Unification of Germany The formal unification of Germany into a politically and administratively integrated nation state officially occurred on 18 January 1871 at the Versailles Palace ' s Hall of Mirrors in France . Princes of the German states gathered there to proclaim Wilhelm of Prussia as Emperor Wilhelm of the German Empire after the French capitulation in the Franco - Prussian War . Unofficially , the de facto transition of most of the German - speaking populations into a federated organization of states occurred far earlier , via alliances formal and informal between noblemen — but also fitfully as self - interests of parties hampered the process over nearly a century of aristocratic experimentation from the dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire ( 1806 ) and the consequent rise of nationalism over the span of the Napoleonic Wars era . Unification exposed several glaring religious , linguistic , social , and cultural differences between and among the inhabitants of the new nation , suggesting that 1871 only represents one moment in a continuum of the larger unification processes . The Holy Roman Emperor was oft - called " Emperor of all The Germanies " , news accounts referred to " ' The Germanies ' " and in the empire , its higher nobility were referred to as " " Princes of Germany " or " Princes of the Germanies " " — for the lands once East Francia had been ruled as pocket kingdoms , dynastic independent states ruled by its ruling classes since the times well before the rise of Charlemagne ( 800 AD ) . Given the mountainous terrains of much of the territory , it is obvious that isolated peoples would develop cultural , educational , linguistic and religious based differences over such a lengthy time period . But Germany of the nineteenth century would enjoy transportation and communications improvements tying the peoples into a greater , tighter culture , as has all the world under the influence of better communications and transportation infrastructures . The Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation , which had included more than 500 independent states , was effectively dissolved when Emperor Francis IV abdicated ( 6 August 1806 ) during the War of the Third Coalition . Despite the legal , administrative , and political disruption associated with the end of the Empire , the people of the German - speaking areas of the old Empire had a common linguistic , cultural and legal tradition further enhanced by their shared experience in the French Revolutionary Wars and Napoleonic Wars . The many independent states each also had its installed ruling class and they their feudal associations , traditions , and local laws . There was a lot of inertia for the nobility desired to maintain their petty prerogatives . European liberalism offered an intellectual basis for unification by challenging dynastic and absolutist models of social and political organization ; its German manifestation emphasized the importance of tradition , education , and linguistic unity of peoples in a geographic region . Economically , the creation of the Prussia n " Zollverein " ( customs union ) in 1818 , and its subsequent expansion to include other states of the German Confederation , reduced competition between and within states . Emerging modes of transportation facilitated business and recreational travel , leading to contact and sometimes conflict between and among German - speakers from throughout Central Europe . The model of diplomatic spheres of influence resulting from the Congress of Vienna in 1814 – 15 after the Napoleonic Wars endorsed Austrian dominance in Central Europe . However , the negotiators at Vienna took no account of Prussia ' s growing strength within and among the German states and so failed to foresee that Prussia would rise up to challenge Austria for leadership within the German states . This German dualism presented two solutions to the problem of unification : " Kleindeutsche Lösung " , the small Germany solution ( Germany without Austria ) , or " Großdeutsche Lösung " , greater Germany solution ( Germany with Austria ) . Historians debate whether Otto von Bismarck — Minister President of Prussia — had a master plan to expand the North German Confederation of 1866 to include the remaining independent German states into a single entity , or simply to expand the power of the Kingdom of Prussia . They conclude that factors in addition to the strength of Bismarck ' s " Realpolitik " led a collection of early modern polities to reorganize political , economic , military and diplomatic relationships in the 19th century . Reaction to Danish and French nationalism provided foci for expressions of German unity . Military successes — especially those of Prussia — in three regional wars generated enthusiasm and pride that politicians could harness to promote unification . This experience echoed the memory of mutual accomplishment in the Napoleonic Wars , particularly in the War of Liberation of 1813 – 14 . By establishing a Germany without Austria , the political and administrative unification in 1871 at least temporarily solved the problem of dualism . German - speaking Central Europe in the early nineteenth century . Prior to 1806 , German - speaking Central Europe included more than 300 political entities , most of them part of the Holy Roman Empire or the extensive Habsburg hereditary dominions . They ranged in size from the small and complex territories of the princely Hohenlohe family branches to the sizable , well defined territories as the Kingdom of Bavaria and the Kingdom of Prussia . Their governance varied : they included free imperial cities , also of different sizes , such as the powerful Augsburg and the minuscule Weil der Stadt ; ecclesiastical territories , also of varying sizes and influence , such as the wealthy Abbey of Reichenau and the powerful Archbishopric of Cologne ; and dynastic states such as Württemberg . These lands ( or parts of them — both the Habsburg domains and Hohenzollern Prussia also included territories outside the Empire structures ) made up the territory of the Holy Roman Empire , which at times included more than 1 , 000 entities . Since the 15th century , with few exceptions , the Empire ' s Prince - electors had chosen successive heads of the House of Habsburg to hold the title of Holy Roman Emperor . Among the German - speaking states , the Holy Roman Empire administrative and legal mechanisms provided a venue to resolve disputes between peasants and landlords , and between and within separate jurisdictions . Through the organization of imperial circles ( " Reichskreise " ) , groups of states consolidated resources and promoted regional and organizational interests , including economic cooperation and military protection . The War of the Second Coalition ( 1799 – 1802 ) resulted in the defeat of the imperial and allied forces by Napoleon Bonaparte ; the treaties of Lunéville ( 1801 ) and Amiens ( 1802 ) and the Mediatization of 1803 transferred large portions of the Holy Roman Empire to the dynastic states ; secularized ecclesiastical territories and most of the imperial cities disappeared from the political and legal landscape and the populations living in these territories acquired new allegiances to dukes and kings . This transfer particularly enhanced the territories of Württemberg and Baden . In 1806 , after a successful invasion of Prussia and the defeat of Prussia and Russia at the joint battles of Jena - Auerstedt , Napoleon dictated the Treaty of Pressburg , in which the Emperor dissolved the Holy Roman Empire . Rise of German nationalism under the Napoleonic System . Under the hegemony of the French Empire ( 1804 – 1814 ) , popular German nationalism thrived in the reorganized German states . Due in part to the shared experience , albeit under French dominance , various justifications emerged to identify " Germany " as a single state . For the German philosopher Johann Gottlieb Fichte , The first , original , and truly natural boundaries of states are beyond doubt their internal boundaries . Those who speak the same language are joined to each other by a multitude of invisible bonds by nature herself , long before any human art begins ; they understand each other and have the power of continuing to make themselves understood more and more clearly ; they belong together and are by nature one and an inseparable whole . A common language may have been seen to serve as the basis of a nation but , as contemporary historians of 19th - century Germany noted , it took more than linguistic similarity to unify these several hundred polities . The experience of German - speaking Central Europe during the years of French hegemony contributed to a sense of common cause to remove the French invaders and reassert control over their own lands . The exigencies of Napoleon ' s campaigns in Poland ( 1806 – 07 ) , the Iberian Peninsula , western Germany , and his disastrous invasion of Russia in 1812 disillusioned many Germans , princes and peasants alike . Napoleon ' s Continental System nearly ruined the Central European economy . The invasion of Russia included nearly 125 , 000 troops from German lands , and the loss of that army encouraged many Germans , both high - and low - born , to envision a Central Europe free of Napoleon ' s influence . The creation of such student militias as the Lützow Free Corps exemplified this tendency . The débâcle in Russia loosened the French grip on the German princes . In 1813 , Napoleon mounted a campaign in the German states to bring them back into the French orbit ; the subsequent War of Liberation culminated in the great battle of Leipzig , also known as the Battle of Nations . In October , 1813 , more than 500 , 000 combatants engaged in ferocious fighting over three days , making it the largest European land - battle of the 19th century . The engagement resulted in a decisive victory for the Coalition of Austria , Russia , Prussia , Sweden and Saxony , and it ended French power east of the Rhine . Success encouraged the Coalition forces to pursue Napoleon across the Rhine ; his army and his government collapsed , and the victorious Coalition incarcerated Napoleon on Elba . During the brief Napoleonic restoration known as the 100 Days of 1815 , forces of the Seventh Coalition , including an Anglo - Allied army under the command of the Duke of Wellington and a Prussia n army under the command of Gebhard von Blücher , were victorious at Waterloo ( 18 June 1815 ) . The critical role played by Blücher ' s troops , especially after having to retreat from the field at Ligny the day before , helped to turn the tide of combat against the French . The Prussian cavalry pursued the defeated French in the evening of 18 June , sealing the allied victory . From the German perspective , the actions