natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Delors mellem produktion og afsætningsmuligheder lige i øjnene. På grundlag af denne fastslåelse melder der sig tre retningslinjer.
Delors currently experiencing difficulties on the cereals market, but I have already explained the reasons for that.
Kan man behandle en landmand, der har en bibeskæftigelse, på samme måde som en landmand, der ikke laver andet?
The third course of action is to encourage high standards of quality.
Der findes en række løsninger. Jeg vil gerne nævne dem, og så vil De se med det samme, at ingen af disse løsninger, ja end ikke en kombination af flere af disse løsninger, vil udgøre et tilfredsstillende svar.
These, then, are the three policy options in the Com mission's proposals: realistic pricing, limitation of production by the least bad method available — none is outstandingly good — and, thirdly, encouragement of quality.
For det første forbedre afsætningsmulighederne ind adtil.
It is currently being argued in various quarters around the world that, by granting food aid in very substantial volumes, Europe is creating a disincentive for develop ing countries to strive to achieve food self-sufficiency.
Det er rigtigt, at forbruget, hvis væksten var en smule højere, ville stige lidt.
In any event, even if we managed to double the volume, we would still not make very significant inroads into our surpluses.
Men De ved lige så godt som jeg, at fødevareforbrugets elasticitet er beskeden. den.
Moreover, the taxpayer would have to meet the cost since, currently, accumulated stocks are financed on credit by loans but, as soon as it wants to use them, the Community has to pay.
For det andet sælge mere til udlandet. Men det af hænger ikke kun af os.
The fourth approach is to find new outlets, for in stance by taking advantage of scientific progress to turn sugar into fuel.
Det er trods alt to store aftagere, der er forsvundet fra markedet.
Fifthly and finally, there is protection against imports, in other words 100% application of Community preference.
Ikke desto mindre — og for at rette en fejl — steg Fællesskabets landbrugseksport i fjor til 27-28 milliarder dollars — mod 25 milliarder i 1984, 24 milliarder i 1983 og 28 milliarder i 1980.
This would not only put us in breach of the GATT rules but would attract retaliatory measures from our trading partners as well.
Altså kan man ikke sige, at Fællesskabet ikke gør noget for at eksportere mere.
How can people labour under the delusion that we could block imports and still go on freely selling whatever we liked on export markets?
For det tredje forøge fødevarehjælpen.
I have outlined five approaches.
Det er en mulighed, men den er stærkt omdiskuteret.
Once this has been appreciated, it becomes clear that three courses of action must be followed.
Først og fremmest skal vi praktisere realistiske priser, for hvis priserne forhøjes, når der er overskud, an sporer man til yderligere produktion.
The matter of the dangers of renationalization has been raised during the course of the debate.
Jeg bemærker, at jeg personlig har gjort mig til talsmand for, at der i grønbogen blev medtaget et forslag om, at indkomsten for de små landmænds vedkommende både kan hidrøre fra priserne og fra støtte i overensstemmelse med deres økonomiske og samfundsmæssige betyd ning.
I would remind the House in this connection that national expenditure on agriculture, excluding social security, is already running at 40% of the amount of Com munity expenditure and that measures adopted at national level often run counter to guidelines laid down in Brussels.
Men hvordan? Findes der andre? Kommissionen er lydhør på dette punkt.
Let us give this money to our small farmers'.
Da man afviser kombinationen pris/støtte til landmændene, er det vigtigste, at man gør sig helt klart, at man tvinges til at benytte kvotering eller medansvarsafgifter.
I can assure you that if the debate comes down to that level the Community will be heading for its greatest crisis since the one over the rebate to the United Kingdom.
I øjeblikket lader der sig stemmer høre i verden, som giver udtryk for den opfattelse, at Europa ved sin meget omfattende fødevarehjælp gør det stik modsat te af at opmuntre udviklingslandene til at arbejde på at blive selvforsynende med fødevarer.
It stems from just two developments: first, the agreement among the Member States to press ahead towards the attainment of priority objectives, foremost among which is the large market rid of all internal frontiers; secondly, the improvement in the European economic situation, on both the internal and external fronts.
Men selv om vi var i stand til at fordoble fødevarehjælpen, udgør den ikke stort i forhold til overskuddene.
At the point that we have now reached, we are faced with three major problems.
Og endelig for det femte beskytte sig mod omverdenen, altså ved 100% overholdelse af fællesskabspræferencen.
The first is the operation of a realistic pricing system, since if you increase prices when there are surpluses, you will only provide the incentive for a further increase in production.
