natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
Spørgsmålet om lovlig indvandring er et interessant eksempel på lovgivningsmæssig skizofreni, idet Rådet nægter at udvide anvendelsen af proceduren med fælles beslutningstagning i overensstemmelse med den gældende traktat, mens regeringerne anerkender fornuften i en sådan udvidelse og forbereder sig på at underskrive en traktat, der gør denne procedure forfatningsmæssig.
The case of legal immigration is an interesting example of legislative schizophrenia, in which the Council refuses to extend the scope of codecision in compliance with the provisions of the Treaty in force, but even the governments recognise the legitimacy of such an extension and are preparing to sign a treaty which will constitutionalise the procedure.
Kvalificeret flertal er en forudsætning for, at vi kan træffe de beslutninger, folk forventer af EU.
Acting by a qualified majority is indispensable if we are to be in a position to take the decisions which public opinion expects of the EU.
Det er ikke et diktatur, men et redskab som gør det lettere at finde løsninger, som er acceptable for alle.
This is not tantamount to a dictatorship; rather, it makes it easier to find solutions which are acceptable to everyone.
Institutionerne kan ganske vist ikke løfte opgaven alene, men fastlæggelsen af den institutionelle ramme er afgørende for et godt resultat.
Obviously, the institutions do not do everything, but improving the institutional framework is essential for success.
Europa-Parlamentets lovgivningsmæssige beslutning om forslag til Rådets afgørelse om indgåelse af en aftale mellem EU og Canada om behandling af forhåndsinformation om passagerer .
European Parliament legislative resolution on the proposal for a Council decision on the conclusion of an Agreement between the EC and Canada on the processing of Advance Passenger Information
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Europa-Parlamentets støtte til "den orange revolution" i Ukraine er et skridt i retning af en mere ambitiøs naboskabspolitik for det udvidede EU.
The European Parliament’s support for the ‘Orange Revolution’ in Ukraine is a step towards an ambitious Wider Europe - Neighbourhood policy.
Denne holdning afspejler en vision om en naboskabspolitik, hvor demokratiet og retsstaten er en forudsætning for folkeslagenes fredelige sameksistens, og hvor økonomiske og sociale reformer går hånd i hånd med respekten for demokrati og menneskerettigheder.
This stance reflects a vision of the neighbourhood policy in which democracy and the rule of law are preconditions for the peaceful coexistence of peoples, and where economic and social reform go hand in hand with respect for democracy and human rights.
Europa-Parlamentet har fulgt den politiske situation i Ukraine tæt, siden partnerskabs- og samarbejdsaftalen mellem EU og Ukraine trådte i kraft den 1. marts 1998.
Since the entry into force on 1 March 1998 of the partnership and cooperation agreement between the EU and Ukraine, the European Parliament has been closely following the political situation in the country.
Inden for rammerne af et parlamentarisk samarbejdsudvalg, som blev oprettet med det formål at overvåge gennemførelsen af denne aftale, har medlemmerne af Europa-Parlamentet konstant arbejdet for en styrkelse af de bilaterale forbindelser med Ukraine.
Within the framework of a Parliamentary Cooperation Committee set up to ensure implementation of the agreement, MEPs have worked to forge closer bilateral ties with Ukraine.
En delegation af medlemmer af Europa-Parlamentet besøgte Kijev i september 2003, hvor præsident Kutjma opfordrede Europa-Parlamentet til at overvåge præsidentvalget det følgende år.
During the visit of an EP delegation to Kiev in September 2003, President Kuchma invited the European Parliament to send observers to the presidential election due to take place the following year.
Parlamentet havde allerede sendt observatører til parlamentsvalget i 2002.
Parliament had already sent monitors to the parliamentary elections of 2002.
Præsidentvalget i 2004 blev både i Ukraine og af europæiske og amerikanske iagttagere betragtet som et afgørende vendepunkt i landets politiske udvikling.
The 2004 presidential election was regarded both in Ukraine and by European and American observers as a decisive turning point in the country’s political development.
Men knap tre dage før den første valgrunde beklagede Europa-Parlamentet i en beslutning af 28. oktober 2004 den stadig mere anspændte atmosfære i valgkampen samt statsadministrationens og mediernes inddragelse til fordel for den afgående premierminister Viktor Janukovitj og mod oppositionslederen, Viktor Jusjtjenko.
But barely three days before the first round of the presidential elections, in a resolution adopted on 28 October 2004, the European Parliament was deploring the increasingly tense atmosphere of the election campaign and the involvement of the administration and the media on the side of Victor Yanukovych, the outgoing Prime Minister, to the detriment of the leader of the opposition, Viktor Yushchenko.
