natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Den har ligeledes inden for den senere tid ratificeret den europæiske konvention om undertrykkelse af terrorisme.
Also in recent times it has ratified the European con vention on the suppression of terrorism.
Den irske regering har hele vejen igennem udvist god vilje.
The Irish Government has behaved in good faith throughout.
Hume (S). — (EN) Hr. formand, det sidste par uger har vi set en ulykkelig og meget beklagelig genopblussen af de gamle mistanker, fordomme og den gamle mistillid, som har skæmmet forholdet mellem Det Forenede Kongerige og Irland i mange år, og som vi troede, at vi endelig var ved at få bugt med, og som vi må få brugt med, hvis vi nogen sinde skal få fred og stabilitet i Irland og et ordentligt forhold mellem de to lande.
HUME (S). — Mr President, the last few weeks have seen a very unfortunate and very regrettable renaissance of the old suspicions, prejudices and distrust that have disfigured relationships between Britain and Ireland over the years and which we thought we were finally laying to rest and which must be laid to rest, if we are ever to have peace and stability in Ireland and proper relationships between the two countries.
Det samarbejde, som disse to regeringer har, bygger naturligvis på gensidig tillid.
The cooperation in which those two governments were engaged obviously depends on mutual trust.
Og alligevel bliver den ne gensidige tillid uden varsel eller forklaring ødelagt af den øverste jurist under den britiske krone, the Attorney-General, der erklærer, at visse personer står over loven, og at den nationale sikkerhed i disse alvorlige sager kræver, at der ikke bliver gjort no get.
Yet without warning, without explanation that mutual trust is exploded by the action of the highest law officer of the British crown, the Attorney-General, declaring that certain people are above the rule of law and that in these serious cases national security demands that no action can be taken.
Vi har oplevet den groteske situation, at en grundpille i det britiske juridiske system med rædsel har afvist antydningen af, at seks mennesker faktisk kunne være uskyldige i de forbrydelser, de er dømt for, fordi det var utænkeligt, at politifolk kunne være med i et komplot, der skulle forhindre, at retfærdigheden skete fyldest.
We had the ironic situation where a pillar of the British legal establishment threw up his hands in horror at the suggestion that six people might in fact be innocent of the crimes of which they had been convicted because it was unthinkable that policemen were engaged in a conspiracy to pervert the course of justice.
Og så tager den britiske regerings særlige råd giver, the Attorney-General, alligevel i samme uge, som han havde givet udtryk for denne rædsel, ordet i Underhuset og siger, at der findes bevismateriale, der tyder på, at overordnede politifolk i Nordirland faktisk har forsøgt at hindre rettens gang, ikke i småsager, men i sager, der vedrørte seks menneskers død.
Yet in that very same week as those hands were being thrown up in horror, the British Attorney-General stands up in the House of Commons and says that there were senior policemen in Northern Ireland against whom there was evidence of perverting the course of justice, not in minor matters but in cases involving the deaths of six people.
De nationale sikkerhedsinteresser og offentlighedens interesse krævede, at han ikke gjorde noget ved det.
The national security interest and the public interest demanded that he do nothing about it.
Således forkyndte han det princip, der ville være for bløffende i ethvert demokrati, at den nationale sik kerhed står over loven og går forud for, at retfærdig heden kan ske fyldest, og at visse overordnede personer, der har det hverv at håndhæve loven, selv står over loven.
Thus he enunciated the amazing principle for any democracy, that national security transcends the rule of law or the course of justice or that certain senior people charged with upholding the rule of law are themselves above the rule of law.
Men da disse seks drab fandt sted i Nordirland, vakte det stor opstandelse i offentligheden, en opstandelse, som førte til en formel protest fra den daværende udenrigsminister, hr. Barry, den 1. februar 1983 til den britiske regering, hvilket viser, hvor alvorligt man tog denne sag.
But when these six killings took place in Northern Ireland there was a huge public outcry, an outcry which led to a formal protest from the then Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr Barry on 1 February 1983 to the British Government showing how seriously this issue was taken.
Dette førte til seks retssager, hvor fire politifolk blev anklaget for mord på disse mennesker og frifundet.
This led to six court cases in which four police men were charged with murder of these people and acquitted.
Men under disse sager afslørede de pågældende politifolk, at de havde fået pålæg af overordnede om at forfalske deres vidneudsagn, hvilket førte til stor uro og til, at rigsadvokaten anmodede om flere oplysninger.
