natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Alene for minerne i Limburg i Belgien stiger tabet fra 9 til 13 mia. belgiske francs, hvilket er et glimrende våben for den belgiske regering til at kunne lukke måske både minen i Winterslag og dem i Waterschei og Eisden.
For Belgium's Limburg mines alone, the losses have risen from Bfrs 9 000 million to Bfrs 13 000 mil
I øjeblikket kan eksportfremmende strategier betyde mere for vækst i verdenshandlen og derfor også for den globale økonomiske vækst end svævende erklæ
Mrs Van Hemeldonck (S). — (NL) Mr President, Mr President of the Commission, there are 13 or perhaps 14 million unemployed people in the Community, 31 million unemployed in the OECD countries, and
Når først minerne er lukket, og når først olien i Nordsøen ikke længere bliver udvundet, vil priserne hurtigt stige igen.
Mr President of the Commission , we are counting on you to make sure that the voice of Europe will be heard loud and clear in Tokyo.
Det, som i årevis blev forkyndt som den helt store chance, viser sig nu at blive årsag til, at tusinder af arbejdspladser går tabt i min provins.
unemployment is rising. Older unemployed people are now facing a future where they may possibly never work again, and there are more and more unemployed young people who have never worked.
Endvidere vil jeg gerne støtte beslutningsforslaget af Seeler, Van Hemeldonck, Glinne o.a.
At world level we see the same thing happening: the poor go on getting poorer, be they individuals or countries.
Jeg vil ønske, at også andre aspekter af den internationale handel vil blive behandlet på den kommende GATT-konference.
Mr Herman (PPE). — (FR) Mr President, at Tokyo they will also be discussing terrorism, trade and monetary matters.
Først og fremmest forpligtelsen til at ind bygge den internationale arbejdsoverenskomst i aftalen synes jeg er vigtig.
What influence can the Europeans have on this major topic unless they first succeed in reach ing a common position on terrorism?
På den måde kan man undgå megen uretfærdig konkurrence, og der kan komme en ende på landes og virksomheders overbudspolitik, der går ud på at spille arbejdere i Vesten og i den tredje verden ud mod hinanden på grund af mangelen på eller afskaffelsen af en social politik.
In monetary matters, how can we lend plausibility to the need to establish relations of lasting stability between the three major currency areas, if we cannot agree between ourselves to make the ECU a reserve currency and an instrument for international settlements?
Man kan ikke tale om international handel, hvis man ikke taler om de multinationale selskaber.
As regards the Japanese balance of payments surplus and trade balance, how can the Japanese take us seriously if every country is going to negotiate its own little national quota bilaterally?
Europa må skamme sig over, at det stadig ikke ønsker at være et godt eksempel ved gennem udstedelsen af Vredelingdirektivet at give arbejdstagerne ret til større kontrol med disse i virkeligheden ledende, men ukontrollerede organer i Vestens økonomiske liv.
When will national governments understand that by acting together in unity and using Community procedures and institutions, they can achieve much, but that if they are dispersed, each committed to the defence of its own national viewpoint, they will remain powerless?
Det kan ikke lade sig gøre uden en fælles indsats.
That can only be achieved as a common effort.
Det kan ikke lade sig gøre uden økonomisk vækst, uden pro duktive investeringer. Det er der imidlertid nu mulig hed for.
It cannot be achieved without economic growth, without productive invest ment.
Faldet i energiomkostningerne, forøgelsen af produktiviteten gennem indførelsen af ny teknologi giver mulighed for hurtigere vækst, for produktive investeringer, for nedsættelse af arbejdstiden.
The fall in energy costs, the rise in productivity brought about by the introduction of new technologies, are creating opportunities for faster growth, for productive investment, for reductions in working hours.
Derved kan der skabes større beskæftigelse, hvis der er poli tisk vilje dertil, og hvis EF-landene optræder samlet.
That means that more jobs can be created provided the political will exists, provided a joint effort is made by the Community countries.
De største prioriteter for topmødet skal derfor afgjort være : en hurtigere, men fremfor alt en mere afbalanceret vækst for at bekæmpe arbejdsløsheden, politiske rammer for internationalt samarbejde med hensyn til den monetære politik og valutakurserne, eventuelt med sammenkaldelse til en international monetær konference, som kan løse problemerne med rentesatserne og valutakurserne, samt nødvendigheden af flere produktive investeringer.
