natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
For vestlige diplomater, som skal slå bro over kløften mellem den offentlige mening i deres lande og situationen, som man ser på den i Ankara, ser det ud, som om mange af de kontroversielle menneskerettighedsproblemer i Tyrkiet siden 1980 er blevet skabt med henblik på at lægge de størst mulige hindringer i vejen for forbindelsen med Bruxelles.
Two of the major parties — the two parties which dominated Turkish politics during the '60s and '70s — are excluded from Parliament: they are the party of Mr Demirel, the True Path Party, and the party of Mr Ecevit, which is partially represented by the Social Democratic Party, now led by Mr Inönü, and partially represented by a party, as yet unformed, of the supporters of Mr Ecevit.
hed på, at den på ingen måde afspejler hele det poli tiske spektrum i Tyrkiet.
I spent more than one week in Turkey.
Bogen er lige blevet udgivet.
There is torture in Turkey.
Dette kan imidlertid ikke bort forklare, at dødsstraffen stadig er i kraft og stadig kan bringes i anvendelse.
I had some experience with it, for my own press con ference, which was held in Istanbul, was censored by the Turkish authorities.
Vi har også — og det er naturligvis ikke noget nyt i forbindelse med denne revolution — set forbudet mod det tyrkiske kommunistparti. Jeg vil påstå, at det er en grundregel, at kommunistiske partier i Vest europa må tillades at eksistere i demokratiske stater.
We have also had — and this is not new to this revolution, of course — the banning of the Turkish Communist Party.
Under alle omstændigheder kan udelukkelsen af de to største partier — Den rette vejs parti på højrefløjen og det socialdemokratiske parti som repræsentant for centrum-venstre — ikke lade nogen tvivl tilbage om, at der ikke er fuldt parlamentarisk demokrati i Tyrkiet, og at der ikke bliver det, før disse to partier har haft mulighed for at stille op til et valg og indtage deres pladser i den store national forsamling.
In any case, the exclusion of the two major parties — the True Path Party on the right, and the Social Democratic Party on the centre-left — cannot leave us in any doubt that full parliamentary democracy does not exist and will not exist until those two parties have been able to con test an election and take their seats in the Grand National Assembly.
Amnesty International er fortsat bekymret over fængslingen af et betydeligt antal samvittighedsfanger, over udbredt og systematisk tortur og mishandling af politiske fanger, og over an vendelsen af dødsstraffen.
Others were excluded, and opinion polls over the last year have consistently indi cated that the parties excluded have stronger popular support than most of the others, perhaps with the exception of the Mevelen party, although even there the situation has started to change within the last few weeks.
Jeg ville også finde det mærkværdigtt, hvis nogle af de mere liberalt indstillede medlemmer af den kristelig-demokratiske gruppe kunne få sig til at stemme for an genoptagelse af forbindelserne, når Den rette vejs parti er udelukket fra parlamentet.
I would also find it odd if some of the more liberal-minded members of the Christian-Democratic Group managed to vote for a resumption of relations when the True Path Party is excluded from Parliament.
Jeg be mærker også, at lederen af oppositionen i Tyrkiets store nationalforsamling, hr. Aydin Giiven Giirkan, har gjort opmærksom på to episoder i parlamentai for nylig.
That those parties have a real existence even outside the Parliament of Turkey was proved in the municipal elections.
Den ene drejer sig om otte personer, der blev tilbageholdt af politiet i 32 timer:
Several politicians who were members of the Turkish Parliament before the military takeover of September 1980 are still excluded from participating in political and public life.
Da de efter 32 timers forløb blev løsladt, klagede de otte anklagede til den offentlige anklager over, at de var blevet tortureret med elektricitet, hængt op i loftet i armene og nedsænket helt nøgne i koldt vand.
The present Prime Minister was lucky to be beaten in the elections for the simple reason that his defeat made him eligible to stand in the elections which led him to the office of Prime Minis ter.
Indenrigsministeren har be kræftet, at der vil blive foretaget en undersøgelse af denne sag.
Two former Prime Ministers, Ecevit and Demirel, as has been mentioned, are banned from political life for 10 years.
Min sidste bemærkning er følgende.
My final point is this.
Denne betænkning, som det glæder mig at kunne sige er vedtaget af det politiske udvalg, udgør efter min mening en afbalanceret vurdering af Tyrkiet, sådan som det ser ud i øjeblikket.
This report, which, I am pleased to say, was adopted by the Political Affairs Committee, does, I believe, represent a balanced view of Turkey as it stands at the moment.
