natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Er det virkelig ensbetydende med at ville tilstræbe et krigerisk Europa at ønske regelmæssige møder mellem forsvarsministrene, regelmæssige møder mellem generalstabscheferne og oprettelse af et europæisk centrum for strategiske studier, for lidt efter lidt at udarbejde en europæisk forsvarsidentitet, en tilnærmelse af europacentrerede strategier og oprettelse som led i alliancen af en sikkerhedspool i Europa, der er i stand til at varetage kontinentets forsvar og at bidrage til fredens bevarelse? se?
Secondly, a European security policy of our own means that we Europeans do not take the dangerous American road of weapons in space, but reject it and oppose it, not because we wanted a say in Washington and wanted to talk about American interests and positions, but because this road is diametrically opposed to our European interests. That is why we must not join the Americans along that road.
Det er alt sammen spørgsmål, som forekommer mig at være både meget aktuelle og meget vigtige, og som jeg håber at få lejlighed til at komme ind på her i Parlamentet om nogen tid, dersom den betænkning, som jeg er ved at udarbejde, kommer til behandling. ling.
Mr Hansen (S). — (DE) Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, in contrast to what some Members said this morning I would like to say that even with this debate today, which we have also held in the European Parliament in the past, we are still miles away from any form of European defence community.
I det foreliggende tilfælde deltager Parlamentet selv i denne forsagthed, og den forretningsordensdebat, vi netop har oplevet, er yderst symptomatisk i så hen seende.
On the question of SDI, the President of the Council said that it could not be discussed in the framework of EPC because it concerned purely military aspects.
Som bevis herpå også med hensyn til den benyttede sprogbrug behøver jeg blot at henvise til den tvetydighed, der opretholdes omkring udtrykket »sikkerhed« for at undgå at bruge ordet »forsvar«.
There is at least one government in the European Community, the Federal German Government, which has stated quite clearly on several occasions that it regarded SDI purely as a civil matter.
Det er dog rigtigt, at selv om sammenhængen tilsiger os handling, på lægger erfaringen os varsomhed.
So why is what the Federal Republic calls a civil matter not discussed in the framework of EPC?
Endnu igennem lang tid vil Europas forsvar henhøre under hver enkelt medlemsstat og Nato.
Surely that would be the obvious place for it if it only concerned transfers of technology and suchlike.
Men det kan gå hurtigere frem gennem et samarbejde mellem medlemsstaterne, hvilket f.eks.
I think there is a major con tradiction between what you have said and what some Member governments are saying.
Frankrig og Tyskland leverer beviset på i øjeblikket.
Take the Westland affair: if you say you want to see the technological and economic conditions for a European security policy, then I have to ask where was EPC in the Westland affair in Britain?
Der er imidlertid en række spørgsmål, der fortjener at blive stillet nu.
Where were the Twelve?
Jeg gør det skematisk og brutalt, fordi den mig tildelte taletid tvinger mig dertil.
I have not heard any reports of EPC statements on the matter.
Det var, hr. formand, kære kolleger, nogle meget hastige betragtninger, som jeg gerne ville fremsætte i for bindelse med denne forhandling.
However, a European Community, and therefore also this Parliament, must concern itself with security policy.
Tillad mig som af slutning, da fristen for at stille ændringsforslag er udløbet, at give en nærmere oplysning om punkt 7 i hr. Poetterings forslag til beslutning.
It would be an illusion to think we can have a Community of 320 million Europeans, which represents an economic and technological powerhouse and a huge cultural influence, without such a Community having security policy effects throughout the world.
I punkt 7 tales der om mellem- og kortdistance atommissiler.
We would have an effect in terms of security policy even if we did nothing.
Kan for det første 534 direkte valgte medlemmer, der repræsenterer tolv lande og 320 millioner indbyggere
European security policy does not just involve the abolition on a world scale of chemical, atomic and biological weapons, Mr Poettering, but also, as a first
Dette forsvar under støtter stabiliteten i alt det, vi gør i Fællesskabet.
You said you wanted arms cooperation in Europe in order to cut costs and use the saved funds to combat hunger in the Third World.
Det er vitalt, at medlemmerne af Parlamentet drøfter spørgsmålet.
I say to you: you can save more by disarming than by arms cooperation.
Hutton (ED). — (EN) Hr. formand, der var engang, hvor bykommunen Roxburgh — ikke særlig langt fra hvor jeg bor — var en af de fire vigtigste byer i Skotland.
ous use of the term 'security', in order to avoid the word 'defence'.
