natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Det var en kedelig fejl ved det første direkte valg til Europa-Parlamentet, at en række EF-borgere ikke havde mulighed for at vælge, fordi de på valgtidspunktet ikke havde bopæl i'deres hjemland.
It was an intolerable shortcoming of the first direct elections to the European Parliament that a large number of Community citizens were unable to vote because their place of residence at the time of the election was not in their country of origin.
Det skal fremover være anderledes. Det kan vi så afgjort tilslutte os, fordi det også kan betragtes som et første skridt mod et fremtidigt europæisk statsborgerskab.
That is something which must not be allowed to happen again, and we therefore very much welcome this move as a first step towards the creation of a future European nationality.
Et andet vigtigt fremskridt er indeholdt i artikel 5, stykke 2 i betænkningen.
Another important step forward is taken with Article 5(2) of the report, which was — as the rapporteur mentioned — adopted by a majority of the committee on the initiative of the Socialist Group.
Den blev — som ordføreren allerede har nævnt — vedtaget i udvalget med flertal og er blevet til på initiativ af den socialistiske gruppe.
It would indeed be a major step forward in Europe if we were thus to guarantee that a Community citizen who has lived for some length of time in a country other than his country of origin has the chance to participate in the election in his country of residence rather than his country of origin.
Ifølge denne bestemmelse giver medlemsstaternes statsborgere fra et andet medlemsland stemmeret, såfremt de i mindst fem år har haft deres bopæl i det
On the other hand, we think it essential for the proposal put forward by us and incorporated in the draft as Article 5(2) to be included in the report on the grounds that the opportunity to vote in the country of residence constitutes a definite step forward in Europe.
Bocklet. — (DE) Hr. formand, kære kolleger, afgørelserne om valgmåden betyder ikke kun en ordning for valget af parlamentsmedlemmer, de er ikke kun et rent teknisk anliggende, men de rummer tillige en grundlæggende afgørelse om det politiske system, som de vedrører.
Mirabeau said in his famous speech in 1789 that parliament should be a map in miniature of the people. His concern — as the heir to the protagonists of Rationalism and the Enlightenment — was to ensure that the various 'estates' — equating to today's parties or political movements —
Netop i et politisk fællesskab, hvor beslutningsprocessen først er i sin vorden, må der kunne stilles spørgsmål ved kriterierne for en valgmåde.
Bocklet thus enable personal links to be retained to a large extent on a regional basis.
Endvidere bliver regionerne ved denne valgmåde for første gang til en opdelingsenhed for repræsentationen af Europas borgere i Europa-Parlamentet, således at Europas større mangfoldighed i regionerne og dermed dets anden skikkelse i Parlamentet danner en modvægt til de i Ministerrådet repræsenterede medlemsstater.
Moreover, this electoral procedure for the first time elevates the regions of Europe to the level of representation of the people of Europe in the European Parliament, which means that the Member States represented in the Council will be confronted with the full range and variety of the regions of Europe — the other face of Europe is represented by the European Parliament.
Netop på denne måde yder det også et vigtigt bidrag til integrationen. Derfor ser vi os ikke i stand til at stemme for et forslag, der igen vil ophæve denne regionalisering til gunst for nationale lister.
As such, this procedure will greatly assist the process of integration, and for this reason, we are unable to support the amendment which seeks to rein state national lists in favour of this regional solution.
For os betyder det rent konkret; hvilken opgave har Europa-Parlamentet?
were represented in parliament in proportion to their standing in society.
Det finder man allerede i anden halvdel af det 18. århundrede hos Edmund Burke og James Wilson, men på grund af de særlige britiske forhold har det ikke ført til ændring af valgmåden på øen.
In fact, it first saw the light of day in the writings of Edmund Burke and James Wilson in the second half of the 18th century, but — because of specifically British circumstances —. it had no electoral repercussions in Britain itself.
For os kristelige demokrater drejer det sig ved den ensartede valgmåde især om at konstituere Europa-Parlamentet som en repræsentation for alle borgere i Fællesskabet, for kun den, der er repræsenteret, er med i den politiske viljedannelse og i beslutningsprocessen og kan derved integreres i Fællesskabets politik.
As far as we Christian Democrats are concerned, the essential element in the quest for a uniform elec toral procedure is to ensure that the European Parliament genuinely represents all the people of the Community, because the fact is that, without representation, people cannot become a part of the political opinion and decision-making process and thus cannot become integrated into the political life of the Community.
