natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Er det Kommissionen bekendt, at heller ikke den i 1980’erne anlagte jernbanelinje fra Podgorica i Montenegro til den albanske by Shkodër, som er den eneste forbindelse mellem Albaniens jernbanenet og jernbanenettet i resten af Europa, fungerer længere?
Is the Commission aware that the railway line from Podgorica in Montenegro to Shkodër in Albania, which was built in the 1980s and is the only line linking Albania's railways to those in the rest of Europe, is likewise no longer in operation?
Vil der til bevarelse, genopbygning og modernisering af de sårbare jernbanestrækninger i Montenegro være mulighed for finansiering gennem en af EU-fondene, således som det i 2003 var tilfældet med opførelsen af Union-broen over floden Morača i hovedstaden Podgorica mellem hovedfærdselsårene Bulevar Revolucije og Crnogorskih Serdara?
Would it be possible for EU funding to be made available for the maintenance, repair and modernisation of the vulnerable railway lines in Montenegro, in the same way as funding was provided in 2003 for the construction of the Union bridge over the River Morača in the capital Podgorica between the main streets Bulevar Revolucije and Crnogorskih Serdara?
Er bevarelsen og genopbygningen af de sårbare jernbanestrækninger i Montenegro et emne, der har været drøftet som led i associering og stabilitet, og tager Kommissionen initiativer på dette område?
Is the subject of maintaining and repairing the vulnerable railway lines in Montenegro discussed in the association and stability talks, and will the Commission take any steps with regard to this?
SKRIFTLIG FORESPØRGSEL E-4850/05
WRITTEN QUESTION E-4850/05
Om: Det mangelfulde kendskab til EU's medlemsstater hos den unge generation i Serbien og Montenegro og midler til hurtigt at afhjælpe dette forhold
Subject: Inadequate familiarity of the younger generation in Serbia and Montenegro with the EU Member States, and ways of overcoming this isolation in the near future
Er det Kommissionen bekendt, at indbyggerne i forbundsstaten Jugoslavien før 1990 havde langt flere kontakter i den vestlige og nordlige del af Europa, end tilfældet var i andre kommunistisk regerede stater, men at den unge generation i Serbien og Montenegro på nuværende tidspunkt i høj grad er isoleret fra resten af Europa, og at kun en lille del af de studerende har besøgt andre lande?
Is the Commission aware that until 1990 residents of the Federal State of Yugoslavia had far more contacts in western and northern Europe than people in other Communist-governed States did, but that now the younger generation in Serbia and Montenegro is very isolated from the rest of Europe and that very few students have even visited other countries?
Finder Kommissionen det ønskeligt, at indbyggerne i disse lande, der efter al sandsynlighed vil komme til at tilhøre EU i fremtiden, i øjeblikket kun tilegner sig ringe kendskab til opfattelser og erfaringer i andre europæiske lande og derved fortrinsvis får traditionelle forestillinger fra deres eget lande, således at det i sidste instans kun er de personer, der i mangel af fremtidsudsigter bevidst vælger at forlade deres eget land definitivt, som får held med at komme i kontakt med andre?
Is it desirable that residents of these countries, which are now expected to join the EU in the future, should currently be learning little about ideas and experiences in other European countries, so that they are mainly fed traditional ideas from their own country, with the ultimate result that only those who make a conscious choice to leave their country permanently because of a lack of prospects succeed in making contact with the outside world?
I hvilket omfang anspores den i spørgsmål 1 og 2 anført isolation gennem EU-­medlemsstaternes visumordning, som i dag gør det vanskeligere end førhen at opnå tilladelse til midlertidigt ophold?
To what extent is the isolation which is referred to at 1 and 2 above aggravated by the visa regime operated by EU Member States, which now makes it more difficult than in the past to obtain permission to visit them temporarily?
Hvorfor skal Montenegros indbyggere først foretage en lang rejse til Serbien, inden de i Beograd kan ansøge om visum til andre EU-­medlemsstater end Italien og Grækenland?
Why do residents of Montenegro first have to travel all the way to Belgrade, in Serbia, before they can apply for a visa for any EU Member State other than Italy or Greece?
Hvordan kan der hurtigst muligt ske en ændring af denne situation?
How can this situation be remedied without delay?
Er Kommissionen villig til i de videre drøftelser med Serbien og Montenegro om associering og stabilitet at give tilvejebringelsen af en forbedret adgang for deres indbyggere til EU-­området en fortrinsstilling?
