natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Parlamentet vil, at det skal fungere harmonisk, det ønsker ingen modsætninger.
What will be the effect of the budget ceiling on agricultural expenditure?
Men jeg tror, at man skal gøre sig klart, at vi ikke kan overføre byrder uden at over føre ressourcer.
A huge brawl between southern European and northern European agriculture.
James Elles (ED). — (EN) Hr. formand, mine damer og herrer, et stort antal deltagere i debatten har fordømt konklusionerne i Fontainebleau, som var af slutningen på måneders langtrukken debat i Minister rådet.
Nevertheless, looking to the future, Fontainebleau did provide the indicator of how to proceed in the longer term by stating that ultimately the only solution to budgetary imbalances is through expenditure policies.
På trods af deres utilstrækkelige karakter ønsker jeg i eftermiddag at give udtryk for min op bakning i generelle vendinger til disse konklusioner af to meget vigtige grunde.
The idea of Fontainebleau, surely, is to encourage the development of the Community's structural policies so that, in the longer term, the British abatement will steadily be reduced.
Det er jo det parti, som de fleste landmænd stemmer på, og hvis udenrigsminister og partiformand i nat har fået udvirket, at dan ske landmænd fremover må regne med endnu mindre indtægter end dem, de hidtil har kunnet få under EF-ordningerne.
When Spain and Portugal come into the fold on 1 January 1986, which is still the plan, the northern European majority in the Council of Ministers will tilt in favour of those who want more support for southern European farm products.
Hvordan kan Venstre gå med til at sætte loft over landbrugsudgifterne i EF?
That will be the end of any increase in support for our farmers.
Hvordan kan de gå med til den såkaldte budgetdisciplin, som jo aldeles ikke betyder, at man nu vil til at spare med EF-midlerne? Tværtimod vil man spare på landbrugsudgifterne for at kunne bruge så meget mere på alle de andre nye formål, som ikke var med i den Rom traktat, vi stemte om ved afstemningen i 1972.
The Community money will in future go to the even poorer farmers in southern Europe.
Det har i virkeligheden samme værdi som en varig løsning, når det i fremtiden bliver en del af Yacquis communautaire.
As a committed European, I believe we must, there fore, support means by which the Community can
Ikke desto mindre, set med fremtidens øjne, gav Fontainebleau antydningen af, hvordan man skulle gå frem på længere sigt, ved at sige, at i den sidste ende går den eneste løsning på budgetmæssige uligheder via udgiftspolitik.
As a result, I will support the idea proposed in the Pfennig report that at least 50% of all new revenue from VAT exceeding the rate of 1.4% shall be placed in a separate fund for the sole purpose of financing Community structural policies.
Tanken med Fontainebleau må da være at fremme udviklingen af Fællesskabets strukturpolitik, således at det britiske nedslag på længere sigt støt bliver nedbragt.
If, as Mr Tugendhat says, this is in conflict with other parts of the text, then the other parts of the text should be changed in con formity with this concept.
I virkeligheden tror jeg, at denne proces vil blive fremmet, hvis Europa-Parlamentet gradvis kan udvikle sine beføjelser over den side af budgettet, som hedder fremskaffelse af indtægter, og få kontrol med såvel obligatoriske som ikkeobligatoriske udgifter.
Because in the final analysis, with the spectre of enlargement looming closer, and with the unknown consequences of this enlargement, particularly in terms of agricultural expenditure, the only way we can assure that we have a Community to which all Europeans will aspire is by keeping funds separately on one side to finance the policies they wish to see.
Hr. Genscher knytter kategorisk forøgelsen af de egne indtægter sammen med Spaniens og Portugals optagelse.
Fellow Members, we ask you what is to be done about our obligations towards the poor farmers in the South?
Samtidig med forøgelsen af de egne indtægter kræves budgetdisciplin, en form for streng fællesskabssparepolitik over for landmændene.
What of our obligations regarding the financing of the major works in the Greek five-year plan, and what of the integrated Mediterranean programmes which have become linked to enlargement towards Spain and Portugal?
I øvrigt er blændværket de integrerede middelhavsprogrammer slettet af fællesskabsbudgettet for 1985 og udsat på ubestemt tid.
Is the Community, in essentially abandoning them, to show such clamorous proof of untrustworthiness?
Som overbevist europæer mener jeg, at vi derfor skal gå ind for midler, med hvilke Fællesskabet kan ud vikle ny politik.
And what is to become of the new policies with which the Community's future is unequivocally inter woven?