of Blücher ' s troops at Waterloo , and the combined efforts at Leipzig , offered a rallying point of pride and enthusiasm . This interpretation became a key building block of the Borussian myth expounded by the pro - Prussian nationalist historians later in the 19th century . Reorganization of Central Europe and the rise of German dualism . After Napoleon ' s defeat , the Congress of Vienna established a new European political - diplomatic system based on the balance of power . This system reorganized Europe into spheres of influence which , in some cases , suppressed the aspirations of the various nationalities , including the Germans and Italians . Generally , an enlarged Prussia and the 38 other states consolidated from the mediatized territories of 1803 were confederated within the Austrian Empire ' s sphere of influence . The Congress established a loose German Confederation ( 1815 – 1866 ) , headed by Austria , with a " Federal Diet " ( called the " Bundestag " or " Bundesversammlung " , an assembly of appointed leaders ) which met in the city of Frankfurt am Main . In recognition of the imperial position traditionally held by the Habsburgs , the emperors of Austria became the titular presidents of this parliament . Problematically , the built - in Austrian dominance failed to take into account Prussia ' s 18th century emergence in Imperial politics . Ever since the Prince - Elector of Brandenburg had created himself King in Prussia at the beginning of that century , their domains had steadily increased through war and inheritance . Prussia ' s consolidated strength became especially apparent during the War of the Austrian Succession and the Seven Years War under Frederick the Great . As Maria Theresa and Joseph tried to restore Habsburg hegemony in the Holy Roman Empire , Frederick countered with the creation of the " Fürstenbund " ( Union of Princes ) in 1785 . Austrian - Prussian dualism lay firmly rooted in old Imperial politics . Those balance of power manoeuvers were epitomized by the War of the Bavarian Succession , or " Potato War " among common folk . Even after the end of the Holy Roman Empire , this competition influenced the growth and development of nationalist movements in the 19th century . Problems of reorganization . Despite the nomenclature of " Diet " ( Assembly or Parliament ) , this institution should in no way be construed as a broadly , or popularly , elected group of representatives . Many of the states did not have constitutions , and those that did , such as the Duchy of Baden ] ] , based suffrage on strict property requirements which effectively limited suffrage to a small portion of the male population . Furthermore , this impractical solution did not reflect the new status of Prussia in the overall scheme . Although the Prussian army had been dramatically defeated in the 1806 battle of Jena - Auerstedt , it had made a spectacular come - back at Waterloo . Consequently , Prussian leaders expected to play a pivotal role in German politics . [ [ File : Map - GermanConfederation . svg | right | thumb | upright = 1 . 67 | alt = map of Europe , showing territory of predominantly German - speaking population , and Austria ' s multi - national , multi - linguistic territory | Boundaries of the German Confederation . Prussia is blue , Austria yellow , and the rest grey . The surge of German nationalism , stimulated by the experience of Germans in the Napoleonic period and initially allied with liberalism , shifted political , social and cultural relationships within the German states . In this context , one can detect its roots in the experience of Germans in the Napoleonic period . The " [ [ Burschenschaft ] ] " student organizations and popular demonstrations such as those held at [ [ Wartburg ] ] Castle in October 1817 contributed to a growing sense of unity among German speakers of Central Europe . Furthermore , implicit and sometimes explicit promises made during the [ [ War of Liberation ] ] engendered an expectation of popular sovereignty and widespread participation in the political process , promises which largely went unfulfilled once peace had been achieved . Agitation by student organizations led such conservative leaders as [ [ Klemens Wenzel , Prince von Metternich ] ] , to fear the rise of national sentiment ; the assassination of German dramatist [ [ August von Kotzebue ] ] in March 1819 by a radical student seeking unification was followed on 20 September 1819 by the proclamation of the [ [ Carlsbad Decrees ] ] , which hampered intellectual leadership of the nationalist movement . Metternich was able to harness conservative outrage at the assassination to consolidate legislation that would further limit the press and constrain the rising liberal and nationalist movements . Consequently , these decrees drove the " Burschenschaften " underground , restricted the publication of nationalist materials , expanded censorship of the press and private correspondence , and limited academic speech by prohibiting university professors from encouraging nationalist discussion . The decrees were the subject of [ [ Johann Joseph von Görres | Johann Joseph von Görres ' ] ] pamphlet " Teutschland [ archaic : Deutschland ] und die Revolution " ( " Germany and the Revolution " ) ( 1820 ) , in which he concluded that it was both impossible and undesirable to repress the free utterance of public opinion by reactionary measures . Economic collaboration : the customs union . Another institution key to unifying the German states , the " [ [ Zollverein ] ] " , helped to create a larger sense of economic unification . Initially conceived by the Prussian Finance Minister [ [ Hans , Count von Bülow ] ] , as a Prussian [ [ customs union ] ] in 1818 , the " Zollverein " linked the many Prussian and [ [ Hohenzollern ] ] territories . Over the ensuing thirty years ( and more ) other German states joined . The Union helped to reduce protectionist barriers among the German states , especially improving the transport of raw materials and finished goods , making it both easier to move goods across territorial borders , and less costly to buy , transport and sell raw materials . This was particularly important for the emerging industrial centers , most of which were located in the [ [ Rhineland ] ] , the Saar , and the Ruhr valleys . Roads and railways . [ [ File : Wartburg demonstration 1817 . jpg | thumb | right | alt = students carrying flags and banners march to the castle on the hill | In October , 1817 , approximately 500 students rallied at [ [ Wartburg Castle ] ] , where [ [ Martin Luther ] ] had sought refuge over three centuries earlier , to demonstrate in favor of national unification . Wartburg was chosen for its symbolic connection to German national character . Contemporary , colored wood engraving . ] ] By the early 19th century , German roads had deteriorated to an appalling extent . Travelers , both foreign and local , complained bitterly about the state of the " Heerstraßen " , the military roads previously maintained for the ease of moving troops . As German states ceased to be a military crossroads , however , the roads improved ; the length of hard – surfaced roads in Prussia increased from in 1816 to in 1852 , helped in part by the invention of [ [ macadam ] ] . By 1835 , [ [ Heinrich von Gagern ] ] wrote that roads were the " veins and arteries of the body politic . . . " and predicted that they would promote freedom , independence and prosperity . As people moved around , they came into contact with others , on trains , at hotels , in restaurants , and , for some , at fashionable resorts such as the spa in [ [ Kurhaus ( Baden - Baden ) | Baden - Baden ] ] . Water transportation also improved . The blockades on the Rhine had been removed by Napoleon ' s orders , but by the 1820s , steam engines freed riverboats from the cumbersome system of men and animals that towed them upstream . By 1846 , 180 steamers plied German rivers and Lake Constance and a network of canals extended from the Danube , the Weser and the Elbe rivers . As important as these improvements were , they could not compete with the impact of the railway . German economist [ [ Friedrich List ] ] called the railways and the Customs Union " Siamese Twins " , emphasizing their important relationship to one another . He was not alone : the poet [ [ August Heinrich Hoffmann von Fallersleben ] ] wrote a poem in which he extolled the virtues of the " Zollverein " , which he began with a list of commodities that had contributed more to German unity than politics or diplomacy . Historians of the [ [ Second Reich | Second Empire ] ] later regarded the railways as the first indicator of a unified state ; the patriotic novelist , [ [ Wilhelm Raabe ] ] , wrote : " The German empire was founded with the construction of the first railway . . . " Not everyone greeted the " iron monster " with enthusiasm . The Prussian king [ [ Frederick William III ] ] saw no advantage in traveling from Berlin to Potsdam a few hours faster and Metternich refused to ride in one at all . Others wondered if the railways were an " evil " that threatened the landscape : [ [ Nikolaus Lenau ] ] ' s 1838 poem " An den Frühling " ( " To Spring " ) bemoaned the way trains destroyed the pristine quietude of German forests . The [ [ Bavarian Ludwig Railway ] ] , which was the first passenger or freight rail line in the German lands , connected Nuremberg and Fürth in 1835 ; it was long , and operated only in daylight , but it proved both profitable and popular . Within three years , of track had been laid ; by 1840 , and by 1860 , . Lacking a geographically central organizing feature ( such as a national capital ) , the rails were laid in webs , linking towns and markets within regions , regions within larger regions , and so on . As the rail network expanded , it became cheaper to transport goods : in 1840 , 18 " [ [ Pfennig ] ] s " per ton per kilometer and in 1870 , five " Pfennigs " . The effects of the railway were immediate . For example , raw materials could travel up and down the Ruhr Valley , without having to unload and reload . Railway lines encouraged economic activity by creating demand for commodities and by facilitating commerce . In 1850 , inland shipping carried three times more freight than railroads ; by 1870 , the situation was reversed , and railroads carried four times more . Rail travel changed how cities looked and how people traveled . Its impact reached throughout the social order , affecting the highest born to the lowest . Although some of the outlying German provinces were not serviced by rail until the 1890s , the majority of population , manufacturing and production centers were linked to the rail network by 1865 . [ [ File : 1834customstarrifs . jpg | thumb | upright = 1 . 