natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Fællesskabet. Det ser ud til, at Kommissionen modtog dette mandat uden virkelig at vurdere, hvilke selv modsigelser det indeholdt, og disse selvmodsigelser kom så klart for dagen, dengang den offentliggjorde sine første konklusioner.
the fact that no government has the key to a return to prosperity and full employment and that the time must therefore be right to stress that European cooperation is the key to economic recovery now, just as it was the key to economic reconstruction in the 1940s and 50s.
Hr. Thorn, her har vi nu et dokument, som efter Deres opfattelse skulle udgøre »et program i tre dele til genoplivning af Europa og til genoprettelse af sammenholdet i Fællesskabet«.
I happen to believe that the readiness of the electorate to accept this outstrips that of national governments.
Vi beklager alle Rådets ofte fremmanede manglende evne til at træffe flertalsafgørelser. Også Kommissionen er enig med os om, at dette nu må høre op.
May'I say in conclusion to the President of the Commission and his colleagues that my group W'H be
Disse forslag er i øvrigt så lidet sammenhængende, at vort Parlament indtil nu ikke har kunnet få en fornuftig forhandling om dem, og det bliver klarere dag for dag, at der ikke vil kunne komme noget konstruktivt ud af dem.
The Commission is not carrying out this basic duty, and it is time for the European Parliament to draw the appropriate consequences if it does not wish to share the responsibility for this blockage and paralysis.
I Luxembourg har man ikke sluttet noget kompromis, men er blot blevet enig om, at man ikke var enig, og alligevel forholder Rådet sig således! Nogle siger igen og igen : Le traité et seulement le traké — udmærket, så skal Rådet også endelig beslutte i overensstemmelse med traktaten, og Kommissionen skal gennem tvinge dette — om nødvendigt også med juridiske midler.
First and foremost, we need to know exactly what is currently being discussed between the Council and the Commission, for they are not discussing the sex of angels but very precise matters — they are discussing the budget, the subject on which the European Parliament has direct competence and responsibility, as Mr Barbi also stressed.
Formanden. — De europæiske fremskridtsdemokraters gruppe har ordet.
President. — I call the Communist and Allies Group.
Denne uoverensstemmelse om budgettet, hr. formand, er i virkeligheden intet andet end det, at en medlems stat torpederer de principper, som den europæiske opbygning er baseret på, og især den fælles land brugspolitik.
Mr Fanti. — (IT) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, the Communist and Allies Group wishes to express its dissatisfaction with and criticism of Mr Thorn's speech, although we appreciated his statement that the Community is in a state of serious crisis.
Formanden for den liberale gruppe, hr. Bangemann, har lige sagt det klart og tydeligt.
And it is unacceptable that the European Parliament should be kept in the dark about this.
Storbritanniens premierminister lægger aldrig skjul på, at hun vil have sin vilje. Skulle det være for meget at forlange af Kommissionen, at den viser den samme fasthed, ikke kun når den taler, men også når den handler?
In an international situation bristling with problems and dangers, we are caught, as Mr Thorn says, in the grip of two threats — the internal threat, arising mainly from the economic crisis and from unemployment which has reached very alarming levels in a short time, and the external threat arising mainly from the deterioration of financial and trading relations with some 'of our industrialized partners — the United States and Japan — which Mr Thorn rightly describes as a real conflict.
Fanton. — (FR) Hr. formand, mine damer og herrer, jeg vil gerne have lov at sige til Kommissionens formand, hr. Thorn, at vi fandt hans tale meget skuffende.
But, in particular, we Italian Communists and Allies must make the criticism that in Mr Thorn's speech there is no reference to the real deep-seated reasons which, have led the Community to this situation.
Hvis De vil tillade mig dette udtryk, hr. formand, var den temmelig farveløs.
Why have we reached this point, when the very existence of the Community is put in question?
Alt fremstilles i samme plan: Mandatet, den økonomiske genrejsning, forbindelserne med udlandet, de institutionelle problemer.
Nor is it convincing to invoke at every opportunity the bogeyman of a Council of Ministers incapable of acting and deciding.
Vi benægter ikke disse problemers betydning.
We know this only too well, but the real point is a different one.
Men mon der er nogen tilbage, der ikke kan se, at der er en samling problemer, der giver anledning til alle de andre i dag?
If we want to save Europe and the European idea, we must begin to call a spade a spade — in other words, to give a convincing political explanation of what has happened and is still happening, without pretence or half-truths.
