natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Jeg vil gerne slutte med et citat på engelsk, et sprog, der er mig kært — det har jeg også til fælles med Willy Brandt —, fordi jeg har en fornemmelse af, at det nu drejer sig om det samme, vi oplevede i
The Lomé agreements showed on two occasions that Europe intended to speak with a single voice in its economic relations with 61 developing countries. At the last meeting of the ACP-EEC Consultative
Sammenhængen af og i Europa er i dag og i morgen mere nødvendig end nogen sinde før, og mit indlæg er ment som et vidnesbyrd herom.
This is connected with the rather sneaky way — to put it bluntly — in which many things are decided within the Community.
politiske aspekter af sikkerhedspolitikken, som for eksempel den europæiske sikkerheds- og samarbejdskonference«. Som eksempel kunne man også have nævnt koordineringen på De forenede Nationers afrustningskonference.
Can the Commission specify areas such as, for example, defence policy, which it cannot discuss under the heading of security policy?
Sådanne eksempler har imidlertid været begrænsede og har snarere været undtagelsen end reglen.
entitled Le déclin de l'Europe, which was full of truth as well as pessimism and fears.
Efter vor opfattelse bør erklæringen i den tredje rapport om politisk samarbejde, vedtaget i London i sidste måned, fortolkes på samme restriktive måde.
Of course they were unable to break them, but then the old man broke them one by one in order to show his sons that there is strength in unity.
Det hedder: »Med hensyn til række vidden af et europæisk politisk samarbejde og i betragtning af de forskellige situationer i medlemsstaterne, er udenrigsministrene enige om at bibeholde den fleksible og pragmatiske tilnærmelse, som har gjort det muligt inden for det politiske samarbejde at drøfte nogle vigtige udenrigspolitiske spørgsmål i forbindelse med de politiske aspekter af sikkerhedspolitikken«. litikken«.
The ancient legend means that political cooperation in the Community, both among the Member States them selves and between the Member States and the Parliament, which is the mouthpiece of public opinion in our countries, is the sole key to successfully achieving the ultimate aim of European Union and to solving the problems confronting us, such as North-South relations, the worsening situation in the Middle East, the restructuring of the common agricultural policy, the problems of the budget, relations with the Third World, unemployment, inflation, energy, the protection of youth — particularly this problem since all young people are not far from becoming terrorists — and the development of the various Community policies other than the CAP.
Det er af stor interesse for Parlamentet og for befolkningerne i Europa.
I shall conclude, Mr President, on an optimistic note.
Europa har vist, at det kan øve en reel indflydelse i verden for fred, for en mindre international spænding, for retfærdige og humanitære løsninger, hvor der findes undertrykkelse og uretfærdighed og for lindring af menneskelig lidelse og afsavn.
The difficult transitional period we are now going through will be overcome because we are all deter mined and eager that it should be.
Denne tendens mener jeg bestemt er imod vor gruppes traditioner. tioner.
The crisis in the Community continues, and in this field, too, pessimistic views appear to prevail.
General de Gaulle hævdede altid, at forsvar var et spørgsmål, der henhørte under den nationale suverænitet, og at det ikke vedrørte Det europæiske Fælles skab.
Mr Bournias. — (GR) It is an open secret, Mr President, that the international situation, and particularly the situation in Europe, gives cause for concern.
Jeg er også betænkelig ved, at de Ti skulle godkende udsendelse af en EF-fredsstyrke til Sinai-ørkenen.
People are coming to realize that a political, economic and moral crisis is afflicting the world.
Jeg er imod dette forslag både af politiske og principielle grunde.
It was not possible for the European Community to remain unaffected by this crisis.
Det er ironisk, men også skræmmende, at nogle lande under en ny forklædning skulle vende tilbage til selve skuepladsen for deres sidste intervention som kolonimagter for 25 år siden, især da deres tilstedeværelse måske stadig ikke kan accepteres af mange af landene i området.
Worries are being expressed as to whether it is possible to overcome the problems which are accumulating and are threatening the Community.
Vi mener også, at der kan skabes en farlig præcedens for de Ti's tiltagende engagement i andre militære situationer.
The achievement of European Union, if not actually in danger, is becoming a more distant prospect.
De irske medlemmer af min gruppe deler denne opfattelse, og vi ønsker at bevare vor uafhængige udenrigspolitik i forsvars- og sikkerhedsspørgsmål.