Nu er der praktisk talt ikke noget tilbage af det gamle Roxburgh: kun byens navn, nogle få huse og knap nok ruinerne af borgen.
We certainly agree that this is a diffi cult and a delicate field and I am well aware that all the earlier failures, such as the EDC, have produced strong inhibitions and have blocked further consideration of this idea for a long time.
Roxburgh døde hoved sagelig på grund af den endeløse krig, der rasede frem og tilbage over grænsen mellem England og Skotland i svundne tider.
It is true that even if the context demands action, experience advises prudence.
Der var ingen, der kunne investere eller drive forretning dér med nogen sikkerhed for at overleve, endnu mindre fortsat at drive forretning.
For a long time to come, the defence of Europe will be up to each of the states and the Atlantic Alliance.
Det, der skete med Roxburgh, illustrerer meget godt de reelle praktiske vanskeligheder, som personer, der lever uden nogen stabilitet, står overfor.
But we will see more progress here if we have closer cooperation between states, such as that between France and Federal Germany at present.
Jeg tror ikke, at der er nogen i Parlamentet, der ikke ville glæde sig over en gradvis nedrustning.
To this end we need an active policy of cooperation at technological, scientific and cultural level with the Eastern States of our continent.
Problemet er, hvordan det skal gøres, uden at vi bliver svækket til et punkt, hvor vor poli tik bliver dikteret af europæerne øst for jerntæppet, der ikke har nogen demokratisk kontrol med deres aktioner.
We want this cooperation in order to create trust and common interests, just as we once began in the West of this continent to create a trust in Western Europe that has long since become the foundation of peace.
Den radioaktive sky har ikke kendt nationale grænser, og den gjorde heller ikke holdt ved grænsen mel lem Warszawa-pagtens territorium og NATO-landene eller neutrale lande.
First of all, surely 534 Members elected by direct suffrage, representing 12 countries and 320 million inhabitants of a Community which is the biggest trading power in the world, cannot disregard security and defence questions?
Men sådanne nye, universale perspektiver, der skal være i stand til at tage højde for ikke blot vore egne, men også andres bekymringer, må naturligvis ikke føre til en slags resigneret fatalisme.
Another question: if it is both necessary and vital to maintain and foster solidarity between the Atlantic Alliance nations and to strengthen the strategic links between the two sides of the Atlantic, is it not also legitimate to ask why, 40 years after the war, 230 million Americans still have to assure the defence of 320 million Europeans?
Hr. Poettering talte med rette om kemiske våben.
IN THE CHAIR: MR ALBER
Vi i Europa og Amerika har indtaget et moralsk rigtigt standpunkt i dette spørgsmål igennem mange år.
A further question: is it acceptable for disarmament questions to be dealt with in forums from which Europe is absent?
Jeg har ingen indvending mod, at folk indtager en moralsk holdning. Men vi kan ikke tabe den omstændighed af syne, at vi står over for en fjende, der ikke er bange for at bruge magt: Ungarn i 1956, Tjekkoslovakiet i 1968, Afghanistan i 1979, og
I think all these questions are most topical and most important and I hope I will have an opportunity to raise them in this Parliament again if the report I am currently drafting is taken here.
Siden da er der gået halvtreds år, og betingelserne for det internationale samfund og følgelig for sikkerheden er med atomæraens opkomst blevet forandret.
Even Parliament itself is showing some of the same pusillanimity, and the procedural debate we have just witnessed is very symptomatic in that respect.
Men har vi virkelig taget hensyn hertil?
One example of this, in terms of vocabulary, is our ambigu
Segre ser- og Pershing-missilerne er europæerne ikke mere sikre, hverken i øst eller vest.
In conclusion, since it is too late to table amendments now, may I just make something clear about para graph 7 of Mr Poettering's resolution.
Tværtimod er vi alle mere usikre, og i dag efter Tjernobyl er vi også mere foruroligede.
Paragraph 7 deals with short and medium-range nuclear missiles.
integrere forsvaret i selve Romtraktaten.
(Applause) one another and told our people how evil we are.
Europa må have en strategisk forsvarspolitik.
I have no objection to people making moral gestures.
Europa har dog endnu ikke for mået at optræde samlet over for amerikanske samarbejdsforslag, når det gælder ny teknologi.
