natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
For det første genoprettelse af det suveræne Libanon, og derfor må anden fase af forsoningskonferencen i Genève i gang, for libaneserne må selv afgøre det. For det andet må man med hensyn til det palæstinensiske problem dog forsøge at få indledt jordansk/ palæstinensisk/israelske kontrakter.
Firstly, Lebanon must again become a sovereign State, which means starting the second phase of the reconciliation conference in Geneva, because it is for the Lebanese themselves to do this, and secondly, in the Palestinian question, attempts must be made to get the Jordanians, Palestinians and Israelis to make contact.
Kong Husseins besøg i Parlamentet kan også bruges hertil.
King Hussein's visit to Parliament can be used to this end.
Europæisk protektionisme fører til amerikanske modforholdsregler.
European protectionism is prompting American countermeasures.
Og forviklingerne på sikkerhedsområdet med hensyn til mellemdistanceraketterne skaber et forvirrende billede i USA. Det vil nemlig så være anden gang — første gang drejede det sig om neutrongranaten — at Europa bagefter skaber vanskeligheder med hensyn til et våben, som det i første instans selv har bedt om.
And the complications in the field of security as regards intermediate-range missiles is causing confusion in the United States, because this would be the second time — the first time, it was because of the neutron bomb — that Europe had subsequently caused diffi culties regarding a weapon for which it itself had initially asked.
Og det er at bede om vanskeligheder.
And that is asking for trouble.
Kongens besøg kommer på et vigtigt tidspunkt. Jeg tænker i den forbindelse ikke blot på den kendsgerning, at vi i øjeblikket også har Knesset-delegationen iblandt os.
It is always a good idea, Mr President, when any political difficulty arises, to have in your mind as clear a picture of what is actually involved.
For hundrede og syttende gang hænger freden i Mellemøsten i en tynd tråd.
And then you see Sir Geoffrey Howe, Mr Genscher, Mr Cheysson, Mr Andreotti, Mr Tindemans and Mr Van den Broek sitting down together in Athens.
Kongen har i et interview i USA udtalt sig pessimistisk.
They have their Community hats on and cannot agree.
Måske ikke nu med det samme, men bestemt igen en gang i fremtiden.
Two days later they meet again at NATO in Brussels wearing their NATO hats.
Og for det andet må hans besøg for Europa-Parlamentet være en ny anledning til endnu
Is it then really logical and reasonable to claim that this change of hats created a completely a
Og så ser man i Athen de herrer Howe, Genscher, Cheysson, Andreotti, Tindemans og Van den Broek forsamlet.
For the umpteenth time peace in the Middle East is hanging by a thread.
De har en EF-kasket på og bliver ikke enige.
In an interview in the United States the King said he was pessimistic.
To dage senere mødes man i Bruxelles i NATO med en NATO-kasket på.
He did not think he had a major role to play.
Er det så virkelig logisk og rimeligt at gå ud fra, at den ombytning af hattene har skabt en fuldstændig ny situation?
He knew his limitations, but his visit is nonetheless very important for two reasons.
Naturligvis ikke, noget sådant giver
Firstly, it is well to remember that, despite the enormous problems in Lebanon, the main issue in the Middle East is still the Palestinian question, and the King has a role to play here.
Penders en gang at tænke over Europas rolle og opgave med hensyn til problemerne i Mellemøsten og ligeledes over vore interesser, Europas interesser der.
Perhaps not straight away, but certainly in the future. And secondly, his visit to the European Parliament must prompt some rethinking about Europe's place and task where the problems in the Middle East are concerned and also about our interests, Europe's interests in that part of the world.
Også for Europa gælder, at en samlet løsning i Mellemøsten forudsætter en løsning på det palæstinensiske problem med garanti for Israels sikkerhed.
Europe too believes that a comprehensive solution in the Middle East must include the settlement of the Palestinian question and guarantees for Israel's security.
For det tredje må der ikke indgås nøgen aftale uden om Syrien, for det går simpelt hen ikke.
And thirdly, there can be no settlement that excludes Syria, because it would simply fail.
Syriens inddragelse på det rigtige tidspunkt og i det rigtige omfang er nødvendig, for at der kan komme gang i tilbagetrækningen af alle udenlandske tropper fra Libanon, hvordan det end sker.
The adequate and well timed involvement of Syria is necessary if there is to be any prospect of all foreign troops being with drawn from Lebanon.
