natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
På samme måde vil jeg sige til min kollega hr. Janssen van Raay, som jeg lyttede til med stor opmærksomhed, af jeg ikke mener, det letter forhandlingen i dette Parlament, når man ønsker at se problemet udvidet til alle jordens folk, eftersom vi har lejlighed til inden for dette Fællesskab at forsøge at bestræbe os på at harmonisere.
I am not saying that today we shall consecrate a 'happy' event, but I am convinced that, by our vote, we shall bear witness to the hope that by coming out against the death penalty this House can declare itself in favour of a different sort of future for mankind. I should like to remind you of Freud's statement that societies are born of a shared criminal act, alluding to the death penalty.
Den, der vil mest, kan mindst, som ordsproget siger, og lad os derfor blive enige inden for Fællesskabet.
We intend today to totally reject this shared criminal act or, in other words, the legitimization of the death penalty as the supreme punish ment.
De Gucht. — (NL) Fru formand, problemet vedrørende dødsstraffen og dens afskaffelse i EØF's jurisdiktion kan ses fra to synsvinkler.
At the beginning of my speech, I mentioned the fact that the debate which led to the drawing up of this document was not always an easy one.
Man kan lave en liste over argumenter, der taler for eller imod og prøve dem på grundlag af deres retsgyldighed og effektivitet. I den forbindelse må man indtage det principielle standpunkt, at retten til at leve er uantastelig. tastelig.
I should like to explain to the Members that we were faced with three fundamental obstacles which are in some ways — and I hope you will permit me to use this expression — as many alibis.
Vi har i Frankrig en bevægelse til afskaffelse af dødsstraffen, som har meget dybe og meget gamle rødder.
I have nothing to add to the arguments put forward by Mrs Vayssade, which have been confirmed during this debate.
Siden den store franske revolution i det attende århundrede, som lyste op på vejen til den menneske lige frigørelse i hele verden, har talrige og storsindede stemmer rejst sig i vort land mod en middelalderlig praksis, som gjorde mit land, og det er også jeg ked af at skulle sige, til det sidste, hvor man virkelig anvendte dødsstraffen.
I merely wish to say the following: let us show that it is not a blood pact which unites European societies but that we are certain — both for moral reasons and for reasons of intellectual and cultural dignity — that criminals can be reformed and become useful members of society once more, or at least that they can be in a position no longer to harm anyone without their heads having to fall into a basket to achieve this.
For at påbegynde drøftelserne forekommer det mig nyttigt at give en systematisk fremstilling af argumenterne for og imod dødsstraffen.
The problem arose from the fact that it was our constant wish both not to annoy a friendly country and not to go against the opinion polls carried out on this subject in France which showed that a majority of the population, 63%, was in favour of the death penalty.
I det væsentlige findes der to kategorier af argumenter: dem, der tager sigte på en beskyttelse af samfundet og dem, der giver udtryk for en moralsk vurdering, og som eventuelt ser dødsstraffen som en konsekvens af denne vurdering.
Well, this obstacle or alibi as we ought to call it, has quite obviously been removed because the newly-elected President committed himself during his election campaign to working towards the abolition of the death penalty.
En moralsk vurdering bliver først relevant, hvis den fremhæver sociale fænomener.
This argument has therefore been nullified as a result of the French elections.
Det er tydeligt nok ikke tilfældet med argumenterne, der hører til under denne fællesnævner.
I hope that this may have a positive effect on the whole of Europe.
Men som De ved, kære kolleger, er der sket vigtige politiske ændringer i vort land, især den 10. maj i år.
President. — I should simply like to point out for those who may have been surprised that the speaker cumulated her speaking time as rapporteur and as representative of her group.
Tyve århundreders afvisning af selvtægt danner i dette tilfælde den sociale ligevægt, selv om man desværre må slå fast, at den primitive hævntanke endnu ikke er forsvundet fra manges sind.
Another argument put forward was that of the death penalty as a means of combating terrorism, a scourge which has hit Europe like the Black Death and which has fostered in some people the idea that the State ought to meet this threat by inflicting the death penalty where it no longer exists, in Italy for example, as a continuation of a barbaric ritual, and by once
For et øjeblik siden fik vi et klart eksempel herpå: Et europæiske retsfællesskab, der gør sig fortjent til dette
Mr Schwartzenberg. — (FR) Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, I should like to remind you all of the spirit in which I tabled this motion for a resolution on 14 March 1980, that is 15 months ago now.
