natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Jeg har den opfattelse, at danske vælgeres synspunkter i langt højere grad deles af vælgere i de andre nordiske lande, end de deles af de i øvrigt udmærkede folk, vi nu er kommet i familie med.
It also falls outside the scope of the Treaty in the sense that unanimity is required if progress is to be made.
Det ville være af betydning for os at vide præcist, hvor langt den danske enighed går, og i hvilke spørgsmål danskerne ville tillade sig at have et selvstændigt synspunkt.
It is not really producing any results and this is perhaps in some part due to a lack of cooperation or willingness to cooperate on the part of some of the institutions of which the Community consists, This lack of constructive activity has led to what we currently refer to as a crisis.
Noget sådant kan vi jo kun få at vide, dersom udenrigsministeren kan underrette offentligheden om det.
In fact, we talk about crises in several areas. For example, we talk about an economic crisis — and quite rightly — unless we intend to accept on a permanent basis that our part of the world has become poorer.
Man kan heraf uddrage noget, der er af stor betydning for den fortsatte nord-syd dialog, nemlig at landene klarer sig bedst, når de er åbne over for samhandel, når de opmuntrer eksport, og når de opmuntrer foretagsomhed.
I should like to say that, as I personally see it, we have, as it were, come to a crossroads and either we slide back down the hill and continue heading into critical crisis situations or we take the other road and try really to get to grips with our problems and solve them.
Hvornår vil Kommissionen f.eks. gøre mere for at hjælpe udviklingslandene, så de kan nyde godt af de færdigheder, den teknologi og de investeringer, som forefindes i erhvervslivet i Fællesskabet?
It is not enough to adopt resolutions which are not followed up by the Council — for example, the one we adopted last September concerning cooperation between the oil-producing countries and the countries of Western Europe and which could perhaps provide a solution.
Dette ville have større virkninger på lang sigt end fødevarehjælpen, som vi på nuværende tidspunkt koncentrerer os om.
As long as those responsible for the decisionmaking in our institutions do not take up this resolution, nothing will come of this and there will be disappointment in store for us.
Disse forsøg virker krampagtige og gør ikke noget godt indtryk i mit land.
However, we must not give in to frustration.
Men som jeg indledningsvis sagde: jeg har inted imod, at ministre taler sammen, blot de må have lov til at fortælle os, hvad de taler om.
So much is said about this Parliament being frustrated but I would say that the answer to frustration is patience. We must bide our time.
Nord-syd problemer er selvfølgelig skræmmende.
You, Mr President, represent a Member State which is constantly in a state of political crisis.
Få mennesker kan se i øjnene, at der er 700 mio. mennesker, som lever i »fuldstændig fattigdom«, som det så iskoldt udtrykkes, uden at få den følelse af moralsk og praktisk pres, som Parlamentet så rigtigt har givet udtryk for fra tid til anden.
In Denmark, we have no political stability either and in the mere 2v2 years this Parliament has existed, virtually every single Member State has been faced with political crises and has had difficulties in establishing a stable working majority.
Vi støtter naturligvis globale forhandlinger, men de må ikke afholde Fællesskabet fra på nuværende tidspunkt at forøge sin praktiske, direkte indsats for at hjælpe fremskridtet i verdens fattigere lande.
It is important, therefore, that we should also come to terms with the political problems in this Assembly and not brush the political problems aside in favour of the economic questions, since we will not make any progress in combating unemployment on a lasting basis unless we manage to establish political stability and unless this Assembly and our institutions can give us a political stability which we can count on as being in the interests of Europe and which can form the basis for an economic policy in the interests of our citizens.
Formanden. — Fru Boserup har ordet.
President. — I call Mr Segre.
Men nu skal vi ikke fortryde, men handle, så meget mere som nutiden stiller krav til os af alle de grunde, som hr. Jaquet har nævnt i sin glimrende tale.
There are many of us, I think, who will be still more optimistic when we come to hear what both Mr Genscher and Mr Colombo have to say about the future of political cooperation tomorrow morning.
Europa må derfor nu eller aldrig i fælles skab nøje vurdere de problemer og de trusler, som lurer, og forsøge af al magt at imødegå farerne. Vi må derfor sige ja til det politiske samarbejde, mere politisk samarbejde!
But let us leave the subject separate, even if this separation does not convince us either from the viewpoint of formal logic or, even less, from that a political logic.
