natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Men repræsentanterne for fagforbundene inden for denne industri og byggebranchen er meget mere nuancerede.
The representatives of the industry's professional federations or of the building sector are much more nuanced in their assessment, however.
Hvilke løsninger skal påtænkes for at undgå de talrige konsekvenser af denne prisstigning, men hvordan skal man navnlig tackle risikoen for knaphed, hvis den nuværende situation skulle fortsætte?
What solutions can be devised to prevent the multiple repercussions of this price rise, and above all, how is the risk of penury to be tackled, should the current situation persist?
Kunne der påtænkes en begrænsning af eksporten af skrot fra producentlandene - navnlig landene i Centraleuropa - for at skabe ligevægt mellem mængden af disponible råstoffer og efterspørgslen efter stål?
Is limiting scrap iron exports from the producer countries, particularly those of Central Europe, so as to bring the quantities of raw material available and the demand for steel back into balance, a possibility?
SKRIFTLIG FORESPØRGSEL P-1038/04
WRITTEN QUESTION P-1038/04
Om: Foreslået direktiv om inspektion af Sellafield atomanlæg
Subject: Proposed directive to inspect Sellafield nuclear facilities
Kan Kommissionen bekræfte,
Can the Commission confirm:
3. at resultaterne af sådanne inspektioner bliver tilgængelige for andre medlemsstater, som er direkte berørt af anlægget i Sellafield?
That the results of any such inspections will be made available to other Member States that are directly affected by the Sellafield site?
SKRIFTLIG FORESPØRGSEL P-1039/04
WRITTEN QUESTION P-1039/04
Om: Kommissær Redings kandidatur til valget til Europa-Parlamentet
Subject: Commissioner Reding standing in the European elections
Kommissær Reding deltager i valget til Europa-Parlamentet uden under valgkampen at tage orlov fra sit nuværende hverv, sådan som det blev aftalt med den tidligere kommissær for beskæftigelse, fru Diamantopoulou.
Commissioner Reding will be standing in the European election, without taking any leave, for the duration of her electoral campaign, from her current duties, as agreed with former Employment Commissioner Mrs Diamontopolou.
Hvorfor findes der ikke en generel regel, der gælder for Kommissionens medlemmer under valgkamp?
Why is there no general rule that applies during electoral campaigns within the College of Commissioners?
Mener Kommissionen ikke, at det ville være nyttigt, at Kommissionens medlemmer udarbejdede klare regler for at undgå interessekonflikter mellem kommissærernes opgaver og kandidaternes interesser?
Is it because the Commission does not think it appropriate to draw up an unambiguous rule within its college because it wishes to avoid conflicts of interest between the Commissioners' duties and the candidates' interests?
SKRIFTLIG FORESPØRGSEL P-1040/04
WRITTEN QUESTION P-1040/04
Om: Kriterier for avlshingstes indførelse i stambogen - fællesskabsbestemmelsernes gennemførelse i national ret
Subject: Requirements for entry in the studbook, transposition of Community legislation
- Kan Kommissær Byrne og Kommissær Bolkestein på vegne af Kommissionen oplyse, hvad der er blevet gjort for at kontrollere, at der i Italien sker en korrekt og passende gennemførelse af EU-lovgivningen på dette område?
- Will the Commission, represented by Commissioner Byrne and Commissioner Bolkestein, indicate what steps have been taken to check whether the Community legislation relating to the sector has been properly and adequately transposed?
- Kan Kommissionen oplyse om og hvordan lovligheden af den evalueringskommission, som nævnes i ovennævnte forespørgsel er blevet kontrolleret?
- Has the Commission checked whether the existence of the assessment committee which I referred to is admissible?
SKRIFTLIG FORESPØRGSEL P-1041/04
WRITTEN QUESTION P-1041/04
Om: Nummerportabilitet inden for mobiltelefoni
Subject: Number portability in connection with mobile telephony
Kan Kommissionen give en oversigt over, i hvilke af EU's medlemsstater og i hvilke af tiltrædelseslandene der pr. 1. marts 2004 endnu ikke var indført nummerportabilitet inden for mobiltelefoni?
