Central African Armed Forces The Central African Armed Forces ( ) are the armed forces of the Central African Republic , established after independence in 1960 . Today they are a rather weak institution , dependent on international support to hold back the enemies in the current civil war . Its disloyalty to the president came to the fore during the mutinies in 1996 – 1997 , but ever since then it has faced internal problems . It has been strongly criticised by human rights organisations due to its terror , including killings , torture and sexual violence . History . Role of military in domestic politics . The military has played an important role in the history of Central African Republic . The current president , General François Bozizé is a former army chief - of - staff and his government includes several high - level military officers . Among the country ’ s five presidents since independence in 1960 , three have been former army chiefs - of - staff , who have taken power through coups d ' état . No president with military background has however been succeeded by a new military president . The country ’ s first president , David Dacko was overthrown by his army chief - of - staff , Jean - Bédel Bokassa in 1966 . Following Bokassa , David Dacko was restored in 1981 , only to be overthrown once again by his new army chief of staff , General André Kolingba after only a few months in power . In 1993 , Ange - Félix Patassé became the first elected president of the country . He became soon unpopular within the army , resulting in violent mutinies in 1996 – 1997 . In May 2001 , there was an unsuccessful coup attempt by Kolingba and once again Patassé had to turn to friends abroad for support , this time Libya and DR Congo were helpful . Some months later , in the end of October , Patassé sacked his army chief - of - staff , François Bozizé , and tried to arrest him . Bozizé then fled to Chad and gathered a group of rebellions . In 2002 , he seized Bangui for a short period . In March 2003 Bozizé took power through a coup d ’ état . Importance of ethnicity . When General Kolingba became president in 1981 , he implemented an ethnicity - based recruitment policy for the administration . Kolingba was a member of the Yakoma people from the south of the country , which made up approximately 5 % of the total population . During his rule , members of Yakoma were granted all key positions in the administration and made up a majority of the military . This later had disastrous consequences , when Kolingba was replaced by a member of a northerner tribe , Ange - Félix Patassé . Army mutinies of 1996 – 1997 . Soon after the election 1993 , Patassé became unpopular within the army , not least because of his inability to pay their wages ( partly due to economic mismanagement and partly because France suddenly ended its economic support for the soldiers ’ wages ) . Another reason for the irritation was that most of FACA consisted of soldiers from Kolingba ’ s ethnic group , the Yakoma . During Patassé ’ s rule they were becoming increasingly marginalised , while Patassé created militias favouring his own Gbaya tribe , as well as neighbouring Sara and Kaba . This resulted in army mutinies in 1996 – 1997 , where fractions of the military clashed with the presidential guard , the " Unité de sécurité présidentielle ( USP ) " and militias loyal to Patassé . On 6 December , a negotiation process started , facilitated by Gabon , Burkina - Faso , Chad and Mali . The military – supported by the opposition parties – keeps claiming that Patassé has to resign . In January , 1997 , however , the Bangui Agreements were signed and the French EFAO troop was replaced by the 1 , 350 soldiers of the " Mission interafricaine de surveillance des Accords de Bangui ( MISAB ) " . In March , all mutineers were granted amnesty . The fighting between MISAB and the mutineers continued with a large offensive in June , resulting in up to 200 casualties . After this final clash , the mutineers stayed calm . After the mutinies , President Patassé suffered from a typical " dictator ’ s paranoia " , resulting in a period of cruel terror executed by the presidential guard and various militia within the FACA loyal to the president , such as the Karako . It was directed against the Yakoma tribe , of which it is estimated that 20 , 000 persons fled during this period . But the oppression also targeted other parts of the society . The president accused his former ally France of supporting his enemies and seeks new international ties . When he strengthened his presidential guard ( creating the FORSIDIR , see below ) , he Libya sent him 300 additional soldiers for his own personal safety . When former President Kolingba attempted a coup d ’ état in 2001 ( which was , according to Patassé , supported by France ) , the Movement for the Liberation of Congo ( MLC ) of Jean - Pierre Bemba in DR Congo came to his rescue . Crimes conducted by Patassé ’ s militias and Congolese soldiers during this period are now being investigated by the International Criminal Court , who wrote that " sexual violence appears to have been a central feature of the conflict " , having identified more than 600 rape victims . Present situation . The FACA has been dominated by soldiers from the Yakoma ethnic group since the time of Kolingba . It has hence been considered disloyal by the two northerner presidents Patassé and Bozizé , both of whom have equipped and run their own militias outside FACA . The military also proved its disloyalty during the mutinies in 1996 – 1997 . Although Francois Bozizé has a background in FACA himself ( being its chief - of - staff from 1997 to 2001 ) , he has been cautious by retaining the defence portfolio , as well as by appointing his son Jean - Francis Bozizé cabinet director in charge of running the Ministry of Defence . He kept his old friend General Antoine Gambi as Chief of Staff . Due to failure to curb deepening unrest in the northern part of the country , Gambi was in July 2006 replaced with Bozizé ’ s old friend from the military academy , Jules Bernard Ouandé . Military ’ s relations with the society . The forces assisting Bozizé in seizing the power in 2003 were not paid what they were promised and started looting , terrorising and killing ordinary citizens . Summary executions have taken place with the implicit approval of the government . The situation has deteriorated since early 2006 and the regular army and the presidential guard regularly execute extortion , torture , killings and other human rights violations . There is no possibility for the national judicial system to investigate these cases . At the end of 2006 , there were an estimated 150 , 000 internally displaced people . During a UN mission in the northern part of the country in November 2006 , the mission had a meeting with a