natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Vi hilser det velkomment, men Sovjetunionen vil først blive virkelig troværdig, når den giver et konkret eksempel på sin fredsvilje, sin fredskærlighed. og et sådant eksempel kan den give i Afghanistan. Vi siger, at afspænding først er en reel mulighed, når Sovjetunionen har forladt Pakistan.
Congress in the United States has blocked the production of chemical weapons since 1969, with two preconditions, first, that they would only allow there starting of chemical weapons production if the NATO Military Planning Council for 1987-92 agreed to modernize NATO armaments and include chemical weapons in their armaments, and, secondly, that we agree in Europe to the stationing and storage of the new binary chemical weapons in our countries.
Poettering fang for at muliggøre, at et meget stort flertal i Parlamentet stemmer for denne betænkning, og at vi på denne måde kan yde det hårdt prøvede afghanske folk i det mindste nogen hjælp fra Europa — Europa-Parlamentets hjælp.
What this means is that people clearly have more con fidence in dictators than in those who are protecting our freedom.
For øvrigt mener jeg ikke, at Sovjetunionen kan have nogen grundlæggende interesse i at fortsætte en dødbringende pacificering og at prøve på at konsolidere en ikke-repræsentativ regering.
Six out of the 13 NATO countries in Europe have grave reservations — and rightly so, too — about the Reagan administration's proposal.
I denne for bindelse er tidsplanen for ekspeditionskorpsets tilbagetrækning helt indlysende et afgørende forhold.
The plan, of course, is that they shall be produced in the United States and deployed and used in Europe.
Nu må de britiske medlemmer ikke fare op over den sammenligning, som jeg vil vove at foretage.
Yet again we face the prospects that America and Russia will fight any future war on the soil of Europe.
Jeg har læst nogle bøger om Egyptens historie og forstået, at lord Salisbury i 1886 erobrede Egypten.
The aim here is the systematic attempt to split Western Europe and the USA.
Jeg håber ikke, at de sovjetiske troppers tilbagetrækning fra Afghanistan bliver sammenlignelig med eksemplet fra det britiske imperiums historie.
That becomes clear from the fact that the motions before us say nothing about chemical weapons and the Soviet Union, . . .
Glinne (S). — (FR) Hr. formand, kære kolleger, den socialistiske gruppe har tilkendegivet sin interesse for det afghanske folks rettigheder, som tilsidesættes af en marionetregering og angribes af et udenlandsk ekspeditionskorps, idet den ved flere lejligheder igen nem de sidste år har fremsat beslutningsforslag.
Interestingly enough, of course, with the proposal for chemical weapons, the arguments for the Strategic Defence Initiative are also undermined, because that was to abolish the prospect of war, but to replace the horrors of Hiroshima and Nagasaki by the horrors of Ypres is no real replace ment that anyone in Europe can accept.
Vore ændringsforslag nr. 26 og 27, der nuancerer ordførerens formulering en smule, understreger den vægt, vi tillægger en politisk løsning, der er uadskillelig fra den afghanske modstandsbevægelses deltagelse deri, under hensyn til modstandsbevægelsens politi ske udgangspunkt, som vi siger.
. . . they do not say that 300 000 to 600 000 tonnes of the most modern chemical weapons are stored in the Warsaw Pact countries; that for 30 years 15 000 scientists in the Soviet Union have been engaged on basic research in this field and also on research into binary weapons; that exercises using live chemical ammunition have been carried out in the Warsaw Pact and that since 1973 all military vehicles are being equipped for chemical warfare; that there are 13 chemical weapon production centres in the Soviet Union, of which three are in operation; that 10 depots for chemical weapons in the Soviet Union are situated outside the proposed chemical weapon-free zone.
Den afghanske modstandsbevægelse er ikke til blot for at blive opfordret til at strække våben; den er der for ikke blot at medvirke til en våbenstilstand, men også og især for at deltage i forhandlinger, der bygger på gennemførelse af selvbestemmelsesprincippet.
We must also make sure that European govern ments clearly and unambiguously reject, without hiding behind the argument of deployment in time of crisis, the involvement with chemical weapons, storage, use and deployment in Europe.
Mallet (PPE). - (FR) Hr. formand, kære kolleger, allerede syv år!
Who ever heard anything so ludicrous as the notion that they will be deployed in time of crisis?
Syv års ubarmhjertig krig udløst af Sovjetunionen mod et folk, et helt folk.
Their very deployment will create the crisis that we are supposed to be deploying them for.
Nogle påstår, at den afghanske modstandsbevægelse er synonym med arkaisme, og at den nødvendigvis står for en rigoristisk og farlig religiøs fanatisme.