Can the Commission give details of the EU Member States and accession countries in which number portability in connection with mobile telephony had not been introduced by 1 March 2004?
Kan Kommissionen give en oversigt over, i hvor høj grad teleoperatører i medlemsstaterne stiller visse betingelser til kunder, der ønsker at skifte operatør og ønsker at beholde deres nummer, som f.eks. lange ventetider samt at kunderne skal afholde visse omkostninger?
Can the Commission give details of the extent to which telecommunications operators in the Member States impose conditions on customers who wish to change operators but keep their numbers, such as long waiting periods and the charging of costs?
Nummerportabilitet skulle allerede være indført i medlemsstaterne pr. medio 2002.
Number portability was supposed to have been introduced in the Member States by mid-2002.
Hvilke foranstaltninger vil Kommissionen træffe over for medlemsstater, der endnu ikke har opfyldt dette krav, for at tvinge dem til at gennemføre nummerportabilitet med kort varsel?
What measures does the Commission plan to take against those Member States which have failed to meet this deadline with a view to forcing them to implement number portability in the near future?
Hvordan vurderer Kommissionen - set ud fra markedets funktion - de betingelser, der stilles, som f.eks. lange ventetider samt at kunderne skal afholde visse omkostninger?
From the point of view of the functioning of the market, how does the Commission assess the conditions imposed on customers, such as long waiting periods, the charging of costs, etc.?
Er Kommissionen enig i, at disse betingelser skal begrænses så meget som muligt, således at markedet kan fungere på en tilfredsstillende måde?
Does the Commission share my view that such conditions must be kept to a minimum in order to ensure that a genuine market can operate?
9999/C Q999 E/178
9999/C Q999 E/178
SKRIFTLIG FORESPØRGSEL P-1061/04
WRITTEN QUESTION P-1061/04
Om: Familiesammenføring i Den Europæiske Union
Subject: Family reunification in the European Union
I september sidste år lovede den svenske konsul i Washington, at de kompetente svenske myndigheder inden for tre eller fire måneder ville give et svar på den anmodning om familiesammenføring, som er indgivet af Ilyas Akhmadov, udenrigsminister i præsident Maskhadovs regering og ophavsmand til den fredsplan, hvori der foreslås etablering af en midlertidig FN-administration i Tjetjenien.
In September 2003, the Swedish Consul in Washington assured Mr Ilyas Akhmadov, Foreign Minster in the government of President Maskhadov and author of the Peace Plan which proposes the establishment of a provisional UN Administration in Chechnya, that the competent authorities in Sweden would give a reply to his application concerning family reunification within three to four months.
Akhmadovs hustru og tre børn var ankommet til Sverige et par uger før, efter at de havde fået status som politiske flygtninge.
A few weeks earlier, having been granted the status of political refugees, Mr Akhmadov's wife and three children had arrived in Sweden.
I januar i år meddelte Sveriges konsulære myndigheder i USA Akhmadov, at de trods de tidligere løfter ikke ville kunne give et svar på hans anmodning om familiesammenføring før juni eller juli 2004.
In January 2004, the Swedish consular authorities in the United States informed Mr Akhmadov that, despite previous statements, a reply to his application concerning family reunification could not be given before June or July 2004.
Ilyas Akhmadov har i lidt over to år (siden 2001) opholdt sig i USA uden opholdsstatus.
Mr Ilyas Akhmadov has now been in the United States, without resident's status, for more than two years (since 2001).
Efter at hans pas er udløbet, har Akhmadov således ikke haft mulighed for at rejse ud af USA.
Since Mr Akhmadov's passport has now expired, he cannot actually leave the US.
Denne situation letter naturligvis ikke Akhmadovs politiske og diplomatiske arbejde, som har til formål at skabe fred ved at søge en politisk løsning på den russisk-tjetjenske tragedie.
