natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Ud over en redaktionel del indeholder den en kalenderdel, hvori hverken religiøse eller nationale helligdage er opført systematisk.
In addition to an editorial part, it includes an agenda, which does not systematically list holidays, either religious or national ones.
For hver uge findes en fodnote, hvori et emne tages op, som unge mennesker i Europa ikke nødvendigvis er opmærksomme på.
These weekly pages include a footnote with a fact of which young people in Europe are not necessarily aware.
Nogle af disse fodnoter omhandler forskellige religioners helligdage.
Some of these footnotes mention holidays of different religions.
Det var her den beklagelige udeladelse af kristne helligdage opstod.
This is where the regrettable omission of Christian holidays occurred.
Den næste udgave (2011/2012), der er på vej, kommer til at indeholde en liste over de vigtigste officielle fri- og helligdage, herunder religiøse helligdage, der fejres i de enkelte medlemsstater.
The future edition (2011/2012), which is under way, will include a list of the main public holidays, including religious holidays, celebrated in each of the Member States.
Forespørgsel til skriftlig besvarelse E-000011/2011
Question for written answer E-000011/2011
Om: Supplerende oplysninger om forvaltningsplaner for vandområdedistrikter i Grækenland
Subject: Supplementary information on river basin management in Greece
I hr. Potočniks svar på Kommissionens vegne (E‑8705/10 af 9.12.2010) på min tidligere forespørgsel (E‑8705/2010) om forvaltningsplaner for vandområdedistrikter i Grækenland, anføres det, at Grækenland: a) råder over en plan for et overvågningsnetværk, b) ikke har fremsendt forvaltningsplanerne inden fristen den 22. marts 2010, og at c) Kommissionen ikke kender noget til finansiering af forvaltningsplaner med EU‑midler.
In his reply on behalf of the Commission, to an earlier question of mine ((E‑8705/10, 9.12.2010) on river basin management in Greece, Mr Potočnik stated that: (a) Greece has a network monitoring plan, (b) Greece has not submitted the management plans, as it should have done by 22 March, 2010, and (c) the Commission is not aware of EU funding devoted to the drawing up of river basin management plans in Greece.
Grækenlands Miljøministerium har imidlertid finansieret udarbejdelsen af forslag til forvaltningsplaner for vandområdedistrikter til et samlet beløb på 13 991 906,91 EUR, der samfinansieres med EU‑midler — gennem EPPERAA-programmet http://www.ypeka.gr/Default.aspx?tabid=248 og http://www.ypeka.gr/Default.aspx?tabid=473. .
However, the Greek Ministry for the Environment (YPEKA) has financed the drawing-up of proposals for river basin management plans, to the tune of EUR 13 991 906.91 in total, with co-funding from European funds through the Operational Program for the Environment Sustainable Development (EPPERAA) http://www.ypeka.gr/Default.aspx?tabid=248 e http://www.ypeka.gr/Default.aspx?tabid=473 .
Disse udbudsbekendtgørelser har været offentliggjort i EU‑Tidende http://ted.europa.eu/udl?uri=TED:NOTICE:263598-2010:TEXT:EL:HTML. .
The relevant notice has been published in the Official Journal of the EU http://ted.europa.eu/udl?uri=TED:NOTICE:263598-2010:TEXT:EN:HTML .
Samtidig fremgår det af de oplysninger, jeg har til rådighed, at Grækenland ikke råder over de nødvendige redskaber til at gennemføre disse planer.
At the same time, the data available to me show that Greece does not have the tools required to proceed with such plans.
Der er hverken data, som kan understøtte klassificeringen af vandområderne ud fra deres økologiske og kemiske tilstand, eller redskaber til at vurdere, hvor stor fare de er i.
It has neither the data to support the designation of the ecological and chemical status of bodies of water, nor the tools to assess the degree of risk.
Har den fået bekræftet, at den plan for et overvågningsnetværk, som medlemsstaten har forelagt, fungerer, og at der produceres data?