In its further association and stability talks with Serbia and Montenegro, will the Commission assign priority to improving access to EU territory for their residents?
SKRIFTLIG FORESPØRGSEL E-4851/05
WRITTEN QUESTION E-4851/05
Om: Montenegros bestræbelser på at opnå uafhængighed og EU's bidrag til nedbringelse af de interne spændinger i forbindelse med folkeafstemningen i 2006
Subject: Montenegro's efforts to secure independence and the EU's contribution to a reduction in the internal tensions connected with the referendum to be held in that country in 2006
Har Rådet taget det til efterretning, at Montenegros regering i overensstemmelse med de for tre år siden og ved EU’s mellemkomst indgåede aftaler mellem Montenegro og Serbien om opløsning af Jugoslavien vil afholde en folkeafstemning i tidsrummet mellem den 19. februar og 1. maj 2006, hvor alle, der i mindst to år har været registreret som indbygger i Montenegro, og som i medfør heraf også har valgret til andre afstemninger (hermed også serbere i landet), kan udtale sig om Montenegros uafhængighed og dermed også om opløsning af statsforbundet mellem Serbien og Montenegro, der aldrig har fungeret i praksis?
Is the Council aware that, in accordance with the agreements concluded three years ago, with EU assistance, between Montenegro and Serbia on the dissolution of Yugoslavia, the Montenegrin Government is intending to hold a referendum between 19 February and 1 May 2006 in which all persons registered as residents of Montenegro for at least two years, and on the basis of which they have the right to vote in other polls (thereby including the Serbs living in the country), will be able to give their views on independence for Montenegro and, accordingly, also on the dissolution of the union between Serbia and Montenegro, a union which, in practice, has never functioned properly?
Har Rådet taget det til efterretning, at der er en stigende polarisering mellem fortalere for og modstandere af uafhængighed internt i Montenegro, hvor serbisk orienterede oppositionspartier trods tilbudet om ligelig offentlig finansiering og ligelig fordeling af sendetid vil boykotte folkeafstemningen for på denne måde at holde valgdeltagelsen under 50 %, som er kravet for valgets gyldighed?
Is the Council aware of the increasing polarisation between supporters and opponents of independence inside Montenegro where, despite the offer of equal government funding and the allocation of equal broadcasting time, Serbian-oriented opposition parties are planning to boycott the referendum so as to ensure that the turnout will remain below the 50 % threshold required for the referendum to be valid?
Er der i Rådets øjne muligheder for at nedbringe modsætningerne internt i Montenegro ved at opfordre Montenegros regering til at kombinere folkeafstemningen og det til september 2006 berammede parlamentsvalg på én og samme dag, således at oppositionen ikke længere kan beskylde regeringen for, at den ihærdigt forsøger at bevare magten ved hjælp af forudgående succes med et populært forslag?
Does the Council think that it might be able to contribute to a reduction in the tensions inside Montenegro if it were to invite the Montenegrin Government to hold the referendum and the parliamentary elections scheduled for September 2006 on one and the same day so that the opposition could then no longer accuse the government of trying to hold on to power by referring to a previous success with a popular proposal?
Er der i Rådets øjne muligheder for at nedbringe modsætningerne internt i Montenegro og mellem Serbien og Montenegro ved at opfordre begge lande til for de kommende år at pålægge deres fælles statsunion en pakke af opgaver, der helt og holdent ligger på linje med EU’s, således at denne statsunion på tidspunktet for de to landes tiltrædelse af EU bliver overflødig og derfor automatisk opløst, samtidig med at de to lande allerede inden denne opløsning hver især kan fungere som fuldgyldigt medlem af De Forenede Nationer?
Does the Council think that it might be able to contribute to a reduction in the tensions inside Montenegro and between Serbia and Montenegro if it were to invite both countries, over the next few years, to set their union a series of objectives which corresponded fully to that set by the EU so that, on the date of accession of both countries to the EU, the union would become redundant and, hence, be automatically dissolved, and, prior to that dissolution, both countries would be able to operate independently of each other as full members of the UN?
Er der i Rådets øjne desuden muligheder for med hensyn til Kosovos status at finde en løsning som ligeberettiget tredjepartner i en sådan midlertidig statsunion?
Does the Council see any further opportunities of finding a solution to the status of Kosovo which would make it an equal third partner in a temporary union of this nature?
Som det vil være det ærede medlem bekendt er muligheden for en folkeafstemning i Montenegro omhandlet i statsunionens forfatning, der blev undertegnet i 2003.
