natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Det er helt indlysende, at hvis fordømmelse kunne have løst terroristproblemet i Nordirland, ville det være forsvundet for lang tid siden.
Northern Ireland is part of the United Kingdom by the democratically expressed will of its people, and it will be there as long as the majority want it, irrespective of vetoes or guarantees.
Til slut vil jeg til de ansvarlige politikere i Ulster, at republikken Irland og London må forsøge at afhjælpe splittelsen.
The making of Mr Haagerup's report constitutes a deliberate interference in the political and constitutional affairs of Northern Ireland.
Det vil kræve lederskab i Ulster og stats mandskunst i republikken Irland.
As such, it was rejected by all parties in the British House of Commons.
Ulster behøver fred og fortjener noget bedre end det, der er sket i de forløbne 15 år.
In an attempt to condense Anglo-Irish history in a few pages, Mr Haagerup alleges on page 18 that it has been 'dominated by Irish rebellions and British suppression.'
Naturligvis kan der samarbejdes mellem nord og syd, men det kan kun lykkes og give resultater, hvis det baseres på gensidig respekt og ikke-indblanding i hinandens interne anliggender.
Taking such a biased view of the past, it is little wonder that in many places the report is riddled with falsehoods and is totally misleading.
Jeg har på det seneste bemærket den nye forståelse i Sydirland af landets forpligtelse over for Nordirland.
Indeed, on page 11, Mr Haagerup declares that in compiling his report he met with 'representatives of all major ... political parties in Northern Ireland.'
Hurrapatriotismens tid er forbi.
That is a blatant falsehood.
Terrorismen skal bekæmpes, for den er hele Irlands fjende. Den sekteriske politik må forkastes.
He met with no representative of the party that I represent in this House.
Ja, de seneste år i Ulster har været meget ulykkelige, men der er en stor ukuelighed blandt Ulsters befolkning.
The truth is that he met with no representatives of Unionism, which totally rejected the making of this report.
(Bifald fra den europæiske demokratiske gruppe)
I do not think that is rubbish, colleagues from the European Democrats.
Heldigvis er det problem blevet behandlet, og det er ved at blive løst.
The more I get to know him, the more respect I have for him.
Ikke fuldstændigt, det vil tage lang tid, men det er ved at blive løst, og jeg giver den britiske regering æren for at have beskæftiget sig hermed.
I confess that I was fearful of the final product when he was first appointed, and while I was on the small Political Affairs subcommittee which allocated the report to him I had considerable misgivings concerning the appointment and about his impartiality.
På en vis måde er det dog stadig en anklage, for den britiske regering beskæftigede sig kun med spørgsmålet, da volden var brudt ud, og da problemet blev næsten uhåndterligt.
I now want publicly to apologize to Niels Haagerup for having entertained those doubts and misgivings.
Jeg hørte Eddie McAteer, som sad i Northern Assembly i mange år i min tid, forudsige, at låget en dag ville ryge af, og at folk ikke fortsat ville acceptere forskelsbehandlingen så sagtmodigt og ydmygt, som de hidtil havde gjort. En dag ville problemet eksplodere, og vi ville ikke vide, hvorledes vi skulle behandle det. Hans ord var profetiske.
I would write his report very very differently and would, of course, draft a much more favourable resolution from an Irish point of view dealing with the political and social problems of our Northern Ireland's six counties.
Ewing (DEP). — (EN) Jeg ønsker at fremsætte en ganske kort bemærkning til forretningsordenen. Jeg deler hr. Taylors skuffelse over fremmødet, ikke desto mindre vil jeg ikke have ført til protokols, at der kun er 50 parlamentsmedlemmer til stede.
As a member of the Political Affairs Committee, I submitted amendments to that committee, but I refrained from doing so here in plenary sitting as I believe that the Haagerup resolution is an honest effort by him and our Political Affairs Committee to alert the people of Europe to the tragic situation in Northern Ireland, where for the past 15 years a virtual state of warfare has been in existence.
På visse tidspunkter har der været langt flere end 100, og nogle af dem måtte gå ind og ud af de sædvanlige årsager.
I hope that the attention focused on this sad state by this debate may have desirable effects.
Mäher (L). — (EN) Hr. formand, må jeg til en begyndelse udtrykke min anerkendelse af min kollega hr. Haagerups arbejde.
The Protestant and Unionist people have nothing to fear from an investigation of the affairs of Northern Ireland.
Jeg ønsker imidlertid at gøre det klart, at jeg ikke vil gøre noget her i Parlamentet i dag for at forværre situationen. Jeg ønsker at forbedre den.
