Eric Bloodaxe Eric Haraldsson ( Old Norse : " Eiríkr Haraldsson " , ; c . 885 – 954 ) , nicknamed Eric Bloodaxe ( Old Norse : " Eiríkr blóðøx " , ) , was a 10th - century Norwegian ruler . He is thought to have had short - lived terms as King of Norway and twice as King of Northumbria ( c . 947 – 948 and 952 – 954 ) . Sources . Historians have reconstructed a narrative of Eric ' s life and career from the scant available historical data . There is a distinction between contemporary or near contemporary sources for Eric ' s period as ruler of Northumbria , and the entirely saga - based sources that detail the life of Eric of Norway , a chieftain who ruled the Norwegian Westland in the 930s . Norse sources have identified the two as the same since the late 12th century , and while the subject was controversial among early modern historians , most historians have identified the two figures as the same since W . G . Collingwood ' s article in 1901 . This identification has been rejected recently by the historian Claire Downham , who argued that later Norse writers synthesized the two Erics , possibly using English sources . This argument , though respected by other historians in the area , has not produced consensus . Contemporary or near - contemporary sources include different recension s of the " Anglo - Saxon Chronicle " , Eric ' s coinage , the " Life " of St Cathróe , and possibly skaldic poetry . Such sources reproduce only a hazy image of Eric ' s activities in Anglo - Saxon England . Strikingly , Eric ' s historical obscurity stands in sharp contrast to the wealth of legendary depictions in the kings ' sagas , where he takes part in the sagas of his father Harald Fairhair and his younger half - brother Haakon the Good . These include the late 12th - century Norwegian synoptics – " Historia Norwegiæ " ( perhaps " c " . 1170 ) , Theodoricus monachus ' " Historia de antiquitate regum Norwagiensium " ( " c " . 1180 ) , and " Ágrip af Nóregskonungasögum " ( " c " . 1190 ) – and the later Icelandic kings ' sagas " Orkneyinga saga " ( " c " . 1200 ) , " Fagrskinna " ( " c " . 1225 ) , the " Heimskringla " ascribed to Snorri Sturluson ( " c " . 1230 ) , " Egils saga " ( 1220 - 1240 ) , and " Óláfs saga Tryggvasonar en mesta " ( " c " . 1300 ) . Exactly in what sense the Eric of the sagas may have been based on the historical Eric of Northumbria , and conversely , to what extent later evidence might be called upon to shed light on the historical figure , are matters which have inspired a variety of approaches and suggestions among generations of historians . Current opinion veers towards a more critical attitude towards the use of sagas as historical sources for the period before the 11th century , but conclusive answers cannot be offered . Epithet . Eric ' s soubriquet " blóðøx " , ‘ Bloodaxe ’ or ' Bloody - axe ' , is of uncertain origin and context . It is arguable whether its preservation in two " lausavísur " by Egill Skallagrímsson and a contemporary skald genuinely dates to the 10th century or had been inserted at some stage when Eric was becoming the focus of legend . There is no guarantee that it significantly predates the 12th - century narrative tradition , where it is first attached to him in " Ágrip " and in Latin translation as " sanguinea securis " in the " Historia Norwegiæ . " The sagas usually explain it as referring to Eric ' s slaying of his half - brothers in a ruthless struggle to monopolise his rule over Norway ; Theodoricus gives the similar nickname " fratrum interfector " ( killer of brothers ) . " Fagrskinna " , on the other hand , ascribes it to Eric ' s violent reputation as a Viking raider . Family background . Father . The " Anglo - Saxon Chronicle " ( MS E ) describes Eric laconically as ‘ Harold ’ s son ’ ( " Haroldes sunu " ) , perhaps assuming some familiarity on the reader ' s part . In the early part of the 12th century , John of Worcester had reason to believe that Eric ( " Yrcus " ) was of royal Scandinavian stock ( " Danica stirpe progenitum " , a phrase used earlier for the Hiberno - Norse ruler of Northumbria , Sihtric Cáech ) . This appears to match with independent tradition from Norwegian synoptic histories and Icelandic sagas , which are explicit in identifying Eric of Northumbria as a son of the Norwegian king Harald ( I ) Fairhair . The skaldic poems ascribed to Egill Skallagrímsson may offer further reassurance that the sagas are on the right track , although doubts have been expressed about the date and integrity of the verses in the form in which they have survived . One of Egill ' s " lausavísur " speaks of an encounter in England with a man of “ Harald ' s line ” ( " Haralds áttar " ) , while the " Arinbjarnarkviða " envisages a ruler at York ( Jórvik ) who is a descendant of Halfdán ( " Halfdanar " ) and of the Yngling dynasty ( " ynglings burar " ) . If genuine , the latter identification would form the only direct clue in the contemporary record which might link Eric with the Norwegian dynasty . Another Haraldr known from this period is Aralt mac Sitric ( d . 940 ) , king of Limerick , the probable father of Maccus and Gofraid . This may be relevant , since both these brothers and a certain Eric have been described as rulers of ' the Isles ' ( Hebrides ) ( see below ) . In a letter addressed to Pope Boniface VIII , King Edward I ( r . 