There is certainly no shortage of efforts and good intentions to avert the dangers and enable Europe to play the role which belongs to it.
For øjeblikket betragter vi imidlertid sådanne forslag som fuldstændig forhastede.
Mr Gaston Thorn believes in this and is travelling to the capitals of the ten Member States.
Til sidst vil jeg gerne kort omtale situationen i mit hjemland. Situationen er — som medlemmerne ved — blevet meget alvorlig i de seks Ulster counties.
This is the result of the report which the President of the Commission himself presented to us last week in the Political Affairs Committee and yesterday in the House, without keeping from us the political and institutional problems and the enormous difficulties facing the Community at the moment.
De to involverede regeringer blev i december i Dublin enige om at gennemføre en politik og fremsætte forslag, der kan fremme fred, stabilitet og forsoning og at udarbejde en institutionel ramme for at gennemføre dette.
This is the tendency of Mr Genscher's plan, the aim of which is to extend European Union, as Mr Genscher himself will be explaining to us tomorrow in this Chamber.
Jeg opfordrer denne Forsamling til fuldt ud at støtte vore to lande i den nye og større udfordring for selve frihedsprincipperne og de demokratiske principper, som er grundlaget for samfundet i den nordlige del af øen.
This is also what the Italian proposal sets out to do, and it is also the aim of today's debate on the strength ening of European political cooperation.
Da der har været nogen forvirring om holdningen til drøftelsen af sikkerhedsspørgsmål inden for det poli tiske samarbejde, vil jeg gerne have ført denne udlægning til protokols, hr. formand.
Will the European Council of 27 and 28 November be aware of the importance and seriousness of what is at stake?
Pannella. — (FR) Hr. formand, De bringer mig endnu engang til tavshed i stedet for at give mig ordet i denne forsamling, som er helt mennesketom. Hvad medfører denne politik, som De har til hensigt at drøfte, men som De i virkeligheden vil bringe os til tavshed om? Holocaust, nederlag, et nyt førMiinchen.
All the problems raised and debated by us — and no doubt also, I hope, by our governments — can be grouped around a single theme — the revival of Europe — i.e. revival of political cooperation, institutional revival, revival to implement the 30 May mandate, and revival suggested by some governmental initiatives.
Her, hr. formand, kan kun tavsheden være det rigtige; alt det øvrige er svaghed, løgne og vold.
I hope we shall have the oppor tunity to resume and deepen this study at the begin ning of next year, if we accept the Bureau's suggestion in this respect.
Her findes roden til terrorismen, som dræber vore børn, her findes roden til nedslagtningen af 30 millioner mennesker, her tvinger De Rumor eller Willy Brandt til en grotesk konfrontation i stedet for at aflægge vidnesbyrd om vor tids mennesker.
We shall thus be able to examine all the plans for revival — institutional revival, and particularly the Genscher plan and those of Parliament; the revival envisaged by the 30 May mandate, and in this context a study of the proposals by the Commission and Parliament, and the French Government's plan.
Og for at gøre det, er det ikke nok at oprette nye institutioner — heller ikke selv om det fører til et forbedret europæisk politisk samarbejde.
The German Government, with which the Italian Government appears to have associated itself, has drawn up a plan for renewing the procedures for political cooperation.
Det er ikke nok at kræve mere Fællesskab, man må også sige, hvor det skal bringe os hen.
Other proposals of the same kind have incidentally been adopted by Parliament or are being studied by us.
Hvor det er, efter den socialistiske gruppes opfattelse, udtrykte hr. Brandt og hr. Jaquet helt tydeligt i formiddags. Rådet og Kommissionen vil få enhver tænkelig støtte, hvis de fører os videre på dette område.
In another field, proposals aiming to improve the operation of the Community institutions have been drawn up or are being drawn up.
Hr. formand, jeg respekterer Dem, men jeg har kun foragt for det punkt, hvortil vi reducerer Parlamentets tanker.
The problem of our institutions, in its many and varied aspects, is therefore on the agenda.
Fællesskabets udviklingsproces stagnerer.
Allow me to make a last series of observations.
Det europæiske politiske samarbejde er vigtigt.
Will it succeed in defining a clear and coherent attitude which could show the true face of Europe to all the world powers, and especially to the superpowers?
Men hvis det bliver til en flugtvej væk fra de andre problemer, fører det os på vildspor.
Today this is more desirable than ever, and this links up with my earlier observations.
