natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Lord Carrington gav. os i går en strålende fremstilling af problemerne i forbindelse med udenrigspolitik, og jeg vil gerne have lov til at understrege, hvor vigtigt vi mener det initiativ er, der netop er blevet taget af den britiske formand for Rådet, lord Carrington, i et forsøg på at løse problemet med Afghanistan.
When Mr Bournias was optimistic a few minutes ago, I am sorry to say that he was being too optimistic, and I am afraid that Mr Jackson, when he was being pessimistic a little while before that, was accurate.
Dette Parlament skal spille sin demokratiske rolle fuldt ud, også selv om dette lejlighedsvis kommer til at gå ud over Kommissionen.
At the present moment, only about 50% of the population of the continent of Europe is in favour of the EEC, and only 25% in Britain, and the fact is that if that goes on, in a few years' time there will be no British seats being filled in this Parliament.
Hvis vi vil, kan vi inden for rammerne af traktaterne skaffe os et første kammers lovgivningsmæssige beføjelser.
Now all the unpopularity of the EEC is heaped upon the Commission as Eurocrats and on the Parliament as being ineffectual, but they are scapegoats and the real people to be blamed, the Council of Ministers, escape free.
Lad os dog have mod til det, lad os ikke blive stående på halv vejen, lad os dog endeligt tage det parlamentariske demokrati i Fællesskabet alvorligt!
It is because the Council of Ministers will not act and deal with the problems of Europe at the present time that the EEC is so unpopular, but the populations of the EEC don't realize that.
Vi kan ikke spille en væsentlig rolle i internationale forhold, hvis vi ikke tager initiativet til at overvinde de økonomiske problemer.
They don't see the selfish and irresponsible veto that ministers from all the countries use in the Council of Ministers, and indeed they don't even have to do that; they simply have to shelve measures indefinitely and they don't even have to use their veto.
Her må jeg sige, at ud over det meget store problem med Afghanistan, ud over problemet med Polen og ud over problemet med placering af kernevåben i Europa er der også andre problemer, i forbindelse med hvilke Det europæiske Fællesskab må fastholde sin principielle kurs.
The ministers in the Council of Ministers shamelessly claim the right to veto one measure after another, and they do so because they know that if they allow one minister to veto one thing, then they will have the right to veto something else. They conniVe at each other's claims to delay the measures that we pass and the Commission puts before them.
Jeg siger dette, fordi det er utænkeligt, at Cypern ikke kommer til at udgøre et af de spørgsmål, hvor Fællesskabet kommer til at tage et initiativ.
They connive at this because they know it strengthens their own hand when they wish to stop something themselves.
Cypern er en ø, som er blevet invaderet, og hvoraf 40 % er besat af frem mede styrker, og i denne sag har visse af Fællesskabets lande et særligt ansvar, da de har givet garantier vedrørende øens forfatningsmæssige status.
They have gone even further than the so-called Luxembourg Agreement: they do not even have to veto publicly and clearly; they don't have what one might call a public execution of a measure they do not like; they can simply condemn it secretly to life imprisonment in some working-party in the nether regions of the Council, and in that way none of us knows what is going on there.
Vedrørende de betænkninger, der er blevet forelagt
Does such political will really exist, and if so to what extent?
Pesmazoglou. — (GR) Hr. formand, jeg støtter kraftigt alle forslagene om institutionelle reformer i Det europæiske Fællesskab.
It would require ministers who are going to veto a measure to identify what they are doing and to justify it; only in this way, I believe, can we save the Common Market.
Vi vil ikke kunne over vinde den økonomiske krise eller bekæmpe arbejdsløshed og inflation i alle de europæiske lande, medmindre der kommer et nyt og afgørende initiativ fra Det europæiske Fællesskab.
Then the ten countries could decide for them selves whether or not the ministers were being selfish and cowardly in their shelving of matters by their vetoes, or were really looking after the interests of the EEC and of their own countries.
Et sådant initiativ er af grundlæggende betydning, hvis vi ønsker at befatte os med såvel den internationale økonomiske krise som problemerne i forbindelse med vort forhold til USA.
I believe only publicity can put this right, because these vetoes — and I really shouldn't say vetoes, I should say these defacto vetos — these indefinite delays are not imposed on the ground of 'most important national interests' at all;
... vil jeg, som før sagt, særligt understrege hr. Spinellis betænkning, idet den omfatter en procedure til aktivering af Europa-Parlamentet.