However, if those investigations are made with a preconceived notion that there must be a united Ireland, then they cannot be fair and unbiased.
Sunningdale-aftalen, som blev indgået i samarbejde med den daværende regering i Republikken, var i det mindste et forsøg på at nå en løsning.
Mr Haagerup helps them along that road with a report that amounts to an ill-informed, biased piece of Republican propaganda.
Der er en ting, som slår mig, og jeg ønsker ikke at blive misforstået. Hvis vi ikke havde haft urolighederne i de forløbne 15 år i Nordirland, uroligheder som er så voldsomme, at tusinder af menneskeliv er gået tabt, og folk havde gennemgået store lidelser, menneskelige, økonomiske og sociale lidelser, er det højst usandsynligt, at vi i dag ville have drøftet dette spørgsmål i Europa-Parlamentet.
In conclusion, to the people of the six counties of Northern Ireland, and to the people of Great Britain again, who, at the moment, do not agree with us Irish, I would say that the alternative of joining with us in meaningful dialogue could not possibly be as bad as what you have had to endure and what we have to endure at present.
Det er på en vis måde en anklage mod de politikere, som har været der siden begyndelsen af opdelingen, siden Nordirland blev en del af Det forenede Kongerige, for ikke at have behandlet de problemer, der til stadighed sydede under overfladen.
I appeal to you to start thinking jointly with us of solutions, to sit down with our representatives and strive towards a just, peaceful and final solution.
Derfor er jeg bekymret for, at der måske er en tendens til kun at behandle symptomerne på problemet og ikke selve det grundlæggende problem.
Mr Paisley (NI). — Mr President, I would like to make three comments on the speech we have just heard.
Her må jeg med den største beklagelse nævne noget andet.
That was registered at the old League of Nations.
Den løsning virkede faktisk ikke. Hvorfor gjorde den ikke det?
That is the first comment I want to make.
Det gjorde den ikke, for endnu en gang gav den britiske regering efter over for ekstremister på den ene side.
One has only to look at page 37, where he tells us that our province is a 'constitutional oddity'.
Det ønsker jeg at sige til mine britiske venner.
What an insult to the United Kingdom and to the people of Northern Ireland !
Jeg ved ikke, om De forstår det, men De var tilbøjelige til at gøre noget sådant. De gjorde det i 1912, da der var et forslag om at etablere hjemmestyre i Irland.
He goes on to attack the Ulster Special Constabulary as an 'illdisciplined, notorious, anti-Catholic biased' force.
En del af den britiske hær gjorde dengang mytteri, og den britiske regering gav efter.
There is no attempt by the rapporteur to set opposite to the events such as 'Bloody Sunday', the relentless and unremitting catalogue of Republican atrocities against the Protestant people of Northern Ireland.
Den har givet efter lige siden over for ekstremister på den ene side!
Of course, as the vast majority of these people were only Protestant, I suppose they are not worthy of mention.
Det er på tide, at de begynder at modstå ikke blot ekstremister på den ene side — IRA eller hvem det end måtte være, og det har De ret i — men også ekstremister på den anden side, som siger:
Secondly, it is a fact and if one were to read the debate in the Dáil Éireann, one would see what Mr Blaney said about the spawning of the Provisional IRA and that Mr Haughey is in no way guiltless of the spawning of that particular organization. What is more, a few thousand British troops could not hold
Der er altid en grund til, at der er terrorisme, at voldsmænd opererer, at de er villige til helt kritikløst at nedskyde deres ofre.
In his desire to appease and accommodate the Republicans, Mr Haagerup turns basic facts on their heads.
mig fra de øvrige talere, fordi jeg mener, at hr. Haagerup ikke blot på sin pressekonference i går, men også her i sit indledende indlæg i dag, har udtrykt en partiskhed, som ikke er den mand værdig.
I am very sorry about this, and while I feel that in this Parliament and in the groups we shall find people concerned about problems similar to that in Northern Ireland, it will be very hard indeed to replace Mr Haagerup.
Jeg afviser bemærkningen om, at vi ikke skulle have ret til at føre denne forhandling i Parlamentet i dag. Hvorfor skulle vi ikke det?
that started the trouble in Londonderry in 1969.
Hvorfor skulle vi diskutere El Salvador, Vietnam og Afghanistan, hvor folk bliver dræbt, og så ikke kunne drøfte et problem i vort eget Fællesskab?
He says powersharing came about through the Sunningdale Agree ment. Everybody knows that it was no such thing.
