natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Da svarede Kommissionen, at man måtte søge enhver chance i en permanent politisk dialog, og at en EU‑juristobservatørs tilstedeværelse ved retssagerne sørger for, at de etiopiske myndigheder mindes om EU's skepsis på dette område.
The Commission replied that an ongoing political dialogue was the be-all and end-all here and that ‘the presence of an EC lawyer observer at the trials is an important reminder to the Ethiopian authorities of the EU’s concerns in this regard.’
Louis Michel, der er EU‑kommissær for udviklingshjælp, gav udtryk for, at han hellere gik ind for at føre en åbent struktureret og positiv dialog end at udsætte udviklingshjælpen.
Mr Louis Michel, European Commissioner for Development Aid, stated that he would rather opt to ‘keep open a structured and positive dialogue (…) than (…) suspen[d] development aid’.
Men for mig er det uacceptabelt, at EU, som i 2005 netop tilskyndede de indespærrede oppositionsledere til at deltage i valget, nu lader disse mennesker i stikken.
However, to me it is unacceptable that the EU, which in 2005 actually encouraged the imprisoned opposition leaders to take part in the elections, should now abandon these people to their fate.
EU er Etiopiens langt største donor og kan let lægge pres på den etiopiske regering (Wouter Bax: EU lader den etiopiske opposition i stikken, Trouw, 18. juli 2007).
The EU is by far the largest donor to Ethiopia and can easily put pressure on the Ethiopian Government (Wouter Bax, ‘EU laat Ethiopische oppositie in de steek’ [EU fails Ethiopian opposition], Trouw, 18 July 2007).
Ud over støtten fra Kommissionen sender også de forskellige EU‑medlemsstater udviklingshjælp til Etiopien.
In addition to the funding from the Commission, the various EU Member States also give development aid to Ethiopia.
I diverse medlemsstater foregår der nu en heftig diskussion.
A debate about this is now raging in various Member States.
F.eks. kræver VVD‑parlamentsmedlem Boekestijn i Nederlandene, at den nederlandske regering standser sin udviklingshjælp til Etiopien på grund af denne parodi på en demokratiseringsproces (Pres for at få hjælpen til Etiopien standset, Trouw, 17. juli 2007).
For example, in the Netherlands, Mr Boekestijn, a Member of the Lower House of Parliament representing the People's Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD), is rightly urging the Netherlands Government to halt its development aid to Ethiopia because of the travesty of the democratisation process (‘Druk om steun aan Ethiopië te staken’ [Pressure to halt aid to Ethiopia], Trouw, 17 July 2007).
Den 17. juli 2007 henviste den tyske minister for udviklingssamarbejde til den etiopiske diktator Meles' erklæring om, at han ikke kan gribe ind i en domstols dom, samtidig med at enhver ved, at den dømmende magt i Etiopien beherskes fuldstændig af regeringen (Wouter Bax: EU lader etiopisk opposition i stikken, Trouw, 18. juli 2007).
On 17 July 2007, Germany's Minister for Development Cooperation referred to the statement by the Ethiopian dictator Meles that he cannot interfere with a court judgment, a statement which flies in the face of the universally known fact that the Ethiopian judiciary is completely under the control of the government (Wouter Bax, ‘EU laat Ethiopische oppositie in de steek’ [EU fails Ethiopian opposition], Trouw, 18 July 2007).
Er Rådet enigt i den opfattelse, som den tyske minister for udviklingssamarbejde har givet udtryk for?
Does the Council endorse the position of Germany's Minister for Development Cooperation?
Overvejer Rådet bestemte sanktioner over for den etiopiske regering?
Is the Council considering certain sanctions against the Ethiopian Government?
Føres der i Rådet nogen diskussion om de enkelte medlemsstaters tildeling af udviklingshjælp til Etiopien?
Is a debate going on within the Council concerning the individual Member States' provision of development aid to Ethiopia?
Rådet har nøje og med alvorlig bekymring fulgt arrestationen af mange oppositionsledere i forbindelse med hændelserne efter valget i Etiopien i maj 2005.