I should say straight away that I have no wish to decry what has been done already in this domain.
I går henviste lord Carrington til tre grundlæggende problemer, tre grundlæggende målsætninger, som han kaldte den »nye triptykon« i det britiske formandskab. Jeg vil mene, at denne trip-
What we want is to find every possible way in which greater continuity can be given to this process ·— without spawning yet another bureaucratic organ ization.
Det ville være til gavn for alle verdens lande om Det europæiske Fællesskab blev gjort mere handlekraftigt og fik en virkelig indflydelse på internationale økonomiske og politiske anliggender.
Even so, I do not' think it easy to maintain, as Lord Carrington did yesterday, that — and I am quoting the written text of his speech — 'our failures are partly due to weakness in the mechanisms of polit-
tykon bør erstattes med behovet for et stort spring fremad, som skal kunne give sig udslag både inden for og uden for Fællesskabet.
We shall not get very far down that road — however much we may. improve and change the mechanisms — if our quest is not sustained by a solid political will.
Hurd, formand for Rådet. — (EN) Hr. formand, det har været en spændende og yderst lærerig oplevelse at overvære hele denne debat.
Even so, we realize all too well that it is not enough merely to talk in abstract terms about political will.
Jeg mener, jeg har hørt alle de indlæg, der er fremkommet i denne debat i går og i dag, og jeg har lært meget af dem. I et indlæg, der særligt glædede formandskabet i går, udtrykte hr. Tindemans sin fulde tillid til styrken og betydningen af den britiske parlamentariske tradition, men det står mig ganske klart, at dette Parlament hurtigt er på vej til at skabe sine egne traditioner og til at demonstrere en livskraft, der i høj grad er typisk for det, omend denne livskraft ret ofte kommer til udtryk i form af skuffelse over det tempo, hvormed det hidtil har gjort fremskridt.
The real problem, the heart of it, is the question of what such will involves, what policies Europe intends or does not intend to follow, which attitudes it prefers to take, which real choices, it makes and here we are talking about Europe's role and its identity — about Europe's feeling itself to be a reality which, imperfect and incomplete though it may be, can influence other decisions in the world.
Enright. — (EN) Lad mig allerførst gøre det helt klart, at jeg ikke giver udtryk for flertallets synspunkt i den socialistiske gruppe, og lad mig også sige helt klart, at jeg ville have indtaget en ganske anden hold ning i mandags, fordi jeg finder, at selve betænkningerne er udmærkede, og at de faktisk viser en vej fremad.
Indeed, not only is the gap between Europe's potential influence on the rest of the world and its actual influence wide, it is, alas, getting wider. In three key areas where over recent months we have shown the strength of a European identity — the Middle East, the North-South Dialogue and the Euro-Arab Dialogue — we have come to a virtual halt.
Men efter afstemningen i tirsdags, er det helt klart, at når det kommer til konkrete spørgsmål, har vi ikke kontrol over vore egne anliggender, og især har vi efterladt personalet i en særdeles prekær situation som følge af tirsdagens afstemning.
Nor have the Ten managed — or indeed seriously attempted — to show themselves as the unified power which could make a real effort to renew dialogue between the two major world powers at a time when they are in a deep crisis of distrust and a real threat of further escalation in the arms race hangs over the world.
Så det, jeg vil sige, er, at jeg nu på ingen måde kan stemme for forøgede beføjelser til Parlamentet, når Parlamentet er ude af stand til at ordne sine egne anliggender.
If anything at all has been done which is equal to the problems, the challenges and the dangers, the credit must go not to diplomacy but, to the greater glory of this House, to one of our most respected colleagues, Mr Willy Brandt.
Rådet deler afgjort den bekymring, der ligger til grund for de udkast til beslutning, De har foran Dem, og for de betænkninger, der er til drøftelse, ønsket om at finde måder, hvorpå relationerne mellem vore institutioner kan gøres mere frugtbare, og hvorpå vi kan opbygge større indbyrdes tillid, så de beslutninger, som De vedtager i denne debat, bliver en vital faktor i Rådets yderligere overvejelser om de spørgsmål, som beslutningerne gælder.
For here, as my friend Mr Bonaccini said yesterday when speaking on behalf of our Group, we have no intention either of underestimating the moves to find a formula for a political solution in Afghanistan, nor of denying how much has already been done in other fields, such as the emphasis that has been placed on the fact that Poland must be allowed to pursue its political, economic and social renewal independently.