Danmark har en lang tradition for diplomatiske, udenrigspolitiske skridt i samarbejde med de øvrige nordiske lande.
I am well aware that there are many people — not least in my own country — who feel that this Community should not be involved in political cooperation in any way whatsoever.
Det vil være et brud på en meget lang tradition, hvis Danmark ikke mere kan deltage i sådanne skridt eller kun kan deltage i dem, dersom det først har fået lov af de andre ni udenrigsministre fra EF-samarbejdet.
They say that the Foreign Ministers should refuse to take part in polit ical cooperation, that it should not be institutionalized anyway and that it falls outside the scope of the Treaty of Rome.
Det væsentlige er først og fremmest det ansigt, vi viser over for omverdenen. Har vi tilstrækkelig troværdighed til at kunne yde indflydelse på beslut ninger på verdensplan?
Segre also that in London last month a few small steps forward were taken in terms of the adoption of more suitable mechanisms.
tale til os om nødvendigheden af fælles drøftelser om sikkerheden. Vi er helt enige deri.
their controlled and balanced reduction.
Skal vi eller skal vi ikke, f.eks., fortsætte Madrid, forlænge denne konference om sikkerhed og samarbejde i Europa, hvis 3. kurv sandelig kun har bragt os smertelige skuffelser?
Silence in practice at Cancun, silence on the eve of the Geneva negotiations between the United States and the Soviet Union on 'Euromissiles', silence in practice on the Middle East.
Skal vi forsøge at opnå et fælles standpunkt til den meget præcise trussel, som installationen af SS 20 raketterne udgør for Europa? Jeg svarer ja.
Whatever happened to the Venice Declaration, which aroused so many hopes?
Der er et område for gavnlige diskussioner. Vi vil ikke direkte kunne give os i kast med forsvarsproblememe i denne Forsamling.
Meanwhile, the fact is that in this connection the ten Ministers of Foreign Affairs did not even succeed yesterday in Brussels in agreeing on a joint text.
Vi må indtage en fælles holdning til multifiberarrangementet, til jern- og stålproblemerne og til den japanske indtrængen. Hvis vi ikke har denne evne til at komme til forståelse om disse aktuelle problemer, lad os da ikke foregøgle os, at vi skulle have evne til at spille en virkelig international rolle.
The least that one can and must say is that there is great confusion on the matter, and that this confusion has already to a large extent clouded, to the detriment of Europe as whole, what little clarity there undoubtedly was in the Venice Declaration.
For det tredje, lad os forestille os, at disse betingelser er forenede: et konsolideret Europa, som har genfundet sin élan, og som er forenet i sin handelspolitik udadtil. Ville vi så alligevel have løst problemet?
We do not think it is possible to make practical progress in political cooperation if at the same time damaging tendencies — of which we have new evidence every day — towards withdrawal into the purely national sphere are allowed to progress.
Lord Harmar-Nicholls. — (EN) Kan formandskabet udøve nogen kontrol over skik og brug her i Parlamentet, såvel som over forretningsordenen? Det er meget foruroligende at se, at af de sidste syv talere er der kun én, der er forblevet i mødesalen, efter at de har holdt deres egen tale.
Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, in reality this Europe needs not confusion but clarity, if it wants to develop its own political personality, consolidate it and ensure respect for it in the world, and to be — in a period of tension — a factor for wisdom and balance.
Er der nogen måde, hvorpå formandskabet kan forbedre dette?
In a month's time, after the London Summit, it will be possible to say more.
Vi må konkludere, at selv om man altid må stræbe mod stadig mere fælles politik, må man være klar over, at dette ikke altid kan opnås. Hver enkelt nation bevarer på visse områder sit særpræg og sin særlige politik, og enhver systematisk ensretning er illusorisk.
Our most ardent hope is that we shall not have to say that once more clarity has been defeated and that Europe is living, not only in crisis, but in a veritable state of confusion.
(Bifald fra forskellige pladser)
President. — I call Mr Berkhouwer.
Formanden. — Formandskabet vogter over forretningsordenen, ikke over skik og brug, og den måde, man ændrer skik og brug, er ved fra tid til anden at fremsætte bemærkninger til forretningsordenen, således som De netop har gjort det.
Europe is not made of plasticine, which can be pulled on one side and left as it is on the other, or even flattened. Either it is constructed as a whole, and helped to progress as a whole in the various fields with a unified conception of the integration process, or there is the only too obvious risk that the progress in one field — in this case political cooperation — may become a kind of flight from reality, almost an attempt to escape the serious economic and social difficulties, and for that very reason turn out sooner or later — perhaps sooner rather than later — fallacious, fanciful and without solid roots.