Has it verified whether the plan for a monitoring system submitted by the Member State in question is up and running and that data are being produced?
Sætter den spørgsmålstegn ved troværdigheden af de oplysninger, som jeg fremlagde i min tidligere forespørgsel, nærmere bestemt udbudsbekendtgørelsen i EU‑tidende 2 ?
Does it question the credibility of the data cited in my earlier question, in particular in the publication which appeared in the Official Journal of the EU 2 ?
Såfremt den kan bekræfte, at der er iværksat udarbejdelse af forslag til forvaltningsplaner for vandområdedistrikter med EU‑medfinansiering gennem EPPERAA-programmet, hvad agter den i så fald at gøre for at hindre, at midlerne går til spilde?
Should it confirm the award of the contract for proposals for river basin management plans with co-funding by the EU through EPPERAA, what does it intend to do to prevent resources being wasted?
Forespørgsel til skriftlig besvarelse E-000012/2011
Question for written answer E-000012/2011
Om: Finansiering af motorvej mellem Moskva og Skt. Petersborg
Subject: Financing the Moscow-St.Petersburg motorway
Den 14. december meddelte den russiske regering, at den vil igangsætte opførelsen af motorvejen mellem Moskva og Skt. Petersborg, som kommer til at gå igennem den værdifulde skov Khimki.
On 14 December the Russian government announced that it would finally go ahead with the construction of the Moscow-St.Petersburg motorway along a route that passes through the environmentally valuable Khimki forest.
Denne konkrete beliggenhed vurderes at få alvorlige miljømæssige konsekvenser for skovøkosystemet.
This development is expected to have a significant environmental impact on the forest ecosystem.
Samtidig er der registreret episoder med alvorlige voldshandlinger mod borgere, der deltager i demonstrationer mod dette projekt http://www.bellona.org/articles/articles_2010/EC_notoKhimki.http://www.bankwatch.org/newsroom/releases.shtml?x=2269008.http://www.bankwatch.org/newsroom/releases.shtml?x=2269864. .
At the same time, there have been instances of citizens involved in protests against the project being very severely beaten http://www.bellona.org/articles/articles_2010/EC_notoKhimkihttp://www.bankwatch.org/newsroom/releases.shtml?x=2269008http://www.bankwatch.org/newsroom/releases.shtml?x=2269864 .
Den Europæiske Investeringsbank (EIB) og Den Europæiske Bank for Genopbygning og Udvikling (EBGU) vil sandsynligvis finansiere opførelsen af motorvejen.
The European Investment Bank (EIB) and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) are potential sources of funding for the project.
Da EIB's investeringsbudget hovedsagelig kommer fra EU‑landene, og Kommissionen er repræsenteret i EIB's styrelsesråd, bedes Kommissionen oplyse følgende:
Given that the EIB's investment budget comes mainly from EU Member States and that the Commission is represented on EIB's Board of Directors, will the Commission say:
Hvorledes ser den på det konkrete projekt og på en eventuel samfinansiering med europæiske midler?
What is its position on this project and the possible use of European funds to co-fund it?
Blev spørgsmålet om projektets miljømæssige konsekvenser og overtrædelse af aktivisternes menneskerettigheder bragt op på det seneste topmøde mellem EU og Rusland den 7. december?
Were the issues of the environmental impact of the project and the violation of the human rights of activists raised at the recent (7 December) EU‑Russia summit meeting?
Har EIB gennemført sin bedømmelse af projektet med henblik på en eventuel finansiering?
Has the EIB completed its evaluation of the project with a view to possible funding?
Opfylder projektet EIB's og EBGU's forskrifter med hensyn til gennemsigtighed, miljøbeskyttelse og respekt for menneskerettighederne for de projekter, disse banker finansierer?
Does the project meet the specifications of the EIB and the EBRD on transparency, environmental protection and respect for human rights in respect of projects to be funded?