A situation of this nature manifestly does not facilitate Mr Akhmadov's political and diplomatic activities, which consist in promoting peace by seeking a political solution to the Russo-Chechen tragedy.
Disse omstændigheder har desuden alvorlige følger for Akhmadovs familiesituation, idet han ikke har set sin hustru og sine to yngste børn i mere end to år og aldrig har set sit tredje barn.
Furthermore, this situation is having serious repercussions on Mr Akhmadov's family life: he has not seen his wife and two oldest children for more than two years now, and he has never been able to see his third child.
Er Rådet bekendt med den situation, som Ilysa Akhmadovs, udenrigsminister i Maskhadovs regering, befinder sig i?
Is the Council aware of the situation of Mr Ilyas Akhmadov, Foreign Minster in Mr Maskhadov's government?
Er Rådet bekendt med de skridt, som Akhmadov har taget for at kunne drage nytte af de normale betingelser for familiesammenføring i en EU-medlemsstat?
Is it aware of the representations made by Mr Akhmadov so that he may profit from the normal measures relating to family reunification in a Member State of the Union?
Hvad ligger efter Rådets opfattelse til grund for de svenske myndigheders manglende vilje til at give Akhmadov mulighed for familiesammenføring i Sverige?
What, in the Council's view, are the reasons behind the Swedish authorities' lack of diligence in enabling Mr Akhmadov to profit from the measures relating to family reunification in Sweden?
Da Unionen til stadighed hævder, at kun en politisk løsning vil kunne afslutte den russisk-tjetjenske tragedie, er det så ikke Rådets mening, at de restriktioner, for ikke at sige forhindringer, som finder anvendelse over for Akhmadov, der står i spidsen for det tjetjenske diplomati, på ingen måde fremmer en sådan politisk løsning?
Given that the Union constantly claims that only a political solution will enable the Russo-Chechen tragedy to be brought to an end, does not the Council feel that the restrictions imposed on Mr Akhmadov, the senior Chechen diplomat - not to say the obstructionist measures taken against him - are most unlikely to make a positive contribution to the search for a political solution of that nature?
SKRIFTLIG FORESPØRGSEL P-1062/04
WRITTEN QUESTION P-1062/04
Om: De indvandringsmæssige og økonomiske følger af udvidelsen af Den Europæiske Union
Subject: Economic impact of migration following enlargement of the European Union
Den 26. februar 2004 fremlagde Kommissionen en ny undersøgelse, som er gennemført i samarbejde med Instituttet til Forbedring af Leve- og Arbejdsvilkårene, om udviklingen i migrationen af arbejdstagere efter den forestående udvidelse.
On 26 February 2004, the European Commission presented a new study, drawn up in conjunction with the European Foundation for the Improvement of Living and Working Conditions, into patterns of migrant-worker flows after the forthcoming enlargement.
I undersøgelsens konklusioner anføres det, at omkring 1 % af befolkningen i de nye medlemsstater i løbet af de næste fem år vil flytte til de nuværende EU-medlemsstater.
The conclusions of that study indicate that, over the next five years, some 1% of the population of the new Member States will move to the countries which currently make up the European Union.
Denne procentdel svarer ifølge Kommissionen til omkring 220.000 personer årligt.
According to the Commission, that percentage translates into about 220 000 people per year.
Kan Kommissionen oplyse, om den råder over vurderinger med konkrete tal for hvert enkelt modtagerland, og navnlig hvilke indvandringsmæssige følger udvidelsen af Unionen kan tænkes at have for Frankrig?
Can the Commission indicate whether it has any estimates which include figures for each host country, and, in particular, what the likely impact of such post-enlargement migration will be on France?
Kan Kommissionen endvidere præcisere, hvilke økonomiske indvirkninger denne udvidelse vil have på arbejdsmarkedet i et land som Frankrig, hvor arbejdsløsheden er meget høj?
