natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Man gjorde det i forbindelse med omgåelserne af fælles skabspræferencen, man gjorde det med importen af amerikanske produkter, og nu er situationen nået til et punkt, hvor den er praktisk talt uløselig.
I would say that we are not the only ones who do so, neither we in Parliament, nor our ministers, President Karamanlis and Queen Beatrix have honoured us with speeches here to the same effect.
Vi siger ikke, at England ikke er europæisk. Vi siger, at England har en anden opfattelse af Europa — en opfattelse der er forskellig fra de ni andres — og vi er lidt forbavsede over, at denne uenighed i den grund læggende opfattelse dukker op efter to genforhandlinger af tiltrædelsen.
— and yet we are a little surprised that this fundamental difference in ideas has arisen again after two renegotiations of membership.
Men da England vil sætte sig uden for den fælles landbrugspolitik, hvad kan vi så gøre, vi andre ni?
But since the United Kingdom wants to take leave of the common agricultural policy, what can we, the other nine, do ?
Man har ofret de europæiske landbrugere i overdrevne bestræbelser på at opnå et kompromis.
Firstly, for the immediate future, we must — I say it clearly
Landbruget er en byrde, og hvis konkurrencen skal være ærlig og redelig, så skal denne byrde deles. Det er dyden ved fællesskabstanken.
— review all the agreements, and in particular the agricultural agreements, reached in an attempt to get Mrs Thatcher to say 'Yes' at Brussels.
Man kan ikke være fælles om det, der passer i ens kram, og afvise det, der tynger, men det er klart, at byrden skal fordeles ærligt og redeligt.
The farmers of Europe have been sacrificed in an improper attempt to reach a compromise.
Dermed mener jeg, at grænserne for Europa à la carte er begrænsede på økonomisk plan.
In fact, how could our citizens have confidence in Europe if they were to see its champions incapable of keeping the undertakings which they give ?
Foruroligelse med hensyn til en konference om sagens substans, nytteløshed og uretfærdighed i forbindelse med endnu et kompromis; hvordan skal man opridse den for Europa så indlysende nødvendige nye vej?
Mr de Ia Malène (DEP). — (FR) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, I should like on behalf of my Group to make some comment on the crisis which is facing us, once again, and first of all to take stock of the situation.
For første gang har Rådet i forbindelse med kvota foreslået lavere priser end de af Kommissionen fore slåede.
For the first time the Council has proposed prices below those proposed by the Commission, at the same time as quotas.
I går og i forgårs oplevede vi, at der ikke forelå samstemmighed om denne aftale.
We saw yesterday and the day before yesterday that there was no longer any consensus on this agreement.
Det forbavser os ikke, for aftalen fortjener bestemt ikke betegnelsen landbrugspolitik.
We should not be surprised since it does not deserve the title of agricultural policy, from whatever angle it is viewed.
Dernæst skal man korrigere de fejl og overdrivelser, som de sidste års blokeringer har ført den fælles landbrugspolitik ud i.
We shall next have to correct the slips and mistakes into which the common agricultural policy has been led by the deadlocks of recent years.
Der må gøres en ende på den overdrevne overgang til jordløse brug, der må gøres en ende på skårene i fællesskabspræferencen, de europæiske landbrugere må beskyttes mod den ubegrænsede toldfrie import af substitutionsprodukter.
We shall have to put an end to the excesses of soilless agriculture, European farmers must be protected against unlimited dutyfree imports of substitution products.
Europa tanken har lidt et svært nederlag i Bruxelles. Måske vil vi være i stand til at lære noget deraf?
The last Brussels summit, more than any of its predecessors, had a clarifying effect.
Morgen dagen vil mindre end nogen sinde komme til at ligne gårsdagen; men i morgen vil europæernes samling mere end nogen sindre være en nødvendighed.
It is now clear that in addition to purely financial claims the United Kingdom does not accept the fundamental concepts behind the common agricultural policy, I mean Community preference and financial solidarity.
Landbruget, kære kolleger, det er ikke så meget produkterne som menneskene, landet, jorden, jord bunden, livet på gårdene, i landsbyerne og i landegnene i vore gamle europæiske nationer!
Agriculture, my dear colleagues, is not so much a ques tion of products as of men, landscapes, earth, the soil, the life of the farms, villages and countryside of our old European nations !
Det, man kan sige, er, at de ikke ville have søgt tilflugt i kompromiser eller kunstgreb, men sammen have søgt den nye vej, som fremover skal samle europæerne, idet det ikke blot gælder om at undgå deres nedgang, men givetvis også om at sikre deres frihed !
