natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Det, der bekymrer mig, er den rituelle anmodning om årlige forhandlinger.
What concerns me about it is the ritual request for annual debates.
Dette bekymrer mig i stadig stigende grad, for når et udvalg eller en person fremsætter sin egen yndlingsteori og -idé, fascineres de altid i høj grad af tanken om en årlig forhandling.
As each committee and each person bring forward their own pet theory and idea, they are very much attracted by the thought that we should have an annual debate.
Vi har haft forslag om årlige forhandlinger om mange forskellige ting, men jeg vil gerne nu se beviser på, at Parlamentet stopper op og tænker på, at det, hver gang det giver sin tilslutning til en årlig forhandling, forpligter sin dagsorden i en så lang periode fremover, at vi snart ikke vil kunne reagere spontant på noget som helst, og vi kan lige så godt holde os borte, for vi ved, hvad der vil blive sagt i de næste 5 år.
We have had a suggestion about annual debates of many different things, and I have yet to see evidence that this House pauses and thinks to itself that every time it agrees to an annual debate, it is committing its agenda for such a long period ahead that we shall soon be able to respond to nothing spontaneously and might as well all go away because we know what we are going to say for the next 5 years.
Det er årsagen til, at jeg her i formiddag personligt vil stemme imod denne betænkning.
It is for that reason that I personally am going to vote against this report, and I shall do so this morning.
Hammerich. — Vi er imod dette forslag, fordi:
Mrs Hammerich. — (DA) We are against the motion for a resolution because :
— vi er imod alle disse unionsforslag med samt deres opblæste symboler,
— we are opposed to all these proposals for union together with all their pompous symbols;
— forslaget er dybt latterligt,
— the motion for a resolution is completely ridiculous;
— der er i salen ingen mangel på ubesatte pladser, som symboliserer forsamlingens ildhu og seriøse indstilling,
— there is no lack of empty seats in the Chamber to symbolize the zeal and serious attitude of this Assembly;
— forslaget afspejler en euro-chauvinistisk holdning og fjendtlighed over for anderledes tænkende folkeslag.
— the motion for a resolution reflects a chauvinistic European attitude and hostility towards nations which think differently.
På den anden side var vi stærkt fristet til at støtte forslaget, fordi vi altid under vore landsmænd en god latter.
We were, however, strongly tempted to support the motion for a resolution, since we are always pleased to give our fellow-countrymen a good laugh.
Ordføreren udtalte sig:
Debates of the European Parliament
— for ændringsforslag nr. 7, 18/rett., 19/rett.;
No 1-287/313
De Valera. — (EN) Hr. formand, irsk lov vedrørende udlevering i forbindelse med politiske lovovertrædelser ligger på linje med staternes praksis og med generelt accepterede principper for international ret.
Miss De Valera. — Mr President, Irish law in relation to extradition for political offences is in line with the practice of States and with generally accepted principles of international law.
Et af disse er princippet om ikke-udlevering i forbindelse med politiske lovovertrædelser.
One of these is the principle of nonextradition for political offences.
I Irland mener man, at indførelse af en lovbestemmelse, der tillader udlevering i forbindelse med disse lovovertrædelser, ville være ensbetydende med, at man gik bort fra disse principper, og følgelig ville det være i modstrid med artikel 29, stk. 3, i den irske forfatning.
The view in Ireland is that the enactment of legislation to permit extradition for such offences would represent a departure from those principles and would consequently be repugnant to Article 29(3) fo the Irish Constitution.
Loven af 1976 om gyldighedsområdet for irsk kriminallovgivning beskæftiger sig imidlertid med dem, der begår alvorlige forbrydelser inden for et retsområde og flygter til et andet.
The Irish Criminal Law Jurisdiction Act of 1976, however, deals with those who commit serious crimes in one jurisdiction and flee to another.
Denne lov gør det i henhold til irsk lov til en kriminel forbrydelse at begå visse lovovertrædelser uden for staten, hvis det ville være en lovovertrædelse, hvis de blev begået inden for retsområdet. Dette har vist sig at virke effektivt.
The act makes it a criminal offence in Irish law to commit outside the State certain offences which if committed within the jurisdiction would constitute an offence.
I punkt 10 og 11 i begrundelsen henviser hr. Tyrrell til den europæiske konvention om bekæmpelse af terrorisme og gør opmærksom på, at Irland ikke har undertegnet konventionen; årsagen hertil er naturligvis, at det er i modstrid med forfatningen.
In paragraphs 10 and 11 of his explanatory statement, Mr Tyrrell makes references to the European Convention on the Suppression of Terrorism and refers to Ireland as not having signed the Convention, the reason being, of course, that it would have been unconstitutional to do.