The top priorities for the summit must therefore be: faster, but above all more even growth in order to combat unemployment, a political framework for international cooperation in the area of monetary policy and exchange rates, possibly with the convening of an international monetary conference to tackle the problems of interest rates and exchange rates, and the need for more productive investment.
De bemærkninger, som Den internationale Valutafond fremsatte i den for bindelse i sidste uge, er imidlertid meget pessimistiske med hensyn til Europa i betragtning af, at fonden bemærker, at der ikke er nogen fælles koordineret politik.
The observations of the International Monetary Fund in this connection last week are how ever very pessimistic as regards Europe, in that, as the Fund points out, there is no coordinated common policy.
Der er behov for en gennemtænkt og varieret energipolitik, som gør os uafhængige af prissvingningerne, og som tager hensyn til følgerne deraf, bl.a. for miljøet.
We need to have a well thought out and widely diversified energy policy that will enable us to become independent of fluctuations in prices, and that will take the consequences of this into account, particularly the impact on the environment.
Der er behov for flere investeringer i de industrialiserede landes ægte kapital, nemlig kapitalen i form af arbejdskraft, uddannelse, oplæring af arbejdskraften, men også grundforskning og forskning inden for den anvendte teknologi.
We need more investment in the real capital resources of the industrialized countries, that is to say in the capital resource of their labour forces and in their training and education, and also at a fundamental level in research and development in applied technologies.
Endelig er nedskæringen af arbejdstiden svaret på den store arbejds løshed og den teknologiske udvikling.
Ultimately cuts in working hours will be the answer to high unemployment and technological development.
Først og frem mest Japan må gå med til dette, Japan som i øjeblik ket stadig har 25% længere arbejdstid end Europa.
Japan in particular, as a country that now has 25% longer working hours than Europe, will have to go along with this.
Som hr. Seeler og andre kolleger sagde, må der tages fat på gældsproblemet gennem en rentenedsættelse som led i den internationale solidaritet med den tredje verden.
As Mr Seeler and other Members have said, the debt problem must be tackled by reducing interest rates in a show of international solidarity with the Third World.
Der kan lettere findes midler til infrastruktur, hvis militære udgifter bliver nedskåret.
Resources for infrastructural needs will be easier to find if military spending is reduced.
Samhandelen må blive virkelig åben ved hjælp af gennemførelsen af et bedre europæisk indre marked og anvendelsen af konkurrencereglerne inden for den internationale arbejdsrets normer.
Basic trading structures must be made genuinely open through the achievement of a better European internal market and the application of rules of competition according to international labour law standards.
Derfor går vi socialister også ind for et tæt samarbejde mellem GATT, OECD, Den internationale Valutafond, Ver densbanken, UNCTAD og Den internationale Arbejdsorganisation for at nå frem til et realistisk internationalt monetært handelssystem.
It is for that reason too that we socialists also advocate close cooperation between GATT, the OECD, the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, UNCTAD and the Inter
Van Hemeldonck (S). — (NL) Hr. formand, hr. Kommissionsformand, der er 13, måske 14 millioner arbejdsløse i EF, 31 millioner arbejdsløse i OECD-landene, og arbejdsløsheden stiger.
Mr Visser (S). — (NL) Mr President, the agenda for the Tokyo summit has not, as far as I know, been finalized, but it is assumed that six important points will be up for discussion in any event, and those are the need for stronger economic growth, an improvement in the employment situation, monetary stability, the debt crisis, the energy crisis and giving an impetus to world trade.
Også arbejdsløshedens gennemsnitlige varighed tiltager.
I am all for encouraging an optimistic view, but what is the reality?
På verdensplan sker der overalt det samme: de fattige bliver fattigere, hvad enten det drejer sig om enkelt personer eller om lande.
We have to look at the situation from the standpoint of the four power blocs of the United States, the Community, Japan and the develop ing countries.
Intet viser i højere grad grænserne for europæisk politisk
Debates of the European Parliament
Europa-Parlamentets forhandlinger
Conclusion: we must not set our expectations too high.
Herman samarbejde, dette overdådige snakkeorgie mellem ad ministrationerne, end den radikale effektivitet, hvor med vi har løst problemet med den af oberst Kaddafi skabte terrorisme.
We in the Community face a new cooperation strategy that is in danger of misfiring. There is of course a lot of talk about more economic growth, but it has not turned out the way we had expected.
Der gøres for få fremskridt med udbygningen af det europæiske monetære system.
There has been too little progress with the expansion of the European Monetary System.