But for the United Kingdom there is no longer any question of it, she has to get back as near as possible what she puts in.
(Bifald fra højre)
Are they to her Community property or will
Det er en helhed af sociale strukturer.
It is a whole set of social structures.
Det er det, man forstår ved landbrugspolitik, der ikke blot er en simpel produktpolitik.
That is what agricultural policy is about, not a simple product policy.
Rent umiddelbart bør vi også lade budgettet være, som det er.
For the immediate future the budget must be left as it is.
Som følge af Kommissionens og Rådets svigten er budgettet utilstrækkeligt, men de få reserver, der er afsat/ takket være Parlamentets aktion og klogskab, lad dem blive, hvor de er i øjeblikket. Det var det rent umiddelbare.
Because of the Commission's shortcomings and because of the Council's shortcomings that budget is inadequate, but for the time being let us leave where they are the few reserves which, thanks to the sagacity and actions of Parliament, appear in it.
Men hvad med fremtiden, vil De spørge.
That is for the immediate future, but, you may ask, what are we to do about the longer term ?
Da sagen nu er klar, bør man da afvise ethvert nyt kompromis, enhver ny forhandling og på en særkonference, som den fru Veil omtalte, prøve på at komme helt til bunds i sagerne for at finde ud af, hvem der ønsker hvad, med hvem og hvordan?
Since things are clear now, do we have to reject any new compromise, any new negotiations and must we endeavour in a special confer ence, as Mrs Veil said, to try to get to the bottom of things, to see who does what and with whom ?
Måske er det den vej, man bør følge.
That is perhaps the way to go.
Pannella rede dengang klart havde indset, at det måske var nu eller aldrig at få nord-syd-forhandlingerne reelt ud af krisen, på samme måde, hr. rådsformand, bør Parlamentets forslag til en ny traktat følges.
In the same way as at Cancun the grave mistake has been made of not following up the resolution of the European Parliament, which had seen very clearly at that time that North-South relations had to get out of the crisis then or never.
jelse af momssatsen og den ny politik.
On the other hand is an extra effort required to accept, more or less, the British claims ?
Det må et redeligt tænkende menneske, derfor også en minister, nok overveje.
Principles have been in dispute for a long time, unfortunately.
Briterne må ikke holde beslutningsprocessen tilbage ved fortsat at insistere på de få hundrede millioner gylden, som de vil have betalt tilbage til London.
Problems will not solve themselves by being pushed into the background. It was done when Community preferences were manipulated, it was done in the case of imports of American products, and today the situation has reached a point where it is virtually insoluble.
New Yorks undergrundsbane lider dagligt større tab end det beløb, som fru Thatcher mener at have ret til. Vore britiske konservative kolleger, som jeg også har lært at kende som redeligt tænkende mennesker, må dog kunne bringe deres premierminister på andre tanker, netop fordi der står så meget på spil for Europa.
It is not enough — and we know how ready our friends in the PPE are to raise the problem of majority voting.
Jeg tror, at det er påkrævet åbent at sige, at vi befinder os lige op til de europæiske valg, altså en dialog med vore befolkninger, og til og med en demokratisk dialog.
Let me add that on the economic level alone, the idea of Europe 'à la carte', as we say, has nearly reached its limits.
Det er ikke tilstrækkeligt, — og vi er bekendt med den gode vilje hos vore venner i PPE — blot at erindre om problemet i forbindelse med flertalsafstemningen.
Certainly it can be seen that a political Europe does not have the same magnitude as economic Europe but, on the economic level alone, it is not possible to set aside the question of costs.
Det er ikke kun et spørgsmål om metode, det er også et spørgsmål om struktur.
Agriculture is a cost and for the Community to be fair and genuine that cost has to be shared.
Derfor anmoder vi Dem, hr. rådsformand, om i henhold til Altiero Spinellis beslutning ikke blot at have Rom-traktaten, Messina-aftalerne og de retlige principper i erindring, men også at gøre Parlamentet til en politisk kraft.
Uncertainty as to the results of a conference on fundamentals, futility and injustice of an additional compromise, how are we to find the new way for Europe which is so obviously necessary ?
Eisma (NI). — (NL) Hr. formand, jeg vil gerne begynde med at komplimentere det franske formand skab.
Mr Eisma (NI). — (NL) Mr President, I should like to begin by complimenting the French Presidency.
Efter vor mening arbejdes der af det franske formandskab hårdt på en europæisk løsning af problemerne.