The Council has followed closely and with serious concern the arrest of many opposition leaders in relation to the events following the May 2005 elections in Ethiopia.
EU's formandskab har opfordret til omgående løsladelse af alle politiske fanger, og der er gjort effektivt brug af bestemmelserne i Cotonou‑partnerskabsaftalen med henblik på en politisk dialog.
The EU Presidency has asked for the immediate release of all political detainees, and effective use has been made of the provisions in the Cotonou Partnership Agreement for the conduct of a political dialogue.
I formandskabets erklæring af 23. juli 2007 hilste Den Europæiske Union derfor med tilfredshed, at oppositionsmedlemmerne var blevet løsladt, efter at de personer, der blev dømt den 16. juli 2007, var blevet benådet.
Accordingly, in the declaration by the Presidency of 23 July 2007, the European Union welcomed the release of the members of the opposition following the pardon granted to those sentenced on 16 July 2007.
Den erklærede, at løsladelsen er en betydningsfuld forsoningsgestus, og udtrykte håb om, at dette skridt vil markere en ny begyndelse for landet.
It stated that the release represented a significant gesture of reconciliation and expressed the hope that this step would mark a new beginning for the country.
Af erklæringen fremgik det også, at Den Europæiske Union fortsat har tiltro til, at alle parter vil arbejde sammen til gavn for Etiopiens fremtid, og den bekræftede Den Europæiske Unions faste overbevisning om, at uoverensstemmelser kun kan løses gennem en vedvarende konstruktiv dialog.
The declaration also stated that the EU remained confident that all sides would work together for the future good of Ethiopia and confirmed its strong belief that the only manner to resolve differences was through continuous and constructive dialogue.
SKRIFTLIG FORESPØRGSEL E-4004/07
WRITTEN QUESTION E-4004/07
Om: Officiel reaktion fra tyrkisk side på tysk indvandrerlovgivning
Subject: Official response by Turkey to German immigration law
I Tyskland blev det såkaldte integrationstopmøde, som beskæftiger sig med at integrere de udlændinge, der lever i Tyskland, massivt boykottet af det tyrkiske samfund.
In Germany, the Turkish community is boycotting en masse the so-called ‘integration summit’, which concerns itself with the integration of aliens living in Germany.
Grunden til denne boykot er ændringen af den tyske indvandrerlovgivning og nærmere bestemt artikel 30 om familiedannelse og ‑sammenføring (ægtefælle senere indvandrer), hvori det bestemmes, at begge ægtefæller skal være mindst 20 år, og at den indvandrende ægtefælle skal dokumentere tyskkendskab (Ferda Ataman: Ehrbarer Widerstand der Deutsch‑Türken, Spiegel‑online, 13. juli 2007).
The reason for the boycott is the amendment of Germany's immigration law, particularly Article 30 concerning the establishment of a family or family reunification (‘Ehegattennachzug’), which lays down that both spouses must be at least 18 years old and that the immigrating spouse must produce evidence of knowledge of the German language (Ferda Ataman, ‘Ehrbarer Widerstand der Deutsch-Türken’ [Honourable resistance by German Turks], Spiegelonline, 13 July 2007).
Men der er ikke blot tale om boykot fra det tyrkiske samfunds side.
The boycott is not confined to the Turkish community.
De tyrkiske aviser, f.eks. Milliyet og Hürriyet, taler ligefrem om racisme.
Turkish newspapers — such as Milliyet and Hürriyet — are unequivocally carrying accusations of racism.
Den tyrkiske præsident Sezer har endda skrevet til den tyske forbundspræsident Köhler og givet udtryk for, at den tyske lov er i modstrid med de grundlæggende menneskerettigheder (In letter to Berlin, President Sezer condemns new German immigration law, Hürriyet.com.tr, 14. juli 2007).
Turkey's President Sezer has actually written a letter to Germany's President Köhler claiming that the German law violates fundamental human rights (‘In letter to Berlin, President Sezer condemns new German immigration law’, Hürriyet.com.tr, 14 July 2007).
