natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Hvis der virkelig var statistikker, der viste, at man bevarede uskyldige liv ved at have dødsstraffen, ville jeg være overbevist om, at den var en meget beklagelig nødvendighed.
Our rapporteur was honest enough — her report is an honest one — to ask herself the question, unlike certain people I heard speaking just now, whether the Treaties which govern our activities here gave us competence to act in the field we are now examining.
Nu har vi selvfølgelig masser af erfaring fra den fremadskridende afskaffelse af dødsstraffen i europæiske lande.
In the Legal Affairs Committee, we had occasion to discuss this question frankly and fully.
Der er lavet mange undersøgelser og fremlagt mange tal, men det er en kendsgerning.
It would be preferable for this House to vote unanimously in favour of the report before us.
Af denne grund forkaster jeg begge de argumenter, der er blevet fremført i denne forhandling til fordel for dødsstraffen.
But I feel sure that a majority will vote in favour, and in my opinion that majority will be an important factor.
I de lande, som har afskaffet dødsstraffen, er det nu kun tilladt at slå ihjel i den ene retsligt set mulige sammenhæng, hvor man i nødværge forsvarer sig mod et livstruende angreb.
Mr Chambeiron. — (FR) Madam President, I am not of the same opinion as the speaker who preceded me, that is to say I do not think that the problem is purely and simply one of statistics.
Jeg vil gerne udtrykke ligt sige, at vi ikke bør tillade nogen anden mere omfattende definition af nødværge, som inddrager andre rettigheder.
I think that it has long been established that the death penalty is not a deter rent and that we do not need to bandy about the ques tion of whether there are 17 or 18% more or less in such and such a case.
Det er sket. Men vi kan ikke tillade os at tage fejl i en sådan sammenhæng.
We do not forget either that there are victims of crimes, but we wish to make quite clear through our vote that we are very firmly in favour of the abolition of the death penalty.
Fru formand, jeg vil stemme imod dødsstraffen og derfor for dette beslutningsforslag.
There is a proverb which says that one should not run before one can walk, and let us therefore try to come to some agreement as far as the Community countries are concerned.
Price. — (EN) Fru formand,.to voksne tager ud at gå sammen en morgen.
Mr De Gucht. — (NL) Madam President, the ques tion of the death penalty and the abolition thereof within the legal sphere of the European Community can be approached from two different standpoints.
Se, hvis man har dødsstraf, er det den pligt, vi som stat pålægger en funktionær.
The underlying principle here must be that the right to life is inalienable.
Efter min mening er det helt inkonsekvent at sige, at vold og mord er forkerte og så at
But as you are all aware, major political changes have taken place in France, particularly on 10 May last.
D'Angelosante bernes kompetence, bør løses positivt, således forstået, at der inden for det strafferetlige område allerede eksisterer tidligere udsendelser af direktiver vedrørende normer, der har strafferetlig karakter, ligesom disse også er optaget i forordninger godkendt af Rådet på grundlag af samstemmende udtalelse fra dette Parlament.
De Gucht moral judgement is only relevant in the light of social evidence, and this is clearly not the case with the kind of arguments which belong to this social category.
Poniatowski. — (FR) Jeg vil gerne sige til mine kolleger om dette yderst alvorlige emne, som berører vor følsomhed, som berører vor menneskelighed, som også berører vore lidenskaber, som får os til at over veje, at jeg har haft lejlighed til at beskæftige mig med det og tænke over det flere gange.
A European legal community worthy of the name and aware of its essential role in the field of human rights can have no option but to unanimously condemn such a view.
Jeg vil tilslutte mig fru Vayssades betænkning, som er en udmærket betænkning, vedrørende de fleste af de punkter, hun berører. Det vil måske overraske hende, men sådan er det. Jeg mener, at når man spekulerer over dette problem, så kommer man i de fleste tilfælde til de samme slutninger, som hun fremfører.
A further argument of the moralizing kind is the claim that the death penalty is more humane than a lengthy spell — in some cases, life;— in prison.
Hvad angår indholdet, ærede kolleger, da vil jeg gerne minde om, at dødsstraf i denne del af verden i dag næsten overalt kan betragtes som afskaffet og generelt fornægtet af folkets samvittighed, og denne universelle enighed bør betragtes som det mest tungtvejende argument for afskaffelse.
In reality, though, it is a highly unusual phenomenon and an expression of a much riiore profound general problem on the part of the recidivist for which there is no generally valid solution, including the death penalty.