Can the Commission also indicate the economic impact of enlargement on the labour market of a country like France, where the unemployment rate is particularly high?
SKRIFTLIG FORESPØRGSEL P-1063/04
WRITTEN QUESTION P-1063/04
af Marie-Françoise Duthu (Verts/ALE) til Kommissionen
by Marie-Françoise Duthu (Verts/ALE) to the Commission
Om: Den russisk-tjetjenske konflikt - EU-mægling mellem Vladimir Putins og Aslan Maskhadovs regeringer
Subject: Russo-Chechen conflict - mediation by the European Union between the governments of Vladimir Putin and Aslan Maskhadov
Almindeligvis skønnes det, at en femtedel af civilbefolkningen er blevet dræbt, en hovedstad med 400.000 indbyggere er jævnet med jorden, infrastrukturen er fuldstændig ødelagt, og hundredtusinder af flygtninge overlever under uværdige forhold i "midlertidige" lejre.
According to the most recent estimates, one fifth of the civilian population has been killed, a capital city of 400 000 inhabitants has been razed to the ground, the infrastructure has been completely destroyed, and hundreds of thousands of refugees are living in inhumane conditions in 'temporary' camps.
Alle de ngo'er, der arbejder i området, såvel de humanitære som dem, der overvåger overholdelsen af menneskerettighederne, konstaterer samstemmende, at der er sket en alvorlig forværring af civilbefolkningens situation, idet der er stadig flere savnede personer, og de russiske styrker gennemfører morderiske "udrensninger" af landsbyer.
All the humanitarian and human rights NGOs working on the ground have made the same observations: a marked deterioration in the situation of civilians and an increased number of disappearances and deadly 'cleansings' of villages by Russian troops.
Den 23. marts 2003, midt under krigen, hvor de russiske kampvogne stadig var opstillet i Groznys gader, gennemtvang Moskva en "folkeafstemning" om en "ny forfatning".
On 23 March 2003, in the midst of the war and while Russian tanks were still in the streets of Grozny, Moscow enforced the holding of a 'referendum' on a 'new constitution'.
Alle uafhængige observatører anfægter de officielle resultater af denne afstemning, der er sovjettiden værdige og viser en valgdeltagelse på 80%, hvoraf 96% svarede ja.
The results of the referendum, for which the turnout was 80% and in which 96% of the electorate voted for the constitution, were reminiscent of the Soviet era and disputed by all independent observers.
Den 5. oktober 2003 blev Moskvas kandidat, Ahmed Kadyrov, ved et skinvalg Den Tjetjenske Republiks "officielle" præsident.
On 5 October 2003, Moscow's stooge, Akhmad Kadyrov, became the 'official' President of the Republic of Chechnya in a sham election, the thinly disguised aim of which was the political isolation of Aslan Maskhadov's government.
Den slet skjulte dagsorden er politisk isolation af den seneste lovligt valgte tjetjenske regering under Aslan Maskhadov, hvis valg blev godkendt af OSCE i 1997, og som til dato er den eneste retmæssigt valgte.
The election of that government, the most recent legally elected government in Chechnya, was recognised in 1997 by the OSCE, and it remains the only legitimate government to date.
Siden begyndelsen af den anden krig i oktober 1999 har Europa-Parlamentet og Europarådets Parlamentariske Forsamling forgæves vedtaget en lang række beslutninger med anmodning om en politisk løsning af konflikten i Tjetjenien.
Since the beginning of the second war in October 1999, the European Parliament and the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe have adopted numerous resolutions calling for a political solution to the conflict in Chechnya, but they have not, however, produced the desired effect.
Det burde være indlysende, at hvis der gøres et alvorligt forsøg på at finde en politisk løsning på krigen i Tjetjenien, vil det før eller siden lykkes at samle konfliktens to parter, dvs. repræsentanter for Vladimir Putin og repræsentanter for Aslan Maskhadov, om et forhandlingsbord.
