natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
— IMOD ændringsforslag nr. 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 15, 16, 18, 20, 23, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 31, 32, 38, 40, 41, 42, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 59, 60/ændr., 61/ændr. og 62.
— AGAINST Amendments Nos 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 15, 16, 18, 20, 23, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 31, 32, 38, 40, 41, 42, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 59, 60/rev., 61/rev. and 62.
Det europæiske Fællesskab må begynde at overveje, hvordan det på længere sigt selv kan sørge for sin sikkerhed.
Debates of the European Parliament
Europa-Parlamentets forhandlinger
Explanations of vote
Vi skal ikke her i Parlamentet tale om egentlig militære anliggender.
It does not come within our remit, in this House, to discuss purely military questions.
Jeg har imidlertid gerne villet stille tre forslag, som alle tre er udtryk for forhåbningerne om, at Europa i højere grad får sin egen identitet; vi skal
Nevertheless, I attached some importance to tabling there three proposals, all of which are in keeping with the idea of a more sharply defined identity for Europe:
— koordinere vore standpunkter i forbindelse med de internationale nedrustningsforhandlinger, navnlig forhandlingerne i Genève og Madrid, således at vi ikke lader os splitte af manipulation udefra
— the coordination of our views on the international disarmament negotiations, in particular those at Geneva or Madrid, in order to prevent us from being divided by external manoeuvres;
— styrke vort industrielle samarbejde på de punkter, hvor vi herigennem kan øge vor uafhængighed, dvs. inden for den avancerede teknologi og våbenteknologi
— the strengthening of our industrial cooperation, where such cooperation will help to increase our independence, in the field of high technology and armaments;
— etablere et samarbejde med Den vesteuropæiske Unions Forsamling for derved at opnå bedre forbindelse mellem det militære og det politiske aspekt af vor sikkerhed.
— the promotion of cooperation with the Western European Union's Parliamentary Assembly, so as to bring the military and the political dimensions of our security closer together.
Jeg vil gerne takke alle de kolleger her, som er af den opfattelse, at Europa må holde op med blot at være skydeskive eller kastebold i konflikten mellem de to supermagter, og som har støttet disse ændringsforslag.
I should like to thank all those members of this House who believe that Europe must cease to be a mere issue over which the superpowers squabble, a pawn even in the conflict between them, and who have given their support to these amendments.
Det europæiske samarbejde og Europas sikkerhed er i denne kritiske stund et af de vigtigste hvis ikke i det hele taget det vigtigste problem med verdensomspændende dimensioner.
This global dimension is to be found in the introduction and detailed explanatory statement, and the rapporteur Mr Haagerup was deservedly applauded for his painstaking efforts.
Disse dimensioner tales der om i indledningen og i den udførlige begrundelse for betænkningen, som er resultatet af møjsommeligt arbejde, og som ordføreren hr. Haagerup med rette fik bifald for.
Even such points as the interpretation of the peace movements in Europe and America, which are in many respects being manipulated for various reasons — one of them being the policy of the Trojan Horse, which the Soviet Union is implementing in Europe — are examined with the seriousness they deserve.
Også aspekter som f.eks. fortolkning af fredsbevægelserne i Europa og Amerika, som på mange områder af forskellige grunde — en af dem er politik à la den trojanske hest, som Sovjetunionen fører i Europa — er tendentiøs, undersøges med passende alvor. / Af disse grunde, og fordi der i beslutningsforslaget anerkendes nødvendigheden af at opretholde snævre forbindelser til De forenede Stater og Canada, som jeg betragter som den vigtigste garanti for den europæiske sikkerhed, vil jeg uden forbehold stemme for beslutningsforslaget.
For these reasons, and because the motion recognizes the need to maintain close links with the United States and Canada, which I consider to be the most reliable safeguard for European security, I will unreservedly vote in favour of the motion for a resolution.
Charzat (S). — (FR) Hr. formand, den væsentligste fortjeneste ved hr. Haagerups betænkning om det europæiske politiske samarbejde og sikkerheden i Europa er, at man heri tager et grundlæggende problem op, nemlig Fællesskabets fremtid set ud fra et sikkerhedssynspunkt.
Mrs Charzat (S). — (FR) Mr President, Mr Haagerup's report on European political cooperation and security has the merit of tackling a fundamental problem that concerns the future of the Community from the point of view of its security.
