natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Kommissionen bør beskytte og ikke underminere de europæiske traktater.
Officially, w,e are seized of a draft Council Decision prepared by the Commission to formalize the decisions taken at the recent Fontainebleau summit.
Det gælder opgså for afgørelsen om egne indtægter fra 1970.1 denne afgørelse og således ligeledes i den ændring, som vi taler om i dag, er der ikke plads til en enkelt medlemsstats særstilling.
The serious technical nature of our discussions should not be allowed to obscure the fact that the difficulties and contradictions besetting us stem from the disastrous Fontainebleau compromise, which I take this further opportunity to denounce on behalf of my Group.
Min gruppe har stillet et ændringsforslag herom.
Unfortunately, however, the worst available system has been adopted.
Den eneste positive side ved Fontainebleauaftalen er, at den gør det muligt at hæve momsloftet på 1 % og øge de egne indtægter.
Contrary to what we were led to believe, Fontainebleau settled nothing, as we are constantly reminded by the budgetary difficulties in which we become increasingly embroiled with each passing day.
Men vi må med det samme slå fast, at det også her drejer sig om en illusion, for denne hævning af momsloftet viser sig at være helt utilstrækkelig.
Con trary to what we have been led to believe, Fontainebleau gave no fresh impetus to new common policies.
Den er utilstrækkelig, for de 1,4% et i virkeligheden kun 1,3%, når der tages hensyn til finansieringe af kompensationen til Det forenede Kongerige.
When we are not even sure of being able to finance common policies already decided upon by the Com munity, the common agricultural policy first and fore most, how are we going to be able to find finance for new European ambitions?
I dag ved vi oven i købet, at de nye ind tægter, der fremkommer ved hjælp af disse 1,3%, vil være fulstændig opbrugt samme dag, de fremkom mer, dersom udvidelsen gennemføres samtidig.
Contrary to what we have been led to believe, Fontainebleau does not mark a leap forward for Europe but a step back for the Com munity spirit; in particular, by making provision for one Member State to be able to withdraw from the financing of present or future common policies, Fontainebleau has created a big crack in the Community edifice while seeking to disguise the beginnings of the disintegration of the Community of Ten just when plans are being made — prematurely — for enlarging it to include two new partners.
Endelig, hr. formand, søger Parlamentet ikke en kon frontation med Rådet eller Kommissionen.
I take this opportunity to pay tribute to Mr Pfennig for the efforts that he has made to take this draft from the Commission, which we for our part consider to have been thoroughly unacceptable in the form in which it was originally presented, and make improvements on a number of fundamental, essential points.
Pasty (RDE). — (FR) Hr. formand, kære kolleger, hvad er det, det hele drjer sig om?
Only the former should be the subject of a draft amendment to the Decision of 21 April 1970 on own resources.
Hvad er det, vi drøfter?
The latter should be dealt with by a Council Regulation.
En skærpende omstændighed er, at Fontainebleau aftalen kobler forøgelsen af de egne indtægter sam men med vedtagelsen af en kompensationsordning for Det forenede Kongerige, som er helt uacceptable både i sit udgangspunkt og i sine praktiske konsekvenser; uacceptabel i sit udgangspunkt, fordi den stadfæster teorien om lige for lige og bryder med princippet om økonomisk solidaritet, som er nedfældet i traktaterne.
The only positive feature of the Fontainebleau agree ment is the authority that it gives for raising the VAT ceiling from 1% and an increase in own resources.
Men denne ordning er tillige uacceptabel i sine praktiske konsekvenser, for så vidt som den medfører, at en partner — Det forenede Kongerige — reelt udelukkes fra finansieringen af de økonomiske følger af udvidelsen, finansieringen af eventuelle kon junkturbestemte ekstra landbrugsudgifter og endog finansieringen af politik, Fællesskabet måtte vedtage, dersom Det forenede Kongerige ikke har overproportional fordel deraf.
Since we find that the 1.4% is in reality reduced to 1.3% when the effect of the mechanism for financing the United Kingdom's budget rebate is taken into account.
Dette punkt er i øvrigt meget klart blevet fremhævet i det forslag til beslutning af hr. Pfennig, som budgetudvalget har vedtaget.
More over, we already know that these new resources up to this limit of 1.3% will be totally absorbed as soon as they become available if enlargement goes ahead at the same time.