Til sidst, hr. formand, vil jeg gerne understrege, at den græske regering bør tage alvorligt i betragtning, at en forøgelse af bevillingerne til Grækenland er tvivl som efter den klare afvisning af regeringens krav om und tageiser fra visse fællesskabsregler og afvisningen af anden del af det græske memorandum.
We are not apathetic about unemployment in the United Kingdom, nor about the fate of the British miners, and we will vote in favour of increasing the grants made to the UK, but within a framework of implementation of common programmes and of a fair distribution of resources, and without recognizing this increase as a right that establishes any principle of fair returns.
I disse tider bør princippet om fællesskabssolidaritet, som ikke er af moralsk, men af dyb politisk og økonomisk karakter, lede vore skridt.
Nevertheless, we representatives of the Greek Communist Party cannot be content with a 'lesser evil' logic and vote for the Pfennig report, thereby legitimising this subversion of due shares in the Com munity's budget, to the benefit of powers such as the United Kingdom and the Federal Republic of Ger many, and to the cost, among others, of our own country.
Og det indebærer en om fordeling af midlerne på europæisk plan, hvilket hovedsagelig skal komme til udtryk gennem en forøgelse af de egne midler på omkring 2 %.
We think it is entirely unacceptable to have compensatory mechanisms, rebates, contravention of the Community's established rules concerning the budget in the United Kingdom's case, while at the same time Greece, the least well developed country in the Community, is required to abide by the letter of the Community's established rules in matters such as trade, in which Greece has a continually expanding deficit.
Derfor vil jeg gå ind for den tanke, som foreslås i Pfennig-betænkningen, nemlig at i det mindste 50% af alle nye indtægter fra momsen, som overstiger sat sen på 1,4%, skal placeres i en særlig fond med det ene formål at finansiere Fællesskabets strukturpolitik.
We repeat that we support the Commission's view that own resources should be increased from 1 October 1985, effectively back-dated to 1.
Hvis dette, som hr. Tugendhat siger, er i modstrid med andre dele af teksten, så disse andre dele af teksten ændres i overensstemmelse med denne tanke.
January 1985, and in particular we agree with the Pfennig proposed resolution to provide for the possibility of increasing VAT to 1.6% by 1.
Alavanos (COM). - (GR) Hr. formand, budgetudvalgets standpunkter i spørgsmålet om forøgelse af de egne indtægter er måske lidt mindre negative end standpunkterne hos Kommissionen for De europæiske Fællesskaber, idet de ikke gør kompensationen til Det forenede Kongerige permanent, men forlænger den midlertidigt i fire år.
Why, on the one hand, should there be exceptions for the United Kingdom and on the other hand continual recourse to the European Courts, enforcements and threats against Greece?
Imidlertid vil vi, repræsentanterne fra Grækenlands kommunistiske parti, ikke bruge princippet om at vælge det mindste onde og
Another point I would like to mention regarding the increase in own resources is the view, expressed even by the Greek Government, that an increase in own resources will result in an increase in the Communty's grants to Greece.
Jeg spørger Dem, kære kolleger; Hvad skal der ske med vore forpligtelser over for sydens fattige land mænd? Hvad skal der ske med vore forpligtelser i forbindelse med finansieringen af de store arbejder inden for den græske femårsplan og de integrerede middelhavsprogrammer, som hænger sammen med udvidelsen med Spanien og Portugal?
Indications are that precisely the opposite will happen.
Skal Fællesskabet opgive dem og give et så tydeligt bevis på utroværdighed?
Alongside the increase in own resources we are required to implement financial discipline, a kind of severe common policy of frugality for the farming population. Besides,
Og hvad skal der ske med den nye poli tik, som Fællesskabets fremtid ubestrideligt er snævert knyttet til?
Mr Spinelli (COM). — (FR) Mr President, I shall confine myself to speaking in favour of Amendment No 16, which is concerned with only one point, but an important one, the problem of the level of VAT.
Tove Nielsen (L). — Til forretningsordenen, hr. for mand: jeg ved slet ikke, om jeg skal le eller græde over de spørgsmål, som hr. Bonde stillede mig.
Spinelli cry at the questions Mr Bonde has put to me.
Jeg vil vælge at tage dem i ramme alvor, for i virkeligheden er det dybt foruroligende og meget trist, at et medlem af Parlamentet forsøger at vildlede medlem merne, ligesom hr. Bonde og hans fæller forsøger at vildlede den danske befolkning.
I will opt to take them absolutely seriously because in fact it is deeply disquieting and highly regrettable that a Member of Parliament should seek to mislead Members, just as Mr Bonde and his associates seek to mislead the Danish people.
