natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Hvis vi havde disse, ville vi måske også vide, hvilke andre konklusioner det var muligt at bringe os til.
Hence it is nowadays still the task of the national to lead the way in this direction.
For øvrigt er statistikken en lampe: den ene person placerer den til venstre og en anden til højre får ligeledes lys.
However, let us have a look at the two arguments that have so far been advanced in this debate in favour of the death penalty.
Vi må ikke glemme at, hvis vi undtager vore lande, Europa, har hele verden, over 140 lande, for skellige systemer.
She responded almost with incomprehension, saying 'What good would that do'?
I Grækenland har vi en stor forkæmper for afskaffelsen af dødsstraffen.
Let nobody believe that the death penalty acts in any way as a deterrent to terrorism.
Det er den ortodokse kirke. Afdøde Alivizatos, en af de største teologer inden for
Reverend Paisley, you of all people should not use this argument to conceal unchristian vengefulness because in Northern Ireland
Gondicas ændring af dets straffesystem, og dette kræver et årelangt omhyggeligt arbejde i dette land.
Price there were statistics that showed that innocent lives were preserved by having the death penalty, I would be persuaded that it was a very regrettable necessity.
digheder retfærdiggøre, at man tager et menneskes liv.
Now we have, of course, plenty of experience in the progressive abolition of the death penalty in European countries.
Dette argument er imidlertid selvmodsigende, for også at citere den store tyske filosof Hegel lidt, for hvis et menneskes liv har en absolut værdi, så har mange menneskers liv så meget mere absolut værdi.
In the United States there are comparable states, some with and some without the death penalty.
Og dette er ensbetydende med, at hvis anvendelsen af dødsstraffen er nødvendig, for at samfundets liv kan bevares, så har staten både ret og pligt til at idømme dødsstraf.
And what is abundantly clear is that nobody can produce any arguments or any figures to show that the death penalty is a deterrent.
Svaret på det første spørgsmål er altså allerede givet.
Many studies have been carried out, many figures have been produced, but that is a fact.
Staten har ret, men også pligt til at idømme dødsstraffen, hver gang dette er nødvendigt for at bevare samfundets liv.
For that reason I reject both the arguments that have been adduced in this debate for the death penalty.
Der er ligeledes blevet givet udtryk for argumenter mod afskaffelsen, hovedsagelig under henvisning til vor tids stadig talrigere tilfælde af vold og terrorrisme — som eksempel forsøget på at myrde paven og mordet på Moro — men også til den psykologiske vold, som mordkandidaterne må gennemgå, for at undgå at forbrydelserne fuldbyrdes. Det er imidlertid velkendt, fru formand, at der ikke eksisterer nogen værre vold end den vold, som en statsmagt kan udøve, og vi kan ikke komme bort fra, at dødsstraffen er umenneskelig, og at den er krænkende for vor værdighed, vor menneskelighed og vor civilisation.
Neither do the arguments put forward in favour of abolition seem to me to be questionable, arguments which are contained in the report before us today, and which bring out both the irreparable finality of the death penalty — which was pointed out as long ago as Beccaria's time — since a mistaken judgment takes on a terrifying and irrevocable finality in cases where the death penalty has been administered, and the ineffectiveness of the death penalty, a subject on which many of us have already spoken, since its abolition does not automatically lead to a change in crime statistics.
Men dette svar giver os samtidig løsningen på det andet problem.
Similarly, there is absolutely no doubt that this penalty is cruel.
Det er blevet sagt, at først må terroristerne holde op med at dræbe, og siden vil staten afskaffe dødsstraffen.
The death penalty is in fact a hangover from the notion of justice as vengeance.
Svaret afhænger af de nøjagtige betingelser i hvert enkelt konkret samfund. Logikken og erfaringerne har vist, at afskaffelsen af dødsstraffen har haft for skellige følger i forskellige lande.
It seems to me that the two other points that really ought to be taken into account, and which have not received great mention in this debate, are these.
I andre lande er kriminaliteten steget så meget, at man har måttet genindføre dødsstraffen.
Supposing that you, through some unfortunate circumstance, were convicted of a murder that you had not committed, you could forfeit your life as a result.
Situationen i disse muliggør sandsynligvis afskaffelsen af dødsstraffen i visse, lande, medens dette ikke er tilfældet i andre.
We cannot afford judicial error in this kind of circumstance.
Skyldes drabet af Kennedy-brødrene og forsøget på at dræbe præsident Reagan, ikke i høj grad den kendsgerning, at salget af våben er frit i Amerika?