Men selv om de fleste europæiske lande har undertegnet konventionen, er det med så mange forbehold, at det ville have været uden større betydning, om Irland forfatningsmæssigt kunne have vedtaget den.
However, while most European countries have signed the Convention, there is so much by way of qualification that its acceptance by Ireland, if it had been constitutionally possible, would not have been of great significance.
Frankrig, Tyskland og Belgien udleverer slet ikke deres egne statsborgere, hvad enten lovovertrædelsen er politisk eller ej. Cypern, Danmark, Island, Norge, Portugal, Sverige og Italien har gjort visse forbehold med hensyn til deres ret til ikke at udlevere politiske lovovertrædere.
France, Germany and Belgium do not extradite their own nationals at all, whether the offence be political or non-political.
Der er baseret på princippet om »retssag eller udlevering«.
It is based on the principle of 'try or extra dite'.
Dublin-aftalen er imidlertid ikke ratificeret af nogen medlemsstat, da ratificeringen heraf har været forbundet med en særskilt konvention, nemlig Rom-konventionen, der er stødt på vanskeligheder i Holland og Frankrig.
The Dublin Agreement, however, has not been ratified by any Member State, as its ratification has been linked with a separate Convention, namely, the Rome Convention, which has run into difficulties with Holland and France.
Vi mener ikke, at Kommissionen har nogen som helst beføjelser med hensyn til sådanne love og bestemmelser, hvad enten det drejer sig om politiske eller rent kriminelle anliggender.
We believe that the Commission has no competence whatsoever in the matter of such laws and regulations, whether they be dealing with political or purely criminal matters.
En sådan indblanding i nationale regeringers umistelige ret til at lave sådanne love ville være en grov forvanskning af Rom-traktatens mål.
Such interference in the inalienable right of the national governments to constitute such laws would be a gross misrepresentation of the objective of the Treaty of Rome.
Lad det være nok at sige, at Kommissionen selv har benægtet, at den skulle have beføjelser på disse områder.
Suffice it to say that the Commission themselves have denied that they have any competence in these matters.
Med hensyn til punkt 10 mener vi eftertrykkeligt, at enhver medlemsstats forfatnings mæssige stilling på respektes.
With regard to paragraph 10, we feel strongly that the constitutional position of each Member State must be respected.
Jeg vil gerne, hr. formand, minde Parlamentet om, at de ord, der i går eftermiddags, blev udtalt af hr. Paisley, som fordømte den irske regering, blev udtalt af en mand, som har oprettet en illegal hær, hvormed han stolt og åbent marcherer mod Antrim-bjergene i modstrid med lovene i den stat, som han foregiver at være loyal over for.
I wish, Mr President, to remind the House that the words uttered by Mr Paisley yesterday afternoon condemning the Irish Government were uttered by a man who has set up an illegal army, which he proudly and openly marches on the Antrim hills against the laws of the State to which he professes to be loyal.
Hr. formand, jeg vil gerne slutte med en oplysning til hr. Hutton.
I want to conclude, Mr President, with a point of information for Mr Hutton.
Hr. Richie Ryan er ikke »gal«, som han udtrykte det...
Mr Richie Ryan is not 'off his head', as he put it...
Han er ikke til stede her, men jeg vil gerne fremføre, at hr. Taylor rent faktisk afgav en sådan erklæring i går om . . .
He is not present here, but I want to make the point that Mr Taylor did issue such a statement at 12 noon yesterday with regard ...
Et flertal af Parlamentet har vedtaget et beslutning, som forværrer alle problemerne i forbindelse med den personlige frihed, og som ikke løser noget problem med hensyn til terrorisme, hvorved Parlamentet afslører sig selv som en forsamling uden følelser, uden bevidsthed om den nye generation og uforberedt på at erkende, hvad der også ligger bag terrorismen.
In view of the approval given by the majority of this Parliament to a resolution which merely aggravates all the problems of freedom and resolves none concerning terrorism, this Assembly reveals itself as a Chamber empty of feeling, devoid of understanding of the younger generation and ill-equipped to appreciate the background to terrorism.
Faktisk giver hr. Tyrrell i denne beslutning ikke en eneste definition på, hvad han forstår ved terrorisme.
In fact, Mr Tyrrell does not offer in this resolution a single definition of what he understands by terrorism.
Dette er ikke frihedens Europa, det er et »europæisk retsområde«, som var på mode under Giscard d'Estaing, og som dengang blev lanceret for at gøre Europa til et repressivt område.
