natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Wagner­betænkningen henviser til sagens europæiske dimension og kan, på den ene side, hjælpe os til politisk at relativere problemet, til at revidere den opfattelse, at »man alli­gevel ikke kan stille noget op med wallonerne« og til at se nærmere på sagen fra et økonomisk synspunkt.
The Wagner report emphasizes the European dimension of the matter and can help us on the one hand to put the problem into its correct political perspective, to get away from the attitude that it is a waste of time
Man kan drage nogle klare slut ninger af den siden 1977 førte politik.
If there had conti nued to be competition in this respect, would not the situation have very swiftly developed in the direction of agreements between the undertakings ?
sionen, at sprængningen af Eurofer var et fuldbyrdet faktum?
Why did the European Commission regard the break up of Eurofer as irrevocable ?
Hvis Kommissionen på det tidspunkt ikke havde grebet direkte ind, ville der så ikke være sket en naturlig eliminering af de svageste, og ville de i sig selv livsdygtige virksomheder ikke have fundet sammen?
If the Commission had not immediately intervened at that time, would not nature have taken its course, i.e. the weakest would have fallen by the wayside and the intrinsically viable would have found each other without outside help ?
Med andre ord: har den offendige indblanding i priserne mon ikke gjort problemet endnu vanskeligere?
In other words, did not the Commission's price inter vention increase the amount of dead wood ?
For det første: det er ikke eller kun i meget ringe grad lykkedes Kommissionen at skabe den kunstige markedsligevægt, som den havde planlagt, og det til trods for, at den har benyttet sig af alle de faktorer, der objektivt set er med til at bestemme eller forstyrre markedet, nemlig pris, produktionsniveau og støtte foranstaltninger.
bounds when it comes to freedom of interpretation and the Commission has undoubtedly been easy going with the Member States on this point, and Belgium is no exception. If the Commission conti nues with this indulgent approach when it comes to assessing plans for the steel industry, this will have farreaching implications.
Det må øge vor skepsis over for muligheden for at styre et marked, selv i en meget kort periode.
We must ask the Commission whether it intends to take a firmer line in future, and the question of Cockerill-Sambre can in fact also be considered in this context.
Markedet lader sig ikke båndlægge, og hvis man i det hele taget kan øve nogen indflydelse, så kan det kun lykkes ved hjælp af økonomiske faktorer, der selv er aktive på markedet, nemlig virksomhederne.
All that is needed is to fill in the name of the undertaking. We have reached a crucial stage in this matter too and a great deal of political discipline is required — which means, among other things, that when the bill is presented, the politicians involved, particularly the Walloon politicians, must be made aware of their responsibility.
Kommissionen har villet spille uoldmandens lærling med det resultat, vi alle kender.
If they are obliged to go and get some of the money from the very people who are breathing down their necks, they might perhaps think twice in future before spending thousands of millions as if it were chickenfeed.
Herefter kan man stille et andet spørgsmål: er der ikke en vej tilbage?
This brings me to a second question. Is there a way back ?
Kan man ikke vende tilbage til de frivillige prisaftaler, når de nationale omstruktureringsplaner bedømmes?
When assessing the national restructuring plans, can we not return to a system of voluntary price agreements ?
Omstruktureringsplanerne må nødvendigvis give et billede af en europæisk jern- og stålindustri, der er tilpasset efterspørgslen, og som fungerer efter rentabilitetens love.
The restructuring plans should logically paint a picture of a European steel industry which is adapted to demand and which works according to the principles of profitability.
Kan industrien ikke hyppe sine egne kartofler?
Can the industry not work out things for itself ?
Hvis industrien ved, at den er nødt til at sørge for sig selv, vil det så ikke få til følge, at omstruktureringsplanerne bliver desto strengere?
And would not the knowledge that it had to work things out for itself, mean it would be somewhat more rigorous in its restructuring plans.
Det viser endnu en gang, hvor vanskeligt det er at forudse udviklingen i en sektor, selv på rimeligt kort sigt.
Mr Griffiths (S). — Madame President, there is much in the Wagner report on the continuing crisis in the steel industry that is to be welcomed.
I forbindelse med de storslåede redningsplaner, der inden længe kommer til at ligge på Kommissionens bord, får den sidste bemærkning en ganske særlig betydning. Planerne vil være afstemt efter de sidste prognoser, tilsat lidt optimisme, da det nok ville være første gang, en prognose bagefter skulle vise sig at holde stik.