Finally, we must all work together to abolish and remove chemical weapons, both in the USSR and the Comecon bloc, and in the West, entirely.
Europa-Parlamentet kan ligesom FN kun klart for dømme dette overfald, der ledsages af graverende overtrædelser af menneskerettighederne, folkeretten og krigsretten.
Above all, you must realise that the Soviet Union is only prepared to allow inspection if it is requested in advance, and if the Soviet Union has agreed to it on an individual basis.
Hvordan kan man fæste lid til Kreml-ledernes pacifistiske erklæringer og til Gorbatjovs vidunderlige planer om fred og nedrustning, så længe Afghanistankrigen fortsætter?
Our position is that we want on-the-spot inspection, even if it is only a routine inspection based on suspicion, without the right of refusal.
Som demokrater, der lægger vægt på folkenes ret til selvbestemmelse, mener jeg ikke, at det, så længe det afghanske folk ikke er frit, kan være vor opgave at give den afghanske modstandsbevægelse gode eller dårlige karakterer ud fra vor opfattelse af modernisme, tradition eller kulturel identitet.
That is why I think that instead of making inflated public proposals, the Soviet Union should actually also adopt this position in the negotiations, so that it can really put it into practice and not just make publicity, and so that we really achieve worldwide disarmament in chemical weapons.
Det sovjetiske ekspeditionskorps' offensiver bør der for ophøre af hensyn til freden i regionen og i hele
Let me remind this House that it was a Conservative government which abandoned Britain's chemical weapons way back in
Man kan ikke lade dette blide omkvæd lyde i Europas øren og samtidig fort sætte aggressionerne og de samfundsnedbrydende aktioner i andre verdensdele eller hver eneste dag tilsidesætte de principper, der er nævnt i Helsinki-slutaktens tredje »kurv«.
But let me remind you of what Egon Bahr, the German Social Democrats' spokesman on disarmament policy, said: 'A few years ago I was more worried about the Soviet Union, but now I am more worried about the Americans'.
Der synes tværtimod at være tale om en imperialistisk fremfærd, som hovedsagelig har til formål at bringe den sovjetiske hær nærmere visse veludtænkte og velplanlagte mål.
Both have been ignored by the Soviet Union which has continued to produce and use chemical weapons and supply them to its client States.
Og så skal dens vilkår nøje defineres. Det centrale spørgsmål er genoprettelsen af det afghanske folks rettigheder og udøvelsen af dets suverænitet.
From time to time, and under the pressure of public opinion, declarations are made of undertakings to refrain from producing certain weapons.
Den politiske løsning må derfor ske ved forhandling mellem Sovjetunionen og repræsentanter for mod standsbevægelsen, således som det netop understrege des af et vigtigt møde i Paris.
Then, a foolhardy decision is made to prod uce them so that hypocritical calls can be made by the same side for further agreements on the supposedly mutual restriction of such weapons.
De er nu kun nogle få hundrede kilometer fra Den persiske Havbugt, som er af enorm strategisk betydning for Vestens olieinteresser, og kun nogle få hundrede kilometer fra de altid isfri havne i Det indiske Ocean, som de sovjetiske hære længe har eftertragtet.
In bilateral and multilateral negotiations since 1977, we have been trying to get the Soviet Union to agree to a worldwide ban on chemical weapons.
I sit indlæg var hr. Glinne så venlig at omtale Stor britanniens historie. Som historiker vil han huske, at under den såkaldte »Great Game«, som fandt sted for hundrede år siden i Afghanistan, var russernes hovedformål netop at få adgang til disse indiske hav ne.
Very reluctantly and — Members of this House should note carefully — only since the pressure of the proposal to produce binary weapons has the Soviet Union made small concessions.
Vi i Det forenede Kongerige ved, at dette blot er en fortsættelse af den samme politik.
These are the essential conditions for any ban if it is to be serious and if it is to work.
Modstandsbevægelsen oprettede for et år siden en organisation til samling af dens forskellige bestanddele: de afghanske mudjahidiners islamiske alliance.
Mr President, our Parliament will have nothing to do, even indirectly, with destructive actions of that kind.
På det i november 1985 stedfundne juridiske ekspertmøde i Torino, hvortil der henvistes for lidt siden, fast sloges det klart, at det retlige grundlag for anerkendelse af modstandsbevægelsens legitimitet foreligger.
It is time for,Europe at last to play its part as a force for peace, and to declare itself implacably opposed to chemical weapons both in the West and the East.