I betragtning af, hvilken situation alle de europæiske stater befinder sig i, hilser og støtter vi principielt enhver bestræbelse på at forstærke og uddybe dette samarbejde.
In this connection, I shall cite only two examples.
Vi ved, at det politiske samarbejde behøver en organisatorisk styrkelse, men vi advarer imod opbygning af et nyt bureaukratisk apparat.
But at a time when all these studies are about to enter a decisive stage, allow me to put one question.
Vi støtter også inddragelse af Kommissionen i det politiske samarbejde proces på alle niveauer.
Obviously, I presume, to undertake joint actions more easily and in better conditions, or to draw up the common policies which the present situation requires.
Men Europas udenrigspolitik kan ikke frigøres fra de nationale diplomatiers informationssystem, og derfor findes der i øjeblikket ikke nogen erstatning, derfor heller ikke oprettelse af et fælles sekretariat.
Otherwise, what would be the point? Better developed, perfected and more ambitious institutions, which because of the absence of common will would be obliged to operate in a vacuum — albeit more elegantly — would constitute a dangerous illusion followed by a dangerous disappointment for our peoples.
Der kan slet ikke være nogen tvivl om, at de politiske aspekter i de europæiske staters sikkerhed må indføjes i koordineringen af en europæiske udenrigspolitik.
That is why — and I firmly believe this — the question of the institutions must not be separated from the question of common actions and policies.
Men det er også rigtigt, at man igen har taget afstand fra en tanke, som i de sidste måneder er løbet gennem den europæiske offentlighed, nemlig oprettelsen af et særligt Råd for sikkerhedspolitik.
Sòme, within or outside Parliament, and incidentally often in good faith, tend to think that the revival of Europe must relate first and foremost to institutional questions and that all the rest is only subsidiary or will be given to us as a bonus.
Vi har ikke brug for et nyt Råd.
That is, I think, an error of judgment.
Et nyt Råd alene garanterer jo ikke, at vi få en ny politik, som det fremgår af Råd, der i øjeblikket forsøger på at skabe en europæisk politik, uden at det dog lykkes.
And I would like to warn you against it, for such an attitude would be a kind of flight from reality, setting our consciences at rest at little cost without really helping European integration to progress.
Det er helt indlysende, at sikkerhedspolitik og forsvarspolitik ikke lader sig skille entydigt fra hinanden og ikke kan afgrænses mod hinanden.
The basic reason for the crisis in Europe is the absence of a common will to create a real Community.
Fællesskabet må blive sig sit fælles ansvar for sine folks sikkerhed bevidst.
We have not been capable of setting up effective mechanisms in the social field — despite the very serious employment crisis — in the regional field, in energy policy or industrial policy.
Det, udenrigsministrene besluttede den 13. oktober, var et skridt i den rigtige retning.
And I could make the same observation in many other fields, particularly in that of polit ical cooperation, which is still in its infancy.
Vi støtter alt, hvad der kan føre til en tættere sammenhæng i den europæiske politik i verden.
That was not how we viewed the European Community at its inception.
Vi ved, at udenrigspolitik i alle medlemsstaterne er bundet løsere til det parlamentariske arbejde end andre områder af vor politik.
And it is clear, I repeat; that the primary cause of the difficulties facing this undertaking is the failure of our States to decide on actions and policies in the essential fields.
Det hænger sammen med nødvendigheden af tillid og mellemstatslige over enskomster og sammenhængende beskyttelse af nationale interesser udadtil.
At the same time our aim is to facilitate these actions and policies through bettér
Europærne må udvikle deres identitet i verden stærkere end hidtil.
At the beginning of my speech, I noted how the international situation had deteriorated over the last few years.
Der er hændelsesforløb, problemer og interesser, som berører os europæere stærkere end andre folk.
Détente has been suspended, peaceful coexistence has been compromised, the arms race has resumed and anxiety has taken hold of our peoples.
Man kan ikke altid beklage sig over den ene eller den anden i Europa vanskeligt forståelige vending eller vinding i den amerikanske udenrigspolitik uden at sørge for, at de europæiske stater også i sikkerhedspolitiske spørgsmål i højere grad tilnærmer sig hinanden med henblik på beskyttelsen af dereslivsvigtige interesser og til forsvar for Europas uafhængighed.
The SALT negotiations between the two superpowers have been broken off and medium-range nuclear missiles have been installed on European soil — the Soviet Union has installed SS20's, and the United States in their turn are proposing to install Pershing 2s.