Its strong insistence on the need to provide alternative employ ment, retraining and social support cannot be over-emphasized, bearing in mind the massive job losses that have taken place and are still taking place in steel areas.
Denne målsætning har Kommissionen endnu ikke sat sig. Der er ikke en eneste grund til at antage, at Kommissionens sidste prognoser skulle være de definitivt rigtige, medmindre den kan bevise det modsatte.
This can mean, in areas heavily dependent on the steel industry, like South Wales, that steel job losses are matched almost job for job by losses in the rest of the regional economy.
Kommissionen indrømmer selv, at det ikke er muligt at stille prognoser for perioden efter 1985, selv om omstruktureringen til den tid burde være en kendsgerning. Der er heller ikke nogen grund til, at medlemsstaterne nu pludselig skulle respektere tidsfristerne, eftersom de indtil nu målbevist har udskudt problemerne. merne.
Thus the heart is ripped out of the region as adult unemployment spirals beyond 20 % and 90 out of every 100 schoolleavers fail to find fulltime employment In this situation, it is imperative that the measures required to combat the crisis in the steel industry should accompany restructuring and not follow it a year or two afterwards.
Iværksættelsen af en støtteordning viser sig at være meget vanskelig i praksis.
Without such an assurance, a major objective of the report will have been emptied of meaning.
a) Kommissionen burde aldrig have været så ambitiøs, at den ville benytte alle markedsfaktorer.
My second conclusion is that it is probably a mistake to regard forecasts as established facts and take them as the basis for restructuring.
Den burde f.eks. ikke have blandet sig i priserne, og den burde have set kvoterne i sammenhæng med den gennemførte omstrukturering, idet der stilles strengere krav for at opnå støtte hetil.
If reorganization is to be successful, it must bring about a theoretical shortage on the market, and this is something which the Commission has never aimed at.
Prisaftaler inde holder kun et dynamisk element, hvis de laves af dem, der er aktive på markedet, dvs. virksomhederne.
There is no reason whatsoever to assume that the Commission has hit the nail on the head with its latest forecasts, unless it can provide proof to the contrary.
I Grandoisplanen går man i hvert fald ud fra, at det ikke er tilfældet, men hvis nu alligevel passede, hvordan forholder det sig så med de planer, der bliver udskudt af medlemsstaterne?
The Gandois plan at any rate works on the assumption that this is not the Commission's view, and if it is, what about the plans which the Member States are postponing.
Enten har Kommissionen taget fejl af datoen, og så må den korrigere den; hvis ikke, så må den tilladte overskridelse fortolkes meget frit. Eller også anser Kommissionen stadig væk datoen for at være realistisk og nødvendig, og så må den kræve, at den overholdes.
Either the Commission has made a mistake in the date — in which case it must revise it — or it has not, in which case the margin allowed will be interpreted very freely.
Den oprindelig slutdato burde man faktisk have kunnet overholde, men så skulle Kommissionen have fastsat et meget tidligere tids punkt for forelæggelse af og beslutning om omstruktureringsplanerne.
It should indeed have been possible to stick to the original deadline, but in that case the Commission should have stipulated a much earlier deadline for submitting the restructuring plans and for the decisions regarding them.
Hvorfor er et egentlig ikke sket?
Why did it not in fact do so.
Man må stille Kommissionen det spørgsmål, om det er dens alvor ingen optræde med strenghed?
If the Commission wishes to regulate aid measures, it must be more uncompromising as other wise things will drag on for ever.
På denne baggrund skal
Politicians know no
I denne kontekst kan et første spørgsmål rettes til Kommissionen.
The report points out that the Community institu tions have suitable instruments at their disposal to enable them to tackle these problems.
Havde det ikke været bedre, hvis den ikke havde rørt ved priserne?
Where it falls short, however, is in its failure to emphasize the pathetic under-financing of these instruments to enable them to be used effectively in the struggle to overcome unemployment in the steel crisis areas.
Ville situationen, hvis der stadig havde været konkurrence på dette område, ikke på ganske kort sigt have ført til en aftale mellem virksomhederne indbyrdes?
The blunt truth is that the money is not available and, with the Commission's budget close to the point of bankruptcy, it is not likely to become available in the near future.
Griffiths (S). — (EN) Fru formand, der er meget at glæde sig over i Wagnerbetænkningen om den fortsatte krise i stålindustrien.
The gradual worsening of the international economic environment and its serious repercussions on the social situation, particularly on the labour market in the steel industry, should be enough to prevent any politician from sleeping soundly at night.