Selvfølgelig udgør de af FN tilrettelagte forhandlinger i Geneve begyndelsen på en forhandling, men den trækker i langdrag og kan ikke give positive resultater, så længe modstandsbevægelsen er udelukket der fra.
In that sense we support the relevant resolution by the Communist and Allies Group and the shared views of Socialists and Communists on the matter in question.
Under de nuværende forhold giver forhandlingen falske håb, og den har tilbøjelighed til at legitimere den nuværende Kabul-regering, der ikke er andet end skyggen af den sovjetiske besættelsesmagt.
It is a contempt of this House to be asked to endorse the Soviet proposals for a chemical weapon-free zone in Europe.
Det var efter denne invasion i 1979, at vore egentlige problemer med Sovjetunionen begyndte.
Such a move would take all the pressure off the Soviet Union to achieve a worldwide ban.
Indtil dette tidspunkt havde det set ud til, at afspændingsprocessen ville fortsætte.
It would allow the Soviet Union to keep all of its chemical weapons out side the zone.
Der havde været problemer og afbrydelser indimellem, men afspændingen var stadig en realitet. Men efter Afghanistan var det slut.
We have looked in vain for any serious chemical disarmament proposals from the Soviet Union.
At holde den i live efter Afghanistan var som at prøve at opvække en død.
They have simply criticized the Americans and cranked their propaganda machine into action.
Det er ved, som Poettering-betænkningen gør det, at stå helt fast i forsvaret af disse principper, at Europa-Parlamentet kan gøre en nyttig indsats.
In recent months my group has tried three times to persuade the European Parliament by means of an urgent debate to deliver its opinion on the production and deployment of binary chemical weapons.
Derfor ønsker jeg ligesom hr. Glinne inderligt, at denne betænkning, hvis orientering og forslag, jeg tilslutter mig, i dag må blive vedtaget med et meget bredt flertal.
At that time all of you, honourable Members, like Mr Poettering today, denied that it was a matter for urgent debate.
Invasionen har ikke blot skadet øst-vest-forbindelserne, den har i betydelig grad bragt Pakistan ud af balance. Hvordan kan et ikke særlig rigt land som dette overleve uden problemer med tre mio flygtninge i landet?
It is deeply offensive to see Europeans and Americans pilloried in these motions when we are the very people who have laid down our arms and the very people who have made the disarmament proposals.
De hjælpes ganske vist af det internationale samfund, men der er ikke desto mindre tre mio nytilkomne, som forsøger at overleve i et land, som ikke har bedt dem komme.
Binary weapons are designed to leave us the possibility of some serious movement towards real chemical disar mament by the Soviet Union.
Jeg tror, at tilstedeværelsen afså mange flygtninge, som er et direkte resultat af sovjetisk aktivitet, forringer mulighederne for, at Pakistan kan gå fra et militært regime til demokra ti.
If this Parliament honestly wants to rid the world of chemical weapons, it will not be afraid to put the blame squarely where it belongs, namely, with the Soviet Union, and give our negotiators in Geneva every assitance to bring the Soviets to an early agreement on a worldwide ban on these detestable weapons.
Nedbrydningen af de tjenestegørende i de væbnede sovjetiske styrker i Afghanistan er helt åbenbar, og dette er endnu en del af denne store tragedie.
Since the US Congress will be checking in October whether it has obtained the requisite European assent to their production and deployment, we must now state quite clearly that we refuse their production and deployment because that would destroy all hope of ever having a general ban on all chemical weapons.
Man har ødelagt afgrøder i landet, og mennesker er blevet gjort hjemløse i meget stort omfang.
These words were clearly part of a plan to pressurize the American Congress into making funds available for the manufacture of binary chemical weapons.
Man må huske, at mange af flygtningene er i Afghanistan snarere end udenfor.
It is an obvious manoeuvre: to use Western Europe to get a reluctant Congress to move.
En indstilling af denne art har bestemt ingen politisk mening, og jeg tvivler også på, at den har nogen betydning fra et propagandistisk synspunkt.
Mr Ulburghs (NI). — (NL) Chemical weapons were used for the first time during the First World War.
Det er ikke ad denne vej — det er vor dybe overbevisning — at man kan bidrage til at gøre en ende på det afghanske folks tragiske lidelser.
No-one thought that they would ever be used, and certainly not the soldiers of both fronts who were lying in the labyrinth of trenches meandering round the devastated town of Ypres in Belgium.
Og derfor, hr. formand, vil vi ikke følge denne vej.
The front was stabilized and continued so for four years.
(Bifald)
Then it happened.
