Shaba I Shaba I was a conflict in Zaire ' s Shaba ( Katanga ) Province lasting from March 8 , 1977 to May 26 , 1977 . The conflict began when the Front for the National Liberation of the Congo ( FNLC ) , a group of about 2 , 000 Katangan Congolese soldiers ( veterans of the Congo Crisis , the Angolan War of Independence , and the Angolan Civil War ) crossed the border into Shaba from Angola . The FNLC made quick progress through the region , due to sympathizing locals and to the disorganization of the Zairian military ( " Forces Armées Zairoise " , or FAZ ) . Traveling east from Zaire ' s border with Angola , the rebels reached Mutshatsha , a small town near to the key mining town of Kolwezi . President Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire accused Angola , Cuba , and the Soviet Union of sponsoring the rebels . Motivated by anti - Communism and by economic interests , the Western Bloc and China sent assistance to support the Mobutu regime . The most significant intervention , orchestrated by the Safari Club , featured a French airlift of Moroccan troops into the war zone . This intervention turned the tide of the conflict . U . S . President Jimmy Carter approved the shipment of supplies to Zaire , but refused to send weapons or troops and maintained that there was no evidence of Cuban involvement . The FAZ and the Moroccan troops terrorized the population of the province during and after the war . Bombing and other acts of violence led 50 , 000 – 70 , 000 refugees to flee into Angola and Zambia . Journalists were prevented from entering the Province and several were arrested . Mobutu nevertheless won a public relations victory , and ensured continuing economic assistance from governments , from the International Monetary Fund and World Bank , and from a group of private lenders led by Citibank . The FAZ and outside powers clashed again with insurgents in the 1978 conflict called Shaba II . Background . Zaire . A former Belgian colony , the Congo gained independence during the Year of Africa . The State of Katanga , led by Moise Tshombe soon announced secession , supported by Belgian business interests , the Belgian military , and indirectly by France . The country was soon plunged into crisis after the assassination of Pan - Africanist leader Patrice Lumumba . After six years of war , power was seized by Joseph Mobutu with help from the U . S . Central Intelligence Agency ( CIA ) and support from the Western Bloc . Mobutu changed the name of Katanga Province to Shaba Province , after the Swahili word for copper . Mobutu ' s Zaire maintained good relations with Western powers . Belgium had the largest investments in the country ( worth $ 750 million – $ 1 billion ) , followed by the United States ( $ 200 million ) and France ( $ 20 million ) . Franco - Zairian relations were nevertheless improving , and the Zaire government had recently been snubbing Belgium in favor of France — awarding the country a $ 500 million telecommunications contract in 1975 . This contract , negotiated by French President Giscard d ' Estaing , went to Thomson - CSF International with finances from the Banque Française du Commerce Extérieur — both institutions headed by members of d ' Estaing ' s family . When Mobutu asked for international assistance , it was France under d ' Estaing that organized the military response . Zaire received more military aid from the United States than did any other sub - Saharan nation , with its $ 30 million worth of annual assistance representing half of all military aid to the area . Zaire was the world ' s primary exporter of cobalt , sourcing 60 % of the global supply . The country also exported 7 % of world copper and 33 % of industrial diamonds . Many of the mines for these resources were located in Shaba , and the copper mines in this area provided 65 – 75 % of the country ' s overall wealth from imports . The FNLC . The FNLC were mostly Lunda people , also the ethnicity of many people in Katanga ( renamed Shaba in 1972 ) . In 1976 , they began to recruit youth in Katanga to join their fighting force . Formation . Included in the invading force was a small remnant of the Katangan gendarmes that had supported the secession of Katanga from 1960 . When Kasavubu recalled Katanganese leader Moise Tshombe from exile in 1964 , elements of this force had been incorporated into the Armee Nationale Congolaise ( ANC ) to help fight the insurrections simmering throughout the country . After Tshombe disappeared from the political scene , the Katangan contingent mutinied in 1966 and again in 1967 . When these uprisings failed , most of the contingent left for Angola under Nathaniel Mbumba ' s leadership . During the late 1960s , the former gendarmes began to congregate in Angola along Zaire ' s southern border , and during the late 1960s and early 1970s , they fought for the Portuguese against Angolan nationalist movements . After the Portuguese departed in 1975 , the Katangan gendarmes fought with the MPLA in the Angolan Civil War . The MPLA won control of the country and provided the gendarmes with relative autonomy in their area on the border with Zaire . This group — about 4000 people total , 2000 deemed able to