I .betænkningen fremhæves nødvendigheden af at skabe alternative arbejdspladser, omskoling og social støtte, og nødvendig heden heraf kan ikke understreges kraftigt nok, når man tænker på det enorme tab af arbejdspladser, der har fundet sted, og som stadig finder sted i stålindu striområderne.
When we speak of the prejudicial effects of the crisis in the steel industry on other economic sectors we tend, perhaps, to think rather too much of the industries located downstream and upstream of steelmaking : for example, those which depend directly or indirectly on steel as customers or suppliers of the steel industry.
Problemet forøges af følgevirkningerne på andre virksomheder og industrier.
For my part, I am almost equally concerned about the small and mediumsized companies, of which, many, although at the moment they are in very good shape, could soon be seriously threatened by the measures which have been adopted to cope with the steel crisis.
Dette kan i områder, som er meget afhængige af stålindustrien
So I think we need to be very careful in the strategy we adopt for this struggle.
Betænkningen har også mange gode intentioner, men den er tvetydig på et meget vigtigt punkt, nemlig med hensyn til hvorledes kapacitetsnedskæringerne inden for stålindustrien skal fordeles.
The report is also well-intentioned but ambiguous on the crucial point of how capacity reductions in the industry are to be shared out.
Alle ved, at den konservative regering i England siden 1979 har ofret stålindustrien, og med den mange andre, på det 19. århundredes frimarkeds-ideers alter — ideer, som intet andet EØF-land følger, i hvert fald ikke med samme volsomme fanatisme.
Everybody knows that since 1979 the Tory Government in Britain has slaughtered the steel industry along with many others on the altar of 19th century free market ideas which no other country in the EEC pursues, at least not with the same ferocious fanaticism.
Min socialistiske kollega, hr. Wagner har forsøgt at behandle dette ved at henvise til nødvendigheden af at tage hensyn.til den indsats, der er gjort siden 1977 for at omstrukturere stålindustrien.
My Socialist colleague, Mr Wagner, has tried to deal with this by referring to the need to take into account efforts made since 1977 to restructure national steel industries.
Siden 1977 har Det forenede Kongerige tegnet sig for 50 % af strukturarbejdsløsheden i Fællesskabets stålindustri.
Since 1977 the United Kindom has accounted for 50 % of the steel redundancies in the entire Community.
Der er imidlertid ikke tvivl om, at hvis de britiske vælgere opterer for endnu en bitter dosis konservativ medicin, så vil den konservative regering benytte en senere henvisning i betænk ningen til de eksisterende markedsandele til at fore tage yderligere nedskæringer i British Steel Corporations arbejdsstyrke og kapacitet.
However, there is no doubt that should the British electorate opt for another bitter dose of Tory medicine, a Tory government would use a later reference in the report to existing shares of the market to make further cuts in British Steel Corporation manpower and capacity.
Dette vil føre til en vrig lammelse af den britiske stålindustri, ja, det vil måske betyde, at den uddør.
This would leave the British steel industry permanently crippled and perhaps even on its deathbed.
Jeg er ikke i tvivl om, at de konservative vil benytte den nuværende vanskelige situation til helt at lukke endnu et stålværk i Det forenede Kongerige.
There is no doubt in my mind that the Tories would use the current difficult situation to close down completely another steelworks in the UK.
Hvem kan sige, om det bliver i Skotland, Wales, Yorkshire eller det nordøstlige England?
Who can tell whether it would be in Scotland, Wales, Yorkshire or the North-East ?
De søger efter en undskyldning til at lukke endnu et stålværk i Det forenede Kongerige, og tvetydigheden i punkt 2b i beslutningen kan desværre hjælpe med til at retfærdiggøre en sådan handling.
They are looking for an excuse to close down another steelworks in the UK and, unfortunately, the ambiguity of paragraph 2 (b) of the resolution could help to justify such an action.
Wagnerbetænkningen er som helhed et positivt bidrag i behandlingen af stålkrisens følger.
The Wagner report is, on the whole, a positive contribution to dealing with the consequences of the steel crisis.
Men det nævnes ikke, at denne krise stort set er selvforskyldt, at den grasserende monetarisme, som størstedelen af de højreorienterede regeringen dyrker, gør stålkrisen værre, og at stålindustrien i EF, og navnlig den britiske, vil visne bort som en vinstok i tørken, så medtaget, at den aldrig vil komme til at gro igen, hvis der ikke gøres en ende på monetarismen og skabes en udvidelse af efterspørgslen.