Forespørgsel til skriftlig besvarelse E-000013/2011
Question for written answer E-000013/2011
Sophia in 't Veld (ALDE) , Renate Weber (ALDE) og Baroness Sarah Ludford (ALDE)
Sophia in ’t Veld (ALDE) , Renate Weber (ALDE) and Baroness Sarah Ludford (ALDE)
Om: Ungarsk medielov
Subject: Hungarian Media Law
Den 7. september erklærede Kommissionen på plenarmødet i Parlamentet, at artikel 7 har til formål at dække situationer, som enten omfatter en grov eller vedvarende overtrædelse af de værdier, der er fastsat i artikel 2 i EU‑traktaten, eller som indebærer en klar fare for en grov overtrædelse af sidstnævnte.
On 7 September the Commission stated before the plenary of the European Parliament that ‘Article 7 aims to cover situations which either constitute a serious and persistent breach of values laid down in Article 2 of the TEU or create a clear risk of a serious breach of the latter.
Situationen omkring medierne i de forskellige medlemsstater opfylder efter Kommissionens opfattelse ikke de nødvendige krav til at iværksætte proceduren i henhold til artikel 7.
In the Commission’s opinion, the situation regarding the media in the various Member States does not fulfil the conditions necessary to trigger the article 7 procedure’.
Den 20. december vedtog det ungarske parlament en ny medielov, som gør det muligt for regeringen at have indflydelse på medieindhold.
On 20 December the Hungarian Parliament passed a new Media Law that enables the Government to exercise influence over media content.
Der er fastsat meget store bøder for at overtræde loven — op imod 700 000 EUR.
The fines for violating the law are extremely heavy, up to EUR 700 000.
Mener Kommissionen, at den ungarske medielov er forenelig med artikel 2 i traktaten?
Does the Commission consider the new Hungarian Media Law to be compatible with Article 2 of the Treaty?
Mener Kommissionen, at den nye medielov og navnlig de uoverkommelige bøder vil føre til selvcensur?
Does the Commission consider that the new Media Law, and particularly the prohibitive fines, will lead to self-censorship?
Mener Kommissionen, at regeringens indgriben i medieindholdet er en grov og vedvarende overtrædelse af værdierne som fastsat i artikel 2 i EU‑traktaten?
Does the Commission not consider government interference with media content a ‘serious and persistent breach of the values’ laid down in Article 2 TEU?
I benægtende fald kan Kommissionen som traktaternes vogter så oplyse, hvad der vil blive opfattet som en grov og vedvarende overtrædelse?
If not, can the Commission, being the guardian of the Treaties, indicate what would be considered to be a ‘serious and persistent’ breach?
Deler Kommissionen Parlamentets og forskellige civilsamfundsorganisationers ofte fremhævede bekymring om de stigende begrænsninger for pressefriheden i de forskellige EU‑medlemsstater?
Does the Commission share the concerns expressed repeatedly by the European Parliament and various civil-society organisations about the growing restrictions of freedom of the press in various EU Member States?
Agter Kommissionen at foretage sin egen undersøgelse af pressefriheden i Europa?
Will the Commission carry out its own study of freedom of the press in Europe?
Mener Kommissionen, at en lov som den ungarske medielov er forenelig med Københavnskriterierne, og vil et kandidatland med en sådan lov kunne kvalificere sig til EU‑medlemskab?
Does the Commission consider that a law like the Hungarian Media Law is compatible with the Copenhagen criteria, and would a candidate country with such a law qualify for membership of the EU?
Forespørgsel til skriftlig besvarelse E-000014/2011
Question for written answer E-000014/2011
(18. januar 2011)
(13 January 2011)
Om: VP/HR — Domfældelse af russiske oligarker
Subject: VP/HR — Conviction of Russian oligarchs
Den 27. december 2010 fandt en domstol i Moskva Mikhail Khodorkovski, der er tidligere leder af olieselskabet »Jukos«, og hans forretningspartner Platon Lebedev skyldige i underslæb.
