natgillin/translations-raw huggingface dataset:
– двете длъжности, които се дублират и внасят объркване - Върховен представител на Съюза за външната политика и член на Комисията по въпросите, свързани с външните отношения, ще бъдат слети, като се създаде длъжността „заместник-председател на Комисията/Върховен представител за външна политика и политика на сигурност“, който ще председателства Съвета по външни работи и ще може да се изказва от името на Съюза по въпроси, по които ЕС има обща позиция, като по този начин се осигурява повече последователност във външната дейност на Съюза;
– the Union's Foreign policy High Representative and the Commissioner for External Relations - two posts causing duplication and confusion - will be merged, creating a Vice President of the Commission/High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy who will chair the Foreign Affairs Council, and be able to speak for the Union on those subjects where the latter has a common position, thus ensuring more coherence in the external action of the Union;
– ще има единна служба за външна дейност, съставена от държавни служители на Комисията и Съвета и на националните дипломатически служби, като се създава от Съвета след получаване на съгласие от Комисията и след консултации с Парламента; службата за външна дейност ще бъде председателствана от Върховния представител и има за цел да осигурява по-голяма последователност при разработването и прилагането на външната политика на Съюза;
– there will be a single external action service composed of civil servants of the Commission and the Council and of the national diplomatic services, which can be established by the Council only with the assent of the Commission and after consulting Parliament; this external service will be headed by the High Representative and is intended to ensure greater consistency in the development and implementation of the Union's foreign policy;
– ще бъде засилен капацитетът на Съюза за създаване на общи структури в областта на политиката на сигурност и отбрана, между другото чрез въвеждането на клауза за взаимопомощ и съдействие в случай на въоръжено нападение, с което ще се увеличи чувството за сигурност на гражданите, като се осигурява необходимата гъвкавост с оглед да се вземат предвид различните подходи на държавите-членки по тези въпроси;
– the Union's capacity to develop common structures in the field of security and defence policy will be reinforced, inter alia by the insertion of a clause providing for mutual aid and assistance in the event of armed aggression, thereby enhancing citizens' sense of security, while ensuring the necessary flexibility to cater for differing approaches of Member States to such matters;
е) ще бъдат изяснени разликите между законодателните и изпълнителните актове и новото определение на понятието „делегирани актове“ ще позволи да се опрости и усъвършенства законодателството на Съюза;
(f) the distinction between legislative and executive instruments will be clarified, and a new definition of delegated acts will make it possible to simplify and streamline the legislation of the Union;
ж) структурата на стълбовете се премахва, като това ще осигури по-голямо единство в действията в различните области на дейност на Съюза с опростени механизми и инструменти, въпреки че специфичният характер на външната политика и политиката на сигурност предполага прилагането на специални процедури в тези области;
(g) the pillars structure is abandoned, allowing for unity of action in the different fields of activity of the Union with simplified mechanisms and instruments, although the specific nature of foreign and security policy implies specific procedures in these domains;
з) дейностите в областта на свободата, сигурността и правосъдието ще се основават на по-амбициозни цели и по-ефективни процедури, като се преустанови използването на отделни междуправителствени инструменти и процедури; тези дейности ще подлежат на съдебен контрол, като това ще доведе до осезателен напредък в областта на правосъдието, сигурността и имиграцията;
(h) action in the area of freedom, security and justice will have more ambitious goals and more effective procedures, no longer using separate intergovernmental instruments and procedures, and will be subject to judicial review, thus promising tangible progress with regard to justice, security and immigration issues;
и) целите и компетенциите на Съюза в областта на изменението на климата, правата на детето, европейската политика на добросъседство, хуманитарната помощ, енергетиката (като в Договора се включва позоваване на солидарността между държавите-членки в тази област), космоса, изследванията, туризма, спорта, общественото здраве и гражданската защита са определени по по-ясен начин; общата търговска политика е призната за изключителна компетенция на Съюза;
(i) the Union’s objectives and competencies in the fields of climate change, children’s rights, European Neighbourhood Policy, humanitarian aid, energy (including a reference in the Treaty to solidarity between Member States in this domain), space, research, tourism, sport, public health and civil protection are defined in a clearer way; common commercial policy is recognised as an exclusive competence of the Union;