This is not the Europe of freedom : it is a 'judicial area', an idea much in vogue at the time of Giscard d'Estaing, when it was invented to turn Europe into an area of repression.
Det var i hvert fald, hvad man kunne skønne.
At least, that is what it was judged to be.
Det forbavser mig, at så mange kolleger stemte for en mindskelse af vore friheder, mens vi stadig mangler en akt, som sikrer de europæiske borgeres rettigheder. Dette er en meget alvorlig beslutning. Måske er der nogen, som ikke har gjort sig dette klart, eftersom vi rækker hånden i vejret uden ikke engang at vide, hvad vi stemmer for ...
I am astonished that so many colleagues should have voted for a diminution of our liberties when we still lack a Charter of Rights of the European citizen.
Endog ændringsforslagene, som tog sigte på at begrænse aktionsområdet for bekæmpelse af terrorismen, blev alle forkastet, hvorved jeg selv eller enhver anden, som i morgen oplyser om eller deltager i en demonstration i Europa, vil kunne falde ind under dette direktiv om udlevering.
Finally, the amendments limiting the range of terrorist crimes have all been rejected, as a result of which I myself or anyone else who tomorrow suggests or takes part in a demonstration along these lines in Europe may fall victim to this demand for extradition.
Jeg bliver nødt til at sige, at denne slags direktiver desværre ikke er mere værd end en lap papir ...
Fortunately, however, it may be said that directives of this kind are only worth the paper they are printed on .. .
Vi har stemt imod punkt 6, fordi det heri foreslås, at den internationale rets grundlæggende regler vedrørende udlevering ikke skal gælde inden for Fællesskabet.
We voted against paragraph 6 because it proposes not to apply within the Community basic rules of international law on extradition.
Vi finder, at det er uklogt at søge løsninger uden for retssikkerheden.
We believe it is unwise to seek solutions outside the rule of law.
Vi afholdt os fra at stemme i forbindelse med punkt 7 og 8, fordi disse punkter betyder, at Kommissionen opfordres til at træffe foranstaltninger uden for sine beføjelser som nævnt af Kommissionen selv i går.
We abstained on paragraphs 7 and 8 because they purport to call on the Commission to take action beyond their competence, as the Commission itself said yesterday.
Parlamentet styrker ikke sit eget omdømme ved at bede om det umulige. Men da det ikke skader at stemme for et forslag, som aldrig kan træde i kraft, og da hensigten med beslutningen er god, vil vi med visse retlige forbehold støtte beslutningen under henvisning til, at Europas befolkning ønsker, at vi træffer foranstaltninger for at udrydde terrorisme, og fordi vi må vise en fælles front i beslutningens ånd mod terrorismen og til fordel for udlevering eller andre behørige retsmetoder til bekæmpelse af denne svøbe.
Parliament does not enhance its own image by asking for the impossible; but as it does no harm to vote for a proposal which can never be put into effect and because the intention of the resolution is good, we will, subject to our legal reservations, support the resolution in the knowledge that the people of Europe want us to take action to stamp out terrorism and because we must, in the spirit of the resolution show a united front against terrorism and in favour of extradition or other proper legal methods to deal with this scourge.
Hivs vi ikke kan forhindre terrorismen, må vi finde bedre retsmetoder, hvorved vi kan straffe de implicerede.
If we cannot prevent terrorism, we must find better legal ways of punishing those involved.
Jeg blev i går angrebet af hr. Hutton for min kritik af hr. John David Taylor, fordi han ikke deltog i forhandlingen.
I was attacked yesterday by Mr Hutton for criticizing Mr John David Taylor because he did not speak in the debate.
Men som nævnt af frk. De Valera udfærdigede hr. Taylor i går en håndskreven, ondskabsfuld erklæring, hvori kan kritiserer Irlands befolkning; jeg kan give hr. Hutton en kopi heraf.
But, as Miss De Valera said, Mr Taylor yesterday issued in his own handwritting a vicious statement, a copy of which I can furnish to Mr Hutton, criticizing the people of Ireland.
Vi kan bestemt ikke acceptere, at fordi et mellem ikke tager ordet i Parlamentet, er han immun over for kritik af det, han gør uden for Parlamentet.
Surely we cannot accept that because somebody fails to speak in this House he is immune from criticism for what he does outside it.
Jeg vil til slut gerne sige, at jeg tror, at hr. Taylor kunne have gavnet sin sag meget mere ved at være til stede her og stemme imod terrorisme og for udlevering.
Finally, I want to say this. I think Mr Taylor could have helped his cause much better by being here to vote against terrorism and in favour of extradition.