Også i Fællesskabet har vi en for høj rente, og medlemsstaterne går for individualistisk til værks ved bekæmpelsen af ar bejdsløsheden og ved afhjælpningen af følgerne af energikrisen.
The Community too has interest rates that are too high, and the Member States are much too individualistic in their approach to combating unemployment and dealing with the consequences of the energy crisis.
Der er endnu ikke truffet nogen konkrete beslutninger af ministerrådene til forberedelse af topmødet i Tokio.
Concrete decisions have still not been taken by the Councils of Ministers to prepare for the Tokyo summit.
Egentlig står vi med tomme hænder. der.
We shall be going in empty handed.
Hvis vi ser på Japan, så har vi stadig at gøre med en undervurderet yen, et lukket hjemmemarked og et gigantisk overskud på handelsbalancen.
When we look at Japan, we still have to cope with the problem of an undervalued yen, a closed internal market and a gigantic balance of trade surplus.
Der er mulig heder, men vi ser kun lidt virkelig beredvillighed.
Of course there are possibilities, but we can see little in the way of willingness to act.
Hvordan skal man få de mange millioner mennesker, der dag lig foretager transaktioner på valutamarkederne, til at forstå, at der findes en afløser for dollaren, der er langt bedre end denne, når borgerne i nogle af Fælles skabets medlemsstater ikke har lov til at åbne ECU-konti?
One, Mr Nakasone has announced that he is going to alter the savings system in Japan, which should lead to a reduction in the volume of saving and an increase in private demand, and, two, I emphasize again the poor relationship of the yen to the ECU.
Udviklingslandene får forelagt regningen for alt dette; de sidder tilbage med en kæmpegæld og for lidt vækst.
The developing countries are the ones who will be picking up the bill for all this: they are lumbered with gigantic debts and too little growth.
De bliver konfronteret med en for stiv optræden fra IMFs side, en kæmpeinflation og mærker følgerne af den høje rente, den ustabile dollar og energikrisen.
They have to deal with an unyielding, hard-line IMF and giant inflation rates while trying to live with high interest rates, an unstable dollar and the energy crisis.
Konkret har de temmelig lidt at byde.
In concrete terms they have very little to offer.
Hvad angår overskuddene på Japans betalings- og handelsbalance: Hvordan skal japanerne kunne tage os alvorligt, hvis hvert enkelt land vil forhandle bilateralt om sin lille nationale kvota?
Thirdly, the new commercial 'round'. Mr Kilby was right to point out that the Community, which is trying to realize a larger market without frontiers, is setting an example for multilateral trade.
Nu lyder det noget pessimistisk, men det bekræftes af drøftelserne i sidste uge i IMFs interimsudvalg i Washington.
This may seem quite pessimistic, Mr President, but it was confirmed in discussions in the IMF Interim Com mittee last week in Washington.
Der er stadig ikke opnået enighed om en nedsættelse af renten.
There is still no agreement on bringing interest rates down.
Der er ikke opnået enighed om en videregående monetær stabilisering og om den ottende supplering til IDA (Den internationale Sam menslutning for økonomisk Udvikling), den såkaldt bløde afdeling af Verdensbanken.
There is no agreement on more extensive monetary stabilization or on the eighth supplementary appropriations for the IDA (International Development Association), the so-called eighth department of the World Bank.
(Bifald fra højre)
Fourthly, energy.
Nogle af Fællesskabets medlemsstater kan kritiseres stærkt.
Some Member States of the Community merit very severe criticism, Mr President.
Jeg tænker særlig på Vesttyskland, Storbritannien, men også Nederlandene, som fører en for konservativ politik, når det gælder bekæmpelse af ar bejdsløsheden og opnåelse af større økonomisk vækst.
I am thinking specifically of West Germany, Britain, and also The Netherlands, who are pursuing much too conservative poli cies on the effort to combat unemployment and secure stronger economic growth.
De gør det, fordi de egentlig er tilfredse med den nuværende situation.
They do this because they are of course content with things as they now stand.
Vi i Europa yder utilstrækkelige bidrag til løsningen af problemerne.
In Europe as a whole we are doing far too little to try to find solutions to the problems.
Men hvilke per spektiver er der nu for dette topmøde?
Fifthly, the world monetary problem.
Jeg er tilhænger af en optimistisk holdning, men hvad er realiteten?
It has not been settled in a lasting way.
Kan man forvente noget af det kommende Råd for gene relle anliggender?