Betænkningen understreger klart den afghanske mod standsbevægelses folkelige karakter og udholdenhed, idet det skal bemærkes, at modstandsbevægelsen kontrollerer og forvalter en stor del af territoriet og arbejder videre på samlingen af sine styrker.
We are indeed convinced that we must reject any collaboration by Belgium and the other Member States of the Community in the prod uction and installation of these weapons and training in the use of them.
Vi har ikke ændret indstilling siden da.
As if nuclear weapons were not destructive enough, chemical weapons have been produced as well.
Det er altså hverken fordømmelsen af interventionen eller bedømmelsen af modstandskampen, der er det afgørende punkt.
Firstly, to initiate discussions in the United Nations on a disarmament conference, leading to a treaty banning production, possession and use of chemical weapons.
Det er derimod det faktum, at dette beslutningsforslag er bagud for begivenhederne i en sådan grad, at der end ikke hentydes til de indirekte forhandlinger, der er foregået i Genève mellem Afghanistan og Pakistan med FN som mægler med det formål at genoprette freden og landets uafhængig hed ved at beskytte dets status som alliancefrit land.
Secondly, the need for a new Schuman in Europe, calling for reconciliation between the United States and the Soviet Union for the sake of peace and justice, along the lines of the historic reconciliation — and who would have thought it possible at that time — between the two arch-enemies Germany and France, which was the beginning of a united Europe and a magnificent peace in Europe.
Især politisk er det væsentligt under de igangværende eller kommende forhandlinger at anerkende den af ghanske modstandsbevægelse som repræsentant for det afghanske folk.
Mr Chanterie (PPE). — (NL) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, as several of my colleagues have already said, chemical weapons have particularly grisly connotations in Flanders.
For medens en militær løsning af konflikten ikke kortfristet er mulig, så kan man der imod forestille sig en politisk løsning.
It was in Flanders, at Ypres, that these weapons were used for the first time, during the First World War.
Den skal for handles med en gyldig repræsentant for det afghanske folk, og det kan man ikke kalde Kabul-regeringen, som af Sovjetunionen er påtvunget afghanerne.
On 31 May the party congress of the Flemish Christian Democrats spoke out unequivocally against the stationing of chemical weapons in Belgium, now and at any subsequent time of crisis.
Det er ikke nogen hemmelighed, at der i løbet af disse indirekte forhandlinger er gjort visse fremskridt, omend kun delvise og begrænsede.
For these reasons the Flemish Christain Democrats here in the European Parliament will vote to exclude all chemical weapons.
Selve den kendsgerning, at disse forhandlinger fortsætter, og at de endog opererer med en tidsplan for de sovjetiske troppers tilbagetrækning viser i det mindste, at man har fundet et forhandlingsgrundlag.
Mr President, I believe that, as far as the Flemish Members of Parliament are concerned, this is an attitude born of historical experience and for that reason we have no need of good advice, be it from the Socialists or anyone else. We support the position of our own party.
Christensen (ARC). — Hr. formand, Folkebevægelsen mod EF er skabt til værn om det danske folks nationale selvbestemmelsesret.
— the motion for a resolution (Doc.
Den ret, vi ønsker for vort eget folk, ønsker vi også for alle andre folk.
Β 2­386/86) by Mr d'Ormesson and others, on behalf of the Group of the European Right, on the Chernobyl disaster and its effects on food supplies;
Vi tager afstand fra enhver indblanding i andre landes indre anliggender.
Aid to the Polish people and the maintaining of politi­cal pressure on its government are the two facets of this action, and each justifies and strengthens the other.
Det internationale samfund må bygge på frie nationers frie samarbejde.
The European Parliament has shown on many occasions that it regards Poland as its major preoccu­pation.
Vi anerkender altså ikke EFs kom petence til at blande sig i sikkerhedspolitiske anliggender og advarer imod de supermagtsambitioner, som ligger heri.
I remember that I myself expressed our feelings on the occasion of the terrible murder of Father Popieluczko.
Det er derfor, vi ikke kan stemme for Poettering-betænkningen.
I hope that in adopting this motion for a resolution today we shall bear witness to our longstanding com­mitments.
Sutra De Germa (S). — (FR) Til forretningsordenen, hr. formand: det vil tjene Europa-Parlamentet til ære ikke at lade det netop sagte passere upåagtet.
Mr Battersby (ED). — Mr President, Poland is an integral part of Europe, as we all acknowledge. It is a nation closely bound historically, culturally and econ­omically to our Community.
At drage en sammenligning gående ud på, at Det europæiske Fællesskab skulle have okkuperet Danmark, på samme måde som Sovjetunionen har besat Afghanistan, er utilstedeligt i denne forsamling!