Syrien har legitime interesser i området, Israel for øvrigt i lige så høj grad, og i betragtning heraf ville det være vanvittigt på dette tidspunkt at gå ind for tilbagetrækning af de internationale fredstropper fra Libanon.
Syria has legitimate interests in the region, so has Israel, and it would therefore be madness to call for the withdrawal of the multilateral peacekeeping force from Lebanon at this time.
bør virke for en almindelig bevidstgørelse af alvoren, idet man begynder ved sig selv, af deri dramatiske alvor vag alle de store problemer, som plager verden af i dag, en bekræftelse af den overbevisning, at vi alle er i samme båd, og at vi enten redder os alle, eller også styrer vi alle mod katastrofen.
of Washington and Moscow being on an increasingly clear collision course. Europe can still contribute its words of equilibrium and wisdom ; it can and must play its part in re-starting the dialogue, just as it can and must work for a general recognition of the terrible seriousness of all the great problems that beset the world today, and for a revival of the conviction that we are all in the same boat and, therefore, either we shall all be saved, or we shall all go down together.
Dette så nødvendige ord kom desværre ikke fra Athen på grund af nederlaget for topmødet.
These words, which are so necessary, were unfortunately not forthcoming at Athens, because of the failure of that summit.
Men dette ord er stadig nødvendigt.
But they are still necessary.
Jeg ved ikke, om regeringerne i de kommende måneder fortsat vil vise sig ude af stand til at sige det, eller om samvittigheden vender tilbage.
I do not know whether, in the coming months, the various governments will 'continue to prove unable to say them, or whether their awareness will return.
Det er klart, at det i alle tilfælde bør være Europas befolkninger, der siger det med klarhed og med styrke ved valget i juni næste år.
In any case, it is clear that the peoples of Europe will have to say them, clearly and forcibly, in next June's election.
Ud fra denne folkets stemme vil man ad nye veje kunne genoptage processen med økonomisk integration og politisk enhed i Europa.
From the vote of the people it will then be possible for this Europe of ours to resume, along new lines, the process of economic integration and political unity.
(Bifald fra gruppen af kommunister og beslægtede)
(Applause from the Communist and Allies
Segre (COM). — (IT) Hr. formand, der er et punkt i rådsformandens erklæring, som uden videre er centralt i forhold til alle de øvrige, nemlig kravet om, at man gør sig enhver mulig bestræbelse for at genoprette et klima af samarbejde og tillid i øst-vestforbindelserne.
Mr Segre (COM). — (IT) Mr President, there is one point in the statement by the President of the Council that is undoubtedly central to all the others, and that is the need for every effort to be made to restore a climate of cooperation and trust in East-West relations.
En opgave, der bestemt i første række tilkommer regeringerne, men som også — og ikke i mindre grad — inddrager de store politiske, kulturelle og sociale kræfter.
But the problem remains. We have tried, both here in the European Parliament and in the Chamber of Deputies in Italy, in our debates last month, to see whether there was still any margin — however small — for negotiation.
Schmid (S). — (DE) Hr. formand, mine damer og herrer, rådsformanden har aflagt beretning om det europæiske politiske samarbejde: om det, der har fundet sted, eller rettere, sagt fremfor alt om det, der ikke har fundet sted.
Mr Schmid (S). — (DE) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, the President-in-Office of the Council has reported on European political cooperation : on what happened or rather, mainly on what did not happen.
Sandheden er: de europæiske stater har kunnet øge deres udenrigspolitiske vægt i verden i de seneste år via det udenrigspolitiske samar bejde.
It is true that in recent years the European States have managed to strengthen their foreign policy influence in the world through the instrument of cooperation in foreign policy.
Men de opnåede fremskridt er ikke tilstrækkelige.
But the progress made is not enough.
Dette er på et område, som rådsformanden selv har betegnet som særlig vigtigt — nemlig mellemøstpolitikken — særlig tydeligt og mærkbart, for alt for ofte overlader man der spillet til stormagterne.
That is especially clear and obvious in an area which the President of the Council himself described as of special importance, the area of Middle East policy, for much too often this field is left to the superpowers.
Før topmødet i Athen var der jo den flotte erklæring om en ny mellemøstpolitik.
Before the Athens Summit we heard the grand announcement of a new Middle East policy.
Det europæiske Råd fore kommer mig som en bilist, der i tomgang giver bilen gas.
For me the European Council is like a motorist who accelerates in neutral without putting his car in gear.
Det laver en helvedes larm, men intet bevæger sig.
There is a dreadful noise, but nothing happens.