Ej heller forekommer det mig, at man overhovedet kan diskutere de teser til forsvar for afskaffelsen, som nævnes i den betænk ning, vi har under behandling.
The claim that the death penalty is reserved as an option only for the most serious crimes and that the criterion of repeated crime is applied misses the point of the recidivist problem.
De berører både uopretteligheden i dødsstraffen — som allerede påpeget fra Beccarias tid — hvor justitsmord i disse tilfælde får en frygtelig uoprettelighed, og de berører det unyttige i dødsstraffen, noget flere af os har taget ordet om, således forstået, at afskaffelsen af dødsstraffen ikke medfører nogen ændring i kriminalstatistikken.
The only solution to this problem, one which can never be perfect because man himself is in the final analysis such a complex organism, is an overall approach to the crime problem, bearing in mind the whole question of violence in our society, the person ality of the criminal, society's acknowledged right to protect itself and, as far as possible, the question of social rehabilitation, with special attention being devoted to crime among young people and the more minor misdemeanours which may be the stepping stone to more serious crimes.
Vi kan ej heller diskutere grusomheden ved denne straf.
Murder is often merely the terminal phase in a long process of development.
Der er et andet tilfælde, og det er et tilfælde, jeg har oplevet.
Socially relevant attitudes must find expression in general rather than personal terms.
I disse to tilfælde mener jeg, at en dødsdom og en henrettelse er berettigede.
Let us take a look first of all at prevention in general terms — the deterrent effect.
Hvad resten angår, frue, følger jeg Deres betænkning.
It is perhaps worth noting that this work dates from 1959.
Den svarer til vor åndelige udvikling, til udviklingen i vor levevis og til det fremskridt, vi bør gøre på det menneskelige plan.
Of course, it takes a good deal of time for scientific findings to filter through, but since that time, the theory advanced by Salim, far from being disproven, has in fact been rein forced by experimental evidence, the accuracy of which is unquestionable.
Jeg vil gerne tilføje, at det at etablere et forhold mellem statens krav om straf og borgernes rettigheder kun kan føre til unyttige diskussioner, mens det derimod er nyttigt med henblik på afskaffelsen af dødsstraffen at slå fast, at statens krav på straf ikke kan udvides til dett område.
A final argument which I should like to discuss briefly is the claim that evil will diminish as a result of capital punishment.
Formanden. — Fru Ewing har ordet.
This is purely illusory.
Nogle af disse mennesker blev frikendt, og andre blev dømt.
What,, after all, were the consequences of genocidal jurisprudence?
Det var ikke mit arbejde at tage stilling til skyldsspørgsmålet, men kun-at være advokat i sagen.
In conclusion, therefore, there are no valid arguments to justify the death penalty, but is it really necessary for us to adopt this kind of approach to the problem?
Ofte når sagen var forbi, var jeg alvorligt i tvivl, både ved frifindelserne og ved domfældelserne.
Are we not first and foremost human beings to whom the inalienable right to life is central?
Hvis man går ind for dødsstraf, må man logisk set gå ind på muligheden — og det er bevist, at det er en mulighed — for at hænge uskyldige mennesker.
We, as liberals, have no problem in choosing between barbarism and humanism, a humanism which outlaws capital punish ment and uses humane means to protect the victims of violent people.
Nu er det jo naturligt at være meget sympatisk indstillet over for offeret for en voldsforbrydelse.
This resolution is now being discussed in the committees concerned and will shortly appear on the agenda for a plenary meeting.
Men hvor er det frygteligt at hænge eller halshugge en uskyldig.
It is in the same spirit that we hereby give our approval to the Vayssade report.
Ulykkeligvis er disse konventioners vej frem spækket med forhindringer, selv om deres indhold er af begrænset rækkevidde og i hvert fald meget rimelige, for så vidt som de tilstræber at gøre udlevering af terrorister mulig, uden at den politiske natur i deres forbrydelser kan forhindre det: altså i det mindste inden for Fællesskaberne.
Many people genuinely believe that there is such a thing as a deterrent effect, and for this reason I would invite everyone — first and formost those Members of this House who are in favour of the death penalty — to read the existing literature with an open mind, in the hope that we can eliminate a number of irrational elements from the debate.
Og dog, til trods for dette, har ikke alle underskriverne ratificeret dem.
President. — I call the Group of European Progressive Democrats.
Og,. kære kolleger, hvor mange forhindringer kan da en konvention, der tilstræber en generel harmonisering af de principielle strafferets- og retsplejenormer, der angiver regler for straffuldbyrdelsen, ikke tænkes at løbe ind i?
