natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
De dramatiske forhold i Libanon har ¡gen og igen forårsaget, at vi, de kristelige demokrater i Europa, igen og igen er rejst derhen for at undersøge forholdene og for at tale med de berørte.
I reprove the West for not having unduly troubled itself up to now about the fact that the Lebanon's national identity was in great jeopardy, that it has been for years in an almost hopeless situation precisely because 30 000 Syrian troops had moved into the Lebanon and have been established there for years.
Vi har igen og igen opfordret verdensoffentligheden, men også de ansvarlige i området, til at gøre alt, hvad der er muligt, for at genskabe Libanons integritet, og for ikke at beskære de kristnes hidtidige muligheder, dvs. at skabe forudsætningerne for, at Libanon igen kan nå frem til fred og til som stat at blive en enhed.
In addition, the Christians, who originally, as you all know, were in a majority in the Lebanon, have been placed in a minority because of the immigration of several hundred thousand Palestinians, mainly under the military and militant leadership of the PLO.
Formanden. — Næste punkt er forhandling under ét om følgende seks beslutningsforslag:
The slogans that have been coined in that region depicting the future of the Christians are, I feel sure, sufficiently well known here.
Verdensoffentligheden har efter min mening vist ingen eller lille interesse for alt dette.
Mr Donnez. — (FR) Ladies and gentlemen, it is not enough merely to regret the Israeli army's actions in the Lebanon and the large number of innocent victims which we all deplore.
1-343/82) af Penders og Croux for det europæiske folkepartis gruppe (CD-gruppen) om Libanon
As a result, we must seek out the fundamental motives behind their actions in order to avoid such an outcome in the future.
Europa-Parlamentets forhandlinger
The tragic circumstances in the Lebanon have repeat edly prompted us, the European Christian Democrats, to go there to study those circumstances and to talk to those concerned.
Nr. 1-286/185 von Hassel blande sig i Libanons indre anliggender.
But quite clearly it was not the Palestinian refugees' role to become involved in the Lebanon's internal affairs.
I dag må man konstatere, at de palæstinensiske flygtningelejre var blevet omdannet til rene befæstede lejre, som rummede flere kampdygtige personer og flere våben end selve den libanesiske hær.
We are forced to admit, however, today that the Palestinian refugee camps had become real strong holds with fighting forces and weaponry superior to that possessed by the Lebanese army itself.
Herefter var den lovlige regering i Libanon ikke længere suveræn, idet PLO gjorde sig til hersker over en stor del af Libanon.
The legal government of the Lebanon lost its hold on the country as a result and the PLO exercised control over a large part of the Lebanon.
man ikke ødelægge forholdet til PLO eller til araberne generelt.
All this has, in my opinion, not interested world public opinion, or hardly at all.
Vi har igen og igen forlangt, at Libanons integritet skal genoprettes, at indblandinger ude fra af enhver art skal ophøre, at syrerne skal trække sig tilbage og at palæstinenserne, særlig de militante, skal forsvinde fra området.
The repressive situation in the Lebanon was of no matter. Perhaps this was because people did not want to spoil things with the PLO, or perhaps with the Arabs in general.
I stedet for dette har de konstant gennemført overfald mod Israel fra libanesisk jord, har sendt patruljer og stødtropper, der foretager undergravende virksomhed med sprængstoffer, eller sågar med artilleri, har myrdet jøder, dvs. de har praktiseret den rene terrorisme.
Instead of this, the Palestinians have constantly carried out attacks on Israel from Lebanese soil, led night patrols and sent shock troops to carry out subversive operations with explosives and even with rockets, killed Jews, in other words, used naked terror tactics.
Hvis PLO havde fulgt vore krav og havde ladt Israel i fred, havde Israel ikke grebet ind.
If the PLO had acceded to our demands and left Israel in peace, then Israel would never have attacked.
Man kan kun bedømme det israelske angreb, hvis man kender den oprindelige situation i Libanon og er rede til at foretage en vurdering deraf og ikke kun foretage en ensidig fordømmelse.
One can only judge the Israeli attack if one knows the initial situation obtaining in the Lebanon and is pre pared to assess it and not to
Disse faktiske forhold kunne ikke undgå at føre til en skjult krig mellem de væbnede palæstinensiske og libanesiske styrker, hvorfor der blev appelleret til Syrien om at genoprette freden.
This de facto situation could have only one outcome, and that was to create a permanent state of war between the Palestinian and Lebanese armed forces, which led to an appeal to Syria to re-establish peace.
Også her må man i dag konstatere, at de syriske væbnede styrker ikke optræder som et fredsbevarende element i Libanon, men som regulære besættelsestropper.