De Gucht navn og som som er klar over sin essentielle rolle på menneskerettighedernes område, kan ikke gøre andet end enstemmigt at afvise dette synspunkt.
Scbwartzenberg whose guilt is now called into question but who was not pardoned by the President of thé Republic.
litet og småforbrydelser, der kan føre ind på forbryderbanen. Mord er meget ofte afslutningen på en lang udviklingsproces.
Ladies and gentlemen, how can a situation be allowed in which the right to make a mistake is tolerated when the right to live is involved?
Et andet argument med moraliserende tendens går ud på, at dødsstraffen er mere human end en lang fængselsstraf, endda fængelsstraf på livstid. Emotionelt set reagerer jeg på dette argument ved at sige, at det græner til vanvid.
There is naturally no question of our enacting legisla tion in place of national parliaments nor of our encroaching on their particular legislative powers, but what we have to do is to help to guide them and inform them by this vote on general policy which will serve as a pointer and example to them all.
Logisk set er der en væsentligt forskel mellem den generelle opfattelse at døden er mere human end indespærring på livstid, og den respekt, der vises.— ikke den sociale accept, men respekten for den individuelle handling der udføres af dem, der tager skæbnen i egen hånd — selvmordet.
Obtaining the opinion of the European Parliament on this subject is all the more important, since for years now the French Parliament has been prevented from voting and legislating on this problem by the former govern ment which, taking unfair advantage of its control over the agenda, did everything in its power to prevent the Members of the French National Assembly from reaching a statutory decision on this point.
Socialt relevante standpunkter bør fremføres som udtryk for noget generelt ikke som udtryk for individuelle holdninger.
I wished to show, by my motion for a resolution, that until May 1981 French Members of Parliament were really freer to debate and to vote in Strasbourg than in Paris in a National Assembly which was at that time bound and fettered by those who used to be in power.
Ved en række andre argumenter står beskyttelsen af samfundet i forgrunden, selv om det fremgår af mine konklusioner, at visse argumenter har en moralsk undertone. For det første, den almene prævention, den afskrækkende virkning.
The third and last point I should like to raise with you is that a large number of statistics, as we have seen, show that the crime rate has not increased in States which have stopped using the death penalty, because it is well known that other sentences, such as longterm prison sentences, can be as much of a deterrent as applying the death penalty.
Af et standardværk om dette spørgsmål, »Deathpenalty« af Salim, fremgår det på overbevisende måde, at denne virkning ikke eksisterer.
So this merely leaves us with a punishment which some, and we in the Socialist Group are among them, consider cruel, not to say barbaric, a sort of primitive rite inherited from former times and contrary to our conscience.
I forbifarten kan det bemærkes, at dette værk allerede er skrevet i 1959. Det tager jo nogen tid før de videnskabelige fremskridt trænger igennem.
I too, like you, do not forget the victims of these crimes, like you, I too am haunted at times by the heinous and horrifying nature of certain bloody crimes.
Siden den tid er Salims påstand aldrig blevet modbevist, men tværtimod bekræftet ved eksperimentel forskning, hvis korrekthed ikke kan drages i tvivl.
Sometimes I am shocked by their growing number and by the rise in violent crime, but I am convinced, as no doubt are most of you today, that it is the hallmark of a civilization not to repay violence with violence or blood with blood. '
Vi behøver bare at tænke på fascismen. Hvad har konsekvenserne været af den mordjustits?
Ladies and gentlemen, your voice speaks for ten peoples of Europe.
Der mangler argumenter for at retfærdiggøre dødsstraffen, men kommer vi problemet nærmere på den måde?
May it be grave, clear and strong, may this House give voice to the common conscience of millions and millions of Europeans.
Er vi ikke først og fremmest mennesker, der stiller livets uantastelighed i centrum?
So on their behalf, let us now work in favour of life.
Vi vælger en humanitet, der afviser dødsstraf og beskytter ofrene med humane midler.
Let us go forward towards the principles of life, peace and humanity.
Dette standpunkt kommer tydeligt frem i ELD's, den europæiske liberale og demokratiske gruppes, program.
Let us act and vote together to 'outlaw' death.
Dette forslag til beslutning er for tiden til drøftelse i de kompetente udvalg og vil inden længe komme på plenarforsamlingens dagsorden.
And let us make this June day, at the dawn of a new era, a day to be remembered by all mankind!
Det er i den ånd, at vi giver Vayssade-betænkningen vor til slutning.
