natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Stockholm-aftalen vil, hvis den bliver fuldt gen nemført, betyde et vigtigt skridt fremad på vejen til et sikrere, mere stabilt Europa.
resolve to assert itself more positively.
Stockholm er den første multilaterale våbenkontrolaftale siden 1975, og det er bestemt et skridt fremad.
Where external relations are concerned, tribute should be paid to the positive role played by the Member States of the European Community in the Conference on Disarmament in Europe, but there has been less and less active EPC or Community involvement in the settlement of regional conflicts.
Det betyder en kvalitativ forbedring af de tillidsskabende foranstaltninger i slutakten fra Hensinki.
Internally, the European Com munity, which has over 15 million unemployed, needs to expand and coordinate its research programmes in advanced technologies and to breathe fresh life into the IEPG.
Ved at skabe større åbenhed om militære aktiviteter i Europa vil den mindske mistænksomheden og derigennem bidrage til den stabilitet, som vi så stærkt stræber imod.
It urgently needs to respond to the challenge in the electronics field coming from the Americans and Japanese instead of giving ground and squandering its technological potential on the development of a European security policy.
Jeg vil over for Parlamentet fremhæve hr. van Eekelens udtalelse i dette forum så sent som i maj, da han var formand, om at det for Europa er af afgørende betydning, at Sovjetunionen fortsætter med at arbejde aktivt på at drive en kile ind mellem Europa og De Forenede Stater, at vi ikke må lade det ske, og at det er op til os alle i hvert eneste forum, hvori vi virker, at sikre, at det ikke sker.
First, the steady deterioration in the balance of nuclear arsenals between the United States and the Soviet Union: secondly, the need, as brought out in Sir Peter Vanneck's report, for the Community to equip itself with the economic and political means essential to an enhanced capacity for political independence.
De detaljerede arrangementer med hensyn til kontrol gennem inspektion på stedet, som blev aftalt i Stockholm, vil spille en særlig vigtig rolle i denne proces.
Mr Mallet (PPE). — (FR) Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, it is a pity in my view that circumstances have meant that this important debate on security and disarmament is not as balanced as it might have been.
Men vi må også håbe, at successen i Stockholm vil bidrage til fremskridt i andre forhandlinger.
We should have included the report by my colleague Pierre Bernard-Reymond, in which he sought to define the principles and methods to form the basis of a security policy under which we would respond jointly to threats to our countries.
Adskillige af De Tolvs medlemmer deltager i drøftelserne om gensidige og afbalancerede styrkereduktioner i Wien.
As it is, we have only one report before us today, albeit a very good one: Sir Peter Vanneck's report on arms control and disarmament.
Det er vigtigt, at vi også får bevægelse dér. Vi euro pæere vil ikke kunne sove roligt i vore senge, så længe den enorme forskel i konventionelle styrker langs den centrale front består uændret.
The Reykjavik meeting seems to indicate that some progress in areas where matters were at a standstill until 1983, such as mediumrange nuclear forces in Europe, could lead to the conclusion of agreements on disarmament issues.
Inden for NATOs rammer yder de europæiske allierede allerede et betydningsfuldt bidrag til et stærkt forsvar.
Having expressed this regret about the content of the debate, I would add a comment on its nature.
På Det forenede Kongeriges vegne kan jeg erklære mig enig i behovet for større samrbejde på dette område. Fora til at gennemføre dette eksisterer allerede. Jeg nævnte Independent European Program Group og Eurogroup.
Recent events — the meeting in Reykjavik — have made this an acutely topical problem and put it into a new per spective.
Mange af De Tolv, herunder Storbritannien, spiller en aktiv rolle i disse organer, og det vil vi fortsætte med at gøre.
It is therefore impossible to consider the report in isolation from this new development, which is both rich in promise and fraught with dangers.
De Tolv spiller en aktiv rolle i våbenkontrol- og nedrustningsdrøftelserne i De forenede Nationers regi.
Mutual deterrence is undergoing a profound strategic change and developing towards a strategy of of coercion.
Jeg vil særlig nævne de bestræbelser på at indføre et globalt forbud mod kemiske våben, som i øjeblikket er på vej ved nedrustningskonferencen.
As fas as the Soviet Union is concerned, the SS X 25 intercontinental missiles, the Charchang base and the array of defensive weapons are decried as breaches of the SALT and ABM treaties.
De Tolvs engagement i et effektivt og globalt forbud mod sådanne våben er velkendt, og De Tolv tillægger det særlig høj prioritet.
