natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Pannella (NI). — (FR)) Hvor længe, hr. rådsformand, vil De misbruge tålmodigheden her· i Parlamentet, som kun kan konstatere, at De er i stand til at mod sætte Dem noget, som Europa-Parlamentet tager af stand fra, og at Deres politik på et tidspunkt, hvor Europa står over for alvorlige problemer, går i retning af fejhed eller tvetydighed og uklarhed?
While I have your attention, I would avail myself of the opportunity to appeal to you once again: if you do put a question, show that you, as parliamentarians, know what Question Time is.
mellem De Tolv i morgen, bortset fra at det er aftalt — og der har formandskabet da også søgt anledningen til dette møde — på ny at underkaste den situation, der er opstået efter det militære indgreb, en bedømmelse.
and it was in this connection that the Presidency originally asked for the meeting to be convened — to subject the situation that has arisen since the military intervention to renewed assessment.
Jeg vover dog at sige, at jeg i forlængelse af det. der også er medtaget i Haag-erklæringen, nemlig en appel til mådehold og selvberskelse, må antage, at kollegerne i morgen vil være enig med mig i. at en af de første opgaver, som De Tolv må påtage sig, er at undersøge, hvordan de kan bidrage til en de-eskalation i konflikten.
I may go so far as to say that, on the basis of what is stated in The Hague declaration, namely the appeal to moderation and self-restraint, I can fairly assume that my counterparts will tomorrow share my view that one of the first duties that the Twelve will have to take on will be to consider how they can best contribute to the de-escalation of this conflict.
Med andre ord, formålet med appeller om mådehold og selvbeherskelse er at undgå, at der finder yderligere militær eskalation sted.
In other words, the appeal to moderation and self-restraint is intended to prevent military action from being escalated further.
Det har ud fra sagens natur høj prioritet for øjeblikket.
By the nature of things, that now has a high priority.
Dernæst forestiller jeg mig, at vi nærmere overvejer, på hvilket tidspunkt det kan forventes, at de konkrete foranstaltninger, som De Tolv vedtog i Haag-erklæringen, rent faktisk kan finde konkret gen nemførelse.
I also assume that we shall consider further how the concrete measures announced by the Twelve in The Hague declaration can actually be implemented in practice.
Netop som Råd har De, hr. rådsformand, afvist Europa-Parlamentets budgetmæssige afgørelse, som f.eks. ville have ladet bevillingerne til Syrien udgå. At Rådet har afvist denne parlamentsafgørelse burde ef ter min opfattelse foranledige Dem til at tage Deres stilling op til fornyet overvejelse.
Mr Pannella (NI). — (FR) For how long does the President-in-Office of the Council intend to try the patience of this Parliament, which is forced to record that he can refuse even the European Parliament and that, at a moment when Europe is faced with grave problems, the only policy is one of cowardice, or ambiguity and equivocation?
Under disse betingelser er tidspunktet da ikke inde til i morgen i Paris at erkende, at Parlamentet havde ret i at vedtage sin beslutning, og at De tog fejl i Luxembourg som i de foregående år.
The President-in-Office of the Council, more precisely, the Council, has rejected the decision of the European Parliament in terms of the budget, which had deleted the appropriations for Syria for example.
Van den Broek. — (NL) Jeg søger stadig efter det ærede medlems spørgsmål og især også efter betegnelsen på den beslutning, som han henviser til.
The fact that the Council rejected the decision of our Parliament should, it seems to me,make it possible for it to go back on its positions.
Men debatten her i salen i går viste en dyb splittelse om denne fredelige linje.
But the debate in this Chamber yesterday revealed a deep split over this peaceful line.
De fleste politiske grupper støttede desværre USAs groft folkeretsstridige bombardementer — andre fotdømte — men man ge ønskede et styrket EPS.
Most political groups regrettably supported the US bombing operations in gross violation of interna tional law — others condemned them — but many wanted a strengthening of EPC.
Men hvilken slags uden rigspolitik vil et styrket EPS føre?
But what kind of for eign policy will a strengthened EPC pursue?
Kan vi være sikre på, at EPS altid vil føre en fredelig politik, som afvi ser militære løsninger, og som går til roden af proble met, der jo i Mellemøsten er det palæstinensiske folks problem?
Can we be sure that EPC will always back a peaceful policy which rejects military solutions and goes to the root of the problem which, after all, in the Middle East is the problem of the Palestinian people?