On 27 December 2010 a court in Moscow declared the former head of the Yukos oil company, Mikhail Khodorkovsky, and his business partner, Platon Lebedev, guilty of embezzlement.
Domstolen fastslog, at Mikhail Khodorkovski og Platon Lebedev har tilegnet sig fremmed ejendom i en sammensværgelse med en gruppe personer, og at de har udnyttet deres tjenesteposition.
The court found that Khodorkovsky and Lebedev had committed theft, acting in collusion with a group of people and profiting from their position.
De risikerer op til 14 års fængsel.
They risk a 14-year prison sentence.
Siden maj 2005 har Mikhail Khodorkovski og Platon Lebedev afsonet en straf på otte års arbejdslejr for påstået skattesvig og skatteunddragelse.
Since May 2005, Khodorkovsky and Lebedev have already been serving an eight-year sentence for fraud and tax evasion.
Mikhail Khodorkovski og Platon Lebedev er blevet nutidige politiske fanger.
Mikhail Khodorkovsky and Platon Lebedev have become the political prisoners of our era.
Formålet med myndighedernes tiltag har ikke blot været at retsforfølge for forbrydelser, men også at ødelægge en politisk modstander, at intimidere politiske modstandere og genvinde kontrollen med strategiske statslige økonomiske ressourcer.
In this case, the authorities were aiming not only to prosecute an offence but also to destroy a political opponent, scare political adversaries and allow the State to take back control of strategic economic resources.
Den russiske domstols kendelse viser, at Den Russiske Føderation fortsat er en »lovløs« stat, et land, hvor ingen kan føle sig sikre, et land, der ikke sikrer borgerne ret til en retfærdig rettergang.
The Russian court’s decision shows that the Russian Federation is still a State where the rule of law does not apply, a country where nobody can feel safe, where citizens no longer have the right to a fair trial.
Jeg vil derfor spørge, om Kommissionen har kendskab til uredelige processer i Rusland og tilfælde, hvor retssystemet ikke respekterer menneskerettighederne?
In view of the above, can the Commission say whether it is aware of the problem of lack of integrity in trials in Russia and cases of the judicial system failing to respect human rights?
I denne forbindelse vil jeg gerne spørge, om Kommissionen har til hensigt at gribe ind over for domfældelsen af Mikhail Khodorkovski og Platon Lebedev?
Does the Commission intend to intervene with regard to the guilty verdict against Khodorkovsky and Lebedev?
Forespørgsel til skriftlig besvarelse E-000015/2011
Question for written answer E-000015/2011
Om: En bølge af undertrykkelse i Belarus
Subject: Wave of repression in Belarus
Efter begivenhederne den 19. december 2010 og den voldsomme spredning af oppositionens fredelige demonstration er der indledt en krig mod de frie medier og demokratiske organisationer.
Following the events of 19 December 2010 and the brutal breaking up of a peaceful opposition protest, war has been declared on the independent media and democratic organisations in Belarus.
I de seneste dage er der foretaget arrestationer og ransagninger hjemme hos demokratiske aktivister, og de uafhængige mediers kontorer angribes.
Over the last few days more democratic activists have been arrested and had their houses searched and the offices of independent media outlets have been raided.
Hundredvis af mennesker er fortsat i arresthusene.
Hundreds of people are still being detained.
23 oppositionsledere risikerer sågar op til 15 års fængsel.
Twenty-three opposition leaders are even being threatened with 15 years in jail.
Ransagningerne er foretaget hjemme hos menneskerettighedsforkæmperne Vjatjeslav Sivtjik og Oleg Voltjek, tidligere præsidentkandidater Aleksej Mikhajlevitj og Andrej Sannikov, der i øjeblikket er fængslet hos KGB, hans svigerfar, filmdramatikeren Vladimir Tjalip, repræsentanter for Mikol Statkevitjs stab samt journalisten Natalia Radinoj fra »Charter 97«.