Parlamentet opfordrede de ukrainske myndigheder til "at standse krænkelserne af de demokratiske procedurer" .
Parliament also urged the Ukrainian authorities ‘ to put an end to the ongoing violations of democratic procedures’ .
Den 29. oktober ankom en delegation på syv medlemmer af Europa-Parlamentet til Ukraine og sluttede sig til delegationerne fra de parlamentariske forsamlinger i Europarådet, Organisationen for Sikkerhed og Samarbejde i Europa (OSCE) og NATO.
On 29 October, a delegation of seven MEPs arrived in Ukraine, joining up with the delegations from the parliamentary assemblies of the Council of Europe, the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and NATO.
Marek Siwiec (PSE, PL) var formand for delegationen fra Europa-Parlamentet, og Charles Tannock (PPE-DE, UK) var næstformand.
Marek Siwiec (PES, PL) led the EP delegation and Charles Tannock (EPP-ED, UK) was the vice-chair.
Under ledelse af Marek Siwiec, som er polsk medlem af Den Socialdemokratiske Gruppe, konstaterede delegationen, at valgkampen havde været præget af alvorlige uregelmæssigheder: Kandidaten Janukovitj havde anvendt offentlige midler, andre kandidaters frie bevægelighed var blevet begrænset, og medierne havde ført en partisk kampagne.
Under Mr Siwiec, a Polish member of the Socialist Group, the delegation concluded that the campaign had been marred by worrying factors such as the use of state funds by Mr Yanukovych, restrictions on the free movement of other candidates and campaign bias in the media.
Parlamentsmedlemmerne observerede også direkte visse praktiske problemer på valgstederne såsom fejlbehæftede valglister og utilstrækkeligt udstyr.
MEPs also themselves observed practical problems in the polling stations, including defective electoral rolls and inadequate equipment.
Men generelt lod det til, at valget forløb rimelig normalt på langt de fleste af de valgsteder, der blev besøgt.
In general, however, the vote seemed to go off fairly normally in the large majority of polling stations they visited.
I stedet for straks at give en endelig vurdering foretrak delegationen af medlemmer af Europa-Parlamentet at afvente den anden valgrunde, som skulle finde sted den 21. november, og hvor der var risiko for langt mere problematiske forhold.
The European observers reserved judgment until the second round, scheduled for 21 November, which seemed likely to take place in far more sensitive circumstances.
Valgkampens atmosfære forværredes faktisk betydeligt mellem de to valgrunder, navnlig på grund af mistanke om omfattende svindel.
The atmosphere of the campaign in fact deteriorated considerably between the two rounds, particularly as widespread fraud had been suspected.
Ved den anden valgrunde konstaterede parlamentsmedlemmerne manglende gennemsigtighed og manglende kontrol, især i de lokale valgkommissioner.
On the day of the second round MEPs noted the lack of transparency and verification of the democratic process, particularly by the Territorial Electoral Commissions.
Sidst på aftenen havde parlamentsmedlemmerne en følelse af, at stemmeoptællingen ville vise, at Jusjtjenko havde vundet, hvilket også syntes at fremgå af de såkaldte "exit polls".
At the end of election night, the MEPs felt that the real vote count was producing a victory for Mr Yushchenko, which seemed to confirm the exit polls.
Men den centrale valgkommission udsendte delresultater, som modsagde denne analyse.
But the Central Electoral Commission was giving initial results that went the other way.
Observatørerne fra Europa-Parlamentet og deres kolleger fra andre lande mente, at disse delresultater var urealistiske og gav anledning til mistanke om svindel og omfattende uregelmæssigheder.
The European observers, like their counterparts from other countries, judged these preliminary results to be unrealistic and became suspicious of fraud and large-scale irregularities
En "bombe" i form af en beslutning
EP resolution described as a ‘bombshell’
Allerede den 2. december vedtog Europa-Parlamentet i plenarforsamlingen en ny beslutning, hvor det "på det kraftigste" fordømte "de forhold, som den anden runde af præsidentvalget i Ukraine har fundet sted under", og gav udtryk for "sin solidaritet med det ukrainske folk", som i hundredtusindvis var gået på gaden for at protestere.
On 2 December, at a plenary session, the European Parliament adopted a fresh resolution in which it said ‘ it strongly condemns the conditions under which the second round of the presidential elections in Ukraine have taken place ’ and ‘ expresses its solidarity with the Ukrainian people ’, who were by now showing their disapproval by demonstrating in hundreds of thousands in the streets.