й) в много други области ще може да се прилагат по-ефективни методи на вземане на решения, при положение че е налице политическа воля за това;
(j) for a number of other matters, it will become possible to apply more efficient methods of decision-making as soon as there is the political will to do so;
к) има повече възможности за прилагане на гъвкав подход, когато не всички държави-членки желаят или могат да продължат да прилагат определени политики едновременно;
(k) there is more room for flexible arrangements when not all Member States are willing or able to go ahead with certain policies at the same time;
– да се изостави конституционният подход и някои негови елементи, като схващането за Съюз, основан на волята на неговите граждани и държави-членки, единният и структуриран текст, по-ясната терминология за обозначаване на законодателните актове, закрепването в Договора на знаме и химн и употребата на званието „министър на външните работи“ вместо „Върховен представител“;
– abandon the constitutional approach and certain of its features, such as the notion of a Union based on the will of its citizens and Member States, a single and structured text, the clearer terminology to designate legislative instruments, the anchoring in the Treaty of the flag and the anthem and the use of the title “Foreign Minister” instead of “High Representative”;
– да се отложи прилагането на важни елементи на новия Договор, като влизането в сила на новата система на гласуване в Съвета (наред със специални разпоредби за отлагане на гласуването, известни като „компромиса от Йоанина“) и в определени области на компетентност към обикновената законодателна процедура да се добавят ограничителни механизми, като например „аварийните спирачки“;
– postpone the implementation of important elements of the new Treaty, such as the entry into force of the new voting system in the Council (accompanied by special provisions for postponing votes known as the “Ioannina compromise”), and add restrictive mechanisms like “emergency brakes” to the ordinary legislative procedure in some areas of competence;
– в Договора да се включат специфични за конкретни отделни държави-членки мерки, като разширяването на обхвата на клаузата за участие във връзка със сътрудничеството по полицейски и наказателноправни въпроси за две държави-членки, тъй като протоколът ограничава действието на хартата върху вътрешното право на две държави-членки, както и предоставеното на друга държава-членка допълнително място в ЕП, чрез допускане на изключение от принципа на намаляваща пропорционалност;
– incorporate into the Treaty measures specific to particular individual Member States, such as the extension of the opt-in arrangements in relation to cooperation in police and criminal matters for two Member States, the protocol limiting the effect of the Charter on the domestic law of two Member States and the extra parliamentary seat attributed to a Member State in derogation of the principle of degressive proportionality;
– да се изменени текстът на редица пасажи от Договора или от протоколите и декларациите, приложени към него, които пораждат неоснователно негативни настроения, като това оставя впечатлението за недоверие към Съюза и неговите институции и по този начин изпраща погрешен сигнал към обществеността;
– modify the wording of several passages of the Treaty, or of the protocols and declarations annexed to it, entailing an unjustified shift to a negative tone, which gives an impression of mistrust vis-à-vis the Union and its institutions and thus sends a wrong signal to the public;
There is a tide in the affairs of men,
There is a tide in the affairs of men,
Which, taken at the flood, leads on to fortune;
Which, taken at the flood, leads on to fortune;
Omitted, all the voyage of their life
Omitted, all the voyage of their life
Is bound in shallows and in miseries.
Is bound in shallows and in miseries.
On such a full sea are we now afloat;
On such a full sea are we now afloat;
And we must take the current when it serves,
And we must take the current when it serves,
Or lose our ventures.
Or lose our ventures.
William Shakespeare.
William Shakespeare.
Julius Caesar.
Julius Caesar.
The European integration process is anything but plain sailing.
The European integration process is anything but plain sailing.
In 2004 we co-rapporteurs had the privilege of drafting Parliament's report on the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe and now, three years later, we have been given the same responsibility for the Lisbon Treaty that has taken its place.
In 2004 we co-rapporteurs had the privilege of drafting Parliament's report on the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe and now, three years later, we have been given the same responsibility for the Lisbon Treaty that has taken its place.
We thus find ourselves in the singular position of having to answer the age-old question of whether one can step into the same river twice.
We thus find ourselves in the singular position of having to answer the age-old question of whether one can step into the same river twice.