Jeg tror, at hvis Europas vælgere gjorde dette, ville de tage nogle af de medlemmer under behandling, som mødte op til afstemningen, men som kun kommer her én, måske to, dage i forbindelse med spørgsmål, der fore kommer dem at være af national betydning, men som meget sjældent deltager i udvalgsmøder, og som derfor ikke er opmærksomme på betydningen af det, der bliver gjort.
I will conclude, if you will allow me, Mr President, by saying that since we do of course stand for the development of political cooperation we shall support Lady Elles' motion for a resolution with our votes — despite the reservations we have on one or two aspects, and on the fact that the report is somewhat onesided, and despite a number of inadequacies in the resolution itself on political cooperation.
Hvis jeg lige kort må omtale debatten i tirsdags, som hr. Enright netop har henvist til — det er nyttigt for medlemsstaterne^at få den tilkendegivelse af Deres synspunkter, som De fremkom med i tirsdags, således som de er udtrykt i den af Dem vedtagne beslutning.
Lord Carrington was right yesterday when he stressed how wide the gap is between the influence which Europe could have on the rest of the world and the influence it does actually have: he was right to say we could do more and to recognize that the Ten have done better in their reactions to crises than in their attempts to overcome or resolve them.
Medlemsstaterne kan forstå de motiver, der spiller ind, de motiver, der ligger til grund for den afvigende stillingtagen i debatten, motiver vedrørende budget- » mæssige besparelser, ønsket om forbedrede arbejdsvilkår ' og, frem for alt, det stærke ønske om at forbedre Parlamentets og Fællesskabets anseelse hos vælgerne.
The underlying — and correct assumption of the President-in-Office was that the Ten when they speak with one voice, have greater influence than when each country speaks for itself.
Må jeg have lov at nævne endnu en ting. Det fore kommer mig, at der er et europæisk aspekt, der ikke er blevet behandlet i betænkningerne, nemlig de nationale embedsmænds rolle.
And at the very moment we were listening to his words we were able to read in the editorial of the most influential daily newspaper in France that, if there was one question on which the nations of Europe should be unanimous, it was our criticism of the United States' monetary policy.
De skal ikke stå til ansvar over for nogen i demokratisk forstand, og dog er vi alle udmærket klar over, at det på en lang række områder er dem, der i virkeligheden træffer Rådets beslutninger.
And yet the Finance Ministers of the Ten were unable last Monday in Brussels to define a common position to adopt at the forthcoming Ottawa summit.
Dette er noget, vi ingen demokratisk kontrol har over, og det er et aspekt, vi må undersøge meget omhyggeligt.
We ask this of the rapporteur and of Parliament as a courtesy, and because to do so would set a precedent likely to lead to constant problems and arguments in our own work in the future.
Med hensyn til Hansch-betænkningen, og det hertil knyttede udkast til forslag til beslutning, så modtager vi med glæde de konstruktive ideer, den indeholder, og vi vil, som lord Carrington udtrykte det i går, prøve at få forholdet til Parlamentet til at udmønte
That is unfortunate, and brings us back to one of the things about which we feel most strongly, and which we found reflected, at least partly, yesterday during Lord Carrington's statement when he said that progress in the field of political cooperation cannot ever replace the progress we should be making in Community activity.
Selv om jeg vil stemme imod disse betænkninger, vil jeg gerne rose ordførerne, som har udarbejdet betænkningerne. Jeg har indtryk af, at de har lagt et meget stort arbejde deri, og at det i mange henseender er et særdeles vellykket arbejde.
That is to say we are convinced that either we make real steps forward in the process of integration, in the renewal of the Community, in the definition of common policies and strategies which will do something about the crisis, inflation and growing unemployment and ensure that we have further development and a new kind of development, or we shall simply delude ourselves that we can make progress in the field of political cooperation and give a boost to solidarity whilst at the same time in all these other areas the tendency is towards breaking up.
Men arbejdet kan kun lykkes, hvis vi kan få parlamentarikerne her til at gøre deres arbejde ordentligt.
The finest mechanisms in the world can be studied and
Derfor vil jeg stemme imod disse betænkninger.
We therefore agree in principle with the proposals put forward in
Igen vil jeg sige, at jeg ikke tror, De forventer, at jeg på indeværende tidspunkt siger ret meget mere end dette.