On the American side, SDI is a response and a challenge in terms of efforts to protect intercontinental missile silos.
Vi glæder os over, at dette har fungeret så godt ved Stockholm-konferencen.
I think all of us here are agreed on the objective.
Vi og vore partnere sigter mod at fortsætte denne proces ved CSCE opfølgningskonferencen i Wien.
We want to see negotiations between East and West and arms control and reduction agreements paving the way for balanced and verifiable disarmament.
Men den må supplere, ikke gå på tværs af det arbejde, vi udfører i NÀTO og Den vest europæiske Union. Dette er gjort klart i den fælles europæiske akt.
The balance of forces is the foundation of security. We must of course endeavour to strike this balance at the lowest possible level.
De involverede europæere udveksler allerede synspunkter i Den vesteuropæiske Union og konsulterer tæt med de nordamerikanske allierede om en række spørgsmål, der falder inden for NATOs område, ikke alene om våbenkontrol, men over en bred bank.
While very substantial reductions in the two superpowers' nuclear arsenals are of course extremely desirable, whether we like it or not nuclear deterrence, the balance of terror as it is popularly called, will remain the best guarantee of peace for the foreseeable future, as has been the case for the past 30 years and more.
Som konklusion kan De Tolv tiltræde Vanneck-betænkningen i dens opfordring til at gennemføre væsentlige reduktioner af strategiske kernevåben, at af skaffe mellemdistancekernevåbnene, at indføre et globalt forbud mod kemiske våben og at gennemføre afbalancerede reduktioner af konventionelle styrker.
The majority of States in the European Community and the European Parliament have made clear that they want the United States to observe the SALT and ABM treaties, but is it not inconsistent to support SDI and to expect compliance with these treaties?
Det forudsættes, at alt dette bliver passende konkrolleret og ledsaget af forhandlinger om tillidssabende foranstaltninger. De Tolv føler sig stærkt engageret i realiseringen af alle disse mål.
France for its part has refused to be involved in SDL In com mon with its partners in the European Community, it maintains that the two superpowers must engage in drastic, balanced reductions in their strategic intercontinental missiles.
Jeg vil tilføje, at De Tolv også lægger vægt på streng overholdelse af de eksisterende våbenkontrolaftaler, herunder den bilaterale ABM-traktat fra 1972.
That implies that the SALT and ABM treaties must continue to be observed until such time as an interpretation and an understanding between the two superpowers have been arrived at on anti-ballistic missiles and chemical weapons.
Efter vor opfattelse er denne nære konsultation og kooperation inden for alliancen af største betydning for Europas sikkerhed.
Ladies and gentlemen, the need is greater than ever for the European Community to demonstrate its
Inden for disse rammer må europæere alle vegne i hvert eneste forum, gentager jeg, fortsætte med at bidrage i fuldt omfang, og de må sørge for at blive hørt. I den forbindelse hilser jeg
Assuming that SDI is feasible, and I have strong doubts about that, the total elimination of nuclear weapons would be greatly to be feared unless it were accompanied by massive reductions in conventional
necks betænkning, af at udruste sig med de økono miske og politiske midler, som er uundværlige for en større evne til politisk autonomi.
On this continent, as everyone knows, the balance of conventional forces between the Warsaw Pact and the Atlantic Alli ance is greatly in our disfavour.
Reykjavik-mødet synes at antyde, at en række frem skridt på områder, der var blokeret forud for 1983, som spørgsmålet om mellemdistanceatombevæbning i Europa, skulle muliggøre indgåelse af aftaler i for bindelse med nedrustningen.
The 300 000 American soldiers stationed on our territory would become hostages if they were left without nuclear weapons capable of reaching Soviet territory, and that could eventually lead the United States to withdraw them.
Men disse nedrustningsaftaler forhindres af et forhold af stor betydning: at atomafskrækkelsen mellem de to store løber løbsk i forhold til risikoen for et første overraskelsesangreb, der vil give angriberen en fordel.
The presence of these American nuclear weapons in Europe is the best guarantee that the strategic bond will remain solid.
Patterson (ED). - (EN) Hr. formand, i henhold til artikel 87 i vor forretningsorden vil jeg foreslå udsættelse af resten af denne debat til i morgen formiddag på det tidspunkt, der i dagsordenen for i morgen er reservetet til fortsættelse af debatterne i dag.
accept that this is a dangerous road since Europe con tains a greater concentration than anywhere else in the world of all kinds of weapons, both European and for eign, American.