It does not point out, however, that this crisis is largely a self-inflicted wound, that the rampant monetarism of the majority of right-wing governments is making the steel crisis worse and that without an end to monetarism and an expansion of demand in the economy the steel industry of the Community, and of the UK in particular, will wither away like a vine in a drought, so scorched as never to grow again.
Fællesskabet vil ende på samme måde, med mindre det viser virkelig solidaritet med sine arbejderne.
The Community itself will go the same way unless it shows real solidarity with its workers.
Estgen (PPE). — (FR) Fru formand, kære kolleger, hvem ville ikke gerne med ildhu bekæmpe krisen i stålindustrien i Europa, hvem ville ikke gerne knytte en smule håb til denn kamp?
One of the main achievements of the European Community has been peace ; peace between the Member States, but also internal peace, that is to say, social peace.
Jeg foretrækker imidlertid straks at sige, at den betænkning, som man har forelagt os, alt i gør os nogelunde tilfredse.
I am very much afraid that this social peace will be threatened if we do not find — and find very soon — workable solutions for the steel sector.
Når man taler om stålkrisens skadelige virkninger på andre økonomiske sektorer, tænker man måske lidt for meget på de industrier, der forsyner stålindustrien og aftager dens produkter, f.eks. på dem, som i egen skab af kunder eller leverandører er direkte eller indirekte afhængige kunder af stålindustrien.
If we want to give new impetus to the European steel policy, we need longterm investment planning and prudential coordination between the different plants, so that none of our steelmaking regions ends up as an economic disaster ared.
Jeg for min del er næsten lige så bekymret for de små og mellemstore virksomheder, hvoraf mange stadig er
Of course, we shall also need to make cutbacks in capacity.
I betænkningen peges der på, at fællesskabsinstitutionerne har passende instrumenter til rådighed til at tacle disse problemer.
Nevertheless, we really must ask whether the Commission's estimate, according to which the European steel industry will have approximately 30 % excess productive capacity in 1985, is really accurate.
Hvad betænkningen imidlertid ikke har med; er en understregning af den håbløse underfinansiering af disse instrumenter, hvilket betyder, at de kan anvendes affektivt i bestræbelserne på at løse arbejdsløshedsproblemet i kriseområderne inden for stålindustrien.
The truth is that the Commission bases its estimates on the present state of demand in order to justify its restructuring plans, but it is very difficult to make an accurate assessment of future requirements in terms of steel, given the difficulty of making reliable forecasts and given the economic and technological change which is resulting from the measures we have adopted to combat the crisis.
Faktum er, at pengene ikke findes, og da Kommissionens budget nærmer sig konkurspunktet, er der ikke stor sandsynlighed for, at der vil være penge til rådighed i den nærmeste fremtid.
When an upturn comes which is always possible, we should not run the risk of seeing our steel industry hamstrung in ten or fifteen years' time for lack of productive capacity.
Forhåbentlig tager jeg fejl, men alt tyder på — navnlig erfaringerne fra South Wales — at der ikke er tilstrækkelige milder til at opfylde de arbejderes behov, som år efter at være blevet erklæret arbejdsløse stadig befinder sig på arbejdsløshedens affaldsdynge.
Mr Estgen (PPE). — (FR) Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, who would not want to participate wholeheartedly in the struggle to overcome the crisis in the European steel industry, who would not want to look for some flicker of hope ?
Luxembourg kæmper mod Kommissionens for præcise eller urimelige krav til Storhertugdømmet.
The Commission's aim is to take the necessary steps so that by the end of 1985 the European steel industry will be in a state of financial equilibrium, or even restored to profitability, without needing public subsidy.
Man har sagt, at Luxembourg levede af stål ligesom Egypten af Nilen — og det er sandt — og jeg tror, at man ud fra et sådant synspunkt må betragte Luxem bourgs særegenhed i og med dets størrelse og den store betydning, som stålindustrien har i dets samlede industrielle aktivitet og den voldsomme indflydelse, som stålkrisen har på landets økonomiske situation: mellem slutningen af 1974 og slutningen af 1982 er Luxembourgs stålproduktion faldet med henved 42 %, medens gennemsnittet for Fællesskabet var 20 %.
In approaching this matter, the Commission should take account of the efforts that have been made, as well as the economic, social and political impacts of these efforts in each Member State.