For det andet må man have viljen til at nå frem til at skabe et fælles ansigt, men først og fremmest demonstrere viljen og modet til også at kunne være anerledes, at kunne adskille sig fra de to supermagter.
Mr Berkhouwer. — (NL) Mr President, I hope that what I am about to say will be taken as a testimony on the part of a liberal European from the last quarter of this century.
Det er i øvrigt ofte det, verden venter af os : at vi viser en slags tredje vej.
What is at stake is the need for one Europe or no Europe in a world political situation where, again, what is at stake is the issue of one world or no world.
Det drejer sig naturligvis ikke om at stille os i positur ved systematisk at være i opposition til vor store amerikanske allierede. Det drejer sig om at forblive trofast over for vore alliancer.
We have the duty to safegurad our western civilization from descent into the chaos of an all-consuming nuclear conflagration.
Men det kan udmærket lade sig gøre, at vi respekterer disse alliancer og samtidigt i givet fald indtager den hold ning, som er rigtig for os, og nægter systematisk at stille os på linje med dem.
The first remark I wish to make is addressed to Mr Cohen — whom I unfortunately do not see here in the Chamber — and also to some extent to Mr Willy Brandt, whom I am extremely pleased to see in our midst today.
Det har lord Carrington med rette gjort i spørgsmålet om Det nære Østen og med hensyn til den europæiske styrke på Sinaihalvøen.
Mr President, East-West and North-South relations are, in our view, complementary.
En sidste bemærkning: bland ikke sikkerhed og forsvar sammen. Hr. Genscher vil utvivlsomt i morgen
We can only hope that the East does as much for the South as we — despite all the reservations — do here in the West.
Pesmazoglou. — (EN) Hr. formand, jeg ønsker at understrege den store betydning, dagens debat har for alle europæiske folkeslag, og dette gælder i særdeleshed også for det græske folk. En klar definition af indhold af og fremgangsmåde for et europæisk poli tisk samarbejde inden for rammerne af et europæisk Fællesskab er en sag af største vigtighed for funktionen af selve Det europæiske Fællesskab såvel som for spørgsmål vedrørende sikkerhed og fred for alle europæiske folkeslag.
The role of the EEC in the world now means primarily the North-South relationship, the fight against hunger, action to achieve a new, different, more balanced form of development in the world; and a consistent commitment for a policy of dialogue aiming at agreements which would put an end to the arms race — which has now reached, as Willy Brandt reminded us a short time ago, 1 500 million dollars a day — and prevent an already over-armed Europe from seeking its own security in yet more arms instead of in
Pesmazoglou tiativ samt særlige rapporter og forslag om emner vedrørende europæisk politisk samarbejde.
Berkhouwer the end of the First World War, and I took part in the Second World War.
Hr. formand, jeg ønsker at fremsætte yderligere tre bemærkninger.
In other words, the demonstrators are satisfied to allow existing nuclear weapons to remain.
van den Heuvel. — (NL) Hr. formand, under drøftel serne af det europæiske politiske samarbejde er der af kolleger, der har talt før mig, inden for og uden for min gruppe, fremsat en del bemærkninger om nødvendigheden af en egen europæisk optræden i verdenshistoriens nuværende fase.
What I should like to see is a train bound from The Hague, stopping in Bonn to let Willy Brandt get on then continning via East Berlin and Warsaw to Moscow where we would get out and announce on Red Square: Free all the countries of Europe, from Brest to the Urals, from Brest to Vladivostock, from nuclear weapons!
Udenrigsministrene har givet udtryk for at dele denne opfattelse.
That would really be proof of lack of bias, and in that case, perhaps what President Reagan seems to be doing would give us some hope that steps can be taken in that direction.
Især erklæringen fra Venezia, der varsler et europæisk initiativ med hensyn til Mellemøsten, er blevet en betydningsfuld politisk faktor. De vanskeligheder, der møder enhver aktiv formand for Rådet, kan hverken gøre fra eller til.
That is the kind of thing I should like to see happen because the sad fact is that what is allowed over here — and the freedom to demonstrate one's own convictions is one of the dearest rights we have — is not possible in the countries of the Eastern Bloc.