But we cannot lose sight of the fact that we are facing an enemy who is not afraid to use force: Hungary in 1956, Czechoslovakia in 1968, Afghanistan in 1979 and other states around the world since.
Man har navnlig skelet til den civile udnyttelse af forskning, efterfulgt af kommerciel udnyttelse.
Those gestures can only take place behind firm defence. Those defences underpin the stability of all that we do in this Community.
Man fordømmer dem, der har sagt ja til samarbejdet.
It is vital that Members of this House discuss the subject.
Man må håbe på, at det atlantiske forskningssamarbejde ikke blot bliver overførsel af højteknologi fra Europa til USA, men vil få en vekselvirkning til berigelse for begge parter.
I warmly welcome the President-in-Office's willingness to more closely involve the Members of this Parliament in the security discussions of the twelve govern ments in European political cooperation.
Det er et rent tilfælde, at dagens forhandling tidsmæssigt falder sammen med den om den radioaktive sky.
Mr Hutton (ED). — Mr President, once upon a time the Borough of Roxburgh — only a couple of miles from where I live — was one of the four most important towns in Scotland.
Og det, De Tolvs Europa i stedet i allerhøjeste grad har brug for, er netop en seriøs, sammenhængende og autonom freds-, samarbejds- og nedrustningspolitik.
Roxburgh died largely because of the endless warfare that raged backwards and forwards across the border between England and Scotland in years gone by.
Og det har brug for det i dag og ikke i morgen eller i overmorgen.
Nobody could invest or trade there with any certainty of staying alive, far less staying in business.
Man begrænser sig til at appellere til støtte fra virksomheder. somheder.
The whole point of the European Community is the stability which it has created by uniting old enemies in a common interest.
Europa har intet gjort for at forhindre, at dets viden skabsmænd og virksomheder er beskæftiget med egne forskningsprojekter.
I wish we could devote our energies to pursuing that common interest without the worry of somebody wanting to come in and knock over all we have created.
Condesso (LDR). - (PT) Hr. rådsformand, spørgsmålet om forsvarspolitik og teknologisk kapløb trænger sig hårdt på i Europa.
The radioactive cloud knew no national frontiers, and did not even stop at the frontiers between the Warsaw Pact territory and the territory of the NATO or neutral countries.
Vi vil ikke besejres af strategisk rustningskapløb mellem andre magter, al lierede eller ej, som for eksempel det amerikanske forsvarsinitiativ, SDI, eller den japanske »folke-be-vægelse«.
It continued on — unstopped and unstoppable, without any defence being possible — almost as though to show in the first place that today, if we are talking about security, we have to be able to rise above national frontiers, above continents, and let a new, universal view prevail because — and this seems to me to be the first lesson to be learnt from Chernobyl — we are all in the same boat, and either we all put into harbour together at the port of security, or we are in danger of sinking all together, the East, the West, the North and the South.
Den største udfordring for Fællesskabet er den teknologiske revolution; her må Fællesskabets institutioner ikke skubbes til side uden magt til at koordinere.
But a new universal view, that is able to take into account not only one's own preoccupations but also the preoccupations of others, obviously cannot lead to a sort of resigned fatalism.
Det betyder noget for Fællesskabets omdømme i verden og for dets fremtid, og det er vigtigere end fælles landbrugspolitik og al den politik i det hele taget, der beskæftiger visse sektorer.
Quite the contrary — it must spur us on to assess with even greater urgency and attention the state in which Europe currently lives, in particular the Europe of the Twelve, and to make even more intensive efforts to find the ways and take the intermediate steps that can lead to a higher degree of security.
Europa går uhjælpeligt mod sin undergang.
Mr Poettering rightly spoke of chemical weapons.
USSR vil så være i stand til at bryde ABM-traktaten og straks kunne udvikle et overlegent strategisk system.
The United Kingdom destroyed all its chemical weapons in 1957.
Herved vil den strategi, hvorpå vestens forsvar hviler, MAD, være blokeret.
The United States froze theirs in 1969 and it has got us precisely nowhere!
Efter den diskussion, der fulgte præsident Reagans revolutionære tale den 23. marts 1983, behøver euro pæerne ikke at bekymre sig særligt om SDI.
The Soviet Union has not only resisted all the proposals for serious chemical disarmament over the years since, but it will not make any serious alternative proposals of its own.
Man må vælge at støtte vestens forsvar alene eller kombineret med andre systemer, udviklet af vore allierede, som måtte vise sig at være effektive.