(Applause from the Socialist Group)
Formanden. — De europæiske fremskridtsdemokraters gruppe har ordet.
President. — I call the Group of the European People's Party (ChristianDemocratic Group).
Desuden har psykologien henledt opmærksomheden på mange morderes latente trang til selvmord, hvilket maner til eftertanke.'
My first argument, ladies and gentlemen, is that in our eyes Europe is not just a common market.
Israel. — (FR) Fru formand, kære kolleger, jeg kan ikke tage ordet i dag på min gruppes vegne, og jeg ønsker at takke mine kolleger for, at de har tilladt mig at fremføre mit personlige synspunkt i så vigtig en sag, som den vi i dag beskæftiger os med.
Along these lines, and Marie-Claude Vayssade made this perfectly clear, six of the Member States have legally abolished the death penalty and three others have abolished it de facto by ceasing to apply it.
Den er helt i over ensstemmelse med den værdighed; som bør være dette Parlaments, da det jo i forhold til de nationale parlamenter først og fremmest er et sted, hvor man over vejer og analyserer, en slags Europas etiske samvittighed, om De vil.
17 executions for common law offences have been carried out during the Fifth Republic, three of which during Mr Giscard d'Estaing's term of office alone, the fact being that he refused to pardon three of the seven people actually condemned to death during his presidency.
Da det drejer sig om fru Vayssade's betænkning, skal jeg kun gøre en simpel betragtning om formen, men som ligeledes kan vedrøre indholdet.
It was therefore a matter of urgency to achieve some measure of harmonization, all the more so since as Marie Claude Vayssade mentioned, harmonization of criminal law had been recognized by some of the groups in this House as one of our priorities, particularly within the framework of the European Convention on the fight against terrorism.
Jeg finder, at fru Vayssade måske ikke burde have henvist til den europæiske menneske rettighedskonvention, der faktisk indeholder mulig heden for dødsstraf.
The harmonization of criminal law cannot be achieved through repressive measures alone.
Kære fru Vayssade, det er farligt at indlede en revision af den europæiske menneskerettighedskonvention, det er bedre ganske enkelt at lade denne artikel blive forældet og bekræfte vort ønske om, at dødsstraffen ikke. anvendes i Det europæiske Fællesskab.
It should also lead to humanitarian measures so that all the citizens of the Ten may enjoy the same rights and guarantees and the same amount of 'protection. tion.
Den samme sociale irrelevans genfinder vi i argu mentet om, at dødsstraffen skulle forhindre tilbage fald.
I believe Victor,Hugo once said, 'For me, the guillotine bears the name of Lesurques', who was the innocent man guillotined in the Lyons affair.
I virkeligheden sker det yderst sjældent, og det er et udtryk for et meget dybere liggende problem end et tilbagefald, hvorfor der ikke findes en universel løsning, og hvorfor dødsstraffen heller ikke udgør en løsning.
Mr Janssen van Raay. — (NL) Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, Mrs Vayssade's report constitutes an important piece of work in that it gives the European Parliament the chance to put forward an important international plea for the abolition of the death penalty.
Hvis man går ud fra den antagelse, at dødsstraffen kun vil blive taget i betragtning som en mulighed i tilfælde af meget grove forbrydelser, og at man i disse sager vil benytte sig af kriteriet vaneforbrydelser, så kommer recidivproblemet slet ikke i betragtning.
As such, it deserves our utmost respect, and I am pleased to be able to say that the Christian-Democratic Group has decided to support her motion for a resolution.
Dette problems løsning, der aldrig kan blive perfekt, fordi mennesket er så komplekst, kan kun opnås ved en bekæmpelse af kriminaliteten som helhed og af volden i verden, gennem større opmærksomhed mod den kriminelle personlighed, retfærdig beskyttelse af samfundet, og om muligt social reintegration, med særlig hensyntagen til ungdomskrimina
We should like to shift the emphasis somewhat from what previous speakers have had to say on the grounds that, thanks,to us, the preamble to the motion for a resolution now incorporates as its tenth indent the words: '. .. voicing the hope that this initiative will provide inspiration for all countries in the world which still enforce the death penalty'.
Men det er ikke- derfor, jeg tager ordet her, fru formand.
As far as we are concerned, that is a more important point than holding a debate on the situation in Europe.
Europa-Parlamentets forhandlinger
Debates of the European Parliament van Raay a discussion is highly necessary.