Det er de problemer, Storbritanniens holdning stiller os over for.
This is the first duty of a Commission which really wishes to play
Når Kommissionen den 30. maj 1980 fik overdraget et mandat, var det netop fordi Storbritannien henviste til den efter dette lands egen mening uacceptable situation, det stod i i
The problem of compensation for the United Kingdom has now been further complicated — since 1980 — as a result of the political problem created by the Federal German Government which does not intend to go on being the sole, unlimited, net contributor to the Community.
Fanton og som smuldrer dets fundament, og tager modet fra dem, der ønsker at bygge noget op?
Fanti would not be merely of an accounting nature but which would take place through the strengthening and expansion of Community policies and therefore of Community resources.
Derfor vil Kommissionen fjerne den store blokering for den højere integration.
The fact is, after all, that this is not just a matter of price policy — indeed, it has next to nothing to do with price policy.
Og hvad er så denne blokering?
What is really at issue here is the political decision on what kind of production system we want.
Det er såmænd vetoretten eller enstemmigheden, som vi kalder den hernede. Kommissionen lover sammen med Tindemans at gøre alt for, at blokeringen fjernes.
Do we want an industrialized agriculture with a small number of largescale farms, or do we want an agricultural sector with small and medium-sized, efficient family farms which will at the same time give the Community as a whole a guaranteed and sensible structure?
Jeg vil forklare forskellen på, hvad I lægger i veto retten og hvad vi gør.
My group has come out in favour of an efficient agricultural sector based on just such family farms.
Med I mener jeg Kommissionen og flertallet her, og med vi mener jeg ikke blot den bevægelse, jeg repræsenterer, men også de fleste danskere og i det store og hele den danske regering.
We are against the industrialization of agriculture to the point where we are left with only a few largescale farms, and we are therefore in favour of a very rapid change to this target on the grounds that otherwise we shall always be debating price policy from the wrong prem-
Spørgsmålet, hr. formand for Kommissionen, det eneste spørgsmål, vi står over for i dag, er dette: Ønsker De Ti virkelig at fortsætte opbygningen af Europa?
The European Parliament has always insisted on this approach in every debate — on own resources, on the European Monetary System, on the problems caused by the dollar and by the American administration's policy on the dollar, on budgetary problems, and on the general prospects for the Community.
Vi står over for noget, man ikke kan kalde andet end afpresning.
But it is time for it to be listened to.
Hvert år er det nøjagtig det samme: Enten accepterer I vore betingelser, eller vi nægter at fastsætte landbrugspriserne.
I therefore unreservedly support the proposal made here by Mr Glinne that, before the European Council meeting in March, a debate be held here on the problems which the Council will have to tackle, in order to listen to, and enable the Commission and the Council to listen to, the voice of those who most directly express the views of the peoples of Europe.
Jeg vil gerne på dette sted sige, at de europæiske landbrugere ikke længere vil være gidsler for den britiske regering.
It is necessary to do so if we do not want the incipient process of disintegration of the Community to continue and be completed.
Jeg har lagt mærke til jeres stigende desperation, når I taler om Rådets beslutningsmåde.
Mediumsized and small family farms cannot be afforded help solely via the price mechanism.
Ingen af de store planer bliver ril noget, økonomisk går det dårligt. Det er svært at overbevise de ti millioner arbejdsløse om EF's velsignelser.
We need structural measures as well, and we therefore expect the Commission to put forward proposals in this field so that we do not have to conduct this futile price debate over and over again.
Jeres løsning er disciplin, først og fremmest et enhedsmarked.
Once again, this year, we shall probably have to debate what would be an appropriate price increase — 9%, 10% or 16%.
Og muren mellem dette enhedsmarked og fremtiden er netop vetoretten. I håber på et spring, I vil springe over vetoretten.
My group takes the view that any increase in agricultural prices must be the logical, consequence of a sensible agricultural policy, rather than a precondition for that policy.
Vi var seks, da vi begyndte den europæiske opbygning.
President. — I call the Liberal and Democratic Group.
På den anden side af muren er der enhed og styrke, multinationale firmaer, fagbevægelse og politikere i kooperativ harmoni.
Mr Bangemann. — (DE) I should like, on behalf of my Group, to make a few comments on the most important points from Mr Thorn's speech.