As the Honourable Member knows, the possibility of holding a referendum in Montenegro is provided for in the Constitution of the state union signed in 2003.
Ifølge artikel 60 i forfatningen har medlemsstaterne efter udløbet af en periode på tre år ret til at indlede en procedure med henblik på en ændring i deres status eller for at bryde ud af statsunionen, og en sådan beslutning skal træffes efter en folkeafstemning.
Article 60 thereof stipulates that upon the expiry of a three-year period, Member States of the union have the right to initiate proceedings for a change in their status or for breaking away from the state union, and that the relevant decision is to be taken following a referendum.
For så vidt angår de normer, der skal overholdes ved folkeafstemningen, spiller EU en særlig rolle med hensyn til at sikre fuld legitimitet og gennemsigtighed i forbindelse med denne proces.
Concerning the standards to be met for the referendum, the EU has a specific role in ensuring the full legitimacy and transparency of this process.
I en aftale om ændring af Serbien og Montenegros forfatningscharter, der blev undertegnet den 7. april 2005, er det fastsat, at reglerne for en eventuel folkeafstemning skal bygge på internationalt anerkendte demokratiske normer, og at den stat, der afholder en folkeafstemning, skal samarbejde med Den Europæiske Union om overholdelsen af disse internationale demokratiske normer.
An agreement amending the SaM Constitutional Charter, signed on 7 April 2005, stipulates that the regulations on a possible referendum must be based on internationally recognised democratic standards and that the state organising a referendum will cooperate with the European Union on respecting these international democratic standards.
Efter anmodning fra Europarådets Parlamentariske Forsamling afgav Venedig-kommissionen den 19. december 2005 en udtalelse om foreneligheden af den lovgivning vedrørende folkeafstemninger, der er gældende i Montenegro, med relevante internationale normer.
At the request of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, the Venice Commission issued an Opinion on 19 December 2005 on the compatibility of Montenegro's existing legislation concerning referenda with applicable international standards.
EU hilser denne udtalelse velkommen og støtter henstillingerne heri, navnlig opfordringen til såvel flertallet som oppositionen i Montenegro om at indlede forhandlinger for at nå frem til konsensus om principielle spørgsmål vedrørende afviklingen og gennemførelsen af den foreslåede folkeafstemning.
The EU welcomes this opinion and supports its recommendations, particularly the call to both the majority in power and the opposition in Montenegro to engage in negotiations in order to achieve consensus on matters of principle concerning the conduct and implementation of the proposed referendum.
For at hjælpe parterne under disse forhandlinger udpegede EU's højtstående FUSP-repræsentant den 16. december 2005 en personlig repræsentant.
In order to help the parties in these negotiations, the EU High Representative for CFSP has appointed on 16 December 2005 a Personal Representative.
Rådet gav den 27. februar 2006 udtryk for sin fulde støtte til den højtstående repræsentants personlige repræsentants bestræbelser og initiativer, og denne havde i mellemtiden gjort betydelige fremskridt med at forlige de to parters holdninger.
On 27 February 2006, the Council expressed full support for the efforts and initiatives of the HR Personal Representative who in the meantime had made considerable progress in reconciling the positions of both sides.
Takket være hans mægling lykkedes det regering og opposition at nå til enighed om bestemmelserne i en ny særlov om folkeafstemninger, som blev vedtaget af parlamentet med overvældende flertal den 1. marts.
Eventually, thanks to his facilitation, the government and the opposition could find an agreement on the provisions of a new special law on referendum which was adopted by the parliament with an overwhelming majority on 1 March.
Dagen efter, den 2. marts, godkendte parlamentet enstemmigt indkaldelsen til folkeafstemning den 21. maj 2006.
The following day, on 2 March, the Parliament voted unanimously the call for the referendum on 21 May 2006.
Parlamentet besluttede også at udsætte lokalvalgene, som derfor finder sted til efteråret sammen med parlamentsvalget.
The parliament also agreed to postpone local elections, which will therefore take place in the fall together with the legislative ones.
Særloven om folkeafstemninger fastsætter bl.a., at der skal være ét klart spørgsmål (»Ønsker De, at Republikken Montenegro bliver en uafhængig stat med fuld international og juridisk personlighed?«) og at en beslutning til fordel for uafhængighed anses for at være truffet, hvis 55 % af de gyldige stemmer er for uafhængighed.