Han var ikke til stede her på noget tidspunkt under forhandlingen, og han var heller ikke til stede i går aftes under afstemningen, og han er heller ikke til stede her i formiddag under afstemningen. ningen.
He was not here at any time during the debate nor was he here last night to vote, nor is he here this morning to vote.
Jeg går ind for beslutningen.
I am in favour of the resolution.
I den anledning må man dog sige en smule mere end det, der her siges. Jeg vil imidlertid heller ikke stemme imod beslutningsforslaget, for at der ikke skal opstå den misforståelse, at jeg sammen med mange af mine venner udtrykkeligt gå ind for ratificeringen af Europarådets europæiske konvention om bekæmpelse af terrorisme og den tilsvarende Dublin aftale.
I shall, however, refrain from voting against the resolution in order to avoid giving the false impression that, together with many of my political friends, I am definitely opposed to a ratification of the European Convention on the Suppression of Terrorism, drawn up by the Council of Europe, and the Dublin Agreement on its application.
Jeg vil altså afholde mig fra at stemme.
I shall therefore abstain.
Péry. — (FR) Jeg vil gerne endnu engang have lov til at henlede mine kollegers opmærksomhed på de farer, det indebærer at vedtage Tyrrell-betænkningen i dens nuværende form, i særdeleshed hvad angår beslutningsforslagets punkt 2, 5 og 7.
Mrs Péry. — (FR) I wish yet again to draw my colleagues' attention to the dangers inher ent in the adoption of the Tyrrell report in its present form, more particularly paragraphs 2, 6 and 7.
Jeg fordømmer morderiske terroristhandlinger og vold i blinde med lige så stor overbevisning som ordføreren. Ikke mindst når disse metoder anvendes i et demokratisk land, der reelt overholder menneskerettighederne.
My own abhorrence of murderous acts of terrorism, of blind force, is not one whit less than the rapporteur's, particularly when it is used in a democratic country where human rights are genuinely respected.
Europas historie har leveret ikke så få eksempler på, at vold avler vold.
Nevertheless, the history of Europe has known many occasions where violence engendered violence.
Vore græske, spanske og portugisiske kolleger har for ikke så længe siden ligger under for diktaturer, som disse lande fremdeles bærer mén af.
Our Greek, Spanish and Portuguese friends have had to suffer dictatorship in a past that is still quite recent, and some of the scars are still not healed.
Der bor mange politiske flygtninge i Frankrig, i særdeleshed på min egn, og heraf en stor del igennem en lang årrække.
There are large numbers of political refugees living in France, especially in my region, and many of them have been there for years.
Nogle af disse vil blive krævet udleveret af et nabo land, som snart bliver medlem af Fællesskabet. Derfor forekommer det mig betydningsfuldt med nøjagtighed at få defineret i punkt 2, hvad man forstår ved terrorisme og, hvilke saglige kriterier der gør en voldshandling til terrorisme.
Some have been the subject of requests for extradition by a neighbouring country soon to be a member of the Com munity, and so it seems to me essential that we define precisely in paragraph 2 what we mean by terrorism and what are the objective criteria for regarding an act of violence as a terrorist crime.
I punkt 6 og 7 kræves det, at der fastsættes fælles principper for udlevering, og at det politiske motiv bliver ophævet inden for Fællesskabet.
Paragraphs 6 and 7 call for the establishment of common principles for extradition and for abolishing recognition of political motives within the Community.
Dette princip er i øvrigt i overensstemmelse med Genèvekonventionen af 1951 om flygtninge. ninge.
Moreover, this principle is in conformity with the Geneva Convention of 1951 on the problem of refugees.
Rent generelt er jeg modstander af den misbrug, der kunne gøres af en sådan beslutning, hvorfor jeg vil stemme imod.
Generally speaking, I am strongly opposed to the possible abuse of this resolution, and I shall therefore vote against.
Chambeiron. — (FR) Hr. formand, ændringsforslagenes forkastelse bestyrker mig i den opfattelse, som jeg har givet udtryk for i retsudvalget på de franske kommunistiske og beslægtede medlemmers vegne.
Mr Chambeiron. — (FR) Mr President, the rejection of the amendments strengthens me in the view I have already expressed in the Legal Affairs Committee, which is the view taken by the French members of the Communist and Allies Group.
Det er klart, at vi kan tilslutte os den fordømmelse af terrorismen, der er nævnt i det af hr. Tyrrell fremsatte forslag til beslutning.
It goes without saying that we subscribe to the condemnation of terrorism contained in Mr Tyrrell's motion for a resolution.
