natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Enright (S). — (EN) Hr. formand, min gruppe vil absolut stemme for sir James Scott-Hopkins' frem ragende betænkning, men der er nogle enkelte, mindre praktiske indvendinger, som jeg gerne vil nævne.
We therefore urge the House to approve the excellent report presented by Sir James Scott-Hopkins.
Irmer (L). — (DE) Hr. formand, når et land som Zimbabwe, som vi er knyttet til gennem Loméaftalen, kommer i nød, har vi altid som Europæisk Fællesskab følt os kaldet til at hjælpe. I Zimbabwes tilfælde har dette imidlertid endnu et ekstra, meget politisk aspekt.
Mr Irmer (L). — (DE) Mr President, when a country, which is associated with us under the Lomé Convention as Zimbabwe is, is in need, we have always felt as a European Community that we are obliged to help.
Eksperimentet Zimbabwe, eksperimentet med at skabe et raceblandet samfund med basis i forsoning mellem stridende parter, er centralt for hele den politiske fremtid i det sydlige Afrika. Hvis eksperimentet Zimbabwe mislykkes, mister mange millioner mennesker i dette området håbet om, at de selv kan sætte et eksempel for forholdene i Den sydafrikanske Republik.
The Zimbabwe experiment of creating a multiracial society based on the reconciliation of contending parties, is central for the whole future in southern Africa.
Hvis på den anden side eksperimentet Zimbabwe lykkes, vil ikke engang selv den mest forhærdede i Den sydafrikanske Republik kunne sige, at det er umuligt, at sorte, hvide og andre racer lever fredeligt med hinanden, og at der sågar i et sådant samfund kan opnås økonomisk velstand.
If, on the other hand, this Zimbabwe experiment succeeds, then even the most reactionary within the Republic of South Africa could not say that it is impossible for blacks, whites and members of other races to live peaceably together or that in such a community even economic prosperity is impossible.
Først og fremmest er jeg lidt tøvende med hensyn til at opfordre udenrigsministrene forsamlet med henblik på det politiske samarbejde til at føre forsædet i en konference med Sydafrika.
Mr Turner (ED). — Mr President, I believe that so far Zimbabwe has overcome greater political and social difficulties than any other country in the last four years.
Det er ikke, fordi jeg ikke mener, at Sydafrika bør bringes til forhandlingsbordet.
Naturally there are great problems still and many groups in Zimbabwe are anxious for their political future.
Det bør det bestemt, og jeg tror, at der er tegn fra blandt andre Kenneth Kaunda på, at dette måske er ved at ske dernede.
I would like to read something from what the Prime Minister of Zimbabwe wrote earlier this year.
Men det kunne meget let give Sydafrika endnu en undskyldning for at forhale mere positive udviklinger i Sydvestafrika, for at udskyde Namibias uafhængighed.
He said he supported 'freedom to form or belong to political parties or trade unions or other associations for the protection of one's interests'.
Man føler meget ofte, at det griber enhver anledning til det.
He said : 'I must make it clear that in view of our commitment to constitutional government we do not intend to tear up this or any other section of the constitution.
Men just i dette øjeblik føler vi, at der i det mindste er en mulighed for, at der bliver givet uafhængighed her, og vi ville være meget kede af at se en situation opstå lignende den, der var tilfalder med Angola.
We cannot amend this section without the support of all the members of the House of Assembly before April 18 1990.
Det er i hovedsagen den indvending, jeg har mod dette.
We shall amend our constitution only in the manner provided for in the constitution itself'.
For Sydafrika har det faktum, at Zimbabwe fungerede så godt i de første uafhængighedsår, været den største udfordring i de sidste årtier.
For South Africa the fact that Zimbabwe in the first years of its independence has operated so well has been the greatest challenge of the last decade.
Netop derfor var Sydafrika så interesseret i med destabiliseringsaktiviteter at true dette eksperiment.
That is why South Africa has been so interested in endangering this experiment through destabilization.
Vi er som europæere kaldet til at imødegå det tragiske i, at dette eksperiment nu ikke længere trues af, at man internt i landet ikke mere er villige til at holde fast ved princippet om udsoning og et raceblandet samfund, men at eksperimentet nu trues af ydre omstændigheder, nemlig ved at de samfundsøkonomiske spirer ødelægges af verdensøkonomien krise og århundredets værste tørke, spirer som dér på forbilledlig vis har slået rødder som følge af en fornuftig regeringspolitik.