Officielt har vi fået forelagt et forslag fra Kommissionen til Rådet, der udmønter afgørelserne fra det sidste topmøde i Fontainebleau.
To make matters worse, the Fontainebleau agreement tied the increase in own resources to the adoption of a mechanism for budgetary relief to the United Kingdom which is totally unacceptable in its inspiration and
Den eneste løsning på fællesskabsplan af problemet med den manglende britiske budgetbalance, hvis
We also agree to the use of a simpler procedure for raising the ceiling above 1.4%, requiring unanimity in the Council and a qualified majority in Parliament, but no ratification by the national Parliaments.
Derfor kan ingen løsning, der er i modstrid med fællesskabsprincipperne om økonomisk solidaritet, få vor godkendelse.
May I, as a folk nationalist and federalist, say that the Member States are blocking things in two directions.
Men desværre er den ordning, der er blevet valgt, den dårligste.
Then at least the budget would be covered.
Det forene de Kongerige har sit på det tørre, og det er endog lidt ironisk, at vi her må lytte til de svar, som hr. Tugendhat vil give Parlamentet.
You all know that this 1.4% must yet be ratified by the Member States und Community law.
Man kan vanskeligt tale om mere ironi i andre situationer end i denne.
That will take at least a year and in the meantime the 1.4% will have disappeared.
Jeg går nu over til ændringsforslaget af hr. Pfennig.
In conclusion, we shall support all draft amendments which are strictly in line with Community orthodoxy, especially as regards the need, as stipulated in the Treaties, to adjust revenues to decisions taken under common policies.
At ville forene Fontainebleauaftalen med den holdning, Parlamentet hele tiden har indtaget til kompensationen til Det forenede Kongerige, dvs. kompensation over udgifts- og ikke over indtægtssiden, er det sam me som at ville løse cirklens kvadratur.
From the moment that a common policy is adopted unanimously it must be financed without restriction and without discrimination between the various Member States.
Men selv om det resultat, han er nået frem til, ud fra vort synspunkt ikke er helt tilfredsstillende, kunne han ikke — der erkender jeg — forene det uforenelige.
Conversely, it is unacceptable for one Member States to take it upon itself to withdraw from the financing of certain expenditure which is of common interest.
Det er tydeligt, at den europæiske ånd, som burde være fremhenskende, krænkes.
Finally, Mr President, if we have a real European Community, and want a real European budget, then we must have the courage to say what is amiss in the present budget.
Også en del af demokratiet manes i jorden.
I would first like to point to our own budget in this House.
Demokratiets vigtigste regel er jo : res pektere indgåede aftaler og sørge for den nødvendige finansiering.
Three thousand million Belgian francs are wasted each year in the nonsense over the three seats of this institution.
For det første sprænges ordningen med egne indtægter — som det blev aftalt den 21. april 1970 — i luften på grund af dette forlig, dette kom promis.
Secondly, we are giving rights and money to producers of butter, for example, which we ought to sell directly rather than putting into cold storage at an annual cost of thousands of millions of francs.
For det andet løser dette forlig slet ikke vore problemer.
What is the point of it all?
Jeg vil i forbifarten udtrykke min anerkendelse af hr. Pfennigs bestræbelser på at forbedre Kommissionens forslag på en række grundlæggende og væsentlige punkter, et forslag som vi på vor side anser for helt uacceptabelt i den form, vi fik det forelagt i.
Mr Kuijpers (ARC). — (NL) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, on behalf of the European Free Alliance I should also like to make a few comments on the Pfennig report.
Vi værd sætter navnlig hr. Pfennigs forsøg på meget klart — på det juridiske plan — at adskille den forhøjelse af de egne indtægter, der er et resultat af, at momsloftet hæves på den ene side, og problemet med kompensationen til Det forenede Kongerige på den anden side.
The first concerns the unwillingness of the Member States, in other words state nationalism, to make the necessary finance available.
Kun det første punkt bør indgå i et forslag til ændring af traktaten af 21. april 1970 om de egne indtægter.
The United Kingdom has feathered its nest and it is really rather ironical that we must listen here to Mr Tugendhat answer this House.
Det andet punkt bør derimod gøres til genstand for en forordning fra Rådet.
It would be difficult to find a more ironical situation than this one.
For det tredje tilbageholder medlemsstaterne for de res fælles europæiske organ, for os, den kraft, som skulle gøre det muligt at udvikle sig mere i europæisk forstand.
