natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
6. anmoder Kommissionen og EU's medlemsstater om at støtte udviklingslandenes bestræbelser på at oprette fælles regionale faste repræsentationer ved WTO og om at fortsætte denne støtte i AVS-landene og over for ressourcecentre, såsom "Advisory center on WTO law";
Calls on the Commission and the Member States of the EU to support the efforts of the developing countries to set up joint permanent regional representations at the WTO and to continue to provide support in this respect to the ACP countries and to resource centres such as the 'Advisory Centre on WTO law';
10. anmoder om, at der indføres konkrete og effektive bestemmelser i handelsaftalerne om særbehandling og differentieret behandling med hensyn til fremme af visse præcise interesser i udviklingslandene og med hensyn til teknisk bistand til disse lande;
Asks that the provisions on special and differentiated treatment in trade agreements for the promotion of certain specific interests of developing countries and for the provision of technical assistance to these countries be made operational and effective;
15. betragter de forslag, som Kommissionen den 26. juli 2000 forelagde WTO's Almindelige Råd vedrørende bedre arbejdsgang og større gennemsigtighed, som et første grundlag, der skal styrkes med henblik på den fjerde ministerkonference i november 2001;
Regards the proposals on improving the functioning and transparency of the WTO forwarded to the General Council of the WTO by the European Commission on 26 July 2000 as a starting point that can be fleshed out with a view to the fourth Ministerial Conference in November 2001;
Ekstern gennemsigtighed og åbenhed
External transparency and openness
25. mener, at møderne i WTO's instanser kunne åbnes for observatører fra andre multilaterale organisationer og ngo'er efter akkrediteringsprocedurer af samme art som dem, der anvendes i andre internationale organisationer; er af den opfattelse, at elektronisk videokommunikation (webcasting) også kunne anvendes;
25.Considers that meetings of WTO bodies should be open to observers from other multilateral organisations and NGOs, in accordance with accreditation procedures similar to those implemented by other international organisations; believes that Webcasting could also be used;
"Codex Alimentarius", hvorfra WTO henter ekstern rådgivning, således at offentlighedens tillid hertil kan genskabes, at elementære krav til åbenhed overholdes, og at de frigøres fra dominans fra snævre forretningsmæssige interesser;
Insists that some external bodies such as the "Codex Alimentarius", on which the WTO relies for external advice, also require radical reform to restore public confidence, meet elementary standards of openness and free themselves from the dominance of narrow commercial interests;
Parlamentarisk og offentlig kontrol og et parlamentarisk forum
Parliamentary and public scrutiny and parliamentary forum
32. opfordrer WTO's medlemmer og WTO til at sikre tilstrækkelig støtte til deres parlamentsmedlemmer, således at de kan deltage i udviklingen af WTO's parlamentariske dimension; understreger betydningen af at sikre en foreløbig infrastruktur til den parlamentariske forsamling, indtil WTO påtager sig sit ansvar på dette område og samtidig stiller de fornødne faciliteter til rådighed;
32.Calls on WTO members and the WTO to provide sufficient support for their parliamentarians to take part in the development of the parliamentary dimension of WTO; stresses the need for a provisional infrastructure for the Parliamentary Assembly until WTO assumes its responsibilities in this respect and, at the same time, offers the necessary facilities for this purpose;
34. finder ligeledes, at det er vigtigt at få en debat i de nationale og eksisterende regionale parlamenter, og understreger derfor, at det er afgørende, at parlamentsmedlemmer deltager i beslutningsprocessen med henblik på at udøve effektiv demokratisk kontrol;
Considers equally that it is important to develop political debate at national parliamentary and existing regional Assembly level and stresses, therefore, the central importance of participation of parliamentarians in the decision-making process in order to carry out effective democratic control;
43. går ind for en ny udformning af ansættelseskvalifikationerne for medlemmer af special-grupperne og appelorganet, med henblik på at opnå et bredere spektrum af kompetencer, bl.a. i forbindelse med behandling af relevante ikke-handelsrelaterede spørgsmål;
Proposes rewriting the description of qualifications for the recruitment of members of panels and the appellate body, so as to have a wider range of skills, in particular for the conjunction of trade and non-trade issues;
Kohærens og nye internationale strukturer
Coherence and new international architecture
49. anmoder om, at målsætningerne med hensyn til udryddelse af fattigdommen, fremme af en retfærdig og bæredygtig udvikling og miljøbeskyttelse udtrykkeligt bliver nedfældet i præamblen til WTO-overenskomsten i forbindelse med den fjerde ministerkonference i Doha (Qatar);
Calls for an explicit reference to the objectives of the eradication of poverty, the promotion of equitable and sustainable development and environmental protection to be inserted in the preamble to the agreement setting up the WTO at the fourth Ministerial Conference in Doha, Qatar;
51. pålægger sin formand at sende denne beslutning til Rådet, Kommissionen og medlemsstaterne parlamenter samt til WTO's medlemmer forsamlet på WTO's fjerde ministerkonference i Doha (Qatar).
Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council and Commission, the parliaments of the Member States, and the members of the WTO meeting at the fourth WTO Ministerial Conference in Doha, Qatar.
Ved overgangen fra tiden med GATT til WTO har det multilaterale handelssystem ikke kun ændret dimension, men også natur.
The transition from the GATT era to that of the WTO changed the dimension as well as the nature of the multilateral trading system.
Med GATT blev der indført handelsregler, der i væsentlig grad gjaldt for et afgrænset område, området med toldbarrierer og visse kvantitative restriktioner for varehandlen.
GATT involved trade rules that applied, in the main, to a specific area - namely tariff barriers and various quantitative restrictions on the exchange of goods and services.
GATT inddrog i starten et relativt begrænset antal lande, de lande, der har den største andel i verdenshandlen.
From the outset, it involved a relatively limited number of countries - the key players in international trade.
Nu gælder handelssystemets regler ikke længere alene for den femtedel af verdensproduktionen, der handles på tværs af grænserne, men også for varer og tjenesteydelser, der aldrig vil indgå i den internationale handel.
The rules of the trading system now apply not only to the one-fifth of world production that is traded across borders, but also to goods and services that will never be traded internationally.
De nationale regler vedrørende banksystemet, de finansielle tjenesteydelser, de offentlige markeder, telekommunikation og støtteforanstaltninger for landmænd er underlagt WTO.
National rules on banking systems, financial services, public procurement, telecommunications and farm subsidies must all comply with WTO rules.
Alle lande er berørt og deres interne regler påvirket, uanset deres andel af verdenshandelen.
All countries are concerned and their internal rules affected, whatever their share of international trade.
Nogle af WTO’s aftaler har allerede rejst så komplekse spørgsmål som patenterbarheden af levende organismer, adgang til medicin for aidspatienter, fortolkning af forsigtighedsprincippet inden for ernæring eller beskyttelse af truede arter, dvs. respekt for andre internationale konventioner.
WTO agreements have already addressed such complex issues as the patenting of living organisms, access to drugs for AIDS sufferers, the interpretation of the precautionary principle as regards foodstuffs and the protection of endangered species, i.e. compliance with other international conventions.
Renato Ruggiero, tidligere generaldirektør, har kunnet tale om WTO som en grundlov for en global enhedsøkonomi (”a constitution for a single global economy”).
Renato Ruggiero, former WTO Director‑General, described the organisation as 'a constitution for a single global economy'.
Man kunne tilføje en grundlov ikke alene baseret på handelstraktater, men også på den retspraksis inden for fortolkningen af traktaterne, som opstår med hjemmel i tvistbilæggelsesorganets afgørelser.
We could add that this constitution is based not only on trade agreements, but also on the case law produced on the basis of interpretation of these agreements by the dispute settlement body.
Den stigende konstitutionalisering kan indskrænke parlamenternes frihed til at lovgive på andre områder end dem, der udtrykkeligt er forhandlet om ved undertegnelsen.
This unchecked constitutionalisation can serve to restrict parliaments' freedom to legislate in areas other than those explicitly debated at the time when the agreements were signed.
Traktaterne er naturligvis blevet forhandlet af de regeringer, der er berettiget hertil.
Of course, treaties are negotiated by governments, which already possess the requisite legitimacy.
Men talrige udviklingslande har siden Uruguay-runden erklæret, at de ikke på tidspunktet for undertegnelsen var klar over alle juridiske, administrative og økonomiske konsekvenser af visse aftaler, hvis udarbejdelse de ikke havde deltaget i.
