natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Vi -r- det vil sige hr. kollega Davignon og jeg selv — har så i begyndelsen af august optaget forhandlinger vedrørende vanskelighederne i forbindelse med stålet og ført dem til ende.
I should like to emphasize, however, that we agree with the United States on our basic policy aims regarding our attitude vis-à-vis the Soviet Union and in particular the situation in Poland.
Det er vigtigt, at disse forhandlinger førte til en aftale mellem Kommissionen og den amerikanske regering.
It is precisely because of this basic agreement that the tension between the United States and us at the moment is so
Formanden. — Forslag til beslutning trækkes tilbage i overensstemmelse hermed.
President. — Mr Fergusson, that explanation you can have.
(Ændringsforslag af Van Hemeldonck og Hänsch for den socialistiske gruppe om at erstatte de fire forslag til beslutning med en ny tekst vedtoges) og infrastruktur.· Ud fra en politisk betragtning finder jeg det vigtigt at vide det.
munity level we are in danger of finding ourselves in a situation of dependence as regards our production strategies. This has been the case in the past.
Dette indebærer i virkelig heden, at krav om, at nedlægning af den nye gasrørledning automatisk medfører øjeblikkelig levering af gas, ikke har noget grundlag.
When we think about what this might mean in the future — I am thinking in particular of electronics — we realize just how high the stakes are.
Dette er et vigtigt punkt.
President. — The debate is closed.
Forholder det sig således?
I call Mr Prag.
Må jeg sige til hr. Lalor, at ud fra en økonomisk betragtning er dette af langt større betydning end kontrakten med Sovjetunionen og har langt mere vidtrækkende konsekvenser.
Mr Barbi. — (IT) Mr President, the Group of the European People's Party is going to vote for the joint resolution and withdraws the Schall motion for a reso lution, which we intend to submit on another suitable occasion.
Formanden. — Hr. Barbi, jeg beklager, men jeg har været meget hjælpsom ved at forklare fire eller fem gange, hvad der foregik. Jeg ville ikke lave den samme fejl som i juli, da jeg lavede en forglemmelse ved et ændringsforslag.
Mr Prag. — My point is not on this specific matter, but it ,is, I believe, very important.
Jeg er blevet klogere.
I did not have this amendment.
Jeg anså fem for mere end tre, og fire er stadig mere end tre.
I appeal to you, Mr President, to ensure that the system is immediately improved.
Fergusson. — (EN) Virkningen, hr. formand, har været at beslutningsforslaget ser ud, som om det er vedtaget af et halvhjertet Parlament og ikke som det var meningen af hele Parlamentet, og jeg er meget ked af, at De tog den beslutning.
President. — Mr Prag, I had no complaints about the availability of amendments before the vote, so I must assume that they were at the disposal of Members.
(Bifald)
I call Lord O'Hagan.
Dette gælder fortiden.
Is this in fact the case?
Nar vi forestiller os, hvad dette betyder for fremtiden — jeg tænker på elektronikken — indser man, hvad det er der står på spil.
Our group did not grasp this. That is what I mean by saying there was a terrible confusion and I should like to have the vote taken again.
Formanden. — Hr. Fergusson, set fra forretningsordenens synspunkt var det den eneste måde at klare dette problem på.
Lord O'Hagan. — Mr President, in the spirit of the harmony which we heard last night, and which you yourself paid tribute to earlier on when saying that you were going to send a telegram to the Youth Orchestra, could I ask you to make sure that it is recorded at the end of this confused and confusing debate that, in spite of technical inconsistence and some procedural misunderstanding in certain quarters of the House, there is unity in this Chamber in expressing the view that relations between the Com munity and the United States must be maintained on the basis of a firm stance by the Community?
Jeg fik ikke dette ændringsforslag.
Debates of the European Parliament
Formanden. — Hr. Prag, jeg har ikke tidligere fået klager om tilgangen til ændringsforslagene før afstemningen, så jeg vil gå ud fra, at de var til disposition for medlemmerne.
It is possible to read the record of the debate leading to the voting on the reso lution, and I think that gives enough indication of the situation as it was in the House.
Men jeg tror, at hr. Barbis erklæring er nok; at der fra hans gruppes side — det europæiske folkeparti — som helt tydeligt — på anden måde kan man ikke tolke resultatet — ikke har stemt for den tekst, skønt det er den fælles kompromistekst, forelå en fejl, og at den hvad indholdet angår ville stemme for den fælles tekst.