I så fald tilsidesætter vi ikke blot GATT-reglerne, men vore samhandelspartnere vil gribe til gengældelsesforanstaltninger mod os.
I would point out that I per sonally argued in favour of inclusion in the Green Paper of a proposal according to which small farmers' incomes could be derived from a combination of prices and subsidies linked to the economic and social role that they perform. All the farmers' organizations rejected this idea.
Hvad er det for en forestilling, der svirrer i nogles hoveder, hvorefter vi skulle kunne fortsætte med frit at sælge alt, hvad vi vil til eksport, samtidig med at vi skulle forbyde importkøb?
Here was a possible way to combine a more realistic pricing policy which did not give a meal ticket to the large producers with an income support policy, but the farmers' organizations, without exception, are hostile to the idea.
Sådan er verden ikke indrettet.
The point has been taken.
Jeg har lige nævnt fem løsningsmuligheder. Ingen af disse fritager os fra at se problemet med uligevægten
It would be dangerous to foment impatience by giving people in Europe the impression that, in a couple of years, we could have an employment policy, a Euro-
Delors man skal prøve på at finde de praktisk beset mindst uheldige løsninger.
Delors pean social area, a common system for banking.
medlem tale om europæisk beskæftigelsespolitik.
No, these things will take longer than that.
Hvordan vil De have, at vi i dag skulle få en europæisk beskæftigelsespolitik med forskellige metoder i tolv lande?
To a degree, time is our master, and we should all come to terms with the fact.
Mon det er nødvendigt at minde Dem om, at den europæiske socialfonds bevillinger til beskæftigelses- og erhvervsuddannelsesformål udgør 3% af det samlede beløb, som de tolv medlemsstater bruger dertil. Hvordan forestiller De Dem, at man med 3% af det samlede beløb skulle kunne lave en beskæftigelsespolitik, ja blot en opmuntringspolitik?
The danger of inertia will arise if we fail in our duty because our working methods are found wanting — and it has to be said that, as far as relations between the three institutions are concerned, they are not very good — or because the institutional procedures are inappropriate.
Endelig vil jeg gerne komme tilbage til noget, som jeg var inde på før, nemlig den mellem- og kortsigtede troværdighed. De mente i mit program at have anet et gran optimisme.
If you examine this programme closely, Ladies and Gen tlemen, you will see that it is going to take extraordinary discipline on all sides to carry it through.
Når tiden er inde, vil Kommissionen fremsætte et forslag for at vise hvilken vægt den lægger på at fremme freden og den økonomiske og sociale udvikling i Nordirland.
strate its commitment to the promotion of peace and economic and social development in Northern Ireland.
Ende lig er der så de spørgsmål, der affødes af program merne for de ikkestatslige organisationer og for de handicappede.
Finally, there are problems in connection with the programmes for non-governmental organizations or for handicapped people.
I tillægsbudgettet vil vi fremsætte for slag for budgetmyndigheden, det vil sige Europa-Parlamentet og Rådet, om bevillinger dertil.
In the supplementary budget, we shall be proposing appropriate means to the budgetary authority, to you the Parliament, and the Council.
Således som strukturfondene fremtræder, tillader de altså ikke det umulige.
Consequently, the structural Funds, in their present form, cannot be expected to produce the impossible.
Men man bør huske på, at pengene altid kan bruges lidt bedre eller lidt dårligere.
But of course this money can be put to good or not so good use.
Der foreligger et opmuntrende eksempel, nemlig den måde hvorpå forslaget om de integrerede middel havsprogrammer blev modtaget, og som ændrede ånden i de berørte områder.
An encouraging example has been the response to the proposal on the Integrated Mediterranean Programmes, which has changed the mood in the regions concerned.
Jeg kan fortælle Dem, at vi allerede har modtaget mange programmer til hvis udarbejdelse vi har bidraget.
And I can tell you that we have already received a large number of programmes, drawn up with assistance from our people.
Vi har udsendt en kom mission til hver enkelt egn, og nu foreligger program merne hos os, og de bliver ikke syltet.
We have sent a mission to each region and the programmes are now on our table, where they will not gather dust.
De integrerede middelhavsprogrammer er ikke store, hvad bevillingerne angår, men de er udtryk for en ny indstilling.
These integrated Mediterranean Programmes do not involve substantial resources, but they represent a fresh approach.