But in the course of these cases the police men revealed that they had been instructed by senior officers to falsify their evidence leading to great dis quiet which led the Director of Public Prosecutions to ask for more information.
Dette førte igen til, at hr. Stalker blev udnævnt, og han blev så igen fjernet under de mest besynderlige omstændigheder og med pletter på sit rygte.
This in turn led to the appointment of Mr Stalker who himself was removed in the most bizarre circumstances with smears against his character.
Han bestyrkede mistanken ved at sige, at hans forsøg på at finde frem til sandheden overalt blev blokeret af overordnede politifolk og overordnede medlemmer af » Special Branch « i det nordirske politi, og at han havde beviser for, at der var sket lovstridige drab.
He deepened the suspicion by saying that his attempts to find the truth were blocked at every avenue by senior policemen and senior members of the RUC Special Branch and that he had evidence which would show that unlawful killings took place.
Og alligevel hører vi efter alt dette, og den britiske regerings særlige juridiske rådgiver indrømmer selv, at der er bevismateriale, der tyder på, at man har forsøgt at forhindre, at retfærdigheden skete fyldest.
Yet after all that we are told, and the Attorney-General himself admits, that there is evidence to suggest perversion of the course of justice.
Der er to artikler i den angloirske aftale, hvor der står, at tillid til politiet og til retsforvaltningen er helt afgørende for fred og sik kerhed i Nordirland.
There are two articles in the Anglo-Irish Agreement which say that con fidence in the police and in the administration of justice are essential to peace and stability in Northern Ireland.
Så vigtigt er det, at to artikler i
So important that two articles of that agree ment are devoted to it.
Hr. formand, intet samfund kan tåle et sådant princip.
That is a belief that is widely shared.
Slet ikke det nordlige Irland, hvor en upartisk håndhævelse af loven er kernen i fred og stabilitet.
The British Government has also acknowledged in recent times that that cooperation has never been better than at the present time.
Det siger naturligvis sig selv, at et sådant samarbejde må bygge på gensidig tillid mellem disse regeringer.
Serious disquiet has been expressed across the political spectrum in Britain itself and by every major British newspaper.
Dette gælder i allerhøjeste grad i forholdet mellem Storbritanniens og Irlands regeringer, når de skal tage sig af det alvorlige problem med Nordirland.
Serious disquiet has been expressed in this House today by all the major group ings. Let me ask our Conservative friends to take this message to their government, to express the disquiet with strength and to get action taken to undo this damage so that we can finally lay to rest the old dis-
Hume denne aftale handler om det. Hvilket bidrag til disse to mål har denne beslutning fra the Attorney-General ydet?
Hume trust and work together in total cooperation and trust for peace and stability in Ireland.
Hvem holder de disse ting hemmelige for?
It is not the interest of the establishment in its widest sense.
Ikke for folk, der søger at underminere demokratiet, vore formodede fjender i andre dele af verden.
It is the interest of all the people, and the government must recognize this if it is to have any real credibility.
Jeg håber, at dette beslutningsforslag vil blive vedtaget i dag, og at den britiske regering vil tage sin meget forkerte politik op til revision.
I hope this resolution will be carried today and that the British Government will think again about its very mistaken actions.
Elliott (S). — (EN) Hr. formand, jeg tror, at den beslutning, som den britiske regerings særlige juridiske rådgiver har truffet om ikke at retsforfølge nogen eller at fortage sig noget juridisk trods klare vidnesbyrd i rapporter, som regeringen selv havde bestilt, om, at der var sket et bevidst forsøg på at hindre rettens gang, er en udfordring til hele grundlaget for retshåndhævelsen.
ELLIOT (S). — Mr President, I believe that the decision of the British Attorney General not to prosecute or to take any legal action, despite clear evidence from the reports which the government itself instituted, that there had been a deliberate attempt to pervert the course of justice, really challenges the whole basis of the rule of law.
Og det er det.
And so it is.
Hvis der bliver begået mord, den alvorligste af alle forbrydelser, af dem, der er udnævnt til at forhindre forbrydelser, så er retssikkerheden i meget alvorlig fare.
If murder, which is the most serious of all crimes, is committed by those who are appointed to prevent crime, then the rule of law is in grave danger indeed.