How are we to do business with people who will not even talk to us seriously?
Men et samlet Europa må forstå, at det må udvikle sin egen forsvarsstrategi først ved hjælp af Bruxelles traktaten og siden hen, men snarest muligt ved at
The Warsaw Pact countries have simply laughed at us as they have piled more and more weapons on top of
Kan Europa gøre sig gældende som en økonomisk faktor på verdens plan? Vil Europa overleve og i sikkerhed forfægte en levestandard, der ikke alene er høj, men også er har moniseret i de forskellige etniske regioner?
Of course, Mr President, there is nothing new in what I am saying, which has its roots in the very debates that took place in the League of Nations in the '20s and '30s, when everything ground to a halt over the dilemma of whether trust should precede disarmament
Europa vil sejre, når demagogien hører op, og når Fællesskabets institutioner kan disponere over mid lerne til at bygge en industripolitik op og samtidig også en fælles forskningspolitik.
Segre the ABM 72 Treaty, even if without violating it, which would put the USSR at any given moment in a position to be able to renounce the ABM Treaty, immediately developing, with crushing superiority, an already tested alternative strategic system, which would block the strategy on which Western defence relies, that of MAD (Mutual Assured Destruction).
Medeiros Ferreira (RDE). — (PT) På min gruppes vegne vil jeg præcisere følgende punkter i diskussionen: nen:
or disarmament precede trust — with the consequence that there was neither trust nor disarmament, and Europe was easily overwhelmed.
Piermont (ARC). — (DE) Hr. formand, de foregående taleres indlæg og andre gruppers beslutningsforslag viser, at der her foreligger et utålelig indsnævret, for vrænget begreb om sikkerhed.
Fifty years have passed since that time and, with the arrival of the nuclear age, the very conditions of international society and, hence, security have changed.
Sikkerhed defineres som et spørgsmål om troppestyrker, våbenligevægt og teknologisk konkurrence.
Have we really taken this into account?
Bagved står — udtalt eller ej — to overbevisninger, hvis baggrund der ikke spørges om : at EF-staterne trues af Sovjetunionen og derfor skal forsvares mod den; at de ligegyldigt på hvis bekostning skal forblive en økonomisk aggressiv magtblok med teknologisk førerstilling.
I do not think we can claim to have done so: today, Europe is the region in the world where there is the greatest concentration of arms and men under arms, but we do not feel more secure for all that.
Begrebet er så omfattende, at der kun er ét at gøre: at overlade sikkerhedsspørgsmål til de demokratiske institutioner. Ellers risikerer vi, at der opstår et totalitært system, og vi falder for fristelsen til at acceptere en strategisk supermagt, lige som Haushoffer eller Ludendorff.
After the SS-20, after the Cruise and Pershing missiles, Europeans are not any more secure, neither in the east nor in the west.
Det ved ikke, hvilken dimension dets magtpolitik må antage.
The theory of graduated response must remain in force until another more effective system can be con structed.
Der er endnu ingen, der har bedt os forsvare Rom traktaten og anden lovgivning med våben.
The fact that our debate today coincides in its timing with that of the nuclear cloud is pure coincidence.
På den anden side afslører, villet eller ikke, enkelte formuleringer EFs sande imperialistiske karakter, når der f.eks i den socialistiske gruppes forslag tales om »områder under direkte europæisk indflydelse«.
Let us therefore take advantage of the opportunities that this coincidence offers, and let us try — whilst respect ing existing alliances — to draw up a concept of security that is realistic and can be implemented, and that makes Europe of the Twelve finally a force in international politics — a force that is united in its action — so as to put an end to this dramatic armament-chasing process and reverse the trend, allowing the research for armament reduction agreements based on trust to prevail, alongside the search for political solutions for present conflicts, starting with those in the Middle East.
Som USA har sine baggårde og USSR sin interessesfære, har altså også EF sit område under direkte europæisk indflydelse.
And all of this — if the President of the Council will allow me to say so — in a very different spirit to that which characterizes the list of declarations which he read out to us so bureaucratically a few minutes ago.
Det har vi vidst længe, men det er hidtil ikke blevet indrømmet åbent. At netop den socialistiske gruppe skulle skride ud i denne sandhed, som var den en bananskræl er for os dobbelt oplysende.
A packet or a parcel of declarations that fly abstractly over the heads of the world's problems still does not represent a policy.
Med sikkerhed i egentlig forstand har alt dette imidlertid intet at gøre.