De vil give de interesserede i de enkelte regioner mulighed for at genfinde tilliden til sig selv og til at prøve på at udvikle en strategi og at definere den i europæisk sammenhæng.
They enable organizers in each region to .regain confidence in themselves and to plan their strategies ahead, defining them with the European dimension in mind.
Følgelig kan vi opnå den mellemfristede troværdig hed på grundlag af et centralt punkt.
There is thus a focal point around which medium-term credibility can be developed.
Dette centrale punkt er, at virksomheder og ansatte er ved at blive klar over, at det store marked bliver til noget.
This focal point is the realization in industry, among workers, that the inter nal market is going to be completed.
Men det er givet, at det store marked alene ikke vil skabe tilstrækkeligt med arbejdspladser.
Admittedly, this large market will not in itself create enough jobs.
Men der består en klar sammenhæng mellem det store marked og kon kurrenceevnen.
But there is a very clear link between the large market and competitiveness.
Der består også en helt klar sammen hæng mellem det store marked og en bedre fordeling af menneskelige ressourcer, kapital og varer.
There is a very clear link between the large market and better resource allocation in terms of manpower, capital and goods.
Det er det hele.
That is all.
Men det vil kræve år at gennemføre.
But it is going to take years.
Efter at have talt med virksomhederne er jeg overbevist om, at de, der som vi ved indeværende års udgang har tilkendegivet vor beslutsomhed og gennemført vort program, vil ændre deres indstilling og lægge begejstring for dagen, og så vil De opleve, at europæisk konkurrenceevne forøges fra samme øjeblik.
And I am convinced, having discussed this with representatives of industry, that if by the end of this year we have demonstrated our determination and completed our programme, then there will be a change of attitude, a renewed enthusiasm, in industry, and you will see an improvement in European competitiveness from that moment on.
Men lad os for enhver pris holde op med at tale om europæisk beskæftigelsespolitik og fælles socialpolitik; lad os holde op med at snakke om ting, vi ikke kan tage op, fordi der ikke er noget flertal derfor i Parlamentet.
But please, no more talk of a European employment policy, a common social policy, no more talk on sub jects about which nothing can be done because there is no majority in this Parliament.
Nogle vil have et direktiv for arbejder nes medbestemmelse.
Some people want a directive on workers' participation.
Det er forsøgt gennemført ti gange!
But there have been ten attempts already!
Vi går for vort vedkommende en anden vej: vi indbyder arbejdsmarkedets parter til Val Duchesse og forsøger på at tilnærme synspunkterne.
We, for our part, have a different approach: we invite the two sides of industry to Val Duchesse and we try to bring points of view into alignment.
Man har fortalt mig, at det for gennemførelsen af det europæiske aktieselskab fremdeles er nødvendigt at arbejde i fem år.
I am informed that it will take another five years' work before we reach the point of turning the European company into reality.
Jeg mener, at det bør tages i betragtning. ning.
I come now to the third point, short-term economic policy.
Det andet punkt, der hænger sammen med det første, er, at nogle med rette har hævdet, at hvis vi bare får et stort marked uden økonomisk og social samhørighed, så er det uacceptabelt. Jeg tror imidlertid, at man skal moderere sine udtalelser.
The second point, which is linked to the first, is that some people have been saying, with justification, that the large market on its own, without economic and social cohesion, would not be acceptable.
Man skal ikke vente sig for meget af strukturfondene.
Too much should not be expected from the structural Funds.
Eller også slcal man ændre den finansielle dimension.
I heard someone talking about a European employment policy.
Jeg hørte et
This is pure nominalism.
Jeg gentager, at Europas troværdighed på kort frist hænger sammen dermed.
Its chances of being put into practice have been improved by the fall in the price of oil, which raises formidable problems in other areas, and by the fall in the exchange rate of the dollar. We can do better.
For mit vedkommende holder jeg ikke taler for ungdommen
But that means that you will have to join us in exerting pressure on public opinion.
Vi går til afstemning om anmodningen om afstem­ning snarest muligt om de allerede anmeldte fire for­slag til beslutning.
We shall now proceed to the vote on the requests for an early vote on the four motions for resolutions already announced.
(Afstemning snarest muligt vedtoges)
(Parliament approved the requests)
Afstemningen om disse forslag til beslutning finder sted i morgen, den 20. februar, kl. 18.00.
The vote on the motions for resolutions will take place at 6 p.m. tomorrow, 20 February.