prefect who said that he could not maintain law and order over the military and the presidential guards . The FACA conducts summary executions and burn houses . Only on the route between Kaga - Bandoro and Ouandago , some 2 , 000 houses have been burnt , leaving an estimated 10 , 000 persons homeless . Reform of the army . Both the " Multinational Force in the Central African Republic " ( FOMUC ) and France are assisting in the current reform of the army . One of the key priorities of the reform of the military is make it more ethnically diversified . It should also integrate Bozizé ’ s own rebel group ( mainly consisting of members of his own Gbaya tribe ) . Many of the Yakoma soldiers who left the country after the mutinies in 1996 – 1997 have now returned and must also be reintegrated into the army . At the same time , BONUCA holds seminars in topics such as the relationship between military and civil parts of society . Foreign military presence in support of the Government . Peacekeeping and peace enforcing forces . Since the mutinies , a number of peacekeeping and peace enforcing international missions have been present in Central African Republic . There has been a discussion of the deployment of a regional United Nations ( UN ) peacekeeping force in both Chad and Central African Republic . But it is considered to shore up the ineffectual Darfur Peace Agreement . The missions deployed in the country during the last 10 years are the following : Chad . In addition to the multilateral forces , there have been bilateral support from other African countries , such as the Libyan and Congolese support to Patassé , mentioned above . Bozizé is in many ways dependent on Chad support . Chad has an interest in CAR , since it needs to ensure calmness close to its oil fields and the pipeline leading to the Cameroonian coast , close to the troubled northwest CAR . Before seizing power , Bozizé built up his rebel force in Chad , trained and augmented by the Chadian . President Déby assisted him actively in taking the power in March 2003 ( his rebel forces included 100 Chadian soldiers ) . After the coup , another 400 soldiers were sent . Current direct support includes the 150 non - FOMUC Chadian troops that patrol the border area near Goré , the Chadian soldiers patrolling Bangui , but most of all the Chadian soldiers within the presidential lifeguard . The CEMAC Force includes 121 Chadian soldiers . France . There has been an almost uninterrupted French military presence in Central African Republic since independence , regulated through agreements between the two Governments . The French troops were allowed to be based in the country and to intervene in cases of destabilisation . This was particularly important during the cold war era , when Francophone Africa was regarded as a natural French sphere of influence . Additionally , the strategic location of the country made it a more interesting location for military bases than its neighbours and Bouar and Bangui were hence two of the most important French bases abroad . However , in 1997 , following Lionel Jospin ’ s expression “ Neither interference nor indifference ” , France came to adopt new strategic principles for its presence in Africa . This included a reduced permanent presence on the continent and an increased support to multilateral interventions . In Central African Republic , the Bouar base and the Béal Camp ( at that time home to 1 , 400 French soldiers ) in Bangui were shut down , as the French concentrated its African presence to Abidjan , Dakar , Djibouti , Libreville and N ’ Djamena and the deployment of a " Force d ’ action rapide " , based in France . However , due to the situation in the country , France has retained a military presence . During the mutinies , 2 , 400 French soldiers were patrolling the streets of Bangui . Their official task was to evacuate foreign citizens , but this did not prevent direct confrontations with the mutineers ( resulting in French and mutineer casualties ) . The level of French involvement resulted in protests among the Central African population , since many took party for the mutineers and accused France of defending a dictator against the people ’ s will . Voices were also heard in France where some blamed France for its protection of a discredited ruler , totally incapable of exerting power and managing the country . After the mutinies in 1997 , the MISAB was a multilateral force , but it was armed , equipped , trained and managed by France . The Chadian , Gabonese and Congolese soldiers of the current " Force multinationale en Centrafrique ( FOMUC ) " mission in the country also enjoys logistical support from French soldiers . A study carried out by the US Congressional Research Service reveals however that France has again increased its arms sales to Africa and during the 1998 – 2005 period , France was the leading supplier of arms to the continent . Components and units . Air Force . The Air Force is almost inoperable . Lack of funding has almost grounded the air force apart from an AS 350 Ecureuil delivered in 1987 . Mirage F1 planes from the French Air Force regularly patrol troubled regions of the country and also participate in direct confrontations . According to some sources , Bozizé used the money he got from the mining concession in Bakouma to buy two old MI 8 helicopters from Ukraine and one Lockheed C - 130 Hercules , built in the 1950s , from USA . The air force operates otherwise 7 light aircraft , including a single helicopter : Garde républicaine ( GR ) . GR consists of so - called patriots that fought for Bozizé when he seized power in 2003 ( mainly from the Gbaya tribe ) , together with soldiers from Chad . They are guilty of numerous assaults on the civil population , such as terror , aggression , sexual violence . Only a couple of months after Bozizé ’ s seizure of power , in May 2003 , taxi and truck drivers conducted a strike against these outrages . New amphibious force . Bozizé has created an amphibious force . It is called the Second Battalion of the Ground Forces and it patrols the Ubangi river . The staff of the sixth region in Bouali ( mainly made up of members of the former president ’ s lifeguard ) was transferred to the city of Mongoumba , located on the river . This city had previously been plundered by forces from MLC , that had crossed the border . The riverine patrol force has approximately a hundred personnel and operates seven patrol boats . Veteran Soldiers . A program for disarmament and reintegration of veteran soldiers is currently taking place . A national commission for the disarmament , demobilisation and reintegration was put in place in September 2004 . The commission is in charge of implementing a program wherein approximately 7 , 500 veteran soldiers will be reintegrated in civil life and obtain education .