Derfor er beskyldninger om, at visse elementer inden for sik kerhedsstyrkerne har ført en politik, der gik ud på at skyde for at dræbe, meget alvorlige, særlig i Nordirland, hvor man efter den angloirske aftale har gjort sig så store bestræbelser for at vinde mindretallets til lid.
Allegations, therefore, of a shoot-to-kill policy by certain elements of the security forces are extremely serious, especially in Northern Ireland where such valiant efforts have been made since the Anglo-Irish Agreement to gain the confidence of the minority population.
Jeg kan ikke acceptere, og jeg mener ikke, at Parla mentet bør acceptere den britiske regerings synspunkt, at hensynet til offentlighedens interesse kan retfærdiggøre, at man undlader at rejse sag i tilfælde, hvor der er klare vidnesbyrd om ulovligheder.
I cannot accept, and I do not think this House should accept, the view of the British Government that a per ception of the public interest could justify not prosecuting where there is clear evidence of illegal action.
Jeg kan faktisk udmærket forestille mig den britiske regerings holdning, hr. formand, hvis dette var sket i et østeuropæisk land eller i en sydamerikansk stat.
I can imagine, Mr President, the attitude the British Government would have taken if this event had occurred in an Eastern European country, or in a South American State.
Den ville have beklaget det og betragtet det som vidnesbyrd om en angribelig administration osv.; og med fuld ret.
It would have deplored it and regarded it as evidence of an improper administration and so on and so forth; and quite rightly.
Jeg er faktisk som britisk statsborger temmelig flov over at stå her i dag og skulle tale om, hvad min regering har foretaget sig i denne sag.
Frankly, I am rather ashamed as a British citizen to be here today discussing the action of my government in this particular matter.
Det forhold, at Det Forenede Kongeriges regering fortsat ikke har imødegået disse anklager, har beklageligvis svækket tilliden til Det Forenede Kongeriges støtte til retssikkerheden.
The UK Governments's continuing failure to answer these allegations has, I regret to say, weakened confidence in the UK commitment to the rule of law.
Denne tillid blev yderligere rystet, da direktøren for det nordirske politi nægtede at samarbejde med vicepolitimester John Stalker, der var udpeget til at lede efterforskningen af drabene, og da John Stalker senere blev fjernet fra undersøgelsen og suspenderet på forfalskede anklager, som senere viste sig at være grundløse.
Con fidence was further weakened by the refusal of the Chief Constable of the RUC to cooperate with the Deputy Chief Constable, John Stalker, who was appointed to inquire into the shooting, and by John Stalker's subsequent removal from the inquiry and his suspension on trumped-up charges which were subsequently found to be groundless.
Det nordirske politi har haft mange problemer og vanskeligheder i den senere tid, men det undskylder ikke, at man undlader at foretage undersøgelser, når det bevismateriale, der fremgår af allerede foretagne undersøgelser, tyder på, at der er sket et forsøg på at hindre rettens gang.
The RUC has had many problems and difficulties of late, but that does not excuse failure to investigate whether the evidence that has emerged from inquiries indicates that there has been an attempt to pervert the course of justice.
Dette har helt tydeligt skadet for holdet mellem den britiske og den irske regering.
This action has quite evidently adversely affected relations between the British and Irish Governments.
Det har krænket den angloirske aftale, som Parlamentet støtter.
It has violated the Anglo-Irish Agreement which this Parliament supported.
Jeg troede, at den britiske regering var lige så ivrig som den irske efter at forsøge at styrke tilliden hos det katolske mindretal i Nordirland til lovens håndhævere.
I thought that the British Government was anxious, as was the Irish Government, to endeavour to increase the confidence of the Catholic minority in Northern Ireland in the forces of law and order.
Men hvad dette har forvoldt, er yderligere at fremmedgøre dette mindretal og at gøre et hvert forsøg på at forøge dets tillid mere vanskeligt.
All this has done is to further alienate them and to make any attempt to increase their confidence more difficult.
Jeg tror ærlig talt, at alt dette er symptomatisk for den britiske regerings uhyggelige optagethed af hemmeligholdelse, et emne, som jeg sagde en del om under Parlamentets sidste mødeperiode — en slags hemmelighedskræmmeri, som man kunne forvente af
I believe that all this is symptomatic of the appalling obsession of the British Government with secrecy, an issue I spoke on at some length at the last pan-session of this Parliament — the kind of secrecy that one might expect in certain regimes but not in a country like Britain. Who are they keeping these things secret from?