Mr d'Ormesson (DR). — (FR) Mr President, the Group of the European Right believes that the Com munity will not survive unless it adheres to its fundamental objectives.
Vi taler her meget om en europæisk profil, om en egen europæisk identitet mellem storblokkene, men så snart der anmodes om midler, blokerer den ene eller den anden medlemsstat det hele, og så kan dette udtryk for vilje ikke omsættes i handlinger.
What are these? The creation of a common market, that is to say a single market in which the free movement of persons, goods and capital is guaranteed.
Vi er endvidere enige i, at de 1,4% kan overskrides på grundlag af en enklere procedure, således at der kræves enstemmighed i Rådet og kvalificeret flertal i Parlamentet, men ingen ratifikation fra de nationale parlamenters side.
The Joint Declaration of 5 April 1977 strengthened the spirit and letter of the Treaty by stipulating that all the Member States are party to the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Free doms signed in Rome on 4 November 1950.
Det er således statsnationalisme fra det nittende århundrede. drede.
A clear departure is being made from the European spirit which ought to reign.
For det fjerde, hvorfor kunne vi ikke med det samme have bragt 2% af momsafgifterne under europæisk administration, hvilket fru Barbarella også nævnte før mig?
Secondly, this settlement does not solve any of our problems.
Således ville der i det mindste være dækning for budgettet.
I forecast that in 1985 we shall be faced with the same problems again.
Som konklusion tilslutter vi os samtlige ændringsforslag, som ligger inden for den strikte fællesskabslære, navnlig for så vidt angår nødvendigheden af at juste re indtægterne som fastsat i traktaterne samt de afgørelser, der er truffet vedrørende de forskellige former for fælles politik.
Thirdly, the Member States are denying us, their com mon European organ, the power to develop further in a European way.
Fra det øjeblik en fælles politik er enstemmigt vedtaget, skal den finansieres uden nogen form for hverken restriktion eller forskelsbehandling mellem de forskellige medlemsstater. Det er derimod uacceptabelt, at en medlemsstat selv trækker sig ud af finansieringen af nogle udgifter af fælles interesse.
Everyone here talks in grandiose terms about a European profile, a European identity, but as soon as money is requested for it one or the other Member State blocks the affair and this expression of intent cannot be put into practice.
Udsigten til et budget for 1985, der notorisk er utilstrækkeligt, gør denne situation meget foruroligende, fordi den er udtryk for vore regeringers dalende europavilje. pavilje.
This policy was adopted in response to two needs: first, to secure food supplies to the peoples of the Community; secondly, to create conditions under which it was possible for the farming community to continue populating our rural areas and make their livings there.
De ved alle, at disse 1,4% stadig skal ratificeres af de ti medlemsstater i henhold til traktaten.
Some people here maintain that the reason why the British contribution is so large is that it buys a high proportion of its products from outside the Community.
Dette vil vare mindst ét år endnu, og i mellem tiden er disse 1,4% også allerede forsvundet.
The focus of the crisis that we are experiencing is in fact in our institutions, in the rules for financing the Community.
Endelig vil jeg sige, hr. formand, at hvis vi har et virkeligt europæisk Fællesskab, en europæisk budget ånd, så burde vi roligt turde fastslå, hvad der er i vejen med det nuværende budget.
But now, with the exhaustion of our own resources and the ensuing political crisis, the indications are that it will not be possible to sustain what has been achieved to date unless we carry out a fundamental revision of the rules according to which funds are made available to finance it.
Jeg vil gerne først henvise til vort eget budget i Parlamentet.
The prospect of a manifestly inadequate budget for 1985 creates a very disturbing situation, since it reflects the collapse of our government's European will.
Tre mia belgiske francs går årligt tabt med denne institutions besvær med de tre hjemsteder.
I believe that this situation can be rectified only if a better balance is established in the efforts that the various Member States are called upon to make.
Hvem har gavn af alt dette?!
As this demonstrates, returns from industry vary extremely widely from one State to another.
dOrmesson (DR). — (FR) Hr. formand, de europæiske højrepartiers gruppe mener ikke, at Fællesskabet kan overleve, uden at dets grundlag respekteres.
Other resources must be generated for the Com munity, and these should be geared, for instance, to indicators of real wealth, whether agricultural or industrial.