Skønt vi ser frem til yderligere forbedringer med hensyn til overholdelsen af menneskerettighederne i Tyrkiet, har det ikke været hensigten med denne betænkning at være uafvejet og bare for dømme.
Though we do look forward to further improvements in the observance of human rights in Turkey, this report has not set out to be unbalanced and just to condemn.
Vi ser faktisk frem, ikke blot til en tid hvor Tyrkiet indtager sin fulde plads inden for fællesskabet af europæiske lande, men også til et tidspunkt inden da, hvor der bliver mulighed for delegationer, og hvor kontakter mellem Fællesskabet og det tyrkiske folk kan genoptages.
And we do look forward not only to a time when Turkey takes its full place within the European community of nations, but also to a time in the interim when it is possible for delegations and contacts between this Community and the Turkish people to be resumed.
Tyrkiet er en del af Europa, og vi har en interesse i dets fremtid.
Turkey is a part of Europe, and we have an interest in its future.
Disse sager beviser to ting. For det første beviser de, at det nu er muligt i Tyrkiets store nationalforsamling at rejse spørgsmål om overtrædelse af menneskerettighederne.
Turkey is not a democracy by our Western European standards, and Turkey does not respect human rights that it has agreed to respect as a party to the European Convention on Human Rights.
Det er et fremskridt.
It should be clear that that association has to be seen in a double context.
Men det viser des værre også, at overtrædelsen af menneskerettigheder ne fortsætter.
In the first place, in the context of the European Human Rights Convention, whose values we all claim to share.
Der er stadig fremskridt at gøre.
In the second place, in the context of a Turkey striving towards closer association with the Community and eventually becoming a member of it.
Hvis vi ser på den store nationalforsamling, som er det organ, Parlamentet gerne vil have forbindelse med, må jeg også henlede Parlamentets opmærksom
If Turks want to live in an oriental democracy, whatever that may be, they are fully entitled to do so and I would still keep up
Dankert (S). — (EN) Hr. formand, før jeg indleder mit indlæg, må jeg gøre opmærksom på en personlig interesse : jeg har venner i Tyrkiet.
As a guest of the Turkish Grand National Assembly, I was able to see who I wanted and could also speak freely to the inmates of the Diyarbakir military prison.
Jeg bør yderligere sige, at da jeg besøgte landet i marts, blev regningen for mit besøg i Ankara og Diyarbakir betalt af de tyrkiske myndigheder, og det vil jeg gerne takke dem for.
I would not say that the inmates of that prison were so free to speak to me.
Men når det drejer sig om forholdet til Fællesskabet og tilslutning til den europæiske menne skerettighedskonvention, er det efter min mening umuligt at anvende andre normer for Tyrkiet end dem, der gælder ethvert andet medlem af Fællesskabet.
However, in the context of the relationship with the European Community, in the context of adherence to the European Human Rights Convention, it is impossible, in my view, to apply other standards to Turkey than those applied to any Member State of the Community.
Så snart man lader dette fundamentale princip glide sig af hænde, begynder man at underminere sin egen standard med hensyn til demokrati og menne skerettigheder.
As soon as you let that fundamental notion slip, you start undermining your own democratic and human rights standards.
Det tror jeg er det afgørende element i denne forhandling.
I think that is the essential element of this debate.
Jeg vover at påstå, at de fleste af konklusionerne i beslutningsforslaget i Balfebetænkningen simpelt hen er kendsgerninger.
People are brought before the courts simply for writing or talking or editing and condemned to very heavy sentences.
Politi stationerne er indrettet til det. Der foregår stadig tortur eller i det mindste alvorlig mishandling i militære og civile fængsler.
We should not allow such a situation to continue.
Hr. formand, Tyrkiets store nationalforsamling er — som hr. Balfe just har mindet os om — et valgt par lament, men det var kun nogle partier, der fik lov til at deltage i valget.
That is why I think that at this moment it is too early for this Parliament to resume formal relations with the Turkish Grand National Assembly in the joint committee.
Ordføreren konkluderede — og jeg tror, han har ret — at der er sket betydelige fremskridt på visse områder i de senere år.
The rapporteur concluded — and I think he is right — that there has been considerable improvement in some fields over the last few years.
På andre områder er jeg nok mere i tvivl.
In other fields I would be more doubtful.
Om det er tilstrækkeligt, er på mange måder vanskeligt at afgøre.
Whether that is sufficient is difficult to judge in many ways.
Som Europa-Parlament bør vi tillægge Europarådets menneskerettighedskommissions undersøgelsesresultater stor betydning; man un dersøger på basis af en klage fra fem medlemmer af Europarådet visse ting, i særdeleshed situationen med hensyn til tortur i Tyrkiet i dag.
