natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Der er en tavshedens sammensværgelse blandt de nationale ministre.
There is a conspiracy of silence from the national ministers.
Offentligheden ønsker fordelene ved et fælles marked, som betyder lettere handel, hvilket igen betyder flere arbejdspladser og mere velfærd såvel som de mere højtflyvende friheder, som Rom-traktaten byder.
The public wants the benefits of a common market, which means easier trade, which in turn means more jobs and more pros perity as well as the higher-minded freedoms that are offered by the Treaty of Rome.
Vi går ind for den anden måde: den politiske som udtryk for de europæiske folks og også ledernes vilje.
Two approaches are possible : firstly, the legal, diplomatic, classical one.
Newton Dunn ignorere det og håbe, at det vil forsvinde.
Newton Dunn shall find that we do not like the rules again ?
Gå ikke i underhuset ud fra, at det britiske folk ønsker, at I ikke skal gøre noget ved det. Interesser jer for det i stedet.
Do not assume in the House of Commons that the British people would like you to do nothing about this.
Debatter det, diskuter det, gør det bedre.
Debate this, discuss it, improve it.
Vis lederskab i Europa i stedet for at halte bagefter.
Show leadership in Europe instead of dragging your feet behind !
Hr. formand, hvis Europas folk skal have det godt i fremtiden, gå fremad, holde fred med andre grupper og folk overalt i resten af verden, er vi forpligtet til at samarbejde nært nu og forenes i fremtiden.
Mr President, if the peoples of Europe are going to prosper in the future, to advance, to keep pace with other groups of peoples throughout the rest of the world, we are obliged to cooperate closely now and to unite in the future.
Alternativet, hvis vi svigter med enheden, er at forblive særskilte, kævlende små nationer, der skændes om småting som smørbjerge og fiskekvotaer.
The alternative, if we fail to unite, is for us to remain separate bickering little nations quarreling over minor matters such as butter-mountains and fish-quotas.
Vi vil fortsat være bange for at se det 21. århundredes virkelighed i øjnene, og vor skæbne vil være den, der er blevet' andre små stater til del i historien, når de ikke har levet op til forandringens realitet i deres tid.
We shall remain afraid to face the realities of the 21st century, and our fate will be that of other small States in history which failed to face the reality of change in their time.
Først vil vi blive behersket af andre, og til sidst forsvinder vi måske alle og huskes kun som fodnoter i historien.
First, we shall be dominated by others, and finally we may vanish all together and only be remembered as footnotes in history.
Hr. formand, i denne debat taler vi ikke blot til Dem.
Mr President, in this debate we do not just speak to you.
Vi taler også i håbet om, at nogle af vore ord vil blive hørt uden for denne sal af de mennesker, vi repræsenterer.
We also speak in the hope that some of our words are heard outside this chamber by the peoples whom we represent.
Jeg finder, at det er meget instruktivt kort at se på Europas udvikling siden 1945 ud fra et britisk synsvinkel.
I find it very instructive to examine briefly the development of Europe since 1945 from the British point of view.
Det begyndte med Churchills udødelige tale i Zürich i 1946, da han opfordrede til dannelse af en slags Europas Forenede Stater.
It started with Churchill's immortal speech at Zurich in 1946, when he called for the formation of a kind of United States of Europe.
Men det var det eneste britiske førerskab, vi nogen sinde har demonstreret i Europa.
But that was the only British leadership that we have ever shown in Europe.
Det førte til dannelsen af Kul- og Stålfællesskabet i 1951.
It led to the founding of the Coal and Steel Community, signed in 1951.
Briterne holdt sig væk, om end vi senere tilsluttede os.
The British stayed away, although we joined later.
I 1954 var der forslaget om Det europæiske Forsvarsfællesskab med en fælles europæisk hær.
In 1954, there was the proposal for the European Defence Community with one European army.
Men briterne holdt sig væk.
But the British stayed away.
Der var Euratom om fredelig forskning i udnyttelse af kerne energien, men briterne holdt sig væk, om end vi senere tilsluttede os.
There was Euratom, for research into the peaceful uses of nuclear energy, but the British stayed away, although we joined later.
Der var fællesmarkedet, vedtaget i 1957.
There was the Common Market, signed in 1957.
Der var de europæiske fodboldturneringer i 1950'erne, men briterne holdt sig væk, om end vi senere tilsluttede os.
There were European football competitions in the 1950s, but the British stayed away, although we joined later.