67 | left | alt = drawing of a wagon loaded with barrels , covered with a tarp , stuck between two border signs , the driver paying a fee to cross . Caption reads " German cartoon on customs prior to the Zollverein , 1834 " . | This drawing offered a satirical commentary on the prevalence of toll barriers in the many German states , circa 1834 . Some states were so small that transporters loaded and reloaded their cargoes two and three times a day . ] ] Geography , patriotism and language . As travel became easier , faster , and less expensive , Germans started to see unity in factors " other " than their language . The [ [ Brothers Grimm ] ] , who compiled a massive dictionary known as " The Grimm " , also assembled a compendium of folk tales and fables , which highlighted the story - telling parallels between different regions . [ [ Karl Baedeker ] ] wrote guidebooks to different cities and regions of Central Europe , indicating places to stay , sites to visit , and giving a short history of castles , battlefields , famous buildings , and famous people . His guides also included distances , roads to avoid , and hiking paths to follow . The words of [ [ August Heinrich Hoffmann von Fallersleben ] ] expressed not only the linguistic unity of the German people , but their geographic unity as well . In " Deutschland , Deutschland über Alles " , officially called " [ [ Das Lied der Deutschen ] ] " ( " The Song of the Germans " ) , Fallersleben called upon sovereigns throughout the German states to recognize the unifying characteristics of the German people . Such other patriotic songs as " [ [ Die Wacht am Rhein ] ] " ( The Watch on the Rhine ) by [ [ Max Schneckenburger ] ] began to focus attention on geographic space , not limiting " German - ness " to a common language . Schneckenburger wrote " The Watch on the Rhine " in a specific patriotic response to French assertions that the Rhine was France ' s " natural " eastern boundary . In the refrain , " Dear Fatherland , Dear Fatherland , put your mind to Rest / The Watch stands true on the Rhine " , and such other patriotic poetry as Nicholaus Becker ' s " Das Rheinlied " ( the Song of the Rhine ) called upon Germans to defend their territorial homeland . In 1807 , [ [ Alexander von Humboldt ] ] argued that national character reflected geographic influence , linking landscape to peoples . Concurrent with this idea , movements to preserve old fortresses and historic sites emerged , and these particularly focused on the Rhineland , the site of so many confrontations with France and Spain . " Vormärz " and nineteenth century liberalism . The period of Austrian and Prussian police - states and vast censorship before the [ [ Revolutions of 1848 in Germany ] ] later became widely known as the " [ [ Vormärz ] ] " , the " before March " , referring to March 1848 . During this period , European liberalism gained momentum ; the agenda included economic , social , and political issues . Most European liberals in the " Vormärz " sought unification under nationalist principles , promoted the transition to capitalism , sought the expansion of male suffrage , among other issues . Their " radicalness " depended upon where they stood on the spectrum of [ [ Universal suffrage | male suffrage ] ] : the wider the definition of suffrage , the more radical . Hambach Festival : liberal nationalism and conservative response . [ [ File : Zug - zum - hambacher - schloss 1 - 1200x825 . jpg | thumb | right | alt = men and women marching to the ruined castle on top of a hill | Pro - nationalist participants march to the ruins of Hambach Castle in 1832 . Students and some professionals , and their spouses , predominated . They carried the flag of the underground " Burschenschaft " , which later became the basis of the flag of modern Germany ] ] Despite considerable conservative reaction , ideas of unity joined with notions of popular sovereignty in German - speaking lands . The [ [ Hambacher Fest | Hambach Festival ] ] in May 1832 was attended by a crowd of more than 30 , 000 . Promoted as a [ [ county fair ] ] , its participants celebrated fraternity , liberty , and national unity . Celebrants gathered in the town below and marched to the ruins of [ [ Hambach Castle ] ] on the heights above the small town of Hambach , in the Palatinate province of Bavaria . Carrying flags , beating drums , and singing , the participants took the better part of the morning and mid - day to arrive at the castle grounds , where they listened to speeches by nationalist orators from across the conservative to radical political spectrum . The overall content of the speeches suggested a fundamental difference between the German nationalism of the 1830s and the French nationalism of the [ [ July Revolution ] ] : the focus of German nationalism lay in the education of the people ; once the populace was educated as to what was needed , they would accomplish it . The Hambach rhetoric emphasized the overall peaceable nature of German nationalism : the point was not to build barricades , a very " French " form of nationalism , but to build emotional bridges between groups . [ [ File : Bildarchiv Preußischer Kulturbesitz . jpg | thumb | upright = 1 . 67 | alt = Men sitting around a table . Most of them are muzzled , some are gagged as well , some have blindfolds on , and some have their ears muffled . | A German caricature that mocks the [ [ Carlsbad Decrees ] ] which suppressed freedom of expression . ] ] As he had done in 1819 , after the [ [ August von Kotzebue | Kotzebue ] ] assassination , Metternich used the popular demonstration at Hambach to push conservative social policy . The " Six Articles " of 28 June 1832 , primarily reaffirmed the principle of monarchical authority . On 5 July , the Frankfurt Diet voted for an additional 10 articles , which reiterated existing rules on censorship , restricted political organizations , and limited other public activity . Furthermore , the member states agreed to send military assistance to any government threatened by unrest . [ [ Karl Philipp von Wrede | Prince Wrede ] ] led half of the Bavarian army to the Palatinate to " subdue " the province . Several hapless Hambach speakers were arrested , tried and imprisoned ; one , Karl Heinrich Brüggemann ( 1810 – 1887 ) , a law student and representative of the secretive " Burschenschaft " , was sent to Prussia , where he was first condemned to death , but later pardoned . Liberalism and the response to economic problems . [ [ File : DBP 1982 1130 Hambacher Fest . jpg | thumb | | right | alt = Black and white image of the demonstrators at the Hambach festival , carrying flags , depicted on a postage stamp : in the upper left corner , the words 150 Years Hambach Festival commemorate the festival ; in the lower right , are the words German postal service . | 1982 postage stamp honoring the 150th anniversary of " Hambach Fest " ] ] [ [ File : Sonderbriefmarke - 175 Jahre Hambacher Fest . jpg | thumb | right | 2007 postage stamp honoring the 175th anniversary of " Hambach Fest " ] ] Several other factors complicated the rise of nationalism in the German states . The man - made factors included political rivalries between members of the German confederation , particularly between the Austrians and the Prussians , and socio - economic competition among the commercial and merchant interests and the old land - owning and aristocratic interests . Natural factors included widespread drought in the early 1830s , and again in the 1840s , and a food crisis in the 1840s . Further complications emerged as a result of a shift in industrialization and manufacturing ; as people sought jobs , they left their villages and small towns to work during the week in the cities , returning for a day and a half on weekends . The economic , social and cultural dislocation of ordinary people , the economic hardship of an economy in transition , and the pressures of meteorological disasters all contributed to growing problems in Central Europe . The failure of most of the governments to deal with the food crisis of the mid - 1840s , caused by the [ [ Phytophthora infestans | potato blight ] ] ( related to the [ [ Great Famine ( Ireland ) | Great Irish Famine ] ] ) and several seasons of bad weather , encouraged many to think that the rich and powerful had no interest in their problems . Those in authority were concerned about the growing unrest , political and social agitation among the working classes , and the disaffection of the intelligentsia . No amount of censorship , fines , imprisonment , or banishment , it seemed , could stem the criticism . Furthermore , it was becoming increasingly clear that both Austria and Prussia wanted to be the leaders in any resulting unification ; each would inhibit the drive of the other to achieve unification . First efforts at unification . Crucially , both the Wartburg rally in 1817 and the Hambach Festival in 1832 had lacked any clear - cut program of unification . At Hambach , the positions of the many speakers illustrated their disparate agendas . Held together only by the idea of unification , their notions of how to achieve this did not include specific plans , but rested on the nebulous idea that the " Volk " ( the people ) , if properly educated , would bring about unification on their own . Grand speeches , flags , exuberant students and picnic lunches did not translate into a new political , bureaucratic or administrative apparatus . While many spoke about the need for a constitution , no such document appeared from the discussions . In 1848 , nationalists sought to remedy that problem . German revolutions of 1848 and the Frankfurt Parliament . The widespread – mainly German – [ [ Revolutions of 1848 in Germany | revolutions of 1848 – 49 ] ] sought unification of Germany under a single constitution . The revolutionaries pressured various state governments , particularly those in the [ [ Rhineland ] ] , for a parliamentary assembly that would have the responsibility to draft a constitution . Ultimately , many of the left - wing revolutionaries hoped this constitution would establish [ [ universal suffrage | universal male suffrage ] ] , a permanent national parliament and a unified Germany , possibly under the leadership of the Prussian king . This seemed to be the most logical course , as Prussia was the strongest of the German states , as well as the largest in geographic size . Generally , center - right revolutionaries sought some kind of expanded suffrage within their states and , potentially , a form of loose unification . Their pressure resulted in a variety of elections , based on different voting qualifications , such as the [ [ Prussian three - class franchise ] ] , which granted to some electoral groups — chiefly the wealthier , landed ones — greater representative power . [ [ File : Parliament Frankfurt Pauls Church 1848 . jpg | thumb | alt = Romanesque church , men marching into it , through a phalanx of uniformed men , houses and church are draped in banners and flags | Pre - parliament delegates process into [ [ Paulskirche | Paul ' s Church ] ] in Frankfurt , where they laid the groundwork for electing a National Parliament . ] ] On 27 March 1849 , the [ [ Frankfurt Parliament ] ] passed the [ [ Paulskirchenverfassung ] ] ( Constitution of St . Paul ' s Church ) and offered the title of " Kaiser " ( Emperor ) to the Prussian king [ [ Frederick William IV ] ] the next month . He refused for a variety of reasons . Publicly , he replied that he could not accept a crown without the consent of the actual states , by which he meant the princes . Privately , he feared opposition from the other German princes and military intervention from Austria or Russia . He also held a fundamental distaste for the idea of accepting a crown from a popularly elected parliament : he would not accept a crown of " clay " . Despite franchise requirements that often perpetuated many of the problems of sovereignty and political participation liberals sought to overcome , the Frankfurt Parliament did manage to draft a constitution and reach an agreement on the " kleindeutsch " solution . While the liberals failed to achieve the unification they sought , they did manage to gain a partial victory by working with the German princes on many constitutional issues and collaborating with them on reforms . 