But since the Uruguay Round, many developing countries have made it plain that when they signed certain agreements that they had no role in drawing up, they were not aware of all the legal, administrative and financial ramifications.
Og langt størstedelen af parlamentsmedlemmerne fra EU-landene havde for deres vedkommende helt sikkert ikke forestillet sig, at de ved at stadfæste overenskomsten om oprettelse af WTO accepterede regler, der senere ville gøre det muligt at dømme deres lande for at have forbudt hormoner i opdrætning af kvæg til fortæring (og hermed import).
And surely the vast majority of members of parliament in the EU Member States would not have imagined that by ratifying the agreement establishing the World Trade Organisation they were agreeing to rules that would lead to their country being condemned for banning the use (and thus the import) of hormones in beef destined for human consumption.
De havde ej heller forestillet sig, at det delvis skulle blive under henvisning til den almindelige overenskomst om handel med tjenesteydelser (GATS), at der skulle blive afsagt en dom i banansagen, som forekommer at henhøre under reglerne om varehandel.
Surely they would not have imagined that the GATS agreement on services would be invoked to justify a ruling in the banana dispute that would properly seem to be governed by the rules on trade in goods.
Tvetydigheden i visse formuleringer i denne aftale fører i øvrigt til, at der stilles spørgsmål ved dens fremtidige rækkevidde inden for sektorerne med offentlige tjenesteydelser .
And there are some ambiguities in the wording of the agreement that lead one to wonder just what impact it will have on the public services sector Statements made in this regard by Michel Servoz, a head of unit in the Trade DG, are surprising: Certain sectors appear to us to be extremely important, and in these we would like to see a higher level of commitment.
Man kan i den forbindelse forundres over erklæringerne fra en kontorchef i GD for handel, Michel Servoz: ” Visse sektorer forekommer os at være ekstremt vigtige, og der vil vi gerne se et højere forpligtelsesniveau.
These include the environmental sector, building, distribution and health and education services .
Disse sektorer omfatter miljøsektoren, byggeriet, distributionen samt sundhed og uddannelse” i Commentary GATS 2000: New Directions in Services and Trade Liberalisation , Harvard University og Brookings Institution Press, Cambridge/Washington.
In GATS Commentary 2000: New Directions in Services and Trade Liberalisation, Harvard University and Brookings Institution Press, Cambridge/Washington.
Erklæringen overlapper en erklæring fra en direktør fra samme GD, Robert Madelin: ”As early candidates (for liberalisation) we identified tourism and business/professionnal services as well as distribution.
His remarks echo the sentiments expressed by Robert Madelin, a Director in the same DG, "As early candidates (for liberalisation) we identified tourism and business/professional services as well as distribution.
Til denne stadig større indvirkning fra handelsreglerne på WTO-medlemsstaternes interne regler er der, ud over en reel demokratisk kontrol, kommet en anden grund til at kritisere det multilaterale handelssystem.
There are other reasons for questioning the whole multilateral trading system in addition to that of its growing impact on the internal rules of the member states of the WTO, an organisation that is not subject to any real democratic control.
Det drejer sig både om dets legitimitet og effektivitet for en del af medlemmerne.
It concerns both its legitimacy and its effectiveness for some of its members.
Den demokratiske legitimitet af WTO, der er en mellemstatslig organisation, beror i princippet på lige deltagelse fra og indflydelse for samtlige medlemmer.
The democratic legitimacy of the WTO, an intergovernmental organisation, is based on the principle that all members participate equally and have an equal say in the organisation.
Men størstedelen af udviklingslandene føler sig marginaliseret på grund af dens funktion og udelukket fra beslutningsprocessen.
But most of the developing countries feel marginalised by its operation and cut off from the decision making process.
Mindst 24 udviklingslande blandt medlemmerne har ikke nogen fast repræsentation ved organisationens sæde i Genève og mange andre har kun meget små delegationer, hvilket ikke giver dem mulighed for at følge alle de sager, der vedrører dem.
At least 24 developing countries that are members of the WTO have no permanent representation in Geneva, and numerous others have only very small delegations that do not enable them to follow all of the proceedings that concern them.
Mange udviklingslande mangler ekspertise og opfølgningskapacitet (back up).
Many lack expertise and support in their home countries.
