natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Vi frygter, at det ikke er produktet af et vovestykke, men tværtimod en virkelighedsflugt.
What I feel to be the most serious problem is that there is no real cooperation between the Council and the European Parliament.
Vi forhandler ikke, fru formand, om europæernes pres serende og brændende problemer.
The Commission has shown considerable willingness to listen to Parliament over the past four years, but that is as far as it goes.
Vi fremlægger blot for øjnene af Europas folk en skitse til omdannelse af Det europæiske Fællesskab til et forbund, der er meget mere ambitiøst end Genscher-Colombos politiske samarbejdsplan og derfor mere utopisk, navnlig når man tager Stuttgart-topmødets resultater i juni i betragtning.
Only the will is there. When it comes to translating the debate between the Commission and Parliament into concrete policy, the Commission does not have the moral strength to put the views on which it is in agree ment with Parliament across in the Council of Ministers. ters.
Men tiltrædelsen af lande som Grækenland i Det europæiske Fællesskab og påtagelse af retligt
Parliament should certainly have more say in the composition of the Commission than simply giving its approval.
Plaskovitis bindende forpligtelser var resultatet af langvarige forhandlinger og væsentlige indrømmelser fra begge sider. Med hvilken logik vil nu disse forpligtelser blive erstattet og væsentligt forøget med nye, som den fore liggende Spinelli-betænkning foreslår, uden at der forud finder en forhandlingsprocedure sted?
Kirk making an official request for institutional reform and for the drafting of a new Treaty as a necessary precondition for resolving the crisis of the Community and for avoiding the further decline of this old continent, which otherwise seems inevitable.
Imidlertid foretrækker vi at afholde os fra at stemme, af to grunde.
The will for this is still lacking in the govern ments of the Member States.
Og nu til det andet spørgsmål, som opstår. Hvilken slags forbundsunion for Europa vil det være, næsten efter amerikansk forbillede, hvor den centrale magt ikke påtager sig det fulde ansvar for den ligelige fordeling af indtægterne og rigdommene fra forbundskilder for at skabe ensartet udvikling af alle forbundsområder?
Many observes and a sector of public opinion have sometimes made the mistake of identifying the problem of institutional reform with that of an increase in the powers of the European Parliament, but I think that the motion for a resolution which the Committee on Institutional Affairs has submitted to us refutes this narrow and erroneous view once and for all.
For det første fordi vi principielt ikke er imod ideen om et forenet Europa, som en gang for alle bør have sin egen røst og ikke nøjes med rollen som bagtrop for De forenede Staters beslutninger om alle internationale problemer og især problemet om freden, afspændingen og nedrustningen, hvor vi socialister forventer, at der vil opstå en ny situation og et nyt håb.
Our Parliament has not restricted itself to asking for increased powers' within the present institutional framework but is proposing a different institutional order based on a fairer distribution of powers and an improved role for the Commission.
Noget sådant kan ikke lykkes uden forudgående modige forsøg på forståelse mellem medlemsstaterne til fjernelse af de nuværende akutte sociale og økonomiske kontraster og skævheder.
The Spinelli report does not just ask for executive powers for the European Parliament but makes an open request for a European Government, for strong, responsible and united guidance for European policies.
Tværtimod gør den brede anvendelse af ubestemthed i udkastet og den komplicerede funktionsprocedure for de forskel lige organer i den nye europæiske union det næsten umuligt at vurdere de bindende forpligtelser, som de i unionen indgående lande opfordres til at påtage sig.
If this splendid and legitimate initiative is to meet with success, the proposals must first gain widespread and conclusive support among the public and the political and social forces and they will be one of the major topics of debate during the election campaign next spring.
For det andet fordi det foreløbige udkast indeholder nogle bestemmelser om nyvurdering af Fællesskabets samfundspolitik og økonomiske politik, som viser, at man til en vis grad har accepteret nødvendigheden af en væsentlig revision af den hidtil fulgte politik.
We would prefer to back a more pragmatic attitude and tackle the problem where it really arises. We would prefer to see a proposal more geared to modifying the right of veto, which has over the years been a contributory cause of the Council's failure to take decisions, so that we can get Parliament more closely involved in the decisionmaking process.
Karakteristiske er bestemmelserne om unionsrettens gyldighed uden betingelser og begrænsninger i forhold til den nationale lovgivning, hvilket medfører, at de natinale domstole må anvende unionsretten, selv om den afviger fra deres lands forfatning.