Tilliden blev endeligt knust, da den britiske Attorney-General i Underhuset meddelte, at de politiembedsmænd i det nordirske politi der havde forsøgt at hindre rettens gang, ikke ville blive retsforfulgt.
In the interest, therefore, of establishing respect for the law and law officers, as well as in the interest of society in general, I would appeal to Her Majesty's Government to:
Den ældgamle påstand fra IRA om, at mindretallet i Nordirland aldrig kan forvente retfærdighed eller rimelig behandling under loven blev endeligt og beklageligt bekræftet af den britiske Attorney-General selv, da han sagde, at der ikke ville blive rejst sigtelse.
There is a serious danger that governments may some times confuse what is called 'the public interest' with their own political interest and with their own desire to avoid embarrassment.
Han har således effektivt placeret lovens håndhævere over og hinsides loven.
This is a very grave danger which a government should avoid. The public interest
2. at retsforfølge de medlemmer af sikkerhedsstyr kerne, som beskyldes for at have hindret rettens gang.
2. prosecute the members of the security forces who allegedly perverted the course of justice.
Kun dette vil være tilstrækkeligt til at råde bod på den alvorlige skade, som det nordirske politis troværdighed har lidt, og som er sket på forholdet mellem de to befolkningsgrupper samt på den angloirske af tale, der er begyndt at få så stor betydning, og som bidrager til forsoningen mellem de to traditioner på øen Irland.
Anything less than this will be inadequate to undo the serious damage done to the credibility of the RUC, to relations between the two communities and to the Anglo-Irish Agreement, which is beginning to make such an impact and helping to bring about reconcilitation between the two traditions in the island of Ireland. land.
Kuijpers (ARC). — (NL) Hr. formand, de britiske myndigheders beslutning falder helt i tråd med, hvad man kunne forvente.
KUIJPERS (ARC). — (NL) Mr President, the British authorities' decision is fully in keeping with what was to be expected.
Sikkerhed eller det, de kalder sikkerhed, tjener ofte som dække for at holde fast i egne engelske positioner i Nordirland.
Security, or what passes for such, often serves as a pretext for protecting English interests in Northern Ireland.
Ret og retfærdighed har intet at gøre hermed.
What is right and just has nothing to do with it.
Borgerens retlige situation har i disse anliggender aldrig betydet noget.
The citizens' legal position has never been important in these cases.
Birmingham S/x-appellen blev alligevel afvist samme uge, som beslutningen blev truffet om at holde rapporten hemmelig.
The appeal by the Birmingham Six was in fact dismissed in the same week as the decision was taken to keep this report secret.
Dette burde få de sidste blinde i Irland til at fa øjnene op, og det er ikke den angloirske aftale, der kommer til at hjælpe noget på det.
This ought to open the eyes of the last blind man in Ireland and the Anglo-Irish agreement will not be providing any kind of remedy on this point.
Prout (ED). — (EN) Hr. formand, jeg vil gerne for klare, hvorfor min gruppe vil stemme imod det fælles ændringsforslag, som Den Socialistiske Gruppe samt EPP, De Liberale og RDE-gruppen har stillet.
PROUT (ED). — Mr President, I propose to explain why my group will be voting against the common amendment tabled in the name of the Socialist, EPP, Liberal and EDA Groups.
Ifølge denne aftale kan Irland ikke andet end tale.
Under that agreement, Ireland can only talk.
Irland kan kritisere, råbe og skrige, men det er briterne, som lytter og beslutter.
It can express criticism, shout or yell but the British listen and decide.
Dette er det sande forhold i den angloirske aftale, og netop fordi en hæderlig rettergang ikke er mulig, må udleveringsaftalen, der er underskrevet af alle EF-landene, ændres, således at Storbritannien bliver udelukket fra den.
That is the true relationship in the Anglo-Irish agreement and, precisely because a fair trial is not possible in Great Britain, the extradition agreement signed by all Member States must be amended to exclude Great Britain.
De, der bliver udleveret, kan nemlig ikke regne med en hæderlig rettergang der.
For those extradited cannot rely on receiving a fair trial.
Vor tidligere kollega, Neil Blaney, ad varede irerne i Dail, dengang han talte dér den 11. september, han sagde følgende:
Our one-time colleague Neil Blaney warned the Irish in the Dáil when he spoke there last September as follows:
»Der er ingen mulighed for, at nogen som helst irsk borger, som på nogen måde overhovedet kan sættes i forbindelse med en såkaldt politisk eller terroristisk forbrydelse, vil få en hæderlig rettergang.