But I think Mr Barbi's statement is enough, to the effect that there was a mistake on the part of his group, the Group of the European People's Party, which quite obviously voted against this text — there is_no other way of explaining the result — even though it was the joint compromise text, and that they intended to vote in favour of this joint text.
Formanden. — Lord O'Hagan, jeg tror, at det leder forhandlingen ind på et galt spor.
We have obliged the Christian-Democrats often enough, and so we can leave it at that.
1-586/82) af d'Ormesson m.fl. for det europæiske folkepartis gruppe (den kristeligdemokratiske gruppe) om situationen i Libanon
1-586/82), tabled by Mr d'Ormesson and others on behalf of the Group of the European People's Party (CD Group), on the situation in Leba-
1-607/82) af Fanti m.fl. for gruppen af kommunisten og beslægtede om Fællesskabets deltagelse i Libanons genopbygning og i fredsbestræbelserne
1-607/82), tabled by Mr Fanti and others on behalf of the Communist and Allies Group, on Com munity participation in the reconstruction of Lebanon and the implementation of the peace process.
Formanden. — Hr. Haagerup, jeg fik forelagt Van Hemeldoncks ændringsforslag fra den socialistiske gruppe, som gik videre end kompromisforslaget, og teknisk var det umuligt ikke at behandle dette ændringsforslag. Forhandlingsparterne bør erindre sig dette.
Mr Glinne. — (FR) I should like to point out in any case, Mr President, that the adopted text is absolutely identical to Amendment No 1. What irks me is that we were not quick enough to withdraw the text which Amendments Nos 1 and 2 sought to replace.
Det var klart — der er ingen tvivl i nogens sind — at jeg ikke kunne gøre andet.
President. — I call Mr Kellet- Bowman.
Denne fælles beslutning skyldes vor harme efter mordet på præsident Beschir Gemayel.
82 d'Ormesson and must not forget that the roots of the violence in Lebanon are to be found beyond that country's frontiers.
Det vil fremgå af historien, at han har ofret sit liv, og at Libanon kunne genopstå af ruinerne.
They are to be found in the Israeli — Palestinian conflict, which has been going on for more than 35 years.
Forhåbningerne herom vil ikke briste.
How much longer will we have to endure this conflict between two peoples over the same piece of earth?
nærmere vil jeg sige, at vore målsætninger er tilbage trækning af alle styrker fra hele det libanesiske territorium.
out love, reply as follows: before talking about social justice, start by rebuilding your society!'
Sammen med Anwar El Sadat og Lech Walesa symboliserede Beschir Gemayel for mig den eneste kamp, som fortjener at blive støttet, nemlig kampen for frihed.
This was precisely the aim of Bashir Gemayel and his young men, the Kataib bound to the depths of their souls by the ties of blood and the love of homeland and freedom.
Over for dem, der forgæves har forsøgt — for i dag har alle hyldet ham — at bringe ham i miskredit under valget til præsidentposten skal jeg minde om Georges Bernanos frygtelige sætning:
'May the nature which God claims is present in the heart of man inspire us' wrote Bossuet, 'since He com mands it'.
Hr. formand, kære kolleger, det forekommer mig imidlertid klart, at vi selv over for den tragiske begivenhed, der nu forener os, ikke kan og ikke må glemme, at årsagen til de grusomme handlinger i Libanon findes uden for dette lands grænser.
A few days ago I, together with a number of other signatories, tabled an urgent motion for a resolution with the aim of giving this House the opportunity to state what, in its opinion, were the basic conditions for an overall settlement in the Middle East.
Årsagen er konflikten mellem isrealere og palæstinensere, som har varet i mere end 35 år.
I now think it would be wiser to withdraw this text, at least for the moment.
Hvor længe vil denne konfrontation fortsætte mellem disse to befolkninger, som strides om samme jord?
It seems to me that it can only be discussed usefully in an atmosphere of calm, which the events of Monday night have clearly destroyed.
For nogle dage siden stillede jeg sammen med andre medlemmer et forslag til beslutning med anmodning om uopsættelig forhandling for at give vort Parlament lejlighed til at pege på hovedlinjerne i en helhedsløsning for Mellemøsten.
The first is that there can be no lasting peace in Lebanon, or in the Middle East as a whole, unless the two principle parties concerned, the Israelis and the Palestinians, mutually accept each other's rights.
Det var netop dette Beschir Gemayel arbejdede på sammen med sine unge Kataheber, som blodet, jorden, fædrelandet og friheden forenede.
Thanks to their faith the Kataib managed to repel all the assaults of the PLO and the Syrian Army for seven long years, losing many thousands of men in the fight ing.