Imidlertid er der i artikel 5 i hr. Haagerups betænkning, også i den nye udformning, en forbindelse mellem det europæiske politiske samarbejde og Atlantpagten.
All the same, although it has been redrafted, paragraph 5 of the Haagerup report still establishes a connection between European political cooperation and the -Atlantic Alliance.
Men i mine øjne har Fællesskabets medlemsstater, som alle er indbyrdes lige, behov for større uafhængighed inden for industri, økonomi og politik.
In my opinion, how ever, the Member States of the Community, which are all equal amongst themselves, need wider autonomy in industrial, economic and political matters.
Derfor vil jeg som fransk socialist stemme imod denne betænkning.
That is why I, as a French Socialist, shall vote against this report.
de Goede (NI). — (NL) Hr. formand, vi mener, at de europæiske landes sikkerhed bedst garanteres gennem NATO-medlemsskabet.
Mr De Goede (NI). — (NL) Mr President, we take the view that NATO membership is still the best way of guaranteeing security for the countries of Europe and we feel that the European contribution to the alliance should be stepped up in view of the increased political, economic and military significance of Europe vis-à-vis the United States and the increasing differences in approach to international problems.
Visse dele af betænkningen kan afgjort udsættes for kritik, også den lidet konkrete stil lingtagen til de spørgsmål, der behandles i betænkingen og i forslaget til beslutning.
Certain parts of the report are certainly open to criticism, as is the fact that neither the report nor the resolution commit themselves specifically on many questions.
Men alligevel mener vi at burde støtte betænkningen og forslaget til beslutning, fordi de er et beskedent skridt i den ønskede retning.
Nevertheless, we feel we should support this report and resolution as a modest step in what we regard as the right direction.
Poirier (COM). — (FR) Hr. formand, atter en gang har Parlamentet ved at forkaste nogle konstruktive ændringsforslag ladet en god lejlighed gå fra sig til entydigt at gå ind for fred og nedrustning, medens det dog i formiddags ved enstemmigt at vedtage Fergusson-beslutningen havde vist tegn på åbenhed.
Mrs Poirier (COM) — (FR) Mr President, once again, by rejecting constructive amend ments, this Parliament has lost a perfect opportunity to commit itself clearly to peace and disarmament, whereas this morning, by unanimously adopting the Fergusson resolution, it had evinced some openness of mind.
Ved at tilslutte sig et fælles forsvar, som ikke er hjemlet i traktaterne, og en militær blok, som lænkebinder ni af de ti EF-rhedlemsstater til Amerikas vanvittige oprustningspolitik, holder vort Parlament sig uden for den stærke bevægelse for fred og atomnedrustning, der i øjeblikket ryster vort konti nent i dets grundvold og efter vor opfattelse giver anledning til håb, navnlig i Tyskland.
By reaffirming its support for a system of common defence which is not provided for in the Treaties and its commitment to a military alliance which fetters nine out of ten of the Member States of the EEC with the insane American armaments policy this Parliament will remain outside the powerful movement in favour of peace and nuclear disarmament which is shaking our continent to its core, and which con stitutes a source of hope, in our opinion, particularly in Germany.
Befolkningernes ansvarsbevidste stillingtagen til fordel for livet og imod atomvåbnene, de sammenslutninger, som uanset divergerende politiske, sociale eller religiøse opfattelser forsvarer menneskets fremtid, kommer til udtryk helt herind i vort Parlament gennem forslagene fra gruppen af europæiske parlamentarikere for atomnedrustning, som jeg finder det helt naturligt at tilslutte mig som kommunist, som kvinde og som mor.
The responsible attitudes adopted by the nations of Europe in favour of life and against nuclear arms, the associations which have been set up over and above political, social or religious differences to defend the future of man, have found an echo even within the walls of this House in the form of the proposals put forward by the Group of European Parliamentarians for Nuclear Disarmament, to which I consider it perfectly normal that I, as a Communist, a woman and a mother, should belong.
Den virkelige sikkerhed for alle Europas folk ligger i en forsagelse af alle atommissiler, i forhandlinger om de militære blokkes nedrustning, der føres med virkelig vilje til at nå et positivt resultat.
The real security of all the peoples of Europe lies in abandoning all forms of nuclear missiles, in negotiating the disarmament of the military blocs and in doing so with the firm will to succeed.
Hvilken virkning i verden ville politiske initiativer i denne rigtige retning fra vort Parlaments side ikke have?