It is clear that a serious attempt to find a political solution to the war in Chechnya will, sooner or later, ultimately bring to the negotiating table the two parties to the conflict, the representatives of Vladimir Putin and those of Aslan Maskhadov.
Hvilke præcise initiativer påtænker Kommissionen at tage i de kommende uger og måneder for at fremme en sådan politisk løsning?
What specific action does the Commission plan to take in the next few weeks and months with a view to promoting a negotiated political solution of that nature?
Ønsker Kommissionen navnlig at skabe en dialog mellem konfliktens to parter, dvs. Vladimir Putins og Aslan Maskhadovs regeringer?
In particular, does the Commission intend to contribute to the establishment of a dialogue between the two sides in the conflict, the government of Vladimir Putin and that of Aslan Maskhadov?
Hvilke redskaber agter den at bruge for at tilskynde til en sådan dialog?
What incentives does it think that it will be able to propose in order to encourage them to take part in this dialogue?
SKRIFTLIG FORESPØRGSEL P-1078/04
WRITTEN QUESTION P-1078/04
Om: Politisk neutralitet i Infopoint Europa i Vlaams-Brabant-provinsen
Subject: Political neutrality of the Info-Point Europe of the Province of Flemish Brabant
Den 15. april arrangerer Infopoint Europa i Vlaams-Brabant-provinsen en debat om Europavalgene i provinsens bygning i Leuven.
On 15 April the Flemish Brabant Info-Point Europe is to hold a debate in the provincial government building in Leuven on the European elections.
Selv om fem partier med parlamentarisk repræsentation stiller op til Europavalgene i Flandern, er der kun blevet indbudt repræsentanter fra tre partier til at deltage i debatten, nemlig Marianne Thyssen (CD&V), Saïd Khadraoui (SP.A) og Dirk Sterckx (VLD).
Although five parties represented in parliament are to take part in Flanders in the forthcoming European elections, only representatives of three parties have been invited to participate in this debate, namely Marianne Thyssen (CD&V), Saïd El Khadraoui (SP .A) and Dirk Sterckx (VLD).
Et lille parti, de grønne, er ikke blevet indbudt.
A small party, the 'Greens', has not been invited.
Det samme er tilfældet med Vlaams Blok, som imidlertid ved sidste Europavalg blev det tredjestørste parti.
Likewise the Vlaams Blok, despite the fact that it came in third in Flanders in the last European election.
På en telefonisk henvendelse oplyste Infopoint Europa, at debatten skulle handle om Vlaams-Brabants stilling i Europa.
Contacted by telephone and asked about this, the Info-Point Europe said that the debate concerns Flemish Brabant and Europe.
Ikke desto mindre har en af deltagerne ikke bopæl i provinsen, hvorimod et af Vlaams Bloks to medlemmer af Europa-Parlamentet bor her.
However, one of the participants does not live in the province concerned, unlike one of the two Vlaams Blok MEPs who does live there.
Det ser således ud til, at Infopoint Europa i Vlaams-Brabant-provinsen på et fuldstændigt vilkårligt grundlag har besluttet, at Vlaams Blok ikke skulle indbydes.
The Info-Point Europe and the province of Flemish Brabant have apparently decided on a completely arbitrary basis that the Vlaams Blok is not to be invited.
Infopoint Europa i Vlaams-Brabant har åbenbart til hensigt kun at informere delvist om Europa-Parlamentet.
The Flemish Brabant 'Info-Point Europe' evidently only wishes to provide part of the information about the European Parliament.
I pjecen med indbydelsen optræder ikke blot logoet for Infopoint Europa (som modtager økonomisk støtte fra Kommissionen) og for provinsen, men også Europaflaget.
The leaflet containing an invitation to the debate includes not only the logos of the Info-Point Europe (which receives financial support from the Commission) and of the province, but also the European flag.
Er det efter Kommissionens opfattelse rimeligt, at et offentligt organ, som den er med til at finansiere, vilkårligt udelukker politiske partier fra at deltage i den offentlige debat?