In our opinion, the French Presidency is putting a great deal of effort into finding a pro-European approach to the problem.
Derimod kan jeg ikke sige, at hr. Cheysson har fortalt Parlamentet meget nyt her i eftermiddag.
On the other hand, I cannot say that very much of what Mr Cheysson told Parliament this morning was new.
Det var snarere en opsummering og en analyse af de problemer, vi allerede kender.
It was more of a summary and analysis of the problems, of which we are all aware.
Det viser sig nemlig, at Parlamentet overhovedet ingen indflydelse har på beslutningsprocessen der.
The European idea has suffered a severe setback at Brussels.
Men forslagene, sådan som de behandles af et topmøde mellem stats- og regerings chefer, kender vi ikke på forhånd som Parlament, lad det så være, at vi kan øve indflydelse derpå.
Tomorrow will be less than ever like yesterday, but tomorrow European union will be more necessary than ever.
Det er institutionelt set en meget udemokratisk tingenes gang.
What would have been done — it is a question which may be asked — under similar circumstances by men like Konrad Adenauer or General de Gaulle ?
Hertil kommer, at aftalen om kontrol med budgettet alvorligt truer med at anfægte Parlamentets budgetbeføjelser. Det at et forudgående budget samråd mellem institutionerne ikke overtager Kommissionens forslag, er i denne forbindelse skriften på væggen.
What can be said is that they would not have sought refuge in compromises or legal powers, but would have searched together for the new way which will have to reunite Europe tomorrow, for it is a question not only of preventing its decline but also of safeguarding its freedom !
Det går godt med Europa.
(Applause from the right)
Esprit-programmet er vedtaget, Ariane og Airbus er nævnt, standardisering af de tolv største europæiske datamatikindustrier er bragt i stand, og på den sidste samling i Rådet af transportministre har man truffet afgørelse om forenkling af grænseformaliteterne.
Things are looking up for Europe. The Esprit programme has been approved, the Ariane and Airbus projects have been mentioned, the standardization of systems used by the twelve largest European computer companies has been introduced, and at the last meeting of the Council of Transport Ministers it was decided to simplify frontier formalities.
Endnu vigtigere mener jeg, at det er, at der er opnået principielle aftaler om forhøjelse af momsloftet til 1,6 % i 1988, og at vigtige dele af landbrugspolitikken er vedtaget, såsom begrænsning af mælkeproduktionen, nedsættelse af priserne på en lang række landbrugsvarer og afvikling af de monetære udligningsbeløb.
What is more important, I find, is that agreements in principle have been reached on an increase in the VAT ceiling to 1,6% in 1988 and that approval has been given on major aspects of the agricultural policy, such as the limit on milk production, the lowering of the prices of a large number of agricultural products and the dismantling of monetary compensatory amounts.
Det er også tilfredsstillende, at det franske formandskab har sat sig for at lade beslutningsprocessen i Rådet ske ved flertalsafstemning.
We are also pleased to see that the French Presidency has undertaken to introduce majority voting in the Council of Ministers.
Alt i alt går det således godt med Europa.
All in all, then, things are looking up for Europe.
Vi står tilbage med et problem i anledning af de euro pæiske topmøder siden Stuttgart.
Mr Pannella (CDI). — (FR) I have only two minutes, Mr President, in which to say how happy I am to see the Minister for External Relations, Mr Claude Cheysson, here.
Hvilken form for Fællesskab ønsker vi? Det er det grundlæggende spørgsmål.
I am pleased that he has returned to us in that capacity.
Alligevel eksisterer der endnu to vigtige problemer.
And yet there are still two major problems.
Vi er tilstrækkeligt realistiske til at erkende dette.
We are realistic enough to realize that.
Det drejer sig om Irlands og Det forenede Kongeriges holdning.
They concern the posi tion of Ireland and the United Kingdom.
Parlamentet kan ikke øve nogen direkte indflydelse på Rådet. Men vore irske og britiske kolleger kan øve pres mod deres egne ministre.
This Parliament cannot exercise any direct influence on the Council of Ministers, but our Irish and British colleagues can bring pressure to bear on their own Ministers.
Europa-Parlamentets forhandlinger
It is time the United Kingdom showed that it wants to be a genuine member of the European Community.
Selv om formanden for Kommissionen mener, at denne forhøjelse er utilstrækkelig, var den dog et resultat.
The British must not hold up decisions by continuing to insist on the repayment of a few hundreds of millions of guilders to their Govern ment.
Hvis jeg tillader mig at begynde dette indlæg med at erindre herom, er det fordi jeg altid i særlig grad har været slået af den måde, hvor på lande som Kina betragter Fællesskabet.