Imagine the effect the outside world of political initiatives intended to achieve such aims — the aims of reason — if they were to be launched by our Parliament!
Men det er ikke tilfældet med den beslutning, vi har fået forlagt, og som vi vil stemme imod.
Unfortunately, the resolution which has been submitted to us today is not of this kind and we shall vote against it.
(Bifald fra gruppen af kommunister og beslægtede)
(Applause from the Communists and Allies Group)
McCartin (PPE). — (EN) Fru formand, jeg vil afholde mig fra at stemme om denne belutning, eftersom Irland ikke er medlem af NATO.
Mr McCartin (PPE). — Madam President, I shall abstain in the final vote on this resolution for the reason that Ireland is not a member of NATO.
Jeg tror derfor ikke, at jeg har noget mandat til at stemme for en koordinering af dette Fællesskabs politiske og økonomiske politik og en militær alliance.
I believe therefore that I have no mandate to vote for a coordination of the political and economic policies of this Com munity with those of a military alliance.
Sovjetunionens holdning og aktioner og den manglende stabilitet i mange strategiske områder i verden, især i Mellemøsten og Østeuropa, giver ikke Vesteuropa nogen grund til selvtilfredshed angående dets forsvar og sikkerhed.
The attitude and actions of the Soviet Union and the instability of many strategic regions in this world, especially in the Middle East and Eastern Europe, give Western Europe no reason to be complacent about its defence and security.
Det er derfor nødvendigt for Vest europa at sørge for sit forsvar uanset hvilke militære midler, man finder nødvendige. Det er oplagt, at NATOs medlemsstater ikke kan tillade sig at føre en økonomisk og politisk politik, som somme tider endog er i konflikt med deres egne militære strategier.
It is therefore necessary for West ern Europe to provide for its defence with whatever military means are considered essential.
Det er derfor rimeligt at mene, at økonomiske, politiske og strategiske politikker skal føres i en form for harmoni.
It is reasonable therefore to assume that economic, political and strategic policies will be pursued in some sort of harmony.
At foreslå en formel koordinering af disse politikker mener jeg, kræver en ny traktat.
However, it seems to me that to propose a formal coordination of these policies requires a new treaty.
Irlands stilling er for øjeblikket militært set en neutral stat.
The position of Ireland as of now is that we are militarily a neutral state.
Det er ikke fordi vi i regeringen og befolkningen ikke bryder os om nabostaterne, som er partnere i dette Fælles skab.
This is not because of any lack of goodwill on the part of our government or our people towards neighbouring countries which are partners in this Community.
Men et væsentligt punkt i foreningen af det irske folk bag en sådan politik, er det altoverskyggende problem med Nordirland.
However a major factor in unifying the Irish people behind this policy is the outstanding problem of Northern Ire-
Europæerne er interesserede i at forhindre enhver form for regionalisering af en atomkrig og af en atomkrig i det hele taget.
There is a divergence of interests between Western Europeans and the USA, which has become very evident in recent weeks and months.
Vi ved fra kredse i den amerikanske regering, at man betragter en regional atomkrig i Europa for mulig. Jeg citerer Colin Gray: »Victory is possible« i en atomkrig.
We know from circles in the American administration that a regional atomic war in Europe is regarded as conceivable.
Det bevirker, at mange i Europas befolkning betragter hovedforbundsfællen som en potentiel risiko, og jeg mener, at europæerne på grundlag af denne betænkning har en chance for at formulere og give udtryk for dette meget tydeligt.
The effect of this is that many Europeans regard the principal ally as a potential danger, and I believe that this report gives Western Europeans the opportunity to formulate and express this clearly.
Ud fra denne principielle strategiske overvejelse stemmer jeg for den.
It is on the basis of this fundamental strategic consideration that I vote in favour of the report.
Glinne (S). — (FR) Fru formand, den socialistiske gruppe vil stemme for betænkningen i dens nuværende form af tre grunde.
Mr Glinne (S). — (FR) Madam President, the Socialist Group will vote for the report as it stands, for three reasons.
For det første fordi den ikke indeholder nogen henstilling om oprettelse i den nærmeste fremtid af nye fællesskabsinstitutioner, som skulle tage sig af Fællesskabets opgaver i sikkerhedsanliggender.
First, because it makes no recommendation regarding the setting up in the near future of new Community institution to deal with the Community's security worries.