Mens størstedelen for eksempel kun blev repræsenteret af en person i Seattle (ministeren for udenrigshandel), udgjorde USA’s delegation ca. 150 personer, Japans og EU’s ca. 100 personer.
By way of example, in Seattle, while most developing countries were represented by one person (the minister for external trade), the United States delegation comprised around 150 people and those of Japan and the EU close to 100.
I dette tilfælde er det for udviklingslandene et problem vedrørende både forma og indhold.
In such situations, form and content are real issues for developing countries.
Men seks år efter oprettelsen af WTO kan man konstatere en begrænset åbning for markederne i nord, store vanskeligheder med at anvende aftalerne og en vedvarende marginalisering inden for WTO’s virke.
But six years on from the creation of the WTO, the picture before us reveals a limited opening up of markets in the north, considerable difficulties regarding the implementation of agreements and persistent marginalisation from the workings of the WTO.
Rubens Ricupero, generaldirektør for UNCTAD, bemærker, at legitimiteten for enhver international organisation afhænger af tre nært forbundne faktorer : ”global tiltrædelse og tiltrædelsesmekanisme, samtlige medlemmers reelle deltagelse i beslutningsprocessen; retfærdig deling af systemets fordele” .
For Rubens Ricupero, Director-General of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, the legitimacy of any international organisation is dependent upon three main factors which are closely interlinked: universal membership and the accession process, real participation by all members in the decision-making process and a fair distribution of the benefits of the system'.
Man kan, for så vidt angår den demokratiske legitimitet, sammen med ham sige, at der i det mindste i WTO er ”en spænding mellem den lovmæssige og den reelle situation” Samtale med ordføreren den 10.07.01. .
We can identify with his view that with regard to democratic legitimacy, within the WTO there is at the very least some tension between the legal situation and the real situation Interview with the rapporteur, 10 July 2001. .
Selv om begivenhederne, især sammenbruddet i Seattle, har fået WTO til at begynde at anerkende det, har det endnu ikke givet sig til udtryk i de nødvendige ændringer med hensyn til flere nøgleområder, dvs. udviklingslandenes effektive deltagelse; reelt hensyn i reglerne og aftalerne til de fattige landes sårbarhed; intern og ekstern gennemsigtighed; åbenhed over for borgernes bekymringer og dialog med ngo’er; parlamentarisk kontrol; respekt for andre internationale principper inden for områder som miljø, sundhed, sociale rettigheder.
Although certain events, and particularly the failure of Seattle, have led the WTO to start to acknowledge this, this recognition has yet to be translated into the change that is needed on several key issues: effective participation by developing countries, the need for rules and agreements to take real account of the vulnerability of poor countries, internal and external transparency, openness to the concerns of citizens and to dialogue with NGOs, parliamentary control and respect for other international principles in areas such as the environment, health and social rights.
Hvad skal man gøre, for at en mere global regulering i handlen ikke medfører mindre demokrati og en mindre bæredygtig udvikling?
How can we ensure that more global regulation of trade does not mean less democracy and sustainable development?
Hvordan fremmer man en retfærdig handel for såvel landene i syd som i nord?
How can we encourage fair trade for the countries of the south as well as those of the north?
Hvordan skaber man betingelserne for et åbent, gennemsigtigt og demokratiseret system og en åben, gennemsigtig og demokratiseret handelsorganisation?
How can we create the right conditions for a trade system and organisation that are open, transparent and democratic?
Det er hensigten med forslagene i denne betænkning at forsøge at svare på disse udfordringer og formulere elementerne i en ny politik i Den Europæiske Union på dette område.
The proposals contained in this report are an attempt to address these challenges and to suggest the possible components of a new approach for the European Union's policy in this area.
I - Lige deltagelse, intern gennemsigtighed og udvidelse af kapaciteterne
I - equal participation, internal transparency and capacity building
Lige og effektiv deltagelse fra samtlige medlemmer er af afgørende betydning for en ny orientering af det multilaterale handelssystem.
The equal and effective participation of all members is a key factor in any new direction for the multilateral trading system.
WTO har forsøgt at råde bod på situationen for lande uden repræsentation i Genève ved at samle flere råds møder i samme uge.
The WTO has tried to remedy the situation of those countries with no permanent representation in Geneva by scheduling the meetings of various councils in the same week.
Men dette løser kun delvist problemet, idet WTO fungerer på et næsten dagligt plan.