«Lad menneskets natur inspirere os, for Gud befaler det», har Bossuet skrevet.
I met Bashir Gemayel in the course of three inter views.
Som afslutning på mit korte indlæg, vil jeg gerne fremhæve to ting.
Each time I was struck by his resolution, the clarity of his thoughts, the air of simplicity which he radiated.
For det første, forudsætningen for en varig fred i Libanon og i Mellemøsten er, at de to vigtigste involverede parter gensidigt anerkender hinanden.
The Marxist intelligentsia demonstrated its opposition when he was elected; well, that was because Moscow, represented by the PLO and the Syrians, had just suffered a singular and bitter defeat in Lebanon.
For det andet bør Fællesskabet, herunder også vort Parlament, spille en aktiv rolle for at fremme parternes gensidige anerkendelse.
But to those who support independence and freedom I would say: Could it be that we have lost the courage tp support those of our fellow men who are fighting openly to adore their God and save their homeland?
(Bifald)
(Applause from the right — Protests from the left)
Men til tilhængerne af befolkningernes uafhængighed og frihed vil jeg sige: «Kan det være rigtigt, at vi ikke længere har mod til at støtte dem, som kæmper for at tilbede deres gud og bevare deres fædreland?»
The second is that the European Community, including this House, should play an active and independent role in trying to bring about such mutual recognition.
Hvis det forholder sig sådan, er vi på vej mod politisk trældom, og det vil være fortjent, for det er fejhedens frugt. Gid vi må bevare mindet om Anwar El Sadat og Beschir Gemayel, der døde for deres gud og for deres fædre land, freden og friheden!
I think we shall have to get down to this task as a matter of urgency at the next partsession in October so that we can play our part, while there is still time, in the new diplomatic process, which the assassination of Bashir Gemayel was perhaps intended to destroy.
Baillot. — (FR) Hr. formand, situationen i Libanon er meget foruroligende.
Mr Baillot. — (FR) Mr President, the situation in Lebanon is very worrying.
Mordet på Beschir Gemayel, den israelske hærs invasion i Vestbeirut, de nye bosættelser i de besatte områder og de mange konfrontationer i Bekaa-dalen kan risikere at bremse fredsbestræbelserne i Libanon og i hele området.
The assassination of Bashir Gemayel, the entry of the Israeli Army into West Beirut, the installation of new settlements in the occupied territories and the proliferation of incidents in the Bekaa plain are all factors which could endanger the establishment of a peace process in Lebanon and the region.
Disse begivenheder, hvis alvor man er klar over, bør foranledige vor Forsamlig til at gøre alt for at yde en konstruktiv indsats og skabe ro og dermed bidrage til at undgå et nyt drama.
Given the seriousness of the situation this House should resolve to do all in its power to play a constructive, peace-making rôle and thus help to avoid a new drama.
Den europæiske Forsamling bør kraftigt understrege, at der omgående må indledes bestræbelser, som skal munde ud i en retfærdig og varig løsning.
Mr Gérard Fuchs. — (FR) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, we are unanimous today in condemning the assassination of the elected President, Bashir Gemayel.
Forslagene fra det arabiske topmøde i Fès synes at gå i den retning, eftersom der henvises til det palæstinensiske folks ret vil selvbestemmelse, oprettelsen af en palæ-
As far as we Socialists are concerned this dramatic new blow to Lebanon simply makes it more necessary than ever to restate what we consider to be an essential objective: the evacuation, as quickly as possible, of all foreign troops stationed today in that country.
Fuchs. — (FR) Hr. formand, kære kolleger, vi er i dag alle enige om at fordømme mordet på den ny valgte præsident Beschir Gemayel.
However, Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, it seems clear to me that, even as we try to take in the tragic event which has united us all today, we cannot
For os socialister gør denne nye dramatiske begivenhed, som rammer Libanon, det endnu mere nødvendigt at understrege den væsentligste målsætning: Tilbagetrækning så hurtigt som muligt af alle fremmede styrker, der i dag er stationeret i dette land.
The European Assembly should express its desire for the immediate establishment of a peace process leading to a just and lasting settlement. We believe that the proposals put forward at the Fez Summit are a step in the right direction, calling as they do for the Palestinians' right to self-determination, the creation of a
For at præcisere det
Debates of the European Parliament
stinensisk stat og sikkerhed for alle stater i området, herunder også Israel.
Palestinian state and security for all the countries in the region, including Israel.
Pavens modtagelse af Yasser Arafat i går vil efter vor overbevisning bidrager til en løsning på det palæstinensiske problem.