Raids have been carried out on the homes of the human rights activists Viacheslav Sivchik and Oleg Volchek, the former presidential candidates Alexei Mikhalevich and Andrei Sannikov, with the latter currently being held in the KGB prison, the dramatist Vladimir Khalip, who is also Sannikov's father-in-law, colleagues of Nikolai Statkevich and the Charter 97 journalist Natalia Radina.
Aktivisterne har fået beslaglagt computere, notater og materialer fra valgkampen.
The activists have had their computers, notes and election campaign material confiscated.
De belarussiske myndigheder har også rettet deres blik mod de proeuropæiske medier.
The Belarusian authorities have also turned their attention to the pro-European media.
Redaktionen på »europæisk radio for Belarus« er blevet ransaget og har fået alt kontorudstyr beslaglagt.
The offices of European Radio for Belarus have been raided and all its office equipment seized.
Om natten mellem den 25. og 26. december blev Belsats kontor i Minsk angrebet.
During the night of 25-26 December 2010 Bielsat's office in Minsk was also raided.
Studerende, der den 19. december deltog i den fredelige demonstration på Selvstændighedspladsen, bliver forvist fra læreanstalterne.
Students who took part in the peaceful demonstration at Independence Square on 19 December 2010 have been expelled from their universities.
Forskere fra læreanstalterne udsættes også for sanktioner.
Similar punishments have been meted out to researchers.
Det er nødvendigt at udtrykke stærk modstand mod den bølge af undertrykkelse, som politiske modstandere og uafhængige medier i Belarus udsættes for.
The wave of repression against opposition activists and members of the independent media in Belarus must be strongly condemned.
Forespørgsel til skriftlig besvarelse E-000016/2011
Question for written answer E-000016/2011
Om: Fortsat undertrykkelse af belarussiske oppositionsfolk
Subject: Persistent repression of Belarus opposition activists
Folk, der blev idømt 10 dages fængsel, har genvundet deres frihed.
Those to be released were sentenced to ten days’ imprisonment.
Omkring halvdelen af de 639 personer, der blev anholdt i forbindelse med politiets spredning af oppositionens demonstration, forlader fængslet.
Of the 639 persons arrested when the opposition demonstration was dispersed by the police, about half will be set free.
Oppositionsfolkene protesterede mod det forfalskede præsidentvalg, der blev afholdt den 19. december.
These activists were demonstrating against the rigging of the presidential election held on 19 December.
I mellemtiden fortsætter de belarussiske efterretningstjenester med at chikanere oppositionen.
Meanwhile Belarus special services are continuing their harassment of the opposition.
Flere andre aktivister fra oppositionen har også fået deres bopæl ransaget.
The homes of several other opposition activists were also searched.
Jeg vil derfor gerne spørge Kommissionen, om den har til hensigt at gribe ind over for den vedvarende undertrykkelse af de belarussiske oppositionsfolk?
In view of the above, could the Commission state whether it will be intervening with regard to the persistent repression of Belarus opposition activists?
Forespørgsel til skriftlig besvarelse E-000017/2011
Question for written answer E-000017/2011
Om: Andrei Sannikaus sag
Subject: Andrei Sannikov affair
Andrei Sannikau, der er en belarussisk oppositionsaktivist, tidligere redaktør for websiden Charter 97 og præsidentkandidat, er blevet tortureret i fængslet.
Andrei Sannikov, the Belarusian opposition activist, former editor-in-chief of Charter 97 and presidential candidate, has been tortured in prison.
Hans advokat oplyser, at han nok har brækket benene, og at den måde, han taler på, kan tyde på en skade i hjernen.
His lawyer has said that his client's legs are probably broken and his speech indicates that he may have suffered brain damage.
Han skal omgående have lægebehandling.
He needs urgent medical care.
Andrei Sannikau blev såret, da politiet undertrykte protesterne mod den påståede svindel ved valget den 19. december 2010.
Andrei Sannikov was injured when police broke up the demonstration held in protest at the alleged falsification of the 19 December 2010 election results.