Det er bedre at have et levende Fællesskab, som er mindre talstærkt men mere beslutsomt, end et Fællesskabet, der kvæles hver eneste dag af krav, der ikke kan betegnes som noget andet end uacceptable.
I entirely agree with everything that Mr Fanti had to say, but I should like to ask him and the other Members not to lapse into the kind of terminology we are having foisted on us from outside.
Det er det, vi ønsker for vort vedkommende.
There is no such thing as a net in-payment.
Den beskytter vores ønsker om selvbestemmelse og en udvikling mod demokrati, den beskytter ansvar lighed og fantasi i et land.
That is something the members of the Conservative Group ought to make clear to Mrs Thatcher.
Hvis vetoretten brydes ned, er der fri bane for forandringer, vi ikke selv har ønsket, ikke diskuteret, ikke besluttet.
The concept of 'I want my money back' is an entirely false one, because the fact is that she has not been paying her money into the Community.
Disse planer er ikke til alles bedste, de skal først og fremmest styrke kapitalens fri bevægelighed, den multinationale bevægelighed. gelighed.
The customs duties levied in Liverpool, Manchester or anywhere else are not British money which is subsequently paid in to the European coffers but rather European money.
For hvad er der?
We have our own sources of revenue.
Hammerich. — Hr. formand, Gaston Thorns tale var klar og havde samme tankegang som Louise Weiss' tale i januar. Den ene tanke var, at Europa lider, at
There is — and I should like to address this point to my own government too — no such thing as a net
Det vil også være tilfældet med Kommissionens forslag til fremme af deltidsarbejde på frivilligt grundlag.
Is it really feasible to shorten the working week with no reduction in pay?
Den eneste udvej, som der er nogen fremtid i, er arbejdstidforkortelse, og så må vi ikke glemme den bemærkning, som for eks. hr. Bange mann kom med med hensyn til omkostningsperspektivet. Vi vil gerne komme tilbage til det ved drøftelsen af Kommissionens forslag.
Or would not any rational person — whether Liberal or Communist or Socialist — admit that if the working week were to be shortened with no reduction in pay, his product would automatically become more expensive and thus jeopardize jobs in the Community?
Kommissionen forpligter sig til at muliggøre dette spring, og afviser tanken om at standse det arbejde, den har fået pålagt at fortsætte og lede.
For instance, in my country, 80% of the money paid out as a result of European policy goes on the storage costs of butter and other surplus milk products.
Hr. formand, til slut vil jeg sige, at en formålstjenlig beslutningsdannelse i Rådet, en styrkelse af flertalsreglen og af Europa-Parlamentets position er uundværlige for Fællesskabets videre udvikling.
It therefore follows that, if I were to put myself in the position of the German Finance Minister and were to set out to reduce the FRG's net balance, I would say that we should produce even greater surpluses of milk products so that we can store more milk and butter in Germany and so that the FRG would get more money for that purpose.
Jeg tilføjer, at det også er uundværligt for at overleve valget i 1984.
But that would, of course, make no sense at all.
Tiden er kort, 1984 nærmer sig og vi er ængstelige og bliver det mere og mere.
We must examine the financial repercussions of our policy and modify it wherever an imbalance occurs in the financial repercussions.
Hr. formand, det var modige ord, som vi alle går ind for, men jeg må udtale min frygt for, at Kommissionen ikke altid vil følge disse ord op med handling.
Is that really such a difficult argument to follow?
Jeg siger det, fordi vi har oplevet det for ikke så længe siden.
Allow me to quote something Ernest Glinne said: 'The public sector must get established in the profitable areas.'
Kommissionen føjer sig for meget efter Rådet, og tager for få initiativer, for eks. vedrørende arbejdsløsheden.
But, dear Ernest, how many profitable areas have seen the advent of the public sector and the consequent disappearance of profitability after four years or so?
For at sige det meget klart, er Kommissionen mon i stand til at ændre de herskende tendenser?
Even Mr Fanti and his party said in the course of the Italian election campaign: 'It is time we put an end to nationalization.
Synes Kommissionen ikke selv, at den bør spille en meget mere selvstændig og vigtig rolle, end den har gjort de sidste par år?
We already have enough nationalized firms which are driving our economy to ruin.
Hvilke skridt vil Kommissionen tage med hensyn til de franske foranstaltninger til generobring af det nationale marked?