Her forholder det sig helt på samme måde: flotte erklæringer, men det der skal besluttes, forsvinder i striden om EFs finanser og malkekøer.
The situation here is very similar : grand statements, but the issues at stake disappear in the morass of haggling about EEC finances and milch cows.
Således kan man ikke føre udenrigspolitik.
That is not the way to make foreign policy.
Parlamentet har allerede i januar krævet nye initiativer nedrørende EFs mellemøstpolitik.
In January this Parliament already called for new initiatives for the Community's Middle East policy.
Medens Jordan og PLO i de følgende måneder nærmede sig hinanden og forsøgte at finde støtte for ideen om en palæstinensisk-jordansk konfederation i hele verden, forholdt det daværende formandskab for Det europæiske Fællesskab sig passivt.
In the months that followed, Jordan and the PLO came closer together and sought worldwide support for the idea of a Palestinian-Jordanian Confederation, but the then presidency of the European Community did nothing.
Det undrer mig heller ikke: den, der på dette område kun har den tyskisraelske problematik på den ene side og en mulig panserforretning med Saudi-Arabien på den anden side i hovedet, kan ikke udrette noget i vort Fælles skab for at sige et rent ud.
Nor does that surprise me. Anyone who can think in this context only of the German-Israeli problem on the one hand and a possible tank deal with Saudi Arabia on the other will not achieve anything in this Community of ours, to speak plainly.
Dette forholder sig især således, når en selvstændig holdning over for De forenede Stater kommer næst efter arvesynden.
That is especially true if the original sin is immediately followed by the adoption of an independent position vis-à-vis the United States of America.
Der kan sikkert udformes og udvikles andre hypoteser.
It is undoubtedly possible to put forward other proposals as a basis for negotiation.
Hr. formand, det vigtige er, at man ikke re signerer i et stadig mere markeret stock-car-løb mellem Washington og Moskva.
The important thing, Mr President, is not to resign ourselves to the inevitability
De har entydigt taget parti; der er ingen vaklen og spidsfindige udlægninger.
The US has openly taken sides ; there can be no two ways about it.
Hr. Penders fra de kristlige demokrater har jo ligeledes beskrevet dette for få minutter siden.
Mr Penders of the Christian Democrats referred to this a few minutes ago too.
Jeg går ud fra, at vi ikke skal strides om denne vurdering i Parlamentet.
I am assuming that no-one in this House will quarrel with this assessment.
helt anderledes tone sniger sig ind. Der var f.eks. præsident Mitterrand, som kom tilbage fra topmødet formelig munter og sagde, at det slet ikke stod så slemt til alligevel.
The Arab camp had some doubts about the role of the United States of America in the past too and not without reason the Arab States kept calling for a stronger European commitment.
Der har også tidligere i den arabiske lejr været tvivl om De forenede Staters rolle, og ikke uden grund har man netop fra de arabiske staters side tidligere altid hørt kravet om et stærkere europæisk engagement. Men der var også vigtige stater som Saudi-Arabien, Jordan, Egypten, der ville være og var parate til et samarbejde med De forenede Stater.
Mrs Castle (S). — Mr President, what interests me about the Athens Summit is how quickly some of our political leaders have become relaxed about its consequences.
Det har jo især Egypten bevist i forbindelse med Camp David-aftalen.
We have Mrs Thatcher telling the House of Commons in her report : 'I doubt whether the common market will be in real financial difficulties until the autumn'.
Hvorfor nu denne ændrede tone? I Stuttgart i juni var det hele krise.
Now why this change of tone ?
Nu i december er der pludselig ingen krise.
Now in December suddenly there is no crisis.
Jeg tror, at grunden er, at efter at der var arbejdet et halvt år med at undersøge virkelig detaljerede forslag, løb medlemsstaterne fra dem, og nu har de sat uret i stå, og de håber, at de ved at trække det ud over de kommende måneder og hutle sig igennem til sidst vil få Europas befolkning og Parlamentet til at være villige til at acceptere en ynkelig, rodet kompromisløsning, som ikke når ned til rødderne af nogen af Fællesskabets fundamentale problemer.
I believe the reason is that having worked for six months looking at really detailed proposals for fundamental change, the Member States ran away from them and now they have stopped the clock and they are hoping that by dragging it out over the coming months and muddling through they will even tually get the people of Europe and this Parliament willing to accept a miserable, muddled, compromise package which will not get to the roots of any of the fundamental difficulties of the Community.