Når jeg siger »os«, mener jeg den britiske og irske regering.
There was an overwhelming vote against it, eleven members being elected and one against it.
Jeg ønsker at fremsætte følgende opfordring: vend ikke blikket bort, vær så venlig at løse problemet!
He goes on to say that the Council of Ireland in the early 1920s did not meet because Unionists would not go to it.
De yder os alle rede en vis støtte, og det er vi taknemmelige for, men vi behøver meget mere.
It was the Unionists who appointed their members to that Council of Ireland.
Vi behøver forståelse.
It was the people in Dublin who refused to appoint their members to that Council.
Vi har brug for, at De viser os, at De står bag os i vort arbejde med at nå en række løsninger.
Then he goes on to say that my party receives the support of Protestant terrorist organizations.
FORSÆDE: LADY DIANA ELLES Næstformand
I nail that as a blatant lie : I challenged him to give the evidence, but no evidence has been forthcoming.
Han talte om den måde, hvorpå han har fået støtte fra alle seks grupper.
The report that he has prepared has not satisfied everybody.
Der er syv grupper her i Parlamentet til bestyrtelse for nogle af de grupper, som forsøgte at overbevise os om, at det ikke ville være tilfældet.
Naturally, there are those who will say that this report confirms the status quo in Northern Ireland.
Tilfældigvis har jeg interesseret mig meget for dette anliggende i temmelig lang tid.
There are people like our friend, Dr Paisley, behind me who of course will see Mr Haagerup in a different light, almost comparing him to Sitric, the Danish King of Dublin, who blockaded that port in the first effort to prevent the Norman invasion of Ireland.
I begyndelsen forsynede jeg hr. Haagerup med alle de oplysningern, jeg havde, herunder et udarbejdet bag grundsdokument.
He was not successful, but I hope that the work Mr Haagerup has done here today will bear more fruit and be more successful than that of our first Danish participant in the Anglo-Irish struggle.
Dernæst begravede retsudvalget ganske roligt beslutningsforslaget, fordi udvalget besluttede ikke at redegøre for det.
I want also to thank the Christian-Democratic Group, who were the first group in this Parliament to decide that the whole subject of Northern Ireland should be debated in this House.
Det ville i det mindste have været høfligt og mere korrekt at nævne dette beslutningsforslag i hr. Haagerups betænkning; men jeg skal ikke dadle ham, måske var han ikke klar over det, og det blev ikke bragt til hans kendskab.
It is typical of the centre group in the Parliament, to which I belong, to have shown this concern for this troubled area and have offered their assistance.
Jeg ønsker person ligt at henvende mig til Dem, fordi jeg tror, De er en person med stor forståelse og stor erfaring i politik.
Let me say that this morning I rang up the Fair Employment Agency and I was told that since they were appointed, 224 cases were reported in regard to discrimination.
Jeg beder Dem om ikke at forkaste den endnu en gang.
Only 25 were proved to the discriminatory.
Støt den moderate betænkning, udarbejdet af en moderat mand, som sætter en omhyggelig kurs mellem begge former for ekstremisme, og som giver mulighed for hjælp i frem tiden.
Of these 25, 20 were Roman Catholics and 5 were Protestants, and the largest amount of compensation and the most glaring case was that cf discrimination against a Protestant.
Jeg kan meddele Dem, at hvis De forkaster betænkningen, vil De glæde IRA. Det er sikkert.
In putting down our original motion, we have no wish to burden this House with the bitterness of an ancient British-Irish conflict.
De vil også glæde ekstremister på den anden side. De vil glæde hr. Paisley, for også han er ekstremist på.en vis måde.
Neither are we asking that solutions which this House might think appropriate should be imposed on the people of Northern Ireland against their will.
Jeg ønsker ikke at sige dette med bitterhed, men han er sandsynligvis den bedste hverveagent, som IRA har.
We want to draw attention to the fact that in a part of this Community there are people who, for fifteen years past, have not been free from the scourge of civil strife, have not had the protection of a normal system of government and have suffered, as a result, insecurity and poverty.
Hvis De afholder Dem fra at stemme, vil det blive fortolket som en stemme imod betænkningen.
But there will never be a day when the Protestant people of Northern Ireland will be prepared to put their necks under the heel of a Dublin administration. tion.
Det var, fordi dette blev undertrykt siden 1979 og udelukket, at vi stod over for tragedien med sultestrejkerne og de endelige beslutninger om plastickugler.