Jeg vil gerne stille Dem følgende spørgsmål: Hvem iblandt Dem vil efter hjemkom­sten forklare sin regering, at den bør deltage i den vækst­ og beskæftigelsesfremmende samarbejdsstrate­gi?
most of the room for manoeuvre — and this is not the locomotive theory — we can have a growth rate of 3.5% instead of 2.5% and bring down unemployment by creating 800,000 jobs.
Men så skal alle landene også ville samarbejde med de øvrige.
But if that is to happen, each country must be prepared to cooperate with the others.
Jeg ved godt, at vi lever i et demokrati.
I know that ours are democratic countries.
Der er noget, der hedder valg.
There are elections.
Finansministrene vogter over deres rettigheder.
The Finance Ministers are very jealous of their prerogatives.
Alt dette ved jeg af erfaring.
I know all that, from experience.
Men jeg understreger, at en stor chance vil gå vor næse forbi, hvis vi ikke udøver dette pres.
But I tell you that if we do not exert this pressure, we shall be letting a great opportunity slip by.
Jeg understreger også, at det med forbe­hold af en meget alvorlig krise er nemmere at tilnær­me synspunkterne, at vende op og ned på de struktu­relle forhold og at harmonisere Europa, når konjunk­turerne bliver bedre. Det er en chance, der bør gribes.
And, I repeat, except in the event of a very grave crisis, it is easier to bring points of view closer together, to overturn structural obstacles, to harmonize Europe, when the economic climate is improving.
Det er en politisk opgave.
That is a political task.
Chanterie (PPE). — (NL) Fru formand, jeg vil stille et spørgsmål i forbindelse med Deres meddelelse om afstemningen om forslagene til beslutning som afslut­ning på forhandlingen.
Mr Chanterie (PPE). — (NL) Madam President, I should like to ask a question in connection with your announcement about voting on the motions for resolutions after the debate ends.
De sagde, at afstemningen fin­der sted i morgen torsdag kl. 18.00.
You say that the vote will take place tomorrow, Thursday, at 6 p.m.
Det fremgår af kontakter mellem grupperne, at der på visse punkter kan stilles et kompromisændringsforslag.
It emerges from contacts among the groups that on certain points a compromise amendment might be put forward.
Mit spørgsmål er, om det endnu kan nås i en ordentlig form, således at dette kompromisændringsforslag kan sættes under afstemning?
My question is whether or not this can still be done in proper form so that this compromise amendment can be put to the vote?
Formanden. — Hr. Chanterie, det kompromisæn­dringsforslag, De talte om, rejser kun et teknisk pro­blem, nemlig om det kan oversættes og omdeles, såle­des at forsamlingen kan behandle det ordentligt.
President. — Mr Chanterie, the compromise amend ment to which you referred raises a merely technical problem: it can therefore be translated and distributed since the Assembly is competent to discuss it.
Un­der den forudsætning er kompromisforslaget antage­ligt.
The compromise amendment is therefore admissible.
A2­211/85) af Charzat for det politi­ske udvalg om den politiske situation i Mellemø­sten (').
A 2211/85) by Mrs Charzat, drawn up on behalf of the Political Affairs Committee, on the political situation in the Middle East.
Hvad prioriteringerne angår, bør man være opmærk­som på prioriteringen af forbindelserne mellem Par­lamentet og Kommissionen, som også bør forbedres.
With regard to priorities, relations between the Parliament and the Commission should be high on the list, because there should be improvement in that area also.
Men jeg skal ærligt indrømme, at indsatsen bør gøres af begge parter.
But I would say to you candidly, there will have to be effort on both sides.
Først og fremmest skal prioriteringer­ne fastsættes.
The first task is to set priorities.
I fjor foreslog jeg Dem en deling af ini­tiativet.
Secondly, I made a proposal to you last year on sharing the initiative.
På hvilke felter ønsker De, at Parlamentets udvalg skal udarbejde initiativbetænkninger, som bli­ver til forslag fra Kommissionen?
In which fields do you want your committees to make own-initiative reports which will become Commission proposals?
Endelig skal man have et program.
Finally, there has to be a programme.
Har De eksempelvis tænkt på den nye samarbejdsprocedure i to faser? Hvilken rolle får Parlamentet i første fase?
Have you given thought, for instance, to the new two-stage procedure for cooperation?
Og hvilken rolle i anden fase?
What role should it play at the second stage?
Risikerer alt dette ikke i anden omgang at ende med for enhver pris at tilstræbe en konflikt med Rådet, hvorved første etape overflødiggøres.