1848 and the Frankfurt Parliament in retrospective analysis . Scholars of German history have engaged in decades of debate over how the successes and failures of the Frankfurt Parliament contribute to the historiographical explanations of German nation building . One school of thought , which emerged after [ [ The Great War ] ] and gained momentum in the aftermath of [ [ World War II ] ] , maintains that the failure of German liberals in the Frankfurt Parliament led to bourgeoisie compromise with conservatives ( especially the conservative [ [ Junker ] ] landholders ) , which subsequently led to the so - called " [ [ Sonderweg ] ] " ( distinctive path ) of 20th - century German history . Failure to achieve unification in 1848 , this argument holds , resulted in the late formation of the nation - state in 1871 , which in turn delayed the development of positive national values . Hitler often called on the German public to sacrifice all for the cause of their great nation , but his regime did not create German nationalism : it merely capitalized on an intrinsic cultural value of German society that still remains prevalent even to this day . Furthermore , this argument maintains , the " failure " of 1848 reaffirmed latent aristocratic longings among the German middle class ; consequently , this group never developed a self - conscious program of modernization . More recent scholarship has rejected this idea , claiming that Germany did not have an actual " distinctive path " any more than any other nation , a historiographic idea known as [ [ exceptionalism ] ] . Instead , modern historians claim 1848 saw specific achievements by the liberal politicians . Many of their ideas and programs were later incorporated into Bismarck ' s social programs ( e . g . , social insurance , education programs and wider definitions of suffrage ) . In addition , the notion of a distinctive path relies upon the underlying assumption that some other nation ' s path ( in this case , the United Kingdom ' s ) is the accepted norm . This new argument further challenges the norms of the British - centric model of development : studies of national development in Britain and other " normal " states ( e . g . , France or the United States ) have suggested that even in these cases , the modern nation - state did not develop evenly . Nor did it develop particularly early , being rather a largely mid - to - late - 19th - century phenomenon . Since the end of the 1990s , this view has become widely accepted , although some historians still find the " Sonderweg " analysis helpful in understanding the period of National Socialism . [ [ File : Image Germania ( painting ) . jpg | thumb | alt = The allegorical figure of Germania ( robed woman , sword , flowing hair ) is standing , holding sword | This depiction of " Germania " , also by [ [ Philipp Veit ] ] , was created to hide the organ of the [ [ Paulskirche | Paul ' s Church ] ] in Frankfurt , during the meeting of the Parliament there , March 1848 – 49 . The sword was intended to symbolize the " Word of God " and to mark the renewal of the people and their triumphant spirit . ] ] Problem of spheres of influence : The Erfurt Union and the Punctation of Olmütz . After the Frankfurt Parliament disbanded , Frederick William IV , under the influence of General [ [ Joseph von Radowitz | Joseph Maria von Radowitz ] ] , supported the establishment of the [ [ Erfurt Union ] ] — a federation of German states , excluding Austria — by the free agreement of the German princes . This limited union under Prussia would have almost entirely eliminated Austrian influence on the other German states . Combined diplomatic pressure from Austria and Russia ( a guarantor of the 1815 agreements that established European spheres of influence ) forced Prussia to relinquish the idea of the Erfurt Union at a meeting in the small town of Olmütz in Moravia . In November 1850 , the Prussians — specifically Radowitz and Frederick William — agreed to the restoration of the German Confederation under Austrian leadership . This became known as the [ [ Punctation of Olmütz ] ] , but among Prussians it was known as the " Humiliation of Olmütz . " Although seemingly minor events , the Erfurt Union proposal and the Punctation of Olmütz brought the problems of influence in the German states into sharp focus . The question became not a matter of " if " , but rather " when " unification would occur , and " when " was contingent upon strength . One of the former Frankfurt Parliament members , [ [ Johann Gustav Droysen ] ] , summed up the problem succinctly : We cannot conceal the fact that the whole [ [ German question ] ] is a simple alternative between Prussia and Austria . In these states , German life has its positive and negative poles — in the former , all the interests which are national and reformative , in the latter , all that are dynastic and destructive . The German question is not a constitutional question , but a question of power ; and the Prussian monarchy is now wholly German , while that of Austria cannot be . Unification under these conditions raised a basic diplomatic problem . The possibility of German ( or [ [ Italian unification | Italian ] ] ) unification would overturn the overlapping spheres of influence system created in 1815 at the Congress of Vienna . The principal architects of this convention , [ [ Klemens Wenzel , Prince von Metternich | Metternich ] ] , [ [ Robert Stewart , Viscount Castlereagh | Castlereagh ] ] and Tsar Alexander ( with his foreign secretary Count [ [ Karl Nesselrode ] ] ) , had conceived of and organized a Europe balanced and guaranteed by four [ [ Great powers | " great powers " ] ] : Great Britain , France , Russia and Austria , with each power having a geographic sphere of influence . France ' s sphere included the Iberian peninsula and a share of influence in the Italian states . Russia ' s included the eastern regions of Central Europe and a balancing influence in the Balkans . Austria ' s sphere expanded throughout much of the Central European territories formerly held by the [ [ Holy Roman Empire ] ] . Britain ' s sphere was the rest of the world , especially the seas . This sphere of influence system depended upon the fragmentation of the German and Italian states , not their consolidation . Consequently , a German nation united under one banner presented significant questions . There was no readily applicable definition for who the German people would be or how far the borders of a German nation would stretch . There was also uncertainty as to who would best lead and defend " Germany " , however it was defined . Different groups offered different solutions to this problem . In the " [ [ Kleindeutschland ] ] " ( " Lesser Germany " ) solution , the German states would be united under the leadership of the Prussian Hohenzollerns ; in the " [ [ Kleindeutschland and Großdeutschland | Grossdeutschland ] ] " ( " Greater Germany " ) solution , the German states would be united under the leadership of the Austrian Habsburgs . This controversy , the latest phase of the [ [ German dualism ] ] debate that had dominated the politics of the German states and Austro - Prussian diplomacy since the 1701 creation of the Kingdom of Prussia , would come to a head during the following twenty years . External expectations of a unified Germany . Other nationalists had high hopes for the German unification movement , and the frustration with lasting German unification after 1850 seemed to set the national movement back . Revolutionaries associated national unification with progress . As [ [ Giuseppe Garibaldi ] ] wrote to German revolutionary [ [ Karl Blind ] ] on 10 April 1865 , " The progress of humanity seems to have come to a halt , and you with your superior intelligence will know why . The reason is that the world lacks a nation which possesses true leadership . Such leadership , of course , is required not to dominate other peoples , but to lead them along the path of duty , to lead them toward the brotherhood of nations where all the barriers erected by egoism will be destroyed . " Garibaldi looked to Germany for the " kind of leadership which , in the true tradition of medieval chivalry , would devote itself to redressing wrongs , supporting the weak , sacrificing momentary gains and material advantage for the much finer and more satisfying achievement of relieving the suffering of our fellow men . We need a nation courageous enough to give us a lead in this direction . It would rally to its cause all those who are suffering wrong or who aspire to a better life , and all those who are now enduring foreign oppression . " German unification had also been viewed as a prerequisite for the creation of a European federation , which [ [ Giuseppe Mazzini ] ] and other European patriots had been promoting for more than three decades : In the Spring of 1834 , while at [ [ Berne ] ] , Mazzini and a dozen refugees from Italy , Poland and Germany founded a new association with the grandiose name of Young Europe . Its basic , and equally grandiose idea , was that , as the French Revolution of 1789 had enlarged the concept of individual liberty , another revolution would now be needed for national liberty ; and his vision went further because he hoped that in the no doubt distant future free nations might combine to form a loosely federal Europe