Hvad mener Rådet om dette uacceptable diplomatiske og politiske pres og denne indblanding i et af en EU‑medlemsstats suveræne anliggender, nemlig indvandrerlovgivningen?
What is the Council's position with regard to this unacceptable diplomatic and political pressure and intervention in the sovereign affairs — immigration law — of a Member State of the European Union?
Hvilken indflydelse har dette på tiltrædelsesforhandlingerne?
How will it affect the accession negotiations?
Rådet kommenterer ikke artikler i pressen.
The Council does not comment on press reports.
Rådet har ikke modtaget oplysninger om den tyrkiske regerings officielle holdning til dette spørgsmål.
No official position of the Turkish Government on this issue has been communicated to the Council.
SKRIFTLIG FORESPØRGSEL E-4005/07
WRITTEN QUESTION E-4005/07
Grunden til denne boykot er ændringen af den tyske indvandrerlovgivning og nærmere bestemt artikel 30 om familiedannelse og ‑sammenføring (ægtefælle senere indvandrer), hvori det bestemmes, at begge ægtefæller skal være mindst 20 år, og at den indvandrende ægtefælle skal dokumentere tyskkendskab (Ferda Ataman: Ehrbarer Widerstand der Deutsch-Türken, Spiegel‑online, 13. juli 2007).
The reason for the boycott is the amendment of Germany's immigration law, particularly Article 30 concerning the establishment of a family or family reunification (‘Ehegattennachzug’), which lays down that both spouses must be at least 18 years old and that the immigrating spouse must produce evidence of knowledge of the German language (Ferda Ataman, ‘Ehrbarer Widerstand der Deutsch-Türken’ [Honourable resistance by German Turks], Spiegelonline, 13 July 2007).
Hvad mener Kommissionen om dette uacceptable diplomatiske og politiske pres og denne indblanding i et af en EU‑medlemsstats suveræne anliggender, nemlig indvandrerlovgivningen?
What is the Council's position with regard to this unacceptable diplomatic and political pressure and intervention in the sovereign affairs — immigration law — of a Member State of the European Union?
SKRIFTLIG FORESPØRGSEL E-4006/07
WRITTEN QUESTION E-4006/07
Om: Europæiske midler til Den Afrikanske Unions fredsbevarende missioner
Subject: European funds for African Union peace-keeping missions
Ifølge det franske dagblad Libération har en stor del af de 282 mio. EUR, som EU har stillet til rådighed for Den Afrikanske Unions (AU) fredsbevarende mission i den sudanesiske region Darfur, endnu ikke nået bestemmelsesstedet.
According to the French daily newspaper Libération, much of the EUR 282 million which the EU has made available for the African Union (AU) peace-keeping mission in the Sudanese region of Darfur still has not reached its destination.
Mange soldater har angiveligt ikke fået løn i måneder.
Many soldiers are said not to have been paid for months.
Avisen antyder, at mange af pengene finder vej til AU-officerers lommer.
The newspaper suggests that much money finds its way into the pockets of AU officers.
Dette var f.eks. tilfældet med Fomuc‑styrken, der var indsat i Den Centralafrikanske Republik for få år siden.
This was the case, for instance, with the Fomuc force which was deployed in the Central African Republic a few years ago.
En fransk diplomat har hertil sagt, at den ansvarlige general stak en tredjedel i lommen, en tredjedel gik til officererne, mens de menige soldater fik resten (»Des »euro« »évaporés« par millions au Darfour« [Millioner af euro forsvinder i den blå luft i Darfur], Libération, 16. juli 2007).
A French diplomat has said of this, literally, that the general in charge of the operation pocketed a third of the money, while another third went to the officers and the ordinary soldiers received the rest (‘Des “euro” “évaporés” par millions au Darfour’ [Millions of euros disappear into thin air in Darfur], Libération, 16 July 2007).
Derfor følgende uddybende spørgsmål: —
Hence the following questions: —
Hvor mange penge har EU tidligere afsat til Den Afrikanske Union, og til hvilke aktiviteter eller operationer?