Dette er så meget mere nødvendigt som Det europæiske Fælles skab først er på vej mod integration inden for rammerne af en politisk union.
That seems to us to be all the more important given that the European Community is still only feeling its way towards integration in the form of political union.
Af den grund må så mange europæere som muligt finde deres anskuelser repræsenteret i Europa-Parlamentet, og det vil faktisk sige, at Europa-Parlamentet skal genspejle det politiske miniaturelandkort over Europa i Mirabeaus forstand.
For that reason, it is important that as many Europeans as possible with differing views should meet together in the European Parliament, which means in effect that the European Parliament must reflect a politically miniaturized map of Europe, as Mirabeau said.
Derfra stammer i første række vort ønske om forholdstalsvalgmåde til valget til Europa-Parlamentet. mentet.
That is the basic justification for our demand for the establishment of proportional representation in elections in the European Parliament.
Under indledningen til denne forhandling er der her og der blevet givet udtryk for frygt for, at der ved den valgmåde, som vi i dag skal træffe afgørelse om, slet ikke er tale om en ensartet valgmåde, fordi medlemsstaterne skal træffe bestemmelser om visse enkeltheder.
In the run-up to today's debate, we have sometimes heard the fear expressed that the proposed uniform electoral procedure would not in fact be a uniform procedure at all because certain details would be left up to the Member States.
Nuvel: ensartethed betyder ikke lighed, men betyder kun, at stemmerne får nogenlunde samme indflydelse.
The fact is, though, that uniform is not synonymous with identical, but is aimed simply at guaranteeing roughly the same success value to all the votes cast.
For så vidt er det hensigtsmæssigt at lade medlemsstaterne udforme bestemmelserne om de enkeltheder, som ikke nødvendigivs skal reguleres på europæisk plan, hvorved der også i .begrænset omfang kan tages hensyn til medlemsstaternes forskel lige politiske traditioner.
It therefore makes sense to leave all those details which do not have to be decided on at European level to the judgment of the Member States to unable a certain degree of account to be taken of the different political traditions in the various Member States.
Der er altså tale om en europæisk rammeordning, hvor medlemsstaterne får mulighed for at udforme visse bestemmelser, men som på trods heraf opfylder kravet om ensartethed i den forstand, at stemmerne skal have nogenlunde samme indflydelse.
What we have here, then, is a European frame work with national development potential, which none the less complies with the uniformity criterion in the sense of a roughly similar success value for each vote cast.
Men vi har endnu en grund hertil.
There is another reason, though.
I et Europa, for hvilket tanken om statsborgerlig lighed er af grund læggende betydning, kan vi ikke slå os til tåls med, at stemmerne tæller lige meget.
In a Europe in which the concept of national equality is of paramount importance, we cannot simply accept the principle that votes cast be given the same quantitative weight.
Tværtimod må vi også gå ind for, at alle stemmer har nogenlunde samme indflydelse.
We must commit ourselves to ensuring that each vote is also bestowed with more · or less the same success value, and that is precisely the essential advantage of proportional representation over majority voting, i.e. the fact that virtually no votes are 'lost'.
Og det er netop her forholdstalsvalg måden har en afgørende fordel sammenlignet med flertalsvalgmåden, fordi der næsten ikke er nogen stemmer, der går tabt ved valget af parlamentsmedlemmer. lemmer.
I believe this point has been recognized by the British Members, otherwise they would not have tabled an amendment seeking to add historical factors to the existing special geographical or ethnic factors.
For at sige det helt klart: Den relative flertalsvalgmåde kan på grund af artikel 4, stk. 2, under ingen omstændigheder indføres eller bibeholdes som særbestemmelse i nogen medlemsstat.
Let us be quite clear about this: the relative majority voting system can in no circumstances be introduced or retained in a Member State ¿s a special factor by virtue of Article 4(2).
Nu er der ganske vist den ulempe ved det listesystem, som altid er forbundet med forholdstalmåden, at det personlige element trænges i baggrunden.
For one thing, the list in the proposed amendment is incomplete, and for another, it would create precisely the grounds for complaint for others which we have set out to avoid in the existing text.
Netop et kristeligdemokratisk parti, som har personlighedsprincippet som en vigtig del af dets idégrundlag, kan ikke uden videre se bort fra denne konsekvens.