However, on the other hand I should like to point out that I am not convinced by the argument that the death penalty is a violation of the right to live, inasmuch as this is both self-evident and inadequate, because any legal sentence violates basic freedoms since it means that one is prevented, totally or temporarily, from exercising such rights.
I denne forbindelse er også statistikkernes udsagn af betydning. Og ifølge disse har kriminaliteten og volden ikke ophørt at eksistere i de stater, hvor dødsstraffen stadig væk anvendes, som for eksempel i Tyrkiet, vort naboland.
I should like to add that to establish a relationship between the State's right to punish and the rights of its citizens could well lead to fruitless discussions, whilst at the same time it would be useful, in order to further the abolition of the death penalty, to establish that the state's right to punish cannot be extended to cover this area.
Det er et emne, som må undersøges særskilt af hvert land og for hvert land. Det er ikke muligt at anvende en generel og ensartet løsning, og derfor foreslår jeg, at man forkaster det drøftede forslag, eftersom det tilsigter en generel løsning.
Lastly, as far as this European Parliament is concerned, I believe that a clear declaration of principle of this kind implemented by national states — and all we can do is to call upon them, of course — would open the way to cooperation in suppressing terrorism.
Derfor vil i hvert fald jeg personlig stemme for afskaffelsen af dødsstraffen og for Vayssade-betænk-ningen.
I believe that this is a practical reason why the states of Europe should get together and apply that principle.
Papaefstratiou. — (GR) Fru formand, jeg vil ikke ulejlige forsamlingen længe, for jeg tror, at alle argu menterne allerede er blevet nævnt fra begge sider.
I find the reference to the 1977 Convention of Extra dition, and to that on the setting up of a European judicial area, signed in Dublin in 1979, interesting and I think it would be an extremely positive step to extend their sphere of application in such a way as to rein force the humanitarian measures in existence today.
Det første er, hvorvidt staten har ret til at idømme dødsstraf, eller om den overhovedet ikke har denne ret.
How many obstacles I ask you, ladies and gentlemen, would a convention encounter aimed at a general harmonization of the main penal regulations and procedures governing the execution of sentences?
Det andet er, hvorvidt staten, hvis den har ret til at idømme straffen, gør rigtigt i at anvende denne rets form.
Mr d'Angelosante. — (IT) Madam President, I should like to make the following remarks, on the topics covered by previous speakers whilst seeking to add something a little different to them.
Hovedargumentet for tilhængerne af dødsstraffens afskaffelse er menneskelivets absolutte værdi.
However, I am in agreement with the aim laid down in the report, particularly when faced with the blood curdling fact that political prisoners are being allowed to die simply because barbaric laws which govern their inhuman and degrading treatment are not being changed.
Menneskelivets værdi er større end hvilken som helst naturlig eller konventionel værdi, og følgelig kan beskyttelsen af en anden værdi under ingen omstæn
These are the reasons why the Italian Communists and their Allies will vote in favour of Mrs Vayssade's report.
Jeg forstår fuldt ud følelserne, såvel hos den ærede ordfører som hos de andre kolleger, der har taget stil ling for beslutningen og for afskaffelsen af dødsstraffen.
In any case, the problem of our competence does not arise in this House given that we are in the habit of dealing with topics which involve human rights in the broadest sense of the term.
Men jeg mener, at det er lidt utopisk at kræve noget så kompliceret og specielt som afskaffelsen af dødsstraffen, en negativ foranstaltning, hvis anvendelse varierer fra det ene land til det andet alt efter problemerne, og hvoraf brugen, som det allerede er blevet sagt, i alle Fællesskabets lande i grunden er blevet så begrænset, at det næsten svarer til en fuld stændig afskaffelse.
On the credit side, ladies and gentlemen, I should like to mention that in this part of the world the death penalty may now be considered as abolished everywhere and also as eliminated from the consciousness of the peoples of Europe, and it is this universal consensus of
Europa-Parlamentets forhandlinger
Debates of the European Parliament into four of the cases where it is known that the wrong person was hanged.
Det drejer sig om en straf, der i mit land anvendes meget sjældent og kun for frygtelige forbrydelser, og selv dette kun efter at mindst to juridiske instanser har konstateret forbryderens farlige personlighed og forbrydelsens gruelighed.
So if you support the death penalty, then in logic you must accept the possibility that, perhaps not often but from time to time, in every generation, someone will receive the death penalty who did not commit the crime of which convicted.