If even he and his party are talking in those terms, it ought to be possible for the Socialist Group to give some thought for once to these selfevident economic home truths.
Hr. Thorn sagde ganske vist, at vi ikke må vente til væksten kommer i gang igen, men en god analyse af problemerne er ikke tilstrækkelig.
I believe the Commission is quite right in its view that we can make genuine progress as regards the monetary system.
De varslede initiativer er efter min mening utilstrækkelige både på det økonomiske, finansielle og sociale område.
And that would be a good thing, because we would then be creating conditions which would favour competition and the economy as a whole and encourage investment.
Den truende handelskrig med De forenede Stater og Japan tvinger os til en beslutsom strategi, og den mangler.
On behalf of my group, I should like to encourage the Commission to introduce the ECU gradually as a means of payment, and that is something we can do a lot to foster.
De forenede Staters finanspolitik og det høje renteniveau kræver et passende svar, og indtil nu er det ikke fremkommet. Der sker for lidt med hensyn til medlemsstaternes økonomiske konvergens.
The Commission makes payments and puts public work out to tender, and is thus able to effect its own payments in ECUs only.
Man er nødt til at konstatere, at det ikke er lykkedes Fællesskabet at nå de samlede mål, som det havde sat sig.
Payments are constantly being made between the Member States and the Community, and it is worth asking why these are not all effected in ECUs likewise.
Opbygningen af det fælles indre marked er langt fra at være virkeliggjort. Der er stadig en vrimmel af handelshindringer, der overlever, og andre der opstår i kølvandet af de beslutninger, medlemsstaternes regeringer træffer.
In my opinion, that would be one way of making the ECU into what we referred to in our manifesto as a parallel currency, i.e. a specifically European means of payment with a value guaranteed by the Community and of a nature which we ourselves can dictate.
Dette fælles marked er blevet en stor bundløs spand, der først og fremmest er til fordel for produkter og firmaer uden for vort marked.
That would enable us to create the kind of security as regards our economic development which we do not have at present.
Vi håber, at Kommissionen, når den i de kommende måneder vil klarlægge Fællesskabets beskæftigelsespolitik, vil være opmærksom på følgende.
One sometimes gets the impression that, when it comes to the question of restoring the European Community's economy to life, what we are witnessing is a discussion between deaf mutes or a group of blind people scrutinizing a work of art. We all have different political positions.
Antallet af arbejdsløse er betydeligt større end de 10 mio, der er registreret.
I can understand that Mr Glinne should view this question from a Socialist point of view.
Man må ikke glemme de mange, der ikke tilmelder sig på grund af dårlige fremtidsudsigter, og det er især kvinder.
There are however certain truths which have to be faced by Socialists, Communists, Christian Democrats, Conservatives and Liberals alike.
Man må også huske på, at mange søger tilflugt i invaliditet og hvis vi ser nærmere på denne hær af tilmeldte og ikke-tilmeldte arbejdsløse, og vi gør os klart, at antallet stadig vil stige, så er målsætningen, fuld beskæftigelse, ikke mere realistisk.
The global economy is, thank heaven, interdependent. There are people here and there who espouse the principle of protectionism but, generally speaking, the world economy is not subject to that principle, and the fact is that we have a relatively free system of competition.
Kommissionens formand talte om en socialt uudholdelig situation, og det er rigtigt.
When we market our products on the world market, we are always in competition with someone, for instance, the Japanese.
Denne situation må vi ændre ved at gøre arbejdsløsheden, der vil være
The example of the car industry is a very pertinent one from our point of view.
På samme tid tager de franske forslag sigte på etablering af en virkelig politik for udenrigshandel.
How are we to safeguard the future prospects of a job which the Commission may have created by the use of public resources unless the person doing that newlycreated job produces something we can sell better or more cheaply than our comepetitors?
Vi ved alle, at det trænger sig på, at Fællesskabet bevæger sig fremad på disse to fronter, hvis det vil tage den
That is really a simple matter which everyone ought to be able to recognize.
Brok. — (DE) Hr. formand, kære kolleger, formanden for Kommissionen har i sin tale refereret til de 10 mio arbejdsløse inden for Det europæiske Fællesskab.
There is no shame in that pro vided we are the ultimate victors — and the fact is that we have won all the cases so far.
4 mio er under 25 år gamle, heraf er igen 60 °/o unge kvinder.
That kind of thing can only add to Parliament's strength.