Parlamentets medlemmer afviste den centrale valgkommissions beslutning om at erklære Janukovitj som vinder uden at have undersøgt valgets gyldighed.
MEPs condemned the decision by the Central Electoral Commission, which had proclaimed victory for Mr Yanukovych without verifying the validity of the elections.
De opfordrede de ukrainske myndigheder til "at annullere præsidentvalgets anden runde og at gentage denne anden runde" inden årets udgang.
They called on the Ukrainian authorities ‘ to annul the second round of the presidential elections and reorganise this second round before the end of this year ’.
Samme opfordring kom fra mange andre steder i verden, og kombineret med de mange ukrainske demonstranters besindighed og den mægling, som blev foretaget af den højtstående repræsentant for EU's udenrigspolitik, Javier Solana, og Litauens og Polens præsidenter, bidrog den til at afværge den politiske krise.
This appeal, which was backed by many other voices around the world, together with the steady nerves shown by the Ukrainian demonstrators and the mediating efforts of the EU High Representative for Foreign Policy, Mr Javier Solana, and the Polish and Lithuanian Presidents, helped defuse the political crisis.
Den 8. december blev der fundet en politisk løsning.
A political solution was reached on 8 December.
Den blev hilst velkommen af Europa-Parlamentets formand, Josep Borrell, med disse ord: "Vi er tilfredse med den indsats, der er blevet gjort fra alle sider for at komme ud af den krise, der opstod på baggrund af præsidentvalgets anden runde, som var præget af alvorlige uregelmæssigheder.
It was welcomed in the following words by European Parliament President Mr Josep Borrell: ‘ We are satisfied with the efforts made by all concerned in order to overcome the crisis caused by the serious irregularities affecting the second round of the presidential elections .
Jeg glæder mig over, at folket blev hørt."
I am delighted that they have been heard. ’
En ny anden valgrunde blev afholdt den 26. december.
A re-run of the second round was arranged for 26 December.
Der blev udsendt en ny observatørdelegation fra Parlamentet, denne gang under ledelse af et polsk medlem af De Kristelige Demokrater, Jacek Saryusz-Wolski.
Once more an EP observer delegation set off for Ukraine, this time led by Jacek Saryusz-Wolski, a Polish Christian Democrat MEP.
På et møde med medlemmerne af Europa-Parlamentet sagde Jusjtjenko, at den beslutning, Parlamentet vedtog den 2. december, var "en 'bombe', der bragte sandheden for dagen på en måde, som det endnu ikke var blevet gjort skriftligt af nogen anden international organisation" .
At a meeting with MEPs, Mr Yushchenko said that the resolution adopted by Parliament on 2 December was ‘ a bombshell that expressed the truth in a way not seen in writing from any other international organisation so far .’
Den 13. januar i år vedtog Parlamentet i Strasbourg med massivt flertal (467 stemmer for og 19 imod, mens 7 tilkendegav, at de hverken stemte for eller imod) en tredje beslutning, hvor det i sidste ende "glæder sig over det i alt væsentligt retfærdige valg, der fandt sted den 26. december 2004" , og som ifølge parlamentsmedlemmerne "er en sejr for de demokratiske værdier, institutioner og procedurer i Ukraine" .
On 13 January this year, the European Parliament voted overwhelmingly in Strasbourg (467 votes in favour, 19 against and 7 abstentions) for a third resolution which was finally able to welcome ‘ the substantially fair elections held on 26 December 2004 ’, which according to MEPs represented ‘ a victory for democratic values, institutions and procedures in Ukraine ’.
De tre delegationer på stedet, de tre beslutninger og det personlige engagement hos mange parlamentsmedlemmer viser, hvor stor betydning Europa-Parlamentet tillagde det nylige præsidentvalg i Ukraine.
The importance that the European Parliament attaches to the recent presidential election in Ukraine is illustrated by its sending of three ad hoc delegations and adopting three parliamentary resolutions, as well as by the personal commitment of many MEPs.
Parlamentsmedlemmerne arbejdede ihærdigt for at afhjælpe den politiske krise og for at sikre overholdelse af de demokratiske normer.
The MEPs worked hard to help resolve the political crisis and to ensure that democratic standards were observed.
Ukraines forbindelser til EU indgår i dag i den "europæiske naboskabspolitik", som blev udformet af Kommissionen i maj 2004 lige efter udvidelsen med 10 nye medlemsstater.
Relations between Ukraine and the EU are currently governed by the ‘European neighbourhood policy’ put forward by the European Commission in May 2004, just after the EU took in 10 new Member States.
Denne politik fastlægger en generel ramme, inden for hvilken der skal udarbejdes og gennemføres specifikke handlingsplaner for alle EU's "nye naboer".