Grunden til, at jeg gør det, er, at vi har endnu en mundtlig forespørgsel med forhandling (dok. B2-295/86) på dagsordenen for i dag vedrørende det indre marked, og formanden for Rådet om det indre marked er her for at besvare denne forespørgsel.
They do not wish to be forced to the conclusion that nowadays the safety of Europe and the world as a whole can only be achieved by mutual and controlled disarmament on equal terms, starting with reductions and proceeding in due course to the elimination of both nuclear and conventional weapons.
Hvis vi ikke begynder den debat nu, løber vi ind i spørgetiden kl. 17.30, og vi går måske glip af det svar, vi ønsker.
There have been many opportunities to achieve mutual and controlled disarmament on equal terms, and — as some colleagues have said — one such opportunity arose at the Reykavik Summit.
Må jeg derfor i henhold til artikel 87 foreslå udsættelse af denne debat til i morgen formiddag?
Moreover, all the issues of particular interest to us Europeans had arrived at a point of close approach, but no final agreement was reached because of American insistence on 'Star Wars', which puts paid to any notion of disarmament.
Formanden. — Der foreligger forslag om at udsætte forhandlingen om denne sag.
One cannot call for disarmament on the ground and continue the arms race in space.
Er der nogen, der gør indsigelse?
It is a contradiction in terms.
Afskrækkelsen mellem de stærke er ude i en dybtgribende strategisk forandring og er på vej henimod en ansporingsstrategi.
For this reason, and at the risk of giving offence in certain quarters, I have no hesitation in saying that the much-vaunted and apparently attractive 'zero option' on mediumrange Euromissiles would be a dangerous trap for Europe. We can say yes to a reduction in their numbers.
De sovjetiske interkontinentale SSX 25-raketter, Tjaritjagan-basen og hele komplekset af defensive våben påstås at være en tilsidesættelse af SALT- og ABM-traktaterne.
We must say no to their elimination, which, to make matters worse, would still leave the Soviet arsenal of short-range nuclear weapons — the SS 21s, 22s and 23s — deployed against us.
Vi er nu midt i debat ten, særlig mange står vel ikke længere på talerlisten.
Sooner or later, the negotiations between the two superpowers will resume.
I en afrundet debats interesse bør vi fortsætte, til talerlisten er udtømt, og så går vi over til spørgetiden. den.
There could be a compromise on interpretation of the ABM treaty which would clear the way for an agreement on Euromissiles.
De fleste af Fællesskabets medlemsstater og Europa-Parlamentet anmoder De forenede Stater om at over holde SALT- og ABM-traktaterne.
Thus, if colleagues wish to contribute to Europe's safe ty, to the coexistence of the East and West in Europe, to peace throughout the world in general, they must persuade their governments to help overcome this American objection because of 'Star Wars', to help achieve a moratorium on the testing of nuclear weapons, which would lead to a resolution of all the impasse and tension, and bring a halt to the arms race.
Men ligger der ikke en modsigelse i at gå ind for SDI og kræve de nævnte traktater overholdt?
And they should not complain that Europe's voice is never heard.
Frankrig mener i overensstemmelse med sine EF-partnere, at de to supermagter bør foretage en drastisk og afbalanceret nedskæring af antallet af stra tegiske, interkontinentale missiler.
You want to wear the 'costume' of the European Parliament and take part in such meetings: to say what, since you always agree with the Americans?
En sådan reduktion indebærer fortsat overholdelse af SALT- og ABM-traktaterne, så længe der ikke er fundet en for tolkning og en aftale mellem de to supermagter om de antiballistiske missiler og de kemiske våben.
Even if you participate in such meetings, it is only as accomplices. If you have the will, change your attitude so as to exert more substantial influence in these matters, which affect Europe's safety.
Patterson (ED). — (EN) Atter til forretningsordenen, hr. formand.
Let us hope that it will not be too late by the time Europe wakes up!
Vil De venligst fortælle os, hvor mange der endnu står på listen, og om forhandlingen om det indre marked finder sted inden spørgetiden.
The delay — and it is only a delay — in the progress towards an agreement between the Soviets and Americans gives us a respite.
Jeg peger nemlig på, at hvis vi ikke tager den forhandling i dag, vil ingen kunne besvare fore spørgslen.
Let us make the most of it and lose no time in laying the foundations of a European security organization and a European armaments agency which will add to Europe's weight, responsibilities and influence within the Atlantic Alliance and in East-West negotiations.
Charzat (S). — (FR) Hr. formand, kære kolleger, drøftelserne mellem de to store sætter to grundlæggende forhold i perspektiv.