And the answer must be 'yes', as this is the only way that we will be able to provide Parliament with guidance in how, in the words of William Shakespeare, to 'take the current when it serves', so as not to 'lose our ventures'.
And the answer must be 'yes', as this is the only way that we will be able to provide Parliament with guidance in how, in the words of William Shakespeare, to 'take the current when it serves', so as not to 'lose our ventures'.
The task entrusted to the co-rapporteurs is necessarily didactic in nature: as we did in 2004, we now propose to compare the Treaties currently in force with the Treaty signed in Lisbon on 13 December 2007, which is currently undergoing ratification in the 27 Member States.
The task entrusted to the co-rapporteurs is necessarily didactic in nature: as we did in 2004, we now propose to compare the Treaties currently in force with the Treaty signed in Lisbon on 13 December 2007, which is currently undergoing ratification in the 27 Member States.
In order to know where we are going, it is a good idea to consider where we are coming from: more than half a century ago, the Schuman Declaration set in train an ambitious undertaking: that of uniting Europeans, who had been divided for centuries by fratricidal conflicts, around a common project.
In order to know where we are going, it is a good idea to consider where we are coming from: more than half a century ago, the Schuman Declaration set in train an ambitious undertaking: that of uniting Europeans, who had been divided for centuries by fratricidal conflicts, around a common project.
Since the first European Community (Coal and Steel: Paris Treaty of 18 April 1951
Since the first European Community (Coal and Steel: Paris Treaty of 18 April 1951
Entry into force: 23 July 1951. ), which brought together six Western European countries
Entry into force: 23 July 1951. ), which brought together six Western European countries
Belgium, Germany, France, Italy, Luxembourg and the Netherlands. , was established, the European integration process has been extended to embrace 27 European States
Belgium, Germany, France, Italy, Luxembourg and the Netherlands. , was established, the European integration process has been extended to embrace 27 European States
The following countries have joined the first six: Denmark, Ireland and the United Kingdom in 1973, Greece in 1981, Spain and Portugal in 1986, Austria, Finland and Sweden in 1995, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Cyprus, Latvia, Lithuania, Hungary, Malta, Poland, Slovenia and Slovakia in 2004, and Bulgaria and Romania in 2007. and has seen its scope expand to cover new areas through the establishment of the Economic Community and the Atomic Energy Community/Euratom (Treaties of Rome of 25 March 1957
The following countries have joined the first six: Denmark, Ireland and the United Kingdom in 1973, Greece in 1981, Spain and Portugal in 1986, Austria, Finland and Sweden in 1995, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Cyprus, Latvia, Lithuania, Hungary, Malta, Poland, Slovenia and Slovakia in 2004, and Bulgaria and Romania in 2007. and has seen its scope expand to cover new areas through the establishment of the Economic Community and the Atomic Energy Community/Euratom (Treaties of Rome of 25 March 1957
Entry into force: 1 January 1958. ) and, subsequently, the European Union (Maastricht Treaty of 7 February 1992).
Entry into force: 1 January 1958. ) and, subsequently, the European Union (Maastricht Treaty of 7 February 1992).
Ever since the first European elections by universal suffrage in 1979, Parliament has consistently sought to democratise and make more effective and transparent the workings of what was to become the European Union.
Ever since the first European elections by universal suffrage in 1979, Parliament has consistently sought to democratise and make more effective and transparent the workings of what was to become the European Union.
By adopting, on 14 February 1984, the first draft Treaty establishing the European Union (known as the ‘Spinelli’ draft, after its rapporteur), Parliament initiated a reform process which was to continue for the following 20 years and lead to the drafting of the Single European Act
By adopting, on 14 February 1984, the first draft Treaty establishing the European Union (known as the ‘Spinelli’ draft, after its rapporteur), Parliament initiated a reform process which was to continue for the following 20 years and lead to the drafting of the Single European Act
Luxembourg Treaty of 17 February 1986, which came into force on 1 July 1987. , the Maastricht Treaty
Luxembourg Treaty of 17 February 1986, which came into force on 1 July 1987. , the Maastricht Treaty
Signed on 7 February 1992, came into force on 1 November 1993. , the Treaty of Amsterdam
Signed on 7 February 1992, came into force on 1 November 1993. , the Treaty of Amsterdam
Signed on 2 October 1997, came into force on 1 May 1999. , the Treaty of Nice
Signed on 2 October 1997, came into force on 1 May 1999. , the Treaty of Nice
Signed on 26 February 2001, came into force on 1 February 2003. , the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe
Signed on 26 February 2001, came into force on 1 February 2003. , the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe
Signed in Rome on 29 October 2004 and would have entered into force on 1 November 2006 (cf.