fight — formed the Front for the National Liberation of the Congo ( FNLC ) and styled themselves as left - wing . Cuban involvement . The FNLC had earlier asked Cuba directly for assistance . Cuba , already seeking to withdraw from Angola and not convinced of the FNLC ' s sincerity , declined . The extent of MPLA support for the invasion is unclear ; it did not seem provide much direct assistance , but also did not act to prevent the attack . Cuba did not support the FNLC in this invasion . Invasion . The invaders launched a three - pronged attack on March 8 , 1977 , crossing the Angola – Zaire border on bicycles . No casualties were reported in the first week after their arrival . Zaire ' s response . Mobutu condemned the invasion , saying on March 10 that Kissenge , Dilolo , and Kapanga had been " bombed " by " mercenaries " . He accused the Cuban government of involvement , and requested assistance from Western powers . The U . S . Embassy confirmed that these towns had been captured and announced that eight American missionaries in Kapanga were under house arrest . The actions of Zaire ' s armed forces , the FAZ , were largely ineffective . The first unit to make contact — the 11th Brigade of the Kaymanyola Division — was newly trained , and it fell apart soon after meeting the FNLC force . However , the popular uprising hoped for by the FNLC also did not materialize . Although most towns were more favorable to the FNLC forces than to the government army , people were generally afraid of violence and stayed home . International response . United States . On March 15 , the United States sent 35 tons of communications equipment and medical supplies , and other materials — worth a total of $ 2 million — using chartered DC - 8 s . President Jimmy Carter , in his first year of office , was less enthusiastic about Mobutu than his predecessors and decided against sending weapons or troops . He also stated that there was no evidence to substantiate Cuban involvement , and he maintained this position throughout the conflict . Officials of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization ( NATO ) agreed . The State Department accused the Angolan government of providing the rebels with " logistic support " but maintained that there was " no hard evidence " of Cuban support . The U . S . House Committee on International Relations questioned the importance of aid and moved to halve Zaire ' s arms credits from $ 30 million to $ 15 million . Americans were evacuated from the area . Secretary of State Cyrus Vance sought to justify the aid based on the importance of copper and cobalt mining . Announcements seeking to hire American mercenaries to fight in Zaire appeared in California . A man named David Bufkin was identified as doing this recruiting . These announcements were later traced to the U . S . Central Intelligence Agency ( CIA ) Other countries . Belgium sent weapons to the Zaire government but declined Mobutu ' s request for military assistance . China sent 30 tons of weapons . France sent weapons and ammunition . The US asked for Nigeria ' s help with diplomatic mediation between Zaire and Angola . Nigeria agreed , but urged outside powers not to provide arms . Cuban President Fidel Castro denied that Cuba was involved in the conflict , calling Mobutu " desperate " and calling the accusation " a pretext to get military assistance from imperialism so he can continue to oppress the people of Zaire " . Banks . Zaire had already been overdue on its loan payments , and the conflict increased the uncertainty of international banks of its ability to repay . A group of 98 banks , led by Citibank , had agreed in November 1976 to offer Zaire a $ 250 million loan if the country promised to implement economic austerity . These banks hoped that the additional loan would help Zaire develop its economy and pay back the $ 400 million it already owned . Now , the banks feared that the war would bankrupt the Zaire government . Citibank announced on behalf of the group that this loan would be suspended until Zaire could resolve its internal problems , which would have jeopardized repayment . Invasion continues . The FNLC progressed into Katanga . In a battle in Kasaji on March 18 , the FAZ killed fifteen of the FNLC soldiers while losing four of their own . On March 25 the FAZ abandoned Mutshatsha and the FNLC entered it . This was a town with railway access , 130 kilometres from the Kolwezi — home to the Musonoi Mine , a major source of copper for Gécamines . The capture of Mutshatsha led observers to perceive a serious threat from the invading force . ( Despite its economic importance , Kolwezi was not particularly well - defended . A Belgian manager suggested : " No one would dare to touch us . We are essential to whoever governs this area , so we are not worried . " ) Americans in Kolwezi , mostly workers for Morrison - Knudsen were evacuated . Perception of the rebels ' power increased as reports suggested they were beginning to provide social assistance to local people in the Shaba province . The FNLC began to establish a regional administration and distribute identity cards for a nation called " The Democratic Republic of the Congo " . According