Vi står nemlig ansigt til ansigt med dødsstraffen, som nedbryder denne hellige gnist af mystik, som oplyser naturen, og over for det problem kan der kun være individuelle og personlige reaktioner.
To sum up then, we support the appeal contained in the motion for a resolution, and we should like to thank Mrs Vayssade most sincerely for her useful, important and morally inspiring work.
ind for det samme. Det er derfor min faste tro, at den eneste straf, der passer til den afskyelige forbrydelse at slå ihjel er dødsstraf til morderen.
Sir Frederick Catherwood. — Madam President, I would like to make it clear first of all that there is no group view in the European Democratic Group.
Noget som helst mindre er en krænkelse af den myrdedes minde, en ringeagtelse af menneskelivets hellighed, og ingen afskrækkelse af potentielle mordere.
We will he putting two different points of view reflecting the difference of view in the group.
For blot nogle tiår siden var kropslig afstraffelse anerkendt, tortur blev betragtet som en naturlig ting i straffe retten.
But I hope the French Members will not think ill of me for shifting the emphasis somewhat in the light of the extremely important documentation produced by Amnesty International, an organization which cannot be praised highly enough for its pioneering work and its documentation.
Man havde ret til at anvende tortur — ikke for at skaffe sig oplysninger, som det siges, at der er politi, der gør det i dag — men man havde ret til at anvende tortur for at straffe.
What that documentation has to tell us is that, of the roughly 150 coun tries throughout the world, 130 still apply the death penalty.
Nuvel, jeg skammer mig ikke ved at sige til Dem i dag, at dødsstraffen er den yderste kropslige afstraffelse.
That, to our mind, is the most important point, and by rallying support for this motion for a resolution, we hope to address an urgent appeal to all these countries to take a serious look at this practice.
Der er ikke nogen principiel forskel mellem at torturere et individ for at straffe ham, og på den anden side at føre ham til en henrettelse.
Bearing in mind that only twenty countries have dispensed with the death penalty, and that thirteen qf them are European countries, you will no doubt appreciate why we are very keen to give this report an international, global flavour.
Jeg er overbevist om, at hvis man brugte dødsstraf, så ville disse unge mænd vide, at hvis de begik et mord, ville de med sikkerhed selv dø. Den afkølende tanke ville få mange af dem til at vige tilbage fra at tage deres medmenneskers liv.
As the statistics in the countries which have abolished capital punishment amply demonstrate, the increase of those crimes for which the death penalty was formerly imposed has not varied significantly from the incidence of crime generally.
Så fremstående personer som min kollega fru Weiss har udtalt i le Figaro, at de gik ind for dødsstraffen, men at de helt og holdent overlod os spørgsmålet om henrettelsesmåden, eller med andre ord, at de var imod guillotinen. Se, jeg mener, at disse to problemer er uadskillelige.
Mrs Vayssade made a legally perfectly correct distinction between the countries of the European Community by drawing a distinction between, for instance, Belgium and the Federal Republic of Germany.
Kort sagt, dødsstraffen er efter, mine begreber umenneskelig og nedværdigende.
Taking Luxembourg as an example, it can of course be said that Luxembourg law has abolished the death penalty, but that it remains a valid option in the Luxembourg constitution.
Lad mig tilføje, at det argument, der bliver faldbudt her, blandt så megen sentimentalitet, at samfundet ikke har nogen moralsk ret til at tage nogen borgers liv, selv som straf for hans forbrydelser, er inderligt falsk.
That is indeed legally correct, but — and let me repeat that this is not intended as criticism of Mrs Vayssade — I should like to point out that, practically speaking, nine of the ten Member States of the European Community no longer apply the death penalty.
I et samfund, hvor man straffer mord med døden, er det ikke samfundet, der tager morderens liv, men morderen selv, for han ved, før han begår sin forbrydelse, at hvis han bliver dømt, vil han fortabe sit eget liv.
You struck an optimistic note, Mrs Vayssade, and we have recently had a number of cases of clemency being granted in France.
I modsætning til offeret, som dør uden at have noget valg, vælger morderen med sin egen handling at dø. Efter mine begreber er det kun ret og rimeligt.
Let us hope that, in a few years' time, we shall have a situation where ten out of ten Member States of the Community no longer apply the death penalty in practice. tice.
Derfor, fru formand, vil jeg stemme imod dette beslutningsforslag ud fra den betragtning, at det ville have været mere passende for dette Parlament at bruge sin tid på at redde dem, der bliver myrdet, fremfor at redde morderne.