Ifølge øjenvidner pressede politikfolk ham i jorden med et skjold, hvorefter de hoppede på det og knuste hans ben.
According to eyewitnesses, police officers held him on the ground with a riot shield and jumped on him, breaking his legs.
Vidner hævder, at han ikke havde synlige kvæstelser i hovedet på dette tidspunkt.
Eyewitnesses say that at this point he had no visible head injury.
Hans kone Irina Khalip, der var sammen med ham, blev slået i ansigtet og ligeledes anholdt.
Sannikov's wife, Irina Khalip, who was with him, was struck in the face and also arrested.
Hans advokat fik lov til at se ham den 20. december om aftenen.
Sannikov's lawyer was allowed to see him on the evening of 20 December.
Disse nye skader tyder på, at han er blevet slået på tilbageholdelsesstedet.
These fresh wounds indicate that he has been beaten while in detention.
Jeg vil derfor gerne spørge Kommissionen, om den har til hensigt at gribe ind til fordel for Andrei Sannikau?
In light of the above, does the Commission intend to intervene on behalf of Andrei Sannikov?
Forespørgsel til skriftlig besvarelse E-000018/2011
Question for written answer E-000018/2011
Om: Biomassedrevet kraftværk i Russi og fare for borgernes sundhed
Subject: Danger to the public of the Russi biomass power station
I Russi (i provinsen Ravenna, Italien) er der for tiden et projekt under udarbejdelse vedrørende omstilling af den tidligere sukkerfabrik Eridania-Sadam til et biomassedrevet kraftværk med en effekt på 30 MW.
Plans are currently being prepared to convert the former Eridania-Sadam sugar processing plant at Russi (Province of Ravenna) into a 30 MW biomass power station.
Omstillingsaftalen, som blev indgået i 2007 mellem lokale myndigheder, fagforeninger, Eridania-Sadam s.p.a. og Powercrop s.r.l., indebærer, at sidstnævnte virksomhed, inden anlægget sættes i drift, indgår aftaler til fremskaffelse af træcellulosebiomasser svarende til kraftværkets behov.
Under an agreement signed in 2007 between the local authorities, the trade unions, Eridania–Sadam S.p.A . and Powercrop S.r.l . , the latter was to enter into contracts for the supply of lignocellulosic biomass to meet the power station’s needs prior to its entering into operation.
Disse aftaler er aldrig blevet indgået, eftersom det ikke er muligt at fremskaffe en tilstrækkelig mængde rester til at forsyne et anlæg af en sådan størrelse (270 000 t/år), hvilket betyder, at det vil være nødvendigt at foretage »ad hoc«-plantning til forbrændingen.
Those contracts have not been signed as it is impossible to find sufficient quantities of wood discards to fuel a power station of that size (270 000 tonnes per year), meaning that trees would have to be planted for burning, and local farmers are opposed to this.
Det antages, at anlægget, når det sættes i drift, som forbrændingsmateriale også vil kunne modtage fast kommunalt affald eller biomasse fra andre områder med en samlet negativ energibalance.
It could be that once the power station is in operation, it might even be fuelled with solid urban waste or biomass from other areas, thereby using more energy than it generates.
Regionen Emilia Romagna har hele to gange forkastet omstillingsprojektet på baggrund af en miljøkonsekvensvurdering.
Twice, the Emilia Romagna Regional Government has rejected the conversion project at the environmental impact assessment stage.
Det skal i øvrigt oplyses, at projektet møder hård modstand hos den lokale befolkning, som rimeligt nok ikke begriber, hvorfor der skal etableres et anlæg, der samlet set ikke producerer merværdi eller anden energimæssig eller beskæftigelsesmæssig værdi, og som samtidig medfører tydelig skade for miljøet og alvorlig sundhedsrisiko for borgerne.
Lastly, there is strong opposition from local residents since, quite reasonably, they cannot conceive of a power station that is of no added, energy or job–creation value, and which would also damage the environment and pose a serious risk to their health.