What is now clear beyond doubt is that the people of Northern Ireland cannot resolve this problem by themselves. It is also clear that it cannot be resolved without the economic aid which can relieve the social and economic effects of the unrest.
Det var de forhandlinger her i Parlamentet, som bevirkede, at Parlamentet fik øjnene op for den kendsgerning, at det forkastede det britiske krav om, at det irske spørgsmål udelukkende var et anliggende for den britiske regering og ikke skulle drøftes af Europa-Parlamentet.
But it must also be made clear that neither economic aid nor the good counsel of this Community can have the required effect if new policies are not adopted by the British Government and if these policies are not accepted by the majority of the Irish people, north and south of the border.
Blaney (CDI). — (EN) Fru formand, ligesom de øvrige talere før mig, anerkender jeg så absolut ordførerens store arbejde, hans flittige efterforskning, hans energi i forbindelse med at besøge det område, som han har berettet om for Parlamentet. Når dette er sagt, er jeg imidlertid bange for, at jeg adskiller
Mr McCartin (PPE). — Mr President, first of all I would like to thank this House for the interest it has taken in the subject of Northern Ireland and to thank all the parties and groups in this Assembly who have so far participated in the debates at committee level and in our ad hoc committee.
Denne betænkning rummer efter min opfattelse et ret stort undersøgelsesarbejde og megen klogskab, men samtidig betragter jeg den som en valen betænkning, en øvelse
British governments have been extraordinarily generous in providing large amounts of their taxpayers' money, which was applied over the years to the symptoms, but never to the root causes of the problem.
Selv i dag er de ikke klar over, at vi som nære naboer og med så mange ting til fælles her og i et langt større forum, end vi er vant til, både i Det forenede Kongerige og Irland, kunne vi og til fælles glæde for os burde vi være langt nærmere hinanden, end det er tilfældet; men skønt vi føler således — og det kan jeg gøre på trods af vor historie, ser jeg det ikke afspejlet i de handlinger, de afstemninger og de indlæg i en forhandling, som drejer sig om mit lands velfærd og dets økonomi — og resten er ligegyldigt.
In addition to the cost in human life and suffering, which is great — 2 300 deaths and 24 000 cases of injury, leaving almost no family and no small community in Northern Ireland unaffected — there is also the direct financial burden of the security and compensation alone, which cost the British exchequer £ 5 000 m sterling and £ 1 000 m sterling to the Irish Government.
Det er det ældgamle problem i forbindelse med det irske spørgsmål, som ikke blot begyndte, da opdelingen fandt sted; det begyndte ikke blot for 180 år siden eller deromkring, da Irland ifølge hr. Taylor var en del af Det forenede Konge rige; det begyndte med briternes besættelse af mit land for 800 år siden.
It was Southern Ireland — and let us remember that — that, by leaving the United Kingdom in 1921, created the partition of the island of Ireland.
Vor regering i Dublin bekræftede opdelingen på det tidspunkt, efter af dens udsendinge, som tog til forhandling i London, kom tilbage og havde undertegnet den traktat, som førte til opdelingen.
I welcome Mr Haagerup's emphasis on the fact that the issue is not one of religious strife but of national identities : 40 % of Ulster's population is Catholic, but usually only 25 % vote for a united Ireland.
Den traktat blev imidlertid undertegnet i London på baggrund af den direkte trussel, at hvis de ikke skrev under, ville hele øen Irland blive hjemsøgt af en frygtelig og blodig krig, iværksat af briterne med al deres magt og militære styrke.
It is important that Europe never simplifies the problem into a Catholic v. Protestant conflict.
Således skete det, med det ulykkelige resultat, at der blev udkæmpet en blodig borgerkrig på vore kyster for at afgøre, om man skulle gå ind for opdeling eller ej.
Only those who benefit from sectarian politics try to make that simplification. fication.
Der er ni grevskaber i den proyins, og det viser blot, hvorledes den blev opdelt — den måde, hvorpå den er besat i dag
By comparison with that, the amounts of money argued about at the European Summit were only chickenfeed.
Vi kan klare vore egne anliggender, hvis vi får mulighed for det.
I hope no Members of this House ever have similar experiences in their countries.
— for at man kan nå frem til et kunstigt flertal. Briterne overtog ikke hele Ulster, fordi de regnede med, at de ikke kunne holde det, hvis de gjorde det, så vi fik seks grevskaber med et tal på dem, som ville være unionstilhængere, i det store og hele protestanter, men unionstilhængere i den seneste analyse
I know the family experience myself, as I was critically injured by seven IRA bullets in my head.