Mr Newens (S). — Mr President, Despite the fact that the build up of armed power is always justified on the grounds that it will provide security, when that build up takes the form of an arms race it does the exact opposite.
Kære kolleger, mere end nogen sinde bør Det euro pæiske Fællesskab lægge vilje for dagen til i højere grad at gøre sig gældende.
An arms race means that there is always the danger of being overtaken, forestalled or becoming the victim of a pre-emptive strike.
Udadtil må man hilse Fæl lesskabets medlemsstaters positive rolle på den euro pæiske nedrustningskonference velkommen, men EPS og De Tolv tager stadig mindre aktiv del i løsningen af regionale konflikter.
For this reason an arms race in nuclear, chemical and biological weaponry is an appalling threat and in no way a guarantee of security but rather of instability.
Indadtil skal Det europæiske Fællesskab, der har over femten millioner arbejdsløse, udvide og koordinere sine forskningsprogrammer inden for højteknologien og puste nyt liv i GIEP.
Mr Ephremidis (COM) — (GR) Mr President, I stand here witnessing a debate on military matters, conducted by unqualified colleagues — and I include myself — in an unqualified body, namely the European Parliament.
Det haster med at modtage den amerikansk japanske elektroniks udfordring i stedet for at vige tilbage og glemme sin teknologiske formåen for gen nemførelsen af en europæisk sikkerhedspolitik.
Despite this reservation and objection about holding such debates in Parliament, how ever, I will in fact take part in the debate to stress a number of points:
Først og fremmest den fortsatte forringelse af den ballistisk-nukleare ligevægt mellem De forenede Stater og Sovjetunionen; dernæst nødvendigheden for De Tolvs Europa, som det fremgår af sir Peter Van-
Most colleagues are expressing fears about Europe's safety, but at the same time these colleagues forget themselves and call for yet more arms, while they
Mallet (PPE). — (FR) Hr. formand, kære kolleger, jeg beklager, at denne vigtige forhandling om sikker hed og nedrustning på grund af omstændighederne er
Against this background, I welcome the decision to produce the report on arms control and disarmament which Sir Peter Vanneck has undertaken and I pay tri-
Et Vesteuropa uden atomvåben vil være et afvæbnet Europa.
Newens neously alleged that it embraces other matters and other developments.
blevet lidt ubalanceret.
The Irish position is clear.
I dag har vi imidlertid kun fået forelagt én betænkning — som for øvrigt er særdeles udmærket — nemlig sir Peter Vannecks om våbenkontrol og nedrustning.
We are not a member of NATO or any other military alliance and could not become a member, even if we so desired, without first consulting the Irish people.
Der er gjort fremskridt.
bute to his work.
Før eller senere vil forhandlingerne mellem de to store blive genoptaget.
Unfortunately, however, it includes a number of formulations which either detract from or fall short of the objectives as many of us conceive them.
Der kan blive tale om et kompromis om fortolkning af ABM-traktaten, som vil åbne vejen for en aftale om euromissiler.
It omits SDI. I only wish that on the issue of arms sales it would prevent the sale of weapons to both sides in the Iraqi-Iranian war which, to our shame, has been our main contribution to that war from the European scene despite the fact that it has already cost a million lives.
Det er ikke udelukket, at sovjetrusserne vender tilbage til deres tidligere holdning, muligheden for en separataftale om euromissiler.
I hope that Sir Peter Van neck's report will be amended further when we come to the vote.
Til denne beklagelse vil jeg føje en konstatering.
In fact, it seems the sensible thing to do.
Nylige begivenheder — topmødet i Reykjavik — giver denne sag meget stor aktualitet og kaster nyt lys over den.
However, in paragraph 6 of this report Ireland is included as a committed partner of the Atlantic Alliance in Europe of the Twelve.
Ikke tidligere sete forslag er fremsat i den is landske hovedstad, og det ser ud til at have overrasket vestlige eksperter.
This is factually incorrect and therefore unacceptable to Ireland.
Følgelig er det umuligt at ad skille betænkningen fra denne udvikling, der på sam me tid er rig på håb og farefyldt.
Again in paragraph 1, NATO and European political cooperation are bundled together, even though EPC does not oblige any Member States of the Twelve to agree on a common position on any particular question. tion.
Blot europæerne ikke vågner for sent op! Den ind trådte forsinkelse — for det drejer sig kun om en for sinkelse — i den sovjetisk-amerikanske aftale giver os en frist.
The very production of the report, however, indicates how widely the view is held that the issue of disarmament ought not to be left to the superpowers and that Europeans — and I would include those whose States are not members of the EEC — have a right at least to participate in making the decisions which affect our own continent.