I denne sammenhæng at ville tale om en udvidelse af Europa den 1. januar 1986 er i mine øjne mere end en fejl — en vildfarelse — så længe vi ikke råder over de nødvendige ressourcer til at yde et større antal landbrugere en virkelig prisgaranti og som en konsekvens heraf til at opsuge de ekstra overskud.
In this context, and for as long as we do not have the resources needed to afford proper price guarantees to a larger number of farmers and thereby to absorb surplus production, it is more than a mistake, an error, to proclaim that the Community is to be enlarged on 1 January 1986.
Udvidelsen, hvis berettigelse de europæiske højrepartiers gruppe støtter, indebærer tværtimod risiko for en op splitning af Fællesskabet.
Enlargement, the case for which is supported by the Group of the European Right, could well have the opposite effect from that intended: dislocation of the Community.
Hertil vil man svare mig, at forordningerne og en overgangsperiode vil gøre det muligt at løse disse vanskeligheder, men det er helt givet ikke tilfældet, således som det for øjeblikket går vore retsakter!
It will be retorted that these difficulties can be resolved by regulations and a transitional period, but in the present state of our legislation, that is pure fantasy.
Vore forordninger efterleves alt for ofte ikke, eller de er, som det er tilfældet med kvoterne, underlagt bestemmelser, som er urimelige, f.eks. for mælk. eller som man agter at gøre urimelige, f.eks. for vin.
Our regulations are flouted too often or, as with quotas, they are based on rules which are unjustifiable, in the case of milk, or on rules which it is intended to render unjustifiable, in the case of wine.
Hvad er grundlaget?
Our children's survival is directly dependent on this.
Oprettelse af et fælles marked, dvs. ét marked der sikrer fri bevægelighed for mennesker, varer og kapital.
It is high time that each of our institutions appreciated the full implications of this.
Så længe vi er i denne situation, må vi gøre alt for at få sagen ind i de rette baner igen.
For as long as we remain in this situation, we should be thinking in terms of getting back on course.
Der skal udarbejdes nye forordninger, men der skal på forhånd være mid ler til rådighed til at give bøde for misbrug og fejl, som stiller vore befolkninger op mod hinanden, undertiden under megen ophidselse.
New regulations are required but first of all it is necessary to have means of sanctioning abuses and other incorrect application of the rules, which are giving rise to sometimes very heated confrontations between our peoples.
Ærede rådsmedlemmer, inden man taler om udvidelse, må der udarbejdes bestemmelser derom, og De må have midlerne til at få dem overholdt.
To the members of the European Council I would say that, before talking about enlargement, it is necessary to establish the rules and to acquire the means of ensuring that they are applied.
Der er ganske vist en Domstol.
Granted, we have the Court of Justice.
Men hvor mange måneder er den om at afgøre et stridsspørgsmål ?
But how many months does it take to settle a dispute?
Ret uden retfærdighed er en benægtelse af retten.
Law without justice is the negation of law.
Retfærdighed inde bærer i dag en højere grad af ligevægt i hver med lemsstats økonomiske bestræbelser.
In order to have justice now we must have a better balance in the financial contributions made by the various Member States.
Fællesskabets andet fundament er den fælles land brugspolitik baseret på tre principper: ensartede priser, fællesskabspræferencen og økonomisk solidaritet.
In declining order, the Federal Republic of Germany, the United Kingdom, the Kingdom of Belgium, France and Luxembourg were the only net contributors to the common agricultural policy in 1983.
Siden har Det forenede Kongerige fået et udligningsbeløb, og det har Forbundsrepublikken Tyskland også i mindre målestok.
The first reason is that I believe the report is illconceived and the second is that it is certainly illtimed.
Men ser man på afsnit 1 i budgetforslaget for 1985, nærmere bestemt kapitlet om afgifter, ser man, at Belgien står opført med et beløb på 278 millioner 400 000 ECU og Det forenede Kongerige med et beløb på 280 millioner ECU!
First, if we vote for the Pfennig report today, we shall be voting in favour of a higher level of national contributions from Member States to the common market before the national parliaments have considered that question.
Jeg tror, at en afhjælpning af denne situation går over en bedre balance i hver medlemsstats bestræbelser.
The second reason it is badly timed is that if we approve the Pfennig report, we shall be actually deciding that
84 d'Ormesson brugspolitik.
Pitt exclude something simply for that reason.
Det viser, at resultaterne på industriområdet er meget forskellige fra land til land.