Many Members have Polish blood in their veins, and some are married to Poles. All of us feel deeply for Poland in its current difficult situation.
Pordea (DR). — (FR) På de europæiske højrepartiers vegne tilslutter jeg mig i store træk konklusionerne i hr. Poetterings betænkning, men jeg vil dog under strege den parallel, som nødvendigvis må drages mel lem Afghanistan og de trælbundne østeuropæiske lande.
Mrs Fontaine (PPE). — (FR) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, our debate on Poland has come at a particularly worrying moment.
Her er der nemlig også tale om sovjetisk invasion, indblanding og tilsidesættelse af folkeretten, som er karakteristiske forhold for det kommunistiske regi me, forhold der finder sted under tilsidesættelse af menneskerettighederne, folkeretten og vor civilisations grundlæggende rettigheder.
The recent arrest of the leading figure in the underground Solidarity move­ment and the positions recently adopted by the Polish Government inevitably give rise to the gravest concern amongst all those who take a genuine interest in the political and democratic fate of Poland.
Østeuropa har også sine modstandsbevægelser og desværre også sine flygtninge. Men tør vi i sidste ende andet end hviske i krogene?
The Commission has shown praiseworthy speed and compassion in already sending emergency powdered milk supplies to several affected dioceses in Poland.
Freden og den internationale sikkerhed har intet at vinde ved europæisk strudspolitik over for østblokken.
Moreover, over the years, the Commission has prov­ided essential medical aid to the Polish people, always with the overwhelming support of this Parliament.
Afslutningsvis vil jeg sige, hr. formand, at gruppen, hvis ånden i hr. Poetterings betænkning til trods for nogle ændringsforslag nøje overholdes, vil være glad for at stemme for den.
In addition to this threatening situation, Poland has taken the full brunt of the Chernobyl disaster; the Pol­ish Bishops' Conference has just launched an urgent appeal to international solidarity for immediate emer­gency aid of 6 000 tonnes of milk powder.
(Bifald fra de europæiske højrepartiers gruppe)
But in the present situation this is an appeal for humanitarian aid.
Pelikan (S). — (FR) Hr. formand, da taletiden er stærkt begrænset, vil jeg indskrænke mig til at tale om mulighederne for løsning af den nuværende konflikt, det vil sige tilbagetrækningen af de sovjetiske tropper fra Afghanistan.
Basically, Mr President, we are now asking in the Mallet motion for the framework to be established immediately in the form of a designated draw­down stock of 6 000 tonnes of powdered milk to enable the Commission to carry on its good work without having to go through the time­consuming inter­institutional bureaucratic procedures.
Man fortæller os i pressen — og den for sovjetisk udenrigspolitik ansvarlige, Anatolij Dobrynin, gentog det i en artikel i »Le Monde« — at en sådan løsning skulle være nært forestående, og at den kan blive resultatet af de indirekte forhandlinger
We are therefore asking the House to vote unanimously for the proposal to allo­cate 6 000 tonnes of powdered milk, if possible full­cream milk, as humanitarian aid to the Polish people.
Endvidere bør man lægge mærke til den meget lange varighed af underkastelsen, der — som det kan konstateres — nyder de vestlige demokratiers de factovelsignelse.
We would also like the Commission to interpret the request of the Polish Bishops' Conference as including transport to the separate designated dioceses.
Pelikan tænkning et tydeligt indtryk af befolkningens lidelser og landets ødelæggelse, der er blevet forårsaget af den sovjetiske invasion i 1979.
Mr Wolff (LDR). — (FR) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, the food situation in Poland, which was already difficult and required substantial aid, has just been made considerably worse.
Der kan nemlig ikke gøres fremskridt og ikke opnås nogen løsning på det afghanske spørgsmål uden forhandling med den vigtigste part i konflikten, den afghanske modstandsbevægelse, hvis repræsentanter her på tribunen jeg gerne vil hilse velkommen.
It would seem more reasonable to go through the motions which are still on the agenda without debate, i.e. simply to vote on them, so that we can at least get through the list.
Kommissionen erindrer om, at Fællesskabet siden 1980 har ydet omfangsrig hjælp til de afghanske flygtninge, i alt 123 mio ECU.
President. — Mr Staes, under the Rules of Procedure that is not possible.
Her drejer det sig i første række om fødevarehjælp i samarbejde med De for enede Nationers højkommissær for flygtninge.
I would interpret your remarks, however, in the sense of an appeal to our colleagues either to speak briefly or to forego altogether their right to speak.