Som resumé vil jeg gerne sige, at jeg er imod beslut ningen.
I can agree with the Vayssade report since it is, for most of the points raised, a good report.
Formanden. — Næste punkt på dagsordenen er formanden for Rådets erklæring om det nederlandske formandskab.
I think that when pondering this question in most cases one comes to the same conclusions reached by the rapporteur.
Vlahopoulos. — (GR) Fru formand, jeg vil kun tale ganske kort.
However, and this is why I shall not be voting in favour of this text, I see two exceptions to this rule, Mrs Vayssade, and they are exceptions based on my own experience.
Van der Mei, formand for Rådet. — (NL) Desværre er ministeren, hr. Van der Klaauw, der gerne ville have været til stede her i dag, forhindret, fordi han fik en indbydelse fra ASEAN-landene til at overvære deres møde i Manilla.
I think that when a child is killed after having been kidnapped and held to ransom, and in some cases when a child is killed in an extremely brutal manner, there should be a supreme penalty, because this is the ultimate crime committed against total innoconce.
Men jeg håber, at de positive resultater af afskaffelsen af dødsstraffen vil være mere talrige end de negative. Desuden er der ingen tvivl om, at denne afskaffelse er et udtryk for civilisation.
There is another case in which I feel that the death penalty should be applied, based on my own personal experience, and that is when someone is taken hostage and then executed, which is an example of cold­blooded, deliberate and premeditated execution.
Men nu, hvor jeg har talt om udtryk for civilisation, vil jeg gerne komme ind på forbryderens straffedom.
Secondly, on deterrence, I would like to agree with Mr Price and that will save time, because I think he put my point of view.
Og det er godt og klogt, hvis vi begynder med det første bogstav.
Those of us who really work in this field know that nothing deters certain crimes of passion, nothing deters many cases where the person is drunk, and in a drunken brawl, kills.
For at udtrykke mig klarere: Inden vi når frem til dødsdommen og eksekutionen, burde vi ikke begynde med det første bogstav, som jeg lige har sagt?
Nothing deters many cases of murder between husband and wife. That is a proven fact.
Jeg hentyder til de dømtes og de anklagedes livsbetingelser i fængslerne og arresterne.
So you are really left asking in those murders where you might think someone would be deterred, does the death penalty really deter?
Er der nogen sinde foretaget en undersøgelse af, hvorledes fangerne lever og udsoner deres straf?
So when you look at the crimes of violence there is only one fair way to do it, which is to distinguish between types of murder, if you really want to deal with the question of deterrence.
Har vi nogen sinde set nærmere på deres problemer? Har vi glemt, at fængslingen hver dag gør levende til døde?
And even having done that you should bear in mind that the most important study I think made in modern times was that of the Royal Commission on Capital Punish­ment, which looked at every European country at the time, and came to no conclusion whatsoever.
Har vi nogen sinde søgt oplysning om, hvor mange der har forsøgt at begå selvmord, og hvorfor de har gjort det?
In the two cases I have just mentioned, I think that a death sentence and execution are justified.
Inden vi derfor, fru formand, giver udtryk for menneskelig følsomhed over for morderkandidaterne, skulle vi ikke nu med det samme vise interesse for dem, der bag fængselstremmerne ikke har nogen mulighed for at skrige, således at også deres stemme kan nå frem til denne sal.
On the rest of your report, Mrs Vayssade, I am in agreement, it being in line with the trend in attitude and customs and with the progressive path which mankind should be now taking.
Oven i købet befinder Fællesskabet sig netop nu i en særdeles vanskelig situation. Både som følge af den økonomiske stagnation og den tunge byrde omstruktureringen af budgettet fører med sig.
It is not on me, an abolitionist, it is on those who defend the positive act of taking life.
En oversigt over vort virke kan på nuværende tidspunkt ikke være fyldestgørende, da der på et antal vigtige, politiske områder endnu skal tages beslutninger inden slut ningen af formandskabet eller tages initiativer, der skal muliggøre det politiske arbejde i den nærmeste fremtid.
Lastly, Madam President, having known a bit about this from the inside, I would say that the act of taking life, justifiable homicide by the State, if you like, degrades those who execute it, degrades those who arrange it, it degrades those who have to watch it offi­cially, sometimes very reluctantly.
Jeg tænker her især på omstruktureringen, som Det europæiske Råd for første gang vil beskæftige sig med i Luxembourg den 29. og 30. juni i år.
It degrades much of society, unfortunately there is an element there who take a ghoulish, obscene delight in reading the notice at the prison gate.