Planen om nedsattelse af en fælles amerikansk israelsk arbejdsgruppe, om et snævert politisk og militært samarbejde lige til planlægning af fælles militær manøvrer berøver nu også den godvillige iagttager, for så vidt angår De forenede Stater, det sidste skær af neutralitet.
Looking at the plan to set up a joint American-Israeli working party for close political and military cooperation and even for planning joint military manoeuvres, even the well-disposed observer realizes that as far as the United States is concerned, there is not even a semblance of neutrality.
Reaktionerne er de samme fra de arabiske stater.
The Arab States reacted accordingly.
Den egyptiske statspræsident kaldte den 3. december ifølge radio Cairo aftalen for en hindring på fredens vej.
On 3 December, speaking on Radio Cairo, the Egyptian President described the agreement as an obstacle on the road to peace.
Desuden sagde han, at De forenede Stater skulle være mæglere og ikke begunstige den ene side. Kong Hussein, der jo kommer til Parlamentet på torsdag, har den 2. december afgivet en lignende erklæring i radio Amman.
He also said the United States should act as arbitrators and not favour one side, King Hussein, who will be coming to this Parliament on Thursday, made a similar statement on Radio Amman on 2 December.
Eftersom kongen kommer her, citerer jeg også herfra: Vi betragter denne aftale som en slags belønning til Israel for afvisningen af præsident Reagans fredsinitiativ i Mellemøsten, for hans ekspansionistiske besættelsespolitik i de besatte områder og for den fortsatte tilstedeværelse af hans invasionstropper i det sydlige Libanon.
Since the King will be coming here, I shall also quote the following state ment : 'We regard this agreement as a kind of reward to Israel for rejecting President Reagan's Middle East peace initiative, for its expansionist settlement policy in the occupied areas and for the continued presence of its invasion forces in Southern Lebanon.'
De saudiarabiske rekationer faldt ud på samme måde.
The reaction of the Saudi Arabians was similar.
Alt dette kræver mere end nogen sinde før en fælles europæisk mellemøstpolitik, som vi desværre ikke har.
In view of all this, we need a coherent European Middle East policy more than ever now, and unfortunately we do not have one.
Jeg vil gerne have, at vi gør os én ting klar fra starten.
I want us to get one thing clear at the outset.
At man ikke nåede til enighed om et af disse fundamentale problemer, nemlig den uretfærdige metode til finansiering af Fællesskabet, var bestemt ikke den britiske regerings skyld.
The failure to reach agreement on one of those fundamental problems, namely the unfair method of financing the Community, was certainly not the fault of the British Government.
Faktisk var det præsident Mitterrand, som tilbød fru Thatcher, endnu en ad hoc-løsning i endnu et par år.
Indeed, it was President Mitterrand who offered Mrs Thatcher another ad hoc solution for another year or two.
Og derfor vil det være aldeles utåleligt, hvis Parlamentet skulle stemme for at opføre tilbagebetalingen til Det forenede Konge rige i kapitel 100 i budgettet.
And so it would be absolutely intolerable if this Parliament were to vote to put the United Kingdom rebate in Chapter 100 of the budget.
Jeg er forbløffet over, at det er blevet så meget som foreslået.
I am astonished it has even been suggested.
Det ville være det samme som at straffe offeret og ikke forbryderen.
That would be like punishing the victim and not the criminal.
Jeg agter i hvert fald ikke at stemme for noget budget, som opfører tilbagebetalingen til Det fore nede Kongerige i kapitel 100.
I certainly would not vote for any budget which put the UK rebate in Chapter 100.
Faktisk mener jeg, at fru Thatcher er alt for beskeden.
In fact, I believe Mrs Thatcher is being far too modest.
Øjensynligt gik hun med til en tilbagebetaling til Storbritannien på 450 mio i Stuttgart i år.
Apparently she agreed to a rebate for Britain of 450 million at Stuttgart this year.
Alligevel er det gennem finansministerielle udregninger i Storbritannien blevet klart, at Storbritanniens valutatab sidste år på grund af EF-medlemskabet var halvanden miliard pund.
Yet with the help of Treasury calculations in Britain, it has become clear that Britain's foreign exchange loss last year as a result of Community membership was one and a half billion pounds.
Det bliver sandsynligvis mere i år.
It is likely to be more this year.
Så en tilbagebetaling på 450 mio ville stadig være ensbetydende med, at vi var 900 mio pund sterling dårligere stillet end før vort medlemskab.
So a rebate of 450 would still leave us 900 million pounds sterling worse off than before we joined.