The special law on referendum stipulates, inter alia , that there will be one clear question (‘Do you want the Republic of Montenegro to be an independent state with full international and legal personality?’) and that the decision in favour of independence shall be considered to have passed if 55 % of the valid votes are cast for ‘yes’ in favour of independence.
Andre bestemmelser vedrører finansiering af afstemningskampagner, medier, administration af folkeafstemninger, det internationale samfund og lokal observation.
Other provisions are related to the campaign financing, media, referendum administration, IC and local observation.
Spørgsmålet om fremtiden for Statsunionen Serbien og Montenegro bør afgøres på en måde, der beskytter den interne og regionale stabilitet og er forenelig med Serbien og Montenegros fortsatte fremskridt i retning af EU.
The question of the future of the state union of SaM should be dealt with in a way that preserves internal and regional stability and is compatible with the continuing progress of Serbia and Montenegro towards the EU.
Kommissionen konkluderede i sin feasibility-rapport af 12. april 2005, at Serbien og Montenegro i tilstrækkelig grad er klar til at forhandle om en stabiliserings- og associeringsaftale med Fællesskabet og dets medlemsstater.
In its feasibility report of 12 April 2005, the Commission concluded that Serbia and Montenegro was sufficiently prepared to negotiate a stabilisation and association agreement (SAA) with the Community and its Member States.
Rådet godkendte den 25. april 2005 feasibility-rapporten og opfordrede Kommissionen til at forelægge forhandlingsdirektiver for stabiliserings- og associeringsaftalen.
On 25 April 2005, the EU Council endorsed the feasibility report and invited the Commission to submit draft negotiating directives for the SAA.
Efter Rådets afgørelse om fastlæggelse af forhandlingsdirektiverne indledte Kommissionen i oktober 2005 første runde af forhandlingerne med Serbien og Montenegro.
Following the Council's decision establishing the negotiating directives, the Commission opened the first round of negotiations with Serbia and Montenegro in October 2005.
Muligheden for EU-medlemskab er åben for alle lande i det vestlige Balkan.
The perspective of EU membership is open to all countries in the western Balkans.
For så vidt angår Kosovos status blev det i Det Europæiske Råds erklæring fra juni 2005 gjort klart, hvad EU forventer af begge parter.
Concerning the status of Kosovo the Declaration on Kosovo by the European Council of June 2005 made clear what the EU expects from the parties.
Både Pristina og Beograd blev indtrængende opfordret til ikke at modarbejde gennemførelsen af de krævede normer i Kosovo.
Both Belgrade and Pristina were urged not to obstruct the implementation of the required standards in Kosovo.
De blev anmodet om at vise deres gode vilje i processen vedrørende landets status, så de kan nå frem til en løsning, der kan accepteres af begge parter.
They were asked to show goodwill in the status process in order to achieve a mutually acceptable solution.
Beograd blev ligeledes opfordret til at tilskynde serberne i Kosovo til at deltage i den demokratiske proces i Kosovo.
Belgrade was also asked to encourage the Kosovo Serbs to participate in the democratic process in Kosovo.
Det Europæiske Råd fastslog, at enhver løsning skal være fuldt ud forenelig med de europæiske værdier og normer og bidrage til gennemførelsen af det europæiske perspektiv for Kosovo og regionen.
The European Council stated that any solution must be fully compatible with European values and norms and contribute to the European perspective of Kosovo and the region.
Det erklærede også, at fastlæggelsen af Kosovos status skal øge sikkerheden og stabiliteten i regionen, og at løsninger, der er ensidige, eller som gennemtvinges ved magt, derfor ikke kan accepteres.
It also declared that the determination of Kosovo's status had to reinforce the security and stability of the region and therefore any solution that was unilateral or resulted from the use of force would be unacceptable.
Det gjorde det ligeledes klart, at Kosovo ikke vender tilbage til situationen før marts 1999.
It was also made clear that Kosovo would not return to the situation before March 1999.
SKRIFTLIG FORESPØRGSEL E-4852/05
WRITTEN QUESTION E-4852/05
Om: Situationen for Taciana Khoma
Subject: Situation of Taciana Khoma
Den 25. november blev studenten Taciana Khoma orienteret om, at hun ville blive relegeret fra Belarus' statslige økonomiske universitet (BSEU) i Minsk.
On 25 November, Taciana Khoma, a student at the Belarus State Economic University (BSEU), was informed that she had been expelled from the university with immediate effect.
Samme blev hun tvunget til at forlade sit værelse.