Lad os udnytte den til hurtigst muligt at læg ge grunden til en europæiske sikkerhedsorganisation og et fællesagentur for våbenkøb, der kan forstærke Europas betydning og dets ansvar og indflydelse i NATO og i øst-vest-forhandlingerne.
Here the opportunity to achieve the removal of inter mediate-range nuclear missiles on both sides from Europe by agreement was not taken essentially because of the intransigent refusal of President Reagan to consider the giving up of SDI.
Vi ønsker øst-vest-forhandlinger og aftaler om våben kontrol og nedrustning for at komme frem til en afbalanceret og kontrollabel nedrustning.
Paragraph 25 welcomes the specially organized meet ing of the NATO Foreign Ministers in 1985.
Sikkerheden bygger på magtligevægt.
Ireland is in no way involved with NATO and is not obliged to comment.
Denne ligevægt skal man bestræbe sig på at opnå på det lavest mulige niveau.
The opportunities missed at Reykjavik, however, must not be allowed to disappear without trace.
Men også ugevægtens art skal præciseres, og den kan kun være global.
This means that we must keep them open by demanding that the Salt II Treaty limits and the ABM Treaty should not be breached.
En meget betydelig reduktion af de to supermagters atomarsenaler er selvfølgelig i høj grad ønskelig, men enten man kan lide det eller ej, så vil atomafskrækkelsen — »rædselsligevægten« for at sige det groft — inden for en overskuelig fremtid for blive den bedste garanti for fred, således som det har været tilfældet i over tredive år.
It means that further nuclear tests should not be organized and that nothing should be done which creates difficulties or destroys the possibilities of reaching accord on the issues discussed at Reykjavik.
SDI bliver ingen erstatning derfor, men i bedste fald et supplement dertil, og det sker ikke i morgen.
In respect of paragraph 18 we feel that arms procurement is not a matter for the Community, but should take place outside the Community.
Men hvis man forudsætter, at SDI er gennemførligt, hvilket jeg stærkt betvivler, så vil en total afskaffelse af atomvåben våre farlig, hvis den ikke ledsages af en omfattende reduktion af de konventionelle våben og af et forbud mod kemiske våben.
Above all, we should make it clear that SDI which is to serve American interests rather than those of Europe and which may not work anyway, should not be permitted to create an obstacle to the disarmament process, particularly in the European arena.
Denne bemærkning foranlediger mig til at fremhæve Europas særlige inte resser.
European governments in East and West alike must make clear that they have the full right to negotiate their own disarmament policies, hopefully below the level set by the superpowers.
Som bekendt er styrkeforholdet på vort konti nent for de konventionelle våbens vedkommende meget uligevægtigt mellem Warszawa-pagtens lande og NATO i vor disfavør.
We can give our full support to the remainder of the report. I regret very much that the inclusion of these five paragraphs makes it impossible for us to give a positive response to the report as a whole.
Det er derfor vigtigt at bevare det, der betegnes som den strategiske sam menkobling mellem Europa og De forenede Stater. De 300 000 amerikanske soldater, der er stationeret hos os, kunne gå hen og blive gidsler, hvilket i det lange løb kunne foranledige De forenede Stater til at trække dem tilbage, hvis de blev berøvet atomvåben, der er i stand til at nå sovjetisk territorium.
Ireland has always played a leading role in matters relating to disarmament and arms control in UN and other forums.
Det er i denne amerikanske atombevæbning i Europa, at vi har den bedste garanti for sammenkobling.
This we have done in the interests of our own security, the security of our fellow Europeans and the further security of the world which is threatened by the enormous escalation in nuclear capability which has occurred particularly in recent years.
Ephremidis (COM). - (GR) Hr. formand, det lader til, at der nu skal forhandles om militære spørgsmål blandt inkompetente medlemmer — heribland jeg selv — af et inkompetent organ, nemlig Europa-Parlamentet.
The Socialist Group sets out these notions quite clearly and urges that we should not defer either to the Soviet Union or to the USA.
De ønsker ikke at nå til den konklusion, at Europas og hele verdens sikkerhed på nuværende tidspunkt kun kan sikres med en gensidig, kontrolleret lige nedrustning, som indledes med en reduktion og derefter fortsætter med en eliminering af såvel atom- som konventionelle våben.
In the long run, I believe humanity cannot afford the vast escalating cost of the arms race and it is tragic for us to continue it while thousands of millions of our fellow human beings live in poverty and squalor.