This policy establishes a general framework within which specific action plans are to be drawn up and implemented for each of the EU’s ‘new neighbours’.
Den 9. december 2004 vedtog Kommissionen handlingsplaner for syv lande, heriblandt Ukraine.
On 9 December 2004, the Commission adopted action plans for seven countries, including Ukraine.
En sådan handlingsplan skal dog stadfæstes af det bilaterale samarbejdsråd for at blive operationel.
Ukraine’s plan still has to be ratified by the bilateral Cooperation Council before it becomes operational.
Formålet er ikke at stille disse lande et EU-medlemskab i udsigt, men at arbejde for en gradvis integration af landene i visse EU-politikker (uddannelse, forskning, miljø mv.), at forbedre samarbejdet i kampen mod kriminalitet samt inden for grænseforvaltning og migration og gradvist at tilpasse de nationale lovgivninger, så disse nabolande kan drage fordel af det indre marked.
The aim of the plans is to hold out the prospect, not of membership but of gradual integration into certain EU policies (e.g. education, research, environment), to improve cooperation in fighting crime and in managing borders and population movements, and also to bring national laws gradually into line so that these countries can enjoy the benefits of the internal market.
Men i en række nylige beslutninger om den fælles udenrigs- og sikkerhedspolitik og om menneskerettigheder, især beslutningerne af 14. og 28. april 2005, opfordrer Europa-Parlamentet EU til at føre en mere ambitiøs naboskabspolitik "i overensstemmelse med Unionens globale ambitioner" med henblik på at opnå "en mere rimelig balance mellem de forskellige regioner" og undgå "en kølig gestus, der antyder formindsket interesse fra EU's side for fremgang i hvert fald i det vestlige Balkan, Ukraine og det sydlige Kaukasus" .
But, in a series of recent resolutions on the common foreign and security policy and human rights, notably those of 14 and 28 April 2005, the European Parliament invited the EU to adopt a more ambitious neighbourhood policy, ‘ in accordance with the global ambitions of the Union ’, ‘ so that a fairer balance between the different regions can be achieved ’ and to ‘ avoid any cool gesture of diminished interest on the part of the EU for progress in the western Balkans, Ukraine and the southern Caucasus, at least ’.
Medlemmerne fremhæver også, at "opbygningen af sikkerhed i Unionens naboområder (...) sigter mod at imødegå regionale trusler" .
MEPs stressed that ‘ the establishment of security in the Union’s neighbourhood will serve /…/ to counter threats of a regional nature ’.
De insisterer på nødvendigheden af politisk, handelsmæssig og økonomisk interaktion med EU og slår fast, at de socioøkonomiske reformer skal bygge på "politikker, som fremmer menneskerettigheder og demokratiske normer" .
They underlined the need for political, commercial and economic interactions with the EU, and recognised that the process of economic and social reform necessitates as its basis ‘the adoption of policies promoting human rights and democratic standards’.
I forbindelse med de finansielle overslag for 2006-2013 har Kommissionen stillet forslag om et nyt "naboskabs- og partnerskabsinstrument", som er under behandling i Europa-Parlamentet.
In the context of the Financial Perspectives for 2006-2013, the European Parliament is studying a new ‘Neighbourhood and Partnership’ Instrument proposed by the Commission.
Det skal støtte reformerne i EU's nabolande, navnlig mod øst.
This is intended to support the reforms in the EU’s neighbouring countries, notably those to the east of Europe.
Der kan ikke herske tvivl om, at den seneste udvidelse og dens ændring af de geopolitiske forhold har bidraget til at øge Parlamentets interesse for det postsovjetiske område.
By changing the geopolitical realities, the latest enlargement has undoubtedly contributed to Parliament’s growing interest in the post-Soviet zone.
Holdningerne til Moldova og Georgien (som fik sin "rosenrevolution" et år før Ukraines "orange revolution") afspejler denne orientering.
Its stances on Moldova and Georgia (which had its own ‘Rose Revolution’ a year before the ‘Orange Revolution’ in Ukraine) reflect this orientation.
Parlamentet er især optaget af situationen i Belarus.
Parliament is particularly concerned about the situation in Belarus.
EU og Belarus indgik en aftale i 1995, men den er ikke blevet gennemført, og der er ikke oprettet et samarbejdsudvalg mellem Europa-Parlamentet og parlamentet i Belarus.
The EU and Belarus signed an agreement in 1995 but it has come to nothing, and no cooperation committee has been set up between the European Parliament and that of Belarus.