She was also forced to leave her room in the hall of residence on the same day.
Årsagen til relegeringen var, at Taciane Khoma en uge tidligere havde deltaget i en konference i Reims og der var blevet valgt til bestyrelsen for ESIB (National Unions of Students in Europe).
The reason for the expulsion was that, a week earlier, Taciana Khoma had taken part in a conference in Rheims where she was elected to the executive committee of the ESIB (National Unions of Students in Europe).
Der er flere foruroligende eksempler i Belarus på, at studenter, der engagerer sig i forskellige studenterorganisationer, relegeres eller udsættes for pres for at ophøre med dette engagement.
There are several disquieting examples in Belarus of students who are active in various student organisations being expelled or subjected to pressure to give up their involvement.
Taciana Khomas sag har vakt stor opmærksomhed internationalt.
The case of Taciana Khoma has attracted a great deal of international attention.
Sammen med forskellige studenterbevægelser har bl.a. den svenske undervisningsminister anmodet rektor for BSEU om at annullere sin beslutning.
Together with various student movements, the Swedish Education Minister has also asked the rector of the BSEU to revoke his decision.
Den 2. december 2005 meddelte professor Georg Winckler, formand for European University Alliance, at sammenslutningen har besluttet at suspendere BSEU's medlemskab indtil videre.
On 2 December 2005, Professor Georg Winckler, President of the European University Association, announced that the association had decided to suspend the BSEU's membership until further notice.
Desuden opfordrer professor Winckler de 750 medlemsinstitutioner til at afbryde alt samarbejde med BSEU.
Professor Winckler also calls on the 750 affiliated institutions to cease all cooperation with the BSEU.
Hvilke foranstaltninger vil Kommissionen træffe for at hjælpe Taciane Khoma og for at modvirke det pres, engagerede studenter i Belarus udsættes for?
What measures is the Council prepared to take in support of Taciana Khoma and to combat the pressure to which students in Belarus who are actively involved in various organisations are subjected?
Den vanskelige situation for menneskerettigheder og grundlæggende frihedsrettigheder i Belarus giver anledning til stor bekymring i Den Europæiske Union.
The difficult situation of human rights and fundamental freedoms in Belarus is a matter of grave concern to the European Union.
Rådet har i sine mange erklæringer i den seneste tid og i Rådets konklusioner af 7. november 2005 og 30. januar 2006 givet udtryk for sin utvetydige støtte til civilsamfundet i Belarus og indtrængende henstillet til de belarussiske myndigheder fuldt ud at respektere hele den belarussiske befolknings borgerlige rettigheder og friheder.
In its numerous recent declarations and in Council conclusions of 7 November 2005 and 30 January 2006, the Council expressed its unequivocal support for civil society in Belarus and urged the Belarusian authorities to respect fully the civil rights and liberties of the Belarusian population at large.
Rådet har aktivt opfordret til mellemfolkelige kontakter mellem Belarus og EU og er særlig bekymret over Belarus' nuværende styres isolationistiske tendenser.
The Council has been active in encouraging people-to-people contacts between Belarus and the EU and is particularly worried about the self-isolationist tendencies of the present regime in Belarus.
Rådet tillægger studenter- og ungdomsudvekslingsprogrammer stor betydning som et middel til gradvis demokratisering af landet og har opfordret Kommissionen til at lægge særlig vægt på disse og afsætte særlige midler dertil til trods for de skrappe restriktioner, som de belarussiske myndigheder har indført.
The Council attaches great importance to student and youth exchange programmes as a means for the gradual democratisation of the country and has encouraged the Commission to devote particular attention and resources to this issue, despite stringent restrictions imposed by the Belarusian authorities.
EU yder blandt andre programmer en betydelig finansiel støtte til Det Europæiske Humanistiske Universitet, der fortsætter sit arbejde i eksil i Vilnius, efter at det blev lukket af de belarussiske myndigheder i Minsk.
Amongst other programmes, the EU provides significant financial support for the European Humanities University, which continues its work in exile in Vilnius after having been closed down by the Belarusian authorities in Minsk.
Rådet har konsekvent givet udtryk for sin bekymring over indgriben i sådanne kontakter og programmer over for de belarussiske myndigheder.
The Council has consistently raised its concerns with Belarusian authorities about interference with such contacts and programmes.
Der er under disse møder gjort opmærksom på forskellige individuelle tilfælde.
In the course of these encounters, various individual cases have been highlighted for attention.