Disse opgaver bør nemlig stadig for tiden være medlemsstaternes og Fællesskabets inden for rammerne af de nuværende institutioner, navnlig inden for rammerne af det politiske samarbejde.
These worries are to remain for the present the responsibility of the Member States and the Community itself, acting through the institutions that make up the Community as it is at present, and, in particular, within the framework of European political cooperation.
Den anden grund til vor positive holdning er følgende: ændringsforslag nr. 28, der er stillet af vor kollega og ven, hr. Plaskovitis, som tidligere bevirkede, at nr. 47 blev henvist til det politiske udvalg, er netop blevet vedtaget af Forsamlingen, og det var afgørende for vor holdning.
The second reason for our favourable attitude is that Amendment No 28, which was tabled by our friend and colleague Mr Plaskovitis and which was previously tabled as Amendment No 47 in the Political Affairs Committee, has just been adopted by the House; the adoption of this amendment was of vital importance for our overall assessment of the report.
For det tredje blev der i hr. Haagerups betænkning, lige fra teksten blev forelagt, på anmodning af vor ven og kollega Bruno Friedrich m.fl. optaget en henvisning til fredsbevægelsernes rolle og betydning i debatten om sikkerhed, ligesom i andre afsnit af betænkningen, hvilket har bevirket, at begrebet sikkerhed står i umiddelbar tilknytning til begrebet fred, og det lykønsker vi forslagsstilleren og alle andre med, der har bidraget hertil.
Thirdly, since the text of the report was submitted to us, and at the request of our friend and colleague Bruno Friedrich and others, a reference to the role and the importance of the various peace movements in the debate on European security has been inserted into Mr Haagerup's report, and similarly into other passages in the report, with the result that the concept of security has been closely associated with that of peace, for which we offer our congratulations to the author and to all those who contributed to the report.
Nordmann (L), — (FR) Fru formand, den store fortjeneste ved hele det foreliggende dokument ligger sikkert mere i begrundelsen end i forslaget til beslutning; når det drejer sig om et emne af denne karakter, må. man nemlig givetvis for at få så stor tilslutning som muligt finde frem til mellemløsninger.
Mr Nordmann (L). — (FR) Madam President, the great merit of the report before us is certainly to be found more in the explanatory statement than in the motion for a resolution; there is no doubt that in the case of a subject of this kind one tends to opt for middle-of-the-road solutions in order to garner the largest possible amount of support.
Men det har ikke forhindret, at forslaget til beslutning alt i alt har den fordel, at der heri i fornuftige vendinger fastlægges en hold ning for Europa-Parlamentet i sikkerhedsanliggender.
All the same, taken all in all, the motion for a resolution has the merit of defining in reasonable terms the European Parliament's attitude with regard to security.
Dette er måske vigtigere end de mange forskellige og undertiden vigtige forbehold, man kunne fristes til at tage over for dette eller hint punkt, bl.a. over for omtalen — der måske er lidt for neutral — af neutralitet og fredsbevægelse, der jo i dag ikke er nogen sikkerhedsfaktor, men tværtimod en usikkerhedsfaktor, en trussel mod sikkerheden i Europa på grund af den nye ånd fra München, som disse bevægelser holder liv i på vort kontinent.
That is perhaps more important than the various, numerous and sometimes major reservations which we might be tempted to express with regard to such and such a point, particularly concerning the perhaps somewhat too neutral reference to neutralism and pacifism, which these days make not for security but, on the contrary, for insecurity and constitute a threat to the security of Europe because of the spirit of a latterday Munich agreement which these movements are encouraging on our Continent.
Når det er sagt, så fortjener hr. Haagerups betænking trods dette forbehold at blive vedtaget.
That said, in spite of this reservation, the quality of Mr Haagerup's report merits our approval.
13.1.83 tilslutter sig NATOs oprustningsplan og hermed også installationen af Pershing- og Cruise-missilerne.
I shall vote against the Haagerup resolution, because I consider that it is one of the most fraudulent and dangerous texts ever drafted by this Parliament.
Disse våben gør os blot til underordnede brikker i det amerikanske politiske skakspil, som i dette ojeblik udgør den alvorligste fare for, at der skal opstå krig.
These weapons reduce us to the status of mere subordinate pawns of American policy, which, at the present time, is the main cause of the risk of war.
Den eneste sikkerhed for Europa består i en nedrustningspolitik som led i Europas autonomi i forhold til de to politiske blokke og kombineret med en ny indstilling til den tredje verden.