Hvis hr. Bonde ikke led under de frustrationer, som man naturligvis må lide under, når man overhovedet ikke er repræsenteret i det danske folketing, ville han vide, at det er i folketinget, at en dansk minister får bemyndigelse til at tage til møder i Rådet.
If Mr Bonde did not suffer from the frustrations by which one must inevitably be afflicted when one is hot even represented in the Folketing, he would know that it is the Folketing which gives a Danish minister authority for his conduct at meetings of the Council of Ministers.
Jeg er helt enig med hr. Bonde i, at Venstre er et meget vigtigt parti i Dan mark, men allervigtigst bliver partiet Venstre, den dag hvor det har et flertal i folketinget, for så kan Venstre gennemføre sin egen renlivede politik et hun drede procent.
I entirely agree with Mr Bonde that Venstre is a very important party in Den mark, but Venstre will be most important the day it has a majority in the Folketing, for then it will be able to apply its decent policies one hundred per cent.
Men ærligt og redeligt: det er lidt for stor en ære at gøre ud af partiet Venstre at sige, at det er Venstre, der ene og alene skal tildeles æren — eller måske det modsatte i hr. Bondes opfattelse — for det mandat, som en dansk minister sendes af sted med.
But truly and honestly it is paying too high a tribute to the Venstre Party to say that it is Venstre alone which has the honour — or perhaps the opposite in Mr Bonde's view — of giving a Danish minister the brief on which he is to negotiate.
I virkeligheden er det et pædagogisk spørgmål, der her er tale om, og det pædagogiske spørgsmål drejer sig om den uvidenhed, som hr. Bonde er i besiddelse af.
In actual fact we are dealing here with an educational matter.
Den burde vi nok gøre noget ved i Europa-Parlamentet. mentet.
Mr Bonde's ignorance raises a problem of education which we ought to do something about in the European Parliament.
I Pfennig-betænkningen foreslås det jo, at den maksimale sats for beregningsgrundlaget af den moms, der går til Fællesskabet, ændres til 1,4%, og at denne procentsats øges til 1,6% i 1988.
The Pfennig report proposes that the maximum share of VAT reserved for the Community be raised to 1.4% and that it should remain at that level until 1988, when it would be increased to 1.6%.
Dette krav es fremført, selvom hr. Thorn, har meddelt Rådet, at satsen på 1,4% allerede vil være nået næste år.
This request has been put forward although President Thorn has made known to the Council that the 1.4% ceiling would be reached as early as next year.
Forslaget af Pfennig betyder således — dersom det vedtages i den foreliggende form — at den nye Kommission vil være fanget af disse 1,4% i tre år og af de 1,6% det fjerde år.
Consequently, if it were adopted as it stands, Mr Pfennig's proposal would mean that the new Commission would have to operate within the straitjacket of 1.4% for three years and then 1.6% in the fourth year.
Kommissionen vil således være dømt til at give afkald på enhver udvikling af nye former for fælles politik eller til at foreslå, at de finansieres uden om budgettet og dermed uden om Parlamentets kontrol.
The Commission would accordingly be obliged either to forswear all develop ment of new common policies or to propose that they be financed from sources outside the budget and therefore outside the control of this Parliament.
Det er i modstrid med det, Parlamentet krævede i 1981 i sin beslutning om de nye egne indtægter.
That would be quite out of keeping with the arrangements called for by Parliament in its 1981 resolution on new own resources.
Par lamentet foreslog, at det samlede omfang af de res sourcer, staterne overfører til Fællesskabet, fastsættes med mellemrum på grundlag af flerårige programmer, som skulle foreslås af Rådet.
Parliament then proposed that the aggregate volume of resources to be transferred by the States to the Community be fixed periodically on the basis of multiannual programmes to be proposed by the Commission and approved by the Parliament and the Council.
Vi nærmer os nu afstemningen om budgettet for regnskabsåret 1985 og om et tillidsvotum til Kommissionen Delors. Af den forventer vi mere kraft, mere uafhængighed, mere fantasi og flere initiativer, end det har været tilfældet med den nuværende Kommission.
We have now come to the eve of the vote on the budget for the 1985 financial year and the vote of confidence in the Delors Commission, to which we look for more vigour, more independence, more imagination and more initiative than has been displayed by the outgoing Commission.
Formanden. — Fru Tove Nielsen, pædagogiske spørgsmål kan jeg ikke tage mig af, men jeg vil nær mest bedømme hr. Bondes spørgsmål som retoriske, og sådanne kræver ifølge sagens natur intet svar.
President. — Mrs Nielsen, I cannot deal with pedagogical questions but I regard Mr Bonde's question as a rhetorical question which by its very nature does not call for an answer.