If I preface my speech with this reminder, it is because I have always been struck particularly with the regard which coun tries like China have for our Community.
Hvad siger de kinesiske myndigheder?
What do the Chinese authorities say ?
At Europa er stærkt, at Europa er en stormagt, at kun Fællesskabet er i stand til at stille sig imellem og skabe modvægt til USSRs og USAs magt. At Europa herved er den sikreste garant for verdens freden.
That Europe is strong, that Europe is a great power, that only the Community is capable of standing between and counterbalancing the power of the USSR and the United States.
Det er opmuntrende ord, det er styrkende ord, det er ord, som vi er lidet vant til at høre, for det forekommer mig, at vi i vore lande desværre som oftest er vant til at høre pessimistiske ord, kritik over for Europa.
Those are comforting words, they are stimulating words, they are words which we are not used to hearing, for it seems to me that in our own countries we unfortunately very often have the habit of listening to pessimistic words, critical of Europe.
Jeg skal ikke søge ansvaret for denne tingenes tilstand, det ligger mange steder.
The subway in New York incurs greater losses every day than the amount Mrs Thatcher believes she has a right to.
Men jeg konstaterer, og jeg mener, at vi selv som parlamentarikere ofte har tendens til at reducere Fællesskabet til forvaltningsspørgsmål, spørgsmål om småpenge, mere eller mindre forsvarlige nationale interesser, idet vi måske glemmer, at vi alle tilsammen kunne være en meget stor magt.
Our British Conservative colleagues, who I know to be reasonable people, must persuade their Prime Minister to think about other things, particu larly because there is so much at stake for Europe.
Tilbage stod det britiske bidrag, og jeg beklager stærkt, at det ikke er lykkedes gennem de betydelige bestræbelser, som de ansvarlige fra ni andre lande gjorde, at tilfredsstille fru Thatcher, hvad sir Henry Plumb så end siger.
But I find and I think that we as members of Parliament tend to reduce the Community to problems of supply, of greater or lesser amounts, of more or less defensible national interests forgetting perhaps that together we could be a very great power.
Hun krævede mere, og det medførte fiaskoen, selv om man havde håbet at nå til et positivt resultat.
When we talk about the results achieved at the summit conference, we cannot disregard the question of Parliament's influence, since it is clear that this Parliament had no influence at all on the decisions taken.
Det er også for let at sige, at forhandlingerne førtes dårligt af udenrigsministrene, således som jeg hørte det for lidt siden.
As a rule, we deliver opinions on Commission proposals, which are then considered in the Council — or not considered but that is another matter.
Under disse betingelser går problemet ud over det tekniske stadium; det bliver politisk, og vi må spørge os selv, om alle parters politiske vilje vil være tilstrækkelig til at gøre det muligt at løse disse problemer.
But we do not know of the proposals discussed at a summit meeting of the Heads of State or Government, let alone have any influence on them. In institutional terms, that is a very undemocratic way of doing things.
I de tre år, jeg har været parlamentsmedlem, har jeg konstateret to modstridende tendenser.
In the three years that I have been a member of Parliament I have noticed two contradictory trends.
På den ene side en vis stigende national egoisme, der giver sig udtryk i et undertiden overdrevent forsvar for korporatistiske interesser og ligeledes i afledningen af fællesskabsinstansemes opmærksomhed fra emnet, det gælder især Parlamentet, som nogle forsøger at omforme til krigsmaskine imod deres eget land og deres egen regering. Alt dette er imidlertid ødelæggende for den europæiske ånd, og det ville være meget farligt, hvis dette udvikler sig.
On the one hand there is the rise of certain national egotisms, which find their expression in a sometimes excessive defence of corporate interests and, similarly, in the circumvention of the objects of Community institutions, particularly of Parliament, which certain people are trying to change into a weapon of war against their own countries and their own governments.
Alligevel fore kommer det mig ligeledes indlysende, at den europæiske bevidstgørelse er åbenbar, og jeg forstår herved, at vi alle synes overbeviste om en række realiteter eller nogle få enkle ideer.
Nevertheless it seems to me equally evident that there is a manifest awareness of Europe, by which I mean that we all seem to be convinced of a certain number of facts and of some simple ideas.
F.eks. om, at kun et samlet og solidarisk Fællesskab er i stand til at imødegå den nuværende økonomiske krise; at kun et samlet og solidarisk Fællesskab kan blive en industrimagi; at det alene giver vore virksomheder et tilstrækkeligt marked; at det alene er i stand til at gøre sig de forskningsbestræbelser, der er nødvendige i øjeblik ket.