Does the Commission consider it usual for a public service partly financed by it to arbitrarily exclude political parties from public debate?
Skal disse "Infopoint Europa" i provinserne ikke forholde sig politisk neutrale?
Are Info-Points Europe not required to show political neutrality?
Hvilke foranstaltninger vil Kommissionen træffe for at undgå sådanne urimeligheder?
What measures are intended to prevent such a deplorable state of affairs?
9999/C Q999 E/182
9999/C Q999 E/182
SKRIFTLIG FORESPØRGSEL P-1082/04
WRITTEN QUESTION P-1082/04
Om: Nederlandenes udvisning af mere end 26.000 afviste asylansøgere
Subject: Decision taken by the Netherlands to expel more than 26 000 whose applications for asylum have been rejected
Som følge af Nederlandenes afgørelse om at udvise mange tusinde afviste asylansøgere rejser der sig flere spørgsmål:
In the light of the decision taken by the Netherlands to expel several thousand asylum-seekers whose applications have been dismissed:
Er der ikke - i kraft af de aktuelle forhold i mange af asylansøgernes hjemlande (Irak, Iran, Afghanistan osv.) - tale om en overtrædelse af princippet om "non-refoulement" (ikke-afvisning)?
Does not that decision breach the principle of non-refoulement because of the situation currently obtaining in the countries of origin of a number of asylum-seekers (Iraq, Iran, Afghanistan, etc.)?
Tilsyneladende opfylder nogle af de afviste ansøgere kriterierne i Genève-konventionen, og de kan således ikke udvises til deres hjemland, hvor de er i livsfare.
It would appear that some of the people denied asylum meet the Geneva Convention criteria and may not be expelled to their countries of origin, where they might be killed.
Mener Kommissionen ikke, at der er tale om en overtrædelse af artikel 47 i Den Europæiske Unions charter om grundlæggende rettigheder, idet de afviste asylansøgere er blevet udvist fra tidspunktet for den første meddelelse om afvisning af deres ansøgninger (og at der derefter burde være truffet foranstaltninger med henblik på at prøve afgørelserne), imens de burde kunne appellere denne afgørelse?
Must we not take the view that Article 47 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union has been breached, in so far as the rejected asylum-seekers are being expelled immediately after the first notification that their application has been rejected and (since, accordingly, measures should be taken to review their cases) although they should have the right to lodge an appeal against that decision?
Det lader til, at en stor del af disse asylansøgeres sager ikke har været behandlet gennem en retfærdig procedure i perioden 1993-1998 (på grund af den nederlandske såkaldte AC-procedure, der varer 48 timer, og som ikke giver ansøgerne mulighed for at fremføre senere indhentede beviser).
It seems that the applications from a large number of asylum-seekers were not given fair consideration between 1993 and 1998 (because of what is known as the 48-hour AC procedure, which did not allow the asylum-seekers to submit evidence which they had obtained subsequently).
Er der ikke god grund til at nedlægge forbud mod den nederlandske regerings anvendelse af de engelske begreber "deport" og "deportation center"?
Should we not condemn the use by the Netherlands Government of the English words 'deport' and 'deportation centre'?
Brugen af disse begreber virker mildest talt upassende i denne sammenhæng eller ikke tilpasset situationen.
The use of such words seems at the very least inappropriate or unsuitable in this context.
SKRIFTLIG FORESPØRGSEL P-1083/04
WRITTEN QUESTION P-1083/04
Om: Kyotoprotokollens projektorienterede mekanismer
Subject: Project-related mechanisms under the Kyoto Protocol
Kan Kommissionen meddele, hvilke medlemslande der allerede har truffet aftale med tredjelande om udnyttelsen af projektorienterede mekanismer (CDM)?
Can the Commission say which Member States have already concluded agreements with third countries on the use of project-related mechanisms (CDM)?
SKRIFTLIG FORESPØRGSEL P-1084/04
WRITTEN QUESTION P-1084/04