'There is no possibility of a fair trial for any Irish citizen who in any way could be related with a political or so-called terrorist offence.
Under disse omstændigheder kan man ikke forvente retfærdighed.
In those circumstances you could not expect justice.
Vi taler om en besættelsesmagt og et besat folk. «
We are talking about occupiers and occupied people.'
Paisley (NI). — (EN) Det er vigtigt, hr. formand, straks fra begyndelsen at få vissse ting fastslået her i Parlamentet.
PAISLEY (NI). — It is important, Mr President, at the outset that certain facts should be put on record in this House.
Vi erkender naturligvis, at resultaterne af Stal-ker/Sampson-undersøgelsen og beslutningen om ikke at offentliggøre den har vakt betydelig uro mange ste der.
We recognize of course that the findings of the Stalker/Sampson enquiry and the decision not to publish them have caused considerable disquiet in a number of quarters.
Men hvis vi støttede dette ændringsforslag, ville det indebære, at vi drog den britiske Attorney-Generals afgørelse i tvivl.
However, for us to support this amendment would be to suggest that we question the Attorney-General's decision.
Det gør vi ikke, hr. formand.
Mr President, we do not.
Vi er overbevist om, at beskyldningerne om, at der skulle have været ført en politik, der går ud på at skyde for at dræbe, de beskyldninger, der lå til grund for denne undersøgelse, er blevet tilbundsgående un dersøgt af upartiske myndigheder.
We are satisfied that the allegations of a 'shoot to kill' policy which gave rise to this enquiry have been very fully investigated by impartial authorities.
Vi nærer også tillid til, at anklagerne for sammensværgelse inden for om at hindre rettens gang er blevet tilbundsgående un dersøgt.
We are also satisfied that the allegations of a conspiracy within the RUC to pervert the course of justice have been fully investigated.
Vi noterer os i den britiske Attorney-Generals udtalelse af 25. januar 1988, at der var noget, der tydede på, at en sådan sammensværgelse kunne have fundet sted, men at man i betragtning af alle de relevante omstændigheder, herunder hensynet til den na tionale sikkerhed, havde besluttet ikke at rejse sag.
We note from the Attorney-General's statement of 25 January 1988 that there was evidence to the effect that such a conspiracy may have existed, but that having regard to all the relevant circumstances, including considerations of national security, it was decided not to institute criminal proceedings.
For det første blev der i forbindelse med disse hændelser rejst sigtelse mod politifolk, og de blev frifundet ved en domstol.
First, charges of murder were brought against police officers in connection with these incidents and they were acquitted by a court of law.
For det andet har hr. Stalker — og han er blevet meget rost under denne forhandling — selv i sin bog sagt, at han har konstateret, at sikkerhedsstyrkerne og myndighederne i Nordirland ikke førte nogen politik, der gik ud på at skyde for at dræbe.
Second, Mr Stalker himself — and he has been greatly praised in this debate — in his book finds that there was no policy of shoot-to-kill by the security forces or authorities in Northern Ireland.
Som parlamentarikere kan ingen af os være helt til fredse med, at »omstændigheder« og »hensyn«, som ifølge selve deres natur må forblive uspecificerede, får lov til at forhindre, hvad der ellers ville have været den rigtige fremgangsmåde.
Now, as Parliamentarians, none of us can be wholly content when 'circumstances' and 'considerations' which of their very nature must remain unspecified are allowed to prevail over what would otherwise have been the appropriate course of action.
Men min gruppe accepterer i et demokratisk samfund, hvis sikkerhedsstyrker står over for døden hver eneste dag, at Sit Patrick af sikkerhedsgrunde ikke havde noget andet valg end at
However, my group accepts, in a democratic society whose security forces face the prospect of death every day of their lives, that, for reasons of security, Sir Patrick had no alternative but to decide as he did.
For det tredje siger hr. Stalker i slutningen af sin bog, at beslutningen om ikke nu at retsforfølge politifolke-
Why is there no mention in these relations of the role of Ml5 and the involvement of its political overlords, particularly the Prime Minister herself as the head of the security services?
Europa-Parlamentets forhandlinger
(Applause from the European Democratic Group)