As a European Parliament, we should attach considerable importance to the findings of the Human Rights Commission of the Council of Europe, which, on the basis of a complaint by five Member States of the Council of Europe, is investigating certain matters, mainly the torture situation in Turkey today.
Denne rapport er endnu ikke udgivet.
That report has not come out.
Hvis vi siger, at vi nu er parat til at genoptage normale forbindelser, foregriber vi de resultater, som kommissionen skal komme til, og den bedømmelse som medlemmerne af Europarådet vil nå frem til af denne situation.
If we were to state that we are now prepared to resume nor mal relations, we should be anticipating the findings of that committee and the eventual judgment of the Member States of the Council of Europe on that situation. tion.
Adskillige politikere, der var medlemmer af det tyrkiske parlament før den militære magtovertagelse i september 1980, er stadig udelukket fra at deltage i det politiske og offentlige liv.
My honourable friend Mr Balfe has pre sented a report which in many respects takes account of the changes in the situation in Turkey but in many respects does not.
Der sker fremskridt, men disse fremskridt er utilstrækkelige. Der foregår som sagt tortur.
There is progress, but that progress is insufficient.
Indirekte benægter de tyrkiske myndigheder ikke, at der foregår tortur, for de retsforfølger dem, der bliver anklaget for at have foretaget tortur.
The Turkish authorities indirectly don't deny that there is torture, because they pursue those who are accused of having tortured.
Jeg må retfærdigvis sige, at mange, der er blevet anklaget for tortur, er blevet stillet for retten og sat i fængsel.
I must say, in fairness to them, that many people who have been denounced as torturers have been brought to trial and put in prison.
Men af de tusinder af tilfælde, som de torturerede har nævnt, er det kun nogle hundrede, der er blevet undersøgt.
However, of the thousands of cases mentioned by those tortured, only hundreds have been followed up.
Der er stadig en enorm kløft her, men der er sket visse frem skridt.
There is still an enormous discrepancy there, but there is some progress.
Hvad angår dødsstraffen, er Tyrkiet i øjeblikket det eneste land inden for Europarådets område, hvor dødsstraffen stadig eksekveres.
As regards the death penalty. Turkey at the moment is the only country in the Council of Europe where the death penalty is still carried out.
Det er rigtigt, at der i 1985 ikke indtil nu er sket nogen henrettelser.
I must say that in 1985 so far no executions have taken place.
Antal let af henrettelser er faldet betydeligt siden 1980, og der var kun to tilfælde i 1984, som begge blev fordømt af Parlamentet ved en beslutning efter uopsættelig forhandling.
The number of executions has fallen considerably since 1980 with only two cases in 1984, both of them condemned by this Parliament in an urgent resolution.
Vi her i Europa-Parlamentet har udtalt os stærkt mod dødsstraffen.
We, as a European Parliament, have come out strongly against the imposition of the death penalty.
Jeg tror ikke, at vi kan undtage Tyrkiet fra den stilling til fundamentale menneskerettigheder, som vi indtog ved at vedtage dette beslutningsforslag.
I do not think that we could exempt Turkey from the position on fundamental human rights that we took up by adopting that resolution.
Tyrkiet er ikke et demokrati efter vor vesteuropæiske standard, og Tyrkiet overholder ikke de menneskerettigheder, som det som medunderskriver af den euro pæiske menneskerettighedskonvention har forpligtet sig til at overholde.
We too disapprove of attacks and torture in police stations or prisons. But we must not forget what Turkey has gone through in the last decade and the progress which, as Mr Dankert has just said, has been achieved in recent years, particularly the last two years.
På basis af og som del af associeringsaftalen mellem Tyrkiet og EF har vi haft et blandet udvalg bestående af medlemmer af den tyrkiske store nationalforsamling og Europa-Parlamentet.
Before the military took over in September 1980 it really looked as if Turkey might collapse in chaos.
Det må være klart, at denne associering skal ses i to forskellige sammenhænge.
At that time it was impossible to move around the country freely.
For det første i sammenhæng med den europæiske menneskerettighedskonvention, hvis værdier vi alle påstår at gå ind for.
Twenty and more murders were the order of the day, and the illegal arms found in the country would have equipped a whole army.
For det andet i sammenhæng med et tyrkisk samfund, der tilstræber nærmere tilknytning til Fællesskabet og i sidste instans at blive medlem af det.
