed for at bringe modstræbende folk derhen, hvor vi vil have dem.
It is difficult and requires a great deal of understanding and cooperation on the part of the House but it is the only way of getting those who are reluctant to where we want them.
For der er én ting, De ikke må overse: Hvis jeg kunne have regnet med, at alle medlemslande glade og fro var vandret ind på dette nye
There is one thing you should bear in mind: had I been able to count on all the Member States wandering cheerfully into this new field, I could have acted differ ently.
Ordføreren udformede den betydeligt mere liberalt end betænkningen om HD MAC.
I think that a new or amended, that is extended, action programme is required here.