How much money has the EU allocated to the African Union in the past, and for what activities or operations?
Kan Kommissionen give en oversigt over bidragene fra de enkelte EU-medlemsstater? —
Can the Commission provide an overview of the contributions made by each EU Member State? —
Er de midler, som Fomuc modtog, blevet undersøgt?
Have the funds received by Fomuc been investigated?
Hvilke overvågningsordninger fandtes der i dette tilfælde? —
What monitoring arrangements were in place in that case? —
Hvilke overvågningsordninger findes der generelt for at sikre, at finansieringen når det tilsigtede bestemmelsessted?
What monitoring arrangements are in general provided for to ensure that funding reaches its intended destination?
Findes der en eller anden form for europæisk overvågning »i marken«, dvs. inden for den fredsbevarende styrke? —
Is there some form of European supervision ‘in the field’, i.e. within the peace-keeping force itself? —
Overvejer Kommissionen i benægtende fald, at indføre overvågning på jorden, som skal foretages af europæiske tjenestemænd eller eksperter?
If not, is the Commission considering organising monitoring on the ground using European officials or experts?
SKRIFTLIG FORESPØRGSEL E-4007/07
WRITTEN QUESTION E-4007/07
Om: Udviklingsbistand til Etiopien
Subject: Development aid to Ethiopia
Den 16. juli 2007 blev 35 oppositionsledere idømt fængsel på livstid i en skueproces i Etiopien.
On 16 July 2007, 35 opposition leaders were sentenced to life imprisonment in a show trial in Ethiopia.
De har allerede været fængslet i næsten to år.
They have already been in custody for nearly two years.
I en tidligere forespørgsel til Kommissionen (E‑2261/­06) spurgte jeg om, hvilke foranstaltninger der blev truffet mod Etiopien som følge af overtrædelsen af Cotonou‑aftalen.
In a previous question to the Commission (E‑2261/06), I asked what measures were being taken against Ethiopia on account of violation of the Cotonou Agreement.
Kommissionen svarede, at en løbende politisk dialog var alfa og omega her, og at tilstedeværelsen af en advokat fra EU som observatør under retssagen var en vigtig påmindelse til de etiopiske myndigheder om EU's bekymring i denne forbindelse.
The Commission replied that an ongoing political dialogue was the be-all and end-all here and that ‘the presence of an EC lawyer observer at the trials is an important reminder to the Ethiopian authorities of the EU’s concerns in this regard.’
I Nederlandene har Boekestijn, et medlem af Parlamentet for Volkspartij voor Vrijheid en Democratie (VVD) (Folkepartiet for frihed og demokrati), med rette fremført, at Nederlandene bør indstille udviklingsbistanden til Etiopien på grund af parodien på demokratiseringsprocessen (»Druk om steun aan Ethiopië te staken« [Pres for at indstille bistanden til Etiopien], Trouw, 17. juli 2007).
In the Netherlands, Mr Boekestijn, a Member of the Lower House of Parliament representing the People's Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD), rightly states that the Netherlands should halt its development aid to Ethiopia because of the travesty of the democratisation process (‘Druk om steun aan Ethiopië te staken’ [Pressure to halt aid to Ethiopia], Trouw, 17 July 2007).
Louis Michel, medlem af Europa‑Kommissionen med ansvar for udviklingsbistand, svarede på min tidligere forespørgsel, at han hellere ville vælge at holde en struktureret og positiv dialog åben end at indstille udviklingsbistanden.
In answer to my previous question, Mr Louis Michel, European Commissioner for Development Aid, replied that he would rather opt to ‘keep open a structured and positive dialogue (…) than (…) suspen[d] development aid’.
Det er uacceptabelt, at EU, der i 2005 rent faktisk opfordrede lederne af oppositionen til at tage del i valgene, nu overlader disse mennesker til deres skæbne.
It is unacceptable that the EU, which in 2005 actually encouraged the opposition leaders to take part in the elections, should now abandon these people to their fate.