We feel, however, that on some points the reports do not go far enough and that this House should be given more teeth.
sig i en virkningsfuld dialog og ikke i en øvelse i gensidig frustration.
This House must play its democratic role to the full, even if it means on occasion treading on the Commission's toes.
Det interesserede mig meget at høre hr. Bournias berette fra det møde, han deltog i, mellem repræsentanter for dette Parlament og for de nationale parlamenter, og jeg er helt enig med ham i den måde, hvorpå han understregede betydningen af forholdet mellem de nationale parlamenter og Europa-Parlamentet.
The practice adopted so far in the legislative process has been for Parliament to take decisions, but for the Commission to then have a free choice as to whether to maintain its original proposal or make subsequent amendments to it.
Dette er et område, hvor der stadig er et stort behov for fremskridt.
In other words, the Commission has so far been able to bypass Parliaments's decisions entirely.
Dette skete for at prøve at få dialogen mellem institutionerne til at foregå på grundlag af en bedre forståelse.
To my mind, what we have here is a straightforward question of political legitimization . ..
Det vil vi absolut prøve at gøre.
Mr Hänsch. — (DE) No, it is a question of the Treaty!
Hr. formand, her til slut vil jeg beskæftige mig med betænkningen fra Lady Elles vedrørende det politiske samarbejde.
Mr Pesmazoglou. — (GR) Mr President, I firmly support all the proposals for institutional reforms in the European Community.
Lady Elles har formodentlig lyttet til det, lord Carrington sagde.
I support both their general approach and their substance.
Det er allerede langt mere intenst, end de fleste mennesker ved.
I wish to stress that we cannot hope to solve today's problems unless we give new impetus to the European Community.
For at anslå en personlig tone, så er det næsten 30 år siden, at jeg første gang gik ind i mit eget lands uden rigstjeneste, og den største enkeltforandring, der er sket i det britiske udenrigsministerium i løbet af disse 30 år, er uden nogen som helst tvivl udviklingen af det politiske samarbejde, og den virkning, som dette har haft på tankegangen og holdningerne hos embedsmænd såvel som hos ministre.
We cannot overcome the economic crisis nor combat unemployment and inflation in all the countries of Europe unless there is a new and decisive initiative from the European Community.
Det er trængt meget dybt ind, og jeg er sikker på, at dette gælder for samtlige ti landes udenrigsministerier.
Such an initiative is essential if we want to tackle both the international economic crisis and the problems of our relations with the USA.
Der kan naturligvis ske forbedring; men måske skulle vi drage lidt større omsorg for at sikre, at vore vælgere forstår betydningen af det, der allerede har fundet sted og af de muligheder, dette indebærer.
It is in the interests of every nation on earth that the European Community should be given new impetus and acquire real importance in international economic and political affairs.
Jeg vil gerne lige nævne den skarpsindige tale, som hr. Turner holdt, hvor han specielt omtalte Rådet.
Mr Irmer. — (DE) Mr Hänsch, can we accept a situation whereby the Commission — composed of 14 appointed officials — is able to give its political views priority over the majority decisions of the directly elected European Parliament?
Han fremførte en formfuldent kritik.
According to Article 149 of the EEC Treaty, the Commission may alter its proposals, in particular in the light of Parlia ment's opinion.
Men mens jeg sad og lyttende til ham, spekulerede jeg på, om det virkelig fra et europæisk synspunkt er klogt at spille dette spil, hvor man prøver at skyde skylden fra én af Fællesskabets institutioner over på en anden.
I wish to stress that for all our countries, for the larger countries of the European Community, the problems arising from the economic crisis cannot be solved unless they are dealt with by the procedures of the European Community, and this also applies to the Mediterranean countries, including Greece.
Jeg tror, at det .næppe er nogen særlig effektiv måde at fremme Europas sag på.
The European Community is an essential factor in the solution to the problem of the, development of the Mediterranean countries of Europe, including Greece.
Vi vil bestemt forsøge at forbedre Rådets arbejdsgang, men i stedet for at den ene institution retter beskyldninger mod den anden, vil vi foretrække at prøve på at nå frem til et nærmere partnerskab mellem dem.
Generally speaking, the basic principle is that, following direct elections, this House may do not only whatever it is expressly allowed to do under the Treaties, but may — and indeed should — do anything the Treaties do not expressly forbid it to do.