Hvis Parlamentet vil føre en politisk strategi af betydning, skal det for det første til Kommissionen — ved mandatets begyndelse — kræve retten og forpligtelsen til at forelægge et fireårigt program med oplysninger udtrykt i tal for de former for politik, Fælles skabet skal iværksætte. Budgettet for 1985 skal bygge på dette grundlag.
If Parliament intends to pursue a significant political strategy, it must begin by demanding that the Com mission should, as from the beginning of its term, have the right and duty to present a four-year programme, accompanied by costings, for the policies to be implemented by the Community.
Det er hensigten med mit æn dringsforslag.
This is the purport of my amendment.
For det andet må vi forberede os på at forkaste bud gettet for 1985 under førstebehandlingen, fordi det
Secondly, we should make ready to reject the budget for the 1985 financial year on the first reading, because it has not been built around any programme.
Tugendhat, næstformand i Kommissionen. — (EN) Hr. formand, jeg ville specielt deltage ved afslutningen af debatten for at besvare nogle af de spørgsmål, som er blevet fremdraget i løbet af den, men også for at svare på Kommissionens vegne på.
Mr Tugendhat, Vice-President of the Commission. — Mr President, I particularly wanted to intervene at the end of this debate in order to answer some of the questions raised during the course of it, but also in order to reply on behalf of the Commission to some points made by Mr Langes.
Jeg håber, at De vil tilgive mig, hr. formand, hvis jeg siger, at jeg
Perhaps Mr Pfennig would be kind enough to convey them to Mr Langes!
For det første foreslog Kommissionen for eksempel en almen fællesskabsprocedure for forhøjelse af momssatsen ud over 1,4% og forstærkede dermed Europa-Parlamentets rolle i denne sag.
Firstly, for instance, the Commission proposed a gen eral Community procedure for increasing the VAT rate beyond 1.4% thus enhancing the role of the European Parliament in this matter.
Vort forslag fik imidlertid ikke — jeg understreger ikke — støtte her i Parlamentet.
Our proposal, however, turned out not — I emphasize not — to receive support in this Parliament.
Arndt-betænkningen gik konkret ikke ind for vort forslag om at give større myndighed til Fællesskabets institutioner.
The Arndt report quite specifically did not support our proposal to accord more authority to the Community institutions.
Det beklager jeg.
I regret that.
Ej heller fik det naturligvis støtte i Rådet, men det er meget uheldigt, at det ikke fik støtte i Parlamentet.
It is less surprising that it did not receive support in the Council, but it is very unfortunate that it did not receive support in Parliament.
Der er måske nogle, som mener, at det ville være bedre ikke at få nye egne indtægter; der er måske nogle, som mener, at det ville være bedre at fortsætte med alle de problemer, som har plaget Fællesskabet i de seneste år; men i hvert fald ønsker Kommissionen ikke at være blandt dem.
continue with all the problems which have beset the Community for the last few years; but certainly the Commission does not put itself in that number.
Kommissionen mener, at under de forhold, som opstod i Fondtainebleau og efter Fontainebleau, var det bedste, vi kunne gøre, at prøve at føre Fontainebleauaftalen ud i livet.
The Commission believes that, in the circumstances which arose at Fontainebleau and after Fontainebleau, the best thing for us to do was to seek to implement the Fontainebleau agreement.
Vi havde talt vor sag.
We had put forward our case.
Vi havde argumenteret for vort synspunkt.
We had argued our case.
Vi havde uden held prøvet at overbevise Parlamentet og stats- og regeringscheferne om behovet for andre midler.
We had sought unsuccessfully to convince Parliament and the Heads of State and Government, unsuccessfuly, of the need for other means.
Men da det så omsider kom til denne aftale, mener jeg, at vi gjorde rigtigt i at indtage den holdning, vi tog: at den burde føres ud i livet.
However, when it finally came to that agreement, I think we were right to take the view we did that it ought to be implemented.
Jeg vil gerne udfordre enhver, som mener, at den ikke burde føres ud i livet, til at fortælle os, hvor de nye egne indtægter skal komme fra, hvordan vi skal få dem, og hvordan Fællesskabet skal fortsætte.
I challenge anyone who thinks it ought not to be implemented to tell us where the new own resources are going to come from, how we shall receive them, and how the Com munity will continue.
For det andet : da det blev klart, at en fællesskabsprocedure for forhøjelse af egne indtægter ikke var far bar, kæmpede Kommissionen foren hævelse af momsloftet fra 1% til 2%.
Secondly, when it became clear that a Community procedure for increasing own resources was not feasible, the Commission fought for an increase in the VAT ceiling from 1% to 2%.