Is there not a risk that the end result would be an effort to seek a confrontation at all costs with the Council at the second stage, so that the first stage would serve no purpose?
I anden fase skulle Europa­Parlamentet fremsætte ændrings­forslag for at se, hvad Rådet siger. Vil De omdanne denne procedure til en kraftprøve?
Parliament would then make amendments at the second stage and wait to see what the Council said.
Eller vil De for eksempel lade halvtreds direktiver gå igennem af de to hundrede, som lord Cockfield kan få vedtaget med kvalificeret flertal?
Or are you, for instance, going to secure the passage of fifty of the two hundred directives which Lord Cockfield can get adopted by a qualified majority?
Charzat (S), ordfører. — (FR) Fru formand, mine damer og herrer, kære kolleger, jeg har den ære på Deres vegne at aflægge beretning vedrørende freds­perspektiverne i Mellemøsten.
Mrs Charzat (S), rapporteur. — (FR) Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, it is my privilege to report, on your behalf, on the outlook for peace in the Middle East.
(') I forhandlingen indgår mundtlig forespørgsel med forhand­ling (dok.
All too often, unfortunately, we have a great deal to say about what should be done.
Β 2­1518/85) af Veil for den liberale og demokrati­ske gruppe til udenrigsministrene om fred i Mellemøsten.
I shall be covering three points: first, the reactivation of European political cooperation on the Middle East; secondly, the chances of peace; finally, the main proposals which could be made by our European Parliament to the Council and the Commission.
Som bekendt ligger en del af vor succes i at vide, hvordan det skal gøres; det sagde jeg allerede til Dem i fjor.
First of all, the peace-making efforts in the Middle East warrant the reactivation of European political cooperation.
Charzat forhandlingsløsnings vej, som altså må anerkende resolutionerne nr. 242 og nr. 338;
Charzat so that it could scotch the logic of confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union.
— præsident Hafez El Assad, hvis land samvittighedsfuldt overholder aftalen om syrisk-israelsk rømning af 31. maj 1974 på trods af Israels beslutning af 14. december 1981 om at indlemme de syriske Golan-højder.
— President Hafez El Assad, whose country has scrupulously observed the Syrian-Israeli disengagement agreement of 31 May 1974, this despite the decision taken by Israel on 14 December 1981 to annex the Syrian Golan Heights.
Alt taler for, at Europa gennem det europæiske politiske samarbejde skal tage mere aktivt del i bestræbelserne på at opnå fred i Mellemøsten.
There is every reason for Europe to play a more active part, through European political cooperation, in the Middle East peace process.
Europa må ikke glemme sin fortid, når det skal opbygge fremtiden.
In building for the future, Europe must not forget its past.
Dets historie har i mere end to årtusinder været forbundet med østens historie.
Its history has been bound up with the history of the Levant for over two thousand years . . .
Som det tredje punkt skal det fremhæves, at efter ordførerens mening kan kun de parter, der deltager i konflikten, fremsætte fredsforslag med henblik på en global ordning.
Any attempt to establish peace must involve Syria, which made the first call, in November 1984, for an international conference, which is the only possible basis on which to achieve' the settlement that we all want to see.
Europa kan imidlertid fremme drøftelserne ved at medvirke til at skabe en passende international ramme, som alle de involverede parter kan appellere til, selv om der i dag stadig eksisterer forskelle med hen syn til hvilket indhold, den skal have.
In the view of your rapporteur — and this takes me to the third point — only the parties to the conflict can make peace proposals aimed at a comprehensive settle ment.
Det nazistiske folkemord på det jødiske folk har fremskyndet den mirakuløse opbygning af staten Is rael.
Finally, the Nazi genocide of the Jewish people accelerated the miracle of the creation of the State of Israel.
Samtidig opstod det dramatiske spørgsmål om det palæstinensiske folk, som i dag er i centrum af problemet om fred i Mellemøsten.
The same event gave rise to the tragic plight of the Palestinian people, which is now at the heart of the problem of peace in the Middle East.
Dette problem kan ikke løses inden for rammerne af en koldkrigsproblematik.
This is not some thing which can be settled in the context of a cold war approach.
Ved at arbejde for et europæisk politisk samarbejde arbejder Europa for freden.
In working for European political cooperation, Europe is working for peace.
Jeg kommer nu til det andet punkt.
I come now to the second point.
For tiden vejer de faktorer, der er gunstige for freden, tungere i Mel lemøsten end de negative.
Currently, in the Middle East, the factors working in favour of peace outweigh those working against it.