The same kind of social irrelevance surfaces again in the argument that the death penalty effectively pre vents wrong-doors from falling back into their old
Hr. Vardakas har ordet. · forenede Kongerige — for en forbrydelse, han ikke havde begået.
I should like to add that a certain number of points concerning the psychology of major criminals ought to be highlighted so that we can understand them.
Der har været mange »causes célèbres« i engelsk lov, og naturligvis i ethvert andet land.
Should our society wreak vengeance on sick people?
De kan læse bogen »Hanged but Innocent«, som dog kun beskæftiger sig med fire tilfælde, hvor man ved, at den forkerte person blev hængt.
In a civilized society like ours, executions, Madam President, can only appear as what they truly are: barbaric acts.
Det var det første, jeg gerne ville sige.
I call the non-attached Members.
I dag, da jeg læste betænkningen, tro mig, at jeg befandt mig i et stort dilemma. Dette dilemma er resultatet af vore dages erfaringer, vore dages begivenheder.
In my personal opinion, Mrs Vayssade's report is extremely praiseworthy.
Endnu hører jeg, ærede kolleger, skrigene fra børnene, skrigene fra kvinderne, skrigene fra de uskyldige borgere forskellige steder: »Hvorfor dræber I os?
On Mrs Vayssade's report, I shall simply make a remark as to its presentation which may also have some bearing on its substance.
Hvorfor fratager I os retten til at leve? Had har vi gjort?«.
I feel that Mrs Vayssade ought perhaps not to have referred to the European Convention on Human Rights, which does in fact retain the possibility of the death penalty.
Terrorisme, mine herrer, voldtægt, kidnapning, dyriske mennesker, der har mord som erhverv. De bliver betalt for at henrette, folk som Carlos, folk som Meinhof og mange andre. Og hvad gjorde . . .
It is risky to set about revising the European Convention on Human Rights, Mrs Vayssade.
Formanden. — Jeg er ked af at måtte afbryde Dem, men Deres taletid er udløbet.
This however is not the reason, Madam President, why I am speaking before you today.
For det andet, med hensyn til den afskrækkende virkning, vil jeg gerne erklære mig enig med hr. Price, og derved spare tid, for jeg mener, han udtrykte mit synspunkt. Men jeg vil gerne sige til hr. Catherwood's argument, som gik den modsatte vej, at hvis man virkelig skal være rimelig med hensyn til afskrækkende virkning, må man skelne mellem forskellige typer mord.
Mr Paisley. — Madam President, I represent the small province of Northern Ireland, which has seen 2 000 of its people savagely murdered and 20 000 maimed by terrorists in recent years, and I wish to state quite unapologetically that my concern and my sympathy is with the victims of terror rather than the terrorists.
De af os, der virkelig arbejder på dette område, ved, at der er intet, der afskrækker fra visse lidenskabsforbrydelser, lige så lidt som i mange tilfælde, hvor personen er beruset og dræber i et fuldemandsslagsmål.
I am therefore very concerned that those who wantonly bring death to others should be.dealt with in a way which fits the terrible crime they have committed.
Intet afskrækker i mange tilfælde af drab mellem mand og kone. Dette er en bevist kendsgerning.
The Bible, which is the word of God, teaches plainly both in the Old and New Testaments that Capital punishment for capital crime is the law of God.
Så i alle disse tilfælde står man virkelig tilbage med spørgsmålet om, hvor de mener nogen skulle lade sig afskrække?
Therefore it is my firm belief that the only punishment which fits the heinous crime of murder is the death penalty for the murderer.
Er en dødsstraf virkelig afskrækkende?
Anything less is, in my opinion, an insult to the memory of the murdered, a slight to the sanctity of human life and no deterrent to potential murderers.
Så når man ser på voldsforbrydelser, er den eneste'rimelige måde at gøre det på, at man skelner mellem mordtyper, hvis man virkelig vil beskæftige sig med den afskrækkende virkning.
I do not accept for one moment, Madam President, that to the would-be murderer the possibility of a few years in gaol is as effective a deter rent as the certainty of capital punishment on conviction. tion.
Ansvaret hviler, fru formand, på dem, der slår ihjel.
What can we in fact observe in the evolu' tion of society as we know it?
Så hvis man går ind for dødsstraffen, bærer man ansvaret.
Torture was allowed — not in order to obtain information, as it would seem certain policé forces do today — but torture was permitted as a punishment.
Som modstander bærer jeg det ikke, men det gør de, der går ind for den aktive handling at slå ihjel.
Well, I have no hesitation in saying before you today that the death penalty is the supreme corporal punishment.