Signed in Rome on 29 October 2004 and would have entered into force on 1 November 2006 (cf.
Article IV - 447) if all the instruments of ratification had been deposited by that date. and, now, the Treaty of Lisbon
Article IV - 447) if all the instruments of ratification had been deposited by that date. and, now, the Treaty of Lisbon
Signed in Lisbon on 13 December 2007. .
Signed in Lisbon on 13 December 2007. .
At each stage, with the Committee on Institutional Affairs, which in 1999 became the Committee on Constitutional Affairs, providing the driving force, Parliament played an active part in the preparatory talks and assessed the outcome of the various Intergovernmental Conferences (IGCs)
At each stage, with the Committee on Institutional Affairs, which in 1999 became the Committee on Constitutional Affairs, providing the driving force, Parliament played an active part in the preparatory talks and assessed the outcome of the various Intergovernmental Conferences (IGCs)
Resolutions on the preparations for the IGCs and assessing their outcomes:
Resolutions on the preparations for the IGCs and assessing their outcomes:
- Single European Act
- Single European Act
. resolution of 14 February 1984: Spinelli report and draft Treaty (OJ C 77, 19.3.1984, p.
. resolution of 14 February 1984: Spinelli report and draft Treaty (OJ C 77, 19.3.1984, p.
. resolutions of 16 January 1986: Planas report (OJ C 36, 17.2.1986, p.
. resolutions of 16 January 1986: Planas report (OJ C 36, 17.2.1986, p.
and 17 April 1986 (OJ C 120, 20.5.1986, p.
and 17 April 1986 (OJ C 120, 20.5.1986, p.
- Maastricht Treaty
- Maastricht Treaty
14 March 1990 (OJ C 96, 17.4.1990, p.
14 March 1990 (OJ C 96, 17.4.1990, p.
11 July 1990 (OJ C 231, 17.9.1990, p.
11 July 1990 (OJ C 231, 17.9.1990, p.
and 22 November 1990 (OJ C 324, 24.12.1990, p.
and 22 November 1990 (OJ C 324, 24.12.1990, p.
- Treaty of Amsterdam
- Treaty of Amsterdam
and 13 March 1996: Dury/Maij-Weggen report (OJ C 96, 1.4.1996, p.
and 13 March 1996: Dury/Maij-Weggen report (OJ C 96, 1.4.1996, p.
. resolution of 19 November 1997: Méndez de Vigo/Tsatsos report (OJ C 371, 8.12.1997, p.
. resolution of 19 November 1997: Méndez de Vigo/Tsatsos report (OJ C 371, 8.12.1997, p.
- Treaty of Nice
- Treaty of Nice
. resolutions on the Dimitrakopoulos/Leinen report of 18 November 1999 (OJ C 189, 7.7.2000, p.
. resolutions on the Dimitrakopoulos/Leinen report of 18 November 1999 (OJ C 189, 7.7.2000, p.
3 February 2000 (OJ C 309, 27.10.2000, p.
3 February 2000 (OJ C 309, 27.10.2000, p.
and 13 April 2000 (OJ C 40, 7.2.2001, p.
and 13 April 2000 (OJ C 40, 7.2.2001, p.
. resolution of 31 May 2001: Méndez de Vigo/Seguro report (OJ C 47E, 21.2.2002, p.
. resolution of 31 May 2001: Méndez de Vigo/Seguro report (OJ C 47E, 21.2.2002, p.
- Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe
- Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe
. resolution of 24 September 2003: Gil Robles/Tsatsos report (OJ C 77 E, 26.3.2004, p.
. resolution of 24 September 2003: Gil Robles/Tsatsos report (OJ C 77 E, 26.3.2004, p.