Kommissionens meddelelse og memorandum af henholdvis 5. og 15. marts i år er et bevis herpå.
The Commission's com munication and memorandum of 5 March and 15 March respectively of this year provide evidence of that.
I selve Fontainebleau gjorde hr. Thorn på den samlede Kommissions vegne en stor personlig indsats for at prøve at overbevise stats- og regerings cheferne om nødvendigheden af at gå ud over 1,4 % loftet.
At Fontainebleau itself President Thorn, on behalf of the Commission as a whole, made a great personal effort to try to convince the Heads of State and Government, of the necessity to go beyond the 1.4% ceiling.
Desværre lykkedes det ham ikke.
Unfortunately, he did not succeed.
For det tredje ønskede Kommissionen i sit oprindelige forslag at yde et vægtigt bidrag til problemet med budgetmæssig ulighed ved at introducere en gradueret moms.
Thirdly, the Commission, in its original proposal, wanted to make a significant contribution to the problem of budgetary imbalances by the introduction of modulated VAT.
Det ville have været en communautaire vej frem. Heller ikke her var stats- og regeringscheferne enige.
That would have been a communautaire way forward.
Før jeg forlader hr. Langes' indlæg, er der endnu en ting, jeg må sige.
Before I leave Mr Langes' intervention, I must make one other point.
Til min overraskelse henviste han til 10% godtgørelsen for omkostningerne ved at ind drive Fællesskabets egne indtægter.
Rather to my surprise, he referred to the 10% reimbursement for the cost of collecting the Community's own resources.
Det nævnte jeg overhovedet ikke i min tale i formiddags.
In my speech this morning, I did not mention that at all.
Det er rig tigt, at en tidligere version af mit indlæg, som cirkulerede, faktisk indeholdt en omtale heraf, og måske har hr. Langes været så heldig at læse den tidligere version af mit indlæg, som var i omløb.
It is true that an earlier draft of my intervention which was circulating did contain a reference to that, and perhaps Mr Langes was fortunate enough to read the earlier draft of my intervention that was circulating.
Det, jeg imidlertid rent faktisk sagde, indeholdt overhovedet ikke nogen omtale af dette — og jeg føler på grund af det, hr. Langes sagde, at jeg er nødt til at gøre opmærksom på, at jeg ikke sagde noget om det emne, han hentydede til.
What I actually said, however, contained no reference to that at all, and I do feel, in the light of what was said by Mr Langes, I must point out that I did not say anything on the subject to which he referred.
Det er altid bedre at lytte til taler ne end at læse foreløbige tekster.
It is always better to listen to speeches than to read preliminary texts.
Jeg har prøvet at redegøre for de forskellige bestræbelser, Kommissionen gjorde for at tilvejebringe et mere tilfredsstillende resultat end det, der rent faktisk blev opnået.
I have sought to explain the various efforts which the Commission made in order to bring about a more satisfactory outcome than was, in fact, achieved.
Jeg mener ikke, at det er urimeligt af mig at forvente en vis anerkendelse af disse bestræbelser.
I think that it is not unreasonable for me to expect some consideration to be paid to those efforts.
Men da så enigheden endelig blev nået i Fontainebleau, hvad skulle Kommissionen så gøre?
However, when the agreement was finally reached at Fontainebleau, what was the Commission to do?
Vi havde klart gjort rede for vor egen holdning.
We had made our own position quite clear.
I mod sætning til hvad hr. Langes sagde, havde vi kæmpet en ihærdig kamp for fællesskabsløsninger, som gik
Contrary to what Mr Langes has said, we had fought a good fight for Com munity solutions put forward since.
Ham kan jeg heller ikke være enig med. Kommissionen udgav en grønbog i foråret 1983, før der overhovedet var stillet noget forslag vedrørende nye »egne indtægter«. Par-
Were we to take decisions which would have meant that there could be no new 'own resources' for the foreseeable future? Were we to take decisions which would have meant that the problems which had been besetting the Community for so long were to con tinue?
Tugendhat lamentet blev opfordret til at kommentere den og af gav da også bagefter en udtalelse. Vi forelagde herefter vort forslag i maj 1983.
Tugendhat would be needed at European level, how much could thereby be saved at national level, to illustrate why it is advantageous to have European policies?
Som jeg sagde til hr. Pfennig for et øjeblik siden, foreslog vi i Kommissionens oprindelige forslag et trin op til 1,4% og derefter en fællesskabsprocedure for overskridelse, og jeg beklager, at Parlamentet ikke støttede os.
the Commission's original proposal we suggested a step to 1.4% and then a Community procedure for going above it, and I regret that Parliament did not support us.