1272 – 1307 ) remembered a certain Eric ( " Yricius " ) as having been a king of Scotland subject to the English king . In the 19th century , a case had also been made for Harald Bluetooth King of Denmark ( d . 983 ) as being Eric ' s true father . J . M . Lappenberg and Charles Plummer , for instance , identified Eric with Harald ' s son Hiring . The only authority for this son ' s existence is Adam of Bremen , who in his " Gesta " ( " c " . 1070 ) claims to cite the otherwise unknown " Gesta Anglorum " for a remarkable anecdote about Hiring ' s foreign adventures : " Harald sent his son Hiring to England with an army . When the latter had subjugated the island , he was in the end betrayed and killed by the Northumbrians . " Even if Eric ' s rise and fall had been the inspiration for the story , the names are not identical and Harald Bluetooth ' s " floruit " does not sit well with Eric ' s . A brother ? In the account cited in full below , Roger of Wendover says that Eric was killed by a certain Maccus – elsewhere a son of Olaf – together with his son Haeric ( " Henricus " or " Haericus " ) and brother Ragnald ( " Reginaldus " ) . Historians have been struck by the correspondence with names in " Fagrskinna " , which says that two of the kings who died with Eirik in his final battle against Olaf were called Harékr and Ragnvald , although they are not identified as relatives . Mother and half - brothers ( sagas ) . Further details on his family background are provided solely by the Icelandic and Norwegian sources of the 12th and 13th centuries , which are of limited and uncertain historical value and should therefore be treated with due circumspection . Harald ' Fairhair ' is usually portrayed as a polygamous and fertile king , the number of his sons varying between 16 and 20 . While Eirik ' s mother remains anonymous in the synoptic histories ( " Ágrip " ) and most of the Icelandic sagas , the " Heimskringla " ( " c " . 1230 ) claims that she was Ragnhildr , daughter of Eric , king of ( South ) Jutland . The possibility that Harald had married a Danish princess may find some support in a skaldic stanza which is usually assigned to Þorbjörn Hornklofi ' s " Hrafnsmál " , a eulogy on Harald ' s deeds in the form of a conversation between a raven and valkyrie . It tells that Harald “ chose the lady from Denmark [ " konu danska " ] / broke with his Rogaland loves / and his lemans of Horthaland , / the maidens of Hálogaland / and of Hathaland eke . ” In the " Flateyjarbók " , it is preceded by another stanza which refers to the “ handmaidens of Ragnhildr ” ( " ambáttir Ragnhildar " ) as witnesses of the event . However , it is uncertain whether her name was already in the original composition , as another manuscript reading has the metrically regular " ambáttir Danskar " . The account of " Heimskringla " , which claims that Harald had enjoyed the company of eleven consorts before Ragnhildr , and that of " Egils saga " are at variance with the suggestion elsewhere that Eric was one of the oldest ( " Fagrskinna " ) , if not the eldest son of Harald ( " Historia Norwegiæ " , " Ágrip " ) . Whatever one makes of the discrepancy , the sagas – including " Heimskringla " – are unanimous in making Haakon Eric ' s younger half - brother and successor . Early career ( sagas ) . According to " Heimskringla " and " Egils saga " , Eric spent much of his childhood in fosterage with the " hersir " Thórir son of Hróald . Of his adolescent years , a remarkable picture is painted in " Heimskringla , " which recounts that Eric , aged twelve and seemingly possessed of prodigious valour and strength , embarked on a career of international piracy : four years were spent harrying the Baltic coasts and those of Denmark , Frisia and Germany ( ' Saxland ' ) ; another four years those of Scotland , Wales , Ireland and France ; and lastly , Lappland and Bjarmaland ( in what is now northern Russia ) . Describing the last trip , " Egils saga " notes that Eric sailed down the Dvina River into the Russian hinterland of Permia , where he sacked the small trading port of Permina . Marriage . The " Life of St Cathróe of Metz " , written " c " . 1000 at the latest and therefore of near contemporary value , has information about Eric and his wife . It relates that " after keeping him for some time " , the King of the Cumbrians conducted Cathróe to " Loidam Civitatem " , the boundary between the " Normanni " ( " Scandinavians " ) and the " Cumbri " ( " Britons " ) : And there he was received by a certain nobleman , Gunderic , by whom he was led to king " Erichius " in the town of York , because this king had as wife a relative of the godly Cathróe " Given what is known of Cathróe ' s own background , this probably means that she was of British ( " Cumbrian " ) or Scottish descent . This contradicts to some extent later saga tradition . According to the early 13th century " Egils saga " , Eric ' s consort at York was Gunnhildr , the famous " mother of kings " . This account was constructed by the author of " Egils saga " using an earlier poem called " Arinbjarnarkviða " " Lay of Arinbjörn " , and this poem does not mention Gunnhild by name , implying