with some kind of federal assembly to regulate their common interests . [ . . . ] His intention was nothing less than to overturn the European settlement agreed in 1815 by the Congress of Vienna , which had reestablished an oppressive hegemony of a few great powers and blocked the emergence of smaller nations . [ . . . ] Mazzini hoped , but without much confidence , that his vision of a league or society of independent nations would be realized in his own lifetime . In practice Young Europe lacked the money and popular support for more than a short - term existence . Nevertheless he always remained faithful to the ideal of a united continent for which the creation of individual nations would be an indispensable preliminary . Prussia ' s growing strength : " Realpolitik " . [ [ File : BismarckRoonMoltke . jpg | thumb | alt = three men in military uniforms carrying pickel helmets — the ones with pikes sticking out of the crowns | The convergence of leadership in politics and diplomacy by Bismarck , left , reorganization of the army and its training techniques by [ [ Albrecht von Roon ] ] ( center ) , and the redesign of operational and strategic principles by [ [ Helmuth von Moltke the Elder | Helmuth von Moltke ] ] ( right ) placed Prussia among the most powerful states in European affairs after the 1860s . ] ] King [ [ Frederick William IV ] ] suffered a stroke in 1857 and could no longer rule . This led to his brother [ [ Wilhelm I , German Emperor | William ] ] becoming [ [ Prince Regent ] ] of the Kingdom of Prussia in 1858 . Meanwhile , [ [ Helmuth von Moltke the Elder | Helmuth von Moltke ] ] had become chief of the [ [ Prussian General Staff ] ] in 1857 , and [ [ Albrecht von Roon ] ] would become [ [ Prussian Minister of War ] ] in 1859 . This shuffling of authority within the Prussian military establishment would have important consequences . Von Roon and William ( who took an active interest in military structures ) began reorganizing the Prussian army , while Moltke redesigned the strategic defense of Prussia by streamlining operational command . Prussian army reforms ( especially how to pay for them ) caused a [ [ constitutional crisis ] ] beginning in 1860 , because both parliament and William — via his minister of war — wanted control over the military budget . William , crowned King Wilhelm I in 1861 , appointed [ [ Otto von Bismarck ] ] to the position of [ [ Minister - President of Prussia ] ] in 1862 . Bismarck resolved the crisis in favor of the war minister . The [ [ Crimean War ] ] of 1854 – 55 and the [ [ Second Italian War of Independence | Italian War of 1859 ] ] disrupted relations among Great Britain , France , Austria and Russia . In the aftermath of this disarray , the convergence of von Moltke ' s operational redesign , von Roon and Wilhelm ' s army restructure , and Bismarck ' s diplomacy influenced the realignment of the European balance of power . Their combined agendas established Prussia as the leading German power through a combination of foreign diplomatic triumphs — backed up by the possible use of Prussian military might — and an internal conservativism tempered by pragmatism , which came to be known as " [ [ Realpolitik ] ] " . Bismarck expressed the essence of " Realpolitik " in his subsequently famous [ [ Blood and Iron ( speech ) | " Blood and Iron " speech ] ] to the Budget Committee of the Prussian Chamber of Deputies on 30 September 1862 , shortly after he became Minister President : " The great questions of the time will not be resolved by speeches and majority decisions — that was the great mistake of 1848 and 1849 — but by iron and blood . " Bismarck ' s words , " iron and blood " ( or " blood and iron " , as often attributed ) , have often been misappropriated as evidence of a German lust for blood and power . First , the phrase from his speech , " the great questions of time will not be resolved by speeches and majority decisions " , is often interpreted as a repudiation of the political process — a repudiation Bismarck did not himself advocate . Second , his emphasis on blood and iron did not imply simply the unrivaled military might of the Prussian army , but rather two important aspects : the ability of the assorted German states to produce iron and other related war materials , coupled with the willingness to use those war materials if necessary . Founding a unified state . The need for both iron " and " blood soon became apparent . By 1862 , when Bismarck made his speech , the idea of a German nation - state in the peaceful spirit of [ [ Pan - Germanism ] ] had shifted from the liberal and democratic character of 1848 to accommodate Bismarck ' s more conservative " Realpolitik " . Ever the pragmatist , Bismarck understood the possibilities , obstacles , and advantages of a unified state . He also understood the importance of linking that state to the Hohenzollern dynasty , which for some historians remains one of Bismarck ' s primary contributions to the creation of the [ [ Second Reich | German Empire ] ] in 1871 . While the conditions of the treaties binding the various German states to one another prohibited Bismarck from taking unilateral action , the politician and diplomat in him realized the impracticality of such an action . In order to get the German states to unify , Bismarck needed a single , outside enemy that would declare war on one of the German states first , thus providing a [ [ casus belli ] ] to rally all Germans behind . This opportunity arose with the outbreak of the [ [ Franco - Prussian War ] ] in 1870 . Historians have long debated Bismarck ' s role in the events leading up to the war . The traditional view , promulgated in large part by late 19th and early 20th century pro - Prussian historians , maintains that Bismarck ' s intent was always German unification . Post - 1945 historians , however , see more short - term opportunism and cynicism in Bismarck ' s manipulation of the circumstances to create a war , rather than a grand scheme to unify a nation - state . Regardless , Bismarck was neither villain nor saint : by manipulating events of 1866 and 1870 , he demonstrated the political and diplomatic skill which had caused Wilhelm to turn to him in 1862 . [ [ File : Jutland Peninsula map . PNG | thumb | 180px | left | From north to south : The Danish part of Jutland in terracotta , [ [ Duchy of Schleswig | Schleswig ] ] in red and brown , and [ [ Duchy of Holstein | Holstein ] ] in lime yellow . ] ] Three episodes proved fundamental to the administrative and political unification of Germany . First , the death [ [ Frederick VII of Denmark # Succession crisis | without male heirs ] ] of [ [ Frederick VII of Denmark ] ] led to the [ [ Second War of Schleswig ] ] in 1864 . Second , the [ [ Italian unification | unification of Italy ] ] provided Prussia an ally against Austria in the [ [ Austro - Prussian War ] ] of 1866 . Finally , France — fearing Hohenzollern encirclement — declared war on Prussia in 1870 , resulting in the [ [ Franco - Prussian War ] ] . Through a combination of Bismarck ' s diplomacy and political leadership , [ [ Albrecht von Roon | von Roon ] ] ' s military reorganization , and [ [ Helmuth von Moltke the Elder | von Moltke ] ] ' s military strategy , Prussia demonstrated that none of the European signatories of the [ [ Treaty of Paris ( 1815 ) | 1815 peace treaty ] ] could guarantee Austria ' s sphere of influence in Central Europe , thus achieving Prussian hegemony in Germany and ending the dualism debate . The Schleswig - Holstein Question . The first episode in the saga of German unification under Bismarck came with the [ [ Schleswig - Holstein Question ] ] . On 15 November 1863 , King [ [ Christian IX of Denmark ] ] became king of Denmark and duke of Schleswig and Holstein . On 18 November 1863 , he signed the [ [ History of Schleswig - Holstein # The November Constitution | Danish November Constitution ] ] and declared the [ [ Duchy of Schleswig ] ] a part of Denmark . The German Confederation saw this act as a violation of the [ [ London Protocol # 1852 | London Protocol ] ] of 1852 , which emphasized the status of the kingdom of Denmark as distinct from the independent duchies of Schleswig and Holstein . The populations of Schleswig and Holstein , furthermore , greatly valued this separate status . The German Confederation could use the ethnicities of these duchies as a rallying cry : large portions of both Schleswig and Holstein were of German origin and spoke German in everyday life ( though Schleswig had a sizable Danish minority ) . Diplomatic attempts to have the November Constitution repealed collapsed and fighting began when Prussian and Austrian troops crossed the border into Schleswig on 1 February 1864 . Initially , the Danes attempted to defend their country using an ancient earthen wall known as the " [ [ Danevirke ] ] " , but this proved futile . The Danes were no match for the combined Prussian and Austrian forces , and they could not rely on help from their allies in the other Scandinavian states , because Denmark had nullified its alliance rights by violating the London Protocol . The [ [ Needle Gun ] ] , one of the first [ [ bolt action rifle ] ] s to be used in conflict , aided the Prussians in both this war and the [ [ Austro - Prussian War ] ] two years later . The rifle enabled a Prussian soldier to fire five shots while lying prone , while his muzzle - loading counterpart could only fire one shot and had to reload while standing . The [ [ Second Schleswig War ] ] resulted in victory for the combined armies of Prussia and Austria , and the two countries won control of Schleswig and Holstein in the concluding [ [ Treaty of Vienna ( 1864 ) | peace of Vienna ] ] , signed on 30 October 1864 . War between Austria and Prussia , 1866 . [ [ File : Map - AustroPrussianWar . svg | thumb | upright = 1 . 