As Europeans we are called upon to take steps to avert the tragedy that it is not that this experiment is now being threatened by people inside the country no longer being prepared to hold fast to the principles of reconciliation and of a multiracial community, but that the threat to this experiment should be from outside circumstances, namely that through the effects of the world economic crisis and the drought of the century the economic projections which have been constructed there in such an exemplary way by sensible government policy have gone completely awry.
Jeg siger »fornuftig regeringspolitik« og tænker f.eks. på fastsættelsen af producentpriser i landbrugspolitikken.
I say sensible government policy and I am thinking for example of the fixing of producer prices in agricultural policy.
Den generelle holdning i form at at give udtryk for dyb beklagelse over, hvad Sydafrika foretager sig i denne region, accepterer jeg selvfølgelig helt og fuldt.
Turning to the economic side, we in Europe can lessen the political tensions in Zimbabwe by helping economically — and we must help at once.
Demokrati er en særdeles skrøbelig plante, hvad enten det er i Zimbabwe, Portugal eller Spanien, og vi må gøre alt, hvad der står i vor magt, for at få denne skrøbelige plante til at vokse sig stor og stærk.
The threeyear drought, to which Sir James Scott-Hopkins drew attention, has been exceedingly serious.
Det, mener jeg er noget, Fællesskabet har gjort siden uafhængigheden kom, og jeg synes, at Kommissionen har været specielt idérig i sit forhold til Zimbabwe og specielt har forstået, hvad hr. Mugabe har udrettet.
It has halved maize production, it has halved wheat production and the cost of replacing that lost cereal will be £100-200 m a year.
Jeg mener, at han er — og her gentager jeg andre medlemmers tanker — en aldeles bemærkelsesværdig mand.
A certain amount of aid has already been given, but more is definitely needed.
Hvis jeg havde været sat i fængsel af hr. Smith så længe og var blevet så umenneskeligt og hensynslist behandlet, som han blev, så er jeg ikke helt sikker på, hvad jeg ville have gjort ved hr. Smith, når jeg overtog styret i landet.
Secondly the Zimbabweans have a beef quota for export to the EEC which could well earn them £50 m a year, a substantial part of the money they need.
Han har udvist umådelig tolerance og umådelig respekt for menneskerettighederne, så vidt det har været muligt i et nyt og frem spirende demokrati.
At the moment they cannot do so because of foot-and-mouth disease, and the EEC is indeed taking steps to try and cure this.
Dette demokrati kan faktisk vise vejen frem for et raceblandet samfund i Namibia, og det er noget, vi alle må håbe på.
But, surely there must be some imaginative way that the Commissioner can think of, to cure this disease and solve the problem of the beef industry there at once. If he did that, he would at a
Alle og enhver ved, at det i første linje er hvide farmere, der har profiteret af det.
Everyone knows that in the first place it has been white farmers who have benefited from this.
De hvides exodus, som der var tale om, kan ikke alene føres tilbage til, at regeringen ikke fik kontrol over mangen terrorhandling, men er desuden i det væsentlige opstået ved, at enkelte uforbederlige hvide simpelt hen ikke var villige til at acceptere, at det i dag er det sorte flertal, der regerer under hensyntagen til mindretalsrettigheder.
The exodus of the whites, which has been mentioned, is not just the result of the governments inability to control certain acts of terrorism but is essentially due to some stubborn whites simply not being prepared to accept that today the black majority is governing and that the rights of the minorities are being safeguarded.
Jeg må sige, at jeg meget beundrer den sorte statsmand Mugabe, om hvem det efter hans valgsejr i februar 1980 blev sagt, at han var en ideologisk marxist-leninist, der kun ville bringe ulykke over området.
I have to say that I very much admire Mr Mugabe, of whom after his electoral victory in February 1980 it was said that he was an ideological Marxist-Leninist and would only bring disaster to the region.
Til slut vil jeg gerne takke sir James. Vi vil stemme for hans betænkning.
May I also echo the sentiments of Mr Turner, particularly in relation to the exports and the assistance to exports which Sir James Scott-Hopkins mentions specifically in his recommendations.
og som regeringen skal klare, er der modstrid, Og endelig er der modstrid mellem den oprindelig af hr. Mugabe og hans folk bekendtgjorte politiske teori og den langt mere moderate praksis, han har fulgt, siden han er kommet til magten.
the tradition of statesmen such as Nyerere and Kaunda, one of those who recognize quite pragmatically the signs of the times and who have seen that a multiracial society, must be created in Zimbabwe on the basis of mutual respect for individuals, thereby providing an example for the Republic of South Africa, first for the independence of Namibia, and then finally for the abolition of the apartheid system in South Africa itself.