therefore that the name was introduced by the author of " Egils saga " . Saga tradition is though unanimous that Eric did cohabit with a woman named Gunnhildr . Her name occurs in a handful of Egill ' s " lausavísur " . The earliest saga " Historia Norwegiæ " describes her as the daughter of Gorm inn Gamli ( ‘ the Old ’ ) , king of Denmark ( and hence a sister of Harald Bluetooth ) . Most subsequent accounts name her father Ozur , nicknamed either Toti “ teat ” ( " Egils saga , Fagrskinna " , " Heimskringla " ) or lafskegg “ dangling beard ” ( " Ágrip " , " Fagrskinna " ) , a man who hailed from the northern province of Hålogaland ( " Egils saga " , " Heimskringla " ) . Icelandic hostility towards Gunnhildr has been cited as being a possible source for her dissociation from the Danish royal house . There is no consensus on how to solve this problem . An early suggestion is that the name for the king in York in the " Life " of Cathróe has been erroneously supplanted for Eric ' s predecessor Amlaíb Cuarán ( Olaf Sihtricsson ) , whose ( second ) wife Dúnflaith was an Irishwoman . Recently , Clare Downham has suggested that " Erichius " , Eric of Northumbria , is not the same Eric as Eirik Bloodaxe . And there remains the possibility that Eirik was not strictly monogamous , and the existence of two wives need not be mutually exclusive . King of Norway ( sagas ) . The dominant theme of the sagas about Harald ' s numerous sons is the struggle for the Norwegian throne , in particular the way it manifests itself in the careers of Haakon and his foil Eric . According to " Heimskringla " , Harald had appointed his sons as client kings over the various districts of the kingdom , and intended Eric , his favourite son , to inherit the throne after his death . At strife with his half - brothers , Eric brutally killed Ragnvald ( Rögnvaldr ) , ruler of Hadeland , and Bjørn Farmann , ruler of Vestfold . Some texts maintain that towards the end of his life , Harald allowed Eric to reign together with him ( " Heimskringla " , " Ágrip " , " Fagrskinna " ) " . " When Harald died , Eric succeeded to the realm , slaughtered the combined forces of his half - brothers Olaf and Sigrød , and gained full control of Norway . At the time , however , Eric ' s younger and most famous half - brother Haakon , often nicknamed " Aðalsteinsfóstri " , had been staying at the West - Saxon court , having been sent there to be reared as fosterson to King Æthelstan ( r . 924 – 939 ) . Eric ' s rule was reputedly harsh and despotic and so he fell rapidly out of favour with the Norwegian nobility . At this propitious time , Haakon returned to Norway , found a nobility eager to accept him as king instead and ousted Eric , who fled to Britain . " Heimskringla " specifies that Haakon owed his success in large part to Sigurd , earl of Lade . Determining the date and length of Eric ' s reign ( before and after his father ' s death ) is a challenging and perhaps impossible task based on the confused chronology of our late sources . It is also unfortunate that no contemporary or even near contemporary record survives for Eric ’ s short - lived rule in Norway , if it is historical at all . Eric and the jarls of Orkney ( sagas ) . The Norse sagas differ in the way they treat the manner and route by which first Eric came to Britain after he was forced out of Norway . The synoptic histories offer the most concise accounts . Theodoricus goes straight for Eirik ' s arrival in England , his welcome there by King Æthelstan , his brief rule and his death soon afterwards . Similarly , the " Historia Norwegiæ " makes him flee directly to England , where he was received by his half - brother Haakon , baptised and given charge of Northumbria by Æthelstan . When Eirik ' s rule became intolerable , he was driven out and slain on an expedition in Spain . " Ágrip " tells that Eirik came to Denmark first . According to " Historia Norwegiæ " , it would have been his wife ’ s native country and hence a power base where he might have expected to muster some support , but the text makes no such claims . However , later sagas greatly expand upon Eirik ' s activities in the interim between his reigns in Norway and Northumbria , claiming that Eirik initially adopted a predatory lifestyle of raiding , whether or not he was aiming for a more political line of business in the longer run . The jarldom of Orkney , the former Viking base subjected and annexed by Eirik ' s father , came to loom large in these stages of the literary development . " Fagrskinna " ( " c " . 1220 ) mentions Eirik ' s daughter Ragnhild and her marriage to an Orkney earl , here Hávard , but never describes Eirik as actually stepping ashore . The " Orkneyinga saga " , written " c " . 1200 , does speak of Eirik ’ s presence in Orkney and his alliance with the joint jarls Arnkel and Erland , sons of Torf - Einarr , but not until his rule in Northumbria was challenged by Olaf ( Amlaíb Cuarán ) . However , a number of later sagas such as the " Separate Saga of St . Olaf " ( " c " . 