3 | Situation at the time of the outbreak of the war : ] ] The second episode in Bismarck ' s unification efforts occurred in 1866 . In concert with [ [ Italian unification | the newly formed Italy ] ] , Bismarck created a diplomatic environment in which Austria declared war on Prussia . The dramatic prelude to the war occurred largely in Frankfurt , where the two powers claimed to speak for all the German states in the parliament . In April 1866 , the Prussian representative in Florence signed a secret agreement with the Italian government , committing each state to assist the other in a war against Austria . The next day , the Prussian delegate to the Frankfurt assembly presented a plan calling for a national constitution , a directly - elected national Diet , and universal suffrage . German liberals were justifiably skeptical of this plan , having witnessed Bismarck ' s difficult and ambiguous relationship with the Prussian " Landtag " ( State Parliament ) , a relationship characterized by Bismarck ' s cajoling and riding roughshod over the representatives . These skeptics saw the proposal as a ploy to enhance Prussian power rather than a progressive agenda of reform . Choosing sides . The debate over the proposed national constitution became moot when news of Italian troop movements in [ [ History of Tyrol | Tyrol ] ] and near the Venetian border reached Vienna in April 1866 . The Austrian government ordered partial [ [ mobilization ] ] in the southern regions ; the Italians responded by ordering full mobilization . Despite calls for rational thought and action , Italy , Prussia , and Austria continued to rush toward armed conflict . On 1 May , Wilhelm gave [ [ Helmuth Graf von Moltke | Moltke ] ] command over the Prussian armed forces , and the next day he began full - scale mobilization . In the Diet , the group of middle - sized states , known as " Mittelstaaten " ( Bavaria , Württemberg , the grand duchies of Baden and Hesse , and the duchies of [ [ Saxe - Weimar | Saxony – Weimar ] ] , [ [ Saxe - Meiningen | Saxony – Meiningen ] ] , [ [ Saxe - Coburg | Saxony – Coburg ] ] and Nassau ) , supported complete demobilization within the Confederation . These individual governments rejected the potent combination of enticing promises and subtle ( or outright ) threats Bismarck used to try to gain their support against the Habsburgs . The Prussian [ [ war cabinet ] ] understood that its only supporters among the German states against the Habsburgs were two small principalities bordering on Brandenburg that had little military strength or political clout : the Grand Duchies of [ [ Grand Duchy of Mecklenburg - Schwerin | Mecklenburg - Schwerin ] ] and [ [ Grand Duchy of Mecklenburg - Strelitz | Mecklenburg - Strelitz ] ] . They also understood Prussia ' s only ally abroad was Italy . Opposition to Prussia ' s strong - armed tactics surfaced in other social and political groups . Throughout the German states , city councils , liberal parliamentary members who favored a unified state , and chambers of commerce — which would see great benefits from unification — opposed any war between Prussia and Austria . They believed any such conflict would only serve the interests of royal dynasties . Their own interests , which they understood as " civil " or " bourgeois " , seemed irrelevant . Public opinion also opposed Prussian domination . Catholic populations along the Rhine — especially in such cosmopolitan regions as Cologne and in the heavily populated Ruhr valley — continued to support Austria . By late spring , most important states opposed Berlin ' s effort to reorganize the German states by force . The Prussian cabinet saw German unity as an issue of power and a question of who had the strength and will to wield that power . Meanwhile , the liberals in the Frankfurt assembly saw German unity as a process of negotiation that would lead to the distribution of power among the many parties . [ [ File : 1866 prinz - friedrich - karl - bei - koeniggraetz 1b - 640x428 . jpg | thumb | upright = 1 . 3 | | left | alt = officer on horseback ordering his enthusiastic massed infantry into battle | Prussian Prince [ [ Prince Frederick Charles of Prussia | Friedrich Carl ] ] orders his enthusiastic troops to attack at the [ [ Battle of Königgrätz ] ] . The Crown Prince and his troops had arrived late , and in the wrong place , but when he arrived , he ordered his troops immediately into the fray . This decisive battle , which the Prussians won , forced the Habsburgs to end the war , and laid the groundwork for the " Kleindeutschland " ( little Germany ) solution , or " Germany without Austria . " ] ] Austria isolated . Although several German states initially sided with Austria , they stayed on the defensive and failed to take effective initiatives against Prussian troops . The Austrian army therefore faced the [ [ Needle gun # Dreyse needle gun | technologically - superior ] ] Prussian army with only support from Saxony . France promised aid , but it came late and was insufficient . Complicating the situation for Austria , the Italian mobilization on Austria ' s southern border required a diversion of forces away from battle with Prussia to fight the [ [ Third Italian War of Independence ] ] on a second front in Venetia and on the Adriatic sea . The day - long [ [ Battle of Königgrätz ] ] , near the village of [ [ Sadová ] ] , gave Prussia an uncontested and decisive victory . " Realpolitik " and the North German Confederation . A quick peace was essential to keep Russia from entering the conflict on Austria ' s side . Prussia annexed Hanover , [ [ Electorate of Hesse | Hesse - Kassel ] ] , [ [ Duke of Nassau | Nassau ] ] , and the [ [ Free City of Frankfurt | city of Frankfurt ] ] . Hesse Darmstadt lost some territory , but not its sovereignty . The states south of the Main River ( Baden , Württemberg and Bavaria ) signed separate treaties requiring them to pay indemnities and to form alliances bringing them into Prussia ' s sphere of influence . Austria , and most of her allies , were excluded from the [ [ North German Confederation ] ] . The end of Austrian dominance of the German states shifted Austria ' s attention to the Balkans . In 1867 , the Austrian emperor [ [ Franz Joseph I of Austria | Franz Joseph ] ] accepted a settlement ( the [ [ Austro - Hungarian Compromise of 1867 ] ] ) in which he gave his Hungarian holdings equal status with his Austrian domains , creating the Dual Monarchy of Austria - Hungary . The [ [ Peace of Prague ( 1866 ) ] ] offered lenient terms to Austria , in which Austria ' s relationship with the new nation - state of Italy underwent major restructuring ; although the Austrians were far more successful in the military field against Italian troops , the monarchy lost the important province of [ [ Kingdom of Lombardy – Venetia | Venetia ] ] . The Habsburgs ceded Venetia to France , which then formally transferred control to Italy . The French public resented the Prussian victory and demanded " Revanche pour Sadová " ( " Revenge for Sadova " ) , illustrating anti - Prussian sentiment in France — a problem that would accelerate in the months leading up to the [ [ Franco - Prussian War ] ] . The Austro - Prussian war also damaged relations with the French government . At a meeting in [ [ Biarritz ] ] in September 1865 with [ [ Napoleon III ] ] , Bismarck had let it be understood ( or Napoleon had thought he understood ) that France might annex parts of Belgium and Luxembourg in exchange for its neutrality in the war . These annexations did not happen , resulting in animosity from Napoleon towards Bismarck . The reality of defeat for Austria caused in a reevaluation of internal divisions , local autonomy , and liberalism . The new North German Confederation had its own constitution , flag , and governmental and administrative structures . Through military victory , Prussia under Bismarck ' s influence had overcome Austria ' s active resistance to the idea of a unified Germany . Austria ' s influence over the German states may have been broken , but the war also splintered the spirit of pan - German unity : most of the German states resented Prussian power politics . War with France . By 1870 three of the important lessons of the Austro - Prussian war had become apparent . The first lesson was that , through force of arms , a powerful state could challenge the old alliances and spheres of influence established in 1815 . Second , through diplomatic maneuvering , a skillful leader could create an environment in which a rival state would declare war first , thus forcing states allied with the " victim " of external aggression to come to the leader ' s aid . Finally , as Prussian military capacity far exceeded that of Austria , Prussia was clearly the only state within the Confederation ( or among the German states generally ) capable of protecting all of them from potential interference or aggression . In 1866 , most mid - sized German states had opposed Prussia , but by 1870 these states had been coerced and coaxed into mutually protective alliances with Prussia . In the event that a European state declared war on one of their members , they all would come to the defense of the attacked state . With skillful manipulation of European politics , Bismarck created a situation in which France would play the role of aggressor in German affairs , while Prussia would play that of the protector of German rights and liberties . Spheres of influence fall apart in Spain . At the Congress of Vienna in 1815 , Metternich and his conservative allies had reestablished the Spanish monarchy under King Ferdinand VII . Over the following forty years , the great powers supported the Spanish monarchy , but events in 1868 would further test the old system . A revolution in Spain overthrew [ [ Isabella II of Spain | Queen Isabella II ] ] , and the throne remained empty while Isabella lived in sumptuous exile in Paris . The Spanish , looking for a suitable Catholic successor , had offered the post to three European princes , each of whom was rejected by [ [ Napoleon III ] ] , who served as regional power - broker . Finally , in 1870 the Regency offered the crown to [ [ Leopold , Prince of Hohenzollern | Leopold ] ] of [ [ Hohenzollern - Sigmaringen ] ] , a prince of the Catholic cadet Hohenzollern line . The ensuing furor has been dubbed by historians as the [ [ Hohenzollern candidature ] ] . Over the next few weeks , the Spanish offer turned into the talk of Europe . Bismarck encouraged Leopold to accept the offer . A successful installment of a Hohenzollern - Sigmaringen king in Spain would mean that two countries on either side of France both had German kings of Hohenzollern descent . This may have been a pleasing prospect for Bismarck , but it was unacceptable to either Napoleon III or to [ [ Agenor , duc de Gramont ] ] , his minister of foreign affairs . Gramont wrote a sharply formulated ultimatum to Wilhelm , as head of the Hohenzollern family , stating that if any Hohenzollern prince should accept the crown of Spain , the French government would respond — although he left ambiguous the nature of such response . The prince withdrew as a candidate , thus defusing the crisis , but the French ambassador to Berlin would not let the issue lie . He approached the Prussian king directly while Wilhelm vacationed in [ [ Bad Ems | Ems Spa ] ] , demanding the King release a statement saying he would never countenance the installation of a Hohenzollern on the throne of Spain . Wilhelm refused to give such an encompassing statement , and he sent Bismarck a dispatch by telegram describing the French demands . Bismarck used the king ' s telegram , called the [ [ Ems Dispatch ] ] , as a template for a short statement to the press . With its wording shortened and sharpened by Bismarck — and further alterations made in the course of its translation by the French agency " Havas " — the Ems Dispatch raised an angry furor in France . The French public , still aggravated over the defeat at Sadová , demanded war . [ [ File : Napoleon III Otto von Bismarck ( Detail ) . jpg | thumb | upright = 1 . 