Og dertil, mine damer og herrer, kræves ikke nogen ny opbygning af det europæiske forsvarsfællesskab.
Faced with this arms race which is assuming dramatic proportions, will Europe be able to intervene with enough strength and boldness to be heard?
Der kræves heller ikke, at Europa bliver en supermagt. I den henseende kan vi berolige hr. Lalor.
On 30 November negotiations will resume in Geneva between the Soviet Union and the United States on the limitation of medium-range nuclear missiles.
Det ønsker vi såmænd heller ikke.
We are delighted at this.
Det bliver vor opgave at våge over, at der ikke sker en udhuling af de traktatsmæssige organers funktioner, det gælder både Parlamentet, Kommissionen og Rådet, og at integrationsprocessen ikke bliver udvandet til et uforpligtende politisk samarbejde. Vi vedtog i juli med stort flertal lady Elles' betænkning.
What we want to see in the final analysis, and I presume it is the wish of all Europeans, whatever their political standpoint or geographical situation, is effective and simultaneous disarmament ensuring the security of each people and their right to self-determination.
Vi ønsker at se denne betænknings krav inddraget i overvejelserne om en udbygning og uddybelse af det europæiske politiske samarbejde.
What we are calling for is determined, continuing and convincing joint action by all the governments of our Community.
Da hr. Genscher vil få ordet i morgen, tror jeg det er rigtigt at vente med at fastlægge vort standpunkt, indtil han har fremført sine synspunkter.
This relationship must not be manifested only by periodic meetings with the Political Affairs Committee or informal contacts between the ministers and the leaders of the various political groups.
Men jeg vil alligevel udtale mit håb om, at der vil udgår nye impulser fra Genschers, Colombos og Carringtons initiativer, der principielt vækker begejstring.
Above all, the Council of Ministers must not confine itself to giving assurances — as stated in the draft — that it will take into account the possibility of making more frequent reference to resolutions adopted by Parliament, but must really take due account of the opinion expressed by this institution — the only one elected by direct suffrage by European citizens.
Ved at rette den europæiske opmærksomhed mod det europæiske politiske samarbejde, må opmærksomheden om de økonomiske problemer, der jo er meget store, ikke formindskes, tværtimod!
My second example is the North-South Dialogue, and on this point I shall be even more brief, for of course I fully agree with the observations made by Mr Willy Brandt a short time ago.
Hr. formand, vi følger med interesse Rådets og Kommissionens reaktion på det europæiske politiske samarbejdes problematik.
Of course, the Community has not been inactive in this field, and what it has done in the field of development and cooperation is far from negligible.
Vi for venter, at vore beslutninger inddrages stærkere i arbejdet med det politiske samarbejde.
It must also urge the governments of its Member States themselves to do more and better.
Tro ikke, mine herrer fra Rådet, mine herrer udenrigsministre, at udenrigspolitikken kan løsrives fra Europas folks demokratiske repræsentation i dette Parlament.
Furthermore, it must try to involve in this cooperative effort all the industrialized nations, in whatever part of the world they are situated.
De behøver os — selv om det så kun er som ræsonnansbund — til Deres forslag og til Deres politik.
But to undertake such a task and succeed in it, it will have to realize — and persuade the others — that a system of stable peace presupposes the elimination of hunger, unemployment and oppression throughout the world.
Vi går ind for en koordineret europæisk udenrigspolitisk.
This is another under taking the importance of which is obvious, and which must be placed in the forefront of our Community's concerns.
Vi går ind for en videreudvikling af det politiske samar bejde, men vi advarer mod en udvikling, der indskrænker sig til oprettelse af en ny mekanisme.
The other basic requirement — and it has already been mentioned in this debate — is that the development of political cooperation should be linked with the deepening and completion of the process of economic integration.
Et politisk samarbejde, der ikke tjener det formål at tilvejebringe en europæisk vilje, er ikke noget værd.
For the Community to be regarded as a real entity in an international context, periodic meet ings at ministerial level — or even those at Heads of State or Government level — are not enough.
Hvad regeringerne indtil nu har præsteret er langt fra at være tilstrækkeligt.
It is essential to develop within the Community common policies in the regional and social fields as well as in the monetary and energy fields, and in all the other sectors where the process of integration is stagnating.
Vi er endnu langt fra vort mål.
Despite many disappointments Europe remains a great hope.