Eller risikerer vi en EPS-udenrigspolitik, som måske en anden gang vil foreslå militære løsninger og eventuelt forsvare europæiske interesser med aggressive midler?
Or do we risk seeing an EPC foreign policy which on another occasion may propose military solutions and may resort to aggressive means to defend European inter ests?
Kan formanden garantere for, at EPS også i fremtiden vil foreslå fredelige løsninger?
Can the President-in-Office guarantee that EPC will continue to propose peaceful solutions in the future?
Eksisterer der et sådant generelt princip for EPS-sam-arbejdet?
Does a general principle of this kind exist for EPC work?
Van den Broek. — (NL) Jeg tror ikke, at jeg i min egenskab som EPS-formand behøver have nogen pro blemer med her at sige, at De Tolvs politik i sådanne situationer altid tager sigte på at undersøge, hvorledes der kan opnås politiske løsninger.
Finally, Mr President, another question: you have arrogantly and persistently sabotaged Parliament's European policy, setting yourself to monopolize all our Europe's powers of representation.
Den ærede spørger talte også om det palæstinensiske problem i denne forbindelse : Det er hende meget velkendt, at De Tolv betræber sig for — og det gælder også for ganske nylig
Under these circumstances, will not the time have come to recognize, tomorrow, in Paris, that Parliament was right in adopting its resolution, and that you were wrong at Luxembourg, as in previous years.
Dankert (S). — (NL) Rådsformanden sagde ikke, at sir Geoffrey Howe ville have gjort klogt i ved at nægte at tilslutte sig erklæringen at forhindre, at en sådan erklæring kom i stand.
Mr Van den Broek. — (NL) I am still waiting for the honourable Member to ask his question and indicate which resolution he is referring to.
— at bidrage til en fredelig løsning på mellemøstkonflikten, idet det således aldrig kan være det første mål at søge, hvorledes der kan opnås militære løsninger.
She is very well aware of the efforts of the Twelve, and this applies also to the recent past, in seeking to put forward proposals aimed at securing peaceful solutions to the Middle East con flict, and in that connection any attempt to impose a solution by military force can never be considered as a first option.
Naturligvis prioriteres politiske løsninger altid.
Preference will naturally always be given to political solutions.
Formanden. — Inden jeg giver ordet til den næste spørger, vil jeg gerne sige lidt til forretningsordenen.
President. — Before I give the floor to the next speaker, I wish to inform the House of a point of order.
Som bekendt er det normalt, at af spørgetiden bruges en halv time til det politiske samarbejde og en time til spørgsmål til Rådet.
You know that it is customary to devote one half-hour of Question Time to political cooperation and one
Jeg har nemlig nævnt i mine tidligere indlæg, at det står fast, at den endelige afgørelse om militær aktion blev truffet af De forenede Stater på et sådant tidspunkt, at ingen af de tilstedeværende ministre under mødet i Haag kunne være underrettet om det.
What happened was communicated by the President-in-Office as follows: 'If there were ministers who knew this' — and I am quoting the minister — 'then it goes without saying that no such sensitive information was given out'.
Jeg mener at handle i Parlamentets ånd ved ikke at afslutte denne del af spørgetiden nu, men at fortsætte
Does this mean that the minister finds it acceptable for twelve Foreign Affairs Ministers to be made the laughing stock of interna tional public opinion before the entire world because
Van den Broek rikanske aktioner og forholdet mellem De Tolv i politisk samarbejde angår, at jeg ikke tror, man kan nå til bunds med de mange spørgsmål, der rejser sig.
I shall be interested to see if the Minister is able to give us any answers to these four questions.
Nej, det er ikke de sensitive oplysninger, jeg talte om, hr. formand.
sensitive information is withheld from them in a situation of this kind?
Mit svar herpå var: a) Disse oplysninger kunne ministrene ikke have, og b) hvis de alligevel havde dem, havde de aldrig kunnet give dem på det tidspunkt, men så havde mødet måske også haft et andet resultat og var ikke resulteret i Haag-erklæringen.
I have already stated in an earlier contribution that it has been established that the timing of the final decision to take military action by the United States was such that none of the Ministers present at the consultations in The Hague could have been aware of it.
Denne mulighed foreligger, men vi ved det ikke, for som sagt er det et hypotetisk tilfælde.
What may well have been possible is that Ministers could have been in possession of information concerning preparations for military action.