Nu har vi det europæiske monetære system og valuta slangen, men briterne holder sig væk.
Now we have the European Monetary System and the currency snake, but the British are staying away.
Jeg håber, vi senere- kan tilslutte os.
I hope we may join later.
Der er andre eksempler på britisk sendrægtighed: udviklingen af hurtigreaktorerne, europæisk rumforskning, samarbejde om den civile flyindustri på europæisk plan.
There are other examples of British tardiness : the development of fast breeders in nuclear reactors, European space research, civil aircraft industry cooperation on a European scale.
Der er yderligere eksempler, næsten alt for talrige til at blive nævnt.
There are other examples, almost too numerous to mention.
Fremlagt i juridisk form indeholder det dog i forhold til den oprindelige tekst to væsentlige ændringer, hvoraf den ene ikke kan undgå et afføde nogle spørgsmål, fordi det foreslås at skabe en slags euro pæisk union i to tempi, idet nogle medlemmer af det nuværende Fællesskab skal være medlemmer af unionen, mens andre, der ligeledes er medlemmer af Fællesskabet, skal forblive inden,for Paris- og Rom traktaternes rammer.
Presented in legal form, however, it differs from the original text in two significant respects, one of which is bound to raise some doubts in that a kind of twospeed European Union is suggested, since Member States of the existing Community could accede to the Union while others, equally members of the Community, would continue to operate on the basis of the Treaties of Paris and Rome.
Men i hovedsagen er projektets økonomi fremdeles den samme, og derfor ser vi heller ingen ny grund, der kan foranledige os til at ændre den holdning, som de franske medlemmer af gruppen af kommunister og , beslægtede indtog for fem måneder siden.
But the arrangement of the scheme remains the same in its essentials, so that the French Communists and Allies find no new factor which could persuade them to change the positions that they adopted five months ago.
Briternes generaliablad vedrørende europæisk integration er uhyggeligt, og jeg skammer mig over at sige det som britisk repræsentant.
The British record on European integration is abysmal ; and I am ashamed to say it as a British representative.
Vi har slæbt os af sted; vi har vist mangel på vision; vi har svigtet vort folk.
We have dragged our feet ; we have shown lack of vision ; we have let our people down.
Hvor anderledes kunne alt ikke have været, hvis vi havde taget førerskabet i Europa og vist en positiv holdning! Jeg mener nu, hr._formand, at det britiske folk forstår og erkender, at vi gjorde en fejl ved ikke at tilslutte os i 1957.
How different things might have been had we taken a lead in Europe and been positive in our attitudes !
Vi tillod, at reglerne blev fastsat af de seks lande, der dannede Fællesskabet i 1957.
We allowed the rules to be set by the six countries that formed the Community in 1957.
Vi tilsluttede os sent og opdagede, at reglerne var skrevet ned, og at de ikke passede os.
We joined late and found the rules had been written and did not suit us.
Det er vor fejl, og vi beklager det.
Our mistake, and we regret it.
Nu, eller meget snart efter at vi har stemt i dag, skal briterne overveje det initiativ, som Parlamentet har taget — udkastet til ny traktat.
Now, or very soon after we have voted today, the British will have to consider this initiative which Parliament is raising — the new draft treaty.
Hvordan vil vi reagere?
How are we going to react ?
Vil det britiske parlament igen komme for sent til toget?
Will the British Parliament miss the boat again ?
Vil det lade, som om initiativet ikke findes?
Will it pretend the initiative does not exist ?
Vil det lade andre medlemsstater fortsætte, udforme og afpudse traktaten endeligt, lade den antage fast form, så at briterne, når de senere tilslutter sig, opdager, at de igen ikke kan lide reglerne?
Will it allow other Member States to go ahead, to shape and finalize the treaty, to allow it to settle into a solid form so that when the British join later we
Derfor siger jeg til underhuset i London og til det britiske folk følgende: vi ved, at det ikke er et perfekt traktatudkast; vi ved, at øjeblikket ikke nødvendigvis er det rette — men hvem ved egentlig, hvornår øjeblikket er det rette, undtagen bagefter — men lad være at lade, som om det ikke eksisterer. Lad være at
It is being put about here and there that the ideas contained in the preliminary draft treaty are probably not immediately applicable but are supposed in some way to foreshadow the shape of Europe twenty years or a quarter of a century hence.