Jeg tror ikke, hr. Turner helt tog hensyn til alle de realiteter, som Rådet må tage sig af, og til den grundlæggende nødvendighed af, at der er enighed om Fællesskabets vigtigste anliggender.
I therefore also support the proposal made yesterday by Mr Willy Brandt when he said that inflation was a basic problem.
Hvis man ville prøve at komme uden om dette krav om enighed mellem medlemsstaterne og de nationale regeringer, tror jeg ikke, man ville styrke Fællesskabet, men snarere, at man ville få det til at briste.
Community decisions should be taken by a majority, but this presupposes certain basic approaches and above all the abandoning of the notion of a European Community with several rates of progress, as well as the recognition of the need for comparable development throughout the Community.
Hvis det ikke strider mod forretningsordenen, vil jeg gerne kommentere den tale, hr. Israel holdt under den tidligere debat; jeg tror, han delvis misforstod De Ti's nuværende holdning i Mellemøstspørgsmålet.
My second remark, Mr President, is that unless these things are brought about and unless the Community acquires its own important role in overcoming today's economic problems, we shall not have the importance necessary to play the political role which we can and must play on the international political scene.
Hvad angår van Miert-betænkningen, så må jeg igen sige, at den efter vor opfattelse indeholder interessante og betydningsfulde ideer.
The second objection raised by Mr Thorn yesterday — as a precautionary measure — was that the Commission's dynamic role would thereby be weak ened.
Vi finder det fuld stændig naturligt, at De, som folkevalgte repræsentanter, vil søge i så fuld udstrækning som muligt at tage del i Fællesskabets beslutningsproces.
Why does the Commission try to keep a tight rein on our rights while at the same time making no attempt whatsoever to reestablish its position vis-à-vis the Council?
Jeg behøver ikke komme nærmere ind på det politiske samarbejde ud over blot at sige følgende: Vi accepterer, at dette Parlament naturligt og med rette
Yesterday Lord Carrington gave us a brilliant exposition of the problems of foreign policy, and I should
mod den socialistiske verden under alle omstændigheder et negativt element i denne retning.
ment is done, and then see if it measures up to the vote which they cast on Tuesday.
Disse projekter er derfor i vidt omfang af demagogisk og afledende karakter og har i det omfang, de måtte blive gennemført, til formål at holde EØFs økonomiske integration hen med tomme løfter.
On this point I am bound to say that, apart from the very great problem of Afghan istan, apart from the problem of Poland and apart from the problem of the stationing of rockets in Europe, there are also other problems on all of which the European Community must stick consistently to its principles.
På den anden side har betænkningens forslag en reaktionær og autoritær karakter.
I say this because it is inconceivable that Cyprus should not be included among these matters on which the Community will be taking an initiative.
For det første begrænser de den nationale suverænitet og landenes nationale uafhængighed ved at ophæve princippet om enstemmighed og ved at overføre beføjelser til de supranationale organer, som naturligvis ikke er valgt af befolkningerne.
It is an island which has suffered an invasion and 40% of which is occupied by foreign troops, and in this ques tion special responsibility is borne by certain countries of the European Community, which have given guarantees for thè' constitutional status of the island.
Under vort formandskab vil vi absolut gøre hvad vi kan på det institutionelle område og specielt hvad angår Parlamentets rolle for at sikre, at institu tionerne handler i harmoni, og vi ved, at dette kun kan ske, hvis der fra Rådets side, via de behørige procedurer, bliver taget omhyggeligt og velovervejet hensyn til dette Parlaments meninger og opfattelser.
We have regional civil servants in the United Kingdom and we also have the civil servants at the centre in Whitehall and we also have COREPER out in Brussels.
Vi er absolut imod det, der er blevet sagt, nemlig at 'vi er antieuropæere — og vi kan ikke acceptere det.
That is something over which we have no democratic control, and that is an aspect which we must examine very carefully.
(Bifald)
(The President interrupted the speaker)
Vi protesterer imod sådanne anklager, og vi anser dem for uacceptable.
It seems to me that they have put some very hard work into it and that it is very successful work in many ways.
Jeg ser ikke, hvordan vi kan komme frem til afstemning kl. 15.
The building of Europe used to be carried out on the initiative of certain governments.
Må jeg derfor foreslå at fortsætte forhandlingen kl. 15 med afstemning kl. 16.00.
Now the European Parliament has the duty and the responsibility.