Eftersom situationen stadig er dramatisk og fuld af farer, vil jeg gerne til formanden for Rådet rette nogle spørgsmål, der mere går på fremtiden.
Mr Van den Broek. — (NL) I must point out, as I have already made clear in my original answer, that this claim by Libya is not recognized by the Twelve and has been rejected previously.
Jeg er faktisk bekymret over det, han anførte som målet for uden rigsministrenes møde i morgen.
The Twelve are moreover in the company of the overwhelming major ity of the international community of nations in relation to this claim by Libya, which was first made public only in 1973.
Først sagde han, at opgaven i morgen vil bestå i at udføre en analyse; dernæst bekræftede han, at det vil dreje sig om at undersøge, hvordan man kan bidrage til en nedtrapning. ning.
Secondly, inasmuch as Libya con siders itself to have a justified claim to this zone, we may well wonder that it should consider it appropriate to establish what it regards as its rights by resorting to force in the shape of an attack against the American fleet.
At det er nationalt forvand indtil et vist punkt, kan der ikke herske tvivl om, og det ved vi alle, Spørgsmålet er, til hvilket punkt. For at gøre det let tere for ministeren at give os en klar definition, vil jeg stille ham nogle konkrete spørgsmål.
Mr Segre (COM). — (IT) What has occurred in these last 48 hours is so disturbing, from the stand point of European and American actions as well as from that of relations between the twelve countries meeting in political cooperation, that I do not think that, in an hour's debate, we can get to the bottom of the many questions that this raises.
Nu vil jeg spørge rådsformanden, om de tolv mini stre i politisk samarbejde har overvejet præcise initiativer til morgendagens møde både med henblik på at bidrage til en nedtrapning og rette en appel til de to involverede parter om at udvise fornuft?
No, that is not what I meant by sensitive information when I last spoke, Mr President. What is meant by this, and what is being suggested here, is that ministers were in possession of the knowledge that the decision to go ahead with military intervention had already been taken, and that that information was withheld.
Om mini strene på basis af de analyser, der er blevet gen nemført i de sidste dage, mener, at det er nødvendigt, og at tiden er kommet til at rette en mere generel appel om, at der må findes en fredelig løsning på Mellemøstproblemet, som er årsag til så stor spænding og til mange dramatiske begivenheder?
My answer to that was: (a) Such information could not have been in the possession of ministers, and (b) if it been they would not have been in a position to reveal it at that time, but then the consultation would have had a quite different outcome and would not have resulted in the declaration of The Hague.
Og ende lig på hvilken måde man i dette døgn har forsøgt at overvinde de uoverensstemmelser, der er opstået mellem De Tolv?
The possibility is there, that is something we don't know because, as stated, it is a hypothetical case.
For det første: Er Sidrabugten en bugt ifølge definitionen i folkeretten?
Since the situation remains dramatic and full of danger, I should like to ask the President of the Council a few questions that more concern the future.
For alle skribenter vedrørende internationale forhold erkender, at den ikke er det.
I am in fact worried about the way in which he outlined the aims of the meeting of Foreign Ministers tomorrow.
Formanden. — Da der er så mange, der ønsker at stille spørgsmål, gentager jeg min bøn til Parlamentets medlemmer om ikke at kaste sig ud i lange for klaringer, men om kun at stille deres tillægsspørgsmål. spørgsmål.
Mr Tzounis (PPE). — (GR) Will the Minister acknowledge that his statement, at least as through the interpreters, that the waters of the Gulf of Sirte, up to a certain point, are territorial waters, but that on the other hand, Libyan claims are excessive, is of monumental hypocrisy and equivocation?
For det tredje: Er udøvelsen af internationale rettigheder en provokation?
In order to assist the Minister in providing us with some clarification, I should like to ask a number of specific questions.
For det fjerde: Retfærdiggør denne udøvelse af folkeretten et væbnet overgreb mod den, som udøver den ne ret?
Firstly, does the Gulf of Sirte, in International Law, constitute a gulf? Because it is accepted internationally by all commentators that it does not.
Jeg vil gerne bede ministeren om at svare os på disse fire spørgsmål.
And, finally, what has been done in these 24 hours to try to repair the splits amongst the Twelve?
Van den Broek. — (NL) Også dette medlem spørger mig om det mulige resultat af forhandlingen i morgen.
Secondly, it is correct or not that the base lines may not pass 24 nautical miles, and not 360 as Colonel Ghaddafi has done?
Det vil utvivlsomt være det første spørgsmål.