. resolution of 12 January 2005: Corbett/Mendez de Vigo report (OJ C 247 E, 6.10.2005, p.
. resolution of 12 January 2005: Corbett/Mendez de Vigo report (OJ C 247 E, 6.10.2005, p.
Right from the start of this process, it advocated clarifying and enhancing the constitutional basis for the European Union, a need which became more and more acute under the pressure of successive enlargements, given their capacity to jeopardise the political dimension of the integration process.
Right from the start of this process, it advocated clarifying and enhancing the constitutional basis for the European Union, a need which became more and more acute under the pressure of successive enlargements, given their capacity to jeopardise the political dimension of the integration process.
Three distinct but related objectives have been pursued by Parliament to this end:
Three distinct but related objectives have been pursued by Parliament to this end:
First, it has sought to clarify and where necessary strengthen the competences and responsibilities of the European Union itself.
First, it has sought to clarify and where necessary strengthen the competences and responsibilities of the European Union itself.
Parliament has consistently argued that powers should be attributed to, and exercised by, the Union on the basis of the ‘principle of subsidiarity’, i.e. it should exercise those responsibilities - but only those responsibilities - that can be carried out more effectively by common policies than by the Member States acting separately.
Parliament has consistently argued that powers should be attributed to, and exercised by, the Union on the basis of the ‘principle of subsidiarity’, i.e. it should exercise those responsibilities - but only those responsibilities - that can be carried out more effectively by common policies than by the Member States acting separately.
Second, it has argued that responsibilities exercised at European level should be carried out more effectively.
Second, it has argued that responsibilities exercised at European level should be carried out more effectively.
Parliament was particularly critical of the practice of unanimity in the Council, arguing that, where agreement has been reached to run a policy jointly, it makes no sense to give a blocking power to each of the component States of the Union.
Parliament was particularly critical of the practice of unanimity in the Council, arguing that, where agreement has been reached to run a policy jointly, it makes no sense to give a blocking power to each of the component States of the Union.
It has also pleaded for a stronger role to be given to the Commission in carrying out policies once they have been agreed, subject to proper scrutiny and control.
It has also pleaded for a stronger role to be given to the Commission in carrying out policies once they have been agreed, subject to proper scrutiny and control.
Third, it has made the case for better democratic control and accountability at European level.
Third, it has made the case for better democratic control and accountability at European level.
Those responsibilities which national parliaments, in ratifying the Treaties, have transferred to the Union should not be exercised by the Council (i.e. national ministers) alone.
Those responsibilities which national parliaments, in ratifying the Treaties, have transferred to the Union should not be exercised by the Council (i.e. national ministers) alone.
The loss of parliamentary powers at the national level should be offset by an increase in parliamentary power at European level.
The loss of parliamentary powers at the national level should be offset by an increase in parliamentary power at European level.
In the light of the mixed and clearly inadequate results achieved by the Treaties of Amsterdam and Nice, when set against the challenge posed by the doubling in the number of Member States, but also that of the further deepening of the Union, it became more and more apparent that the established method of revising the Treaties was no longer able to provide genuine responses to the issues raised by the development of Europe.
In the light of the mixed and clearly inadequate results achieved by the Treaties of Amsterdam and Nice, when set against the challenge posed by the doubling in the number of Member States, but also that of the further deepening of the Union, it became more and more apparent that the established method of revising the Treaties was no longer able to provide genuine responses to the issues raised by the development of Europe.
Parliament had already reached that conclusion, and outlined it clearly, in its resolution of 19 November 1997 (based on the report by Íñigo Méndez de Vigo and Dimitris Tsatsos, see footnote 8 above ) which marked the real starting point of the political review process which was to culminate, in 1999, in the establishment, at the instigation of the German Council Presidency, of the Convention model, one first employed in connection with the drafting of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union.
Parliament had already reached that conclusion, and outlined it clearly, in its resolution of 19 November 1997 (based on the report by Íñigo Méndez de Vigo and Dimitris Tsatsos, see footnote 8 above ) which marked the real starting point of the political review process which was to culminate, in 1999, in the establishment, at the instigation of the German Council Presidency, of the Convention model, one first employed in connection with the drafting of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union.