The audience which the Pope granted yesterday to Yasser Arafat will, we firmly believe, contribute towards the solving of the Palestinian problem.
Vor Forsamling bør også give udtryk for, at Fællesskabet og medlemsstaterne er villige til at deltage i bestræbelserne på at genopbygge Libanon ved hjælp af en effektiv finansiel og humanitær hjælp, samt lægehjælp.
This House should also express its desire to see the Community and the Member States participating in the rebuilding of Lebanon through the provision of effective financial, humanitairan and medical aid.
Denne genopbygning af Libanon indebærer for det første — det er helt klart — genetablering af den libanesiske suverænitet og nationale enhed, som ikke er mulig med de fremmede troppers tilstedeværelse.
The first step in this rebuilding process must be the reestablishment of Lebanese sovereignty and national unity, which are incompatible with the presence of foreign troops.
Fællesskabet og de europæiske lande bør således bidrage til opnåelse af fred, til overholdelse af hvert folks ret til uafhængighed, suverænitet og sikkerhed.
It is therefore in the interests of the Community and the Member States to contribute towards the peace process and uphold the right of each people to independence, sovereignty and security.
Efter vor opfattelse er der ikke andre løsninger for at opnå fred i Mellemøsten.
This, we believe, is the only way in which peace can be restored in the Middle East.
Den socialistiske gruppe fordømmer kraftigt og uden forbehold dette feje mord.
The Socialist Group unreservedly and utterly condemns this cowardly murder.
Hvem der end har planlagt og udført dette attentat, så er ét sikkert: Det tjener alle dem, som vil gøre situationen i Mellemøsten og især i Libanon yderligere ustabil for at kunne fortsætte deres blodige håndværk.
No matter who is behind the deed or who may have carried it out, one thing for sure is that it is in the interests of all those who are seeking to further destabilize the situation in the Middle East, and especially in Lebanon, to enable them to continue their bloody work.
Vi vil give udtryk for, hvor bange vi er for, at den nødvendige proces med genopbygning og forsoning i Libanon truer med at blive blokeret fra starten.
We wish to express our concern that the vital process of recovery and reconciliation in Lebanon is threaten ing to grind to a halt before it has really got going.
Det grufulde mord bringer det i smertelig erindring, at PLOs bortdragen ikke betyder, at årsagerne til den libanesiske borgerkrig blev fjernet.
This abhorrent murder is a painful reminder that the withdrawal of the PLO does not mean that the causes underlying the Lebanese civil war have been elimi- ' nated.
Det bliver endnu en gigantisk opgave at forsone libaneserne med hinanden, og desværre må vi konstatere, at problemerne ikke udelukkende ligger hos libaneserne selv.
It will still be an enormous task to reconcile the Lebanese to each other and unfortunately it would appear that the problems do not lie exclusively with the Lebanese themselves.
De udenlandske stridskræfter må forsvinde, syrerne, og også israelerne.
That's why the foreign troops must withdraw, the Syrians and the Israelis too.
Udsigten hertil synes fjernere end nogensinde, også selv om jeg har en vis forståelse for, at Israels aktioner i Beirut i dag måske hjælper med til at forhindre et blodbad. Vi har imidlertid brug for et politisk perspektiv i Mellemøsten.
However, the chances of this happening would appear to be more remote than ever, even if I can understand to a certain extent that the current action of Israel in Beirut is perhaps helping to prevent a bloodbath.
Den selvisolering, hvori Israel synes at bringe sig selv, kan blive fatal, og naturligvis er dette land yderst bekymret for sin egen sikkerhed.
The isolation into which Israel appears in the process of manoeuvring itself might prove fatal, and that country is obviously extremely concerned for its own safety.
Jeg har også al mulig forståelse for det, men den hårde og hurtige afvisning af Reagans ideer, og det ikke at ville angribe enkelte sider i Fez-erklæringen, forstørrer, frygter jeg, Israels ensomhed.
I can fully understand this, but the brusque rejection of President Reagan's ideas and the refusal to latch on to a number of the pointers contained in the Fez Plan will, I fear, tend to increase Israel's isolation.
Vi ved også, at dette blot er et nyt blodigt højdepunkt i en lang kæde af attentater, af mord og krig i dette plagede land, som har været skueplads for en årelang borgerkrig og udlandske invasioner. Den socialistiske gruppe støtter det beslutningsforslag, som er forelagt sammen med andre grupper.
We also know that this is yet abother bloody climax to a whole series of murderous attacks and wars in this sorely-tried country, the scene of a long civil war and foreign invasions.