For example, that only a responsible and united Community can become an industrial power ; that it alone provides an adequate market for our enterprises ; that it alone is capable of the outlay on research which is needed at the present time.
At Fællesskabet derfor ikke må forsvinde, for det ville også medføre at de lande, der udgør det, til en vis grad forsvinder.
That the Community cannot therefore disappear, because that would entail a degree of disappearance on the part of the countries of which it is composed.
Da jeg ikke er tilhænger af verbale udskejelser, taler jeg ikke om evigheden.
What kind of Community do we want ?
Når det er sagt, må det igen siges, således som mine kolleger allerede har sagt det, at det er nødvendigt hurtigt at redde Fællesskabet, at det er uomgængeligt nødvendigt, og at man ikke kan vente.
Italy too should be involved in these consultations, so that the old Six can again take the lead in the Community.
Det forekommer mig faktisk for let at sige, at intet er gjort for at gøre indtryk af veltalenhed.
We accept this system, provided action is also taken to enable those who lag behind to catch up with the others.
Er det nødvendigt at erindre om, at man i Bruxelles havde opnået aftaler, især landbrugsaftaler om de monetære udligningsbeløb, om mælkeoverskuddene, om udvidelsen?
That will prevent the Community from being permanently split in two.
Spørgsmålet om egne indtægter rejstes ligeledes, De Ti var enige om kontrol med budgettet, om kontrol med landbrugsudgifterne.
This is not defeatism. Nor is it defeatism to say that the United Kingdom must sit in the waiting room for a while until the British have decided for themselves what they really want with Europe.
Men for at vi skal kunne nå frem til, hvad jeg ville kalde en mere konstruktiv fase, er det nødvendigt, at de forudgående problemer løses.
That said, it has to be said again, as my colleagues have already said, that the Community has to be saved quickly, that it is imperative and will not wait.
Derfor vil jeg til sidst sige, at hvis vi skal være vidner til et ekstraordinært fremskyndet europæisk topmøde, tror jeg, at vi alle kan rette en appel til medlemslandenes ti rege ringer — og især til den britiske regering — om i Europas interesse at blive enige, idet de, ifølge
I think that we are all in agreement on that point and that the efforts made by the French presidency since the Athens summit demonstrate the importance which
Desouches formanden for Rådets udtryk, sammenligner indsatsens størrelse med stridens lidenhed.
Desouches these objectives are those of the French presidency, that this is the direction which its action will take, and I place my full confidence in it.
Det er her, kære kolleger, at det synes mig, at vort største ansvar ligger!
But in order for us to reach what I might call a more constructive phase, the preliminary problems have to be resolved.
Hvis vi ikke ønsker, at vor ungdom skal lade sig forføre af nationalismens eller neutralismens fristelser, så lad os lade deres tillid til Europa leve eller blive genoplivet.
That is why, in conclusion, if there is to be an early special European summit, I think we can all call upon the ten governments of the member countries — and on the British government in particular — and ask them to reach agreement in the interests of Europe by comparing, in the words of the President of the Council, the size of the stake and the thin ness of the dispute.
Lad os allerede nu ophøre med at præsentere dem for billedet af et Fællesskab — hr. Barbi, formanden for det europæiske folkepartis gruppe, sagde det for lidt siden — at et Fællesskab, der er ramt af lammelse og ude af stand til at træffe afgørelser.
The problem of own resources was also raised, the Ten were in agreement on budgetary discipline, on the control of agricultural spending. In the same way they were in agreement with the increase in VAT which is to rise to 1.4% on 1 January 1986.
Pflimlin (PPE). — (FR) Hr. formand, kære kolleger, den 16. januar i år ønskede jeg efter at have hørt hr. Cheyssons redegørelse, det franske formandskab held og lykke.
Mr Pflimlin (PPE). — (FR) Mr President, colleagues, on January 16 last, after listening to Mr Cheysson's speech I wished the French presidency luck.
Nu er vi allerede halvvejs igennem.
Here wc are, halfway through it.
Man kan ikke sige, at spillet allerede nu er tabt, men man må nok erkende, at det ikke er vundet, trods det franske formandskabs bestræbelser.
It cannot be said at this point that the game is lost, but it has to be recognized that it is not won, in spite of the efforts made by the French presidency.
Jeg tror, at man for at være objektiv må erkende det: Europas krise er ikke overvundet.
I think in all honesty it has to be recognised : the crisis in Europe has not been surmounted.