Mr Toussaint and Mr Herman spoke about it.
Hr. formand, jeg vil gerne have svar på disse spørgsmål.
Mr Herman put his finger on the spot, so to speak, when he pointed out that there was no agreement between all the European countries on a solution.
Delors, formand for Kommissionen. — (FR) Hr. for mand, jeg tager blot ordet for at takke de forskellige talere og for i telegramstil at svare på deres indlæg.
The discussion revolves around the extent of global surveillance and close concertation between currencies.
De forenede Stater bliver konfronteret med lavere økonomisk vækst og har derfor en ringere drivkraftfunktion. Der er stadig et stort budgetunderskud, et stort underskud på betalingsbalancen, en ustabil doller, en høj rente og en begyndende protektionisme.
My specific question is this: what will the Commission of the European Communities, but above all the President-in-Office of the Council, the Netherlands Prime Minister Mr Lubbers, be contributing to the Tokyo summit on behalf of the Member States?
Konklusion : man kan ikke vente alt for meget.
At the present time it is clear that they will be going in empty
Der er ganske vist tale om større økonomisk vækst, men dog ikke så stor som man havde forventet.
They can be summed up in a single question: how to give the countries which are making a serious adjustment the means to restore confidence and hope to their people by getting back to
Delors daritet og udadtil ved at opfylde alle sine forpligtelser over for de fattige lande.
But in any case, as Mrs Van Hemeldonk and Mr Bon­accini said, the central problem is development, but shared development, the development of all countries.
Jeg har noteret seks væsentlige punkter, der refererede til hr. Moorhouses forespørgsel og til min be svarelse.
President. — Mr Dankert, the experts sitting here beside me assure me that that was not decided. That is why I just read out what was written down in front of me in my notes.
Det bliver taget op i morgen i OECD, at dømme efter den indledende beretning fra organisationens generalsekretariat.
I shall now put to the vote the request for an early vote contained in the four motions for resolutions of which I have already informed the House.
(Afstemning snarest muligt vedtoges)
(Parliament agreed to the request for an early vote)
Afstemningen om beslutningsforslagene finder sted i morgen kl. 19.
The vote on the motions for resolutions themselves will be taken tomorrow at 7 p.m.
For det andet det japanske spørgsmål.
Question Time
Formanden. — Næste punkt på dagsordenen er anden del af spørgetiden (dok. B2-82/86).
President. — The next item is the second part of Question Time (Doc. Β 2-82/86).
Vi behandler i dag spørgsmålene til Rådet og til udenrigsministrene.
Today we shall deal with the question to the Council and to the Foreign Ministers.
Jeg gør opmærksom på, at af spørgsmålene til uden rigsministrene, hvortil der er afsat en halv time, vil spørgsmål nr. 127 af hr. Mattina om krisen i Sidrabugten blive behandlet først.
I would remind the House that in the questions to the Foreign Ministers, for which one half-hour is allotted, Question No 127 by Mr Mattina about the crisis in the Gulf of Sidra will be taken first.
Vi begynder med spørgsmålene til Rådet.
We shall begin with the questions to the Council.
For det fjerde energien.
But first to Mr Mattina's question.
Hr. Ulburghs advarede os mod nemheden, mod faren for opgivelse af den lang sigtede energipolitik, som vi med held har ført i årevis, og som har tilladt os at reducere Europas energiafhængighed med en tredjedel.
As regards the events in the Gulf of Sirte, the Twelve reaffirm that they attach the very highest importance to peace, which can only be preserved if all members of the international community abide by the rules of interna­tional common and statute law.
Dankert (S). — (NL) Jeg forstod i går aftes, hr. for mand, at det var vedtaget først at besvare spørgsmålene til udenrigsministrene i det politiske samarbejde.
Mr Dankert (S). — (NL) I understood yesterday evening, Mr President, that it had been decided that questions to the Foreign Affairs Ministers meeting in political cooperation would be answered first.
Det forekommer mig på baggrund af den libyske situation, som hr. Mattinas spørgsmål omhandler, også logisk.
That seems to me logical having regard to the situation in Libya, which is the subject of Mr Mattina's question.
Dernæst skal spørgsmålene til Rådet så besvares, for så vidt som der er tid til det. De følger nu den normale procedure.
After that questions to the Council would be answered if there was still time.
Jeg vil derfor foreslå, at vi tager besvarelsen i modsat rækkefølge, og jeg troede også, at det var vedtaget.