Så de må virkelig være meget tilfredse med, at deres argumenter er rigtige.
There is no fundamental difference between torturing an individual as a punishment and leading him to the scaffold.
Til sidst, fru formand,, vil jeg gerne, da jeg har kendt lidt til dette indefra, sige, at den handling at slå ihjel, retfærdiggjort manddrab fra statens side, om De vil, fornedrer dem der henretter, det fornedrer dem, der arrangerer det, og det fornedrer dem, der skal se på officielt og somme tider gør det med stor modvilje.
In Northern Ireland, where alas the death penalty for terrorist murders has been effectively abolished, the majority of the murders are being committed by young men who have joined the Irish Republican Army and carried out their foul deeds in the sure knowledge that, if caught, they will spend perhaps as little as ten years in gaol, due to the absurd 50% remission scheme which operates there.
Det fornedrer en stor del af samfundet, uheldigvis er der dér et element, som har en pervers, obskøn fryd ved at læse opslaget på fængselsporten.
I am convinced that if capital punishment operated, then these young men would know that if they murdered, then assuredly they them selves would die.
Jeg mener, det er en fornedrelse af menneskeheden, som ikke er ulig forbryderens egen fornedrelse.
That sobering thought would cause many of them to shy away from taking the lives of their fellows.
Men staten burde vel hæve sig over forbryderes handlinger.
That is why the IRA is fighting any effort to bring back the death penalty in Northern Ireland.
Formanden. — Hr. rådsformand, jeg vil bede Dem undskylde vor forsinkelse, men jeg ser meget gerne, at vi slutter forhandlingen, før vi giver Dem ordet til Deres erklæring.
Let me add that the argument peddled here today, amid so much sentimentality, that society has no moral right to take the life of any citizen, even in punishment for his crimes, is utterly spurious.
Dette bevises af den kendsgerning, at i mit land fandt dødsdomme og henrettelser sted i overvældende antal netop i perioder med unormale nationale tilstande, i perioder med opbrusende politisk og ideologisk fanatisme.
Such eminent figures as my fellow-Member Mrs Weiss have stated in Le Figaro that they are in favour of the death penalty but leave the whole problem of the means of execution up to us, in other words that they are against the guillotine.
Det er tilstrækkeligt at betragte perioden under borgerkrigen i Grækenland 1946-1951 for at påvise, hvorledes dødsstraffen er blevet anvendt.
There is no difference between deciding to have the death penalty carried out and actually carrying it out, because it is totally impossible to find a dignified way of taking life.
Plaskovitis for hvis forbrydelser det offentlige retssystem ikke kan betragtes som værende uden ansvar.
Paisley terrorists are prepared to starve themselves to death for their convictions.
Under disse betingelser, fru formand, er afskaffelsen af dødsstraffen, og ikke blot en midlertidig standsning af henrettelserne, for landets regering en grund til at udskifte de ansvarshavende.
(Applause) death is the penalty for murder it is not society that takes the murderer's life but the murderer himself, for he knows before he commits his crime' that when convicted he will forfeit his own life.
Og jeg håber, at progressisterne, når de kommer til magten efter det næste valg, vil afskaffe denne vor tids skamplet.
Unlike his victim who dies without choice, the murderer by his own act chooses to die.
Og dette parlament må være fanebærer for korstoget for afskaffelsen af dødsstraffen.
In my book that is just and fair.
For dette parlament er en bekræftelse af ånden i den fælles civilisation, der er baseret på mennesket, og som er ensbetydende med kærlighed, og til denne civilisation er knyttet en imperativ ordre: »du må ikke slå ihjel«, hvad enten du er en enkelt person eller en stat.
Therefore, Madam President, I will be casting my vote against this resolution in the belief that it would have been more fitting for this Assembly to have spent its time urging policies to spare the murdered rather than the murderers.
og alle andre former for angreb mod menneskeværdigheden.
And you speak of the death penalty as a deterrent!
Dog bibeholdes samtidig dødsstraffen for to tilfælde af forbrydelser under den almindelige strafferet samt for de såkaldte »komplekse« politiske forbrydelser, medens militærstrafferetten forudser en hel del andre tilfælde, i hvilke dødsstraffen kan anvendes også i perioder, hvor der endnu er fred. Hvorledes kan dette forenes?
In those countries where the death penalty has been abolished, there remains only lawful homicide, homicide which is so to speak permitted by law, as an act of self-defence and as an emergency measure to counter an unlawful attempt on one's life.