EU er langt den største donor i Etiopien og kan nemt lægge pres på den etiopiske regering (Wouter Bax, »EU laat Ethiopische oppositie in de steek« [EU svigter den etiopiske opposition], Trouw, 18. juli 2007).
The EU is by far the largest donor to Ethiopia and can easily put pressure on the Ethiopian Government (Wouter Bax, ‘EU laat Ethiopische oppositie in de steek’ [EU fails Ethiopian opposition], Trouw, 18 July 2007).
Via hvilke kanaler ydes udviklingsbistanden til Etiopien?
Through what channels is development aid provided to Ethiopia?
Hvilke udviklingsprojekter finansieret af Kommissionen kontrolleres af regeringen?
What development projects financed by the Commission are controlled by the government?
Hvad gør man for at sikre, at finansieringen ikke dirigeres til den etiopiske regering?
What is done to ensure that this funding is not diverted to the Ethiopian Government?
Via hvilke kanaler modtager de etiopiske myndigheder finansieringen direkte?
Through what channels do the Ethiopian authorities directly receive funding?
Under hvilke vilkår vil Kommissionen indstille især udviklingsbistanden?
Under what conditions will the Commission suspend particular development funding?
SKRIFTLIG FORESPØRGSEL E-4008/07
WRITTEN QUESTION E-4008/07
Om: Anholdelse af mistænkte islamistiske terrorister i 2006
Subject: Arrest of suspected Islamic terrorists in 2006
Kan Kommissionen oplyse, hvor mange personer der er blevet anholdt i de enkelte EU‑medlemsstater i 2004, 2005 og 2006 mistænkt for fundamentalistiske islamistiske terroraktiviteter?
Can the Commission say how many individuals suspected of Islamic fundamentalist terrorist activities were arrested in the individual EU Member States in 2004, 2005 and 2006?
Kan Kommissionen samtidig give mig en oversigt over de forskellige grunde til anholdelsen og disses andel, f.eks. planlægning af anslag, finansiering af terror, rekruttering, udbredelse af propaganda, hjælp og støtte til terroraktiviteter?
Can the Commission provide a percentage breakdown of the various grounds for arrest, such as the planning of attacks, financing of terrorism, recruitment, dissemination of propaganda, and aiding and abetting terrorist activities?
Kan Kommissionen også stille denne information til rådighed med hensyn til faktisk dømte og begrundelserne for domfældelserne?
Can the Commission provide that information with regard to persons convicted and the reasons for their conviction?
Kan Kommissionen også oplyse, hvilket statsborgerskab alle disse mistænkte og dømte havde og har?
Can the Commission also say what the nationality was or is of the suspects and convicted persons?
SKRIFTLIG FORESPØRGSEL E-4009/07
WRITTEN QUESTION E-4009/07
Om: Udvisning af illegale indvandrere fra EU‑landene
Subject: Deportation of illegal immigrants from European Union countries
Ifølge generaldirektøren for udlændingeanliggender, Freddy Roosemont, blev 11 728 illegale indvandrere udvist af Belgien eller forlod landet i 2006.
According to the Director-General at the Aliens Affairs Department, Mr Freddy Roosemont, 11 728 illegal immigrants were deported from Belgium or left the country in 2006.
Politiet pågreb 28 747 illegale indvandrere (Guy Fransen »België verlaten blijft pijnpunt« [Det er fortsat smertefuldt at forlade Belgien], De Standaard, 3. juli 2007).
The police intercepted 28 747 illegal immigrants (Guy Fransen, ‘België verlaten blijft pijnpunt’ [Leaving Belgium remains painful], De Standaard , 3 July 2007).
Kan Kommissionen oplyse, hvor mange illegale indvandrere der blev udvist af andre EU‑medlemsstater eller forlod dem frivilligt, og ved hvor mange lejligheder politiet i disse lande pågreb illegale indvandrere?
Can the Commission inform me how many illegal immigrants were deported from other EU Member States or left them voluntarily, and on how many occasions the police in those countries intercepted illegal immigrants?