Finally, no consideration whatsoever is given to the new Member States resulting from the southerly enlargement of the Community.
Derfor har vi erklæret os for en regionalisering af forholdstalsvalget inden for rammerne af flermandsvalgkredse og med mulighed for at afgive præferencestemmer, efter
As the present draft produced by the Political Affairs Committee is on the whole in line with my Group's own ideas, wé have confined ourselves to tabling just a few amendments which are mainly of a technical nature and which serve the aim of harmonizing the
Bocklet ønsker at undgå med den nuværende formulering.
Bocklet
Da det forelagte forslag fra det politiske udvalg stort set svarer til vor gruppes tanker, har vi kun forelagt nogle få ændringsforslag, som overvejende er af teknisk art, og som kun skal fremme harmoniseringen mellem loven af 20. september 1976 og det lovforslag, som vi skal træffe afgørelse om i dag, eller som skal belyse enkelte passager i det forelagte forslag.
Act of 20 September 1976 with the present draft legislation and of clarifying a number of points in the present draft.
Kun på et punkt anmoder vi om ændring af det forelagte forslag, og det med hensyn til artikel 5, stk. 2 til 4.
Only on one point are we requesting an amendment to the existing draft, i.e. Article 5(2) and (4).
Vi vil med dette ændringsforslag sikre, at enhver borger i Fællesskabet kan deltage i valget til Europa-Parlamentet i sit hjemland, enten i landet selv eller pr. brev eller ved at afgive sin stemme på det pågældende lands konsulat.
Our aim in so doing is to ensure that every citizen of the Community can take part in the elections to the European Parliamant in his own country, either physically in the country itself or by postal voting or by depositing his vote in one of his country's consular offices.
Desværre er vor gruppe af den opfattelse, at det foreslåede system ikke opfylder disse udmærkede kriterier.
Unfortunately, it is the opinion of this group that the system proposed today does not meet these admirable criteria.
Derfor har vi udarbejdet ændringsforslag nr. 46.
We have accordingly tabled Amendment No 46.
Formålet med dette ændringsforslag er som vort almindelige valgsystem at etablere et tillægsmandatsystem.
This amendment seeks to establish, as our common electoral system, the additional-Member system.
I et sådant system vil der være en blanding af medlemmer, som vælges i enkeltmandskredse suppleret med medlemmer, der vælges fra regionale eller nationale lister.
Under this system, there would be a mixture of Members elected directly in single-Member constituencies and those elected from regional or national lists to top up the numbers of each political party.
Dette system anvendes i Forbundsrepublikken Tyskland.
This system is used in the Federal Republic of Germany."
Det er et kompromis mellem det system, som anvendes i det franske parlamentsvalg og det franske valg til Europa-Parlamentet.
It is a compromise between the system used in the French national elections and the French European elections.
Denne løsning er efter vor opfattelse tilstrækkelig fleksibel til at kunne accepteres i alle medlemsstater.
It is, in our opinion, sufficiently flexible to be acceptable in all Member States.
Det er i fuld overensstemmelse med hr. Seitlingers kriterier, som jeg allerede har nævnt og vil sikre, at de vigtigste politiske kræfter er repræsenteret i dette Parlament.
It does conform to those criteria of Mr Seitlinger which I have already mentioned and would guarantee the representation in this House of the main political forces in each Member State.
Hvor europæisk man end er indstillet, så kan man ikke komme uden om den kendsgerning, at valgretten er knyttet til statsborgerskabet i den pågældende medlemsstat, og at antallet af parlamentsmedlemmer pr. medlemsstat er fastlagt i traktaterne.
Even the most European of sentiments cannot ignore the fact that the right to vote is linked to rights of citi zenship in one of the Member States, and that the number of Members per Member State is laid down in the Treaties.
Hvis men efter 5 års ophold i en anden EF-medlemsstat, giver borgerne stemmeret, så vil der til dels ske en afgørende ændring af den pågældende medlemsstats repræsentation, som eksemplet Luxembourg viser med dramatisk tydelighed.
If people were to be granted the right to vote after completing five years' residence in another Member State, a major change would take place in the representation structure of that Member State, a fact which is brought out with dramatic clarity in the case of Luxembourg.