We could envisage a negative right of veto for the European Parliament so that, instead of individual Member States blocking negotiations in the Council of Ministers, we should have a qualified vote in the Council of Ministers and, if there were no majority in the European Parliament in favour of decisions for which there had been a majority in the Council of Ministers, it would be Parliament which called a halt to the measure.
Unionslovene vedtages af Parlamentet og unionsrådet med kvalificeret flertal, og hvis de angår fælles aktionssektorer, udelukker de udøvelse af den nationale lovgivning; hvor der derimod løbende eksisterer unionskompetence, virker den nationale lovgivning kun, hvis unionsretten ikke dækker den pågældende sag.
This would mean that the Member States, when their vital interests were at stake, would also need to secure understanding for their position here in the European Assembly and to ensure that a majority backed it.
Det kan naturligvis indgå i Europa-Parlamentets historie som et vidnesbyrd om varierende hensigter og teoretiske opfattelser, men det er ikke i stand til at give et overbevisende svar på Fællesskabets folks brændende spørgsmål, når de om nogle måneder vil blive opfordret til at vælge deres nye repræsentanter.
Tomorrow's vote will, therefore, be a first acid test and a moment of truth for the deeply-held convictions and autonomy of this Parliament, which will be able to show whether its Europeanism is merely rhetorical or quite genuine.
For sektorerne udenrigspolitik, diplomatiske og politiske forbindelser, sikkerhed, oprustning, ratifikation af internationale aftaler, tilsiger unionsorganernes kompetence, at man fra medlemsstaternes side for alvor giver afkald på de suveræne rettigheder.
This undertaking certainly requires the support of every one of those in power who has the future of our Continent at heart, and this is why I want to make an urgent appeal (as the rapporteur, Mr Spinelli, has done) to our colleagues in the British Conservative Party, who are the heirs of Winston Churchill's dream of Europe, to reconsider their position.
FORSÆDE: NICOLAS ESTGEN Næstformand
This movement is very much opposed to the European Parliament.
Formanden. — Af hensyn til spørgetiden skal jeg her afbryde forhandlingen. Den vil blive genoptaget i morgen. (')
It speaks out against Parliament having an influence on decisions which are to be taken for the benefit of the Community.
Da de følgende spørgsmål vedrører samme emne, vil vi under ét behandle spørgsmål nr. 1 af Marshall (H-837/82):
Mr Gawronski (L). — (IT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, I do not think that it is going too far to say that today's debate is probably the most important that our Parliament has held since the time of direct elections.
Kombinationen af disse bestemmelser, fru formand; og mange andre, som dygtigt skjuler sig imellem linjerne, gør efter vor mening deres dybere hensigter meget klar. Det vil sige officielt at vedtage et Europa i to tempi, hvor de stærke og de rige vil lede og beslutte og de øvrige vil være nødt til enten at være enige eller stå uden for spillet med alle de økonomiske og politiske konsekvenser på deres bekostning.
I say to our colleagues in the European Democratic Group that we agree with their attacks on the present illogical and unfair allocation of the Community's financial resources, on the need to reform the common agricultural policy and on the budget, but we think that the only practical way to solve the present problems is to take a leap forward and to create a political Europe so that we can also leave behind the Europe of milk lakes and butter mountains !
Man må forstå, at Luxembourg-aftalen af 1966 er Fællesskabets orden, og så længe der ikke anvendes
So I say to you our Conservative colleagues that you must dare to dare ! Do not make your country choose
Finder Rådet det ikke rimeligt, at Grækenland i betragtning af associeringsaftalen mellem Fælles skabet og Israel yder Israel fuld diplomatisk aner kendelse?
Gawronski differently from the majority in this Parliament at the moment in which it is making its most important decision, and do not as a condition for your support ask it to do what you yourselves know it can not do !
Kunne rådsformanden under anvendelse af sin nuværende position ikke bekræfte Grækenlands officielle anerkendelse af staten Israel og frem sætte en personlig erklæring herom?
bloody civil war lasting four years was required, the first all-embracing total war in modern history with six hundred thousand dead and incalculable material destruction.
spørgsmål, hvor parternes standpunkter kan tilnærmes hinanden.
Times have changed, they will say.
I andre spørgsmål, hvor deres standpunkter ikke falder sammen, anvender og udøver hvert land sin egen udenrigspolitik.