My fundamental objection, however, is that we are asking here for new resources and more money without new pro grammes.
For det andet tror jeg ikke, at de nationale parlamenter vil godkende større bidrag, medmindre de kan se, at budgetmæssige uligheder mellem medlemsstaterne bliver ordentligt behandlet og ordentligt afhjulpet.
higher and higher contributions — indeed endless increases in contributions from Member States shall occur with no reference whatsoever to national parliaments after the proposed increase that is due to be put before them in the course of 1985.
Derfor er der hos mig opstået en følelse af, at stater nes bidrag skal fastsættes i forhold til deres faktiske økonomiske formåen.
I do hope therefore that this Parliament won't be so foolhardy as to put itself behind the Pfennig report and once again go against the tide of public and institutional opinion in the EEC.
Det er ikke tilstrækkeligt at forhøje momssatsen.
I believe, incidentally, that the national parliaments will take into account things which all too few speak ers in this debate so far have even thought to mention.
Der må frigøres andre ressourcer til Fællesskabet, f.eks. baseret på indikatorer for naturlige rigdomme og for landbrugs- og industririgdomme.
Being closer to the electors of Europe, the national parliaments will want to know, when they consider increased contributions, whether the corrective measures which need to be applied to the pattern and the shape of the European Community budget are in place and on course.
Kun de vil muliggøre nye former for fælles politik.
I do not believe that the national parliaments will approve increased resources until they can see some improvement in the shape of the Com munity's budget.
Jeg fastholder, at de store opgaver inden for industrien kræver en fælles politik navnlig på områderne energi og forskning, transport og forsvar — der ikke kan skilles fra rustning og beskyttelse af civilbefolkningen.
The principles of financial solidarity defined in the Decision of 21 April 1970 constitute one of the key stones of the European Community. Any departure from these principles, to meet particular difficulties being experienced by certain Member States, must be of a purely transitional nature.
Jeg mener, at Pfennig-betænkningen er misforstået af flere grunde.
I think that the Pfennig report is misconceived for a number of reasons.
Med udgangspunkt i et andet politisk perspektiv talte hr. Tugendhat i formiddags med stor veltalenhed og med megen kraft mod Pfennig-betænkningen.
From a different political perspective Commissioner Tugendhat spoke this morning with great eloquence and with great force against the Pfennig report.
Jeg overtager gerne hans konklusioner, men ikke hele hans argumentation for disse konklusioner.
I would echo his conclusions but not all of his reasoning for those conclusions.
Primært vil jeg være enig med ham i, at det vil være vanvittigt af Parlamentet at gå ind for en betænkning, som er i komplet modstrid med den aftale, som blev indgået i Fontainebleau.
Primarily, I would agree with him that it would be absurd of this Parliament to approve a report which runs flatly counter to the agreement made at Fontainebleau.
Det, vi i stedet for skulle gøre, er at holde Rådet fast ved den ne aftale og sige til medlemsstaterne og til deres re præsentanter i Rådet: Udfør I det, I blev enige om i Fontainebleau; så vil vi som Parlamentet bygge vide re på de konklusioner, I nåede til.
What we ought to be doing instead is holding the Council to this agreement and saying to the Member States and to their representatives in the Council: You carry out what you agreed at Fontainebleau and we, as a Parliament, will build upon the conclusions that you came to.
Det er på høje tid, at det går op for alle vore institutioner. tioner.
This decision to increase own resources should not be subject to any preconditions.
Pitt (S). — (EN) Hr. formand, jeg taler i dag som medlem af budgetudvalget. På udvalgsmødet i torsdags stemte jeg imod Pfennigbetænkningen.
In particular, I do not feel that it would be wise to create a linkage — a 'junctim' as they say in German — between the increase in own resources and enlargement of the Community.
Jeg agter at gøre det samme i eftermiddag og bruge de få minutter, jeg har til rådighed, til at forklare en større tilhørerkreds, hvorfor jeg gør det.
It goes without saying that when the time comes the financial implications of enlargement will have to be fully taken into account and this, I am con vinced, will necessitate an increase in the uniform per centage of VAT earmarked for the Community budget to a level above the anticipated ceiling of 1.6%.
Jeg mener, at der i Pfennig-betænkningens enkeltheder ligger en del alvorlige problemer for os. Først er der skæringsdatoen, som lord Douro var inde på.
I believe that on the detail of the Pfennig report there are a number of serious problems for us.