1225 ) , " Heimskringla " , " Egils saga " and " Óláfs saga Tryggvasonar en mesta " assert that Eirik sailed directly to Orkney , where he took the joint jarls into vassalage , collected forces and so set up a base which enabled him to organise several expeditions on overseas territory . Named targets include Ireland , the Hebrides , Scotland and England . Eirik sealed the alliance by giving his daughter Ragnhild in marriage to the future earl of Orkney , Arnfinn , son of Thorfinn Turf - Einarsson . King of Northumbria . It is when Eirik gains the kingship in Northumbria that he finally appears more firmly into the historical limelight , even though the sources provide only scanty detail and present notorious problems of their own . The historical sources – e . g . versions A - F of the " Anglo - Saxon Chronicle " , " Historia regum " and Roger of Wendover ' s " Historia Anglorum – " tend to be reticent and the chronology is confused . However , the best chronological guideline appears to be that offered by the Worcester Chronicle , i . e . the D - text of the " Anglo - Saxon Chronicle " . The Northumbria on which Eirik set foot was one which had been bitterly fought over between the West - Saxon kings and the Hiberno - Norse line of descendants from Ímair , kings of Dublin . The Northumbrians ' own position in the middle of the struggle may have been complex and the outcome was variable , leading an unsympathetic historian like Henry of Huntingdon to judge harshly on their “ their usual faithlessness ” ( " solita infidelitas " ) . Historical background . Æthelstan . In 927 , having ejected Gofraid ua Ímair from York , King Æthelstan brought Northumbria under West - Saxon control . His victory in the Battle of Brunanburh in 937 , in which he and his half - brother Edmund defeated Gofraid ' s son King Olaf ( III ) Guthfrithson of Dublin , seems to have had the effect of consolidating his power . This impression is borne out by royal charters issued towards the end of his reign , between 937 and 939 , which style Æthelstan ruler over all Britain ( e . g . " totius rex Brittanniae " or " Albionis " ) . Edmund and the two Olafs . However , Æthelstan died in 939 and his successor Edmund , only 18 years of age , was unable to retain control of Northumbria . In 939 or 940 , almost as soon as Edmund had come to power , a new ruler of the Uí Ímair dynasty had made York his seat . From Irish annals it is known that Edmund ' s old rival Olaf Guthfrithson left Dublin in 939 ( " Annals of the Four Masters " ) , that in 940 his cousin Amlaíb Cuarán ( also Olaf Sihtricsson ) joined him in York ( " Annals of the Four Masters " , " Annals of Clonmacnoise " ) and that Olaf Guthfrithson died in 941 ( " Annals of Clonmacnoise " , " Chronicon Scotorum " ) , while the " Anglo - Saxon Chronicle " ( MS E ) dates his death – incorrectly it seems – to 942 . Amlaíb Cuarán succeeded him and did so with popular support , as the " Anglo - Saxon Chronicle " ( MS D ) reports that in 941 , “ the Northumbrians belied their pledges , and chose Olaf [ i . e . Amlaíb Cuarán ] from Ireland as their king . ” Amlaíb shared the throne with his nephew Ragnald ( Rögnvaldr ) , son of Gofraid . There are indications that Wulfstan , Archbishop of York and a leading statesman in Northumbrian politics , played a key role in Amlaíb ' s support , although he would later change his mind ( see below ) . In 942 Edmund struck back with a recapture of Mercia and the Five Boroughs of Danelaw , which so impressed contemporaries that a poem was written in honour of the achievement and included in the " Chronicle " . In response , Amlaíb launched a successful raid on Tamworth ( Mercia ) , probably sometime later that year . However , in 943 , when Amlaíb had marched on to Leicester , one of the Boroughs , he and Wulfstan were besieged by Edmund and managed to escape only by a hair ' s breadth . Peace negotiations followed later that year to that effect that Edmund accepted Amlaíb as an ally and as two northern sources add , ceded to him Northumbria as far south as Watling Street . Later , Edmund stood sponsor to him at baptism and to Ragnall at confirmation . In 944 , however , Northumbria passed into West - Saxon hands again as Edmund drove out both Viking rulers . The chronicler Æthelweard is clearer on the point of agency , writing that it was Wulfstan and the ealdorman ( " dux " ) of the Mercians who deposed these ' deserters ' – perhaps born again pagans – and forced them to submit to Edmund . The same year , Edmund raided Cumbria and entrusted it to Malcolm ( I ) of Scotland in exchange for support “ both on sea and on land ” . The Irish annals report that in 945 , Amlaíb was back in Dublin and an anonymous ruler at York , possibly Ragnald ( Rögnvaldr ) , died . Edmund was described as " rex totiusque Albionis primicerius " in one of his charters , but did not live long to enjoy his renewed hold on the northern zone . He was killed in 946 . Eadred and Eirik ' s first reign ( 947 / 8 – 948 ) . When Eadred succeeded to the throne in 946 , Northumbrian as well as Scottish loyalties had proved unstable , though nothing is known for certain of the ambitions of rival rulers at this stage . Eadred “ reduced all the land of Northumbria to his control ; and the Scots granted him oaths that they would do all that he wanted . ” Moreover , in 947 he convened Archbishop Wulfstan and the Northumbrian witan at Tanshelf ( now in Pontefract , West Yorkshire ) , on the boundary of the Humber ( near an old Roman road ) , where they pledged their obedience to him . What perceived threat was being countered remains unclear , but English rule does not seem to have been very warmly received . In any event , the " Chronicle " ( MS D ) notes that the Northumbrians soon violated their pledges and oaths ( 947 ) and records a definite outcome of their disloyalty in 948 , by which time “ they had taken Eirik [ " Yryc " ] for their king ” . That year , King Eadred harshly punished the northern defectors by launching a destructive raid on Northumbria , which notably included burning the Ripon minster founded by St Wilfrid . Although Eadred ' s forces had to sustain heavy losses in the Battle of Castleford ( " Ceaster forda " ) – near Tanshelf – as they returned southwards , Eadred managed to check his rival by promising the latter ’ s supporters even greater havoc if they did not desert Eirik . The Northumbrians preferred to appease the English king , renounced Eirik and paid compensation . The Chronicle of the Kings of Alba records that shortly thereafter , in ' 948 or 949 , Malcolm ( I ) of Scotland and Cumbria , at Constantine ' s instigation , raided Northumbria as far south as the River Tees and returned with many cattle and captives . Marios Costambeys suggests that it “ may have been directed against , or mounted in favour of , Eirik , though the protagonist could just as easily have been Óláf Sihtricson . ” Eadred and Eirik ' s second reign ( 952 – 954 ) . Eirik ' s removal cleared the way for Amlaíb [ " Anlaf Cwiran " ] , who having suffered defeat at Slane ( Co . Meath , Ireland ) in 947 , returned to Northumbria and took the kingship , supposedly in 949 , if the E - text is to be trusted . Eadred does not appear to have undertaken any significant action and may even have turned a blind eye on his brother ' s godson , or so at least the silence of the sources appears to suggest . The E - text reports , however , that in 952 , “ the Northumbrians drove out King Olaf and accepted Eric , son of Harold . ” The Annals of Ulster for the same year report a victory of the ' foreigners ' , i . e . the Northmen or the Norse - Gaels , over “ the men of Scotland and the Welsh [ " Bretnu " , i . e . Britons of Strathclyde ] and the Saxons . ” Exactly what this succinct account may tell us of Eirik ' s second rise to power , if at all , is frustratingly unclear . He may have led the Viking forces in a second bid for the throne , or only returned from the sideline to exploit the ravages of defeat . Eirik ' s reign proved once again of a short duration , since in 954 ( a date on which MSS D and E agree ) , the Northumbrians expelled him , too . Clare Downham notes the existence of an otherwise unrecorded " Eltangerht " , whose coins were minted at York and date from about the same time , but nothing is known of him from other records . Eirik , Wulfstan ( I ) , archbishop of York and the charters . The nature of Eirik ' s relationship with Archbishop Wulfstan , the leading Northumbrian churchman who played such a decisive role in Amlaíb ' s career in the early 940 ' s , remains tantalisingly unclear . One might assume that Wulfstan , given his political eminence , headed the Northumbrian party which elected Eirik . It has likewise been suggested that Eadred ' s punitive attack on the ancient minster of Ripon , which carried little military weight , was targeted at Wulfstan in particular . In what sense Eirik ' s deposition in 948 may have affected the relationship in later years is more open to speculation . The witness lists of Anglo - Saxon charters , which reveal when or not Wulfstan attended Eadred ' s court , in his own right or as a diplomat intermediating between two kings , have been used to provide a chronological framework for Wulfstan ' s swerving loyalties . Between 938 and 941 , that is roughly between the Battle of Brunanburh ( 937 ) and the recovery of the Five Boroughs ( 942 ) , the archbishop did not attest any royal charters , but he began to do so during or after the negotiations of 942 . What the charters reveal for Eirik ' s first reign is less clear - cut , but intermittent absence may explain gaps in the record for Wulfstan ' s attestations in the turbulent years 947 – 948 . Unfortunately , the critical period between 950 and 954 has produced comparatively few charters ( owing perhaps to Eadred ' s deteriorating health ) , but what little there is may be instructive . Wulfstan is still seen at court in 950 , but of the five charters which were issued in 951 , not one was attested by him , which once again may imply his backing of Amlaíb . Eirik ' s reign ( 952 – 954 ) is more obscure . We do know , however , that in 952 , the same year that Eirik began his second term at York , Wulfstan was arrested and stood on trial in " Iudanbyrig " ( unknown ) on account of several unspecified allegations which had been repeatedly brought before Eadred . Of the few charters surviving for 953 , Wulfstan attests one and by 955 , after Eirik ' s death , he was restored to office , but now with Dorcester rather than York as his episcopal seat . Clare Downham suggests that during this period , Wulfstan may have been pressurized by King Eadred into relinquishing his support of Eirik . Coinage . Eirik ' s Northumbrian rule is also corroborated by numismatic evidence . As of 3 February 2009 , 31 coins minted at York had been found which bear the inscription of Eirik ' s name . These can be divided into two distinct types of issue : N549 , in which the moneyer ' s name ( reverse ) is written horizontally and broken up in two , and N550 , in which his name is inscribed around the edges and Eirik ' s name ( obverse ) accompanied by a sword symbol ( image on the left ) . The two principal moneyers , Ingalger and Radulf , who had also minted coins for Amlaíb , occur on both types . The two types may correspond to Eirik ' s two reigns , but it is not out of the question that both were issued during a single reign . " Life " of St Cathróe . Eirik ' s sudden appearance in the " Chronicle " , first noted by the D - text , is a puzzling one , lacking any information as to how or why he emerged on the scene . As hinted above , the " Life " of the Scottish saint Cathróe of Metz , written by a cleric ( Reimann ) who claimed to have been a former pupil of the saint , may possibly shed some light on Eirik ' s background . St Cathróe , a Scottish saint with a Brythonic name , visited a certain King Eric ( " Erichus " ) in York as he proceeded southwards from his native Strathclyde and Cumbria to " Loida civitas " , sometimes identified as Leeds , on the boundary with Cumbria , ultimately intending to go to West France . This Eric was both settled and married , and may have been on good terms with his neighbours in the north - west , although the evidence is indirect and somewhat ambiguous : the saint claimed kinship not only with Eric ' s wife but also with Dyfnwal ( III ) ( d . 975 ) , king of Strathclyde and Cumbria ( " Donevaldus , rex Cumbrorum " ) , which may point to an alliance of some kind between the two rulers . Based on internal evidence for the saint ' s itinerary , Cathróe ' s stay is to be dated between 940 x 943 , when Constantine ( II ) left the kingdom of Scotland to Malcolm ( I ) , and 946 , when Edmund was slain . The greatest obstacle to an identification of the Erics lies in the problem that the account would be difficult to square with the version of events presented by the " Anglo - Saxon Chronicle " and the assertion in royal charters that in 946 , Edmund was still king of all Britain . It may be noted that the text ' s chronology has likewise presented some difficulties concerning the political status of Dyfnwal in the story ( see main article there ) . King of the Hebrides ( " Caithréim Chellacháin Chaisil " ) . A further glimpse may be offered by the mid - 12th - century Irish saga entitled " Caithréim Chellacháin Chaisil " , a text which was primarily designed to glorify the deeds of Cellachán mac Buadacháin ( d . 954 ) , king of Munster , and hence his descendants , the Clann Faílbe . In one of its poems , an ‘ Eric , King of the Islands ’ ( " Éiric Righ na n - Innse " ) , meaning ruler of the Hebrides , is described as having allied himself to Sitriuc mac Tuirgeis , king of Dublin . Although the " Caithréim " is hardly a work celebrated for its accuracy as a source of history , the distant memory of an Eric who ruled the Hebrides may not be fictitious . It may be a matter of coincidence that the next Vikings known to have ruled the Hebrides were also ' sons of Harold ' , Gofraid mac Arailt , " ri Innsi Gall " ( d . 989 ) , who was succeeded by his son Ragnall , " rí na n - innsi " ( d . 1005 ) , and probably Gofraid ' s brother Maccus mac Arailt , who is accorded the title “ king of very many islands ” ( " plurimarum rex insularum " ) . Eric ' s death . The " Chronicle " gives no explanation , but it seems as if the abdications of Amlaíb and Eric are described as essentially northern affairs , apparently without much ( direct ) West - Saxon intervention , let alone invasion . The historical accounts of Eric ' s death point to more complex circumstances , but Northumbrian politics are to the fore . Following a report on the invasion of Scotland by William I in 1072 , the " Historia regum " attributed to Symeon of Durham recalls that Eric was driven out and slain by one Maccus son of Onlaf . The " Flores historiarum " ( early 13th century ) by Roger of Wendover is thought to have relied on a northern source now lost to us when it adds the following details : Stainmore , previously in Westmorland ( Cumbria ) until the reform of April 1974 , lies in the main pass through the northern Pennines , the Stainmore Pass or Gap , which marks the boundary between Cumbria in the west and modern Durham in the east . It is here that the mountains are traversed by an old Roman road – more or less followed by the A66 today – leading from York to Catterick and north - westwards from Catterick ( via Bowes , Stainmore , Brough , Appleby and Penrith ) to Carlisle . Eric may therefore have followed by and large the same route that St Cathroé had taken , except in the opposite direction , possibly with Strathclyde or the Hebrides as his intended destination . The " comes " Osulf who betrayed Eric was high - reeve of the northern half of Northumbria , centred on Bamburgh , roughly corresponding to the former kingdom of Bernicia . He clearly benefited from his murderous plot against Eric . The " Historia