Once again we are now forced to admit that the Syrian armed forces do not behave in the Lebanon as a force for peace but rather as occupation forces.
Libanon var på baggrund heraf kun tilsyneladende et frit land. I realiteten var det kun et land, der var besat af PLO's og Syriens væbnede styrker, som for øvrigt stadig er Israels erklærede fjender, idet de endog bestrider dette lands lovlige ret til at eksistere.
This has meant that the Lebanon only appeared to be a free country whilst in fact being occupied by the PLO and Syrian armed forces who in addition remain the avowed enemies of Israel, even to the extent of disputing its legal right to exist.
(Bifald — tilråb)
(Applause — interruptions)
Men man må dog i det mindste undersøge motiverne.
Debates of the European Parliament
Den, der straks dømmer ensidigt, den, der kun stiller ensidige krav, vil ikke bidrage til freden.
Donnez being consistent, and I might also say that in spite of what some people may think, it also has the advantage of showing common sense.
Vi kan derfor godt beklage den voldsomme israelske reaktion, men vi kan ikke se bort fra grundene til denne reaktion. Der vil rent faktisk ikke blive fred i Libanon igen . . .
Thus, on Israel's borders a state of tension and insecurity was gradually established and further exacerbated by terrorist acts carried out by the PLO in Israeli territory.
Formanden. — Tillader De, at hr. Schinzel stiller Dem et spørgsmål under forhandlingen?
President. — I call Mr Israel, deputizing for Mr de la Malène.
Syrerne må trække sig tilbage, det militante PLO må ophøre med sin aggressive holdning.
We can now deplore the brutality of the Israeli reaction but we can not avoid examining the reason for it.
Libanons integritet og ukrænkelighed må genoprettes og aner kendes.
The fact is that peace will only return to the Lebanon . ..
Da vil også enhver grund til israelernes fort satte tilstedeværelse i landet bortfalde, og de vil trække sig tilbage.
I should like to ask the Members not to whistle since this damages the microphones.
Donnez. — (FR) Naturligvis, endda meget gerne, hr. formand.
President. — Will you give Mr Schinzel permission to put a question during the debate?
Donnez. — (FR) Jamen hr. Schinzel, jeg fremhævede, at jeg beklagede det lige så dybt som De .. .
Mr Schinzel. — (DE) Mr Donnez, is it your view that there is any reason whatsoever for anyone in the world to allow Israel in this specific case the right to kill 10 000 or more civilians?
Donnez. — (FR) Kære kolleger, det er ikke nok at beklage den israelske hærs aktion i Libanon og det store antal uskyldige ofre, som vi alle beklager dybt.
Mr Donnez. — (FR) Mr Schinzel, I assure you that it was my intention to state that I deplore this as much as you.
(Afbrydelser fra forskellige pladser i salen)
(Interruptions from various quarters)
Ja I er sandelig de rette til at spille hellige, jer der sidder foran mig!
You over there are really not in a position to right wrongs!
Tag og fortæl lidt om Afghanistan og Polen, og om, hvorledes i opfører jer!
Why don't you tell us a little about Afghanistan or Poland and how you act in those countries!
I er sandelig de rette.
You really cannot talk.
Da de to ting går lige op, har vi overhovedet ikke noget at lade hinanden høre for.
Since the converse is also true, we are on an equal footing.
Vi er kun alt for tilbøjelige til, i alt hvad vi foretager os i livet, at forveksle årsag og virkning.
The logical conclusion to be drawn from these two necessities is that all foreign forces should withdraw from the Lebanon.
Jeg er bange for, at for temmelig mange af os gør det samme sig gældende med hensyn til den libanesiske krise.
The fact is that having the Syrians in the Lebanon does no more than make it impossible to find a peace.
Ingen kan i god tro mene, at den israelske regering med fryd i hjertet har besluttet at foretage de militære operationer, som vi er vidner til.
The part they assert they are playing as referee of buffer between the progressives and conservatives is mere deception.
Det er derfor absolut nødvendigt at finde frem til de egentlige bevæggrunde hertil, for at forhindre, at det på ny skal få sådanne følger.
The Syrains unfortunately occupied the Lebanon in order to further their own unavowed interests.
Jeg vil svare hr. Schinzel .direkte og ikke jeres samlede gruppe, som vi kun kender alt for godt.
I shall answer Mr Schinzel's question but not reply to your group as a whole, since we are only too familiar with your ideas.
Jeg beklager alle disse ofre lige så dybt som De, hr. Schinzel, men jeg for mit vedkommende forsøger at finde frem til årsagerne, for at vi ikke i fremtiden igen skal opleve tragedier som denne.