At et europæisk initiativ ikke i en håndevending kan løse problemerne på dette område, kan alle, der driver politik med en vis realitetssans, forstå.
I should dearly love to see this idea put into practice.
I denne forbindelse mener jeg, at man først bør understrege, at det er nødvendigt med en beslutning på højere niveau med hensyn til økonomiske og monetære spørgsmål.
Mr President, the watchword of today's debate is the need to strengthen European political cooperation.
For det andet bør hvert enkelt lands særlige problemer løses inden for rammerne af Det europæiske Fællesskab inden for de principper, de procedurer og de metoder, som hidtil er blevet benyttet, som man er nået frem til, og som har ført til meget frugtbare resultater.
'Strengthening' is really too weak an expression, because I take the view that European political cooperation is quite literally of vital importance to the survival of Europe and to enable Europe to play its part as a moderating element in the world.
Landene inden for Det europæiske Fællesskab må føre deres koordinerede udenlandske politik med stor udholdenhed og med stor tilbageholdenhed.
Some people have been wondering whether European economic and political cooperation is not in fact a way out of the dilemma of stagnating economic convergence.
Hvis man tvivler herpå, må man hellere forhøre sig hos alle mennesker, ikke alene unge, men også en del ældre, der for tiden deltager i de mange demonstrationer mod rustningskapløbet, der foregår i Europas byer.
At least then any stagnation in the process of economic convergence would have the useful effect of enabling us to make progress on polit ical cooperation.
På lørdag vil også hovedstaden i mit land, Amsterdam, træde ind i rækken, hvor Bonn, Rom, Paris, London og Bruxelles allerede er blevet til begreber.
But where, in this world of ours, is the dividing line between economics and politics?
Min anden gruppe bemærkninger vedrører internationale problemer, og jeg ønsker at understrege vigtig heden af de tanker, som er blevet fremsat af hr. Willy Brandt her til morgen.
Is it not true that national and Community politics centre essentially around the major challenges of unemployment and inflation facing us rather than the solution of these problems?
Først og fremmest om europæisk fred og sikkerhed.
Mr President, is the oft-cited crisis of an exclusively economic nature?
Hans bemærkninger gik ud på, at et stærkt europæisk samarbejde vil kunne løse mange af de problemer, som automatisk opstår, når der er to rivaliserende blokke.
Is it not a fact that our entire Western civilization is now exposed to internal and external threats and challenges? Internally, we must ensure that the values on which Western civilization is based are respected.
Hans anden bemærkning var, at handling på et bredt internationalt område angående problemerne mellem Nord og Syd ikke blot er af humanitær karakter, de er også af væsentlig politisk betydning og fører til fremskridt for Det europæiske Fællesskab selv.
There is a temptation nowadays to compare present-day Europe with the Roman Empire at the end of the 5th Century — the Rome of bread and circuses — which likewise collapsed because of its inability to summon up the internal strength to face the challenges from the East.
Den første er, at traktaten om Det europæiske Fællesskab ifølge sit indhold indebærer politisk samarbejde og fremskridt hen imod en politisk union.
I should like to conclude with a quotation in English —' a language which is as dear to me as it is to Willy Brandt — because it is my feeling that what is at stake here is the same as what we went through in the 1930s when the choice was 'to hang together or to hang separately'.
Men højst sandsynlig vil nye overenskomster og en revideret traktat være nødvendige, og jeg tror, at dette vil være velkomment, forudsat at vi hurtigt kan opnå en løsning på disse problemer og gennemføre de nødvendige konstitutionelle foranstaltninger.
The need to 'hang together' in today's and tomorrow's Europe is more vital than ever, and I hope that what I have had to say testifies to that sentiment.
Mit parti hører til blandt denne demonstrations organisatorer, og jeg vil, med mange tusinder af mine politiske venner, af hele mit hjerte deltage i den.
Let us draw a comparison with the football vandalism in our major cities.
Hr. formand, jeg nævner dette, for at illustrere, at jeg er ganske klar over, at Europa har meget at luge i egen have.
In his Study of History, Toynbee took a look at a number of civilizations and came to the conclusion that the final stage of a civilization always begins when people are no longer prepared or able to defend the values on which that civilization is based.
To problemer bør dog fremhæves.
IN THE CHAIR: MR DE FERRANTI
Det første, som er af væsentlig betydning for Parlamentet, er Europa-Parlamentets deltagelse i politisk samarbejde.