Hvorledes er det muligt at være uvidende om, at angsten hos dem, der venter på døden, er en af de mest rædselsfulde torturer, som et organiseret og civilliseret menneskesamfund insisterer på at bevare som sin ret over menneskeeksistensen? stensen?
I should like to make it clear that any widening of the definitions of self-defence and emergency measures to include the protection of anything other than lives should not be admitted.
Gondicas. — (GR) Jeg vil gerne sige, at vi må være meget store optimister for at tro, at vi i dag på nogen måde er i stand til at tage stilling for eller imod i forbindelse med et spørgsmål, der, som vor kollega fru Vayssade ganske rigtigt har sagt det, er blevet diskuteret i århundreder.
Mr Sieglerschmidt. — (DE) Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, is the human race really progressing from bestiality to humanity? One could well doubt this when faced with the reality of the holocaust which cost the lives of millions of Jews and the acts of genocide committed in the not-so-distant past.
De argumenter, som er kommet til udtryk i denne sal, hvis ingen nægter deres dybt humanitære karakter, og jeg taler om de juridiske argumenter, så er de efter min mening ganske forældede.
There is also — and it must not be forgotten — an intrinsic connection between war, the outlawing of war and the abolition of the death penalty.
Hvilke argumenter drejer det sig om?'
Even war is seen by us as a means of collective self-defence.
Mine damer og herrer, også den værste forbryder er et menneske, respekt for menneskeeksistensen er ensbetydende med respekt for livets ukrænkelighed og ikke med dets tilintetgørelse.
However, ladies and gentlemen, this argumentation is becoming increasingly questionable in this era of weapons capable of mass destruction.
Hvis forbryderen ikke respekterer denne livets ukrænkelighed, medfører dette ikke, at den organiserede menneskehed kan undlade at respektere den.
Hence, we may imagine today that worldwide abolition of the death penalty is no longer unrealistic, as Mr Janssen van Raay has reminded us.
Vor skyld er større end den kriminelle forbryders eller terroristens, hvis vi anerkender hans sejr, idet også vi accepterer at lade os kommandere af hans lov og hans moral, derved at også vi anvender drab som den eneste løsning på det problem, som forbrydervirksomheden skaber.
Only when we have then attained this score — and we should be clear about this — will we be nearer the greater goal, that one day mankind will be able to inscribe into the Charter of the United Nations the simple sentences: War is abolished.
Et af argumenterne hos dem, der er tilhængere af afskaffelsen af dødsstraffen, er, at denne straf er gået af brug i mange lande.
For example,we cannot overlook the fact that nowadays nobody would venture to justify publically his warlike intentions.
Men, fru formand, hvis denne straf er gået af brug, hvilken grund er der så til, at vi i dag skal bekræfte denne situation med en beslutning?
Nor can we overlook the fact that nowadays nobody would dare to speak favourably of war as the father of all things or to call war a 'tempering fire' but everyone, even if he is unleashing the most serious war of aggression, refers only to a defensive war.
Vi, EDIK (den demokratiske centrumsunion), er for afskaffelsen af dødsstraffen.
Now that, if you have the death penalty, is the duty which we as a State entrust to a civil servant.
I vort land er det meget let at få afskaffet dødsstraffen, for forfatningen, der fastsætter en absolut beskyttelse af livet og som forbyder enhver form for tortur og enhver form for mishandling i artikel 7, paragraf 2, tillader henrettelser som undtagelse fra og i modstrid med disse principper.
In my view it is totally inconsistent in principle to say that violence and murder are wrong and then to authorize it and carry it out as a State.
Følgelig vil afskaffelsen af dødsstraffen være ensbetydende med afskaffelsen af en selvmodsigelse i forfatningen.
And so, for me, consistency of principle is the major argument here.
Det andet argument er, at der afgjort forekommer fejltagelser ved afsigelsen af dommene.
Madame President, it is the national that must lead the way in this direction.
Betænkningen har undgået, og det samme har været tilfældet i udvalget, hvor den er blevet udførligt diskuteret, at stille os over for taldilemmaer.
When the death penalty was constitutionally abolished in West ern'Germany in 1949 — this has already been referred to several times — opinion polls revealed that a substantial majority of the population were still in favour of it as a punishment.
Sir Fred Catherwood har ret, udvalget har ikke fået forelagt statistiske elementer.
At that time, one of the originators of the Basic Law Carlo Schmid, during a debate on the death penalty, coined a phrase which has become famous in Germany: he would in such matters, place more trust in the enlightened absolutism of the Parliament than in the so-called common sense of the people.