I deplore as much as you, Mr Schinzel, all these victims but I, for my part, am trying to discover the reasons behind the problem in order to avoid any future recurrence of such tragic events.
Det er min eneste hensigt.
This is what I am talking about and that is all.
Til forskel fra visse andre af jer, er jeg en fredens mand, hvorimod I går de folks ærinde, som ikke ønsker fred.
Unlike some of you I am a man of peace, whereas you are men on the payroll of others who are not after peace.
Det er den rette sandhed.
This is the fact of the matter.
De kampe, som de israelske styrker fører i dette land, kræver for mange civile, uskyldige og hjælpeløse libanesiske ofre til at det kan forsvares fuldstændigt.
Israeli forces is causing too much loss of civilian Lebanese life, of innocent, ill-supplied people for it to be fully justified.
Der skal indtræde en våbenstilstand, der gør det muligt at trække alle tilstedeværende væbnede styrker ud af Libanon.
The ceasefire which ought to be called should make it possible to withdraw all the armed forces now in the Lebanon.
I den forbindelse tror jeg, at vi for én gangs skyld taler samme sprog, og hermed vil jeg til slut sige til Dem, at vi i vort forslag til beslutning hovedsagelig tager hensyn til realiteterne.
the humanitarian organizations which are working to the same purpose in the Lebanon, particularly the Palestinian Red Crescent.
Der synes at aftegne sig fredsmuligheder, der ikke hidtil har været til stede.
Prospects for peace which did not exist before are now apparently taking shape.
Der kan måske komme noget godt ud af en ulykke.
Perhaps some good will come of this disaster.
Det er på denne baggrund, at et positivt initiativ fra Europa vil kunne være nyttigt.
It is to this end that determined intervention by Europe can be of use.
Lad os afstå fra at foretage en ensidig fordømmelse.
Let us not condemn one side only.
Lad os give vort lille bidrag til freden.
Let us help to build peace.
Så vil man opdage, at libaneserne uanset deres religion, politiske tilhørsforhold eller fremtidsvisioner, vil kunne leve sammen i gensidig forståelse og genopbygge et land, som ikke kræver andet end at måtte leve i fred med dets naboer, alle dets naboer. Hykleriets tid er forbi.
Then we will see that the Lebanese, regardless of creed, politics or outlook, can agree and rebuild a country which asks nothing more than to live in peace with all its neighbours.
Vi må erklære, at Libanon skal genvinde sin fulde frihed og uafhængighed, ligesom alle folkeslagene i Mellem østen i øvrigt.
We must now clearly state that the Lebanon should regain all its freedom and independence as indeed should all the peoples of the Middle East.
Har jeg udtrykt mig tilstrækkelig klart?
I hope my statement has been sufficiently clear.
Israël. — (FR) Hr. formand, De skal have tak, fordi De har truffet denne forholdsregel nu, hvor jeg tager ordet.
Mrs Charzat. — (FR) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, my motion for a resolution calling for the reopening and maintaining of the embassies of the ten Community Member States is fully justified by the events which the Lebanon has been experiencing over the years and over the past few days, but my motion is also a declaration in favour of a future which will be that of the rebuilding of a sovereign, free and independent Lebanese State.
Dury. — (FR) Hr. formand, jeg troede, at vi var i gang med en forhandling for at tilkendegive vor deltagelse, vor harme, for at leve op til vort ansvar som europæere.
Mrs Dury. — (FR) Mr President, I thought that we were holding this debate in order to give voice to our emotion and indignation and in order to assume our responsibilities as Europeans.
Jeg konstaterer, at vi er igang med en forhandling, hvor man vil sætte palæstinenserne under anklage.
However, I now realize that we are holding this debate in order to pillory the Palestinians.
Hr. formand, det martyrium, som Libanon i øjeblikket gennemlever, de talrige civile ofre, kvinder og børn, er efter min mening noget, som må vække vor harme.
It is my belief, Mr President, that the Lebanon's present distress, the large number of civilians, women and children, killed are all reasons for .us to feel indignation.
I vor egenskab af socialister har vi altid anerkendt Israels ret til at eksistere, men vi mener, at den eneste fredelige løsning i Mellemøsten er, at man giver palæstinenserne en stat, som de har krav på.
We Socialists have always recognized Israel's right to exist but we believe that there is no way of bringing peace to the Middle East other than by giving the Palestinians the State to which they are entitled.
På samme måde har den libanesiske stat ret til politisk uafhængighed, sikkerhed og territorial ukrænkelighed.
The first relates to the inviolable sovereignty of the Lebanese State.