Den begivenhed, der utvivlsomt har præget Fælles skabet mest i de sidste måneder, er Athen-topmødets fiasko.
I am well aware that one can take action without necessarily believing in its success.
For første gang siden de europæiske topmøders indførelse nåede stats- og regeringscheferne ikke frem til enighed.
Once again, though, is this really what the peoples of the Community's Member States expect of European integration ?
Det mener vi ikke.
We do not think so.
Det er utvivlsomt hyppigt forekommende i vore lande, at institutionernes drages i tvivl, når man er ude af stand til at finde politiske løsninger på situationer, der blot afspejler bevidst trufne politiske valg.
It is no doubt common, in our countries, for institutions to be blamed when no political solution can be found to deal with situations which are, after all, no more than the reflection of deliberate political choices.
Erfaringen viser dog at det ikke er tilstrækkeligt af lave om på institu tionerne for at ændre en politiks udvikling, hvis der ikke foreligger vilje til forandring.
As experience has shown, however, institutional reforms are not enough to alter the course of a policy in the absence of the will for change.
økonomi ikke deraf, og de retningslinjer, det inde holder, forekommer os ikke at være en sådan art, at de kan ændre forløbet af den politik, der er årsagen til den svigtende interesse, der i offentligheden kan konstateres for den europæiske opbygning.
Whatever happens to the amendments that have been tabled, the general scheme of the draft will remain unchanged and we do not believe that the guidelines it contains are capable of changing the drift of the policy which is at the root of the public lack of interest in the construction of Europe.
Inden der laves om på institutionerne, bør politikken ændres.
Before we change our institutions, we need a change of policy.
Man har endnu aldrig kunne sende et tog af sted, før skinnerne er lagt.
No one has yet run a train service without first building his track.
Derfor deltager de franske medlemmer af gruppen af kommunister og beslægtede ikke i afstemningen om ændringsforslagene, og de stemmer imod det forslag til beslutning, der er indeholdt i den af udvalget om institutionelle spørgsmål forelagte betænkning.
The French Communists and Allies will therefore take no part in the voting on the amendments and will be opposing the motion for a resolution contained in the report presented by the Committee on Institutional Affairs.
For manden på gaden — og hvordan kan man lade være med at dele hans synspunkt, når han er i kontakt med dagliglivets realitet? — tegner billedet af Fællesskabet sig "fremdeles som tretten millioner arbejdsløse, fabrikslukninger, fortsættelse af sparepolitikken og manglende reaktion på den amerikanske udfordring.
The image of the Community for the man in the street (who cannot sympathize with him, as he grapples with the realities of his daily life ?) is associated with the figure of 13 million unemployed, the closure of factories, continued adherence to austerity policies, and the failure to meet the American challenge.
Det er denne politik, der skal laves om, hvis man virkelig ønsker at ændre billedet af Fælles skabet.
It is the thrust of policy that needs to be changed if any real progress is to be made in refurbishing the image of the Community.
Et sidste ord, hr. formand, for at sige følgende : det er altid meget ubehageligt at angribe en fraværende, og jeg beklager, at hr. Thorn et øjeblik har måttet forlade os.
Mr President, I should like to say one last word. It is always very unpleasant to criticize someone in his absence, and from this point of view I am sorry to see that President Thorn has had to leave the Chamber for a while.
Men jeg har så tit hørt Kommissionen fortalle os, at den er traktaternes årvågne vogter, at jeg blev forbavset over at konstatere, med hvilken iver hr. Thorn med hele sin myndighed støttede et forehavende, der lige præcis falder uden for traktaterne.
However, having heard the Commission explain to us on such frequent occasions that it is the vigilant custodian of the Treaties, I was suprised at the enthusiasm with which President Thorn lent his authoritative support to a scheme which is manifestly outside the scope of the Treaties' provisions.
Hvis man ikke definerer mål, der er i overensstemmelse med forventningerne blandt dem, der har valgt os, risikerer De Ti's Europa at synke endnu dybere ned i krisen, og det er ikke de ændringer, vi foretager ved institutionerne, der vil muliggøre en kursændring.
If it fails to define objectives corresponding to the expectations of the people who elected us, the Community is at risk of sinking still further into crisis, and it will not be put back on course by any changes that we might make in the institutions.
Vi mener, at dér i traktaterne findes uudnyttede muligheder, og uanset hvad der siges, er det sikkert nemmere at foretage tilpasninger på grundlag af det eksisterende end at kaste sig ud i et forehavende, der blot er udtryk for et ønske, der måske aldrig bliver til noget.