Vi har tit nok sagt, hvad vi mener om disse i blinde benyttede metoder, der i sidste ende gør selv den bedste sag en dårlig tjeneste, så det er det næppe nødvendigt at fremhæve.
It would, however, have been worthwhile giving a more precise definition of terrorism, particularly when one bears in mind the tone of the opinion given by the Political Affairs Committee, which opens the door to every kind of interpretation.
Derimod kunne det have været hensigtsmæssigt at få en mere nøjagtig definition af terrorismen, navnlig hvis man tager hensyn til tonen i den af det politiske udvalg afgivne udtalelse, der åbner vejen for en hvilken som helst fortolkning.
Allow me to say that if this text had been adopted under the ancien régime, the people of Paris would not have captured the Bastille without laying themselves open to a charge of terrorism.
Dersom denne tekst havde eksisteret forud for den franske revolution, ville Paris' indbyggere ikke kunne have taget Bastillen uden at være blevet beskyldt for terrorisme.
In our view, the legal basis unearthed by the rapporteur is not a solid one.
Vi mener ikke, at det retsgrundlag, som ordføreren har prøvet på at komme frem til, er holdbart.
Cooperation in the fight against crime does not enter into the field of application of the Community Treaties.
Samarbejdet med hensyn til kriminalitetens bekæmpelse falder ikke inden for traktaternes anvendelsesområde.
What to us is more serious, however, is that the Tyrrell motion throws doubt upon the principle of nonextradition in political cases, a fundamental principle which is enshrined in the law of some countries, at all events in French law.
Paisley. — (EN) Hr. formand, det kommer ikke som nogen overraskelse for mig, at min kollega, John Taylor, og jeg selv ville blive angrebet under denne forhandling af repræsentanter for republikken Irland.
Mr Paisley. — Mr President, it comes as no surprise to me that my colleague John Taylor and myself should have come under attack in this debate from the representatives of the Irish Republic.
Jeg mener ikke, det sømmer sig for hr. Ryan at kritisere, at et medlem af Parlamentet under en rejse i en medlemsstat på forslag af denne stats myndigheder benytter sig af en tjenestevogn, der er under beskyttelse, fordi det er tænkeligt at han angribes, idet IRA har forsøgt at myrde hr, Taylor; det sømmer sig ikke, at han skælder ham ud, når han ikke er til stede.
I think it ill becomes Mr Ryan, when a Member of this House travels in a Member State and the authorities in that state suggest to him that he should travel in a state car under protection because he is liable to attack, keeping in mind that the IRA tried to murder Mr Taylor, to criticize him for doing that and to abuse him when he is not in this House.
Jeg tror også, at det bør føres til protokols, at det var frk. De Valeras parti, der gav liv til det provisoriske IRA, hvilket blev bekræftet i det irske parlament af hendes ven, hr. Blaney, der sidder i denne sal.
I think also it should be put on record that it was the party of Miss De Valera that spawned the Provisional IRA, as was confirmed in the Dail by her friend Mr Blaney, who sits in this House.
Hvis jeg, hr. formand, førte en illegal hær, ville den britiske regering, der ikke elsker mig højt, øjeblikkelig sætte mig bag lås og slå.
If I, Mr President, led an illegal army, the British Government, who have no love for me, would have me behind bars immediately.
Hammerich. — Vi er imod dette forslag, fordi :
Mrs Hammerich. — (DA) We are against the motion for a resolution because:
— Det er et af modulerne til et fælles retsområde for EF-landene som i sin helhed betyder en omfattende suverænitetsafgivelse: hele vort retssystem underordnes et centraleuropæisk retssystem, som er i dyb modstrid med den nordiske retstradition
— it constitutes a step towards the creation of a common judicial area for EEC coun tries, which, taken together, would mean far-reaching surrender of sovereignty: all our legal systems would be subordinated to the central European legal system, which profoundly conflicts with the Nordic legal tradition;
— en fælles retsordning, der omfatter »terroristbekæmpelse«, »retshjælp i straffesager«, »vidnepligt-bestemmelser« og »overførsel af fængslede« vil ikke beskytte det danske samfund mod »terrorisme« og forbrydelse, men tværtimod optrappe volden i et ellers forholdsvis uvoldeligt samfund.
— a common legal system including 'combating terrorism', 'legal aid in criminal cases', the 'duty to give evidence' and 'extradition of prisoners', far from protecting the Danish community against 'terrorism' and crime, will, on the contrary, increase violence in what is otherwise a relatively non-violent community.
1-412/82): vedtaget.
1-412/82/adopted
— imod alle ændringsforslagene.
The rapporteur spoke — against all the amendments.