to later reports from missionaries in the area , the rebels — whose primary agenda was freedom from Mobutu , not ethnic or tribal warfare — were welcomed by locals in Katanga . The government held a poorly - attended rally in a Kinshasa stadium : soldiers prevented the already small crowd from leaving after , and the rally ended when the crowd refused to applaud . Zaire launched bombing raids in the area , which it said were targeting the invaders . The Zairian Air Force used Mirage jets from France to bomb Kisengi , which it called the headquarters for the rebel uprising . Along with other residents , 28 missionaries ( from Britain , Australia , Canada , New Zealand , France , Belgium , Italy , and Spain ) fled from these bombing raids , eventually taking refuge in Angola . Angola reported that Zaire had bombed its towns of Shilumbo and Camafuafa . The Zairian military claimed to have killed Russian , Portuguese , and Cuban soldiers participating in the invasion . Zaire cut diplomatic ties with Cuba and then with the Soviet Union . On a diplomatic visit to Washington , D . C . , Egyptian President Anwar Sadat emphasized this claim to Carter , who maintained throughout the conflict that there was no evidence of outside involvement . King Hassan II of Morocco said he possessed " absolutely certain " proof that Cuban soldiers were fighting in Shaba . Andrew Young , the U . S . ambassador to the United Nations , urged calm , saying " Americans shouldn ' t get paranoid about communism " in Africa . Mobutu reproached the United States in a " Newsweek " interview , saying he was " bitterly disappointed by America ' s attitude " and : " If you have decided to surrender piecemeal to the Soviet - Cuban grand design in Africa , I think you owe it to us and to your friends to have the frankness to admit it . " Former National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger also blamed the Soviet Union , saying , " Whatever the details of the current invasion of Zaire , it is clear that the attack took place across a sovereign border from a country in which the government was installed by Soviet arms and the military personnel of a Soviet client state . It could not have taken place — and it could not continue — without the material support or acquiescence of the Soviet Union — whether or not Cuban troops are present . " China concurred , provoking unpleasantness with Soviet ambassadors in Beijing and later calling the FNLC invasion " a new offensive drive in the Soviet Union ' s political and military aggression in Africa " . Meanwhile , Carter was also criticized for the support he did give to Zaire , in contrast with his support for human rights . Senator Dick Clark , a member of the Foreign Relations Committee , publicly opposed the US involvement , writing in an op - ed : In my judgment , U . S . involvement in Zaire defies justification . It is true that the U . S . has not utilized the full measure of resources available for Zaire , nor responded to Mobutu ' s requests for arms and ammunition . This restraint by the Administration is commendable , but if Mobutu qualifies for neither arms nor ammunition , then he should not qualify for any form of military assistance , lest the United States be drawn into the hapless conflict in Zaire , inch by inch . John Stockwell — who grew up in Katanga and joined the CIA , eventually becoming head of the agency ' s Angola Task Force — publicly resigned his position , blaming the conflict on unsuccessful CIA interventions . In an open letter to CIA Director Stansfield Turner published in the " Washington Post " , Stockwell argued that American intervention in Zaire and Angola was triggering a backlash in the Third World : " In death [ Lumumba ] became an eternal martyr and by installing Mobutu in the Zairian presidency we committed ourselves to the ' other side ' , the losing side in central and southern Africa . We cast ourselves as the dull - witted Goliath , in a world of eager young Davids . " Stockwell expanded on his claims of CIA abuses in a 1978 book titled " In Search of Enemies " . Carter acknowledged problems with human rights in Zaire , but said that " our friendship and aid historically for Zaire has not been predicated on their perfection in dealing with human rights . " Confusion and censorship . Journalists reported confusion and difficulty with finding credible information . American news sources reported that Kolwezi had been captured , then retracted this claim . Reportedly , even the U . S . CIA , which operated a station in Kinshasa , was not collecting intelligence directly in the Shaba region . Reliable information became even more difficult to obtain after the FAZ abandoned Mutshatsha and Mobutu declared the right to censor all news reports . Journalist Michael Goldsmith was expelled from Zaire on April 4 after reporting that the aforementioned rally in Kinshasa had been lackluster . More journalists were arrested , and films — taken in Kinshasa — were seized by the Zaire government . The press of Zaire ignored the Shaba conflict entirely . Meanwhile , the FNLC did not seem to have press contacts . The Zairian military . Mobutu relieved Colonel Salamaya , who six days