Det vil jeg blot lige minde Parlamentet om.
I would just remind Parliament of this.
Denne umådelige nettobetaling skal lægges oven i den kendsgerning, at Storbritannien har en negativ handelsbalance over for Det europæiske Fællesskab på over 1,4 milliarder pund sterling.
In conclusion, Mr President, may I make one more remark : the Ten should also adopt a common approach because, as we all know, European States also form part of the multinational peacekeeping force in Lebanon.
Mens Tyskland, som jeg fuldt erkender også er en stor bidragyder, har en positiv handelsbalance på 5 mia pund, er vor negative handelsbalance en direkte følge af, at vi har sluttet os til Fællesskabet.
The 4 December American fighter bomber attack on Syrian anti-aircraft bases 25 km north of Beirut, i.e., far away from the Marines based there, had nothing to do with the self-defence of the peacekeeping force.
Så medlemskab er for Stor britannien under de nuværende betingelser blevet økonomisk katastrofalt.
Here the United States are deliberately escalating the conflict with Syria, well aware that 6 000 Soviet military advisors are operating in that country.
Det må man se i øjnene, hvis der skal ske nogen form for grundlæggende reform noget sted.
It cannot be in our interest to see that
Det må da være et princip, som Fællesskabet burde acceptere.
For he left us, I believe, in no doubt this morning that Europe is in deep crisis.
Folk har mistet troen på Europa.
'Oh', they say, 'we don't believe in juste retour.'
Vi er alle ved at trække os tilbage i mere åbenlyse former for økonomisk nationalisme.
What we are asking for is juste répartition des charges et des bénéfices.
Vore problemer hidrører fra vor manglende evne til at skabe overnationale europæiske institutioner og markeder og ikke fra nogen form for held i den retning.
Following him, President Thorn reinforced the analysis by stating that the real cause of failure in Athens was a lack of agreement on the real meaning of the Community and that this failure was a group failure rather than the sole responsibility of any single Member State.
Jeg mener ikke, at det er nok, at fru Thatcher siger, at hun ikke vil gå med til at forhøje Fællesskabets egne indtægter før og medmindre visse ændringer, heriblandt ændringen af Fællesskabets finansieringsmetode, er foretaget.
I believe it is not enough for Mrs Thatcher to say that she won't agree to increase the own resources of the Community until and unless certain changes, including the change in the method of financing the Community, have been made.
Jeg mener, at tiden nu er inde til handling.
I believe that the time for action is now.
Jeg mener, at Storbritannien står særdeles stærkt med hensyn til at kunne være med til at redde Fællesskabet.
I believe Britain is in a particularly strong position to help save this Community.
Vi er trods alt Fællesskabets bank.
After all, we are the Community's bankers.
Det er de overskydende penge fra os, som skal finansiere overskuddene fra den fælles landbrugspolitik, og hvis vi gerne vil reformere den fælles land brugspolitik, som vi alle taler om, må vi hellere begynde at fjerne nogle af disse indtægter, ikke — især eftersom de ikke burde være kommet fra os til at begynde med?
It is the excess money coming from us that is going to finance the common agricultural policy surpluses and if we want to reform the common agricultural policy that we all talk about, we had better start withdrawing some of those resources, hadn't we — particularly as they ought not to have come from us in the first place ?
Det, jeg synes, fru Thatcher skulle gøre, var at begynde nu.
What I believe Mrs Thatcher should do is to start now.
Ikke mere snak, lad os se handling!
No more words, let us have some deeds !
Hun bør sige, at hun fra sin nuværende bruttobetaling til Fællesskabet på 200 mio pund om måneden, hvilket netto er 100 mio, vil fratrække tilstrækkeligt til at nedbringe vort nettobidrag til de 275 mio pund, hun i Athen sagde, at det var rimeligt, at vi betalte.
Let her announce that from her current gross payment into the Community of 200 million pounds a month, which is net 100 million, she will subtract the payments sufficient to reduce our net contribution to the 275 million pounds she said in Athens it was fair for us to pay.
På den måde kan vi virkelig få Fælles skabets hjerner til at koncentrere sig.
In this way we can really concentrate the minds of the Community.
Vi ville så være tvunget til at se de reformer i øjnene, som er"så påkrævede.
We should have then to face up to the reforms that are so necessary.
Jeg håber, at mit land vil opvise det leder skab, som ikke kom fra mødet i Athen for kort tid siden.
I hope my country will give the leadership which has not come from the meeting at Athens a short while ago.