The people living in the West today have never known such a standard of living before, yet despite all this, people are dissatisfied.
Det andet problem er Kommissionens rolle.
President. — I call Mr Lalor.
Kommissionens rolle kan og bør øges til at omfatte både ini
It is of deep interest to this Parliament and to the people of Europe.
Hvis jeg i dag i denne debat på den socialistiske gruppes vegne må fremsætte nogle bemærkninger om den rolle, Det europæiske Fællesskab spiller i et andet problemfyldt område, nemlig i Centralamerika, gør jeg det med den samme tilbageholdenhed.
I should now like to move on to deal with what Mr Willy Brandt referred to in his speech — and I have never had any doubts whatsoever as to his goodwill and constructive attitude.
Det er bestemt ikke min gruppes mening at påstå, at Fælles skabets medlemsstater i detaljer kan bestemme, hvordan tingene dér burde ordnes. Men lige som Det
Coincidentally, he referred to exactly the point I was going to make in my speech — that is, the current wave of demonstrations.
18.11.81 van den Heuvel europæiske Fællesskab med hensyn til Mellemøsten har gjort sig sit ansvar klart, således skulle der efter vor mening være anledning til at Europa "træder i aktivitet i disse områder, den alvorlige situation i Centralamerika taget i betragtning.
The constructive influence which the Ten in the European Community are able to exercise comes from the fact that it is not perceived as a superpower or as a military bloc.
Den kristeligdemokratiske Verdensunion, og især Den socialistiske Internationale har gjort sig anstrengelser for at stimulere en udvikling i retning af en politisk løsning i El Salvador.
It is ironic but also frightening that certain countries should be returning under a new guise to the very scene of their last intervention as colonial powers 25 years ago, especially as their presence may still not be acceptable to many of the countries in the region.
Men reaktionen fra den officielle fællesskabsinstitution, udenrigsministrene forsamlet i det politiske samarbejde, har indtil nu været yderst beskeden.
We also believe that a dangerous precedent may be set for the progressive involvement of the Ten in other military situations.
Ved adskillige lejligheder har Europa-Parlamentet udtalt sig om den afskyelige vold, der hersker i El Salvador.
In our view such missions should be carried out by Member States on their own responsibility and, as appropriate, within the framework of the alliance of which they are members, without involving the European Community.
Det har udtalt sin medfølelse med de mange voldsofres efterladte.
Finally, I would like to turn briefly to the situation in my own country.
Navnlig om situationen i Guatemala og El Salvador har Parlamentet for kort tid siden vedtaget beslut ningsforslag.
The situation in the six countries of Ulster — as Members are aware — has become very grave.
Ved de møder, Parlamentets politiske udvalg har med formandskabet, og her i plenarforsamlingen har man gentagne gang forsikret, at man vil tage Parlamentets beslutningsforslag alvorligt.
I appeal to this Assembly to give full support to our two countries in meeting the renewed and increased challenge to the very principles of freedom and democracy which are at the foundation of the Community in the north of our island.
Hvad siger Fællesskabet for eksempel til den amerikanske præsident Reagans strategi, der ikke udelukker muligheden for en atomkrig begrænset til europæisk område, og som derved lader truslen om en atom-udslettelse af Europa svæve over vore hoveder, med alt hvad dette indebærer i civilisationens historie. Vi vil sige et entydigt nej hertil, som det også er blevet gjort i fredsbevægelsen, der river stadig større kredse med blandt Fællesskabets befolkninger, og vi vil stræbe efter at nå tilbage til en afspænding ad forhandlingsvejen, ad Helsinki-vejen, som hr. Willy Brandt i dag mindede os om.
If at some future date we were to achieve full political, economic and monetary union which Commissioner O'Kennedy described yesterday as a dim and distant aim — in other words if, as a result of Community solidarity and convergence, a full community of interests were to be established between the Member States, — then, at that stage, and at that stage only, would Ireland be prepared to consider participating in the organization of a common defence.
Ellers tillader vi, at Europa bliver revet med i den malmstrøm af voldsom antagonisme og katastrofe, som vor tids amerikanske ledelse driver hen imod.
However, as of present we consider such proposals to be entirely premature.
Hvorfor er der ikke fremkommet en eneste reaktion fra De Tis side på det fransk-meksikanske initiativ?
Mr Pannella. — (FR) Mr President, once more you give me the right to silence instead of the right to speak, in this chamber which is nothing more than a desen.