Dette modsætningernes land, der navigerer blandt skærene, har Det europæiske økonomiske Fællesskab valgt at hjælpe.
Therefore, we must do all we can to help Zimbabwe in this difficult situation.
Vi har valgt at hjælpe det, fordi det er drivkraften i dets region, fordi det prøver på at oprette et raceblandet samfund, der, hvis det lykkes, for mange vil udgøre et eksempel til efterfølgelse og et håb for fremtiden.
What is at stake is not just a question of the creation of economically stable conditions, it is the question of the political future of the whole region in southern Africa.
d'Ormesson (PPE). — (FR) Hr. formand, sir James Scott-Hopkins' betænkning kommer sandelig yderst betids, idet de katolske biskopper fordømmer Robert Mugabes regerings folkedrab på Ndebele-styrkerne.
Mr d'Ormesson (PPE). — (FR) Mr President, with the Catholic bishops in Zimbabwe denouncing the genocide perpetrated by Robert Mugabe's Government against the Ndebele, Sir James Scott-Hopkins' report is timely.
Man kan derfor beklage, at den ærede ordfører uden beviser til støtte for sagen foreslår fordømmelse af de handlinger, som Sydafrika påstås at have begået i Zimbabwe, idet det jo er dette land, han har helliget sin betænkning, samtidig med at han viser sig yderst tilbageholdende i sit forslag til beslutning med hensyn til overtrædelsen af menneskerettighederne i Matabeleland.
It is therefore regrettable that the rapporteur proposes to condemn, without quoting evidence, the alleged activities of South Africa in Zimbabwe, since his report is about the latter country, and is also discreet in the treatment given in his motion for a resolution to the subject of violations of human rights in Matabeleland.
Men jeg er glad for, at hr. Scott-Hopkins i sin redegørelse erkendte de faktiske forhold.
But I pay tribute to Sir James Scott-Hopkins for having recognized the facts in his speech.
Og hvordan prøver Det europæiske økonomiske Fællesskab så på at hjælpe Zimbabwe under de dér herskende vanskelige forhold? Først og fremmest ved hastehjælp og fødevarehjælp.
First of all, I have some concern about calling on the Foreign Ministers meeting in political cooperation to chair a conference with South Africa.
Hvad fødevarehjælpen angår, er de til at klare en undtagelsessituation afsatte kontingenter uophørlig forøget, og hvis omstændighederne skulle kræve yderligere forøgelse af dem, vil det også ske.
And I think there are signs from Kenneth Kaunda among others, that this is perhaps happening in the area.
Fælles skabet støtter også i høj grad — og er den der yder langt den største hjælp — SADCC-landene i disses regionale bestræbelser på komplementaritet og fælles indsats.
But it could well give South Africa yet another excuse for postponing more positive developments in South-West Africa, for postponing the independence of Namibia.
Endelig hjælper Fællesskabet på samhandelsområdet, og i den forbindelse vil jeg give en række svar.
One very regularly feels that they grasp at every excuse to do so.
Zimbabwes tobak vil fortsat få adgang til Det euro pæiske økonomiske Fællesskab og — til trods for en række vanskeligheder — uden toldafgift af nogen art.
Yet at this very moment we feel there is a possibility at least of independence being granted there and we would hate to see a situation arising similar to that which occurred in the case of Angola.
På dette sted er det min pligt at gentage de erklæ ringer, der er fremsat af den fra Storbritannien kommende pastor John Could vedrørende Mugabes politiske aktiviteter i Kezy-interneringslejren 90 km fra Bulawayo.
I nevertheless consider it appropriate to remind the House of the statements made by Father John Could, who comes from Great Britain, concerning the activities of Mr Mugabe's police at the Kaisy detention camp, 90 kilometres from Bulawayo.
Efter de af denne missionær indsamlede vidnesbyrd piskes og prygles 3 000 internerede daglig i denne lejr.
According to eyewitness reports given to this cleric, some 3 000 detainees there are beaten and whipped daily.
De får kun vand og føde hver anden dag og torteres hyppigt med elektricitet.
They are allowed food and water only every other day and are frequently subjected to torture by electric shock treatment.
Endvidere blev otte fanger tvunget til at grave deres egen grav, inden de den 5. februar blev dræbt i Dukwe-Dukwe.
On 5 February, eight prisoners at Donkwe-Donkwe were made to dig their own graves before being shot.