We should like to point out with all due emphasis in this House that we are in a position to address a massive moral appeal to the United Nations, to the whole world and to all those countries in which the death sentence still applies.
Jeg kan tilføje, at der i storforbryderes psykologi findes nogle træk, som man må gøre sig en del ulejlighed for at forstå.
If crimes of violence against persons have multiplied by four, as they have in England and Wales since the death penalty ceased to be executed, should we be reassured to know that murders have only multiplied by nearly two?
Der er først og fremmest en utvetydig drift mod selvmord.
Why should there have been any increase at all?
Enhver morder søger at dræbe sig selv, og hvem kan forresten i dag sige, hvor grænsen mellem det normale og det unormale går, når det drejer sig om en morders psykologi?
It is not like an economic growth rate, where you expect a natural increase.
Formanden. — Medlemmerne uden for grupperne har ordet.
My colleagues with whom I agree about so much — I am very sorry that I simply cannot agree on this.
Sieglerschmidt. — (DE) Fru formand, mine damer og herrer. Befinder menneskeheden sig på fremskridtets vej fra bestialitet til humanitet?
For the sake of protecting lives, which is why the death penalty was abolished, nearly twice as many innocent lives are being lost.
I betragtning af, at millionmordet på jødiske mennesker fandt sted for ikke så forærdelig længe siden, og at man indtil for ganske nylig har begået folkedrab, kan man godt have sine tvivl.
If the figures for the rest of Europe are different from those for England and Wales, then that should have been in the resolution, if I am wrong about that.
Og dog, mine damer og herrer, findes der tegn på, at det går fremad.
I should like to address a final word to Mrs Macciocchi.
Man kan trods alt ikke se bort fra, at der ikke mere er nogen, der tør retfærdiggøre deres krigeriske hensigter offentligt.
It seems to me rather a shame that her Amend ment No 3, relating to a paragraph 2a rather than a new paragraph, applies exclusively to the European countries, where it is to all intents and purposes no longer meaningful.
Paisley. — (EN) Fru formand, jeg repræsenterer den lille, provins Nordirland, som har set 2 000 af sine borgere blive hæmningsløst myrdet i de sidste par år, og 20 000 lemlæstet af terrorister, og jeg vil gerne uden undskyldninger af nogen art meddele, at jeg har større interesse og sympati for ofrene end for terroristerne.
There is, and has been, another view of the best way of protecting the dignity of human life: 'Whoever sheds the blood of man shall his blood be shed (not 'may' but 'shall' his blood be shed), for in the image of God has God made man'.
Det er mig derfor meget om at gøre, at de, der hensynsløst bringer døden til andre, bliver behandlet på en måde, som passer til den forfærdelige forbrydelse, de har begået.
That was the Christian view for 1900 years, and I personally do not believe that a Christian view can change in the face of a short-term wave of intellectual opinion.
Sieglerschmidt bemyndige og udføre det som stat. Og derfor er konsekvens for mig det væsentligste argument i denne sag.
Sitting of Wednesday, 17 June 1981
Et lignende tegn på håb er også bevægelsen til afskaffelse af dødsstraffen, som finder voksende tilslutning i vore folk.
Catherwood remind you that this debate has been stubbornly rejected by all the former governments of France.
Hun spurgte som svar næsten uforstående, hvad nytte det skulle gøre. »Det kan jo ikke bringe min mand tilbage«.
human rights, as we do in this Parliament, without talking about human duties.
En helt selvfølgelig konstatering. Hvad hjælper gengældelse?
And if human duties are not maintained, then you have to decide what to do about human rights.
Den kan kun gøre samfundet mere voldeligt. Så det argument forkaster jeg helt og aldeles.
The view which I have just put is still the instinct of the ordinary citizen in any poll you care to take.
Der består en indre sammenhæng — og det har alle rede flere gange i denne debat været tydeligt — mellem den skånseløse forfølgelse og hævn for mord og afskaffelsen af dødsstraffen. Begge er midler til at værne om retten til livet, også forbryderens. ret til livet.
We are now, I think we should face, in the middle of a humanist experiment against a view taken in Europe for nearly 20 centuries, and we need to be far more honest with ourselves about the actual increase in violence which is taking place and which is growing.
Jeg finder, at argumentet om den afskrækkende virkning må undersøges en hel del mere omhyggeligt.
President. — I call the Communist and Allies Group.