Kontakten mellem præsident Lukasjenko og EU har været meget begrænset, siden han afskedigede det parlament, der blev valgt ved et direkte valg i 1996, og erstattede det med en nationalforsamling, som han selv udpegede.
Since President Lukashenko replaced the parliament directly elected in 1996 with a national assembly appointed by himself, contacts between his regime and the EU have been very limited.
Men Europa-Parlamentet forsøger at opretholde den politiske kontakt til de demokratiske kræfter i Belarus.
However, the European Parliament is endeavouring to maintain political contacts with the forces of Belarusian democracy.
I juli 2005 var Parlamentets medlemmer bekymrede over den forværrede situation i landet, navnlig med hensyn til mediefrihed.
In July 2005, MEPs expressed their concern at the deteriorating situation in the country, especially as regards freedom of the media.
De anmodede Rådet og Kommissionen om at støtte oprettelsen af et uafhængigt radionetværk, der skal sende til Belarus fra Polen og Litauen og eventuelt også Ukraine.
They called on the Council and the Commission to support the creation of an independent radio network broadcasting to Belarus from Poland and Lithuania and possibly Ukraine.
Dette viser, at Ukraine har en særlig stilling, når det gælder forbindelserne til EU.
This demonstrates Ukraine’s special position in relations with the EU.
I beslutningen af 28. oktober 2004 anerkendte parlamentsmedlemmerne i øvrigt Ukraines betydning som " en vigtig nabo og strategisk partner med dybe historiske, kulturelle og økonomiske forbindelser til EU's medlemsstater" .
Furthermore, in their resolution of 28 October 2004, MEPs recognised the importance of Ukraine as a ‘ key neighbour and strategic partner with deep historical, cultural and economic links to the Member States of the EU ’.
Udsigt til medlemskab?
A prospect of membership?
Allerede i en beslutning om Unionens nye naboskabspolitik, som blev vedtaget med stort flertal den 20. november 2003, udtalte Parlamentet, at "den nye politik for et bredere europæiske naboskab på ingen måde er uforenelig med nogle europæiske nabolandes ønske om at opnå EU-medlemskab eller med en anden form for aftaleforbindelser" .
In a resolution on the EU’s new neighbourhood policy, which was adopted by a large majority on 20 November 2003, Parliament was already expressing the view ‘ that the Wider Europe - Neighbourhood policy is in no way incompatible with certain European neighbouring countries’ aspirations to EU membership or different contractual relations .’
Og frem for alt støttede Parlamentet "Ukraines ønske om at blive integreret i EU og Rådets og Kommissionens nuværende fokusering på udarbejdelsen af en handlingsplan for Ukraine" .
MEPs added that Parliament ‘ supports Ukraine’s desire for EU integration and the Council’s and the Commission’s current focusing on preparing an action plan for Ukraine ’.
Men mange ansvarlige i Ukraine mener, at den manglende udsigt til medlemskab gør denne handlingsplan mindre interessant.
Many Ukrainian leaders, however, believe that the lack of any prospect of EU membership reduces the attraction of the action plan.
"Vores fremtid ligger i det forenede Europa", sagde den nyvalgte ukrainske præsident i sin tiltrædelsestale den 23. januar 2005.
‘ Our road to the future is that of a united Europe ’, said the new Ukrainian President in his inaugural speech on 23 January 2005.
"Vi tilhører den samme civilisation, og vi har de samme værdier.
‘ We are part of the same civilisation and we share the same values .
Vores plads er i Den Europæiske Union.
Our place is in the European Union.
Mit mål er Ukraine i det forenede Europa."
My goal is a Ukraine in a united Europe .’
På dette punkt adskiller Justjenko sig ikke fra sin forgænger.
On this point, Mr Yushchenko’s position is no different from that of his predecessor.
På topmødet mellem EU og Ukraine, som fandt sted i Jalta, og hvor EU-repræsentanterne understregede, at den nye naboskabspolitik var noget klart andet end et eventuelt medlemskab, sagde præsident Kutjma for eksempel den 7. oktober 2003, at fuld og hel integration i Unionen var det langsigtede strategiske mål for hans land.
For example, on 7 October 2003, at the EU-Ukraine summit in Yalta, whereas EU leaders emphasised that the new neighbourhood policy did not necessarily entail ultimate membership of the EU, President Kuchma said that the long-term strategic goal of his country was full and complete integration into the European Union.
Fra beslutning til beslutning anerkender parlamentsmedlemmerne i stadig højere grad denne europæiske ambition i Ukraine.
Between one resolution and the other, MEPs have increasingly come to recognise Ukraine’s European aspirations.