Vi går i den forbindelse ud fra, at den egentlige debat om situationen i Mellemøsten, som skal omhandle årsagerne og følgerne af fordrivelse, mord og krig vil finde sted på grundlag af en udførlig betænkning fra det politiske udvalg, som vi forventer forelagt i november eller december.
We assume, of course, that the real debate on the situation in the Middle East, which will have to cover the background to, and consequences of, expulsion, murder and war, will take place on the basis of a full report drawn up on behalf of the Political Affairs Committee, and we expect that debate to take place in this House in November or December.
Så vil vi kunne tage stilling til den samlede situation i Mellemøsten.
We shall then have an opportunity to state our views on the overall situation in the Middle East.
Situationen i Libanon er for øjeblikket — det er vi vel alle sammen enige om — så uigennemskuelig, at enhver erklæring, som vi i dag beslutter, allerede i morgen kan være forældet.
The situation in the Lebanon is at present — and I am sure we would all agree on this — so confused that any statement we issue today may well have been overtaken by events by tomorrow.
Man troede faktisk ikke, at verden på dette tidspunkt kunne gøre noget mod Libanon, som ville gøre tingene endnu værre. Fysisk var der måske ikke mere.
However, I do not think there is any doubt that any steps taken by Europe in the Middle East must be made, and can only be made, in close cooperation with the United States.
Men at dræbe håbet, at tvinge håbet tilbage over horisonten, det var endnu en ødelæggende straf i denne uge.
What it called for is support, streamlining but no interference.
Derfor nøjes vi i dag med — jeg understreger ordet »i dag« — blot at fordømme dette gemene attentat, men vi beklager også fremrykningen af de israelske tropper mod Vestbeirut.
We shall therefore confine ourselves today — and I stress the word 'today' — to condemning this wretched murder, but we also deplore the fact that Israeli troops have moved in to Western Beirut.
Det er ikke israelske våben, som sikrer og stabiliserer Libanon.
Israeli arms will never safeguard and stabilize the situation in the Lebanon.
Det er ikke israelske våben, der fører til fred.
Nor will Israeli arms pave the way to
Hvad vil nu blive konsekvenserne for håbet om en fredelig løsning for området som helhed? Snarere end
President. — I call the European Democratic Group.
(Bifald)
Page 216
Fergusson opstår risiko for gennemførelse af de fredsbestræbelser, som så småt er indledt.
Mr Fergusson. — Mr President, it is hard to know whether to emphasize our horror of our alarm at what has happened this week.
Terrorismen er blevet en alvorlig sygdom i vore demokratier.
Physically, perhaps, there was nothing more.
De barbariske handlinger forekommer i vore officielt anerkendte stater, og selv om nogle kunne have noget imod præsident Gemayel, måtte de dog erkende, at han blev valgt under demokratiske former og i henhold til forfatningsmæssige love i Libanon.
Mr Donnez. — (FR) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, like most Members of this House I have always thought that peace in Lebanon — and to a large extent in the Middle East — while certainly depending on the restoration, territorial integrity and national sovereignty of the Lebanon, also depends even more impor tantly on the explicit recognition of Israel's right to security.
at fordømme et mord, end at beklage besættelsen af Vestbeirut eller frygte et nyt udbrud af borgerkrigen, burde vi i denne uge have diskuteret og støttet de seneste bestræbelser på at komme ud af blindgyden: Fez-planen og Reagan-planen i særdeleshed.
This week rather than damning a murder, deploring the occupation of West Beirut, or fearing now the outbreak of civil war, we should have been discussing and encouraging the latest moves towards breaking the deadlock: the Fez Plan and the Reagan Plan particularly.
Selvfølgelig var det følere, disse planer og idéer, og vi må stadigvæk takke især præsidenten for De forenede Stater for de anstrengelser, han har gjort sig, især pa en formiddag, hvor han samtidig blev kraftigt kritiseret.
Of course, they were tentative plans and ideas and we can still thank, especially, the President of the United States for the effort he has made, especially on a morning when he has been heavily criticized as well.
Vi må håbe, at præsidenten ikke vil lette presset mod en løsning, som er nødvendig, om muligt endnu mere nu end tidligere.
We must hope that that President will not relax the pressure for a settlement which is needed, if possible, more than ever before.
Mere end nogen sinde må vi sikre, at Amerika og Europa handler sammen.
More than ever too, we must ensure that America and Europe act in concert.
Bestemt ikke de, der arbejder for freden.
Ter rorism has become the scourge of our democracies.