When a delegation of three MEPs — the Conservative Mr Spicer, the Liberal Mr Pintat and myself — spoke with the then Prime Minister Mr Ecevit, even he said that in the circumstances there was probably no alternative to a military takeover in September 1980.
Det er grunden til, at jeg mener, vi må bedømme situation
This too should be brought to mind again.
Naturligvis bør vi komplimentere den tyrkiske nationalforsamling, fordi den nu er så klog at forvandle dødsstraffene.
Of course, we should congratulate the Turkish National Assembly on being so prudent now as to commute death penalties.
Men jeg tror, at hvis vi ikke vedlige-
We have seen it in the trials of
holder presset, vil den klogskab, som den tyrkiske nationalforsamling indtil nu har udvist, kunne for svinde, fordi andre former for pres — fra militær side — kan tænkes at vinde overhånd.
I am afraid that the Balfe report falls short of this criterion of objectivity in a number of crucial respects.
Magtovertagelsen i Tyrkiet kan i øvrigt ikke sammenlignes med et statskup — det ord dukker op her — efter mønsteret i sydamerikanske bananrepublik ker.
The most serious of them is the attempt by implication — which starts in recital A by going back to September 1980, the month of the military coup — to blame the present civilian government for the events that occurred before it even came to power.
Vi bør heller ikke glemme, at det er militæret, der overhovedet har skabt det moderne Tyrkiet.
Let us remember that it has been in existence only since November 1983.
Vi bør heller ikke glemme, at militæret allerede har in terveneret en gang før, i tresserne, og at det gav mag ten tilbage i demokratiske hænder. Vi bør heller ikke glemme, at da militæret overtog magten i september 1980, erklærede det, at det ville give magten tilbage i demokratiske hænder.
Yet time and time again Mr Balfe implicitly blames it for all that has happened since 1980 and for a good deal of what happened before, in particular for matters which arise from the old Turkish penal code.
Det har med sikkerhed gjort begyndelsen.
They have certainly made a start on this.
Vel kan valget til den store nationalforsamling ikke forsynes med de vestlige demokratiers garantisegl.
Of course the elections to the Grand National Assembly do not offer the 'quality guarantee' required by the Western European democracies.
Vi beklager, at partierne ikke er tilladt frit.
We deplore that not all parties were allowed to put up candidates.
Hvad angår samvittighedsfanger, er Tyrkiet det ene ste land, der har nære forbindelser med Fællesskabet og tillige har samvittighedsfanger.
But this guarantee is required practically only by western Europe or the USA.
Folk bliver stillet for retten blot for at skrive eller tale eller udgive noget, og idømet meget strenge straffe.
But since the local elections in Turkey it can no longer be claimed that these were not democratic elections.
Vi bør støtte dem i Tyrkiet, der prøver at sikre, at vore vær dier bliver respekteret.
This is a sign of progress which must be continued, and I think this progress is not helped by constantly pillorying Turkey by exaggerated criticism.
Derfor mener jeg, at det i øjeblikket er for tidligt for Parlamentet at genoptage de formelle forbindelser med Tyrkiets store nationalforsamling i det blandede udvalg.
One thing I shall never forget: during the visit I alluded to earlier, when we spoke with the former members of the Joint Parliamentary Committee, nearly all of whom had come to the meeting, we were told 'Why did you not come before now?
Vi bør prøve at vedligeholde presset.
There was so much you could have done!'
De sidste to år har vist os, at det hjælper at udøve pres.
And in fact, all but one of the parliamentarians still remaining in prison were released when we asked to have a meeting with them.
Men selv om vi ikke har nogen formelle forbindelser, bør vi allegevel fortsætte med at tale med tyrkerne, for det er den eneste måde, hvorpå vi kan lægge et effektivt pres på dem.
He mentions in recital C the evidence submitted by five countries — Denmark, France, the Netherlands, Norway and Sweden — on torture and other infringements of the European Convention on Human Rights by Turkey.
Men dette garantisegl findes jo praktisk talt kun i Vesteuropa eller i De forenede Stater.
Then, in his explanatory statement, Mr Balfe says that there have been 50 executions since the coup.
I andre lande, vi har delegationer sammen med, tager man det jo ikke så højtideligt.
So there have, although there are no official figures.
I øvrigt var ud faldet både af valget til den store nationalforsamling og af kommunalvalgene bestemt ikke sådan, som ge neralerne havde ønsket sig, men et ganske andet.
But he fails to say that since the return to civilian government nearly two years ago, only two death sentences have been carried out.
Der er endnu mange ting at øve indflydelse på.
Another chance omission, doubtless, Mr President. dent.