SKRIFTLIG FORESPØRGSEL E-4010/07
WRITTEN QUESTION E-4010/07
Om: Mindretals rettigheder i Makedonien
Subject: Rights of minorities in Macedonia
Under et møde i Bruxelles den 17. juli 2007 sagde Olli Rehn, kommissær med ansvar for udvidelsen, at beskyttelse af mindretals rettigheder er det vigtigste kriterium, som Den Tidligere Jugoslaviske Republik Makedonien skal opfylde for at kunne tiltræde EU (Ekrem Krasniqi, »Brussels tells Macedonia to secure rights of ethnic Albanians«, EUobserver.com, 18. juli 2007).
At a meeting in Brussels on 17 July 2007, Mr Olli Rehn, European Commissioner for Enlargement stated that safeguarding the rights of minorities is the most important political criterion which the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia must meet for EU accession (Ekrem Krasniqi, ‘Brussels tells Macedonia to secure rights of ethnic Albanians’, EUobserver.com, 18 July 2007).
Hører brugen af det albanske sprog som officielt sprog i alle statslige institutioner med til disse politiske (tiltrædelses‑)kriterier?
Do these political (accession) criteria include the use of Albanian as an official language in all state bodies?
Hvilken bestemmelse i EMRK eller i rammeaftalen om nationale mindretal støtter Kommissionen i givet fald dette krav på?
If so, on what provision in the ECHR or the framework convention on national minorities does the Commission base that demand?
SKRIFTLIG FORESPØRGSEL E-4011/07
WRITTEN QUESTION E-4011/07
Om: Kvinders status i Tyrkiet
Subject: Status of women in Turkey
Det fremgår af en rapport fra en ikke‑statslig organisation, at kvinder, siden AKP kom til magten, har oplevet, at livet er blevet langt vanskeligere i den stadigt mere islamiserede administration, og der er blevet lagt pres på dem for at få dem til at sige op (Boris Kalnok »Seit Erdogan regiert, haben es Frauen schwer« [Siden Erdogan kom til magten, har kvinderne haft det svært], Weltonline, 1. juni 2007).
According to a report by a non-governmental organisation, since the AKP has been in power, women have found life far more difficult in the increasingly Islamicised administration and have come under pressure to leave (Boris Kalnok, ‘Seit Erdogan regiert, haben es Frauen schwer’ [Since Erdogan has been in power, women have faced difficulties], Weltonline, 1 June 2007).
Kommissionen henviser i sine statusrapporter hovedsageligt til vold mod kvinder (der er allestedsnærværende) og alle former for diskriminerende foranstaltninger.
In its progress reports, the Commission mainly refers to violence against women (which is omni-present) and all manner of discriminatory measures.
Er Kommissionen i besiddelse af undersøgelser indeholdende information om kvinders situation i administrationen, siden AKP kom til magten, der bekræfter ovennævnte undersøgelse?
Does the Commission have studies containing information about the situation of women in the administration since the AKP came to power which confirm the aforementioned study?
Hvordan rejses dette spørgsmål?
How is this issue raised?
SKRIFTLIG FORESPØRGSEL E-4014/07
WRITTEN QUESTION E-4014/07
Ifølge dansk lovgivning kan danske patienter ikke modtage behandling i udlandet for sygdomme, der ikke er anerkendte i Danmark.
Under Danish law, Danish patients cannot receive treatment abroad for diseases that are not recognised in Denmark.
Desuden kan patienter kun henvises til forskningsmæssig eller eksperimentel behandling i udlandet, hvis følgende 3 kriterier er opfyldt: Sygdommen skal være livstruende, behandling kan ikke tilbydes i Danmark, og behandlingen skal godkendes af et rådgivende panel nedsat af den danske sundhedsstyrelse.
Furthermore, patients can only be referred abroad for treatment which is at the research or experimental stage if the following three criteria are met: The disease must be life-threatening, the treatment must not be available in Denmark, and the treatment must be approved by an advisory panel appointed by the Danish health administration.