Hr. formand, vi er imod det system, der er foreslået i Seitlinger-betænkningen, eftersom det forhindrer den direkte kontakt mellem vælgeren og dennes repræsentant her i Strasbourg.
Let me say in conclusion that we agree that this draft is not the last word on the question of voting rights, but will have to be supplemented and filled out on certain points at a later time.
Vi går også imod det, da det giver mulighed for megen misbrug.
Mr President, we oppose the system proposed in the Seitlinger report, because it destroys the direct relationship between a voter and his personal respresentative here in Strasbourg.
Misbrug, som vi allerede har oplevet inden for det sidste 2V2 år med de eksisterende forskellige systemer.
We also oppose it because it is open to too much abuse — the same abuses which we have seen already in the last 2 Vi years with our present different systems.
For eksempel har lederne af nationale politiske partier mulighed for at være medlem af Europa-Parlamentet og sjældent være til stede . ..
For example, the possibility for leaders of national political parties to stand for the European Parliament and never take their seat, or rarely attend,...
Vi er enige om, og hermed kommer jeg til afslutningen, at det forelagte forslag endnu ikke er sidste ord i spørgsmålet valgmåde, men at det på nogle punkter senere må udvides og kompletteres.
The decision we are called on to take today — and we should like to thank our colleague Mr Jean Seitlinger most sincerly for the preparatory work he has put in — constitutes an acid test for the ability of the European Parliament in the legislative field. It is up to us today to rise to the occasion.
Medlemmer fra samme parti har mulighed for at blive flyttet rundt i en uendelighed uden at have kontakt med vælgerne.
The possibility for Members from the same party to be changed around ad infinitum without reference to the electorate.
Dette misbrug fremmer ikke demokratiet i Det europæiske Fællesskab eller i dette Parlament.
These abuses do not further democracy in the European Community nor in this House.
Hr. formand, vor gruppe går stærkt ind for princippet om et ensartet valgsystem.
This group, Mr President, has firmly supported the principle of a uniform electoral system.
Vi har forsøgt at være konstruktive i alle faser af underudvalgets arbejde, som medlemmerne af dette underudvalg vil vide.
We have sought to be constructive at every stage of the work of the subcommittee, as those who served on that subcommittee will know.
Det system, vi foreslår i dag, betragtes som et af de bedste forholdstalsvalgsystemer, og det var et af de første forslag fra ordføreren.
The system which we are proposing today is recognized as one of the main systems of proportional representation, and it was one of the first proposals of the rapporteur.
Lord Douro. — (EN) Hr. formand, i henhold til traktaterne skal Europa-Parlamentet udarbejde en ensartet valgmåde for valg til dette Parlament.
Lord Douro. — Mr President, the Treaties require the European Parliament to devise a uniform electoral procedure for the elections to this House.
Ophavsmændene til traktaten må have gjort sig klart, hvor umådelig kompliceret og ubehageligt et ansvar, vi pålægges.
The drafters of the Treaty must have realized what an immensely complicated and daunting responsibility that places on us.
I det politiske udvalg og i et underudvalg heraf har vi i mindst 2'/2 år arbejdet på et system, som efter vor opfattelse vil kunne accepteres i alle medlemsstaterne.
In the Political Affairs Committee and a subcommittee therof, we have worked for the last 2 V2 years to produce a system which would, we believe, be accept able in all Member States.
Vi fik en god start, og vi var så heldige at have hr. Seitlinger som ordfører.
That work began well, and we were fortunate in having Mr Seitlinger as the rapporteur.
I et af sine første dokumenter opstillede han kriterier for et ensartet system. Disse kriterier var følgende:
In one of his first documents, he defined the criteria for a uniform system.
1) Systemet skal vare så ensartet som muligt; 2) Der skal tages hensyn til nationale særpræg;
This is a measure of the steps we have been prepared to take in order to seek compromise and consensus.
3) Valgsystemet bør ligne de systemer, der har været anvendt i de enkelte medlemsstater, og som borgerne har tillid til og bør tage hensyn til de væsentlige værdier i medlemsstaternes politiske liv;
a) there must be maximum uniformity; b) room must be allowed for national peculiarities; c) the elctoral system should resemble the models tried in each Member State and trusted by their citizens and should not neglect the values at the core of political life; and
4) Valgsystemet bør medvirke til at skabe direkte kontakt mellem vælgerne og deres repræsentanter.