Jeg tænker ligeledes på beslutningsproceduren for forslagene fra Kommissionen vedrørende stålkrisen, der lige er blevet forelagt Rådet med en deadline fastsat til den 30. juni.
I think that is a degradation of mankind not dissimilar to the degradation of the crim­inal himself; surely the State should rise above the acts of criminals.
Endvidere vil Rådet i næste uge, mandag og tirsdag, tage et antal beslutninger på nogle vigtige områder, bl.a.
President. — Mr President of the Council, I would ask you to excuse the fact that we are running late, but I would like to finish the debate before calling you for' your statement.
Multifiberaftalen og de nye finansielle protokoller til fordel for landene i Middelhavsområdet.
I insist that no speaker exceed his or her speeking time from now on.
Sieglerschmidt. — (DE) Fru formand, jeg finder det skandaløst, som visse medlemmer uden for grupperne her har udnyttet, for ikke at sige misbrugt de mulig heder, som den gældende forretningsorden giver dem.
Mrs Ewing. — Madam President, as with the case of Mr Israel, I speak from my own point of view and I speak as one who for twenty years of my life spent considerable time defending people accused of murder.
Selv om det nederlandske formandskab på nuværende tidspunkt endnu ikke er afsluttet, er det alligevel muligt at tage et overblik over det sidste halve år.
Often after the case was over, I had severe doubts, both, I may say, in the case of acquittals and convictions.
Den 14. januar skitserede minister Van der Klaauw i sin tale til Parlamentet et billede af det foruroligende økonomiske og politiske klima i Europa og uden for Europa.
If you are in favour of the death penalty, then logically you must accept the possibility —■ and it is a proven possi­bility — of hanging innocent men.
Et billede, der, når man tænker tilbage, bestemt ikke var overdrevent pessimistisk.
Now it is natural to be very sympathetic to the victim of a crime of vio­lence.
Desværre må det erkendes, at der i den periode, der ligger bag os, ikke er sket et nyt opsving i den økonomiske vækst i medlemsstaterne.
But how terrible it is to hang or guillotine someone who is innocent: There was a very famous cause célèbre in Scotland where the man was not hanged and seventeen years later he was pardoned — if you will excuse the comical word that is used in the United Kingdom — for a crime he did not commit.
Inflation og arbejdsløshed
There have been many causes célèbres in English law and of course in every other country.
lægger vedblivende en tung byrde på vort samfund.
Today, as I read the report, I found myself, believe me, in a great dilemma.
Regeringernes tiltagende økonomiske underskud har været årsag til spændinger, der direkte berører vort Fællesskab.
The origin of this dilemma of mine was the experience of the present, of the state of affairs in the world today.
Det samme gælder for de vanskeligheder, der også i år er opstået i anledning af løntilpasningen for de europæiske tjenestemænd.
In supporting these views, the PASOK has opposed the retention of capital punishment in Greece.
I den tale, minister Van der Klaauw i januar måned holdt i Parlamentet, nævnte han fire prioriteter.
In February 1980 we tabled a motion in the Greek Parliament seeking to abolish the death penalty.
Det drejede sig om den omstrukturering, Fællesskabet står over for, bekæmpelse af den økonomiske krise, de internationale økonomiske forhold og institutionerne.
Today the 1975 Constitution of the Hellenic Republic lays down in a new provision that respect for and protection of human dignity constitute the main obligation of the state.
I mit indlæg vil jeg koncentrere mig om disse fire punkter.
At the same time it forbids torture, psychological violence and any other attack on human dignity.
Men, fru formand, jeg vil dog ikke helt forbigå en vigtig begivenhed, der har fundet sted i de forløbne måneder, i tavshed, nemlig Grækenlands tiltrædelse til Fællesskabet.
At the same time, however, the death sentence is retained for two common-law offences and for 'compound' political offences, while the military penal code provides for a number of other cases in which the death penalty may be imposed even during peacetime.
Fru formand, denne erfaring hat styrket os i vor overbevisning om, at Fællesskabet vedblivende må stræbe efter Spaniens og Portugals tiltrædelse, og formand skabet har i det sidste halve år gjort alt, hvad der var muligt for at lette tiltrædelsesforhandlingerne.
How can anyone fail to realize that the agony of the death-call is one of the most terrible tortures that an organized civilized society persists in retaining as its right for use against human beings?
Uligevægten på handelsbalancen til fordel for Japan er steget i uacceptabel grad.