Det er derfor ikke rimeligt på nuværende tids punkt at fastsætte samlede og ensartede normer for reduktion for alle de europæiske.stålindustrier.
In estimating capacity, the Commission has taken 1980 as its reference year and hopes to achieve a cutback in capacity of 15 % to 21 % for Europe as a whole.
Da vi har handlet tidligere end de fleste af vore naboer, finder jeg det legitimt, at man tager hensyn til vor forklogskab.
But by taking 1980 as its reference year, it is penalizing those companies which began to cut back their productive capacity much earlier than others in order to restore the market to health, which is particularly unjust.
Vi kan ikke tolerere tendentiøse afgørelser, som medfører uacceptabel diskrimination for vort land, som har spillet det europæiske spil meget alvorligt.
I note with great satisfaction the demands for an increase in the resources of the Regional Fund, and in particular the nonquota section.
For selv om mit indlæg har kunnet give indtryk af en vis nationalisme, må man ikke glemme, at 26 % Stor hertugdømmets befolkning er udlændinge, europæere, og at 35 % af arbejdskraften i industrien består af immigranter fra Fællesskabets lande: italienere, franskmænd, tyskere, belgiere og portugisere.
Furthermore, the integrated regional development programmes, especially in the frontier regions within the Community, peripheral regions and those with a strongly marked dependence on a single coal and steel structure are of major importance, and especially for Luxembourg.
Når man derfor i forbindelse med stålindustrien og den økonomiske krise taler Luxembourgs sag, taler man i virkeligheden Europas sag.
Several times over the past few years 1 have had the opportunity to explain to this House the existential problems facing Luxembourg as a result of the steel crisis.
Jeg mener derfor, at vi må være meget forsigtige i vor kampstrategi.
First, the major importance of the steel industry for Luxembourg's economy.
Et af Det europæiske Fælllesskabs vigtigste resultater har været fred, fred mellem medlemsstaterne, men også fred indadril, dvs. fred i samfundet.
About 25 % of industrial production and over 50 % of foreign trade is represented by this industry.
Jeg frygter meget, at denne fred i samfundet er truet, hvis vi ikke meget hurtigt finder autentiske løsningr for stålsektoren.
Second, there are very many French and Belgian workers employed in the Luxembourg steel industry.
Der er bestemt også brug for reduktion af produktionskapaciteten.
At the moment, they make up about a third of the labour force.
Vi må imidlertid spørge os selv, om Kommissionens skøn, ifølge hvilket den europæiske stålindustri faktisk får en overskydende produktionskapacitet på ca. 30 % i 1985, i nøjagtig.
As regards the question of aid, although it has made an effort to be objective, the Commission's reasoning is similarly subject to some caution.
I tilfælde af det opsvning, som stadig er muligt, bør man ikke løbe den risiko, at vor stålindustri står med en ringere kapacitet, end landet har brug for om 10 eller 15 år.
So it is only logical that Luxembourg should oppose the Commission's excessively precise or inequitable demands with regard to the Grand Duchy.
Der er kort sagt brug for en meget erfaren ekspert til at se nærmere på situationen i alle Fællesskabets stål virksomheder, og da hr. Jean Gandois, tidligere direktør for Rhone-Poulenc og Sacilor, allerede har gennemført undersøgelser for Arbed i Luxembourg og Cockerill-Sambre i Belgien, og disse to stater gerne vil følge ham, ville jeg ønske, at hr. Gandois udarbejdede et virkelig fyldigt materiale om den europæiske stålindustri til os.
It has been said that Luxembourg depends on steel for its survival just as Egypt depends on the Nile — and it is true — and I think that, from that point of view, account should be taken of the special situation of Luxembourg because of its size, the considerable proportion of its overall industrial activity which is accounted for by steelmaking and the colossal impact which the steel crisis has had on the economic situation of the country : between the end of 1974 and the end of 1982 steel production in Luxembourg fell by almost 42 %, as compared with a Community average of 20 %.
Abens (S). — (DE) Fru formand, jeg vil koncentrere mig om de regionalpolitiske aspekter, uden dog herved at undervurdere betydningen af de økono miske og sociale krav, som er opstillet i Wagner betænkningen.
So it is not reasonable to stipulate uniform global levels of production cutback for all Members of the European steel industry.
Jeg har med stor glæde bemærket kravene om en forøgelse af navnlig den kvotafrie del af regionalfonden.
Given that we began to reduce output earlier than most of our neighbours, I think that it is reasonable to expect our foresight to be taken into account.