I should like to propose that the questions should be taken in reverse order, and indeed I thought that had already been decided.
(Forslaget vedtoges)
Debates of the European Parliament
Spørgsmål nr. 127 af Mattina (H-44/86):
Mr Mattina (S). — (IT) I have to say frankly that the answer given by the Minister seems to me, in all truth, somewhat bureaucratic.
I betragtning af de seneste krigshandlinger mellem USA og Libyen, hvilke foranstaltninger agter udenrigsministrene i poli tisk samarbejde da at træffe for at få iværksat en fredspolitik i Middelhavet, der forhindrer, at den nuværende væbnede konflikt forværres?
On the question of relations between individual Member States of the Community and the United States, I should like finally to say that a messenger arrived from the United States, who spoke with the various European governments and — just imagine — whilst this consultation was taking place, an irrevocable decision had already been taken and, what is more, was already being implemented.
Deruden er der givet instrukser til den permanente EPS-arbejdsgruppe vedrørende terrorisme om at overveje yderligere foranstaltninger, navnlig sikker hedsforanstaltninger, som ministrene vil drøfte på ministermødet den 21. april 1986.
The threatening situation in the Mediterranean and the recent terrorist actions, most recently in West Ber lin, resulted in the Presidency deciding just before the weekend — in response to a call from Spain and Italy — to convene an emergency meeting of Foreign Ministers for last Monday in The Hague.
Van den Broek, formand for udenrigsministrene. — (NL) Efter besvarelsen af hr. Mattinas spørgsmål vil jeg i tilslutning hertil komme med en meddelelse til Parlamentet om situationen med hensyn til den nylige udvikling i Middelhavet.
The meeting resulted, on the basis of a far-reaching analysis of the situation, and after exhaustive discussion, in a joint declaration being issued early on Monday evening.
Jeg har nemlig forstået, at der er interesse for det og er naturligvis også rede til at besvare eventuelle spørgsmål, hvis det passer ind i Parlamentets dagsorden.
The declaration by the Twelve expressed the concern of the Twelve at the heightened tension in the Mediterranean brought about by the recent terrorist attacks.
De Tolv vil intensivere deres samarbejde med andre lande med hensyn til sikkerhed og bekæmpelse af ter rorisme.
Libya, whose complicity in the attack in West Berlin was not in doubt, was given clearly to under stand that, like other states that support international terrorism, it was expected to cease such support forth with.
Der er rettet en opfordring til de arabiske stater og Den arabiske Liga om sammen hurtigst muligt at drøfte problemet med den internationale terrorisme for at stile mod i fællesskab at dæmme op mod den.
Similarly, the intolerable threats from Libyan leaders against European Member States were rebuffed.
Fra europæisk side kan der her f.eks. tænkes på troika-modellen.
Any acts of violence from that quarter will be reciprocated with a strong and fitting response on the part of the Twelve.
Og ikke mindst understregede erklæringen — og det er altså den erklæring, som De Tolv afgav mandag aften — nødvendigheden af mådehold fra begge sider for at undgå en yderligere eskalation i den militære spænding i regionen med alle de dermed forbundne farer. De forenede Stater har i mellemtiden til trods for denne europæiske appel følt sig nødsaget til man dag nat at foretage en målrettet militær aktion mod Libyen.
At the Hague all the ministers signed that document — a weak one, moreover, in my view, vis-à-vis both Libya and the United States — whilst one European government was perfectly aware of what was happen ing — the United Kingdom minister to be precise — from whose country the aircraft that bombarded Tripoli set out.
Det må konstateres, at spændingen i regionen er vokset som følge heraf.
Let the President of the Council tell us about this: the rest, what the newspapers say, we already know!
Men altså først hr. Mattinas spørgsmål.
(Applause from the left)
De Tolv har gentagne gange, bl.a. i september 1985 som led i de fælles skridt mod de libyske myndigheder, givet en nærmere redegørelse for det standpunkt, der deles af det internationale fællesskab, nemlig at Libyens krav på Sidra-bugten, der er en del af det åbne hav, hverken er begrundet i historien eller i havretsaftaleme fra 1958 og 1983.
The Twelve agreed, in fulfillment of the Declaration of 27 January 1986, to take certain concrete measures against Libya and, if necessary, any other state implicated in giving support to terrorism, namely: restrictions on the freedom of movement of diplomatic and consular staff; reductions in the numbers of staff on diplomatic and consular postings from Libya, and a stricter visa policy.