Syrien, der aldrig har anerkendt Libanon som en uafhængig stat, skal rømme det libanesiske territorium, som landet har holdt besat i årevis under dække af at være en arabisk afskrækkelsesstyrke, men det har stået med et ben i begge lejre, så det den ene dag har foregivet at holde de kristne i skak og den næste dag palæstinenserne.
The assination on 4 September 1981 of Mr Louis Delamare, French Ambassador to Lebanon and the savage attacks in 1981 and 1982 on chancelleries and diplomatic staff of Member States, were all attempts, through symbolic and dastardly acts, to impair the sovereignty of the Lebanese State.
For at sige det som det er, virker Syrernes tilstedeværelse i Libanon kun til at umulig gøre fredsbestræbelserne.
The hooded death which struck the staffs of embassies, and of the French embassy in particular, was intended to create a diplomatic vacuum in the Lebanon.
Det er en falsk påstand, når de hævder at spille rollen som mægler og stødpude mellem venstreorienterede muslimer og kristne falangister.
The aim in view, which is the outcome of the thirst for domination of the Lebanon's powerful neighbours, was to splinter the Lebanese State exactly as Poland was split up in the 18th century.
Hr. formand, hvis vi som europæere vil virke for en dialog, mener jeg også, at vi må forsøge at fremme den.
I also believe, Mr President, that if we, as Europeans, wish to hold a dialogue than we must first try to foster it.
I stedet for at sælge våben til Israel burde vi sørge for, at europæerne fremmer dialogen med PLO, som er en retmæssig repræsentant for det palæstinensiske folk.
Instad of selling arms to Israel, we in Europe ought to be fostering a dialogue with the PLO which is the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people.
Jeg mener vi havde temmelig let ved at vedtage økonomiske sanktioner mod Argentina; derfor kunne jeg lide at vide, hvad der forhindrer europæerne i at overveje, hvilke sanktioner vi eventuelt kunne gennemføre mod Israel.
I feel that we undertook economic sanctions against Argentina lightly and as a result I should like to know what is preventing Europe from devising sanctions which might be taken against Israel.
Ligeledes skal de palæstinensiske styrker afvæbnes.
It is may view that there is a great deal of hypocrisy in today's debate.
De tunge og teknisk avancerede våben, de råder over, og som Sovjetunionen ved Syriens mellemkomst har forsynet dem med, udgør afgjort en fare for alle, men især for det libanesiske folk selv.
Naturally we are in favour of Israel's right to exist, but we are forced to condemn the invasion of the Lebanon by Israel. We are forced to con demn the mass killing of Palestinians.
(Afbrydelser fra forskellige pladser til venstre i salen)
These international rules have not been observed in the Lebanon.
Jeg må med beklagelse sige, at de organisationer, som hævder at repræsentere det palæstinensiske folk, gør enhver fredelig løsning umulig, fordi deres politiske
I should like to conclude, Mr President, by stating that, in addition, as Socialists, we feel we ought not just to support the International Red Cross but also all
Det er min opfattelse, at der er meget hykleri i den forhandling, som vi fører i dag.
The third guiding principle is based on observance of human rights.
Vi må fordømme massakrerne på palæstinensere.
Embassy, staff can under no circum-
Dury ved hjælp af en endelig palæstinenser-problemet løsning.
Charzat stances be allowed to become the targets, and at times the victims of blind violence.
Det tredje princip er baseret på respekten for menne skerettighederne. Den blinde vold må ikke kunne være en trussel for ambassadepersonalets liv.
We are not just here appealing for a consistent policy.
Ambassadørerne har diplomatisk immunitet.
Our appeal is intended first and foremost to be one for the protection and defence of Europe's role and function today and in the future.
De må ikke under udøvelsen af deres hverv blive det foretrukne mål for barbariske hævnaktioner, der begrundes med uklare statslige hensyn.
What possible meaning could yesterday's passionate discussion on hunger in the world have if this were not the case, Mr Pisani?
Hr. formand, jeg vil slutte med at sige, at vi i øvrigt som socialister mener, at vi ikke blot bør støtte Det internationale Røde Kors, men også alle andre humanitære hjælpeorganisationer, der virker som sådan i Libanon, og især Den palæstinensiske Røde Halv måne.
In conclusion, the democracies of Europe must flourish their sense of solidarity towards the Lebanese State. The first step in stating Europe's desire to see Lebanese sovereignty upheld, and its integrity observed, is the re-opening, maintenance and continued operation of diplomatic representation of the ten Member States.
Min appel, hr. formand, er en appel om en dialog, om åbenhed og om fred.
To this end, political cooperation between Member States has become an urgent neces sity.