But regrettably they have not changed as much as we would have wished.
Således gælder stadig de samme standpunkter, og hvis jeg skal uddybe emnet yderligere, hører dette ikke ind under Rådets kompetenceområde, idet det er landets ubestridelige ret at yde enten fuld eller delvis diplomatisk anerkendelse.
Differences of interest and not just of viewpoint exist between the members of the present Community, between farmers and industrialists, north and south, richer and poorer States etc.
Gontikas (PPE). — (GR) Det har altid været de græske regeringers argument, at denne taktik over for Israel nødvendiggøres af Grækenlands proarabiske politik.
I think that it is also right and appropriate for me to add my voice to the congratulations and gratitude already expressed by a number of colleagues and by Mr Thorn for the work and dedication of the coordinating rapporteur Mr Altiero Spinelli who, as we all know, is both the spiritual and real father of the initiative we are debating.
Mit spørgsmål til formanden lyder: Kan denne taktik retfærdiggøres i dag? Og hvad er fordelene ved denne proarabiske politik under PASOKs socialistiske regering?
The resolution which Altiero Spinelli has presented to us today does not, however, represent the utopian dream of an old federalist but is a practical and realistic measure which could give new life to the process of European integration and so give hope and assurance to millions of people in Europe who at present consider the future with increasing doubt and pessimism.
Geronimi (DEP). — (FR) Mit spørgsmål er ganske enkelt.
(Applause from various quarters)
Og jeg anser det for højst besynderligt, at De stiller dette spørgsmål og anmoder den nuværende regering om at ændre sin politik. Den græske regerings politik er den politik, som den fører i dette øjeblik og vil føre, så længe den mener, at denne politik tjener landets generelle interesser bedst.
The Spinelli plan is theoretically sound and noble in what it seeks to achieve, but it does not solve issues.
Charalambopoulos. — (GR) Mit lands standpunkt i dette spørgsmål er uforandret.
Mr Spinelli is an Italian and his compatriots have the saying : 'Chi va piano, va sano e va lontano'.
Det er det samme, og som De ved, har der siden oprettelsen af staten Israel eksisteret en de facto-anerkendelse af denne, men ingen de jure-anerkendelse.
Less haste and more time spent in anticipation would prove more effective for the realization of European unification than the precipate actions proposed.
Israël (DEP).— (FR) Hr. minister, den græske rege ring skiller sig ud fra de øvrige lande i Det europæiske Fællesskab ved at deltage i Palæstina-konferencen i Genève.
Mr Alexiadis (NI). — (GR) Madam President, dear colleagues, at a time when the Community in its present restricted form — restricted from the point of view of participation in it by the countries of Europe and from the point of view of essence also, since it is, in reality, nothing more than a customs union — is facing critical problems it is premature to say the least for us to be speaking about the organization of Europe, or rather of that fragment of it which the Community represents, along federal lines. The idea is attractive without question, but history says otherwise.
Hvad angår min personlige mening, som De bad om, kan jeg sige, at som mit lands udenrigsminister er jeg enig i regeringens beslutninger og gennemfører disse.
And now for an observation which I do not wish to be taken as a Parthian arrow against colleagues who have spoken previously.
Hr. formand, har De følelsen af, at De ved at handle således har begået en handling, som er forenelig med det formandskab, de varetager?
The keen interest of the members of the European Parliament in the idea of European unification has been stressed exhaustively.
Sagt på en anden måde: Er det tænkeligt, at De som formand for Det europæiske Fællesskab skiller Dem ud fra Fællesskabets ni lande, og at De deltager i en konference, som andre ikke har ønsket at deltage i?
The emptiness of the benches before which the Spinelli motion is being debated engenders many doubts as to the existence and extent of this interest.
Tyrrell (ED). — (EN) Kunne formanden sige os, hvorledes Grækenland har fulgt Penders-betænk-ningen op, hvori man næsten enstemmigt anmoder Grækenland om at anerkende staten Israel og at bringe sin politik på linje med de øvrige ni medlems staters, og kan han sige os, om Grækenland ikke finder det stødende, at dette land alene har en uden rigspolitik — ikke blot på dette område, men også på andre, således som vi har set det her i denne uge — som i den grad er ude at trit med den politik, som de øvrige ni medlemsstater følger?
Organization along federal lines presupposes a unified political will and a unified political will cannot exist except on the basis of a self-sufficiency in defence capable of ensuring that the Community's interests are protected against any dependency, tutelage or threat.