25 | right | alt = a tired sick old man in French military uniform , sitting beside an erect senior officer in Prussian uniform , spiked helmet , and sword | Emperor Napoleon III ( left ) at Sedan , on 2 September 1870 , seated next to Prussian Chancellor Otto von Bismarck , holding Napoleon ' s surrendered sword . The defeat of the French army destabilized Napoleon ' s regime ; a revolution in Paris established the Third French Republic and the war continued . ] ] Military operations . Napoleon III had tried to secure territorial compensensations from both sides before and after the Austro - Prussian War , but despite his role as mediator during the peace negotiations , he ended up with nothing . He then hoped that Austria would join in a war of revenge , and that her former allies — particularly the south German states of Baden , Württemberg , and Bavaria — would join in the cause . This hope would prove futile , as the 1866 treaty came into effect and united all German states militarily — if not happily — to fight against France . Instead of a war of revenge against Prussia , supported by various German allies , France engaged in a war against all of the German states without any allies of her own . The reorganization of the military by [ [ Albrecht von Roon | Roon ] ] and the operational strategy of [ [ Helmuth von Moltke the Elder | Moltke ] ] combined against France to great effect . The speed of Prussian mobilization astonished the French , and the Prussian ability to concentrate power at specific points — reminiscent of Napoleon I ' s strategies seventy years earlier — overwhelmed French mobilization . Utilizing their efficiently laid rail grid , Prussian troops were delivered to battle areas rested and prepared to fight , whereas French troops had to march for considerable distances to reach combat zones . After a number of battles , notably [ [ Battle of Spicheren | Spicheren ] ] , [ [ Battle of Wörth ( 1870 ) | Wörth ] ] , [ [ Battle of Mars - la - Tour | Mars la Tour ] ] , and [ [ Battle of Gravelotte | Gravelotte ] ] , the Prussians defeated the main French armies and advanced on the primary city of Metz and the French capital of Paris . They captured Napoleon III and took an entire army as prisoners at [ [ Battle of Sedan | Sedan ] ] on 1 September 1870 . Proclamation of the German Empire . The humiliating capture of the French emperor and the loss of the French army itself , which marched into captivity at a makeshift camp in the Saarland ( " Camp Misery " ) , threw the French government into turmoil ; Napoleon ' s energetic opponents overthrew his government and proclaimed the Third Republic . The German High Command expected an overture of peace from the French , but the new republic refused to surrender . The Prussian army [ [ Investment ( military ) | invested ] ] the capital Paris , and [ [ Siege of Paris ( 1870 - 1871 ) | held it under siege until mid - January ] ] , with the city being " ineffectually bombarded . " On 18 January 1871 , the German princes and senior military commanders [ [ William I of Germany # Emperor | proclaimed Wilhelm " German Emperor " ] ] in the [ [ Hall of Mirrors ( Palace of Versailles ) | Hall of Mirrors ] ] of the Palace of Versailles . Under the subsequent [ [ Treaty of Frankfurt ( 1871 ) | Treaty of Frankfurt ] ] , France relinquished most of its traditionally German regions ( Alsace and the German - speaking part of Lorraine ) ; paid an indemnity , calculated ( on the basis of population ) as the precise equivalent of the indemnity which Napoleon Bonaparte imposed on Prussia in 1807 ; and accepted German administration of Paris and most of northern France , with " German troops to be withdrawn stage by stage with each installment of the indemnity payment . [ [ File : Wernerprokla . jpg | thumb | upright = 1 . 67 | alt = painting of well dressed and portly princes and dukes cheering a king on a dais | 18 January 1871 : The proclamation of the [ [ German Empire ] ] in the [ [ Hall of Mirrors ( Palace of Versailles ) | Hall of Mirrors ] ] of the Palace of Versailles . [ [ Otto von Bismarck | Bismarck ] ] appears in white . The Grand Duke of Baden stands beside Wilhelm , leading the cheers . Crown Prince Friedrich , later [ [ Frederick III , German Emperor | Friedrich III ] ] , stands on his father ' s right . Painting by [ [ Anton von Werner ] ] . ] ] Importance in the unification process . Victory in the Franco - Prussian War proved the capstone of the nationalist issue . In the first half of the 1860s , Austria and Prussia both contended to speak for the German states ; both maintained they could support German interests abroad and protect German interests at home . In responding to the Schleswig - Holstein Question , they both proved equally diligent in doing so . After the victory over Austria in 1866 , Prussia began internally asserting her authority to speak for the German states and defend German interests , while Austria began directing more and more of her attention to possessions in the Balkans . The victory over France in 1871 expanded Prussian hegemony in the German states to the international level . With the proclamation of Wilhelm as " Kaiser " , Prussia assumed the leadership of the new empire . The southern states became officially incorporated into a unified Germany at the [ [ Treaty of Versailles of 1871 ] ] ( signed 26 February 1871 ; later ratified in the [ [ Treaty of Frankfurt ( 1871 ) | Treaty of Frankfurt ] ] of 10 May 1871 ) , which formally ended the war . Although Bismarck had led the transformation of Germany from a loose confederation into a federal [ [ nation state ] ] , he had not done it alone . Unification occurred by building on a tradition of legal collaboration under the Holy Roman Empire and economic collaboration through the " Zollverein . " The difficulties of the " Vormärz " , the impact of the 1848 liberals , the importance of Roon ' s military reorganization , and Moltke ' s strategic brilliance , all played a part in political unification . Political and administrative unification . The new German Empire included 25 states , three of them Hanseatic cities . It realized the " [ [ Kleindeutsche Lösung ] ] " , ( " Lesser German Solution " , with the exclusion of Austria ) , as opposed to a " [ [ German question | Großdeutsche Lösung ] ] " or " Greater German Solution " , which would have included Austria . Unifying various states into one nation required more than some military victories , however much these might have boosted morale . It also required a rethinking of political , social and cultural behaviors , and the construction of new metaphors about " us " and " them . " Who were the new members of this new nation ? What did they stand for ? How were they to be organized ? Constituent states of the Empire . Though often characterized as a federation of monarchs , the German Empire , strictly speaking , federated a group of states . [ [ File : Map - DR - Prussia . svg | thumb | 325px | alt = map of new German empire , showing Prussia as territorially larger than any of the individual or collective member states | Member states of the German Empire ( peach ) , with Kingdom of Prussia shown in blue . ] ] Political structure of the Empire . The 1866 [ [ North German Constitution ] ] became ( with some semantic adjustments ) the 1871 [ [ Constitution of the German Empire ] ] . With this constitution , the new Germany acquired some democratic features : notably the [ [ Reichstag ( German Empire ) | Imperial Diet ] ] , which — in contrast to the parliament of Prussia — gave citizens representation on the basis of elections by direct and equal [ [ Universal suffrage | suffrage ] ] of all males who had reached the age of 25 . Furthermore , elections were generally free of chicanery , engendering pride in the national parliament . However , legislation required the consent of the " Bundesrat " , the federal council of deputies from the states , in which , and over which Prussia had a powerful influence . Prussia thus exercised influence in both bodies , and with executive power vested in the Prussian King as " Kaiser " , who appointed the federal chancellor . The chancellor was accountable solely to , and served entirely at the discretion of , the Emperor . Officially , the chancellor functioned as a one - man cabinet and was responsible for the conduct of all state affairs ; in practice , the [ [ State Secretary | State Secretaries ] ] ( bureaucratic top officials in charge of such fields as finance , war , foreign affairs , etc . ) acted as unofficial portfolio ministers . With the exception of the years 1872 – 1873 and 1892 – 1894 , the imperial chancellor was always simultaneously the prime minister of the imperial dynasty ' s hegemonic home - kingdom , Prussia . The Imperial Diet had the power to pass , amend or reject bills , but could not initiate legislation . ( The power of initiating legislation rested with the chancellor . ) The other states retained their own governments , but the military forces of the smaller states came under Prussian control . The militaries of the larger states ( such as the Kingdoms of Bavaria and Saxony ) retained some autonomy , but underwent major reforms to coordinate with Prussian military principles and came under federal government control in wartime . Historical arguments and the Empire ' s social anatomy . [ [ File : Niederwald memorial 1 . JPG | thumb | right | alt = Statue of the allegorical figure Germania | " Germania " , also called the [ [ Niederwalddenkmal | Niederwald Monument ] ] , was erected in 1877 – 83 at [ [ Rüdesheim am Rhein | Rüdesheim ] ] . ] ] The " Sonderweg " hypothesis attributed Germany ' s difficult 20th century to the weak political , legal , and economic basis of the new Empire . The Prussian [ [ landed elite ] ] s , the " [ [ Junker ] ] s " , retained a substantial share of political power in the unified state . The " Sonderweg " hypothesis attributed their power to the absence of a revolutionary breakthrough by the middle classes , or by peasants in combination with the urban workers , in 1848 and again in 1871 . Recent research into the role of the Grand Bourgeoisie in the construction of the new state has largely refuted the claim of political and economic dominance of the " Junkers " as a social group . This newer scholarship has demonstrated the importance of the merchant classes of the Hanseatic cities and the industrial leadership ( the latter particularly important in the Rhineland ) in the ongoing development of the Second Empire . Additional studies of different groups in Wilhelmine Germany have all contributed to a new view of the period . Although the " Junkers " did , indeed , continue to control the officer corps , they did not dominate social , political and economic matters as much as the " Sonderweg " theorists had hypothesized . Eastern " Junker " power had a counterweight in the western provinces in the form of the Grand Bourgeoisie — which included bankers , merchants , and industrialists , and entrepreneurs — and in the growing professional class of bureaucrats , teachers , professors , doctors , lawyers , scientists , etc . Consequently , while the " Sonderweg " thesis may still be useful to explain Germany ' s experience with National Socialism , it no longer dominates studies of Central Europe in the 19th century . Instead , scholars have begun to describe how such conservative social policies as Bismarck ' s absorbed or appropriated many of the elements of the liberal revolutionaries of the 1840s and [ [ History of Socialism # Germany | socialists ] ] in the 1860s and later : imperial policy reflected a cautious but pragmatic approach to social , political , and economic problems . In particular , Bismarck ' s predominantly conservative values echoed the classical conservatism of Edmund Burke : the belief that specific members of society are inherently better prepared and better qualified to lead , and that these individuals often come from the strata of the landed elite and moneyed interests . Beyond the political mechanism : forming a nation . [ [ File : Koblenz im Buga - Jahr 2011 - Deutsches Eck 01 . jpg | thumb | upright = 2 | right | alt = high angle view the confluence of two major rivers , marked by the statue of a man on a horse , with a city behind | This monument to Kaiser Wilhelm , at [ [ Koblenz ] ] , where the Moselle River ( upper river ) meets the Rhine River ( lower river ) , called the [ [ Deutsches Eck ] ] , or the German corner . ] ] If the Wartburg and Hambach rallies had lacked a constitution and administrative apparatus , that problem was addressed between 1867 and 1871 . Yet , as Germans discovered , grand speeches , flags , and enthusiastic crowds " and " a constitution , a political reorganization , and the provision of an imperial superstructure , and the revised Customs Union of 1867 – 68 , still did not make a [ [ Nation state | nation ] ] . A key element of the [ [ nation - state ] ] is the creation of a national culture , frequently — although not necessarily — through deliberate national policy . In the new German nation , a " [ [ Kulturkampf ] ] " ( 1872 – 78 ) that followed political , economic , and administrative unification attempted to address , with a remarkable lack of success , some of the contradictions in German society . In particular , it involved a struggle over language , education , and religion . A policy of [ [ Germanization ] ] of non - German people of the empire ' s population , including the Polish and Danish minorities , started with language , in particular , the German language , compulsory schooling ( [ [ Germanization ] ] ) , and the attempted creation of standardized curricula for those schools to promote and celebrate the idea of a shared past . Finally , it extended to the religion of the new Empire ' s population . " Kulturkampf " . For some Germans , the definition of " nation " did not include pluralism , and Catholics in particular came under scrutiny ; some Germans , and especially Bismarck , feared that the Catholics ' connection to the papacy might make them less loyal to the nation . As [ [ Chancellor of Germany # Chancellor of the German Empire ( 1871 – 1918 ) | chancellor ] ] , Bismarck tried without much success to limit the influence of the Roman Catholic Church and of its party - political arm , the [ [ Catholic Centre Party | Catholic Center Party ] ] , in schools and education and language - related policies . The Catholic Center Party remained particularly well entrenched in the Catholic strongholds of Bavaria and southern Baden , and in urban areas that held high populations of displaced rural workers seeking jobs in the heavy industry , and sought to protect the rights not only of Catholics , but other minorities , including the Poles , and the French minorities in the Alsatian lands . The May Laws of 1873 brought the appointment of priests , and their education , under the control of the state , resulting in the closure of many seminaries , and a shortage of priests . The [ [ Kulturkampf # Congregations Law 1875 | Congregations Law ] ] of 1875 abolished religious orders , ended state subsidies to the Catholic Church , and removed religious protections from the Prussian constitution . Integrating the Jewish community . [ [ File : Niederwald memorial 2 crop . jpg | thumb | alt = allegorical figure of Germania ( woman with flowing robes , sword , flowing hair ) standing , holding crown in right hand , sword partially sheathed | In this close - up of the Niederwald Monument ( see long shot above ) , " Germania " towers above the town of Rüdesheim . She holds a crown in her right hand , and carries a sword at her side . The Niederwald " Germania " was erected in 1877 – 1883 . ] ] The [ [ Ashkenazi Jews | Germanized Jews ] ] remained another vulnerable population in the new German nation - state . Since 1780 , after emancipation by the Holy Roman Emperor Joseph II , Jews in the former Habsburg territories had enjoyed considerable economic and legal privileges which their counterparts in other German - speaking territories did not : they could own land , for example , and did not have to live in a Jewish quarter ( also called the " Judengasse " , or " Jews ' alley " ) . They could also attend universities and enter the professions . During the Revolutionary and Napoleonic eras , many of the previously strong barriers between Jews and Christians broke down . Napoleon had ordered the [ [ Jewish emancipation | emancipation of Jews ] ] throughout territories under French hegemony . Wealthy Jews , like their French counterparts , sponsored [ [ Salon ( gathering ) | salons ] ] ; in particular , several Jewish " salonnières " held important gatherings in Frankfurt and Berlin , in which German intellectuals developed their own form of republican intellectualism . Throughout the subsequent decades , beginning almost immediately after the defeat of the French , reaction against the mixing of Jews and Christians limited the intellectual impact of these salons . Beyond the salons , Jews continued a process of [ [ Germanization ] ] in which they intentionally adopted German modes of dress and speech , and worked to insert themselves into the emerging 19th - century German [ [ public sphere ] ] . The religious reform movement among German Jews reflected this effort . By the years of unification , German Jews played an important role in the intellectual underpinnings of the German professional , intellectual and social life . The expulsion of Jews from Russia in the 1880s and 1890s complicated integration into the German public sphere . Russian Jews arrived in north German cities in the thousands ; considerably less well - educated and less affluent , their often dismal poverty dismayed many of the Germanized Jews . Many of the problems related to poverty ( such as illness , overcrowded housing , unemployment , school absenteeism , refusal to learn German , etc . ) emphasized their distinctiveness for not only the Christian Germans , but for the local Jewish populations as well . Writing the story of the nation . Another important element in nation - building , the story of the heroic past , fell to such nationalist German historians as the liberal constitutionalist [ [ Friedrich Christoph Dahlmann | Friedrich Dahlmann ] ] ( 1785 – 1860 ) , his conservative student , [ [ Heinrich von Treitschke ] ] ( 1834 – 1896 ) , and others less conservative , such as [ [ Theodor Mommsen ] ] ( 1817 – 1903 ) , and [ [ Heinrich von Sybel ] ] ( 1817 – 1895 ) , to name two . Dahlmann himself died before unification , but he laid the groundwork for the nationalist histories to come through his histories of the English and French revolutions , by casting these revolutions as fundamental to the construction of a nation , and Dahlmann himself viewed Prussia as the logical agent of unification . Heinrich von Treitschke ' s " History of Germany in the Nineteenth Century " , published in 1879 , has perhaps a misleading title : it privileges the history of Prussia over the history of other German states , and it tells the story of the German - speaking peoples through the guise of Prussia ' s destiny to unite all German states under its leadership . The creation of this [ [ Borussian myth | " Borussian " myth ] ] ( " Borussia " is the Latin name for Prussia ) established Prussia as Germany ' s savior ; it was the destiny of all Germans to be united , this myth maintains , and it was Prussia ' s destiny to accomplish this . According to this story , Prussia played the dominant role in bringing the German states together as a nation - state ; only Prussia could protect German liberties from being crushed by French or Russian influence . The story continues by drawing on Prussia ' s role in saving Germans from the resurgence of Napoleon ' s power in 1815 , at Waterloo , creating some semblance of economic unity , and uniting Germans under one proud flag after 1871 . It is the role of the nationalist historian to write the history of the nation ; this means viewing that nation ' s past with the goal of a nationalist history in mind . The process of writing history , or histories , is a process of remembering and forgetting : of selecting certain elements to be remembered , that is , emphasized , and ignoring , or forgetting , other elements and events . Mommsen ' s contributions to the " [ [ Monumenta Germaniae Historica ] ] " laid the groundwork for additional scholarship on the study of the German nation , expanding the notion of " Germany " to mean other areas beyond Prussia . A liberal professor , historian , and theologian , and generally a titan among late 19th - century scholars , Mommsen served as a delegate to the Prussian House of Representatives from 1863 – 1866 and again from 1873 – 1879 , and as a delegate to the " Reichstag " from 1881 – 1884 , for the liberal [ [ German Progress Party ] ] ( " Deutsche Fortschrittspartei " ) , later for the [ [ National Liberal Party ( Germany ) | National Liberal Party ] ] . He opposed the antisemitic programs of Bismarck ' s " Kulturkampf " , and indeed the vitriolic text that Treitschke often employed , and , with the publication of his " Studien über die Judenfrage " ( " Studies of the Jewish Question " ) , encouraged assimilation and Germanization of Jews . External links . 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