Formanden. — Fru Charzat har ordet.
President. — I call Mr Fanti.
Derfor haster det at etablere et bydende nødvendigt politisk samarbejde mellem medlemsstaterne.
We are however not in agree ment with the amendment tabled by Mr Barbi and consorts and we should like to lodge a protest against the procedure adopted.
Dette samarbejde skal foregå i retfærdighedens og fredens navn og være et højtideligt bevis på Europas vilje til at stå på det libanesiske folks og den suveræne libanesiske stats side.
These are the demands which we consider to be essential and necessary for Europe to make its voice and democratic determination clearly heard.
Charzat. — (FR) Hr. formand, mine damer og herrer, kære kolleger, begivenhederne, som Libanon har gennemlevet i årenes løb og i den seneste tid, har vist berettigelsen af mit beslutningsforslag om, at Fællesskabets ti medlemsstater skal genetablere og bibeholde deres ambassader, men forslaget rummer også viljen til den fremtidige genopbygning af et selv stændigt, frit og uafhængigt Libanon.
The situation created by the act of aggression carritd out by the Israeli forces against the Lebanon and the Palestinian people is exceptionally serious, both because of its immediate effects and its longer lasting consequences which involve Europe's relations with the Arab world, the Middle East and more generally with the whole area of the developing countries.
Vi var ledet af tre principper, da vi indgav dette beslutningsforslag.
Mr Glinne. — (FR) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, the Socialist Group will abide by the motion for a resolution (Doc.
Fanti. — (IT) Hr. formand, gruppen af kommunister og beslægtede har med sit beslutningsforslag ønsket at appellere til Europa-Parlamentets politiske gruppers og Fællesskabets institutioners samt Kommissionens og Rådets samvittighed og ansvarsbevidsthed.
The Israeli leaders cynically labelled their military operation 'Peace in Galilee', an operation which, in resources, methods and effects, brings to mind the Blitzkrieg tacúes which we would have wished could merely have remained a sad memory and warning of Hitler's Nazis.
Vi er imidlertid ikke enige i det ændringsforslag, der er blevet stillet af hr. Barbi m.fl., og i øvrigt protesterer vi mod den procedure, der er blevet anvendt.
Peace in Galilee — as indeed elsewhere in the world — can never be founded on violence, de struction, the massacre of civilians and death.
Det første princip omhandler den libanesiske stats ukrænkelige suverænitet.
In the spring, a delegation of the Socialist Group was on the spot in the Lebanon and we experienced at that time tremendous sorrow.
Døden, der har ramt i flæng blandt personalet på ambassaderne, især på den franske, skulle skabe et diplomatisk tomrum i Libanon. Som en konsekvens af de magtfulde naboers ønsker om overherredømme over Libanon var formålet, at den libanesiske stat skulle splittes op, sådan som det skete med Polen i det 18. århundrede.
As things stand today, we can but judge the bombing and murder of innocent people in the Lebanon by the Israeli Air Force as a flagrant violation of international law.
»Fred i Galilæa« har de israelske ledere kaldt denne millitæroperation, der i materiel, metoder og virkning får en til at tænke på en »Blitzkrieg«, som vi havde håbet blot ville være et sørgeligt minde fra Hitlers nazitid.
Similarly, the invasion of Lebanese territory by Israeli forces can only be considered by us as an act of aggression, a compounding factor to those which prevent the Lebanese State from really being a sover-
Også vi ønsker at den israelske stat skal leve i tryghed, og at israelerne skal leve i fred, men lad det være helt klart: dette vil aldrig kunne ske over palæstinensernes lig.
We too wish to see the State of Israel living securely, and the Israelis living in peace, but this much must be quite clear: this can never be achieved over the dead bodies of Palestinians.
Det, der er sket, og som stadig sker i Libanon, vil nødvendigvis få hadet, fanatismen og volden mellem israelerne og den arabiske verden til at vokse fra generation til generation og den, der ikke tager klar stilling, begår en alvorlig fejltagelse og påtager sig et tungt ansvar.
What has happened and is now happening in the Lebanon can only increase from one generation to the next, the hatred, fanaticism, and violence which exist between the Israelis and the Arab world and anyone who does not adopt a definite stance in this matter is making a serious mistake and taking upon himself a weighty responsibility.
Fanti rettigheder uden, at dette er blevet pålagt os, og vi var blandt dem, der sammen med de kristelig-demokratiske, de socialistiske og de kommunistiske ledere og repræsenterne for PLO, demonstrerede i Rom.
We have always stated that, on the Middle East problem, we voice with the same determination the statement of the right to exist of the State of Israel and the right of the Palestinian people to settle in a State of its own.