earlier he had placed in charge of defending Shaba ; soon after , he relieved Salamaya ' s replacement . Mobutu blamed the success of the rebel attack on high - ranking traitors in the Zairian military . FAZ casualties remained low , with many FAZ forces apparently unwilling to fight . Many of the Zairian soldiers had not recently been paid and there were numerous reported desertions and defections . One missionary reported FAZ soldiers intentionally wounding themselves in order to avoid battle . A Belgian engineer in Kolwezi , discussing the apparent unpreparedness of FAZ forces there , told a reporter : " Ah , it ' s an African war . What can you expect ? If the Katangans get really close , many of these soldiers will run anyway . All it takes is a loud bang , and off they go . " Safari Club intervention . On April 7 , plans were announced to support the government of Zaire with Moroccan troops . This operation was coordinated by a covert multi - national organization called the Safari Club , an anti - Communist alliance including France , Morocco , Egypt , Iran , and Saudi Arabia . On April 9 , Moroccan troops were airlifted into Kolwezi on eleven French Transall C - 160 s from the network of French bases remaining on the African continent . Egypt also provided 50 pilots and technicians , which operated Mirage jets from the Zairian Air Force . France also assisted the FAZ with additional Mirage planes , Panhard Véhicule Blindé Léger s , and Aérospatiale SA 330 Puma helicopters . After Western military support had arrived in Kolwezi , Zambia said that Zaire had bombed the village of Shingamjunji Mangango and the Kaleni Hill mission hospital . Angola also reported a naval attack . Diplomacy and media . A French liaison was deployed to coordinate with the Zairian forces . The French operation ( code name " Verveine " ) , was commanded by Colonel Yves Gras , head of the French Military Mission in Zaire . Morocco provided 1 , 300 – 1 , 500 combat troops , Egypt contributed pilots and technical support , and Saudi Arabia backed the operation financially . Moroccan troops increased the perception that the operation was internal to Africa , with Zaire originally announcing that Morocco and " another African country " were coming to its assistance . The American government also described the intervention as intra - African , with Carter announcing " We are not taking a position on such action by one African state at this point in response to requests for aid from another African state . Our position on outside intervention is well known . We are against such intervention . The affairs of Africa should be settled by Africans . " The French announcement that it would provide the airlift , made on April 10 , " came as a surprise to all observers " . D ' Estaing emphasized France ' s independence in conducting the operation and specified that the U . S . had not been consulted beforehand . The U . S . announced an additional $ 13 million of aid , including a C - 130 transport plane , communications equipment , fuel , and spare parts . Andrew Young , who advised restraint throughout the conflict , said that the U . S . was trying to " align ourselves with the … concept of territorial integrity in Zaire , and of self - determination by the people of Zaire , but not get ourselves in the military conflict . " Carter continued to state that there was no evidence of Cuban involvement . He acknowledged that Zaire was not a " defender of human rights " and said " our military aid for Zaire has been very modest " . South Africa ' s South African Bureau for State Security was also in contact with Zaire and provided fuel and money . West Germany send $ 2 million worth of medicine and food . Some African states , particularly former colonies of France , supported Zaire diplomatically . Idi Amin and a symbolic " suicide striking force " of the Ugandan military visited Kolwezi in late April — then flew back to Uganda . Initial reactions . The FNLC began to make contact with the press and issued several announcements . A representative of the Katanganese rebels , speaking in Paris , criticized the intervention as economically self - serving , saying that " the stake of French multinationals such as Alsthom and Thomson , and concessions for prospecting the mineral riches " had led France to support " a corrupt regime " . Jean Tshombé , son of former Katanganese secessionist leader Moise Tshombé , also criticized the intervention and reaffirmed that Angola , Cuba , and the Soviet Union were not involved . The FNLC subsequently announced specific military successes , saying it had defeated Zairian military forces 15 miles from Kolwezi , seizing vehicles and weapons . It also claimed to have killed two French soldiers — a claim quickly denied as impossible by France , which said that no French soldiers were present . The group wrote a letter to the International Press Service : In contrast with published statements of with published statements by President Giscard D ' Estaing , French troops are directly involved in the fighting currently taking place in the Shaba province of Zaire . This Friday , April 15 , at 2 p . m . , the fighting spread on the outskirts of Kolwezi . A French military man died amid these engagements . < br > The FLNC strongly protests this French military intervention in Congo ' s domestic affairs and declined any responsibility for the consequences it may bring upon the French Government . < br > The FLNC calls on the French people , to whom it expresses its trust and friendly feelings , to demand the immediate termination of the aggression deliberately carried out against the Congolese people . Angola declared the invaders " responsible for the grave consequences that may result from their intervention in the conflict " , warning that " if the objective is to attack Angola , the Popular Republic of Angola warns Africa and the world that it will not tolerate any foreign intervention " . The Soviet Union condemned the Western Bloc and China for interfering in a " strictly internal conflict which need not concern anyone outside [ Zaire ] . " The alleged Zairian bombings of Angola and Zambia also became an issue , with Mobutu accusing the Soviet Union of bombing these countries as a false flag attack . French intervention met with left - wing criticism , domestically and internationally . President Giscard d ' Estaing responded that the action was protecting the sovereignty of a friendly state . Foreign Minister Louis de Guiringaud said it was necessary to check Soviet influence . The French government denied claims that " military advisors " had participated in the fighting . Belgium denied a claim , made by Mobutu and quoted in " Newsweek " , that it was involved in the conflict , saying that the only assistance it had delivered was already planned . Execution . The war itself seemed to be in a stalemate , with foreign troops and the FAZ now massed in Kolwezi , but little fighting taking place . On April 14 , Moroccan General Ahmed Dlimi arrived in Kolwezi , and a combined Zairian and Moroccan force counter - attacked . 30 FAZ casualties were reported after a fortnight of quiet . They were joined by a unit of Pygmy archers . The government and supporting forces reported capturing rebel supplies , including counterfeit money and Portuguese - and Soviet - manufactured weapons . Two captured Kantangan soldiers said that there were 1 , 600 soldiers in Shaba , that their leader was Nathaniel Mbumba , and that they were not being assisted by Cuba . One said , " First we were trained by the Portuguese and after that by the Cubans " — but " there are no Cubans now " . The government displayed the two captives in another stadium rally . At this rally , Mobutu again condemned Soviet and Cuban involvement , and ordered $ 60 , 000 worth of Coca - Cola to go along with rations for FAZ soldiers . Mobutu flew with diplomats and journalists to Kolwezi , where he was met by dancing girls and announced a " total rout " of the insurgents . The pro - government alliance recaptured Mutshatsha on April 25 . The village was nearly deserted when it was captured , but observers assigned symbolic importance to its recapture . Mobutu held a press conference and parade in Mutshatsha , telling 47 international journalists that he would continue to battle Soviet influence in Africa . That day , the International Monetary Fund said it would loan Zaire $ 85 million — perhaps , it was speculated , to deter a group of private banks from canceling the already loan of planned $ 250 million . At the request of France and the United States , the World Bank announced an upcoming convention to solicit additional loans for Zaire . David Bufkin ' s mercenaries were reported ready to fly to Zaire to join the anti - FNLC coalition . The CIA denied a request from the Department of Justice to provide information about its involvement . Bufkin and the CIA denied the claim . The operation was aborted after the Safari Club intervention proved rapidly successful . Conclusion of the war . More confusion . The situation was confusing , chaotic , and difficult to assess . Observers were unsure of whether the war had ended , with a victory for the Zaire government , or instead devolved into a guerrilla war . Journalists continued to face restrictions and intimidation . Seven European journalists ( including Colin Smith ) had been arrested in April and accused of illegally entering the Shaba province . A spokesperson for the Zaire military stated : " In the normal way these people should have been treated as mercenaries and shot immediately . It is a miracle they are still alive . " These journalists were removed from Zaire after being imprisoned for two weeks . According to a contemporary news report : Newsmen in Kinshasa , 1 , 500 miles from the Kolwei battlegrounds , repeatedly refused permission to visit Shaba province , finally received permission to visit the region and after a 10 day visit reported that they had not heard a single shot fired . In Kolwezi ' s hospital only two slightly wounded Zairian soldiers had been seen . If there was a war going on nobody seemed to know where the front was . Nevertheless the general staff of the Zaire army was claiming to have begun a general offensive against the enemy and claimed to have surrounded the town of Mutshatsha . Mobutu ' s patchwork army of reluctant unemployed urban youths , displaced farmers ' sons , the restless Morroccans and the Pygmies face an estimated 100 battle groups , each consisting of 30 well trained and well armed men operating deep inside friendly trail areas . The sympathies of the local people were also in question , with observers unsure of how many residents of Shaba supported the rebels . The image of the FAZ – Moroccan forces deteriorated when three Moroccan troops stabbed a Kolwezi woman to death and beat her babies after she denied them sex . ( It was later determined that the soldiers raped the woman and killed her babies on bayonet es ; they were executed after military tribunal held in Shaba . ) Local people were threatened , imprisoned , and killed by the Zairian military in an effort to discourage them from joining the rebels . The European ( and Australian and Candian ) missionaries who surfaced after fleeing to Angola said that locals supported the rebels , none of whom were Cuban or Angolan , because they opposed Mobutu . Final military actions . The Moroccan and Zairian troops moved on , bolstered by additional forces from France , Egypt , and Belgium . This coalition retook the area with occasional fighting — suffering some casualties from an FNLC ambush in Kasaji ( ) . American workers returned to Kolwezi soon after the capture of Mutshatsha . On May 21 , the government announced that Diolo had been captured . It said that 100 rebels were killed in simultaneous attacks at Kapanga and Sandoa . The war was declared over . Kapanga was declared captured on May 26 , 1977 . Aftermath . As the FAZ , France , Morocco , Egypt , and Belgium were driving the rebels out of Zaire , the Ethio - Somali War created another international crisis involving the United States , the Safari Club , Cuba , and the Soviet Union . In July 1977 , Mobutu disclosed that Saudi Arabia had provided an undisclosed form of aid during the conflict . The FNLC . The FNLC withdrew to Angola , and possibly to Zambia , and began to regroup for another attack . The group gained many new recruits , and left behind contacts within Shaba Province . The Katanganese . Military terror against Lunda people in the region ( who shared this ethnicity with the gendarmes ) led 50 , 000 – 70 , 000 people to flee Zaire for Angola . In February 1978 , the FAZ entered the town of Idiofa , killed between 500 – 3 , 000 people , hanged fourteen " ringleaders " , and burnt villages . Zaire . The military reported 219 casualties during the course of the war . The poor performance of Zaire ' s military during Shaba I gave evidence of chronic weaknesses . One problem was that some of the Zairian soldiers in the area had not received pay for extended periods . Senior officers often kept the money intended for the soldiers , typifying a generally disreputable and inept senior leadership in the FAZ . As a result many soldiers simply deserted rather than fight . Others stayed with their units but were ineffective . During the months following the Shaba invasion , Mobutu sought solutions to the military problems that had contributed to the army ' s dismal performance . Foreign Minister Jean Nguza Karl - i - Bond — the country ' s second - ranking official , an expert on international law , and a member of the Lunda ethnic group — was accused of treason sentenced to death , reprieved by Mobutu , and sentenced to life in prison . ( He was later pardoned and reappointed Foreign Minister . ) A former Zairian military officer and a former governor were condemned to death in August 1977 , also charged with aiding the FNLC . Subsequent trials in 1978 implicated 68 military officers , dispensing 19 death penalties and numerous imprisonments . Mobutu also reorganized the FAZ , and began training for the Kaymanyola division in Kolwezi . This training was assisted by French , Belgian , and American military advisors . In this reorganization , Mobutu dismissed a Belgian officer named Van Melle from his own intelligence services . Van Melle was a key contact for European and American intelligence agencies , and his dismissal made reliable information even harder for them to find . Mobutu merged the military general staff with his own presidential staff and appointed himself chief of staff again , in addition to the positions of minister of defence and supreme commander that he already held . He redeployed his forces throughout the country instead of keeping them close to Kinshasa , as had previously been the case . The Kamanyola Division , at the time considered the army ' s best unit and referred to as the president ' s own , was assigned permanently to Shaba . In addition to these changes , the army ' s strength was reduced by 25 % , presumably to eliminate disloyal and ineffective elements . Zaire ' s allies provided a large influx of military equipment , and Belgian , French , and American advisers assisted in rebuilding and retraining the force . Shaba I was a major public relations victory for Mobutu , securing his regime and winning continued military and economic assistance from the Western Bloc . The group of private lenders , led by Citibank , were close to delivering the $ 250 million loan in early 1978 . The Shaba II conflict began in May 1978 .