Ladies and gentlemen, even the worst criminal is human.
Fru formand, formand skabet har anstrengt sig for efter evne at samordne medlemsstaternes reaktioner, for at gøre Fællesskabets forhandlingsposition så stærk som mulig.
It would He a worse mistake than that of the criminal or terrorist if we were to acknowledge his triumph by imposing his law and his morality and, consequently, by using murder as the only solution to the problems caused by crime.
Det er et godt tegn at Fællesskabet, til trods for den dårlige økonomiske situation, ikke har givet efter for fristelsen til at træffe protektionistiske foranstaltninger.
Individuals or groups morally hardened and blinded by suffering may become terrorists.
Jeg vil i den forbindelse lige nævne det succesrige forløb af forhandlingerne med New Zealand om den fremtidige smøreksport til Fællesskabet og med Australien, hvor man forhandlede om oksekødeksporten.
Mr Zighdis.— (GR) Madam President, I should like to extend my sincerest congratulations to Mrs Vayssade and Mrs Macciocchi for the reports and the motions which they have submitted to us.
Jeg tænker især på problemerne omkring den høje rentesats i De forenede Stater, der af mange anses for at være overdrevent høj.
We Greek Members of EDIK are in favour of abolishing the death penalty.
Fru formand, Fællesskabet har ikke alene haft kontakt med industri landene i det sidste halve år, også udviklingslandenes skæbne har ligget os på hjerte.
This would be an extremely simple matter in our country, since the same Constitution, which provides for the absolute protection of life and forbids any kind of torture or ill-treatment under Article 7 (2), by way of exception — and contradiction — allows executions.
Jeg vil i den forbindelse gerne henvise til fællesskabetsstandpunktet med hensyn til Nord-syd-dialogen.
Abolishing the death penalty would therefore remove a contradiction from the Constitution.
Med hensyn til de fire nævnte prioriteter vil jeg sige, at formandskabet allerede fra begyndelsen af med rette kun forventede, at der i de første måneder af 1981 ville blive gjort en spæd begyndelse til en meningsdannelse om omstruktureringen.
Mr Plaskovitis. — (GR) Ladies and gentlemen, the amount of speaking time left to me is hardly enough for me to add anything substantial on such a wide subject, which is dealt with so thoroughly and conscientiously by Mrs Vayssade in her report.
Vi håber inden længe at modtage forslag fra Kommissionen om denne sag. Derefter kan Rådet påbegynde de første drøftelser og vil forhåbentlig kunne anmode om en mere detaljeret udarbejdelse af denne meget omfattende problematik med henblik på at træffe beslutninger senere på året.
I shall confine myself, therefore, to testifying in this House to Greece's tragic experience that the inhuman death penalty is based mainly on a desire for revenge and retribution and does not fulfil any of the purposes of punishment which are scientifically recognized nowadays, that is to say it neither seeks to reform the criminal nor serves to prevent crime.
Idet formandskabet har foregrebet Kommissionens forslag, har det ved flere lejligheder bestræbt sig på at stimulere meningsudvekslingerne om omstrukturering, bl.a. ved det uformelle møde for udenrigsministrene i Venlo.
This is demonstrated by the fact that a staggering number of death sentences were passed and carried out during periods of upheaval in our national life, during periods when political and ideological fanaticism was rife, the victims mainly being people who challenged the authority of the state, which means that the offences were basically political.
Der påhviler Kommissionen det tunge ansvar at sørge for, at de første skridt i forhandlingsproceduren vedrørende omstruktureringen ledes i retning af en styrkelse og udbygning af fællesskabsstrukturen.
There were more than 4 000 executions and — in many cases — judicial murders of opponents of the regime.
Det fjerde emne, jeg gerne vil drøfte med Dem, om end meget kort på grund af den afmålte tid, drejer sig om Fællesskabets institutioner og samarbejdet dem imellem. Traditionelt set er det et område, som
In Greece, moreover, we have one great protagonist of the abolition of the death penalty — the Orthodox Church.
Europa-Parlamentets forhandlinger
Debates óf the European Parliament
Van der Mei ske i politiske samarbejde.
President. — I call Mr Frangos.
hollændere anser for at være af væsentlig betydning.
thinking, stated that the Orthodox Church accepted the death penalty out of respect for the state, but could in no way justify it.
Mit land har haft en særlig interesse for dette emne under formandskabet.
Under those circumstances, Madam President, abolishing the death penalty — and not just suspending executions — is a question of replacing those responsible for governing the country.