The only real security for Europe consists of a policy of disarmament, accompanied by strict autonomy with regard to the two power blocs and a different relationship with the Third World.
Men det forhindrer mig ikke i at ønske hr. Haagerup til lykke med, at han har skabt de rammer, inden for hvilke vi for fremtiden skal drøfte sikkerhedsproblemer.
This does not mean that I cannot offer my congratulations to Mr Haagerup for having provided us with a framework within which to debate security problems, now and in future.
Allerførst havde jeg gerne set, at han havde støttet dem, som i offentligheden i Europa massivt har villet give udtryk for deres vilje til fred, og afviser argumenterne fra dem, der tilskynder til krig, også dem i denne sal, som vi har hørt i dag.
First of all, I should have liked a few words of encouragement for those amongst the gen eral public in Europe who have given overwhelming evidence of their desire for peace and their rejection of the arguments of those who are pushing us towards war, including, as we have heard today, some Members of this House.
Den belgiske fredsbevægelse, som har organiseret en af de største demonstrationer, der har fundet sted i Europa, forbereder en demonstration af samme art til efteråret, som vil gøre det klart, at offentligheden for fremtiden vil gå endnu højere op i denne debat.
The Belgian peace movement, which has organized one of the biggest demonstrations that have taken place in Europe, is preparing another demonstration of the same kind for next autumn and it will show that European public opinion is even more aware of the import ance of this debate.
Den anden grund er, at jeg gerne havde set, at der i hr. Haagerups betænkning havde været en udtrykkelig henvisning til den debat, man i Europa er optaget af i dag, nemlig debatten om opstilling af raketter på europæisk jord, og at han havde taget stilling med henblik på de store afgørelser, der skal træffes i år om Europas holdning i denne sag, taget stilling til behovet for, at vi deltager aktivt i denne debat, der angår os alle, og for, at vi lader vor stemme lyde for fred og forhandling.
My second reason is that I should have like Mr Haagerup's report to refer explicitly to the subject which is occupying everyone's attention in Europe today, namely the siting of missiles within the boundaries of Europe, and I should have liked him to indicate where he stands with regard to the major decisions that will be taken in 1983 on Europe's attitude to this question, on the need for us to be actively involved in a debate that concerns us very directly and the need for the voice of peace and negotiation to be heard.
Og den tredje grund er, at jeg kunne have ønsket, at man i betænkningen havde udtalt sig om de igangværende forhandlinger i Genève og om den betydning, det vil have, at man får en reel debat om de forslag, der stilles fra forskellig side, og især om Andropovs seneste forslag.
My third and last reason is that I should have liked the report to say something about the negotiations, which are taking place right now in Geneva, and the importance of organizing a genuine dialogue on the proposals which have been put forward by both sides and, in particular, on the most recent proposals from Mr Andropov.
Skønt disse hverken er mere eller mindre acceptable i deres nuværende form end den amerikanske nulløsning, kan de dog være et udgangspunkt for forhand linger om en balance på mellemlang sigt.
In themselves, these pro posals are neither less nor more acceptable than the American zero option: they constitute a point of departure towards an equilibrium which should be somewhere in between.
Et kort og ubegrundet afslag er i modstrid med vore egne interesser, og vi burde, hr. Haagerup, have grebet denne lejlighed.
An abrupt and unjustified rejection of these proposals is contrary to our own interests and, Mr Haagerup, we should have taken advantage of this opportunity.
Blandt de positive aspekter er bl.a. den klare anerkendelse af bevægelser, som giver udtryk for vore befolkningers ønske om fred samt definitionen, som der nu skal stemmes om, af en europæisk sikkerhedspolitik.
Amongst the positive aspects, there is the rightful recognition of movements which voice the desire of our peoples for peace and the definition of a European security policy.
I frugtlundene og vinmarkerne omkring Comiso blomstrer byggespekulationerne allerede, mens landbrugssamfundet omdannes til underordnede tjenere for militæret.
I regret, however, that Europe's role in security matters should be embodied in an alliance in which the involvement of Community seems confused, uncertain and in any case subor-
Der er endnu et spørgsmål: hvem er missilerne i Comiso, midt i Middelhavet, rettet imod? Missiler til forsvar eller missiler til angreb?
Who is the target for these missiles at Comiso, in the heart of the Mediterranean?