Samme dag blev i samme distrikt tretten mennesker, herunder tre lærere, kastet i en brønd, hvor de dræbtes med håndgranater, og listen over forbrydelserne er desværre længere endnu.
In another incident in the same area and on the same day, 13 people, including three primary school teaches, were thrown into a well and blown up with hand grenades. And there is, alas, a long list of other crimes.
For øvrigt må det beklages, at beslutningen indskrænker sig til at udtrykke sin bekymring over, at mange personer fængsles uden retssag, heriblandt også biskop Muzorewa.
It is also to be regretted that the motion for a resolution goes no further than expressing concern at the detention without trial of many individuals, including Bishop Muzorewa.
Man burde tværtimod bruge sin sidste energi på at kræve denne for sine religiøse og politiske meninger fængslede biskop frigivet.
What is required is a demand in the strongest terms for the release of this Bishop who has been imprisoned for his religious and political opinions.
På det paritetiske AVS—EØF-udvalgs møde i Brazzaville vedtoges en beslutning om energisk at kræve frigivelse af hr. Mandela, der er fængslet i Sydafrika for sine terroristiske handlinger i spidsen for ANC, den nu i Mozambique af hr. Machel selv forbudte organisation.
In Brazzaville, at the meeting of the ACP-EEC Joint Committee, a resolution was passed calling strongly for the release of Mr Mandela, who is in prison in South Africa for his terrorist activities as leader of the ANC, an organization which has now been banned in Mozambique by Mr Machel himself.
Der ville blive lyttet mere til Europa-Parlamentet, vil jeg tro, dersom det havde mod til offentligt at fordømme forbrydelserne uanset disses oprindelse, og forbryderne, uanset hvem de måtte være.
The European Parliament would command more attention, in my view, if it had the courage to demonstrate to public opinion that it deplores all crimes wherever they may be committed and all criminals whoever they may be.
Hvad sukkeret angår, vil det inden for sukkeraftalen indrømmede kontingent blive respekteret i det omfang, hvori Zimbabwe er i stand til at overholde aftalen.
The general tone of deploring what South Africa is doing in that region I do, of course, absolutely accept.
Zimbabwe har anmodet om forøgelse af sin kvota; det afhænger især af de øvrige AVS-landenes evne til selv at respektere deres kvotaer.
Democracy is a very fragile plant indeed, be it in Zimbabwe, Portugal or Spain, and we must do all within our power to make this fragile plant grow into something strong and sturdy.
Bliver der kvotaer ledige, bliver der foretaget omfordelinger.
That democracy can, indeed, show the way for a multiracial society in Namibia, and this is something that we must all hope for.
Pisani, medlem af Kommissionen. — (FR) Zimbabwe er et modsætningernes sted.
Mr Pisani, Member of the Commission. — Zimbabwe is a place of contradictions.
Men Det euro pæiske økonomiske Fællesskab har i denne del af verden og i hele Afrika iværksat en meget omfattende indsats til bekæmpelse af endemiske kvægsygdomme.
With regard to the problem of beef and veal, we cannot be other than extremely strict over the admission of meat to European territory, when the meat in question comes from herds affected by diseases which we have brought under control and intend to keep out, but the European Economic Community has made very energetic efforts to combat endemic diseases affecting cattle in this part of the world and indeed throughout Africa.
Vi håber meget, at Zimbabwe snart, følgende Botswanas eksempel, bliver i stand til at få mund- og klovesygen under kontrol og således igen kan få adgang til det europæiske marked til trods for vore markeders strukturelle overskud.
It is our sincere hope that, like Botswana, Zimbabwe will soon succeed in bringing foot-and-mouth disease under control so that it will once again have access to the European beef and veal market, despite the structural surpluses on our markets.
Mellem et velstående, traditionelt udviklet og eksemplarisk afrikansk landbrug og de i øjeblikket rådende klimatiske betingelser er der modstrid.
There is a contradiction between a prosperous agricultural economy, which is traditionally advanced and an example to the rest of Africa, and the climatic conditions currently prevailing.
Mellem den nødvendige bevarelse af de hvide landmænd og den nødvendige indsættelse af sorte bønder er der modstrid.
There is a contradiction between the need to persuade white farmers to remain and the need for black farmers to establish them selves.
Mellem Zimbabwes regerings ønske om fred og det pres, der undertides øves på den udefra, er der modstrid.
There is a contradiction between the Zimbabwean Government's commitment to peace and the external pressures to which it is sometimes subjected.
Mellem de hvide lederes tilbøjelighed til at forlade landet og landets stigende behov for udvikling er der modstrid.