We believe that the Treaties themselves offer untapped potential and, whatever other claims may be made, it is certainly easier to make adjustments on the basis of what is already in existence than to venture upon an enterprise which could prove to be a short-lived piece of wishful thinking.
Det, der skal gøres nu, er at give Fællesskabet et andet ansigt, så det med respekt for de lande, det består af, kan udtrykke sin personlighed, sin helhed og sin selvstændighed.
The need now is for the Community to acquire a fresh image, affirming its personality, its identity and its autonomy while respecting the integrity of the countries of which it is made up.
Hvis valget står mellem et måske respektabelt ideal og en mere effektiv pragmatisme, foretrækker vi pragmatismen.
In a choice between an ideal which is in many ways deserving of respect and a more purposeful pragmatism, we prefer the pragmatic option.
Derfor anser vi Frankrigs øjeblikkelige bestræbelser over for sine partnere for at prøve på at få Fælles skabet ud af skuren som realistiske.
It is for this reason that we consider that the round of discussions that France is currently holding with its partners is a realistic approach to the problem of getting the Community out of its present rut.
I stedet for at fordømme denne procedure burde vi snarere glæde os over den, idet den kan bidrage til fornyet igangsættelse af europæisk politik.
Far from condemning this procedure, we should be welcoming it in that it can make a contribution to the revitalization of European policy.
Inden for traktaternes rammer er der rigelig plads for samarbejde medlems staterne imellem, og. disse muligheder bør udnyttes i tillæg til national politik; men så skal man også udruste sig med midlerne og den politiske vilje dertil.
The framework of the Treaties offers substantial scope for cooperation among the Member States which should be used to complement national policies ; for this, though, we still need the political will and wherewithal.
Haagerup (L). — Hr. formand, der vil sikkert selv blandt mange positive Europatilhængere være dem, der finder, at det måske er et lidt dårligt tidspunkt at diskutere et egentligt traktatudkast til en union.
Mr Haagerup (L). — (DA) Mr President, there are those, even among many outspoken Community supporters, who think that it is perhaps rather a bad time to discuss a draft of an actual union treaty.
Vi har jo mange problemer i det nuværende Fællesskab, og man kunne spørge, om vi ikke først skulle se at få løst dem.
We do after all have many problems in the present Community, and it might be asked whether we should not first see that they are solved.
Men der er her ikke tale om et enten-eller, men om et både-og.
But it is not a question here of either-or but rather of both-and.
Vi må ikke glemme de fjernere mål for det samarbejde, som vi er engageret i, og jeg finder endda, at det er særlig vigtigt, at vi gør det på et tidspunkt, hvor Fællesskabet har så store problemer.
We must not forget the longer-term aims of the cooperation we have entered into, and I also think it is particularly important for us to do it at a time when the Community has such serious problems.
Personlig har jeg altid anset det, som man kalder den europæiske union, for at være en proces henimod et stadig mere forpligtende Fællesskab.
Personally I have always regarded what is called European Union as a process leading to an increasingly binding Community.
Faren er jo ikke, at vore parlamenter og regeringer bliver umyndiggjort af et stort unionsuhyre.
It is necessary to state the matter clearly, in order to counter those who seek to cast suspicion
Uanset hvilken skæbne der bliver de stillede ændringsforslag til del, ændres udkastets almindelige
Community Europe is perceived by public opinion — and, moreover, this perception coincides with the
Det er egentlig i sig selv en alvorlig fejltagelse. gelse.
In my country too, we must come to accept that a large majority in Parliament prefers to call this process a union.
Der er endvidere en række principielle punkter, som bevidst er uklare.
Indeed, what will happen if only half the Member States sign this Union Treaty ?
F.eks. nævner traktatudkastet intet om institutionernes hjemsted, og f.eks. er også alt om parlamentsmedlemmernes individuelle initiativret stadig uklart.
For example, the draft treaty says nothing about the seat of the institutions and is completely vague about the right of initiative of individual Members of Parliament in this respect.
Den vigtigste indvending er imidlertid, at der i hele konstruktionen mangler beføjelser på regionalt plan.
But the most serious objection is that no mention at all is made of powers at the level of the regions.
Medlemsstaternes magt bliver for øvrigt styrket, da medlemsstaternes regeringer ud- ' nævner Rådets repræsentanter.