Derfor er det så meget vigtigere, at vi begiver os på vej.
I would like to believe, even today, that this great hope will become a great and vigorous reality.
Christopher Jackson. — (EN) Hr. formand, jeg vil gerne udtrykke mit personlige håb om, at politisk samarbejde, når traktaten skal revideres bliver en officiel del af Fællesskabets aktiviteter, så Kommissionen her kommer til at spille en tilsvarende vigtig rolle — og så formanden f.eks. kan deltage i sådanne møder som det, der fand sted i Cancun.
Mr Diana. — (IT) Mr President, the previous speakers pointed out the importance which this Parliament attaches to the development of political coopera tion.
de Goede. — (NL) Hr. formand, iniativer, der har til formål at styrke det europæiske politiske samarbejde kan regne med vor støtte, fordi Fællesskabet som en enhed på mange områder kan opnå mere end de ti medlemsstater hver for sig.
Particularly at this time of growing tension and uncertainty on the world scene, there is an overriding need for effective coordination in the field of foreign policy.
Konferencer ne i Helsinki, Beograd og Madrid beviser betydningen af samar bejdet.
Moreover, this need is felt not only within the Community, for other countries consider the Community as a more effective and more credible negotiator.
En adfærdskodeks for virksomheder fra vore lande, der arbejder i Sydafrika er et andet eksempel.
A united Europe must play its part in world affairs, must make its own contribution to the world balance, and finally must fully keep the promises contained in the Luxembourg and Copenhagen reports.
Visse kommentatorer har udtrykt skuffelse over resultaterne i Cancun, men det forekommer mig, at det var noget af en triumf, særlig for vor kollega Willy Brandt og medlemmerne af hans kommission, inklusive Edward Heath, som er her i dag, at Cancunmødet overhovedet fandt sted.
Political cooperation cannot and must not be made a pretext or a screen behind which to hide the lack of will to proceed on the road of cooperation and economic solidarity.
Vi beklager dybt, at Sovjetunionen ikke deltog, men Cancunmødet var alligevel en vigtig del af den lange proces i forbindelse med skabelse af den forståelse og den politiske vilje, der er behov for, hvis sydens udvikling skal frem skyndes.
This suspicion, expressed also by others, arises from the observation that the proposals for strengthening political cooperation — as well as the Italo-German proposal for revival of the institutions and of the idea of European union — will be on the agenda of the forthcorrting summit in London, together with other proposals which, limiting the already restricted financial resources of the European budget, in practice hold up the process of economic integration.
En efter min mening forkert organiseret debat, svækker vor indflydelse, og det er kedeligt.
Worse, we run the risk of taking a step backwards and moving away from the aim of economic convergence.
En videre udvikling af det europæiske politiske samarbejde er en god målsætning, fordi det endelige mål for vort demokratisk organiserede, fore nede Europa selvfølgelig også omfatter en fælles politik udadtil.
What credibility on the world scene could a purely accounting Community, intent only on reducing expenditure and on the imbalances between contributions to and receipts from the Community budget, have?
Forskellen mellem de udenrigspolitiske interesser og vore økonomiske interesser bliver stadig mere diffus.
How is it possible in this way to create an effective balance within the Community between prosperous and less prosperous regions?
For eks. er spørgsmålet om olieforsyningen og den mellemøstlige problematik nært forbundet med hinanden.
What can we offer the new Mediterranean applicants for membership of the European Community, which as we know have considerable economic difficulties?
Handelen med Østeuropa er direkte afhænging af forholdet øst-vest og afspændingspolitikken.
What can we say to the developing countries?
Desuden er de voksende politiske meningsforskelle over for USA grund til i højere grad at optræde på fællesskabsplan.
What will be our contribution to the North-South Dialogue?
Vi bør tværtimod huske, at mange udviklingslande — ganske vist hjulpet af Fællesskabets foranstaltninger med hensyn til støtte og handel og af resultaterne af videnskabelig forskning og international investering — har gjort bemærkelsesværdige fremskridt siden 1950, og det tjener i høj grad til deres ære.
I think a precise answer must be given us to these questions, and that this answer must come from the Commission, but first and foremost from the Council, so that the Parliament may in all conscience express its own positive opinion on the political cooperation plans put before us.
Realindkomsten pr. person er i det samme tidsrum tiltaget med 50 % i de fattigste lande og 150 % i
Parliament must be really involved in the political cooperation process, in