(Bifald fra den europæiske demokratiske gruppe)
In support of my view I will cite just two historical examples.
Som De ved, eksisterer der ikke inden for det politiske samarbejdes rammer nogen forpligtelse til en fælles udenrigspolitik.
This case involved a people who had a common national consciousness and common aspirations. tions.
Charalambopoulos. — (GR) Som sagt er der ingen forpligtelser hvad angår det enkelte lands udenrigspolitik.
Mr Plaskovitis (S). — (GR) Madam President, the European Community began as a limited partnership in the energy sector, in coal and steel that is.
Så om et af Fællesskabets medlemslande udøver formandskabet har ingen betydning i relation til dets udenrigspolitik, som det frit kan føre selvstændigt.
At a second stage it developed into a customs union and evolved a common policy in the agricultural products sector and with regard to the free movement of goods, always between the more developed countries of Western Europe.
Jeg vil her påpege, at De Ti den 20. september 1982 anerkendte ikke blot Israels ret til eksistens inden for sikre grænser, men også det palæstinensiske folks selvbestemmelsesret, og hvad
Those who could have hoped for convergence of the economies and for the establish ment of a certain parity of living standards between north and south have been discouraged by the difficulties which have appeared in this decade.
Charalambopoulos denne medfører, hvilket kun kan betyde oprettelse af en palæstinensisk stat.
Plaskovitis to apply Union law even if this differs from the stipulations in their countries' constitutions.
Normanton (ED). — (EN) Er det ikke spørgsmålet, om Rådet ved den holdning, det indtager, på det alvorligste rejser tvivl i offentligheden, om Grækenland lever op til de forpligtelser, det har indgået som en betingelse for dets tiltrædelse af Det europæiske Fællesskab?
In the sphere of foreign policy, diplomatic and political relations, security, arms procurement and international treaty ratification the competences vested in the agencies of the Union involve the member countries in the most profound cessions of sovereign rights.
Kan formanden for Rådet bekræfte, at Grækenland har accepteret alle de forpligtelser, som det indgik forud for landets tiltrædelse, og er han klar over, at hans svar hidtil har afstedkommet dyb bekymring og uro blandt, tror jeg, flertallet af Parlamentets medlemmer?
— even in matters vitally affecting a nation's interest — of the principle of unanimity and its replacement by the principle of absolute majority, and, secondly, the exemption from a particular policy or a specific issue of one or more Member States by the Council of the Union in order to achieve agreement even though the exempted State or States disagree.
Egentlig er jeg til stede her hovedsagelig i egenskab af formand for Ministerrådet.
We fear that rather than being the product of daring it is the product of evasion.
Dette ophæver imidlertid ikke min anden egenskab, nemlig min egenskab af græsk uden rigsminister. Det er imidlertid et faktum, at spørgsmålene er rettet til Ministerrådet.
Madam President, we are not debating the immediate and pressing problems of the European people.
Nu har medlemmerne natur ligvis ret til at stille tillægsspørgsmål, og disse spørgsmål falder det mig, som jeg tidligere har erklæret, ikke svært at svare på med det samme, hvert spørgsmål for sig.
Madam President, in our opinion these provisions and many others which are skillfully inserted into the texts combine to make the deepest objectives of the draft abundantly clear.
For jeg vil tillade mig at sige, at da jeg også — omend for en kort periode — har været medlem af denne forsamling som formand for mit lands socialistiske gruppe, kender jeg procedurerne tilstrækkeligt godt til at kunne svare både på spørgsmål til forretningsordenen og på spørgsmål vedrørende emnet.
Namely to put the official seal on the Europe of two rates of advance in which the powerful and the affluent will rule and make the decisions and the rest will be obliged to agree or stay out of the game with all the damaging economic and political consequences this will involve.
Charalambopoulos. — (GR) Jeg beklager meget, at jeg må være en smule uvenlig over for det ærede medlem, men i stedet for at rette spørgsmålet til mig i dag som formand for Ministerrådet skulle han hellere gå lidt tilbage i tiden og læse hr. Genschers svar på samme spørgsmål.
However, the accession of countries, such as Greece, to the European Community, and the assumption of legal commitments came about after lengthy negotiations and substantial bartering of interests by the sides concerned.
Svaret er betydningsmæssigt det samme som mit oprindelige svar på de to ærede medlemmers spørgsmål.