Det er i lyset af disse beslutninger og denne politiske vilje, man skal bedømme den politik for bestemte sektorer, som den franske regering har udarbejdet. Visse af vore kolleger ser, som et af vore ordsprog siger, splinten i deres nabos øje, mens de samtidig nægter at se bjælken i deres eget. hvert enkelt land oplever problemer og forsøger at finde en løsning på dem.
Of course, the Commission makes proposals on the common agricultural policy and the British contribution, but they seem to have been drawn up in an unrelated fashion, whereas, as everyone can see, these two problems are the stumbling block to everything else.
Som Kommissionen også erkender, er den franske regerings mål i de fire nævnte sektorer ikke at fastlåse samhandelen, men at øve indflydelse på virksomhedernes konkurrenceevne. Dette er væsentligt.
Moreover, these proposals are so inconsistent that Parliament has not hitherto been able to debate them usefully, and it becomes clearer every day that nothing constructive will emerge from them.
Som statsministeren for nylig sagde i en tale, vil Frankrig, som er den fjerdestørste eksportør i verden, ikke løbe den risiko, at protektionisme bliver sagen.
But I should like to ask the Commission, which according to the actual text is the guardian of the Treaties, whether it does not believe that it is now time to take the Council before the Court of Justice to ascertain whether the Council's practice of avoiding majority decisions and seeking only unanimous deci sions is not itself in contravention of the Treaties.
Han sagde videre i sin tale: »Vor opfattelse er offensiv, både når det gælder de truede sektorer, og når det gælder den avancerede teknologi. Målet er at genoprette eller forbedre de franske produkters konkurrenceevne gennem en dynamisk politik for investering, forskning og teknologisk udvikling«.
The Luxembourg compromise is in fact no compromise at all.
Vi er alle i Parlamentet klar over, at dette er en ødelæggelse af chancer i livet og et bedrageri over for fremtiden. Vi er også klar over, at dette er en meget stor fejl, som ikke kun har konsekvenser for de direkte berørtes tilværelse, men også för den politiske bevidsthed.
Some people have been heard to say: 'The Treaty and nothing but the Treaty.'
Sådanne misforhold er nemlig atter vand på forførernes møller til højre og venstre.
As I said, my Group will be making its judgment on the Commission dependent on whether it is prepared to force this principle on the Council actively, politically and dynamically.
Men hensyn til bekæmpelse af arbejdsløsheden, især ungdomsarbejdsløsheden, er jeg enig med Kommissionens formand i hans analyse og i de fleste målsætninger, han nævnte.
Mr President of the Commission, nobody today seems to want to state the problem in all its complexity, and I regret that you did not do so.
Jeg må imidlertid til min skuffelse konstatere, at der ikke er nævnt konkrete foran staltninger til ud fra den rigtige analyse at nå det rigtige mål.
The Commission even tries to minimize the difficulties, and we regard this attitude as unacceptable.
Man finder formuleringer såsom: søge muligheder, undersøge, definere mere præcist, snart forelægge og udarbejde retningslinjer.
You said in your speech that the Community had had a wine war, a conflict on turkeys and then a budgetary dispute, as if there were some similarity between sectoral problems, regulatory questions and the questioning of the whole of European policy represented by what you call, with a sense of understatement which must gladden the hearts of diplomats, 'the budgetary difficulties of the United Kingdom'.
Efter min opfattelse er dette henholdende formuleringer, som ikke kan skjule manglen på en virkelig arbejdsmarkedspolitik. kedspolitik.
We can complain, and the Commission can complain too, but the Commission can also act, and our judgment on it will depend on whether the Commission is prepared to act this year.
Kommissionen bliver holdt underrettet om de foran staltninger, der iværksættes.
President. — I call the European Progressive Democrats Group.
Vi er imidlertid også med Kommissionens hjælp nødt til at forklare, at netop vore regeringer nægter Det europæiske Fællesskab effektive instrumenter.
This budgetary dispute is in fact only the questioning by one Member State of the principles on which European integraron is based, and particularly of the common agricultural policy.
Inden for rammerne af overholdelsen af de regler, der anerkendes af alle medlemsstaterne, forsøger den nuværende regering på at udbedre de mangler, de tidligere regeringer har efterladt, og på positivt at forberede fremtiden.
The British Prime Minister never hides her will to succeed. Would it be asking too much of the Commission for it to show the same firmness, not merely in words but also in action?