Europe needs to have a strategic defence policy.
En aggressiv økonomisk politik, som ved hjælp af avancerede teknologier i stigende grad rationaliserer mennesket ud af arbejdsverdenen og dermed skaber strukturel arbejdsløshed, og som med mere eller mindre subtile metoder spænder den tredje verden for sin vogn, skaber ikke sikkerhed, men usikkerhed i hele verden.
However, at the level of new technology, there has been talk of the possibility of Europe acting as one in response to the American cooperation proposals, bearing in mind above all the civil gains from the research, which will inevitably involve a post-fundamental phase of commercial supply.
Har man sagt A, nem lig udbytning, må man også sige B, nemlig bevæbning, må lede efter veje til militær- og rustningspolitisk samarbejde med henblik på oprustning, som un derudvalget om sikkerhed og nedtustning.
Europeans, rather than unrealistically continuing to condemn anyone who agrees to cooperate, should concentrate on expecting that Atlantic collaboration on this research will not be limited to the mere transfer of certain end technology from Europe to the United States, but that this will occur in both directions in order to be mutually enriching.
Så oven i købet som underudvalget om sikkerhed og nedrustning gør at erklære det for en foranstaltning til besparelser for at stille de således frigjorte midler til den tredje verdens disposition er ren og skær kynisme.
But it is as a Portuguese, as a representative of a small Community country, that I must dare to raise my voice and hope for a victorious fight in which the Commission should be a bold protagonist and which it cannot abandon.
Derfor siger de fremsatte forslag både for lidt og for meget.
Europe responded to the SDI with the EUREKA pro ject.
Vi er ikke neutrale i de sager, der angår os. Men vi følger heller ikke trop, når det drejer sig om beslutninger, vi ikke selv har taget.
Who can believe in anything so ambitious that does not have fixed objectives with guaranteed budgetary funds, limiting itself to calling upon and observing the efforts of firms?
Den almindelige procedure for mundlige forespørgsles tillader det ikke.
These are matters which today are interlinked and need to be considered in a truly European way.
På denne måde blev der i de sidste årtier ikke skrotet et eneste våben, men der blev produceret og stationeret utallige nye, stadig far ligere våben.
Europe still did not really do anything to avoid its scientists and its companies also being kept occupied with major projects under its authority.
Begynd med udgangspunkt i EF-staterne at skabe virkelig sikkerhed, som bygger på følgende principper: ikke at true andre samfund; at anerkende alle nationers — store som små — ret til politisk og økonomisk uafhængighed og selvstændighed; at ska-
As a European, I include an initaitive by the transatlantic allies which is not aimed at superiority but arises from the realistic awareness of the advances in Soviet research into the area of antiballistic missiles carried out over 15 years with vast funding, in spite of
Be grundelsen bør være lige så klar, som forslaget til beslutning bør være forsigtig.
Two things in particular must be considered unacceptable: able:
Piermont be eller støtte skabelsen af demokratiske og retfærdige økonomiske og sociale strukturer her og i de lande, hvis triste lod det stadig er at friste en tilværelse som baggård eller interessesfære.
Condesso the USSR, as a better guarantee of the freedom of act ion of so many countries in the Community itself.
Hr. rådsformand, vi opfordrer Dem til inden for rammerne af EPS at opstille konkrete planer med henblik på at lade militære ressourcer overgå til civil udnyttelse. Vi venter af Dem forslag inden for den økonomiske politik, social-, miljø- og kulturpolitikken, som omfatter alle europæiske stater, altså også Warszawa-pagtens medlemslande, og hjælper med til at fjerne blokkonfrontationen.
That the fundamental challenge which faces the EEC is for the importance of its voice and hence its future to be recognized in the world, and that — traditional ists permitting — in other important political centres certain sections of opinion are not preoccupied with a CAP, but with the technological revolution; here the Community institutions cannot stand aside without any powers of coordination.
Endelig er de europæiske højrepartiers gruppe som mange af de tilstedeværende mere bekymrede end nogen sinde over den forværrede situation i Mel lemøsten og Afrika. Hvad har vi ikke gjort af tilbage skridt i så henseende igennem de sidste seks år!
And what guarantes are there against the criticisms that are made in Europe of the Americans that even within EUREKA itself the transfer of technology in which only one country is engaged will not be possible and more than three should be in a position to be reasonably involved, if the decline of Europe is not to be irreversible.