The power of the Member States will in fact be strengthened, since their governments will appoint representatives to the Council.
Rådet har for øvrigt også flere beføjelser end det demokratisk valgte Parlament.
The Council will also have more powers than the democratically-elected Parliament.
forelægge et sådant forslag i forventning om, at medlemslandene straks eller senere uden videre begynder at ratificere teksten.
There can be no doubt about Parliament's right to present a proposal of its own for institutional changes, but it is equally clear that we cannot present such a proposal in the expectation that the Member States will proceed to ratify the text either straight away or sooner or later.
I den udstrækning der overhovedet er interesse i vore medlemslande for et sådant forslag — og den er jo meget forskellig i vore lande — forudsætter det, at de enkelte landes parlamentsmedlemmer og regeringer får mulighed for at øve indflydelse på, hvordan en sådan traktat skal se ud, inden den eventuelt føres ud i livet.
To the extent that there is any interest at all in our Member States in such a proposal — and that varies a great deal from one country to another — it is essential that the members of the parliaments and governments of the various countries must be given the opportunity to exert an influence on the content of such a treaty before it is brought to fruition.
Derfor lægger jeg på linje med mange andre medlemmer her i salen og med min egen gruppe afgørende vægt på, at vi vedtager det ændringsforslag, der er stillet af hr. Nord og mig selv.
I therefore attach great importance — along with many other Members present in this Chamber and my own group — to the adoption of the motion for an amendment which has been tabled by Mr Nord and myself.
Det går netop ud på at søge at inddrage de nationale parlamentarikere i en meningsudveksling om dette traktatforslag.
It is in fact aimed at seeking to involve national parliamentarians in an exchange of views on this treaty proposal.
For gør vi ikke det, risikerer vi at skabe mere splittelse end samling, og jeg må indtrængende henstille til de mest unionsorienterede medlemmer, at de her udviser tålmodighed og realisme, for ellers risikerer de at skabe splid inden for EF uden fjerneste sikkerhed for, at vi får en europæisk union til afløsning for det EF, vi kender.
For, if we do not do that, we shall risk creating more division than unity, and I must emphatically urge the strongest adherents of union to exercise patience and realism, for we shall otherwise risk creating a split within the Community with no certainty whatsoever that we shall get a European Union to take over from the Community we know.
Derfor mener jeg, at det taktisk set egentlig ville have været bedre nu at udarbejde en utopisk unionstraktat.
I therefore believe that tactically it would have been better to draw up a utopian Union treaty.
I øjeblikket risikerer denne unionstraktat at blive betragtet som en hensigtsmerklæring.
As it is, there is a danger that this treaty will be regarded as our final offer.
Derfor tror jeg, at det ville have været bedre, og i hvert fald politisk mere frugtbart, at skitsere en ideel model af den europæiske konstruktion, med angivelse af de mellem liggende faser, som man skal igennem på vej mod denne ideelle model.
It would have been better, at any rate politically more worth while, to outline an ideal model for the construction of Europe, with an indication of the intermediate phases to be completed on the way.
Dette foreløbige udkast til traktat om oprettelse af den europæiske union er efter min mening kun en mellemliggende fase for enhver, som ikke blot tror på en europæisk konstruktion, men på den integrale føderalismes principper, således som mennesker som Denis de Rougemont og Alexandre Marc har angivet. Føderalisme som et liv i ringe, hvor den mindste ring er den mest interesse og den vigtigste.
This preliminary draft treaty establishing the European Union is, in my opinion, no more than an intermediate phase for anyone who believes not so much in the construction of Europe as in the principles of integral federalism, as outlined by people like Denis de Rougement and Alexandre Marc have pointed out : federalism as a form of life in concentric circles, the smallest being the most intense and the most important.
Vandemeulebroucke (CDI). — (NL) Hr. formand, kære kolleger, dette foreløbige udkast til traktat om oprettelse af den europæiske union vil jeg i princippet godkende, selv om det kun sker for at vise, at mit parti indtager en proeuropæisk solidaritetens hold ning, og fremfor alt også fordi nye tider kræver nye opgaver, som selvfølgelig må tages op på europæisk plan.
Mr Vandemeulebroucke (CDI). — (NL) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, I shall on principle be voting for this preliminary draft treaty establishing the European Union, if only to show that my party has a proEuropean attitude, out of solidarity and above all because a new era calls for new tasks to which a European approach must, of course, be adopted.