It is my opinion, Mr President, that it is most unlikely that the Council will be able to accept unanimously the Seitlinger proposal unless it is amended.
Det er min opfattelse, hr. formand, at det ikke er særlig sandsynligt, at Rådet vil kunne gå ind for Seit-linger-forslaget, med mindre det ændres. — Det glæder mig, at formanden for Rådet er til stede her i dag for at høre på. denne forhandling, og på en vis måde er følgende bemærkninger derfor rettet til ham. — Vi har derfor udarbejdet endnu et ændrings forslag, blandt andet for at opfordre Rådet til at sende dette tilbage til Parlamentet, såfremt de ikke kan blive enige.
(I am very glad to see that the President-in-Office of the Council is present here today to listen to this debate, and in a sense my following remarks are addressed to him.)
med vort initiativ.
elector to express his choice in the most democratic manner possible.
Parlamentet kan ikke gøre andet, hvis Rådet ikke kan eller nægter at vedtage forslaget.
You will already be aware that in France the new majority has declared itself in favour of proportional representation in all elections.
Y:mener derfor, at de, der ønsker et ensartet system, kun kan være interesseret i, at Rådet sender det tilbage til os, frem for ikke at gøre noget.
In other words we are supporters of proportional respresentation at national level just as we are at the European level for the election of this Assembly.
Der er endnu en risiko forbundet med det, vi er i færd med at gøre.
There is a further danger in what we are doing.
Mange af os lovede at gøre vort bedste for at sikre, at alle borgere i Fællesskabet og med bopæl i Fællesskabet kunne afgive deres stemme i valget til Europa-Parlamentet i 1984.
Many of us gave a commitment to do our best to ensure that in 1984 all citizens of the Community, resident in the Community, could vote in European elections.
På grund af striden omkring valgsystemet er det ikke særlig sand synligt, at Seitlinger-forslaget vil blive iværksat til 1984, medmindre det bliver ændret.
Because of the controversy surrounding the electoral system it is most unlikely, unless the Seitlinger proposal is amended, that it will be put into effect by 1984.
Det er derfor vigtigt at overtale medlemsstaternes regeringer til at lovgive separat på dette punkt, eller at iværksætte anden del af Seitlinger-forslaget alene.
It is therefore important to persuade the govern ments of the Member States to legislate separately on this point, or to enact part 2 of the Seitlinger proposal on its own.
Dette er i store træk indholdet af lady Elles' ændringsforslag nr. 44, som jeg anbefaler, man stemmer for.
This is the substance of Lady Elles* Amendment No 44, which I commend to the House.
I vort land kan der således ikke blive tale om at tage et skridt tilbage, da forholdstalsvalgsystemet allerede eksisterer i form af en national valgkreds.
In our own country, therefore, there can be no question of going backwards: proportional representation already exists within a system of a single national constituency.
For at fremskynde bestræbelserne hen imod et demokratisk valgsystem inden for De Ti, foreslår vi, at hvert land arbejder sig frem med den hastighed, som passer det pågældende land, dog uden at man glemmer sit ansvar.
That is why we are proposing that each country should progress at its own pace towards a democratic electoral system within the Ten and — this I stress — decide for itself.
Efter vor opfattelse indebærer demokratiet, at man respekterer de nationale forskelligheder og særpræg.
For us democracy implies a respect for diversity and for national characteristics.
Det er det, vore to ændringsforslag går ud på, og som har til formål at fremme en mere demokratisk valgmåde ved indførelse af forholdstalsvalg, idet hver medlemsstat overlades det ansvar at anvende dette princip under hensyntagen til dette lands særlige forhold.
That is the reason behind the two amendments which we have tabled, which aim at instituting greater elec toral democracy through proportional representation, whilst at the same time leaving to each Member State the responsibility for implementing the principle depending on its own situation.
Hr. formand, modtagelsen af vore ændrings forslag vil naturligvis være afgørende for vor endelige stillingtagen.
It is of course, Mr President, upon the success or failure of our amend ments that our own votes will ultimately depend.
Hr. formand, vi beklager meget, at vi ikke kan gå ind for hr. Seitlingers forslag.
Mr President, we much regret that we are unable to agree with the proposal contained in Mr Seitlinger's resolution.
Alle må være klar over, at vor gruppe ikke ønsker at lave obstruktion.
Everyone should understand that this group has not been and is not being obstructive.