regum " says that the province of Northumbria was henceforward administered by earls and records the formal appointment of Osulf as earl of Northumbria the following year . Likewise , the early 12th century " De primo Saxonum adventu " notes that “ [ f ] irst of the earls after Erik , the last king whom the Northumbrians had , Osulf administered under King Eadred all the provinces of the Northumbrians . ” By contrast , the identity of Eric ' s slayer , the " comes " Maccus son of Anlaf , is unclear . His name may point to origins in a Norse - Gaelic family based in the Border country . While Anlaf ( i . e . MI " Amlaíb " , ON " Óláfr " ) is a common Scandinavian and Norse - Gaelic name , Maccus , a Norse - Gaelic name of Middle Irish origin , is geographically more restricted and is particularly well attested in southern Scottish place - names . Based on Eric ' s confrontation with his predecessor Óláfr in " Fagrskinna " , attempts have been made to connect Onlaf to Amlaíb Cuarán , but this must remain in the realm of speculation . Eric ' s death receives a grander treatment in the synoptic histories and sagas . " Fagrskinna " , apparently the " Eiríksmál " which it incorporates , and " Heimskringla " assert that Eric and five other kings died together in battle in an unnamed place in England . According to " Ágrip " and " Historia Norwegiæ " , Eric died on a foray in Spain after being forced out of Northumbria . Somewhat in line with the former version , earlier generations of scholars have envisaged the occasion of Eric ’ s death on Stainmore to have been a last stand in battle . The view was espoused by W . G . Collingwood and later still by Frank Stenton , who speculates that Eric might have attempted to regain the kingdom or was fighting off pursuers . Finnur Jónsson re - interprets the alternative tradition in a historical light by proposing that " Span - " ‘ Spain ’ in " Ágrip " goes back to a scribal confusion for " Stan " - , which in turn would have referred to Stainmore ( OE * " Stan " ) . Having thus ascribed a historical core to the body of Scandinavian material , he in turn interprets the event as a battle . However , scholars today are usually less prepared to colour the sober records with details from the sagas , preferring to take the view that Eric was assassinated in exile . In sum then , it looks as if Eric , expelled and heading in north - westerly direction ( possibly in search of support ) , was about to cross over into Cumbria , when in a bid for power , his official Osulf had him killed through the agency of Maccus . Exactly what made this a betrayal ( " proditio " ) in the eyes of the 10th century chronicler or those of Roger of Wendover , is unclear . It is unknown whether Osulf was also behind Eric ' s expulsion , despite being the main beneficiary , and whether he was expected to grant Eric safe passage and perhaps an escort to guide him safely through that part of Northumbria over which he ( Osulf ) had jurisdiction . It is equally obscure whether Maccus ambushed his victims , or was part of the escort , betraying them ( " fraudulenter " ) as soon as he saw the opportunity . " Eiríksmál " . Towards the end of its portrait of Eric , " Fagrskinna " cites the " Eiríksmál " ( “ Lay of Eric ” ) , an anonymous panegyric written in commemoration of Eric ' s death and according to the saga ' s introduction , commissioned by his widow Gunnhild . Except for a single stanza in the Edda , the skaldic poem is preserved nowhere else and what has survived may represent only the opening stanzas . Cast as a dialogue between Bragi , Odin , and fallen heroes , it tells of Eric ' s arrival in Valhöll , accompanied by five other kings , and his splendid welcome there by Odin and his entourage . Odin had eagerly awaited his coming because “ many lands [ . . . ] / with his sword he has reddened ” and on being asked why he had deprived Eric of such earthly glory , answers that “ the future is uncertain ” , since the grey wolf is always lying in wait . Eric is then greeted by the famous hero Sigmundr : “ Hail now , Eiríkr [ . . . ] / here you shall be welcome ; / brave hero , enter the hall . ” Some have argued that the language of the poem shows influence from Old English . However , on recently examining the poem , John McKinnell could find little trace of this . The ( original ) date of composition remains a matter of some debate : some argue that it was written shortly after Eric ' s death , while others who regard the poem as an imitation of the " Hákonarmál " in honour of Haakon the Good prefer a date sometime after Haakon ' s death , " c " . 961 . In spite of the decidedly pagan contents of the poem , Eric may have died a Christian , as some of the sagas suggest . There is no evidence for his religious beliefs , but if ever Eric was to be accepted and consecrated as king , probably with Wulfstan as king - maker , acceptance of the Christian faith would have been set as a condition to royal office . The impression is borne out by Wulfstan ' s earlier removal of Amlaíb Cuarán and Ragnald on grounds that they had become , in Æthelweard ' s words , " deserti " " deserters " ( see above ) . In support of this view , it has sometimes been suggested that the name of one " Eiric rex Danorum " , “ Eric king of the Danes ” , written into the Durham " Liber Vitae " , f . 