Thirdly, is it provocative to exercise international rights?
For det andet, på hvilken måde de allerede vedtagne foran staltninger, der i virkeligheden direkte tage sigte på terrorisme og de stater, der direkte indlader sig på terrorisme, hurtigst muligt kan bringes i anvendelse.
President. — In view of the large number of questions down, I would repeat my request to Members of the House not to embark on long speeches or long explanations but to confine themselves to putting their supplementary questions.
De Tolv befinder sig i øvrigt i det temmelig overbevisende selskab af praktisk talt hele det internationale folkefællesskab med hensyn til dette libyske krav, der først blev bekendt i 1973.
Fourthy, is it right that to exercise international rights should provoke an armed attack on the party exercising such rights?
Europa-Parlamentets forhandlinger
That will certainly be the first item.
Mener De ikke, at tiden nu er kommet til med beslutsomhed — og her tænker jeg på Dem, hr. rådsformand— igen at puste liv i det politiske samarbejde og hvad deraf følger, nemlig en ny traktat vedrørende en politisk union, således at Europa kan ophøre med at være offer for politiske handlinger fra alle sider?
Well then, do you not think that the time has come to relaunch, vigorously — with your own fair hands, Mr President-in-Office — political cooperation and its institutions, a new treaty for political union, so that Europe can stop being made a political toy by anyone who wants to try to do so?
Van den Broek. — (NL) Jeg tror, at det går alt for vidt at sige, at ansvaret for den udvikling, der har fundet sted, hvordan man end bedømmer den, ligger hos Europa. Hvad der har ført til denne udvikling, eller i hvert fald må angives som årsag, er dog den internationale terrorisme.
Mr Van den Broek. — (NL) I think it is going much too far to assert that the responsibility for the develop ments that have occurred, whatever else one may think of them, can be said to lie with Europe.
Jeg tror, at vi må være forsigtige med alt for let at vende op og ned på årsag og virk ning.
I think we must take care to resist the temptation to invert cause and effect.
Det ændrer ikke noget ved, at jeg bestemt i min nationale egenskab gerne er rede til at medgive og erkende, at det er nødvendigt at De Tolvs Europa forener deres kræfter og intensiverer deres bestræbelser for rent faktisk også at bidrage til et tilstrækkeligt og effektivt svar på den internationale terrorisme.
That does not detract from the fact that I am of course prepared in my national capacity to concede and to acknowledge that it is necessary for the European Twelve as such to join forces and step up their efforts so as to make a decisive contribution to an adequate and effective response to international terrorism.
Det er efter min tydelige opfattelse indlysende.
That, in my view, clearly goes without saying.
Om det, der nu er sket — og hertil hører også militært indgreb — til syvende og sidst vil vise sig at have været et tilstrækkeligt svar, lader sig for øjeblikket endnu mindre forudsige.
Whether present developments — including obviously the resort to mil itary intervention — will in the final analysis amount to an adequate response only time will tell.
Men det, vi også på nuværende tidspunkt kan konstatere, er, at bekymringen for en videregående militær eskalation og alle de der med forbundne risici er stor, også hos De Tolv.
What we can say, even at this stage, is that there is grave con cern at the prospect of further military escalation and all the risks that go with it, certainly on the part of the Twelve.
Van den Broek. — (NL) Jeg kan godt forstå det ærede medlems holdning.
Mr Van den Broek. — (NL) I take the honourable Member's point.
Til trods for det, der fulgte efter De Tolvs møde, mener jeg ikke på nogen måde, at De Tolvs erklæring dermed har mistet sin betydning. Efter min opfattelse byder denne erklæring helt tydelige og konstruktive angrebspunkter for på konstruktiv og forhåbentlig også effektiv vis at fortsætte vor drøftelse om den foruroligende situation.
Discussions of the kind he envisages did in fact take place at considerable length and depth on the initiative of the Inter-Governmental Confer ence in relation to the establishment of the 'Acte Unique' and, in particular, the establishment of the EPC Treaty.
McCartin (PPE). — (EN) Er rådsformanden enig med mig i, at Det europæiske økonomiske Fællesskab til en vis grad har ansvaret for den tragedie, der har udviklet sig her?
That in the present circumstances there are still certain obstacles to the further strengthening of political cooperation is a point on which I readily agree with him.
Er han enig med mig i, at Fællesskabets prestige og image i verdens øjne har lidt skade, fordi vi ikke har erkendt den begyndende tragedie rettidigt og gjort noget ved den?