Lemmer (PPE). — (DE) Hr. formand, mine damer og herrer, hr. Balge har forelagt en betænkning, der på mange punkter giver en korrekt vurdering af de ændrede forhold i Tyrkiet, men på mange andre ikke gør det.
There are starting points and opportunities here which we must take and which are not best taken by levelling exaggerated criticisms or dictating to the Turks what they should do or how things might be done faster and better.
Der er én ting, jeg aldrig vil gemme: da vi under det besøg, jeg allerede har omtalt, talte med de tidligere medlemmer af det blandede parlamentariske udvalg, som næsten fuldtalligt var kommet til stede, måtte vi høre den bebrejdelse: Hvorfor kommer I først nu? I kunne have gjort meget !
He talks of 500 people under sentence of death last May, but fails to add that the Turkish Parliament — the Grand National Assembly — elected in November 1983 has been systematically refusing ratification of death penalties for all except the most heinous crimes of terrorism.
Her er der udgangspunkter og chancer, som vi bør udnytte, og som vi ikke udnytter ved at øve overdreven kritik eller ved med overlærermine at fortælle tyrkerne, hvad de altsammen skal gøre, og hvordan de måske kan gøre det bedre og hurtigere.
Particular emphasis has been laid here on the death penalty, but the death penalty can only be carried out in Turkey if it is upheld by a decision of Parliament.
Derfor tror jeg, vi bør moderere hr. Balfes overdrivelser, og i modsætning til den fore gående taler anser jeg det for nødvendigt at genindføre den parlamentariske delegation med det formål — som hr. Dankert sagde — at føre samtale og i nødsfald også udøve tryk.
Anyone who does nothing, who is not pre pared to speak and create a platform for speech, can not take the soft option of criticism and say afterwards that things could have been done a lot better.
Også vi misbilliger, at der forekommer overgreb, ja ligefrem tortur på politistationer eller i fængsler.
I would thus ask you to support in particular those amendments which envisage the restoration of the Parliamentary Delegation, so that there can be a platform for discussion where both sides can counsel and influence each other.
Før militæret tog magten i september 1980, truede Tyrkiet med at gå under i kaos.
He just forgets to mention that it has been banned for decades, indeed right through all the governments of Mr Demirel and Mr Ecevit.
På den tid var det umuligt at bevæge sig frit i landet.
Indeed from the very start of the Turkish Republic.
Da i sin tid en parlamentsdelegation, eller rettere tre medlemmer — den konservative hr. Spicer, hr. Pintat fra de liberale og jeg — talte med den daværende ministerpræsident Ecevit, erklærede selv han, at der under de givne omstændigheder ikke havde været noget alternativ til militærets magt
Mr Prag (ED). — Mr President, since my concern for humanity obviously extends even to the hard left members of the so-called British Labour Group, I
Her blev dødsstraffen stærkt fremhævet, men i Tyrkiet kan dødsstraffen kun fuldbyrdes, hvis parlamentet giver sit samtykke i en beslutning.
Touching on the possibility of a general amnesty, Mr Balfe refers to the repentance law and the fact that it was vetoed, as it was indeed by President Evren.
Her er der mere end udgangspunkter nok til at øve indflydelse på ting-
He fails to mention, however, that under the constitution the bill was returned by the President to the Grand
En ny tilfældig for glemmelse.
Another chance omission, doubtless.
Jeg beder Dem derfor stemme for de ændrings for slag, der i særdeleshed drejer sig om atter at udpege en parlamentarisk delegation for at skabe et forum for fælles rådgivende og vejledende samtaler.
Then he writes about the Deputy Secretary-General of the Sodep Party, who, he says, is reported to be 'being held' — excuse the English, but that is Mr Balfe's English — incommunicado.
(Bifald fra midten)
Another chance omission.
Han nævner, at han ikke fik lov til at møde nogen repræsentanter for det tyrkiske kommunistparti, og i teksten hedder det: «Dette parti er forbudt.« Ja, det er det.
My group, Mr President, does not believe in the childish practice of sending one's friends to Coventry.
Han glemmer bare at nævne, at det har været forbudt i årtier,hele vejen gennem alle hr. Demirels og Hr. Ecevits regeringer, ja siden grundlæggelsen af den tyrkiske republik. Det har været forbudt ved grundloven på linje med alle andre totalitære partier på venstre og højre fløj.
We believe the time has come to behave like adults, to resume the dialogue, to help our friends the Turks to achieve their aim of building a durable modern democracy.
Endnu en tilfældig forglemmelse. melse.
In the two years since it came to power, it has made great strides towards the observance of fundamental human rights.