But since the WTO meets on an almost daily basis, that is a very limited response to the problem.
I øvrigt er mange oplysninger ikke tilgængelige i lang tid for de medlemmer, der ikke kan deltage i de formelle eller uformelle møder.
A further problem is that much information remains inaccessible to members who are unable to take part in either formal or informal meetings.
Metoden med uformelle høringer, benævnt ”det grønne værelse”, der ofte er begrænset til de store handelsmagter, ja endog ”de fire store blokke” (USA, Canada, Japan, EU), udelukker faktisk størstedelen af udviklingslandene.
The so-called 'green room' consultations, which often involve only the large commercial powers, and sometimes only the quadrilateral (United States, Canada, Japan and the European Union) exclude most developing countries.
Den har blandt andet resulteret i, at mange lande ved afslutningen af Uruguay-runden har undertegnet aftaler udarbejdet uden dem, som de ikke kunne gennemføre inden for de fastsatte frister, og som ikke svarede til deres behov, men imødekom de industrialiserede landes stærke lobbyers interesser.
A further consequence was that at the end of the Uruguay Round, many countries signed agreements that had been drawn up without them, that they were unable to implement in the scheduled timescale and met not their own needs, but those of powerful lobbies in the industrialised countries.
Clare Short, britisk statssekretær, bemærker, at gennemførelsen af TRIPS-aftalen, SPS-aftalen (sundhed og plantesundhed), toldværdiansættelse ( Customs Valuation ) og aftalen om handelsrelaterede investeringsforanstaltninger ( TRIMs ) forpligter udviklingslandene til ” at oprette nye institutioner eller til at styrke eksisterende institutioner, til at ansætte og uddanne personale, forbedre deres edb-teknologi… iværksættelsen af Uruguay-rundens aftaler forøger budgetudgifterne uden indtægtskompensation.
Clare Short, the United Kingdom's Secretary of State for Development, has stated that implementation of the TRIPS, SPS (Sanitary and Phytosanitary), Customs Valuation and TRIMS (Trade-Related Investment Measures) agreements oblige developing countries to create new institutions or strengthen existing ones, employ and train staff, improve their information technology...implementing the Uruguay Round increases expenditure without any increase in tax revenue.
Det er ikke en overraskelse, at udviklingslandene på mange områder ikke har kunnet indordne sig” .
It is hardly surprising that developing countries have been unable to comply in numerous areas'.
Verdensbanken har for sit vedkommende vurderet omkostningen ved iværksættelsen af Uruguay-aftalerne for et udviklingsland til ca. 150 millioner $ eller mere end de årlige samlede direkte udenlandske investeringer eller den årlige offentlige udviklingsstøtte i størstedelen af de mindst udviklede lande.
The World Bank estimated the cost of implementing the Uruguay agreements for a developing country at around USD 150 million, which for most LDCs represents more than the whole of direct foreign investment or annual State development aid.
- Mekanismen til bilæggelse af tvister hviler på et sanktionssystem, der ikke bidrager til at mindske medlemmernes ulige situationer.
The dispute settlement mechanism is based on a system of sanctions that does nothing to remedy the inequalities that exist among members.
De sanktioner, der eventuelt anvendes af et fattigt land eller et land uden ”markedsvægt”, vil ikke have nogen virkning på et industrialiseret lands eksport.
The sanctions applied to a poor country, or to one with no 'market power' would have no effect on the exports of an industrialised country.
Udviklingslandene tøver endvidere med at kaste sig ud i langvarige og kostbare procedurer over for de industrialiserede landes jurister og eksperter.
And developing countries are reluctant to become involved in long and costly procedures that pit them against legal and other experts from industrialised countries.
Endelig forudsætter deltagelsen først, at de udviklingslande, der endnu ikke er medlemmer af WTO, tiltræder.
Finally, participation obviously means that those developing countries that are not yet members of the WTO must join.
Men proceduren er tung og uegnet.
But the accession procedure is cumbersome and inappropriate.
Ud af 19 af de mindst udviklede lande, der ikke var medlem af WTO på oprettelsestidspunktet, er 10 indgået i en tiltrædelsesprocedure, men alene Vanuatu er ved at blive optaget.
Of 19 developing countries that were not members when the WTO was created, 10 are currently following the accession procedure, but only Vanuatu is close to being admitted.