I would not however accept his view that Europe with its present structure of political cooperation is in fact doomed to be left standing.
Jeg er sikker på, at Ministerrådets holdning har gjort denne aggression lettere, fordi holdningen hverken var tilstrækkelig klar eller fast. Jeg vil gerne spørge Dem, hr. minister, om De ikke mener, at det nu haster med en klar og fast fordømmelse af denne uhørte handling fra USAs side?
I should rather again like to emphasize — while confining myself to the item that has rightly been placed on today's agenda — that the communiqué issued in The Hague after the meeting of the Twelve contains a number of novel features, that it projects a piece of unanimity to the outside world in terms not previously achieved by the Twelve.
Og hvad med andre passende foranstaltninger til omgående retablering af fred og international ret?
In spite of what has happened since that meeting of the Twelve, I certainly do not think that the declaration by the Twelve has lost any of its significance in this connection.
Er der eller er der ikke en konkret mulighed for, at Rådet kan tage initiativ til at demonstrere dette synspunkt? Og i bekræftende fald: Hvilke initiativer skulle der så udvises?
In my view the declaration provides perfectly clear and constructive reference points for continuing our consultations on this disturbing situation in constructive and, I hope, effective terms.
Van den Broek. — (NL) Jeg må nu for tredje eller fjerde gang — og det beklager jeg — nævne, hvad der i morgen under mødet vil have størst prioritet, nem lig overvejelse blandt De Tolv om, på hvilken måde der mest effektiv kan bidrages til en de-eskalation, en formindskelse af spændingen.
Mr McCartin (PPE). — Would the President-in-Office agree that the European Economic Community does to some extent have responsibility for the tragedy
Staes (ARC). — (NL) Jeg vil tale om Storbritanniens deltagelse i hele denne sag.
Mr Barros Moura (COM). — (PT) After what has just happened in Libya we all feel and know that the world is less safe.
Det har klart været et komplet slag fra Storbritanniens side mod de øvrige EF-medlemsstater, bl.a. som følge af den ureelle til bageholdelse af oplysninger på det tidspunkt, hvor EFs udenrigsministre mødtes. Desuden har man mis-
The questions that I wish to put to the President do not refer to the past, do not refer to what could have been done and was not done in time, to avoid this aggression and this intolerable act of state terrorism, but to what we can do today and to what we can do from now on to check the escalation of violence.
Staes brugt NATO-installationer, selv om NATO ikke hav de noget at gøre med hele denne aktion.
As President-in-Office I am not now in a position to make any public statement in anticipation of those consultations.
modstrid med den afgørelse, som den netop har været med til at træffe, stiller sit territorium til rådighed som udgangspunkt for en militæraktion?
It is obvious that Britain has delivered a slap in the face to all the rest of the Community Member States, in particular by with holding information during the meeting of Foreign Affairs Ministers in The Hague.
De har ganske vist sagt, at enhver regering handler i eget ansvar, men jeg spørger Dem: Deler De i det mindste min opfattelse, at den britiske regering på grund af sin adfærd har mistet enhver troværdighed til fremover seriøst at diskutere livsvigtige spørgsmål inden for EPS?
You have said that every government acts on its own responsibility, but I ask you : do you agree that the British government has, by its conduct, forfeited all credibility when it comes to discussing vital issues in political cooperation in future?
Mit spørgsmål er følgende: Hvad vil De som for mand meddele den britiske premierminister og Stor britanniens udenrigsminister ved Deres næste møde med dem ?
My question is this: What message will you, as President-in-Office of the Council, have for the British Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary at your next meeting?
For det andet, mener De ikke, at dette er endnu et tungtvejende argument for at sende de amerikanske atomraketter tilbage til afsenderen, da De forenede Stater, hvis de vil gøre brug af denne atommagt, i endnu mindre grad vil spørge Europa først?
Secondly, do you not agree that this is yet another strong argument for immediately sending the American missiles back to where they came from, because if the United States were ever to have recourse to their nuclear forces they would give their European allies just as little advance warning as they have done on this occasion?
(Bilfald fra venstre)
(Applause from the left)
Mener De ikke, at den britiske regerings adfærd i det te tilfælde svækker den fælles europæiske holdning og latterliggør det europæiske politiske samarbejde?
Do you agree that the British government's conduct in this case is likely to weaken the joint European posi tion and make a laughing stock of European political cooperation?