There is a contradiction between the trend among white managers to leave the country and its increasing need to achieve development with its own resources.
Mellem den udtalte vilje til at indføre et åbent politisk regime og de voldshandlinger, der landet over bliver hyppigere og hyppigere,
There is a contradiction between the proclaimed intention of establishing an open political system and the spread of violent incidents up and down the country with which the Government is having to cope.
Europa-Parlamentets forhandlinger
The European Economic Community has decided to aid this contradictory country which is beset with dangers.
tilkendegivet sin støtte af Zimbabwe.
In my view, the European Economic Community has consist ently demonstrated its support for Zimbabwe.
Fællskabet vil fortsat gøre det og fortsat over for Zimbabwes regering give udtryk for sin foruroligelse over visse afgørelser, visse former for adfærd.
It will continue to do so and it will continue to tel the Government of Zimbabwe of the concern that it feels at certain decisions and certain actions.
Men ved en politisk bedømmelse af forholdene i lande som Zimbabwe tror jeg, at man skal skelne mellem regeringens gene relle tendenser og den holdning, den indtager for i et bestemt område at bekæmpe en helt unormal situation.
However, in order to make a political judgment of the situation in a country like Zimbabwe, I think that it is necessary to distinguish between the Government's general stance and the positions that it takes up when combating a thoroughly abnormal situation in a parti cular region.
Jeg kan for øvrigt sige, at der netop er truffet en afgørelse, der sikrer en lettelse af de forhold, der har ført til indførelse af belejringstilstand i en af landets regioner.
I can also say that a decision has jsut been taken to alleviate the conditions which led to the definition of a state of siege in one region of the country.
Det ser ud til, at udviklingen er påbegyndt i de hidtil mest truede regioner.
It would seem that improvements are under way in those regions which have hitherto been most threatened.
I denne region er der desuden udkæmpet — og udkæmpes stadig — kampe, som har påført befolkningerne frygtelige lidelser.
How is the European Economic Community seeking to aid Zimbabwe in the difficult circumstances that it has to face ? First, by means of emergency aid and food aid.
Dertil kommer, at de lokale konflikter ved at påkalde stormagternes interesse risikerer at blive et arnested for international spænding.
I think I can say that the Community has very often been congratulated on the speed with which its emergency aid reaches its destination.
Det faktum, at der ikke er udsigt til en snarlig fred, er en yderligere grund til bekymring.
In the case of food aid, the quotas allocated to meet an exceptional situation have been increasing all the time, and will be increased further if circumstances demand.
Med hensyn til den politiske personlighed i Zimbabwe, der i øjeblikket er fængslet for aktivitet, som truer statens sikkerhed, tilslutter jeg mig bedømmelsen af retsvæsenets uvildighed i Zimbabwe; sagen er forelagt retten, og jeg synes, at det vil være upassende at blande sig i en debat, som retten alene skal afgøre.
On the subject of the Zimbabwean political leader who is said to have been pursuing activities repre senting a danger to State security and is currently in prison, I agree with the judgment that has been made regarding the independence of Zimbabwe's judicial system ; since this case has been referred to the judiciary, I take the view that it is now solely responsible for it and that it would be indiscreet to intervene.
De netop fremsatte bemærkninger giver mig lejlighed til at sige til hr. Scott-Hopkins, at vi i høj grad har værdsat hans betænkning og håber, at den bliver vedtaget.
I should like to close these comments, Mr President, by telling Mr Scott-Hopkins how much we appreciated his report and how much we hope that it will be adopted.
Sir James Scott-Hopkins (ED), ordfører. — (EN) Til forretningsordenen, hr. formand — jeg kan ikke lide at gøre det, men jeg mener virkelig, at jeg er nødt til det.
Sir James Scott-Hopkins (ED), rapporteur. — I hate to do this, Mr President, on a point of order, but really I think I must.
Der er stillet 14 ændringsforslag til min betænkning.
There are 14 amendments down to my report.
Ikke en eneste af forfatterne til ændringsforslagene har fremsat nogen form for argumentation.
Not one of the authors of the amend ments has put any arguments forward at all.
Jeg aner ikke, hvorfor de har stillet disse ændringsforslag; der har overhovedet ikke været nogen argumentation.
I have no idea why they put these amendments down ; there have been no arguments at all.
Afstemningen finder sted i næste afstemningstid.
They have been tabled ; there fore they will be put to the vote.
Pearce (ED). — (EN) Til forretningsordenen, hr. formand.
Mr Pearce (ED). — A simple point of order, Mr President.