55v . , may represent Eric of York . However , this can now be safely rejected in favour of an identification with Eric Ejegod ( r . 1095 – 1103 ) , whose queen Bodil ( " Botild " ) occurs by name after him . Rey Cross . On the north side of the A66 in Stainmore today stands the so - called Rey Cross , also known as Rere Cross , though what survives is little more than a stump consisting of the socket and a fragment of the shaft . Before it was temporarily housed at the Bowes Museum in 1990 and moved to its present location , it stood on a mound of rock a little further west on the south side of the road - coordinates : . The two sides of the shaft once seem to have borne carvings , if that much can be concluded from John Speed ' s supposed description in 1611 . Based on stylistic observations made by W . G . Collingwood when certain features were apparently still visible , it has been described as an Anglo - Scandinavian cross , possibly of the 10th century . No burials have been found . All evidence seems to point to its use as a boundary marker ( between Cumbria and Northumbria ) , much like the Legg ' s cross ( County Durham ) on Dere Street . The name has been explained as deriving from Old Norse " hreyrr " , " cairn " , or " boundary cairn " . Towards the end of the 19th century , however , W . S . Calverley argued that whatever its function in later ages , crosses in those times were usually tombstones , whereas boundary crosses postdate the Conquest . In the absence of a churchyard , he tentatively links the erection of the Rey cross to the putative battle on Stainmore . Although he ultimately rejects the idea of a memorial stone for Eric as " mere romance " , W . G . Collingwood was less prepared to dismiss it out of hand : " a romancer might be justified in fancying that the Reycross was carved and set up by Northumbrian admirers of the once mighty and long famous last King of York . " No further evidence has been adduced to support the suggestion . Reputation in the sagas . The figure that Eric became in the Norse sagas is a heady mix of history , folklore , and political propaganda . He is usually portrayed as a larger - than - life Viking hero , whose powerful and violent performances bring him many short - term successes , but ultimately make him flawed and unpopular as a ruler and statesman . The " Heimskringla " describes Eric as “ a large and handsome man , strong and of great prowess , a great and victorious warrior , " but also " violent of disposition , cruel , gruff , and taciturn . " The synoptic histories ( Theodoricus , the " Historia Norwegiae " , and " Ágrip " ) to some degree seek to excuse Eric ’ s cruelty and fall from favour with the Norwegian nobility by pointing out another weakness , that of his naive faith in the evil counsels of his wife . Conflict with Egill Skallagrimsson ( " Egils saga " ) . One of the richest sagas to deal with Eric Bloodaxe and his affairs in England is " Egils saga " , which is also a rich if problematic source for skaldic poems surviving from the 10th century . It tells how at the instigation of his wife Gunnhild , King Eric became involved in a prolonged conflict with Egill Skallagrimsson , the well - known Icelander Viking and skald . The account seems designed to enhance Egill ' s abilities as a warrior , wizard , and poet . The story can be summarised as follows . Egill had killed Bárðr of Atley , one of the king ' s retainers , thus making an enemy of Queen Gunnhild , who never forgave him and did everything within her power to take revenge . Gunnhild ordered her two brothers to kill Egil and Egill ' s older brother Þórólfr , who had been on good terms with both her and the king before . However , this plan did not go well , as Egill easily killed the pair when they confronted him , greatly increasing the Queen ' s thirst for revenge . All that happened shortly before the death of Harald Fairhair and King Eric ' s killing of his brothers to secure his place on the throne . He then declared Egill an outlaw in Norway . Berg - Önundr gathered a company of men to capture Egill but was killed in his attempt to do so . Escaping from Norway , Egill killed Ragnald ( Rögnvaldr Eirikssen ) , the king ' s son , and then cursed his parents , setting a horse ' s head on a pole ( " níðstöng " or " spite - post " ) and saying , He set up the pole of spite in the cliff - face and left it standing ; he faced the horse ' s eyes on the land , and he rist runes upon the pole , and said all the formal words of the curse . ( " níð " has been variously translated as " scorn " , " spite " or " curse " ) . Gunnhild also put a spell on Egill , which made him feel restless and depressed until they met again . The last encounter happened when Erik and Gunnhild were living in England . Egill was shipwrecked on a nearby shore and came before Eric , who sentenced him to death . But Egill composed a drápa in Eric ' s praise in the dungeon during the night , and when he recited it in the morning , Eric gave him his freedom and forgave any vengeance or settlement for the killing of Ragnald . Notes . The Name Bloodaxe has also be used by Graffiti Artist " Bloodaxe " around South Yorkshire .