Del Duca (PPE). — (IT) Hr. formand, ærede kolleger, enhver oprigtig europæer må være bekymret for situationen i Nordirland.
We are told that it is not to be hoped that this age-old problem will be resolved. Mr Haagerup, the rappor teur, has said that in the foreseeable future he cannot see Ireland reunited.
Det er sandt at sige, at Stor britanniens arv til Irland og til Fællesskabet i dag er resultatet af 800 års besættelse, hvor Irland, har jeg fået at vide, har været medlem af Det forenede Kongerige i 180 år og lidt under en opdeling siden begyndelsen af tyverne.
What we want this Community to do is to bring to bear its diplomatic skills, its moral influence and a measure of its economic resources, and join them up with British and Irish efforts, which we hope will be intensified, so that Ireland, North and South, can put its past behind it and walk forward, fully in step with the rest of the peoples of this continent, towards a real and true unity of all our people.
Da vi har vist os i stand til at dæmpe de religiøse og nationalistiske spændinger i resten af Europa, har vi pligt til også at iværksætte samme politik i Nordirland.
The role of the police and army in Northern Ireland is difficult and deserves the full understanding and full support of this House.
I betragtning af at omkring 60 % af de unge i Nordirland under femten år kommer fra familier med irsk nationalitet, der det kun et spørgsmål om tid, for denne etniske gruppe kommer til at udgøre flertallet der.
It weakens the credibility of the Dublin Government when it is seen throughout the whole of Europe to accept that an IRA terrorist who murders a civilian in Ulster has simply committeed a political and not a criminal offence and should therefore not be extradited and sent back to Northern Ireland. That situation must be brought to an end.
Siger disse tal ikke noget? Fordømmer de ikke hele den udvikling, der er sket i de forløbne århundreder?
Mr J. D. Taylor (ED). — Mr President, I note that out of our 434 Members of this Parliament, only 50 have attended this debate.
Den kendsgerning, at der i De forenede Stater findes flere mennesker af irsk oprindelse end i Irland i dag som helhed?
I do not know why they have boycotted the debate, but I must make it clear that in my case I oppose the debate in principle.
Flere mennesker af direkte irsk oprindelse i Storbritannien, i hovedlandet, end der findes i Irland i dag?
This Parliament should not become involved in the internal political affairs of Member States, be they the future of Corsica, the break-up of Belgium, the denial of human rights in Greece and Western Thrace, or indeed the right of the people of Northern Ireland to determine their own political future.
Hvorledes kan det finde sted? Hvorfor?
I welcome the condemnation of those who give finance to terrorists.
Jeg taler om race: hvorfor fremstår vi efter alle disse år entydigt som en nation, der ikke er blevet opslugt af besættelsesmagten?
That was an amendment introduced by our own group, the European Democratic Group, at the Political Affairs Committee.
Det er vi ikke blevet!
In this context Noraid in the United States of America is the
være opmærksom på deres synspunkt.
Group) worst example.
Det synspunkt, som er blevet fremlagt for os, og som jeg går ind for, er, at det ikke kunne være til nytte for os at stemme for denne betænkning; Dog anbefaler jeg betænkningen.
I recognize that the Dublin Govern ment has made every effort in the USA to stop people supporting Noraid.
Jeg synes, det er en storartet betænkning, og jeg håber, man vil følge den, og det der en personlig sorg for mig, at jeg ikke kan stemme for den.
It is to the shame of the United States of America that it provides the largest source of funds — yes, greater than even those from Ireland — for the murder campaign pursued by the IRA terror ists in our country.
Natali, næstformand i Kommissionnen. — (IT) Fru formand, der er forskellige aspekter i denne betænkning, som Kommissionen mener at måtte udtale sig om.
Mr Maher (L). — Mr President, I must begin by praising the work of my colleague, Niels Haagerup.
Beslutningsforslaget, som er forelagt Parlamentet, indeholder desuden specifikke anmodninger, som jeg gerne vil give vort foreløbige svar på.
First of all, I think he displayed great courage in taking on this report, but I do not believe that there is anyone in this Parliament more competent than Niels Haagerup is to present a report of this kind.
Jeg vil gerne lykønske hr. Haagerup med den afbalancerede og positive betænkning, som han har udarbejdet, og som retsudvalget fuldt bevidst har undladt at stille ændringsforslag til, og jeg har tillid til, at denne betænkning vil møde støtte fra alle medlemmer med god vilje i dette Parlament.
He has trod between the extremes in a most dexterous way, and I think it is a great pity that he has not decided to continue his political career in this House.