On the basis of what rationale are those legal commitments now to be replaced and, indeed, significantly augmented, in the manner provided for in the Spinelli draft under debate without this being preceded by a corresponding process of negotiation ?
Galland (L). — (FR) Eftersom Grækenland kunne tiltræde Fællesskabet, fordi det på ny havde indført en demokratisk styreform, og på baggrund af de fordele man følgelig har draget heraf — Deres tilstedeværelse på denne plads er et tydeligt symbol herpå — mener De da ikke, at et minimum af konvergens mellem De Ti bør give sig udtryk i en officiel anerkendelse af alle demokratiske stater i verden?
It must be understood that the Luxembourg compromise of 1966 is binding on the Community, and for so long as there is no implementation of a policy for a real coming together, of a policy for eradicating the inequalities in the Community, unanimity on matters which vitally affect national interests cannot be abandoned because it constitutes a last resort, the ultimate means of overturning exception ally unfavourable decisions which are harmful to the interests of the small countries in the Community.
Og jeg vil endvidere spørge, om man er bekendt med, at dette også blev indrømmet af den anden part, af hr. Penders, da han for et par måneder siden bragte emnet på bane med en betænkning herom.
Ladies and gentlemen, the views we have put forward should lead us — as Greek socialist Members — to vote against the draft treaty.
Charalambopoulos. — (GR) Som jeg netop sagde — og jeg mener, det fremgik tydeligt nok — vil jeg ligesom i juli, da der blev stillet et spørgsmål i forbindelse med teksten til den højtidelige erklæring fra Stuttgart, bede de ærede medlemmer om at anmode Europa-Parlamentets formand om teksten. Heri vil De kunne se tingene anbragt i deres rette sammen hæng, og hvis De læser teksten til den højtidelige erklæring grundigt igennem, tror jeg ikke, De vil have flere spørgsmål af denne art.
We see no mention or clear and precise elucidation of this in any of the proposed draft's provisions. On the contrary, the draft is couched in the vaguest possible terms and the complex manner of operation of the various agencies of the new European Union makes assessment of the commitments those who join the federation will be asked to take on almost impossible.
Det drejer sig om noget, som ikke engang Grækenlands 7-årige junta vovede at gøre. Vi beklager meget, at vi må høre disse ting i Europa-Parlamentet.
Noteworthy in this respect are the provisions which give Union law unfettered precedence over national law with the associated obligation on national judges
Som sagt, og jeg understreger dette, er det hvert enkelt lands suveræne, ubestridelige ret at fore tage sine egne valg i udenrigspolitiske spørgsmål.
Such a thing cannot come about without a prior brave effort by the member countries to find agreement on solutions for
udenrigspolitisk spørgsmål, og som sådan kan det ikke placeres inden for traktaternes rammer.
Secondly, because the draft contains several provisions which refer to a new look being taken at the Community's social policy and at its policy in the economic sector.
Blumenfeld (PPE). — (DE) Mener De ikke, hr. råds formand, at det er både en rådsformands og en medlemsregerings fortjentsfulde ministers suveræne ret at overveje sin stilling og nå frem til en fornuftig løsning bestående i, at man fuldt ud anvender acquis communautaire og lægger sig på linje med de øvrige medlemsstater i stedet for altid at ville spille en særrolle?
Ladies and gentlemen, the proposed draft is untimely and premature. It may, of course, find a place in the history of the European Parliament as evidence of a miscellany of intentions and theoretical conceptions, but it does not have the capacity, however, to give a convincing reply to the burning questions of the peoples of Europe who in a few months time will be called on to elect their new representatives.
Formanden. — Kære kolleger, mødereferatet gengiver normalt altid fuldt ud de erklæringer, der fremsættes.
With regard to my own personal view which you request it is as the Foreign Minister of my country that I implement my Government's decisions and I agree with these decisions.
Mit svar er simpelt.
IN THE CHAIR : MR ESTGEN
Spørgsmål nr. 4 af Moreland (H-86/83) (2):
Question Time
Det er ikke et fællesskabsanliggende.
(Applause from the European Democratic
Forventer han, at det næste Råd vil nå til enighed herom?
As the subjects are related, I call simultaneously
Sutra (S). — (FR) Til forretningsordenen, hr. formand: jeg vil gerne fremføre, at jeg beklager den måde, hvorpå disse forhandlinger føres.
Question No 1 by Mr Marshall (H-837/82) :